A compendious history of the Catholick church from the year 600 untill the year 1600 shewing her deformation and reformation : together with the rise, reign, rage, and begin-fall of the Roman AntiChrist : with many other profitable instructions gathered out of divers writers of the several times, and other histories / by Alexander Petrie ...

THE FIFTH AGE Of the CHURCH, OR The History of the Church reverting, and of Antichrist raging, containing the space of 300. years, from the year 1300. until the year 1600. (Book 1300-1600)

CENTURY XIV.

CHAP. I. Of POPES.

1. BENEDICT the XI. was chosen Pope Novem∣ber 1. An. 1304. He absolved Philip King of France from the excommunication of Boniface; and restored the Cardinals, John and James Co∣lumnae, which had written against Pope Boniface. And Platina addeth, Boniface had pursued them more then became a Priest, for envy against them, and too much respect of the faction of the Guelphs. He sate nine months.

2. CLEMENS the V. after contention of the Cardinals the space of ten months, was elected; being, in the mean time, at his own seat in Burdeaux. When it was certified unto him, he commanded all the Cardinals to come unto Lions: There were present at his Coronation, Philip King of France, his Son Charles, John Duke of Burgundy, &c. In the midst of the Procession a great wall fell upon them, so that John and twelve other persons were killed, Philip was hurt, the Pope was struck from his horse, and lost out of his Mitre a Carbuncle of the value of six thousand crowns. Platin. When this unlucky pomp was ended, he created many French Cardinals, (and not one Italian) and removed the Court of Rome unto Avenion; where it con∣tinued seventy four years, as in another transportation to Babylon. We read not of any, which in all this time made exception, that Rome was the seat of St. Peter, and house of the holy Ghost; and therefore the Pope should abide at Rome. Clemens avouched openly to keep a Concubine, the Daughter of Count de Fuxa. P. Morn. in Myster. ex Villano. He sent three Cardinals with Senatorial power to govern Rome and Italy. Because Ferraria had revolted, and submitted themselves unto the Venetians, he excommunicated the Vene∣tians for accepting them; and gave all their goods unto spoil, wheresoever they could be apprehended: the like he did unto the Florentines, and other Cities, for their revolting. Sardinia did belong unto Genua, and he gave it unto the King of Sicily, for winning it from the Turks. How he dealt with

the Emperor, it followeth: But here it is to be remembred, how he ordained, that none should use the title, or exercise the power of Emperor, until he were confirmed by the Pope: And when the Imperial seat is vacant, the Pope shall reign as Emperor until one be chosen. He confirmed the Feast of Corp. Christi, granting Indulgences of one hundred days unto all who shall be present at the Matins, &c. Lib. 3. Clement. tit. 16. de reliquiis ca. Si Domi∣num..It seemeth, that the people had not regarded the former Institution. He was the Author of the seventh Book of Decretals: before his death he did condemn them, as containing may snares in them; and caused them to be burnt, saith Io. Naucler. But his Successor did confirm them. He excom∣municated Andronicus, the Emperor of the East, as an Heretick, because he would not suffer the Greeks to acknowledge the Pope for their head, &c. Because he would not reside at Rome, the Romans refuse to give him the patrimony of St Peter; and thereby he was brought into the greater exigence: But Platina saith, A great famine was the cause of his scarcity. Then he lived by the money of Bishops, which came unto him to be confirmed, and by such other shifts and gifts; yet by these means, he is said to have gained 9500. marks of Silver, besides his expense, which he bestowed liberally in one year. Platina writeth, that he ordained the Annates, or the first years stipend of all * 1.1 Intrants, to be paid unto the Pope out of all Countries. But Pol. Virgil. de inven. rer. lib. 8. cap. 2. saith, It was the custom of Italy in the days of Pope Alexander the IV. and in the Councel of Vienna. An. 1308. the Clergy offered unto the Pope, the twentieth part of their stipends yearly, if he would discharge the Annates, and they were not heard. England would never pay the Annates of lesser Benefices, although they did yeild in Bishopricks, saith Caranza in Bonifac. VIII. Io. Naucler. pag. 914. saith, I see none, in Germany, pay Annates unto the Pope, but only they who hold their Benefices of the Pope immediately. Pol. Virgil. loc. cit. saith, How grievous is it to the Priests, to deliver the price of the Annates before they receive a penny, whereby they are forced to undertake great debts, and so wrong their friends from whom they borrow, if it happen that they die soon? shall not this be occasion unto wicked men to corrupt Religion? yea, and indeed (saith he) it breedeth great contempt of the poor Ministers and their Ministry. P. Mornay. in Myster. pag. 540. saith, That An. 1416. the Church of France did refuse to pay the Annates, because, albeit it was once granted in the days of Pope John XXI. for an expedition beyond Sea, and sundry Popes had by force taken them, yet it should not be so, since thereby Benefices and Ecclesiastical things are sold, and both Popes, Bishops and Priests are guilty of simony, contrary to their oaths. But to return unto Pope Clemens; he had promised unto King Philip to abolish the memory of Pope Boniface the VIII. and to annul all his Acts; but by advice of Cardinal Pratensis, he delayed unto a general Councel; and this he summoned to be held at Vienna: where the King did require from the Pope the performance of his promise. The Councel did acknowledge Boniface to have been a lawful Pope; but they did declare all his Acts against the King, to have been unjust; and that none of them should be prejudicial unto the King, nor his Successors, Io. Naucler. pag. 872, & 878. In this Councel the Pope did propound the aid of the Christians in Syria; that the Templaries should be punished; as also the reformation of the Church. Wars were proclaimed; and Indulgences were offered in these words; We will, that the punishment of Hell be no way laid upon him which is signed with the Cross; granting also, unto every signed person, power to pull three or four souls out of Purgatory at their pleasure. The Divines at Paris were not a little scandalized, and the rather, because it was written in the

same Bull, We command the Angels to carry the absolved soul into the glory of Paradise. It was then a received Article, that the Pope may com∣mand the Angels as his Sergeants. In this Councel the Templaries were con∣demned for their Apostasie. But Io. Bale in Cent. 4. 82. in Appen. 2. sheweth * 1.2 from Christop. Massaeus, and P. Mornay. sheweth, that Bocatius, Villanus, An∣tonin, Aventin, and others, bear witness of their innocency; some affirm, that their great revenues through Europe was the cause of their ruine; and there∣fore some accuse Pope Clemens, and King Philip: others say, the Pope en∣vied them, because they inveighed against the Popes and Court of Rome, as disturbers of Christendom, and the cause of losing Syria and Palestina. Io. Naucler. pag. 873. saith, At that time Clemens the V. accused the Templa∣ries of impiety; and that order was destroyed; and their most large reve∣nues were taken. Some report, that they had an image clothed with a mans skin, unto which, when they entered the Order, they did homage, sacrificing most cruelly with mans blood; which when they had drunk, they did exhort one another unto continuance in such wickedness: and other crimes were imputed unto them, especially that by their craft the Turks had got Jerusalem. This pest (saith he) did fall by the great fervor of all French; and also in Ger∣many, after the Letters of Pope Clemens: and I see, that some writers do not so much condemn the doleful religion of the Templaries, as the avarice of the French King, who was the cause of this faction: And Pope Clemens gave their goods unto the Order of St. John, or the Hospitalaries; but because the King and other Princes had taken possession of them, much money must be paid for redeeming them. But thereafter, the King and his children were ob∣noxious to many miseries, which they were said to have suffered for their ini∣quities; and many judged those men to have suffered unjustly, and did re∣verence them as Martyrs, and with devotion did gather their bodies and bones. Moreover (saith he) Jacob de Moguntia, writing of those times, re∣porteth, that Clemens the V. condemned the Order of the Templaries; and committed the execution against some in Germany unto the Bishop of Mentz: He called a Synod; and when he was in the Chapter-house, ready to publish the process, a religious man, Hugo Count of Wiltgraff, who abode in the Castle of Grunbach, by Meisenheim, came in with twenty Soldiers, his Bre∣thren of that Order, clad with white clokes, with the sign of the red Cross, after the maner of the Teutonicks, and they all had their weapons under their clokes. The Arch-Bishop rose up unto them, and beckoned with his hand, that they should sit by him: But the Count standing, said, My Lord, Arch-Bishop, it is publickly said, that to day you will renounce and accurse me and my Brethren, of the Order of the Temple, which is not pleasant unto us; but we demand, that you would publish unto your Clergy here present, our appeal which we have made unto the next Pope. The Arch-Bishop could not go from his place for fear of weapons, and therefore he answered calmly, It shall be so, but first the Pope's Process must be published; and afterwards, without any distance, he caused the Appeal of the Templaries, with the causes thereof, to be read and published. And among other things in that Appeal, it was written as one cause, that their Brethren, whom the Pope had caused to be burnt, were free of those imputed crimes; and for a miraculous token of their innocency, their clokes, with the sign of the Cross, were not burnt nor consumed in the fire. The Arch-Bishop said unto them, Be of good courage, I will write unto the Pope in your favor; and so it was: And after the Arch-Bishops Letter, the Pope wrote again unto him, and recommended to enquire of the matter: And the Bishop called another Synod; and by advice and consent of other Bishops in the Province, the innocency of the

Friers was clearly known, and they were absolved. This was done in Mentz An. 1211. Iuly 1. saith Naucler. P. Morn. in Myster. saith, When John Mo∣lan, a Burgundian, the chief of that Order, was entering into the fire, he sum∣moned Pope Clemens to appear, within forty days, before the throne of God, to answer to that sentence pronounced against him. Molan was burnt March 11. An. 1313. and Clemens died April 10. immediately following. As for the third cause of the Synod, we shall have occasion to speak of it in the third Chapter. The See was then vacant two years and three months; and the Cardinals at last did submit all their suffrages unto Jacob de Ossa Cadur∣censis; who afterwards went up unto the Papal Chair, and said, I am Pope. This was

3. JOHN the XXIII. who was so desirous of novelties, and to leave re∣membrance of him, that he turned Bishopricks into Abbeys, and Abbeys into Bishopricks; he divided one into two, and united two into one; he erected new Colledges, and destroyed the old; he appointed new Scribes, and taxes of every Bishop and Priest. Pol. Virgil. de inven. rer. lib. 8. cap. 2. By a Decree he pronounced them Hereticks, who say, Christ did teach perfect poverty; that is, to renounce the possession of all goods, both in particular and in com∣mon; for (said he) it is impossible to retain the use of consuming things, and to quit the right of them both in particular and in common. This Decree (saith Platina) doth scarcely accord with sacred Scripture, which testifieth in many places, that Christ and his Disciples had not of their own, and it con∣demneth all the Franciscans, teaching and disputing in their schools, against the ambition and avarice of the Clergy; and it was made directly against the Decree of Pope Nicolaus the IV. Bellarm. de Ro. pont. lib. 4. cap. 14. saith, These two Decrees fight not; because Nicolaus denieth not, that Christ had some propriety although in common; but he denieth that Christ lived so al∣ways; and John denieth not, that Christ sometimes had not propriety in par∣ticular, nor in common; but he denieth that he lived so always. Thus the Jesuit will have the two to agree, although John would purposely condemn the others Decree. This John believed, that the souls do not enjoy the pre∣sence * 1.3 of God before the day of judgement. Bellarm. loc. cit. testifieth, that the Cardinals did resist this opinion; and that he repented the day before his death; nor was it an error (saith he) because it was not defined in any Councel. Naucler. saith, Many Divines, of approved knowledge and life, held that this Pope was an Heretick, for holding some errors; which (they say) he recanted coldly at his death; and his Successor, Benedict, did publickly condemn those errors. Note here, the Pope was an Heretick; and the Pope recanted; but he recanted coldly. Erasmus in Praefat. before the fifth book of Irenaeus, saith, He was compelled by the Divines of Paris to recant his opinion. Bishop Jewel against Harding, pag. 668. declareth this ex Massae. lib. 18. Pope John taught and professed error; and he sent two Preachers to Paris, the one a Dominican, and the other a Franciscan, to maintain the same heresie: But one Thomas, an English Preacher, withstood the Pope; and the Pope threw him into prison: hereupon the King summoned a Councel unto his Palace in Vintiana Sylva; the whole Assembly subscribed against the Pope; imme∣diately the King sent unto Pope John, and willed him to reform his error, and to set the Preacher at liberty; and so he did. At that time Peter de Corbaria, John and Michelin, three Minorites, did openly teach, that St. Peter was no more the head of the Church, then any of the other Apostles; that Christ left no Vicar upon earth; that the Pope hath no power to correct or punish, to set up or cast down an Emperor; all Priests, of whatsoever degree, are of equal degree, power and jurisdiction, by the institution of Christ; and it pro∣ceedeth

from mans authority, that one hath more power then another; nei∣ther the Pope, nor all the Church, can, by coactive power, punish any man, unless they be authorised by the Emperor. At that time the Pope and Empe∣ror were at variance, as followeth; and when the Emperor went to Rome, Pope John was deposed by the Cardinals as a fugitive; and the now named Peter was chosen, and called NICOLAUS the V. When he was installed, Pope John accursed him, for those his articles; his excommunication is in the Extravagants of Pope John the XXII. and beginneth, Ad audientiam: and Pope Nicolaus accursed Pope John. At last Boniface, Earl of Pisa, brought Pope Nicolaus to Avenion, and there shut him up in a Monastery till he died, Antonin. par. 4. tit. 11. cap. 7. §. 5. Nicolaus had advanced the Minorites, and John degraded them the more, and declared them Hereticks. He sat twenty years. His Heirs found in his treasury 25. millions of crowns. Io. Naucler.

4. BENEDICT the XII. sent 25000. florens for reparation of S. Peter's Church at Rome. His contention with the Emperor followeth. His Epitaph describeth his life briefly:

Hic situs est Nero, laicis mors, vipera clero, Debius àvero, cuparepleta mero.

He sat seven years; and died An. 1342.

5. CLEMENS the VI. took upon him, at the first, to enrich all his Cardinals with the Bishopricks and Benefices of England. Edward the III. was not a little offended, and annulled all the provisions which the Pope had given within his Realm; commanding, under pain of imprisonment and death, that none presume to bring from the Pope any such provisions. At the same time all the tenths of Templaries were paid unto Edward, as followeth. Clemens exchanged a fue-duty, which the French were wont to pay out of Naples, for the City Avenion; and so that Kingdom was made free, and Avenion was a part of St. Peter's patrimony. Boniface the VIII. had or∣dained * 1.4 the Jubilee to be kept every hundred year, to the imitation of the an∣cient Secular Plays, in honor of Apollo and Diana; now Clemens thought he could have no benefit, if it were delayed so long time; therefore he ordained, that it should be kept every fiftieth year, after the maner of the Jews; and so it was kept at Rome An. 1350. Though he did change the time, yet he would keep the Rites of the Secular Plays: 1. In invitation; Before the Secular Games, Heraulds were sent through Italy to make publication; and they cried, saying, Come see the Plays which none living hath seen, nor shall see again: So all men, throughout the Papal jurisdiction, were invited by his Trumpeters; and at that time they were exhorted, that in respect of the un∣certainty of mans life, they should not let so gracious an occasion slip. 2. The Emperors, Claudius and Domitian, being desirous to have the glory of the Secular Games, did shorten the time of an hundred years; so Clemens the VI. and Urban the IV. have done. 3 The Heathens promised the remission of sin; and there was no wickedness so grievous, which the Jubilee promised not to blot away. 4. The Emperor went in great pomp, and confluence of people; so do the Popes. 5. In the beginning, they were wont to uncover a certain Altar dedicated to Pluto and Proserpina; and when the Plays were finished, that Altar was covered again with earth: So at the Jubilee opened a Gate, which they called, The holy Gate, with a silver hammer; and when he shut it again, he fastened it with silver plate, as honoring the god of riches. 6. During the Secular Plays, the people did visit the Temples, Altars and Re∣liques; so now. 7. The Heathens offered sacrifices unto their gods and god∣desses; so now unto the he-Saints and she-Saints. 8. At every Secular Play they had new hymns; at every Jubilee they have new orisons through the

streets of the City. 9. The Heathens caused to be engraven on the brazen Altar, the names of the Consuls, or Emperor, in whose time it was solem∣nised; so now, under what Pope. But the Christian Emperors abolished the Secular Plays; and the Popes have restored them. The Bull of proclamation, under Clemens, hath these words; What person or persons soever, for de∣votion, shall undertake peregrination unto the holy City, the same day that he goeth out of his house, he may chuse a Confessor or Confessors in the way, or where he pleaseth; unto which Confessors, we grant, by our Authority, full power to absolve all cases Papal, as fully as if we were personally present: And we grant, that whosoever, having truly confessed, shall chance to die by the way, shall be absolved from all his sins; and we command the Angels of Heaven, to take his soul out of his body, being absolved, and to carry it into the glory of Paradise, &c. He sate ten years.

6. INNOCENTIUS the VI. in some things gave a good pattern; he would not bestow Benefices, without examination of the life and literature of the Intrant; he suspended many collations that were granted by Clemens, because the persons were not qualified; he commanded all Prelates, under pain of his curse, to reside at their own seats; because the sheep should be at∣tended by their own shepheard, and not by an hireling; he restrained his do∣mesticks to a small number, and those were men of good report; and he commanded all Cardinals to do the like; saying, His life, and the life of his Cardinals, should be exemplary unto others, as was the life of our Savior. Platin. Nevertheless, in pride he was not inferior unto any of his Ancestors; for he kindled the wars in Italy, sending Cardinal Aegidius with an Army against sundry Cities in Romandiola, Marchia, Anconitana, &c. which had fallen from the Popes. He sent Magistrates into Rome, now one, and then two, as he pleased: He advanced a vain man, Nicolaus Gencii, who under the title of Tribunus Romae, attempted great things: He charged the Pope to return into Rome, or otherwise he and the City would chuse another Pope. When Charles the IV. was chosen Emperor, this Nicolaus (pretending that he was the true Soldier of the holy Ghost, the deliverer of the City which hath jurisdiction over all the world, and now revoked all priviledges granted before unto others, in prejudice of her jurisdiction) summoned Lewis Duke of Ba∣vier, and Charles King of Bohem, who called themselves Emperors, and all the Electors, to compear before him, or he will proceed against them as dis∣obedient. Io. Naucler. gener. 45. The people followed him for a time, but soon forsook him; then he fled privily, and sought refuge under the wings of Charles, whom he had summoned: Charles taketh him, and sent him unto Avenion; where he was kept, until Francis Baruncellus did usurp the like prank; the Pope sent against him this Nicolaus; he killed the other, and was again Tribunus; not long after the Pope threw him down again, and created Guido Jordanus Senator for a year. This Pope sate nine years and eight months.

7. URBAN the V. an English man, had waited long at Court, and when he could attain no Benefice, he said unto his fellow, I think verily, al∣though all the Churches of the world were vacant, none of them would fall on me: The same companion, seeing him taken from a Cloister, and crown∣ed with the triple Mitre, said unto him, Now all the Churches of the world are fallen on your head. He followed the course of his Predecessors, in sub∣duing some Cities of Italy, and stirring men to go unto Syria. In the fifth year he would go to Rome: He caused the heads of Peter and Paul to be searched; he took the flesh of them, and when they were laid in boxes of gold, he placed them by the great Altar in Lateran. Platin. If those could be true reliques, let

the judicious consider. He was the first consecrator of the Rose; and gave * 1.5 it unto Johanna Queen of Sicily, who was called a famous whore; and is said to have killed her husband. From that time the Popes do yearly, on the Sunday of Laetare, honor some Prince with such a Rose; being consecrated with great solemnities, and certain prayers, anointed with balm, sprinkled with musk, and watered with holy water, in sign (as they say) of Jerusalem, both militant and triumphant, in the name of the Father, Son and holy Ghost. About that time began the Agnus Dei, which the Pope giveth in the first year * 1.6 of his Papacy, and reneweth it every seventh year: this is the prayer wherewith they hallow it; By the worship and honor hereof, let the iniquity of us thy servants be washed away; let the filthiness of our sins be cleansed; let pardon be obtained, grace be bestowed, and at last they, with thy Saints and chosen, may deserve to attain eternal life. What more can be wished by the merits of Christ? P. Morn. in Myster. Urban sate twelve years. Platina could not know, whether he died at Avenion, or by the way. Frossard. Hist. lib. 1. saith, At A∣venion, An. 1571.

8. GREGORY the XI. had vowed to dwell in Rome only, if ever he were chosen Pope; and then he was mindeful of his vow. This was not ac∣ceptable unto some Cardinals, nor unto the King of France, who sent his Brother, Duke of Anjow, to disswade him; at last he would go, and died there shortly after. He sent into Germany, craving tenths of all Church-men; the three Electoral Bishops, with one voice, refused. Crantz. in Saxo. lib. 10. cap. 2. & Naucler. The Histories shew many troubles and wars in his time. He sate seven years.

9. When the Cardinals assembled unto the election, the Romans threatned them, if they did not chuse a Roman, they would do whereof they should repent; and being not contented so, they came violently among the Cardi∣nals, and caused an old man of an hundred years to be chosen: They sat him upon a white mule, and convoyed him thorow the City with much pomp. The old man died on the third day. Frossard. lib. 2.

10. URBAN the VI. a Roman, was chosen likewise by force and fear. He commanded the Cardinals to have fewer servants and horses; because what was bestowed on them unnecessarily, might be better employed on the poor: he commanded also, they should not take gifts from pleaders in their Courts; wherefore the Cardinals, fearing his severity, went to Anagnia. Platin. But Frossard. (who lived at that time) saith, He displeased all men with his pride; and the Cardinals said, they were forced to chuse him; and therefore the See is vacant. So at Funda, they chose CLEMENS the VII. Bishop of Camerak, a French man. This Schism continued thirty nine years. Crantz. in * 1.7 Saxo. lib. 10. cap 4. saith, The Emperors were wont, and yet do, carry in their colours, a double headed Eagle; and now the Popes began to worship a double headed Mitre. Robert Budeus, a Noble man of Britain in France, was in the bounds of the Romans with 2000. men; Clemens allured him on his side: thus troubles began. Charles the V. King of France (the wisest Prince of those times, saith Frossard.) assembled his Estates, especially the Clergy, to enquire which of the two should be accepted: Opinions were dif∣ferent; the Prelates, the King's Brethren, and many Divines were for Cle∣mens; the King approved their sentence; immediately it was proclaimed; and Clemens made his residence at Avenion. There followed him the King of Spain, the Prince of Savoy, the Duke of Millain, the Queen of Naples, and the King of Scotland. The Emperor Charles dissembled, although the greatest part of the Empire followed Urban. Lewis Earl of Flanders, said, Wrong was done to Urban. The Hammonians yeild to neither of the two.

Frossard. lib. 2. What troubles were then in all the Church, and every Nation partaking thereof? Priests were imprisoned by the adverse party; Cardinals were racked and killed; and many battels were fought for those two; the one called the other a Schismatick and Heretick, the son of Belial, and the An∣tichrist: It would require a volume to shew their bloody facts. Then was great strife for the Kingdom of Sicilies; Johanna the Queen had married four husbands; the cousins and heirs of her husbands pretend right; when she could not eschue the trouble of pretentions, she rendred the Kingdom unto Pope Clemens, to dispose of at his pleasure. Urban gives it to an Hun∣garian, Charls the brother's son of her first husband; on condition that Pre∣gnan his brothers son should have Campania. Clemens gave the Kingdom to Lewis Duke of Anjou, An. 1380. The people receive Charls: Lewis went thither with an Army of 30000 men. Both pretend right from the Pope; and Lewis alledged the consent of the Queen then defunct. The Neapolitans said, that the Queen could not dispose of the Kingdom; and Clemens was not Pope. Calabria and some others received Lewis, who continued there, and died An. 1383. Then Charls was only King, and refused to give Campania unto Pregnan. Urban summoned Charls to appear at Nuceria; and in the mean time he cast seven Cardinals into prison, and created 39 Cardinals of his own kindred. Charls came with an Army to the place; but Urban fled by sea into Genua, and took the seven imprisoned Cardinals with him; of whom he caused five to be shut up in factis, and to be drowned in the sea. When he heard that Charls was dead, he returned unto Naples, with intenti∣on to defraud his sons; but when he could not prevail, he went to Rome: he sent his Buls from Genua into England (for he could not find a greater enemy against France, saith Frossard.) offering remission of sins unto all who would fight against the Clementines; and gave liberty unto the King to give assignations of the Tithe of all Church-rents (except the Primates) unto the Noble-men for their charges; and he prevailed with some Preachers to per∣swade the people. They being allured with fair promises, thought themselves happy to die in such Wars; Such were the times saith Frossard. In a short space, by Tithes and voluntary offerings, were gathered 2500000 French crowns; and for the more assurance, the Pope would have a Bishop to be General; and Henry Spencer Bishop of Norwich was named. The like Bull was sent to Lusitania, to excite them against Spain, for siding with Clemens. A Letter of Richard the II. is extant (saith Io. Fox in Act. & Mon••.) unto * 1.8 Pope Urban, exhorting him to have more respect unto the unity and peace of the Church; and shewing, that Princes should coerce such mis-order in the Church, as Moses rebuked Aaron; Solomon put down Abiathar; Otho the I. removed John the XIII....and by the same reason (said the King) why may not Kings now bridle Roman Bishops, if the quality of their fault, and the necessity of the Church so require? And if it were not lawfull for Princes to restrain the outrages of a Pope, though he were lawfully chosen; he may oppress the Church, change Christendom into Heathens, and make the sufferings of Christ in vain; or else God hath not provided well in all things for his Church on earth, by service of men, to withstand dangers; and the Pope should consider these things seriously, lest he caused all the Princes to rise against him....for certainly the World will not be oppressed by a Pre∣late; and will rather leave the Romish Church desolate, &c. But affections blunt all admonitions. Urban knew what gain was reaped by the Jubile; therefore he ordained it to be kept every 33 years, because Christ lived but 33 years: so he proclaimed and kept it An. 1383. He caused his Cubicular John de Therano, to write a book on these words, Give to Caesar, what are Cae∣sar's,

&c. The scope of the book was to prove, that those words had place only for a time, and after Christ's ascension they were out of date; because he said, If I were lift up to heaven, I will draw all things after me; that is, I will draw all things to the Empire of Popes, who from thence shall be Lord of Lords. In the year 1383. the Clementines besieged him in a Castle, and had taken him, if the Soldiers had not mutined for want of pay; nor could Clemens afford them 20000. franks. Urban sate eleven years, and died An. 1389. very few bewailed his death, because he was so rude and intrectable. Platin. Then Pope Clemens desired the King to interpose his Authority with the Emperor and other Princes, that for conserving peace, no other Pope be chosen; but he was disappointed, saith Frossard.

11. BONIFACE the IX. was chosen at Rome, one altogether igno∣rant of literature, and so unfit for the affairs of Court, that he scarcely under∣stood the propositions which were scanned before him; and in his time igno∣rance was in price, saith Theod. à Niem. the Secretary of many Popes. Morn. in. Myster. yet he was like unto Boniface the VIII. as in name, so in craftiness; and when the Romans began to shew their discontentedness, he, like another Tarquinius, cut off the Chastoles high heads. Laur. Valla in Declam. contra Donat. Constant. He openly professed simony; and would admit neither Car∣dinal nor Bishop; until they delivered money at his pleasure, or at least an Annate. Morn. pag. 490.

12. BENEDICT the XIII. was chosen at Avenion, after the death of Clemens, An. 1393. upon express condition, that if the King of France did not approve the election, another should be chosen. The King heard the Legates of both Popes, but consented to none of them; and, intending the peace of the Church, he sent unto the Emperor, (whose Authority and care should have been principal in this case, saith Frossard.) and unto the Kings of England, Bohemia, and Hungary, intreating them not to be deficient unto publick tranquility. After the year 1397. when the Noble men of France were redeemed from the power of the Turks, King Charls wrote again unto the Emperor. They appointed to meet at Rhems, pretending other causes of their meeting. After consultation, they sent the Bishop of Camerak unto Rome, exhorting Boniface, that for the good of the Church, he would lay aside his Papal honor for a time, until by advice of Princes and learned men, a ne∣cessary overture were provided. The Pope said, He would follow the advice of the Cardinals. But the people of Rome did exhort him to maintain his own right, and not to submit to any Prince of them all. At the second con∣ference, Boniface said, He would submit, if Benedict would submit also. The Bishop did report this answer unto the Emperor, at Confluentia; and returned into France; and he was sent unto Benedict with the same proposition. His Cardinals could agree upon no certain answer; and he said, He was lawfully chosen, and would not renounce for any mans pleasure. Wherefore a Captain that was sent with the Bishop, laid hands on the Pope, and took him. Then Charls advertised the Emperor; and he intreated the King of England to lay aside all faction for a space, and contribute his aid in this case. When this came in consultation, the Estates were desirous of the purpose, but it did of∣fend them, that the business was carried on by Authority of the French King; and they said, France shall never prescribe an order in Religion unto England. The same year Charls died; and Richard was committed to the Tower, Frossard. lib. 4. Then France agreed with Benedict, upon condition he should procure the peace of the Church. Many Cities in Italy revolted from Boni∣face, as may be seen in Platin. and he was brought into such great penury, that he sent unto all Countries, offering pardons for so much money as their

charges towards Rome would require: By such Indulgences, his Legate brought from one Country 100000. florens. Theod. à Niem. lib. 1. cap. 68. & Mornay. He called his Legates to account, and finding that they had reaped more gain, he put them to death. But his pardons were so contemned, saith Platin. that many crimes were done, because people thought, they could have remission for money. Pol. Virg. de inven. rer. lib. 8. cap. 1. reporteth the same. He kept the Jubilee An. 1400. when many hundreds of people died of the plague at Rome. After that the Cardinals of Avenion went to Rome, to treat of peace: but Boniface said, He only was Pope, and Peter de Luna was the Anti-Pope. They replied, Their Master was not a Simoniack. He discharged them of the City, and within three days he died, An. 1404.

CHAP. II. Of EMPERORS.

1. ALBERT Duke of Austria, summoned a Diet at Frankford; he re∣nounced his former election, and was chosen again. Pope Boniface the VIII. was his only foe; but afterwards he confirmed him, on condition he would expel Philip King of France, and take his Kingdom to himself: But Albert, in stead of war, married the Daughter of Philip, and lived for the most part in peace. After the example of his Father, he would never go into Italy; yet he governed his part of it by Deputies and Dukes. He had wars with the Kingdom of Bohemia, and conquered it unto his eldest Son: At whatsoever occasion he had any fight, he was present in person, and was always victorious; therefore he was called Albertus Triumphans. He was once poisoned by the Bishop of Salzburgh, and by help of medicine was preserved. At last he died unfortunately, by conspiracy of his Brother's Son John, in the tenth year of his reign, An. 1308. All the time of Adulph and Albert, Andronicus, the Son of Michael Paleologus, reigned in Constantinople; he would never acknow∣ledge the Pope of Rome. Philip King of France thought now to be Emperor, because the Pope was in his Realm; but Clemens did fear his power, and wrote unto the Electors to hasten the election.

2. HENRY the VII. Earl of Lutzenburgh, was chosen, and quickly confirmed by Clemens; on condition that he should go to Rome, and be crowned within two years: The Pope required this, because he thought by him, to beat down the troubles in Italy, saith Io. Naucler. He had wars with the Duke of Wittembergh, Albert's Brother's Son, for the Kingdom of Bo∣hemia. Albert's Son was dead, leaving but one Daughter, whom Henry did sue for his Son. Then he went into Italy, and subdued Robert King of Pulia. The Pope sent three Cardinals to crown him at Rome; but he began to fear his power, and gave the Cardinals in charge to require homage of him, and that he should swear faithfulness unto the See of Rome. Henry said unto the Cardinals, It was not the custom of his Ancestors, and against the freedom of the Empire, that the Prince of Princes should give an oath of fidelity unto the Servant of Servants. Nevertheless he was crowned, and received graciously by the Clergy and many Cities; and he compelled them to obedience who did refuse. The Pope did strengthen the above named Robert against him; and because that course could not prevail, Jacobine, a Dominican, gave him poison in the wine at the Mass, in Bonconvento, An. 1315. The Pope by

his divulged Bulls, would have excused the Frier; but the people were so in∣raged for this villany, that they arose against that Order, and killed many of them, and burnt their houses in Tuscia and Lombardy. Andronicus was now become old, and assumed his Son Michael to govern equally; but he lived not long time: his Son Andronicus rebelled against the old Emperor, so that Greece was divided, and became a prey unto Othoman. At that time Chatiles, Governor of Peloponesus, sent for the aid of the Turks; they came, and carried great spoil out of Thracia. The other party sent unto the Italians and Spaniards, which both sought their own gain; and when the Greeks were sensible of their folly, they did submit themselves unto young Andronicus; and then he dealt roughly both with the Turks and Italians, so that they both became his enemies, Laonic. Chalco con. de reb. Turci. lib. 1.

3. After the death of Henry, the Electors could not agree; for four chose Lewis Duke of Bavier; of those four, the Duke of Brandeburgh gave his sentence by his Proctor; and the other three chose Frederick Duke of Austria, who thereafter purchased the consent of Brandeburgh; they were crowned by two Bishops severally; Lewis at Aken, and the other at Bonna; and great sedition arose in Germany. They both, by their Ambassades, sought con∣firmation from the Pope. Unto LEWIS he said, He had already usurped too much, and gone beyond the power of an absolute Emperor. FREDE∣RICK did alledge the valiantness of his Father and Grandfather. Pope John said, Solomon's Son was not very wise. So he rejected them both; and alledged, that according to former Acts of his Predecessors, now he was Em∣peror. Wherefore wars continued eight years; and John proclaimed against them both, alledging, that the Imperial Crown is the gift of the Pope, since it was decreed, that the Germans may elect their King, but then he is Emperor, when the Pope of Rome, who is Father and Prince of all Christendom, doth approve him; and when the Electors cannot agree, none is King, but the Bishop of Rome governeth at his pleasure, even as the soul should command the body, by whose benefit it liveth; and so shall the world be well ruled, when profane things are subject unto spiritual......For these causes, seeing two are chosen....and neither of the two seemeth worthy unto us, (said he) we command, that within three months they both renounce, &c. The most did follow Lewis. At Frankford was a frequent Diet of the Princes, and all the Electors (Frederick was a captive) there many things were decreed for the honor of the Empire; and that Lewis should provide, that the liberty of Germany be not turned into bondage; and whosoever will maintain the Acts of Pope John, is an enemy of the Republick. Immediately Otho Bishop of Carintha, and Lambert Bishop of Tolouse, the Pope's Legates, were ex∣pelled out of Germany. All the Bishops, Prelates, Priests and Monks, obeyed the Decree; only the Dominicans inclined sometimes unto the Emperor, and sometimes unto the Pope. By Authority of that Assembly, an Act was * 1.9 published, that is in Aventin. lib. cit. The heads are; Christ the Savior, our Lord and God, and his chief Apostles, Peter, Paul, James and John have fore∣told, that perillous times were coming after their departure; and they have sorewarned especially, that we should beware of false Christs, false Apostles, and false Prophets, who are so called from the lyes of their feigned Religion; terming themselves Priests, when they are the messengers of Antichrist; their insatiable thirst of honor and money, their letchery and pride being most manifest, bewray them; we deny not, but confess sincerely, that our times cannot endure any censure......long custom prevaileth above truth; in∣dignation breaketh our silence; seeing from Heaven we are set in the highest watch of human affairs, we cannot be silent, lest we prove to be dumb dogs

that cannot bark, as the Prophet speaketh; although we cannot drive away the wolves, because of the iniquities of the times; yet it is our duty to resist them, and declare who they are; although we cannot prevail against them, lurking under sheeps skins, as we would; yet it is in some measure sufficient unto those who cannot attain, to have a willingness to do. [Then they apply unto John, shewing how that he vexed the Church of Christ, and compelled Christians to draw their swords against Christians; and brought people into a custom of perjury, rebellion, and conspiracies; and they add] Neither can Christians keep peace when God giveth it, they are so troubled with this Antichrist; so great is the madness of this man, or rather Satan, that openly, in Assemblies, he proclaimeth his wickedness, as if they were good works: When Christian Princes are at variance, then indeed he is Priest of Rome; the great Priest then reigneth and domineereth, when all things are wasted with jars and broils, and his power becometh terrible; he might have most easily restored peace with one Letter, but he hath no will that peace be among us; yea, by him rather was the discord increased; he feigned now to favor Lewis, and then to love Frederick; as each of them was weaker, he pro∣mised his aid unto the weaker; he did purposely invite both unto the Coro∣nation, and gave fair words unto both; when they were ready to have agreed, he peswaded them unto Arms; all these things he doth craftily, that when we are undone by intestine wars, he may destroy the Empire, and possess Castles, Towns, and Republicks.......When he is capital foe, and pub∣lick enemy, yet he will be Proctor, Witness, and Judge in his own cause....what he pleaseth, he judgeth lawful......he assumeth the spirit of Satan, making himself like unto the most High; and suffering himself to be wor∣shipped, (which the Angel forbad John to do) and his feet to be kissed, after the manner of Dioclesian and Alexander, two most cruel Tyrants.....Those Popes have thrust Caesar out of Rome and Italy, and Christ out of the Earth; they permit the Heavens unto him, and have taken Hell and Earth unto themselves; and they will be believed, not only called gods of the earth and of men, as if they reign over the souls and tongues, or as if they had divided the Empire of the world with Jupiter; how contrary are these things, Crucified and Supream power, a Soldier and a Priest, an Emperor and a Pastor?.....he is the two headed Beast, who is Augustus and the great high Priest; as we read of Nero, Decius, &c. Then they refute the particulars of the Pope's Bull; finally concluding, If he be not the Antichrist, certainly he is his fore∣runner, from whom we appeal unto the Christian Senate of the world. This Apology of Lewis prevailed, even among his foes, that the Earl of Tirolis, and some others, dealt for peace between Lewis and Frederick. Lewis had the other captive, and he set him at liberty, on condition that he should renounce the title of Emperor; and within few years he died. Then Lewis was sole Emperor; and he went into Italy, An. 1327. being invited by the Gibelines, to aid them against the Gwelphs; and he exercised the Imperial Authority where he came; therefore the Pope excommunicated him, Platin. But Tho. Couper in Epist. saith, He was accursed, because Udalrick, the Emperor's Se∣cretary, (without the Emperor's knowledge) in an Epistle, had called the Pope, the Beast rising out of the Sea. The Emperor did often profer a treaty of peace, but the Pope would not hear of it. Many learned men, both Di∣vines and Jurists of Bolonia and Paris, wrote then against the Pope, as follow∣eth. When Lewis could not obtain confirmation from the Pope, he entred into Rome, and was received gladly; he and the Empress were crowned by Stephen Colonna, Vicar of Rome, with full consent (saith Platin.) of Nobles and Cardinals. The City was then governed by their own Citizens, under

the title, Vicars of the King of the Romans. Plat. in Iohan. There he assem∣bled a very frequent Synod, and declared more fully, 1. What wrongs he had suffered from Jac. de Cadurco, alias Pope John the XXII. or rather the mystical Antichrist (said he) and Abiathar, who had followed Absalom against David. [And he did not only thus complain; but also the Orators of the Ar∣menians, and other Nations, against whom John had covenanted with the Turk.] 2. He shewed what Authority other Emperors had exercised against the Popes, when they were found vicious. 3. With common consent of the Princes, and Bishops of Italy and Germany, and assent of the Priests and People, Pope John was condemned of irreligiousness and heresie; and as Author of the Antichristian Empire. Lastly, They did chuse another Pope, Nicolaus the V. as is written before. John raged, and deprived Lewis again. When Benedict the XII. was chosen, Lewis sent Orators, craving peace; and the Pope answered, that he and his Brethren would take care to restore that Noble branch which was cut off from the Church; and he did commend Lewis, as the most eminent Prince of the world: He bewailed also, that Italy was oppressed by Tyrants, and the holy Land by the Saracens, and all these evils had hapned for want of an Emperor. The Orators hearing the Pope speak thus, were assured that the absolution was granted. But (saith Naucler. gener. 45.) the King of France, and Robert King of Apulia, turn all upside down; for two Arch-Bishops, and two Counts, came and disswaded the Pope from making peace with Lewis, lest he be called a friend of Here∣ticks. Benedict said unto them, Do your Masters wish, that there be no Em∣pire? We speak not, holy Father, (said they) against the Empire, but against the person of Lewis, which is condemned for his practising against the Church. Then said Benedict, It is true, we have done against him; but he would have fallen at the feet of our Predecessor, if he could have been accepted; and what he hath done, he hath been provoked thereunto. But (saith Naucler.) the Pope could not prevail. And John King of Bohemia, and Henry Duke of Bavier, wrote, that with the aid of the Kings of Hungary and Cracow, they would set up another King of the Romans. So the Cardinals did for that time hinder the absolution, and the Orators were dismissed with fair words. In the year 1336, Lewis assembled the Princes in Spira, and from thence sent other Orators unto the Pope for absolution; among these was Gerlak Count de Nassaw, and the Bishop of Curia. When they came, Benedict weeping, said, He loved Prince Lewis; but the King of France had written unto him, that if he did absolve Lewis without his consent, he should finde worse deal∣ing then Boniface had found. The next year Lewis and Philip de Valois, King of France, were agreed; and they both sent together unto Benedict for abso∣lution of Lewis. Then said Benedict, Shall I now judge Lewis an Heretick, and then a most religious Christian, at the King's nod? and so did still refuse. And it is thought (saith Naucler.) Philip did pretend to desire what he would not; and Benedict did profess what he would not, though he would have done it; and so nothing was done. But it will appear, that the Pope did dis∣semble at first, and at this time began to shew himself. In the year 1338, Lewis called another Diet to Frankford, and there, by advice of some Mi∣norites, he published a Declaration against the Sentence of Pope John, where he proved out of the Canon Law and Ancient Customs, that it appertained only unto the Electors to chuse the Emperor; and the interest of the Pope is onely to anoint him, being chosen, which is but a ceremony; and if the Pope will refuse, any other Bishop may anoint: wherefore when the Em∣peror giveth oath unto the Bishop of Rome, it is not of homage or subje∣ction, but only of faithfulness, and defense of the Bishop and the Church,

if necessity do require his furtherance; so that it is against all Antiquity, that the Pope restraineth the Authority of the Electors to the designing of the King of the Almains only, and taketh unto himself alone to create the Em∣peror; as also it is absurd, that the Pope assumeth the managing of the Em∣pire as lawful Emperor, when the Imperial Throne is vacant, which power belongeth unto the Palatine of Rhine: likewise he did clear himself parti∣cularly of those things which Pope John had alledged against him: And in the end, by advise of all the Clergy and Princes of Almany there assembled, declared the whole process, that was laid against him, to be null and of no force. This Declaration is at length in Naucler. loc. cit. At that time Benedict made Luchin the Viscount, and his Brother John the Arch-Bishop, to be Vicars of Millain, and other Towns; and he gave the same power unto Mascin Scala in Verona and Vincentia, and unto others in other Cities, and that he did by his own power, (as he said) because when the Imperial Seat is vacant, as for a time it was vacant, all the Imperial power did belong unto him. Naucler. ibid. Then the Emperor, seeing that now was no hope to be absolved, and, as the Pope was doing, he created all hereditary Vicars in Italy, (who afterwards became absolute Lords) lest they should revolt from him. Pope Clemens was haughtier then all the other; he summoned the Emperor to appear, and satisfie God and the Church. Lewis sent his Orators, and promised to obey. Clemens demanded, that the Emperor should confess all his heresies and errors; that he should resign the Empire, and not reassume it but with the good leave of the Pope; and that he should render himself and his Sons, and his goods, into the Pope's reverence: All which the Orators did subscribe, so that the Pope and the Cardinals did admire at it: And then they propound harder conditions. Naucler. saith, The Emperor would never have subscribed these Articles, though he had been a prisoner. When he saw them, he sent Copies of them unto all the Princes; and they did assemble at Frankford in September, An. 1344, where, after consideration of these Articles, they did judge them derogatory unto the honor of the Empire; they all with one voice did abhor them; and they did intreat the Emperor, to stand in defense of his honor, as he had done before, and they should not be deficient to the uttermost of their power. Naucler. ibid. Then Clemens did accurse the Emperor again for Heresie and Schism; and he ac∣cursed all the Bishops and Princes that favored him; and he sent a mandate unto the Electors, to proceed unto a new election. The Heresies were; 1. He believed not the determination of Pope John the XXII. concerning the poverty of Christ. 2. He held that the Emperor may depose a Pope. 3. He, being accursed, did contumaciously lie under the curse. 4. He gave Bishop∣ricks unto some, and deposed some Bishopricks, who would not do contrary unto the Papal interdiction. 5. That he had deposed a Pope, and set up an Anti-Pope. Henry of Viernberg, Arch-Bishop of Mentz, would not consent unto the violation of his innocent Majesty; therefore the Pope deposed him, and sent Gerlak of Nassaw into his See. Other Bishops and Electors, being seduced by John King of Bohemia, did consent unto the election of his Son Charls. Waltram, Bishop of Colein, got 8000 marks; Baldwin, Bishop of Trevers, was Uncle to King John; the Duke of Saxony received 8000 marks. &c. P. Mexia. The Pope, without delay, approved the election. Behold what a fire the Pope had kindled, if the wisdom of Lewis had not been singularly patient. He would not renounce his Imperial Title; but he returned to Bur∣gravia, where, by procurement of the Pope, he was poisoned with a drink, which the Dutchess of Austria presented unto him, An. 1347. and therefore he was called a Martyr. Clemens had sent his Bulls unto the Princes of Ger∣many,

commanding them to accept the before named Charls as their law∣ful Emperor: And he had obtained from Charls, that from thenceforth none should be accounted Emperor, until he be confirmed by the Pope, and to believe otherwise is a pernicious heresie. The Princes and other States under∣standing this, thought Charls unworthy of the Diadem; and they said, Will that Servant of Servants rage always in pride and ambition, that he dare with a shameless face, more then manifestly surpass the wickedness of the most cruel Tyrants that ever was read of? Wherefore, after the death of Lewis, they assembled to a new election. The Bishop of Mentz, and three Secular Electors, (the other Bishops came not) chose Edward the III. King of England, and Brother in law of Lewis the V. He gave them thanks, but refused, be∣cause he was troubled with wars in France. Then they chose Frederick, Mar∣quess of Misnia, Son in law of Lewis. Charls gave him a sum of money, that he should not accept. Thirdly, An. 1350. they chose Gunther Earl of Swar∣zenburgh, (they were so resolved not to accept an Emperor from the Pope) and he was presently after poisoned by his Physician Findank, who also died within three days, having, at his Master's command, tasted first of the same potion. Thus were they all made away who withstood the Pope. Gunther knowing that he must die, and being desirous to leave Germany in peace, rendered his Title unto Charls. And so, after long contention, the honor of the Emperor is brought to a meer Title; nor could the most puissant Em∣perors prevail, because the people were perswaded, that they drew their swords against Heaven, if they did resist the Pope; as if they had presumed, like the ancient Gaints, to climb into the skies, and pull God from his Throne; and the thundering excommunications, were judged not so much menaces of death, (which peradventure might have been avoided or contemned) but of damnation, which as it is most terrible, so it was thought unavoidable.

4. CHARLS the IV. was a weak Prince in courage and prudence; through ambition he did extreamly weaken and debase the Empire; he ap∣proved that form of Coronation of the Emperors which is kept in the Vati∣can, and containeth many servile Ceremonies; As, The Emperor supplieth the office of a Sub-Deacon in ministring unto the Pope, and saying Mass; and Divine Service being ended, he must hold the stirrup while the Pope mount∣eth on his horse, and for a certain space must lead the Pope's horse by the bridle: Also he obliged himself, that he should stay no longer in Italy then while he were crowned; so whereas many Emperors had for some ages dis∣played their forces, to drive the Popes from Rome, now the Popes, without any forces, have removed the Emperors from the Tower of the Empire, and made themselves absolute Lords. Hence also it appeareth, that now the Em∣perors are but the images of the ancient Emperors, and the Popes give spirit unto the image. Naucler. writeth, that Charls entered into Rome on foot; in derision whereof, a Senator began an Oration before the people, in these words; Behold, thy King cometh unto thee with meekness and lowliness. He was crowned by two Cardinals, deputed by the Pope; and the next day took his journey into Germany. At that time Petrarcha wrote many things. between derision and disdain, in his Epistles, partly unto Charls, and partly unto others: In his second Book, De vita solitar. sect. 4. cap. 2. he saith, Caesar hath taken the Crown, and is gone into Germany, contenting himself with the lurking holes of his Country, and the name of Emperor; he embraceth the lowest members, and forsaketh the head; who, we thought, should have recovered, hath lost it......I confess, his oath bindeth him, and he excuseth himself, that he hath sworn to abide in Rome but a day; Oh infamous day! oh shameful covenant! oh Heavens behold an oath! behold Religion! be∣hold

godliness! the Bishop of Rome hath left Rome so, that he will not suffer another to dwell in it, &c. P. Morn. in Myster. pag. 472. As Charls came to the Empire by miserable ambition, so he may be called the first Emperor which ruined the Revenues thereof; for he did first consent, that the Viscount of Millain should be the perpetual Vicar of the Empire; and the Viscount having once full Authority, usurped liberty: And to the end he might tie the Princes Electors unto him and his Son after him, he promised to give them great sums of money, and for payment thereof, he gave them dis∣charges of their taxes, and tributes of their Lands unto the Empire: which covenant being once made, they cause the Emperor (when he is at first chosen) to swear, that he shall never revoke: So the tributes of many Lands and Towns of Germany, which anciently was the Emperor's patri∣mony, is dispersed among the Princes and free Cities. Then also was the order of the Electors changed; it was appointed, that the Bishop of Mentz should ask the votes; 1. Of the Bishop of Trevers. 2. Of the Bishop of Co∣lein. 3. Of the King of Bohemia. 4. Of Prince Palatine of Rhine. 5. Of the Duke of Saxony. 6. Of the Marquess of Brandenburgh. And lastly, give his own vote. But in procession, the three Bishops should go foremost, and the Bishop of Trevers in the midst; and the three Princes should follow them, and the Duke of Saxony in the midst, then the Emperor, and immediately after him the King of Bohemia. Bulla Aurea in Fascic. rer. expetend. And they have a third order in serving the Emperor at his table on the solemn days. In the year 1359. Charls had a conference at Mentz with the three Electoral Bishops; and Pope Innocentius sent thither the Bishop Calvacen, for a Sub∣sidty unto his Treasury; and gave him power to dispense with the Clergy who had not Canonically purchased Benefices, either Curata vel sine cura. There was also the Dukes of Saxony and Bavier. The Emperor called the Legate, and heard his Commission; then said Charls, Lord Legate, the Pope hath sent you into Germany to require a great sum of money, but you reform no∣thing among the Clergy; Cuno, a Canon of Mentz, was standing by, with a costly hat, or cap, and many golden and silken fantasies about it; the Emperor said to him, Lend me your cap; then laying aside his own, the Emperor put on the Canon's cap, and said unto the Princes, Am I not now more like a Soldier then a Clark? and so he rendered the cap unto Cuno. Then he said unto the Bishop of Mentz, Lord Arch-Bishop, We command you, that with the fidelity wherewith you are tied unto us, you reform your Clergy, and put away these abuses in their clothes, shoes, hair, and conversation; or if they will not obey, that you command the fruits of their Benefices to be brought into our Exchequer, and, by consent of the Pope, we will employ them unto honest uses. When the Legate heard these words, he went pre∣sently away. Io. Naucler. hath this; but he sheweth not what the Bishop of Mentz did in obedience unto the charge, nor how the Pope was taken with the answer; but only he sheweth, that the next year Pope Innocentius sent unto John de Salverd, a Canon of Spira, to gather the half of all the fruits of Benefices within that Diocy, whether vacant or shall be vacant, for two years, unto the Pope's use. This Charls did more good in Bohemia, then in all the other parts of the Empire; he erected a School of Liberal Sciences at Prague; he built the new City, and a glorious Palace, and many Mona∣steries; and he made the Bishop a free Arch-Bishop, whereas before he was subject unto the Bishop of Mentz. He and his Empress went to Rome to kiss Pope Urban's foot, and returned within three months. He died An. 1378. In Constantinople, after Andronicus, his Son Calo-Johannes did reign; his Uncle and Tutor, John Catacuzen, did usurp the Government; and they

both were called Emperors; and in the end Calo-John was sole Emperor. This unhappy John sent for the Turks to come unto his aid: Soliman then did possess all that in Asia had appertained unto the Empire, and came over the Hellespont, but could never be beaten back again; he took G••llipolis, and other Cities on the coast, and then Hadrianople. Lazarus Despote of Servia, or Mysia inferior, and Mark Despote of Bulgaria, and some other Princes, went against him, An. 1363. and were overthrown. John came into Italy, France and Germany, for help against the Turks; but when he could obtain none, he returned, and sought ways to fight under the Turks colours in Asia. Laon. Chalcocon. lib. 1. After that time Soliman became Lord of many Christians Lands in Europe; and his Brother Amurathes conquered more; and so that Empire decayed yearly.

5. WENCESLAUS, succeeding unto his Father, is called wretch∣less and effeminate; whether his minde was set on devotion, or that he would not meddle with the two-headed Beast, (for then began the great Schism of the two Popes) it is uncertain; and the Civil wars which began in the time of Charls, did then increase. The Vicars, which were appointed to govern the Imperial Towns in Italy, became absolute; and so did others in Ger∣many usurp liberty. The Electors, seeing that he had no care of the Empire, and that especially he favored John Huss, conspired, by instigation of Pope Boniface the IX. to chuse another; but they could not agree; for two were chosen, An. 1400. Robert Count Palatine, and Jodok Marquess of Mo∣ravia. Jodok died within six months; and then Robert was sole Emperor. Then Wenceslaus made no account, and, contenting himself with Bohe∣mia, lived yet twenty years. Emmanuel, the second Son of Calo-John, by the aid of Bajazet, succeeded unto his Father; and paid him yearly 30000 crowns; and did willingly quit Philadelphia. Andronicus, the elder Brother, was glad to take pay of the Turk. Laon. Chalcocon. lib. 2. The Turks, by these means, and because of the dissensions in Italy and Germany, especially of the Schism between the Anti-Popes, had the more opportunity to subdue Bulgaria, Walachia, and carried great spoil out of Hungary. Sigismund King of Hungary, with the aid of Germans, French and English, about 100000 men, fought against 300000 Turks, and were overthrown An. 1397. Because Emmanuel would not follow Bajazet, and had made a league with some Princes against him, Bajazet went to besiege Constantinople, and had taken it, if the Lord had not raised up Tamerlan, King of Massagetes in Tartary, by the solicitation of some Turkish Dukes which were robbed by Bajazet. Tamerlan was admired for his power and success; he subdued Per∣sia, Media, Assyria, Armenia, and all Asia between Tanais and Nilus. Bajazet left the siege of Constantinople to fight him at Prusa, where Bajazet was taken, in the 25 year of his reign. Tamerlan asked him, What he would do if he had him in that case? The Turk answered proudly, I would put thee in an iron Cage......Tamerlan did so with him, and carried him through Asia until he died. The Sons of Bajazet had Civil wars a long time, and killed one ano∣ther. So the Christians in Europe had rest from the Turks, until Amurath the II. subdued Mustapha, the fourth Son of Bajazet, and recovered the former conquest: He returned against the Greeks in the days of John, the eldest Son of Emmanuel, because he had aided Mustapha. Laon. Chalcocon.

CHAP. III. Of divers Countries.

1. IN this Century gross was the darkness both of ignorance and vitiousness * 1.10 in the body of the Church; the Preachers did not teach the knowledge of God, but sought their own gain; and the people could not but be igno∣rant; nevertheless, God raised some in all Estates, to note and rebuke the corruptions of the time, as followeth. It was not a small furtherance, that in the Councel at Vienna, An. 1511. it was decreed, that in all Academies, there should be some expert in the Hebrew, Chaldee and Arabick languages, who should not only teach these languages, but translate their books into Latin, for the larger spreading of God's word, and the more easie conversion of Infidels: By the benefit of these languages, the light of God's word began to shine more clearly; and the Commentaries of Nic. de Lyra, on the Bible, was a good help, although in many things complying with the times: and some Greeks, fleeing from the oppression of the Turks, came into the West, and taught the Greek tongue, and translated some of the Fathers.

2. A shew and hope of reforming the Church, was made by Pope Cle∣mens the V. in the Councel at Vienna: It is clear therefore, that the cor∣ruption was known by the people, and a Reformation was wished, Clemens gave order to Durand Auditor Rotae, and Bishop Mimaten. to set in order some * 1.11 Articles of Reformation, to be propounded in the Councel: The Treatise is extant, with this Title, De concilio celebrando, printed Lutetiae, An. 1545. He beginneth at the Roman Clergy, saying, They have followed the way of Balaam, who loved the hire of iniquity, and was rebuked for his mad∣ness......which hath hapned also in these days, seeing so foolish and unor∣derly things are done by Church-men, who should be a light unto others; they have offended the senses even of Pagans and Jews, so that such as have no knowledge of Divine reason do abhor their madness, and being wiser, reprove their wicked ways: He sheweth what might be the way of Refor∣mation; to wit, in the holy Councel, Kings and Bishops should conspire unto these things: 1. Recourse must be made unto the Law of God, unto the Gospel, and to Councels that have been approved by the inspiration of the holy Ghost, and unto good human Laws; whatsoever is found to have been attempted by men in government of the world, contrary unto these, let it be amended and reformed; and therefore away with all abuses, customs, dispensations, priviledges, and exemptions, that are contrary unto them. 2. Let the Popes conform themselves, their works and words, unto divine and human Laws; and give unto their inferiors, an example of things that should be done; or if they will shift from those Laws, and domineer rather then provide for their Subjects, their honor is puft up with pride, and what was ordained for concord, is turned to dammage. 3. It cannot be denied, but the Roman Church, in many things, hath strayed from the primitive institution, and from the minde of the holy Fathers, Councels and Decrees, even so far, that the first institution is forgotten; but they should prefer the truth of the holy Scriptures unto all custom, how ancient soever it may seem to be. 4. The Pope should not suffer causes to be lightly brought from other Provinces unto his Court; now all order is confounded; the Pope giveth Benefices before they be vacant; and the proverb is to be feared as too true, He who coveteth all, loseth all. Here he inveigheth at the promotion of strangers, who are blinde leaders of the blinde, when they know not the language of their flock: And against Simony; which reigneth (said he) in

the Court, as if it were no sin: Against the plurality of Benefices, and pensions wherewith Bishopricks are burthened to pay unto Cardinals; Be∣nefices are bestowed on the Pope's Nephews and Friends; St. Gregory would not be called universal Bishop, nor suffer that name to be given unto any other; and the ancient Popes were wont to prefer the names of other Bishops unto their own; this he sheweth by instances; and concludeth the point thus; Every cause should be decided in its Province. 6. It seemeth profitable, that in the Councel marriage be granted unto Priests. 7. Monks should be com∣pelled to work with their hands, as anciently......they should not be per∣mitted to meddle with the office of Priests......and far less should Friers be permitted to go a begging. 8. It is necessary to repress the abuse of images, the selling of indulgences and pennances, and the impertinent discourses of Monks in their Sermons; for they leave the Scriptures, and preach the in∣ventions of men. He often repeateth, There is no hope of reforming the Church, unless Rome begin with her good example; (and here, in the ninth place, he reckoneth their corruptions) for the universality of the Church is offended, and infected with the example of the Roman Church; and the leaders of the people, (as Isaiah saith) cause the name of God to be blaspe∣med; and (as Augustine saith) nothing is more hurtful unto the Church then the Clarks, who are worse then Laicks. He sheweth the rapines of the Le∣gates, and other servants of the Court; the exactions for indulgences, for priviledges and dispensations, from whence floweth the neglect or contempt of Religion; and all these are through the luxury and pride of Popes and Prelates, whose pride is greater then of all Kings and Princes. Here he taxeth the negligence and ignorance of the most part of them, and seemeth to de∣spair of them in these words; Alas! that saying of Isaiah seemeth now to be too true of the Church, It shall be an habitation for dragons, and a Court for ostriches.....O that it were not true of our Clergy; which he saith, This people draw near unto me with their mouth, but their heart is far from me. He hath many such passages in the three parts of that Treatise; but no fruit fol∣lowed so wholesome admonitions. Mornay. in Myster.

3. Arnold de Villanova, a French man, (or Catalanus, as some say) wrote * 1.12 many books: In Colloqu••o Frider. & Arnol. he hath a remarkable History; Frederick King of Sicily, a religious Prince, said unto him, He had a purpose to do some remarkable service to the honor of our Savior, but two impedi∣ments were in his way, fear and doubt; he feared to be dispised as a fanta∣stical fool by the world, both of Clarks and Laicks; who are all careful of earthly things, but none of them savor of heaven: and he doubted, whether the Gospel be mans invention, or brought from heaven: three things did move him to doubt so; 1. He certainly knew by hearing and seeing, that Bishops and Clarks make a shew of Religion through custom, but they had no devotion; they are earnest in vain-glory and lusts, but they feed no souls unto salvation. 2. Monks and Regulars, professing Apostolical simplicity and poverty, do astonish men with their lewdness; they are so estranged from the way of God, that in comparison of them, not only the Secular Clarks, but even the Laicks are justified; their wickedness is so vile, that no Estate can endure them; they profess humility, poverty, and perfection of vertues, but no measure of vertue may be found in them; for humility, they are pre∣sumptuously proud, creeping into Kings Courts, Councels and Commissions; they intrude themselves into secular affairs, and if they be refused or rebuked, they become furious with viperous bitings; they attend feasts, and endeavor by any means to enrich themselves; they are false, ungrateful, deceitful and affected liars; in hatred, pertinacious; in preaching, pestiferous; disobedient

to superiors; and do openly avow uncleanness. The third cause of his doubt was; Whereas in former times, the Bishops of the Apostolical See sent their Legates unto the Nations, to know of their increase or decrease in Religion; now no such thing is heard of, but their business is for worldly things. Arnold * 1.13 answered, His purpose is pious, and he should not leave it off; his fear, is a suggestion of Satan, hating the glory of God, and the salvation of souls; and he should vanquish such fear, by consideration of God's love, and the example of Christ, suffering the revilings of men.....As for his doubts, he might be sure that the Scriptures are the Word of God; Jesus Christ is the promised Saviour, and the same God who created the world; which is clear, not only by the Articles of faith, but even by irresistable demonstration. His reasons are such as should rather confirm his faith; for the first two are null; because Christ, who is the foundation of the Church, hath foretold the defection and corruption of preachers, both by voice and Canonical Scriptures, and by revelation unto persons of both sexes; which the Popes, with great devotion, keep among the Archives of the Apostolical See; and I have seen and handled them in the holy City. And against the third motive, it may suffice what God had done in his time, and what he is about to do shortly; to wit, he had warned the See of Apostacy under Boniface the VIII. and under Benedict; for a certain man had told them, 1. That their Coun∣sellors were the Ministers of Satan, under shew of Religion and zeal, draw∣ing them from ancient purity. 2. Whatsoever those angels of Satan did advise them, they should not authorise and execute: And it was told them, if they shall contemn this warning, God shall cause them to feel here the presage of everlasting judgement; Boniface believed not this until he felt it: And it was told to Benedict by writing, that God would shortly pull him from his seat; and it came to pass, for he sate not thirty five days after that: And it was told them, That they who glory of evangelical perfection, are corrupters of evangelical doctrine, by wicked lives and pestiferous preaching; seeing the Friers, in their Sermons, do traduce them whom they do envy, and flatter such as they would rob; they deprave divine Oracles with false expositions, impertinent applications, and sophistical distinctions; they omit things ne∣cessary and useful, and in the spirit of Antichrist they seduce people from their ordinary shepheards; they go unto all Provinces, and buy the office of Inquisition; and like raging divels, they persecute all true believers with false calumnies, furious vexations, clamorous lyes, and unjust punishments, and yet none reproveth nor restraineth such madness: All this (said he) I have seen among the Apostolical writings. And it was contained in the same de∣nuntiation, that these false prophets had conspired against the Divine truth; covenanting, that none of them should touch those passages of Scripture, which the Ancients had in their Commentaries expounded of false teachers; but to teach the Prophets rather then the Evangelists; that some of them taught, that the commistion of man with man was no sin; and if any of their own society do rebuke their faults, he is condemned to death as superstitious, or enemy of their Religion; if any do appeal unto the Apostolical See, not for severity of discipline, but for corruption of the Gospel, he is imprisoned cruelly, or exiled; all the books, declaring the truth of the Gospel, and de∣scribing their ungodliness, are condemned to the fire, under pretence of superstition and error; for an ambiguous sentence, they persecute all who would live in evangelical poverty, whether without or within their order; some of them do always attend the Apostolical See, lest the complaints of the people come there; they are like the drake and ostrich; for the drake hath pleasure in waters, so they in fleshly lusts; and the ostrich hath feathers like an

eagle, but never riseth from the earth; so their austerity of outward carriage is like to heavenly Religion, but their hearts cleave fast to earthly ambi∣tion.....They have forbidden all their fellows, under pain of death, to read the Scriptures declaring the truth; and they stop the fountain of living waters, from them that thirst after the water of life......Seeing God hath foretold those things, and now hath twice denounced them; although the messenger was contemned, and cast into bonds, he is not moved, but con∣tinueth constant in the faith; neither should it move thee, O King, to doubt of the truth of the Gospel; and I know, that God will cause those things to be denounced the third time unto the Apostolical See; but determinately by whom, and where, and when, I cannot tell, because it is not shewed unto me; and if that man, whom God shall send, undertake it, and prosecute it with the zeal of Moses and Phinehas, he will, by the power of God, adorn it with excellent things, both old and new; but if he neglect it, be you assured, God will within these three years bring most fearful judgements, to the astonishment of the East and West, &c. The third denouncer was himself; and at that time began the contention between the Pope and Lewis. King Frederick was perswaded by these words, and wrote unto his Brother James, King of Arragon, of all these things; and received Letters from him, tend∣ing much to the same purpose. Mornay. testifieth, that both the Letters of the date An. 1309. are extant; and the copies of them are full in Catal. test. ver. lib. 18.

4. Dantes Aligerius, a Florentine, was then famous for piety and learning, and an excellent Poet, saith Platin. in Bonifac. VIII. He wrote a book De Monarchia mundi, where he proveth, that the Pope is not above the Em∣peror, nor hath any power over him; he confuted that, which was called Do∣natio Constantini, that the Emperor neither gave such a gift, nor could give it: He derided the comparison of the Pope to the Sun, and of the Emperor unto the Moon; and averred contrarily, that the Pope hath his priviledges from the Emperor. In a Poem, of Paradise, in the Italian tongue, he com∣plaineth, that the Pope, in stead of being a shepherd, is become a wolf, and driveth Christ's sheep out of the right way; that the preaching of God's Word is omitted, and vain fables of Monks and Friers, and Decretals, are most heard, the flock is fed with the winde: He saith, The Pope is the whore of Babylon, and the Patriarchs [or Cardinals] are the towers of it; in old time, the Church was persecuted by the sword, but now by famine, for the bread which was gave for her nourishment, is taken away. I. Fox in Act. & Mon.

5. Robert, a French man by name and Nation, a Franciscan by profession, the longer he was in that order, he loved the Friers the worse; he lived about that time: A Treatise, under his name, is printed with the Prophecies of Hil∣degrandis. In the sixth Chapter he speaketh in the name of God unto the * 1.14 Pope, saying, Who hath set this idol in my seat to rule my flock? he hath cars, and heareth not the voice of them who go down mourning into hell; he hath eyes, and seeth not the abomination of the people, and the Bacchanal excesses of their pleasures; how great evil doth this people before me? nei∣ther will he see them, unless he see a treasure......Wo to the Idol; who shall be equal unto this Idol on the earth? he hath exalted his name, saying, Who shall controle me?......they who ride on horses do serve me; what was not done unto my Predecessors, is done unto me, &c. This was his ex∣position of that in Zech. Wo to the Idol shepherd. In chap. 1. and chap. 12. * 1.15 he describeth the Pope under the name of a serpent, who exalteth himself above measure, oppressing the small number of godly men, and hath many

false prophets about him, to obscure the name of Christ, and advance the name of the serpent only. Again he saith, I was praying on my knees, mine eyes being lift up to Heaven, and I saw an high Priest clad in white silks before me; his back was towards the East; lifting up his hands towards the West, as Priests are wont at the Mass; his head appeared not; and as I marked more attentively, whether he had an head, I saw his head withered, and small like a tree: Then the Spirit of the Lord said unto me, It signi∣fieth the condition of the Roman Church. Again he saith, As I was the same way exercised, I saw in the Spirit, and behold, a man walking in the same habit, carrying sweet bread on his shoulders, and very good wine by his side, and he held in his hands a round stone, biting it with his teeth, as an hungry man biteth bread, but he did nothing; then two heads of Serpents came out of the stone: and the Spirit of the Lord, instructing me, said, This stone is unprofitable and curious questions, wherewith the hungry souls are turmoiled, when they leave substantial things: And I said, What meaneth those two heads? He said, The name of the one is Vain Glory, and the other is Overthrow of Religion. It is to be observed, that about that time, the chief questions in the Schools were, Whether the bread of the Mass be turned into the body of Christ, or whether the sub∣stance of it evacuateth? what eateth a mouse, when she eateth the Sacra∣ment? wherein subsisteth the accidents of the bread, whether in Christ's body, or by themselves? &c. Again he saith, I saw a clear Cross of Silver, like to the Cross of Tolouse, but the twelve apples of it, were like to vile apples that are cast out of the sea: What is this, Lord Jesus? The Spirit said, The Cross is the Church; which shall be clear with pureness of life, and shril with the clear voice of the truth preached: Then I said, What meaneth those rotten apples? The humiliation of the Church-men, which shall come to pass. Here he prophecied of the Reformation. Possevin in Apparto. 2. calleth this Robert, An excellent Preacher of the Word. Mornay. in Myster. pag. 427.

6. Marsilius Paravinus wrote the book Defensor pacis, about the year 1324. there he debateth the question between the Emperor and the Pope: and by the holy Scriptures, Laws, Canons, and Histories Ecclesiastical and Civil, he maintaineth these positions; Christ is the only head and foundation of * 1.16 the Church: He made none of the Apostles to be universal Vicar of the Church; nor made he the other Apostles subject unto Peter: It is more pro∣bable, that Peter was never at Rome; far less had he his seat there, who had no fixed seat, as also not any of the Apostles: The fulness of power in any man, is a manifest lye, an execrable title, the beginning of many evils, and the use thereof should be discharged in a good Councel: The authority of the keys, is that judiciary power that consisteth in dispensing the Word, the Sacraments and Discipline: Christ, whose Vicar the Pope calleth himself, did never exercise temporal authority on earth; he was subject unto the Magistrate, and so were his Apostles after his ascension, and they taught others to obey Princes: If a Pope usurp temporal autho∣rity, Princes should, by the Law of God, resist by word and deed, or they are unjust, and sin against God; and those who fight for the Pope, should be accounted the Soldiers of Satan: Unto the Pope belongeth not the election, nor confirmation of the Emperor; but contrarily, the Chri∣stian Prince, with consent of Clergy and People, should name the Pope; or if one be chosen in his absence, he should confirm him: If the Pope go astray, or be accursed, the Emperor should reduce him into the way, and judge him in a Councel: When Peter lived, he might have fallen and

erred; neither hath the Pope any priviledge against error: That that Christ said to Peter, I have prayed for thee, is to be extended unto the other Apostles: Only the Canon of the Bible is the fountain of truth; against which [Canon] we may not believe either Pope or Church: Concerning the sense of Scri∣pture, or any Article of the faith, we may not believe the Pope and his Car∣dinals, seeing not once have they seduced silly souls into hell: The Christian Church is the universality of believers, and not the Pope and his Cardinals; she is represented in a lawful and general Councel: A Councel should be assembled by the Emperor, with consent of Christian Princes, as anciently it was always: The Word of God should be the only rule, and chief judge in deciding causes Ecclesiastical: Not only the Clergy, by Lay men also, if they be godly and learned, should have voice in general Councels: The Clergy and Synagogue of the Pope, is a den of thieves, &c. This book was printed at Basil, An. 1522. In another Treatise he saith, Good works are not the efficient cause of salvation, but causa sine quanon. Mornay. ibid. pag. 452. He was condemned as an Heretick by Pope John the XXIII. Catal. test. ver. lib. 18. Consider what a Modern could say more of this matter; and whe∣ther they shew not themselves to be ignorant of antiquity, who accuse us of novelty.

7. The same positions were held by John de Janduno, or Gandanensis, at the same time, as is manifest by his books, printed at Venice and Florence: So wrote also Luitpold, Bishop of Bamberg; namely, in a Treatise De Tran∣slatione Imperii, printed Lutet. An. 1540. he saith, The Authority of govern∣ing the Empire, belongeth unto the Emperor so soon as he is chosen; and the Coronation by the Pope addeth nothing, since Caesar is not his vassal nor feudatory: The donation of Constantine is but a fable. He was also con∣demned by Pope John. Catal. test. ibid. Michael Cesenas, General of the Fran∣ciscans, was bolder, saying expresly, The Pope is the Antichrist; and Rome is Babylon, drunk with the blood of the Saints. Therefore Antonin. par. 3. tit. 21. cap. 5. reckoneth him among the poor men of Lions: For the Val∣denses still suffered persecution in sundry Countries, and under divers names, as the adversaries pleased to brand them: Many errors are imputed unto them by the writers of those times; but because they did abhor the Pope and his Court, they were reviled (as we have heard from Arnold de Villanova) and sought out to the fire; as An. 1302. Nogaret (the Father of him who took Pope Boniface the VIII.) was burnt in Aquitania. Clemens the V. caused it to be proclaimed, to take up the flag of the Cross against them; and destroyed 4000 near the Alps, whether they had sled. Platin. Others went higher unto the mountains, of whom some remained in his days, saith An∣tonin. par. 3. tit. 22. cap. 10. From them were the in-dwellers of Angronia, and adjacent parts, continuing until the Councel at Trent. Trithemius testifieth of many that were burnt in Austria about that time; howbeit he, believing the reports of malice, imputeth many errors unto them; yet he testifieth, that they abhorred the Mass, calling the Hosty, a god invented by man; the Church of Rome, a Synagogue of unbelievers, and not the flock of Christ: they denied all mens merits; intercession of Saints; the difference of days and meats, &c. He witnesseth also, that the professore of the same doctrine, were innumerable in Bohemia, Austria, and confine Countries; and that one of their Preachers, who was burnt at Vienna, had affirmed, that above 80000. embraced the same doctrine within those Provinces; and another, named Lombard, who was taken and burnt at Colein, avowed, that there were many of his Religion, within and about that City; and from those dregs (saith he) Bohemia is infected with these errors until this day.

But it was made known unto all the world, what was the doctrine of the Bohemians at Constance and Basil. Antonin. par. 3. tit. 21. cap. 5. saith, Many of them were burnt in many parts of the world; especially Picenum, or Marca Anconitana was full of them, and also Florence, whence many were exiled, and spread themselves even unto Greece. He called the Emperor Lewis a follower of them; he saith, Jo. Castillioneus and Francis Hacutara, two Franciscans, were burnt for the same doctrines. Pa. Aemilius saith, Under Charls, the fair King of France, were sublime engines, and most learned men; among them were some truly holy, and others, striving foolishly to exceed others, kept no measure, and became wicked; and it is uncertain to guess of the judgement and manners of some; the evils of the time were grievous to good men, who mourned secretly. P. Mornay. in Myster. pag. 440, & 454. About the year 1340. Conrade Hager, who was a Preacher at Wortzburgh the space of twenty four years, taught, The Mass is not a sacrifice, nor available to quick nor dead; and money given for Masses is very robbery, and sacriledge of Priests: And certainly, as he condemned the false sacrifice, he declared the true: For such doctrine he was imprisoned. Fox in Act. out of the Register of Otho the VI. of Herbi. An. 1390. twenty four Citizens of Mentz were burnt at Binga for the doctrine of the Valdenses. Masseus speaketh of more then twenty who were burnt in Province at Narbon, because they would not acknowledge the Roman Decretals, and called them contrary unto Scriptures.

8. There is an ancient record poetically compiled, of the date or year * 1.17 1343. under the name Poenitentiari Asini; there a fox, a wolf, and an ass, are said to shrieve one another; first the wolf confesseth unto the fox, and was absolved easily; then the wolf heareth the confession of the fox, and sheweth him the like favor; and lastly the ass confesseth, that being hungry, he took a straw out of a sheave of corn that was upon an horses back going in pilgri∣mage unto Rome; he professeth repentance for the fault, yet thinking that it was not so hainous as the faults of the other two, he was confident of re∣mission; but discipline was sharply executed upon him; he was condemned and slain. By the wolf, was meant the Pope; and the fox resembled the Priests: these do easily absolve one another; but the Laicks, who were meant by the ass, must suffer sharp censure; namely, if the German Emperor come under inquisition, he must be deprived; though the cause be but like a straw, yet the wolf saith, It is a great crime: So they, exaugurating the escapes of the Laicks, they flie upon them, and devour them. Fox in Act.

9. Francis Petrarcha, a Florentine, was Arch-Deacon of Parma, about * 1.18 the year 1350. a noble Poet, and honored with a Poetical Crown in the Capi∣tole, in presence of the Nobility and people of Rome. Platin. In his Latine Epistles, which are full of gravity and zeal, he declareth his minde con∣cerning the present condition of the Church, especially in those that have no title. In Epist. 8. he saith, Whatsoever is spoken of the Assyrian or Egyptian Babylon, whatsoever is written of the Labyrinth, of Avernus, of Tartarus, and the sulphurous Lakes, are but trifles in comparison of what we see now; here is terrible Nimrod and Semiramis, here is fearful Rhadamantus and greedy Cerberus, here is Pasiphae lying under Taurus, and that two natured Minotaur; briefly, you may see whatsoever confused thing. And in Epist. 9. he calleth himself a pilgrim of Jerusalem, about the rivers of Babylon. In Epist. 10. you do marvel at the superscription of my Epistles, and not without cause, seeing thou hast read of two Babylons only......but marvel not; there is a third Babylon in our quarters; where can a city of confusion be said to be more justly, then in the West? who built it, I know not, but it is well

known who dwell in her, surely they from whom she hath her name; and if thou wilt believe, here is Nimrod potent in the earth, climbing into the Hea∣vens against the Lord......here is Cambyses more furious then he in the East, or then the Turk. In Epist. 16. he sheweth the dangers of good men, and lovers of truth; and then saith, Seeing without the Kingdom of vertue, silly and naked truth is deprived of all aid, what thinkest thou will be, where all vertue is dead and buried? surely there truth is the greatest crime, and falleth under the hatred of many, because all must hunt after the love of one man....where is no piety, no charity, nor faith; where pride, envy, avarice, and luxury do reign; where the worst are promoted, and the bribing villain is exalted to Heaven, but the just and poor are oppressed; where simplicity is termed fool∣ishness, and malice is wisdom; where God is contemned, money is wor∣shipped, Laws are trodden under foot, and good men have been so abused, that now not a good man can be seen: I would gladly exempt one from this deluge of sin, and I confess he may deserve it, but it is a scorn to except one; therefore no Noah, no Deucaleon shall escape; and lest the woman be thought more happy, no Parrha shall swim forth: this City is drowned with a deluge of filthy lusts, and with an uncredible torrent of wicked∣ness......Unto this Epistle I have affixed neither my hand nor ring, nor time; thou knowest the voice of the speaker, and where I am. In Epist. 16. he congratulateth a friend for leaving the Pope's Court; then he saith, If there may be any true presage, the God of vengeance is at hand; the Lord will freely deal his just reward; unto the insolently proud is their own vengeance...I remember what long since, I said unto one, (who among very evil men, was the best of our number; and to whom thou art joyned in blood, and I by acquaintance) that a last day is approaching unto that Order, when their pride shall fall, the patience of God and man being wearied out; and when he, between stubbornness and derision, did wish unto me the blindeness of Tiresias, and objected the words, Simon, I have prayed for thee......and I replied, that I spake not of the defection of faith, but of the ruine of them who destroy the faith.......then he said in earnest, Hold thy peace; although it be true, yet let not us be the Authors......whether they will or not, all things have their own time, and the end of illusions is at hand; which that I may see, I shall not live so long. Behold! every good man was then waiting for the fall of Babylon, and the Reformation of the Church. In Epist. 17. he sheweth, that against his admonition, this friend would try with his eyes, whether it were true what he had written; and by experience had found, that whatsoever wickedness was in the world, all did flow to Avenion, as to the Sea: Petrarcha said further unto him, If thou worship Christ, as thou hast done religiously hitherto, the wickedness of his adversaries, which thou hast seen, shall be a spur unto thy faith, and make thy piety more zealous; for thou seest a people, who are not only adversaries of Christ, but (which is worse) under his banner, they fight against himself, and for Satan; and being filled with the blood of Christ, they say, Who is Lord over us?.....Truly, if Judas would come with his price of blood, he should be welcome, and poor Christ should be thrust from the doors; that it is so, no Christian is ignorant; none be∣waileth it, none seeketh remedy; but while one looketh unto another, wic∣kedness is unpunished, and waxeth as thou seest; and which at the first was a curable malady, is now altogether corrupt: I confess, it began before our days, as we have learned from our Grand-fathers.....and now this pest look∣eth toward the end. In Epist. 18. he directeth his speech to Babylon in France (that is, to Avenion) thus, Shall I call thee a famous or infamous whore,

who hast played the harlot with the Kings of the earth? indeed thou art the same that the Evangelist saw in the Spirit; thou (I say) art the same, and none other for thee, sitting upon many waters; the people and Nations are the waters upon which thou sittest: Whore, know thy habit; a woman clothed in purple and scarlet, and gold and precious stones; having a golden cup in her hand, full of abomination, and uncleanness of fornication: Doest thou not know thy self, Babylon! unless that deceive thee, which is written in her forehead, Great Babylon, and thou art Little Babylon; little indeed in compass of walls, but in vices, and compass of infinite passions and lusts, and multitude of all evils, thou art great, yea greatest, yea infinite: And surely what followeth, agreeth unto thee and no other, Babylon the mother of fornications and abominations of the earth, a wicked mother of most wic∣ked seed......If thou wilt yet dissemble, mark what followeth; And I saw the woman drunken with the blood of the Saints, and with the blood of the witnesses of Jesus: Why art thou silent? either shew another drunken with this blood, or if thou canst deny that thou art drunk; for the vision must be true.....of all the whoredoms wherewith all Nations and Kings are drunk, what lookest thou for, but that that John saith, Babylon is fallen, it is fallen, and become a den of divels, who do reign in thee, though with faces of men? Then returning to his friend, he saith, But thou, my friend, hear with the A∣postle, another voice from heaven, saying, Come out of her my people, &c. Morn. in Myster. pag. 465.

10. Hayabad, a Franciscan, preached in Avenion, An. 1345. before Pope * 1.19 Clemens, that he was commanded by God to declare, that the Church of Rome is the whore of Babylon; and the Pope and his Cardinals are the very Antichrist; and that his Predecessors, Benedict and John, are condemned. When the Pope challenged him, he said, He was commanded in a vision to speak so, and therefore he durst not fail to speak it. Catal. test. ver. lib. 18. ex Henr. de Erford. Chron. John Rochetalaida, another Franciscan, preached the same; and is said to be one of them who were burnt at Avenion, An. 1353. In the year 1351. a Carmelite, in a Sermon, spake against the vices of the Pope and his Cardinals; but he was quickly hurled from the place. Mornay. ex Albert. Argentin. The same Author saith, A Letter was affixed upon a Car∣dinal's door, which was directed unto the Pope and his Cardinals; when it was opened, they found written, Leviathan, Prince of darkness, saluteth his Vicar the Pope, and his Servants the Cardinals, by whose aid he overcometh Christ; he commendeth them for all their vices; and he remembreth the salutation of their mother pride, and of their sisters avarice, and others who prosper well by their help......It was dated, In the centre of hell. The Author could not be known by all their inquisition.

11. At the same time Gregory de Arimino, opposed the Doctors in the Articles of justification by works, and of free-will; at Paris he taught, that man hath free-will to do evil, but no good without special grace; and that we are justified by faith only: And he said, The School-men deserve to be called Semipelagians. Andreas de Castro and John Buridan, two famous men at that time, agreed with him.

12. Then Eudo, Duke of Burgundy, perswaded the French King, that he should not receive into his Realm the new Decretals and Extravagants. His sage advice is extant among the Records of France.

13. John Tauler, a Preacher in Argentine, about the year 1350. taught against all the merits of men; and in a Sermon upon that Text, Simile est Regnum coelorum Patrifamilias, he confuteth invocation of Saints; and proveth, that we are justified of grace only, referring all mens trust in the only

mercy of God. He was bitter against all superstition. In a Sermon on the Epiphany, he saith, The Prelates are blinde guides of the blinde; and it is to be feared, that both guides and people fall into condemnation. In Dominit. 2. quadrages. on Matth. 15. he saith, We must do as the Cananitish woman; she passed by the Disciples, and made her petition unto the Lord himself. On his Sepulchre, in the Monastery of the Dominicans in Strawsburgh, is an image of a man, pointing with his finger unto the Lamb of God: whereby was signified, that his aim was to teach, that Jesus Christ had taken away the sins of the world; and that he dispised mans merits. Catal. test. ver. lib. 18.

14. John Rupessa, or de Rupe Scissa, was imprisoned by Innocentius the IV. and then was burnt; because he called the Church of Rome, the whore of Babylon; and the Pope, the minister of Antichrist; and the Cardinals, false Prophets. He wrote in prison a book of Prophecies, with this title, Vade mecum in tribulatione; there he saith, Surely God will send a scourge among the spirituality. Two Cardinals went to talk with him, and he told them a parable; Once a bird was brought into the world, all naked and without * 1.20 feathers; other birds hearing of her, would visit her; they saw her mar∣velously fair, and pitying her that she could not live well without feathers, they consult how she might be helped, and they all resolved to give her some of their own feathers; so she was well furnished, and began to flie, and they deligbted to behold her; but afterwards, she seeing that all the birds honored her, became proud, and struck them with her break; she plucked the feathers off some, and the skin from others, and was hurtful unto them every where: Wherefore the birds sate again in Councel, and advised, what was best to be done with that unkindly bird; the peacock said, Seeing she is so haughty for my painted feathers, I will take them from her again; the falcon said, I will have mine again: The sentence pleased them all, and they pulled every one their own feathers. Then the presumptuous bird, seeing that they had dealt so with her, humbled her self before them, confessing their gift; and that when she came naked into the world, they had clad her, and so might justly take their own again; in an humble maner she craveth pardon, and pro∣mised to amend all that was done amiss, that they should have no cause to complain. The gentle birds seeing her humbled, and pitying her, help her again, with this admonition, We will gladly behold thee flying among us, if thou fulfil thy office in humility, which is the chiefest ornament; but assuredly, if at any time thou shalt extol thy self in pride, we will reduce thee into thy first estate. Ye Cardinals and Prelates are this bird; the Emperor and other Princes have bestowed on you their goods, and ye abuse them in your pride; but the time is coming, when they will take their goods from you, and ye shall be ashamed, and confess your misdeeds. The Author of Catal. test. ver. lib. 18. addeth, Time hath declared a part of this, let Prelates take heed to the rest.

15. Matthias, a Bohemian, abode a long time in Paris, and was called Parisiensis; about the year 1360. he wrote a large Treatise of Antichrist; there he proveth that the Pope is the Antichrist: He inveigheth against the Clergy for negligence in their callings, and calleth them the locusts mentioned in the Revelation; he complaineth, that every City, and almost each man had his proper Saint, or Savior, besides Christ; the images and reliques that are set up in Churches to be worshipped, he calleth, the invention of Anti∣christ; he saith, The worship of God is not tied to persons, places nor times; he rebuketh the Cloisterers for contemning the Lay men, and calling them∣selves the only religious; he refuteth the merit of works, and calleth them the cause of salvation sine qua non. In the end he prophesied, that God will

once again send godly Preachers, who in the zeal of Elias, will openly dis∣close Antichrist unto the eyes of all the world. Catal. text. ibid.

15. Nicolaus Orem, a Doctor of Divinity, had a Sermon before Pope Clements the V. in time of Christ's Nativity. P. Morn. in Myster. hath the heads of it; and it is full in Catal. test. ver. lib. 18. His text was in Isaiah 56. My salvation is near......When he had shewed, that the words are meant * 1.21 of Christ's coming in the flesh, he speaketh of his coming to judgement, when he will punish the corruptions of the Church; unto which he applieth the text of Ezek. 16. In what day thou wast born, I saw thee......Then he saith, Although it belongeth not unto us to know the times, yet by certain signs, some things may be guessed; of which I take the first from 2 Thes. 2. Vnless there come a departing, the man of sin shall not be revealed. St. Jerome, in the last question of the Inquisitions of Januarius, expoundeth this text of the Roman Empire; between which and the persecution by Antichrist he putteth no distance; and now, what is the estate of the Empire, in respect of its ancient majesty, judge ye. The second sign, That the Church shall be worse in manners then the Synagogue of the Jews; Christ rebuked the Jews, because they suffered doves to be sold in the Temple; and they honored God with their lips only......consider ye, if it be worse to sell the Sacraments and Benefices.......here are some honoring God with their lips, and yet dumb dogs......Pastors are ignorant of true knowledge......The third sign may be taken from that inequality; One is hungry, and another is drunk.....the Priests are greater then the Princes; and some are baser then the most abject commons......The fourth sign, is the pride of Prelates......The fifth sign, is the tyranny of Governors; the property of a Tyrant is to seek not the good of his subjects, but his own interest; such are our Pastors; of whom it is true, as it is written in Ezek. 24. and Mic. 3. Ye hate good......The sixth sign, is the promotion of unworthy men, and the contempt of good men....The seventh sign, is the tribulation of worldly States, and commotion of Nations, which is seen in many places......The eighth sign, is the refusing of correction; if it be true of the Princes of the Church, which is written Ierem. 7. They will not hearken, and have made their faces as an adamant....So if ye consider those signs, ye may judge, whether the present times be secure; and if it be true what God saith in my text, My righteousness is near to be revealed. Then he answereth some objections, saying, Some are very confident, and they say, The Prelates are the Church, whom God will keep for ever; according to that, Behold, I am with you unto the end of the world; But that is to be understood in respect of the faith, which shall continue for ever; so that when charity shall wax cold, faith shall abide in a few in the midst of calamities, as Christ hath foretold: And if any think that they are free from tribulation, because they are of the Church, the Lord hath pre∣veened such, when he said, Ierem. 7. Trust not in lying words, saying, The temple of the Lord......which shall not avail you......Lastly, He concludeth with a serious exhortation to repentance. This Nicolaus, at the direction of Charls the Wise, translated the Bible into the French tongue.

16. Catharine of Sena, lived about the year 1376. Antonin hath her pro∣phesies in his Hist. par. 3. She said, An utter confusion of the Church, and a Reformation is a coming. When it was told her, The Perusines have re∣belled against the Pope; she said, Begin not your mourning yet; what ye see, is but milk and honey in respect of things following.......the Laity do this now, but the Clergy will do more; for they give an universal scandal unto all the Church; it shall not be heresie, but accounted as heresie, that shall divide the Church. When the Schism began, after Pope Gregory the XI.

Raymund, who wrote the Legend, said unto her, Now is thy prophecy ful∣filled. She answered, As I told then, It was but milk and honey, so now I say, What ye see, is but childrens play, in respect of what shall be. Antonin addeth, What this holy Virgin foretold of tribulation and schism, is come to pass; but what she spoke of good Pastors and Reformation, is not as yet. He was Bishop of Florence in time of the Councel at Constance.

17. Pope Gregory the XI. by his Bull, commanded John, Arch-Bishop of Prague, to persecute Militzius, a Bohemian, because he had said, Antichrist now reigneth; and he had private congregations, among whom were some harlots, whom he had converted, and of whom he said, These are to be pre∣ferred unto all the religious Nuns. Jacob Misnes, a writer about the year 1410. testifieth, that Militzius said, He was moved by the Spirit to search the Scriptures, concerning the coming of Antichrist; as also to preach at Rome, that the Pope is the Antichrist; and that the Church is laid desolate by negli∣gence of Pastors; she aboundeth in temporal riches, and is void of spiritual: Also that many now seem to deny Christ, because, though they know the truth, they dare not profess it, for fear of men. Fox in Act.

18. Henry de Jota, or Heuta, taught at Vienna in Austria, about the year 1380. All men without grace, do but sin when they do their best works; be∣cause the person must be accepted, before his works be accepted; God, and not a Priest, forgiveth sin; and the Priest doth but declare out of God's word, whom God doth binde or loose: As Jerome had taught, It is better to confess unto a learned Priest, although he hath no jurisdiction, then to an un∣learned Priest having it; reservation of cases unto the Pope or his Bishops, is not of God's Law, but from men, since all Priests have a like power of the keys; all God's counsels are commandments.

19. John Munziger, Rector of Ulme, about the year 1384. taught, The bread of the Eucharist is not God, nor should be worshipped as God. The Monks contended against him, and the matter was referred to the Univer∣sity of Prague; there his propositions were approved; and nevertheless, the bread must be worshipped, said they, for the concomitancy of the Deity.

20. Gerhard Ritter wrote a book about the year 1350. which he called Lachrymae Ecclesiae; about the year 1384. Alvarus Pelagius wrote another, Planctus Ecclesiae; Ubertin, Bishop of Chema, wrote Onus Ecclesiae: The matter of them all, is to mourn for the corruptions and abominations of Popes, Cardinals, Bishops, Canons, Priests and Monks, &c. Ubertin in cap. 19. saith, A Reformation shall never be, but in a general, free, and godly Coun∣cel; he saith, There is great need of Reformation; but I fear, this age is not worthy of a lawful Councel. In cap. 22. Some Monasteries are more like to Stews of Venice, then houses of God. Catal. test. ver. lib. 18.

21. About that time an Epistle was divulged in Germany, under the name of Wenceslaus, where the Emperor exhorteth Church-men to set themselves at liberty from the thraldom of the Pope; saying, By the Princes of the Priests, the Church is prophaned; the Priesthood is defiled; all order is con∣founded; all Religion is corrupted; all things belonging to laws, manners, faith or discipline, is undone and confounded; even that although our Savior suffered many things by men of the Synagogue, yet now he suffereth more by our Princes of Priests. There is also a vision of an holy man concerning the * 1.22 estate of the Church; He saw a woman with Princely apparel, and thought that she was the blessed Virgin; but she said, I am not she whom thou thinkest me to be; but the figure of her, for whom thou groanest so oft and prayest, to wit, the Church; whose sorrow is marvelous, and her malady flowing from the head through all the members, even to the feet; and that thou

mayest condole the more with me, behold the causes of my grief; then, laying off the Crown, she bowed her head unto him; and he saw the upper part of her head cut after the manner of a cross, into four parts, and worms crawling out of her brains, and wounds full of matter; then she said, Be∣hold, by those things in my head, thou mayest understand the maladies in my other members; and having spoken so, she vanished. In this Epistle is hono∣rable mention of Marsilius de Padua, and John de Janduno. Morn. in Myster.

22. John Peter, of Ferraria, a famous Lawyer of Papia, about the year 1397. is usually called Practicus Papiensis, as he wrote Practica utriusque Iuris: there he saith, It is fond to say, and abominable to hear, The Pope is superior to Caesar: The Pope can by no Law have temporal dominion, nor possess Cities and Provinces; what he hath, he hath it by violence: The temporal sword should be taken from him, or Christendom shall never be at peace: By foolishness of Princes, are they become the drudges of Priests: Whom the Pope absolveth from their oath, he maketh them perjured: The Clergy have their consciences in their hoods, and laying them aside, no more con∣science appeareth: Let some good Emperor arise against them, who long since for the cause of devotion, and now by avarice, have undone all the world, and brought to naught the estate of the Empire and of all Laicks. John Andreae (who was called Speculator & Monarcha juris) was wont to say, Rome was first founded by robbers, and now is returned to the same estate. All these, and more passages, are razed out by Index Expurgat. pag. 43. of Plantin's Edition.

23. In time of Boniface the IX. was published a dialogue of Peter and Paul, with the title, Aureum speculum. In the preface, the Author saith, All the Roman Court, from the sole of the foot to the top of the head, is ma∣nifestly blinded with errors; and with the poison of those errors, she hath made drunk all the parts of the world almost. Then he divideth his matter into three heads, saying, 1. I will describe the most grievous errors of the Roman Court. 2. I will confute her erroneous and uncatholick writings and sayings. 3. That all the Court of Rome is in danger of damnation: And these I will declare by most true grounds; so he prosecureth them severally. And after many lamentations, as despairing of Reformation, Paul saith, Only the Son of God, I wish, would reform his Church. And lest it be thought that this was his judgement only, he said in the preface, All men do groan pri∣vately, but none dare speak it forth. Nor can this manifold corruption be concealed in the Court; for when some said, The Pope cannot be guilty of simony, even in bestowing of Benefices for money: his Secretary, Theodor a Niem, said, It seemeth unto me to be very unjust, certainly it is uncivil, and against good manners, to sell for money unto unworthy persons, that which should be given freely unto the worthy onely; and that the Pope, who is above others, and from whom others should have a rule of their doings, is guilty of such a crime; certainly he cannot punish others for that fault, where∣of himself is guilty: And he saith, Many good Masters in Divinity, and also in other Sciences, do lament, that simony is so frequent and manifest in the Court; and many Jurists do dispute in the contrary, and have written (al∣though with fear) sundry Treatises, That the Pope, by selling Church-Bene∣fices, is a Simoniack; a Successor of Simon Magus, and not of Peter.

24. About that time was written another book, De aetatibus Ecclesiae; therein * 1.23 the Author sheweth, what had been the estate of the Church in former ages; namely, that Bishops were not ambitious of superiority, or earthly authority; the Bishop of Rome had not supremacy above other Bishops; the name Papae was common to other Bishops; by divers steps the Pope hath usurped this

tyranny; he calleth himself the Servant of Servants, and striveth to be Lord of all Lords; he taketh Divine honor and praise, and he maketh or suffereth men to be Idolaters. Catal. test. ver. lib. 18.

25. In the end of that Century, or beginning of the next, lived Nilus, * 1.24 Arch-Bishop of Thessalonica, who wrote two books of the causes of the Schism between the Greek and the Latine Churches. In Lib. 1. he saith, The cause is not the sublimity of doctrine, surpassing mens capacities; and far less is it any word of holy Scripture, as if it did not declare what concerneth this controversie; for to accuse the Scripture, is all one as if man would accuse God.....What then is the cause of the difference? the question is not con∣firmed by a Decree of an Oecunomical Synod; and the Romans would be Masters, and make all others their disciples......It is very absurd, that whereas the Fathers had no precedents, yet by themselves rhey saw the right; we having their examples, cannot discern it; and indeed the ignorance of those at the first contention might be pardoned......but when so many ages have passed, and the way of peace is not as yet known, who can think but it is the fault of them who will not have peace? But they say, The Pope is the Prince of Priests, and the Father, who hath power to call universal Synods, and by himself, or without others, may discern in Church-affairs. But Julius was Pope, and Damasus, and Leo, and Agatho, and none of these ever said so; but conveening with their Brethren, by the assistance of the good Spirit, they established Acts and peace in the Church: And if this was the only way, and it is not now observed, who can doubt but the cause of the variance standeth herein? and certainly the blame lieth not upon our side. And if the power of discerning belong unto the Pope, it were superfluous to call Assem∣bliet; but it is not so; for we know that Agatho, Celestin, and others, had their particular Synods for deciding questions, and nevertheless, they referred those unto the universal Synod, and craved the confirmation of the truth by common decree; which had been needless, if when the Pope had discerned, all others must assent unto him. Now if this question were concerning a private man, it might seem needless to call all the world unto an Assembly; but seeing the chief heads of the world are at variance, it is absurd to deter∣mine the cause without the consent of the world, since the Fathers by their writings and example have shewed the way. But if they will still object unto us the primacy of the Pope; we say, that in so doing, he overthroweth his primacy; but by holding the ancient way, he doth what becometh a good man, and maintaineth his place; for he may consider what should be the ••ssue, if the controversie were decided after common suffrage; and what hath hapned unto the Latines, arrogating unto themselves the power of pre∣scribing Laws; for in that way the Church might be free from all tumults, and live in peace, since none could readily contradict that which was esta∣blished by common sentence; for though some in former times have been so mad, yet they were but few, and vanished soon: But when the peace of the Church is disturbed, he loseth what he might have; for he is deprived of the primacy of the four Patriarchs, neither is there any peace: Many have thought upon remedies; there have been many conferences and Ambassays; but the malady continueth, and shall continue so long as the Latines hold their tenets. The Pope, say they, hath power in Ecclesiastical affairs: So say I, let him not be contrary unto the Decrees of the Fathers; they established things by universal Councel; and each had need of anothers aid, being conscious of humane frailty: let the Pope therefore follow their statutes, and discern not any point before it be debated by others: or if he hath his power, not from the Fathers, but from the Apostles, let him hearken unto the Apostle,

who said, I have not used my power, lest I lay a stumbling-block unto the Gospel of Christ; and in another place, The power which the Lord hath given us to edification, and not to destruction: And therefore if he hath any power, let him not use it but for advancing the Gospel; to the end, that in following Paul's example, he may shew himself an Apostolical man; bet now none can be ignorant, whether he useth it for edification or destruction......And that president of the twelve Apostles, St. Peter was rebuked by Paul, and when he was rebuked, he was silent; and although he might have said more rea∣sonably then the Pope, What I the President have done, should be a law unto others; yet he said not so, but accepted the admonition, and contradicted not what Paul had said.....And when Paul and Barnabas came to Jerusalem, for that question of the circumcision, Peter usurped not primacy, nor said he, It belongeth unto me to discern in such things; but the Apostles and Elders were assembled; neither did Peter debar the Apostles usurping power; nor did the Apostles exclude the Elders that were at Jerusalem, for they had learned from Christ to usurp no primacy: Peter indeed began to speak, and after him St. James; and all the rest of the Apostles and Elders, even Peter himself, consented unto the words of James; so did these blessed men love Christ, and so studious were they of peace and truth in the Church; and the Apostles seeking truth this way, have given us a law in such cases; but seeing ye take a contrary course, can ye blame any but your selves for this variance? This is a touch of more; whence we see, that the Romans wanted not admonition.

26. With the book of this Nilus, is usually printed another of Barlaam, a Greek Monk, to the same purpose. In cap. 16. he recapitulateth all the par∣ticulars that he had handled, saying, I have shewed, that each one of the Apostles were immediately appointed by our Lord Christ, to be a Pastor and Teacher of the whole earth. 2. That blessed Clemens was created by Peter, not Bishop of the whole world, but of Rome especially and properly; and that the Roman See was neither first nor last; and by the Laws of ancient Fathers and godly Emperors it became the first. 3. That these also had decreed, that the See of new Rome, even as the other, should have power in Ecclesia∣stical affairs. 4. That it was commanded by no Law, nor was any Custom, that the Patriarchs should be ordained by the Pope, neither was it ever so done. 5. That the Pope had no power over Councels, but they gave Laws unto his Church. 6. That the holy Fathers appointed distinctly what parts should be subject unto the Pope, and which unto each of the Patriarchs. 7. That no Patriarch, nor the Pope, may decree without the knowledge of all, any thing of more weight. 8. That such honor should be given unto the Pope, obeying the decrees of the Fathers; but if he obey not, men should flie from him as a wolf and adversary. 9. That Christians should believe the Catholick Church of faith, but not any particular Church, since it was not so ordained from the beginning. 10. And lastly, That such as refuse or despise the traditions of the Apostles, and profess to believe a particular Church or faith, are members cut off from the body of the Catholick Church, and dead members. Here, for clearing the second Article, I add the words of cap. 3. where he objecteth, (as the Romans do) That Peter died at Rome, and there∣fore the Roman Bishop should have as full power. He answereth, By this reason it followeth, Because our Lord Jesus died for us at Jerusalem, the Bishop of Jerusalem, succeeding in the place of the great high Priest, should have power over all; and so much more then the Roman Bishop, as Christ was above Peter: Moreover, how unreasonable is it to say, that none of the Apostles had a Successor, but only Peter? or if any of the Apostles would leave Suc∣cessors, either the Bishops that were ordained by them, or the Stewards of

those Churches where they ended their lives, how say ye, that all should be created by the Pope? can ye say, that the other Apostles were ordained by Peter? and if that was not, how can it be demanded, that their Successors should be ordained by him, whom ye call Peter's Successor? but certainly the other Apostles had Successors, of whom none was first or last, but all equal, and of the same rank. Then concerning the eighth point, in chap. 14. he saith, The Pope cannot be an Heretick: Unto this objection he answereth, What say you? I see him dead, and you say, he cannot die. Object. Many Patriarchs have been Hereticks, but not one Pope. Answ. Let Macedonius say, No Patriarch of Constantinople before me was an Heretick, therefore neither am I one; or rather, to use a more familiar example, if any would plead the cause of that filthy woman, who was Pope, and say, Because never a woman was Pope before her, therefore neither was she one; what sound reason is in such arguing? In chap. 15. he clearly distinguisheth between the Catholick Church and the Roman; and as no man did ever name the Roman Church, when he meant the Catholick Church; so no man, being right in his wit, did ever name the Roman faith, when he meant the Catholick faith; and that Catholick or common faith, we have hitherto preserved, and God guarding us, we will observe it unto the end, saith he.

27. In the end of this Century John Vitodura, a Franciscan in the Mona∣stery of St. Montis, wrote the History of his time; speaking of Pope John, he saith, O what a Successor hath blessed Peter in the See of the high Priest∣hood, who forgetting the office of humanity, piety, and of a shepherd, liveth a tyrannical life!.....how could Peter think, that the estate of his Chair and Church could be so enormously perverted, in the latter days, from the rule of righteousness? he was not to be praised, because, it seemeth, he sate not in the pestilential chair. And ad An. 1344. he saith, O God, how great avarice and worship of Idols hath defiled and deformed the Church! how could, or how would Peter and the other Apostles, or their Successors, the Martyrs and Teachers, which laid the foundations of the militant Church, and abode im∣moveable in the faith and actions of Christ, how could these (I say) have be∣lieved, that in our time, the estate of the Church, that was so famous and glo∣rious, could be made filthy in such a manner, with the pestiserous root of avarice? Alas! she is torn and wounded in all her members, and none is for binding her fractures; none to comfort her, or to cure her wounds; she is consumed in her crimes; she is fallen so grievously into the pit of vices, that she cannot rise by her self, nor is there any to raise her; all have gone astray, like wandering sheep; every one hath gone after his own way, which is not right; because her fathers would not be befooled with the love of earthly things: So the word of Jeremiah is fulfilled, From the highest to the lowest, all are set on covetousness: And the word of Micah is true, The Princes judge for gifts, and the Priests teach for a reward, and the Prophets divine for money. This poisonous root, avarice, with its small branches, execrable simony, plunder, theft, and especially devouring usury, hath infected and devoujred the world in such measure, that John hath spoken most properly in his Cano∣nical writings, The whole world lieth in wickedness. And An. 1345. at that time the secular and religious Clergy, which had resumed in the Imperial, and other places, lying under the Papal interdiction, did obtain absolution from the Roman Court, when other Clarks did continue freely, and without fear, in celebrating; and such absolution was purchased easily, for a florence: Oh how lamentable and execrable a breach is made in the Church at this time! that saying of the Gospel is now made null, Ye have received freely, give freely. And ad An. 1348. speaking of the same Papal interdictions, he saith,

Some of them for absolution of men, and for reconciliation of Church-yards, did collect incredible and immoderate sums of money, and did extort from them which were to be absolved, which is miserable and horrible to be spoken; for in the hearts of very many it caused scandal, scruple of the faith, perplexities, detrictions, grumblings, infidelity, clamors, commotions, fear and suspition of simoniacal wickedness; for they said, The Clergy despise, tear and defile, scatter and confound the Church of God, and Spouse of Christ; they divide her integrity, they wound her charity, they harden her benignity and meekness, they weaken her zeal, they shut up her liberality with the knots of covetousness, by withdrawing her from voluntary gifts.....not regarding the curse of Gehazi and Simon, being hardened in their wicked∣ness: Oh how vile is the Church become in her principal members! all beauty is gone from her; because they which should enlighten her with true doctrine, do darken her with the blackness of error and mist of vices: And the people say, (I use their words) If it be lawful to celebrate for a penny, it were far better and precious to celebrate without pennies; this they say, thinking that simony is committed in these exactions: Oh how great a wic∣kedness and madness, to exact forty, fifty or sixty florens for the absolution of a City, and relaxation of a Church-yard! I am silent of other things; simple and secular people do abhor all these things.

28. Jagielo, Duke of Lituania, was married to Heduigis, Queen of Po∣land, * 1.25 An. 1386. with condition, that he should embrace the Christian faith, and annex that Dukedom to the Crown of Poland; he and his three Brothers, Borissus, Suidrigielo, and Vidold, were baptized at Cracow, Febr. 14. The next year he called a general convention of all the people of Lituania at Vilna, in the beginning of Lent, and took with him the Bishop of Gesna, and some Priests: There he propoundeth unto them the forsaking of their Idolatry, and the embracing the Christian Religion; he allured them with exhorta∣tions and promises; but the Priests being ignorant of the language, could teach them nothing at all: The barbarous people were loath to leave the customs of their Ancestors; but when they saw, that at commandment of the King, the fire in the Temple of Vilna to be extinguished, and the Altar broken, and the Serpents (which they had worshipped) to be killed and dead, and their holy groves destroyed, without the hurt of any man, the people wondered, and said, How is it, that our gods do not revenge themselves on these wicked Christians? if any of us had done the like, we had perished by the wrath of the gods: Then were they willing to follow the Religion of their Prince; and because it had been wearisome to baptize them all, this honor was given to some of the Nobles, to baptize them severally; and the vulgar sort were set in companies, and the Priests cast water upon them, and gave unto every company a name, saying, I baptize ye in the name, &c. and so in one day 30000 barbarous people were baptized. Ale. Guaguin. in Rer. Polon. To. 1.

29. Nicolaus de Lyra, a Jew by birth, and then a converted Christian, wrote Annotations on all the Bible, which were in great account among the School-men; but in many Articles of faith he differeth from the Papists now, as appeareth clearly by these passages. When Jerome had written in Prolog∣in lib. Tobiae, The book of Tobiah, which the Jews (following the catalogue of divine Scriptures) have reckoned among those which they call Hagiogra∣pha, de Lyra saith, He should rather have said, among the Apocrypha, or he taketh the Hagiographa largely: And in his Postilla, he saith, When I have written (as God hath helped) upon all the Canonical books of the holy Scriptures.....trusting in his help, I intend to write of the other books which

are not of the Canon, to wit, the book of Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobias, and the books of Maccabees......We must know, that the books of the sacred Scriptures, which are called Canonical, are of such authority; that whatever is written there, it is held true without controversie, and con∣sequential also, what is manifestly concluded thereupon; for as in the writings of Philosophers, truth is known by reducing unto the first principles that are known in themselves; so in the Scriptures of Catholick Doctors, truth is known, in so far as things to be believed, can be reduced unto the Canonical writings of the sacred Scripture, which we have by revelation from God, who cannot lye; therfore the knowledg of these writings is necessary unto the Church; for which cause, of the exposition of them, it may be said, what is written Eccles. 24. All these are the book of life; that is, all the books that are expounded in the preceding work, are contained in the book of life; that is, in the books of truth revealed by God; who is life; for as divine predestination is called the book of life, so this Scripture, revealed by God, is called the book of life, both because it is from him which is life essentially, as is said, and it leadeth unto the blessed life. And next it is to be considered, that the books which are not of the Canon, are received to be read by the Church for information of manners; but their authority is not such, that they are thought sufficient to prove things in controversie, as Jerome teacheth in the Prologue on Judith, &c. On Deut. 17. at the words, Thou shalt not decline, he saith, Here an Hebrew Glossa saith, If he say unto thee, The right hand is the left hand, or the left is the right, thou must receive such a sentence: But this is manifestly false, since the sentence of no man, of whatsoever authority, is to be received, if it be ma∣nifestly false or erroneous; and this is clear by what is said in the text, They shall judge unto thee the truth of judgement, and they shall teach thee accord∣ing to his law. Hence it is clear, that if they speak false, or decline from God's Law manifestly, they should not be heard. On Psal. 124. or rather 125. on these words, Like mount Sion, he saith, because, as mount Sion is unmoveable, so they who trust in the Lord, are not moved from the stability of faith; there∣fore it followeth, shall not be moved for ever, to wit, who dwell in the spiritual Jerusalem by faith formed by love: And the cause of this stability followeth; The mountains are about it; that is, the Angels are deputed to keep the Church, and the Lord is round about his people; as he saith in Matth. ult. Behold, I am with you unto the end of the world. On Daniel, at the last words, he saith, The last two Chapters, to wit, of Susanna and the History of Bell and Dragon, are not of the Canon; therefore now I leave them, and intend to take in hand the other books which are Canonical. On Matth. 1. at the words, Iudah begot Phares, he rehearseth an opinion of Jerome, which he confuteth; and he addeth a general reason, saying, The sayings of Saints are not of such autho∣rity, but we may think the contrary in those things, which are not determined by the sacred Scripture; therefore Augustine in Epist. ad Vincent. saith, of the writings of the Saints, This sort of writings is to be distinguished from the Canonical Scriptures, and testimonies are not brought from them so, that we may not think the contrary. On chap. 10. at the words, He gave them power over unclean spirits, he saith, If it be asked, Why Preachers do not such miracles now? Gregory answereth, Because when the Catholick faith is sufficiently proved by the miracles of Christ and his Apostles, it is needless to reiterate such proof any more. And a little after, Ye have received freely, to wit, grace, which God hath bestowed on you, whether grace making ac∣ceptable, or grace which is freely given; Give it freely, even as ye have re∣ceived; for for spiritual acts, as for administration of the Sacraments, preach∣ing, and the like, nothing should be received as a price. This is against the

practise of that time, as we have now heard in the testimony of Jo. Vitoduran, On chap. 16. He calleth Peter blessed, because the confession of true faith leadeth unto blessedness......and I say unto thee, i. e. for thee and thy com∣panions, thou art Peter, i. e. a confessor of the rock, which is Christ, and upon this rock, which thou hast confessed, i. e. upon Christ, will I build my Church, and the gates of hell, i. e. persecution of tyrants, the assaults and tentations of evil spirits, shall not prevail against her, to turn from the true faith: Whence it is clear, saith he, that the Church consisteth not by men, in respect of power or dignity Ecclesiastical or Secular, because many Princes, and chief high Priests, and others inferiors, have made apostasie from the faith; and there∣fore the Church consisteth in those persons, which continue in true know∣ledge and confession of the faith and truth. By these few words he over∣throweth the Popedom, as it is taught now. And then he saith, These keys are not material, but are a spiritual power, which is two-fold; one a power of discerning sin from what is not sin; as under the Law, the Priests discerned between leprosie and not leprosie: But observe, that although one cannot discern this without knowledge, yet knowledge is not the key, but a power of judging by knowledge, which he must first have; and therefore, although knowledge is not the key, yet it is necessarily requisite unto the due exercise of the key. The other key is the power of receiving into the Kingdom, or of shutting out, according to true judgement; for the unworthy should be ex∣cluded, and the worthy should be received. On Ephes. 1. at the words, Before the foundation of the world, he saith, The election is from eternity, but the effect thereof is in time; which effect, is the sanctification of the reasonable creature; therefore it followeth, that we should be holy.....according to the pleasure of his will; from which dependeth election and predestination, and not for our merits, not onely in deed, or actually, but also in the foresight of God.

30. The third age of the School-men began from the year 1320. or there∣about, * 1.26 and continued until 1516. of the condition whereof we have had somewhat by the way; but because we promised to speak of it, here we add more particularly. The School-men of this age had a three-fold power, teaching in Schools, preaching in Pulpits, and giving Indulgences; of their Inquisition is enough before: For the little modesty of former ages, was now turned into impudence; for because in their Inquisition, they had refused the holy Scriptures to be their rule, now in their Schools they durst say. The Scriptures are the buckler of Hereticks; and therefore all Laicks must be dis∣charged from reading the Scriptures, under no less pain, then to be accounted Hereticks: They blamed the Scriptures of obscurity, imperfection, ambi∣guity, and compared it unto a nose of wax. Will. Tindal, in his book of obedience, Edit. at Marlborough in Hesse. An. 1528. fol. 16. saith, The Scripture (say they) is so hard, that thou couldest never understand it but by the Doctors; that is, I must measure the measuring yard by the cloth......They will say yet more shamefully, None can understand the Scriptures with∣out Philautia, that is, Philosophy; a man must be well seen in Aristotle, before he can understand the Scripture, say they. And fol. 62. They pervert the holy Scripture, and all Doctors, wresting them unto their abominable purpose, quite contrary to the meaning of the Text, and circumstances going before and after; which divellish falshood, lest the Lay-men should perceive, is the very cause why they will not suffer the Scripture to be in English. Then also it began to be doubted among them, whether the Pope be a god or a man, or neither of the two; to be the Vicar of Christ, was thought to be a small honor. In Prooem. Clementin. Iohannes Epist. the Gloss. at the word Papa, saith,

Nec Deus est nec homo, sed neuter inter utrumque: And in the margin, Papa nec Deus est nec homo. Pope Pius the V. in his Edition, An. 1572. was ashamed of these words, and left them out: But Pope Gregory the XII. in his re∣cognition, An. 1580. omitteth the words of the margin; and in the Gloss the words are thus, Papa, id est, admirabilis; & dicitur à Papa, quod est inter∣jectio admirantis; & verè admirabilis, quia vices Dei in terris gerit. Inde dixit ille Anglicus in poetria nova, Papa stupor mundi, & circa finem, Qui ma∣xima rerum, Nec Deus es, nec homo, sed neuter inter utrumque, Etymologia vero nominis est, pater patrum. But the man of sin is yet advanced higher; there∣fore in these extravagants Ioha. XXII. tit. 14. c. Cum inter nonnullos, the Gloss saith, To believe that the Lord God, our Pope, cannot ordain otherwise, it is heretical. Ye may see such other passages in Morn. Myster. pag. 444, 445. and Spalaten. de Repub. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 6. §. 15. cited out of their books. So those times were darkened with clouds of most gross ignorance, and divellish illusions. And who can any more doubt but the Pope is the Antichrist? we * 1.27 have heard not onely the profession of their opposites, and the confessions of those which were held to be Popes, and called Antipopes, calling one another the Antichrist; but likewise we see the gloriation of the Popes, admitting that title, The Lord God, our Pope; and not only laying the Scriptures in their footstool, but dispising them, and preferring their own Canons and traditions in comparison of the sacred Scriptures. But to make more clear what was the order of the Schools in that age, hear yet more from Will. Tindal, in that book and place cited; One of you teacheth contrary to another; when two of you meet, the one disputeth and brawleth with the other, as if it were two scolds; and for as much as one of you holdeth this doctrine, and another that, as one followeth Duns, another St. Thomas, another Boneventure, Alexander de Hales, Raymond, Lyra, Brigot, Dorbel, Holcot, Gorran, Trumbet, Hugo de S. Victor, de Monte Tegio, de Nova Villa, de Media Villa, and such like out of number; so that if thou hadst but of every Author one book, thou couldst not pile them up in any were-house of London; and every Author is contrary to another; in so great diversity of spirits, how shall I know, who lieth and who saith truth? And fol. 18. speaking of the same School-men, he saith, Ye drive men from God's word, and will let no man come thereunto, until he have been two years Master of Art; first they nosel them in sophistry, and in bene fundatum, [in the margin he saith, The School doctrine, as they call it] and there they corrupt their judgements with apparent arguments, and with alledging unto them texts of Logick, of natural Philautia, Meta∣physick, moral Philosophy, and all manner of books of Aristotle, and of all manner of Doctors: One holdeth this, another that; one is a real, another a nominal. What wonderful dreams have they of their predicaments, univer∣sals, second intentions, quiddities, hecceities and relatives? and whether this proposition be true, Non ens est aliquid? whether ens be aequivocum or uni∣vocum? Ens is a voice only, say some; ens is univocum, saith another, and descendeth into ens creatum & increatum per modos intrinsecos. When they have this way brawled 8, 10, or 12. years, or more, and after that their judge∣ments are utterly corrupt, then they begin their Divinity, not at the Scripture, but every man taketh a sundry Doctor; which Doctors are as sundry and divers, the one contrary unto the other, as there be divers fashions and mon∣strous shapes, none like another among our Sects of Religion; every Reli∣gion, every University, and almost every man hath a sundry Divinity: What∣soever opinions every man findeth with his Doctor; that is his Gospel, and that only is true with him, and that he holdeth all his life long; and every man to maintain his Doctor, corrupteth the Scripture, and fashioneth it after his

own imagination, as a Potter doth his clay. [And in the margin; Yet in this they all agree, That no man is saved by Christ, but by holy works; and that Christ hath given up his God-head unto the Pope, and all his power; and that the Pope may give Christ's merits to whom he will, and take them from whom he will.] Of what Text thou provest Hell, another will prove Purga∣tory, another Lymbus patrum, and another the Assumption of our Lady; and another will prove out of the same Text, that an Ape hath a tail: and of what Text the Gray-Frier proveth, that our Lady was without original sin, out of the same shall the Black-Frier prove, that she was conceived in original sin; and all this they do with apparent reasons, with false similitudes, and with ar∣guments and perswasions of mans wisdom.....The wisdom of one is, that a white coat is best to serve God in, another a black, another a gray, another a blew; and while one saith, God will hear your prayer in this place, another saith, in that place; and while one saith, this place is holier, another saith, that place is holier; this Religion is holier then that; this Saint is greater with God then that; and an hundred thousand such things, &c. And if ye will, hear a Papist writing of those times, Corn. Agrip. De triplici ratione cognoscendi Deum c. 4. & de vanitat. scien. c. 97. describes them thus; Scholastical Divinity, by little and little, is turned into Sophistry; while the latter Theosophists, and huksters of God's word, which are Divines, but by a bought title, of so sublime a fa∣culty, have made a kind of Logomachy, moving questions, forging opinions, and doing violence unto the Scriptures by intricate words, putting a strange sense upon them, readier to winnow then examine, presuming to device many seminaries of contentions, whereby they furnish matter of strife unto the wrangling Sophists, when they abstract forms, call the words genera & species, some cleave to the things, and others to the names; and what they take from one, they adscribe unto another, and some take it indifferently, and every one studies how to prove his own heresie; and they turn the sacred faith into sport and infidelity (whereof Tho. Aquin. did complain) among the wise of this age, while they dispise the Canonical Scriptures of the holy Ghost, and chose unto themselves many questions of divine things to foster brawlings, wherein exer∣cising their wits, and wasting their time, they will have all the doctrine of Di∣vinity to consist in such things. If any will oppose unto them the authority of the holy Scriptures, he shall hear anon, The letter killeth, it is pernitious, it is unprofitable; but say they, we must search what is hid in the letter; and then turning to their interpretations, glosses and syllogisms, they allow any sense ra∣ther then the proper sense of the words. If you do urge them instantly, you shalt receive reproaches, and be called an ass, which understands not what is hid in the letter, but as a serpent, eatest the earth only; so that among them, none are thought to be Divines, but who can contend to purpose, and give an instance in every matter, and quickly devise new meanings, making a noise with so mon∣strous words, that he be understood by none: and then are they called Subtle, Angelical, Seraphical and divine Doctors, when they talk so that no man un∣derstands them. These wicked Hypocrites, and presumptuous Sophists, which (as Paul saith) teach not Christ of good will, but for strife, have brought in so many heresies, that the Philosophers shall sooner accord then these Divines, which have killed all that glory of ancient Divinity with opinions of men and new errors, and labyrinrhs of infinite expositions which they have devised; under disguised titles, they profess detestable doctrine, and falsly usurp the name of sacred Divinity; and abusing the names and doctrine of the holy Doctors, they introduce Sects, as it was said in the Church, I am Apollo's, I am Pauls, I am Cephas's, pretending regard of them by whose means they began to know; and swearing to the words of their Master, they dispise all others, not regarding what

is said, but who hath said it: And no Divine is thought to be truly learned, which hath not addicted himself unto some Sect, and maintains it stoutly, and covets to be named and advanced by the title thereof, as a Thomist, Albertist, Scotist, Occamist; for it is no credit unto such Masters to be called Christians, since that name is common to Butchers, Cooks, Bakers, and every body; and these Sectators are divided again many ways....Moreover, they do forge so many strange things of God, so many forms of the God-head, and so many Idols of phantasies concerning divine things; and they pull Christ our Savior into pieces with the wickedness of their opinions, and clothe him with so many vizards of sophisms, and as an Idol of wax, they forge and reforge him into any shape they please, by their absurd suppositions, that their doctrine may be called meer Idolatry. I pass over the debates and heresies concerning the Sacraments, Purgatory, Primacy, the commandments of Popes, and obligations thereunto; concerning Indulgences, Antichrist to come, and many such things, wherein they shew mad wisdom, with the presumption whereof they are puft up, like the Giants in the Fables. Then coming to the Preachers, he saith, They make stories of the Saints, with pious lyes; they counterfeit reliques, they devise miracles, and (which they call examples) plausible and terrible fables, they number prayers, weigh merits, measure ceremonies, sell indulgences, distribute pardons, make merchandise of good works, and by begging, they eat the sins of the people; and they spake as assuredly of the apparitions, adjurations, and responses of the dead, as if they had learned them from the books of Tun∣dalus and Brandarius, or from St. Patrick's cave; they play the Tragedies of them in Purgatory, and the Comedies of Indulgences in Pulpits, as on a Stage, with so Soldier-like boldness, so thrasonical boasting, so arrogant eys, changing their countenances, stretching out their arms, with so various gestures, as the Poets feign Proteus, transforming themselves; they thunder unto the people with windy tongues, and Stentor's voice: But they which are more ambitious among them, and would have the gallantry of eloquence, and perfect know∣ledge, these in crying, (I would say, declaring) sing poesies, tell stories, dispute opinions, cite Homer, Virgil, Iuvenal, Persius, Livius, Strabo, Varro, Seneca, Cicero, Aristotle, Plato; and for the Gospel and word of God, they prattle meer toys and words of men, preaching another gospel, adulterating the word of God, which they preach not in sincerity but for gain and reward; and they live not according to the truth of the word, but after the lusts of the flesh; and when in the day they have spoken of vertue erroneously, they bestow the night in the Stews; and this is their way to go unto Christ, &c. Erasmus in his Annotations on 1 Tim. 1. at the word Vaniloquium, speaketh of the School-men at that time thus; What shall I say of ungodly questions, which are made con∣cerning the power of God and of the Pope? whether God can command any evil, as to hate himself, and forbid all good, even the love and worship of him∣self? whether he can make a thing infinite in respect of all dimensions? whether he could have made this world, even from eternity, in a better condition then he hath made it? whether he could have made a man that cannot sin?.....There is more work concerning the power of the Pope, while they ar∣gue of his two-fold power, and whether he may abrogate what is de∣creed in the writings of the Apostles? whether he may decree what is re∣pugnant unto the doctrine of the Gospel? whether he may make a new Article of faith? whether he hath more power then Peter had, or equal power? whether he hath power to command the Angels? whether he can make empty that which is called Purgatory? whether he be a man only, or as God? whether he partaketh of both natures, as Christ doth? whether he be more merciful then Christ, seeing we do not read that Christ did ever bring

any out of Purgatory? whether among all men, the Pope alone cannot err? Six hundred such questions are disputed in great volumes......and their schools are earnest about such questions; and time, the swiftest of all things, is wasted with these questions, which are propounded ridiculously, and de∣termined timerariously; our time is short, and it is a difficult thing to act the duty of a Christian rightly. The third power of the Friers, was to proclaim and sell Indulgences: Because this falleth in often, I will here only repeat the * 1.28 words of Pa. Paulo, in the first book of the Councel of Trent; This manner of giving money for pardons, was put in practise after the year 1100. for Pope Urban the II. having granted plenary Indulgences and remission of all sins, to whosoever would fight in the holy Land, to recover and set free the Sepulchre of Christ out of the power of the Mahumetans, it is followed by his Suceessors; of whom some (as always new inventions are inlarged) granted it unto those who would maintain a Soldier, if they could not or would not go personally in these wars; and thereafter Indulgences were granted unto such as would take Arms against Christians not obeying the Church of Rome; and many times infinite exactions under these pretences. And lib. 8. he saith, It is sure, and cannot be denied, that in no Christian Na∣tion of the East, either in ancient or modern times, was ever any use of In∣dulgences, of any kinde whatsoever; and in the West no proof of them can be brought before Pope Urban the II. from his time, until the year 1300. it appeareth that the use of them was sparing, and only imposed by the Con∣fessor, to free men from punishment; after the Councel at Vienna, the abuses did increase mightily. Pol. Virg. de inven. rer. lib. 8. cap. 1. saith, They reap no small harvest by these Indulgences; especially Pope Boniface the IX. in whose time such pardons were granted with a full hand, not only at some¦times, but (as Platina witnesseth) were sold dayly, and every where, as any other merchandise; not without the dammage of the giver and receiver; seeing by these, as the vendible remedies, or soul diseases, many did the less abstain from sin, and the power of the keys became contemptible; and that was not without cause, because, as Jerome saith, where a reward is the means, or interveneth, spiritual gifts become the more vile; which, oh, if that age only had seen. So far he.

31. When the Tartars prevailed first in Asia, the Kingdom of the Turks was overthrown; and they were divided among themselves into seven fami∣lies; at last they became all subject unto the house of Othoman or Otman, Laon. Chalcocon. lib. 1. de Reb. Turc. He was a victorious and cruel Tyrant; and was declared first Emperor of the Turks, about the year 1300. all his Successors have kept his name. He conquered Prusa, a City of Mysia, An. 1303. and made it the seat of the Empire. His Son Orcanes expelled the Tar∣tars; and others of them, through dissensions among Christians, have raised that great Empire of Asia, and subdued the Empire of Constantinople, as partly is said, and more followeth.

CHAP. IV. Of BRITAIN.

1. KIng Edward sent the marble Chair of the Scots unto London, and * 1.29 left nothing that he thought could excite the mindes of our Nation to any remembrance of former condition; so he promised unto himself a final conquest: but a fresh trouble ariseth upon occasion of his tyranny. Robert Bruce, the Son of the former competitor, and John Cumine, the Cousin-German of John Baliol, beholding at Court the contempt which the Scots did suffer, and considering how Edward had abused them against their native Countrey, they thought upon a revenge; yet they they durst not communi∣cate their thoughts: At last John, perceiving the other pensive, and thinking the same might be the cause of his sadness, adventured first to discover his minde; and he blamed himself, and the other also, that their Countrey-men had fallen into such miseries by their procurement, and in the mean time were both frustrated. There they promise taciturnity and mutual fidelity; and they covenant, that John shall never pretend any title unto the Crown, but assist Robert to recover it; and he shall have all the Lands belonging unto Robert, and be second unto him in the Kingdom: these things were written, sworn and sealed. Robert followeth King Edward still, waiting opportunity. Be∣hold! John advertiseth the King by Letter, that Robert had such a design; and for the more faith, he sent the sealed contract. Edward summoned Robert upon treason; he did purposely nominate a long day, that he might also catch his associates, if there were any, and that Robert may fear the less. Robert was not suspicious of the Cumine, and would not flie. A guard was set to attend him. Before the day appointed, his Cousin, the Earl of Mont∣gomery, sent him a pair of gilded spurs; whereby he conceived, his Cousin advised him to flie. The same night he, and two others, came away quietly, in the winter time, and on the seventh day lodged in his own house at ••och∣maban: There he meeteth with his Brother David and Robert Fleemine; as he was telling them the cause of his suddain return, they fall upon a Post carrying Letters from John Cumine unto Edward, desiring him to hasten the business with Robert, seeing delay may prove dangerous. Robert hasteth to Dunfrife, and finding John Cumine in the Church of the Franciscans, he challenged him of the premises. Cumine denied all, even that these were his Letters which were taken from the Post. Then Robert struck him with a dagger, and left him as dead. In his coming out James Lindsay meeteth him, and understanding by his words that the other was dead, he goeth into the Church, and killed him and his Brother Robert Cumine. The Scots would have crowned Robert, but such was their belief, they thought him uncapable, because he had killed a man in a Church. Therefore the Abbot of Scone posted to Avenion, and brought a pardon in April, An. 1306. Then Robert was crowned at Scone. The Abbot brought also a dispensation unto the Scots, from the oath given unto Edward; and withal, he assured them of the Pope's favor and assistance. As also the Pope wrote unto King Edward, that he presume not any more to trouble the Scots, because that Kingdom was be∣fore permitted unto the Roman Bishop; and therefore it belongeth only unto the Pope to give it unto, or take it from whom he pleaseth. Pol. Virg. Hist. l. 17. No monument of Antiquity is extant for the Pope's title to the Crown of Scotland; and whether the Abbot made this proffer of subjection, or the Pope did so usurp it, it is uncertain. Nevertheless, Odomar Valentine, Deputy of King Edward, and the Cumines (which were potent and numerous) took

Arms against Robert. He feared the power of his adversaries, and knowing that many Scots loved him not for his former service against them, so he was in no small perplexity; but he amassed all the forces that he could: He had hard fortune at the first, and was sundry times worsted, so that only two of his friends, Malcolm Earl of Levin, and Gilbert Hay, abode with him; his followers were searched out, and put to death; his Brethren Nigel and Alexander, with his and their wives, were sent into England. Buchan. Hist. lib. 8. Then the controversie was hot at Rome, between the Pope and Ed∣ward, for the title of the Crown of Scotland. Edward, by his Proctors, alledgeth, that the Kings of Scotland were his vassals, and through many ages had done homage to his Ancestors; and therefore, seeing now they had so hainously trespassed against him, he might censure them at his pleasure. This claim is manifested before; and Baldred Byssate did appear in the contrary, as relateth Io. Vsser. in Britan. Eccles. primord. p. 647. The Pope alledged, that according to his universal power, when there was no Heir, the Kingdom did fall unto the patrimony of St. Peter, nor did it appertain unto any other in temporalities. This debate was not ended in Edward's days. Io. Fox in Act. & Mon. Robert was then lurking in the West Isles; but if he had continued there, he feared the Scots would despair of him; wherefore he failed to Car∣rick, and took that Castle from the English, and spared none of them: then fearing to be entrapped by the multitude of them in that part, he hasted into the North, and took Innerness. The Scots hearing that he had taken two such Forts so far distant, not his friends only, but his enemies were encouraged, and drew unto him; and he was so potent, that he compelled John Cumine, Earl of Buchan, to seek peace at Glen-esk; for the Scots in the Cumines Army, durst commend the valor of King Robert, and others were discou∣raged. Edward had intelligence, and prepared an Army, but died at Lan∣caster. Edward the II. (surnamed Carnarivan) summoned a Parliament to be held at Dunfrife; few came, and it behoved him to go into France. From that time King Robert was diseased in body, yet he prevailed against the Cumines and English; and his Brother Edward prevailed in other parts of the Countrey. Edward the II. was led by a base Minion Peer of Gaviston; whereupon variance arose between him and his Nobility, until Gaviston was banished; but Io, an honorable banishment! he was sent Deputy into Ire∣land; and within two years was brought back into his former credit: then the Lords slew him at Warwick, to the great offence of the King. Tho. Cooper in Epito. But the King was reconciled unto his Nobles; and levied an Army of English, French, Scotch, Frisons, Gelders, and others, to the number of three hundred thousand men; Robert could gather but thirty five thousand: by the providence of God, which gave good success unto the wisdom and stra∣tagem of King Robert, the English were foiled at Bannokburn, An. 1314. forty two Lords, two hundred twenty seven Knights and Baronets, and fifty thousand Soldiers were slain, the rest fled; Scotland was delivered; and the Scots pursued, and wasted England unto York. That year was great dearth in England, and a great murrain; the common people were glad to eat dogs, cats, and the like. Also Ireland sent unto Robert, desiring him to come and be their King: He sent his Brother Edward with an Army of Scots; he was received and crowned. After four years the English went against him, and slew him; and the rest of the Scots return home. At that time Pope John sent one Nuntio into England, and another into Scotland, to treat of peace; and for charges, he craved four pence of each mark, under pain of his curse: But neither would the Scotch nor English obey; and Edward refused to pay the Peter-pence. An. 1323. Edward levied another Army, and went into

Scotland with 100000 men. King Robert remembred the example of Fa∣bius, and thought so great an Army could not continue long time, therefore he retired into the high Lands. Edward wandred from place to place, till his Army was like to starve for hunger; many died, and the rest returning home and tasting meat, scarcely escaped death. James Douglas followed the English, and slew many of them; and Edward was almost taken captive. I. Fox. Then a peace was concluded at Northampton, An. 1327. that the Scots should re∣main in the same estate, as in the days of King Alexander the III. the English should render all subscriptions and tokens of bondage; and have no Land in Scotland, unless they shall dwell in it; and if they will not dwell there, the Scots should give them for their present possessions 30000 marks of Silver. All this time the English were not of one accord; for the King followed the counsel of Spencer, Earl of Arundel; the other Nobility caused the King to banish him; but the next year he was restored, to the great disturbance of the Kingdom: at last they conspire to imprison the King; and Hugh Spencer suffered death. Tho. Cooper.

2. When King Robert came to great age, he ordained in Parliament his Successors, to wit, his Son David, a child of eight years old, which was espoused to Johanna, Daughter of Edward the II. and if he should die without childe, he ordained his Son in law, Robert Stuart, to succeed. After he had exhorted the Estates to keep amity and unity, he gave them three counsels; 1. To be∣ware that the Isles Aebudes be never given unto one man. 2. That they never hazzard all their strength in one fight with the English. 3. That they make not long truce with them. After him Thomas Randolf, Earl of Murray. was chosen Regent of Scotland; he was a good Justiciary, and by no means would spare thieves and robbers: So that when a Gentleman came from the Pope's Court, and thought himself secure, because he had obtained the Pope's pardon, Thomas caused to apprehend him; and said, The pardon of sin be∣longeth unto the Pope, but punishment of the body is in the King's hand. Buchan. lib. 9.

3. An. 1328. Charls the IV. King of France, died without children; then * 1.30 Edward the III. King of England, his Sisters Son, claimeth the Crown of France, as nearest Heir: The French prefer Philip de Valois, the Uncle's Son; and they exclude Edward, by a Law which they call Salica, excluding women from succession. At the first, when the Estates of France had received Philip, Edward did him homage for his Lands in France; but when he was denied of a just demand, wars began between these two Nations, which ceased not altogether until the year 1495. as Tho. Cooper sheweth, or rather until the days of Queen Elizabeth; for sometimes the French prevailed, and sometimes the English, even so far as to be crowned at Paris, and held Par∣liaments, and had Deputies governing France: Sometimes were truce of thirteen years, or of ten years, but never an absolute peace before Queen Elizabeth. In the year 1393. the King of Armenia came into France, and shewed how the Turks and Scythians were not only oppressing Hungary, but were aiming at the conquest of all Christendom, and in the mean time Christians were devouring one another: with such words he perswaded both the Kings into a truce for four years. Frossard. Hist. lib. 4. But I leave Civil affairs, and return unto the Church.

4. In the year 1306. an English Eremite preached at Pauls in London, that some Sacraments that were then in use in the Church, were not of Christ's institution: therefore he was committed to prison. Io. Bale ex Io. Baconthorp in Sent. lib. 4. dist. 2. q. 1.

5. That John Baconthorp wrote on the Sentences, where he followeth the

truth in many things; especially he refuteth sundry subtilties of Io. Scotus, as Baptista Mantuanus hath marked.

Iste tenebrosi damnat vestigia Scoti, Et per sacra novis it documenta viis. Hunc habeant quibus est sapientia grata; redundat Istius in sacris fontibus omne sophos.

He wrote de Domino Christi, where he proveth, that the highest Bishop in every Kingdom should be under Princes. Bale Cent. 4. sect. 82.

6. Richard, Primate of Ireland, (alias Armachanus) was his disciple, and taught the same doctrine; he translated the Bible into Irish: In a Sermon at Paul's Cross in London, An. 1356. he said, In the estate of innocence none had been a beggar; therefore according to that estate, unless the law of ne∣cessity do press men, none desireth nor should be a beggar, as neither was Christ willingly a beggar; the Law also forbiddeth it, Deut. 15. There shall not be a beggar among you. He discovered the hypocrisie of Friers, in that though they professed poverty, yet they had stately houses, like the Palaces of Princes; and more costly Churches then any Cathedral; more richer orna∣ments then all the Princes; more and better books then all the Doctors; they had Cloisters and walking places so stately and large, that men of Arms might fight on horse-back, and encounter one another with their spears in them; and their apparel richer then the greatest Prelates: These Sermons are extant. The next year he appeared before Innocentius the VI. and some of the four Orders of Friers appeared against him; and he proved his propositions stoutly and manifestly against them, that in many respects they had lest their first rules; but (saith Walsing. in Edwar. III.) the English Clergy sent not unto him according to their promises; but the Friers wanted not plenty of money, and so lite pendente before the cause was decided, the Friers obtained a con∣firmation of their priviledges. Armachanus died there at Avenion, and was canonized.

7. William Ockam was a disciple of Jo. Scotus, but he became adversary of his doctrine; he was the Author of the Sect of Nominales, whereby new occasions of controversies arose, to withdraw men from the study of faith: He was a follower of Pope Nicolaus the V. and therefore was excommuni∣cated by Pope John. Then he thought it more safe to live under the Emperor's protection; and he said unto the Emperor Lewis, Defend me, Caesar, from the injury of the Pope by thy sword, and I will defend thee by the word, by writing, and invincible reasons: and so they did so long as they lived. He wrote a Compendium Errorum of Pope John the XXII. and a dialogue be∣tween a Clark and a Soldier; wherein he handleth these questions; 1. Whe∣ther * 1.31 the Pope hath any primacy by right from God? 2. Whether Peter had any primacy, or was ever Bishop of Rome? 3. Whether the Pope and Church of Rome may err? Concerning the Emperor, he discusseth, 1. Whether one man may discharge the offices both of Priest and Emperor? 2. Whether the Emperor hath his power from God only, or from the Pope also? 3. Whether the Pope and Church of Rome have any power from Christ, to commit any jurisdiction unto Caesar and to other Princes? 4. Whether Caesar after his election, hath power to rule the Republick? 5. Whether Kings anointed by a Bishop, receive any power from him? 6. Whether these Kings be any way subject unto their anointer? 7. Whether the seven Electors give as great authority unto the elected Caesar, as succession giveth unto other Princes? &c. All which he disputeth on both sides, and concludeth always against the Ex∣travagants. He wrote also against Pope Clemens, and calleth him an Here∣tick, the Antichrist, an hater of Christian poverty, a foe of the Common∣wealth,

an enemy of the most Christian Nation, &c. Morn. in Myster. pag. 451, & 465. In Dialog. par. 2. tract. 1. lib. 3. cap. 16. he saith, The books of Judith, Tobias, and the Maccabees, Ecclesiasticus, and the book of Wisdom, are not for confirmation of any matter of faith; the Church readeth these two, Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom, for edification of the people in manners, but not for confirmation of points of faith. Ibid. par. 1. lib. 5. cap. 25. he saith, A general Councel is a part of the universal Church, but is not the Church uni∣versal; therefore it is vain to say, that a general Councel cannot er against the faith. And cap. 28. If a general Councel shaller, yet some Catholicks shall remain, which either privately or publickly (as shall be expedient) shall be bold to defend the Orthodox faith.....for God is able of stones, that is, of the unlearned Laicks, despised poor ones, and distressed Catholicks, to raise up children of Abraham. And lib. 6. cap. 84. Councels are not called general, because they are called by the Pope.....if Princes and Lay-men will, they may be present in the general Councel, and deal of matters treated therein. In Prolog. compend. error. he saith, Alas! the time of which the blessed Apostle prophesied, when men will not suffer wholesome doctrine.....this prophesie is altogether fulfilled in our days; for behold, many pervert the holy Scri∣ptures, deny the sayings of the holy Fathers, reject the Canon of the Church, molest, persecute, and bring into bondage, and without mercy torment and afflict, even unto death, them that defend the truth; so that we may rightly say of our times, which Daniel long since pronounced, Iniquity hath gone from Babylon, from the Elders and Iudges, which seemed to govern and rule the people; for many that should be pillars in the Church of God, and defend the truth of God even unto blood, cast themselves headlong into the pit of He∣resies. In the same Prologue, he submitteth his writings unto the censure and correction of the Church, but he addeth, of the Catholick Church, and not of the malignant Church.

8. Brigida, or Brigitta, was descended of the blood royal of Scotland, Ph. Morn. in Myster. pa. 480. another then she which was in the days of S. Patrick, about the year 520. she was married unto the King of Sweden; a most de∣vout woman, (saith Platin.) and canonized as a Saint and Prophetess. Being perswaded by the Friers with the same of Rome, she went thither, in the days of Pope Urban the V. hoping to finde great comfort there; but in her reve∣lations she calleth the Pope, a murtherer of souls, a destroyer of Christ's flock, more abominable then the Jews, more odious then Judas, more unjust then Pilate, worse then Lucifer: She saith, His seat is to be drowned like an heavy stone, and his assessors were to burn in fire and brimstone unquenchable: She rebuked the Bishops and Priests, that through their default the doctrine of Christ was not preached, yea, it was abolished; and they had changed all the commandments of God into two words, Give money. In the end she saith, she heard the Virgin saying to her Son, Rome is a fertile Land; and Christ answered, It is so, but of tares; she saith also, that her coming to Rome was to cast away, rather then confirm the opinion that she had conceived of it. These revelations have been often printed.

9. Thomas Bradwardin was a Fellow in Merton Colledge of Oxford, and afterwards Chancellor of London, and commonly called, The profound Doctor; about the year 1330. he had many disputes with the School-men against the errors of Pelagius; and reduced all his Lessons into three Books, which he entituled, De causa Dei: He beginneth thus; I have been solicited earnestly by the petitions of great and many men, that what I had spoken only by voice in disputes, concerning the cause of God against Pelagius, and con∣cerning the power of causes, I would tie it unto durable writ; but here are

two things, as the lovers of God do provoke and encourage me into the cause of God; so the friends of Pelagius, being far more in number, do hinder and terrifie me; for (which I speak not without inward sorrow of heart) as of old, eight hundred and fifty Prophets of Baal, were against the one Pro∣phet of God, and innumerable people did cleave unto them, so it is now in this cause; How many, O Lord, fight now, with Pelagius, for free will against thy free grace, and against Paul the spiritual Soldier of grace? how many do to day despise free grace, and proudly think that free will is sufficient to salva∣tion? or if they do use the word of grace, they do but perfunctoriously feign it to be necessary, but they boast that they deserve by the power of free-will to be what they are; salvation seemeth unto them to be not a free gift, but a bought good; because, O God Almighty, these wilde men, presuming of the power of their free will, refuse the aid of thy working in their workings; and say with those, Depart thou from us. Moreover, Lord, how many advance the liberty of their own will, and will not serve thee? or if they confess with their lips, that thou workest with them, yet with these thy proud and hateful subjects, they will not have thee to reign over them; yea, and prouder then Lucifer, they are not content to be equal with thee, King of Kings, but most impudently they would reign above thee; for they fear not to say, that their own will goeth first in action, as the Lady, and thou followest as the Ser∣vant......O Lord my God, I cannot think it without sighs, how many and great Judges endeavor carefully to absolve and reconcile the Pelagian errors that were condemned in ancient times, and banished out of the bounds of all the Church? how many presumptuous advocates plead for them? how many damnable proctors they procure on their side? how many, not having two arguments of any art, do turn to killing arguments, and at least to ad∣vance the cause of Pelagius, attempt to cast down thy cause with their cries, horrors, reproaches, vice, laughter and gesture? how many and how innu∣merable people favor them? for almost all the world goeth after Pelagius; arise, Lord, judge thine own cause. Then he sheweth how he was comforted in a vision or dream, that by the grace of God he should prevail against Pelagius: And a little after he addeth, With how many martyrdoms, with * 1.32 how many wounds did the holy Fathers cut down the wood of the Pelagian heresies? and how many venomous branches do still spring and wax out of these old roots? As it was, so it is yet; for first, when their Arch-Heretick Lucifer would not be under and with God, Michael threw him down; then arose Cain, thinking that a sinner is not justified of God freely, by grace given freely, but by his antecedent merit; when he, in the just judgement of God, was cast down, arose Nimrod, who (as Joseph witnesseth) advised men, that they should not ascribe unto God what came happily unto them; but that it was given unto them for their own vertue; and that they trust in their own vertue, and not in God; the multitude was ready to obey their commands, and thought it grievous slavishness to be subject unto God; and so he called men from the fear of God, and made them proud, to the contempt and injury of God: nevertheless, he brought that sacrilegious presumption into ty∣ranny: When the Patriarch Abraham refused it, these arose, speaking vain and great things, boasting that their lips and words were their own, and dis∣daining that God should rule over men: Their children, the Sadduces, (Joseph is witness) did affirm, that both good and evil are propounded to the election of men; and each one chuseth this or that, according to his own will, with∣out God. When these were rebuked by the Prophet, arose some Hebrews, Greeks, and Roman Christians, saying, that according to their merits, they had received the grace of faith; these were refuted by the Apostle. Then

arose Pelagius, which proudly took arms against the grace of God, and his help; and when he was condemned by the Catholick Fathers, Julian and Celestius renewed the same heresie; and when it was quenched again by the Orthodox Fathers, it was stirred up again by Cassianus, and was lashed by Prosper. About that time the same heresie waxed in Britain, for which (as venerable Beda in his Ecclesiastical History, and Henry Honington in Histor. Anglor. reporteth) Germanus of Antisiodore, and Lupus of Treda, Bishops, although the Divels raised a most terrible storm against them by Sea, yet they came over, and confuted it stoutly. But behold, when the heresie was a little cut down, pestiferous twigs did spring up again, as the same Histori∣ans have written; which the same Germanus, and Severus Bishop of Tours, coming into Britain, did cut down again. Moreover, before and after these times, the Scotiani, by sending wholesome Epistles into the bounds of the Roman See, did purge out the reliques of this plague; as witnesseth the same Beda, and holy Prosper maketh mention of them. And although this vile fig-tree hath been so oft cut down, so oft rooted up, burnt and turned into ashes, and even trod under foot, yet it ceased not to wax so broad, so thick, and by the vitious juyce of it, how much more subtilly, so much more dan∣gerously doth it spread; therefore I, being zealous for the cause of God, do put willingly my hand unto this fire; for I am not ignorant, that these pesti∣ferous Pelagians will with raging mindes, and hideous cries, bark against me, and will seek to tear this paper with violent teeth; as those are wont to carp at other mens writings, which have nothing of their own hand: But, as Josephus telleth, did not the Chaldeans and Mesopotamians, for this cause, rise against Abraham? did not the ancient Prophets suffer many things from the false prophets for the cause of God? did not some ignorants accuse Paul of madness, and wrest all his excellent Epistles? did not Julian, the disciple of Pelagius, with so many accusations, brawl against Augustine, the most glorious follower of the Apostles, and the most stout defender of grace against the ungracious Pelagians? and did not Julian boast, that he would winnow his books, and discover and shew the impiety of his writings? did not other maintainers of Pelagius in France, when Augustine was defunct, presume to disprove his writings? did not many writers oppose the most wholesome doctrine even of Christ and the Fathers? and what am I? I know I am not better then our so great Fathers, nor greater then my Lord.....why then should I refuse to suffer with them? &c. Hence it appeareth, that errors have been always abroad in the world, and some have opposed them; and they who love God, should and will oppose the errors, as they are able. After∣wards he was Confessor to King Edward the III. and then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

10. About that time a book was written in English, called, The Complaint and Prayer of a Plough-man; the Author of it is said to have been Robert Langland, a Priest about the year 1360. Io. Bale Cent. 6. 37. After a general complaint of the iniquity of the time, the Author writeth zealously against auricular confession, as contrary to Scripture, and utility of the Republick, and as a device of man; against the simony of selling pardons; against the Pope, as the adversary of Christ; since Christ commandeth, to bless them who curse us, and to love our enemies; but the Pope fighteth, and curseth for small offences: Christ forbade a Priest to be a Lord over his Brethren, as the men of these new religions do; yea, whosoever will live as Christ hath taught, he is accounted a fool; and if he speak of Christ's doctrine, he is called an Heretick, and is cursed. He complaineth there of the unmarried Priests, committing wickedness, and by bad example provoking others;

of images in Churches as idolatry; of false Pastors, which feed upon their flocks, and feed them not, nor suffer others to feed them; which punish a poor man for his sin, and suffer a rich man to continue in iniquity for a little money; which punish the violation of mans Law, more then the con∣tempt of God's Law; which are more worthy to be condemned then Pilate, seeing he would once not have Christ condemned; but they condemn him now (said he) in his Doctrine and Servants, whom these Priests ac∣curse and burn; they have forsaken both the old and new Testaments, and taken them to another Law, the Canon Law; and they comment on God's Word according to their own Laws; they are wolves in lamb skins; they stand more for their riches which they rob off Christ's flock, then they care for the sheep; they are become shop-men to the rich Merchant the Pope, in selling his wares, pardons in every Countrey, to make him rich; they promise the blessings of Heaven, without pain, for money. Again he speaketh of the Pope, that he calleth himself the Successor of Peter, whereas Peter did ac∣knowledge Christ, and kept the hests of his Law; but the Pope hath undone Christ's Law, for advancing his own Decretals: he calleth himself the Vicar of Christ; whereas Christ said, Wheresoever two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them: but the Pope hath made himself a Pseudo-christ, or Antichrist, since he professeth himself to be the Vicar of Christ, and indeed hath undone the ordinances of Christ, and maketh himself to be worshipped as God on earth, as proud Nebuchadnezzar sometime did; therefore all men should leave this Nebuchadnezzar, this false god, and false christ, and his laws, which are contrary to Christ's teaching. He writeth of Purgatory, that if such a thing were, no Pope could feel such pains, for he might deliver himself as well as others; and yet he hath no power to keep himself nor others out of bodily pains in this world, which (after their own sayings) are far less; and the Pope may go down to hell as another man; and whereas he taketh upon him to absolve any man, without inward repentance, he extolleth himself above God. This complaint is at length in the Act. & Monim. written by Io. Fox; and these are the chief heads of it.

11. In the twenty fifth year of King Edward the III. (which was 1364.) * 1.33 Statutes were made, If any procured from Rome a provision to any Abbey, Priory, or Benefice in England, which is said to be in destruction of the Realm and holy Religion, or if any man sued out of the Court of Rome any process, or procured any personal citation upon causes, whose cognifance and final discussion pertaineth to the King's Court, these shall be out of the King's pro∣tection, and their lands, goods, and cattels, shall be forfeited unto the King: The narrative of the Act sheweth the cause of it; and the King and Com∣mons of the Realm had oft complained, that his Realms were impoverished by the Pope, giving Benefices to strangers which never dwelt in England; the King and Nobility were robbed of their right of patronage; the cure was not served; and the will of the first founders was not followed: The King had oft complained, but in vain; therefore he resolved to make his Kingdom free from this bondage. Morn. in Myster. pag. 480. sheweth, that when Pope Gregory the XI. heard of it, he cried, This enterprise is a renting of the Church, a destroying of Religion, and usurpation of his right and priviledge: Wherefore he sent immediately unto Edward, requiring him to annul these Acts. But when the Schism arose, no Pope did insist in it, until Pope Martin the V. sent more sharp Letters unto King Henry the VI. And he answered, An Act of Parliament cannot be annulled but by another Parliament; and he would assemble a Parliament within a short space for the same cause; but he did it not, saith Pol. Virg. Hist. lib. 19. In the thirteeth year of Richard the II.

this Act was revived, in these words; If any person, within or without the Realm, shall seek from the Court of Rome preferment to any Benefice of Cure, or without Cure, the preferment shall be null, and the person shall be banished, and his goods shall appertain unto the King; and the same punish∣ment shall strike against them, which receive or entertain any such person. As also it was ordained, If any person shall bring or send any summons, sentence, or excommunication, or if any shall make execution of any such summons, sentence, or excommunication, against any person whatsoever, shall forfeit all his lands and goods for ever, and himself shall be imprisoned, and incur the pain of death; yea, although such a person had obtained the King's licence for petitioning at the Court of Rome, he shall sorfeit a years rent. It is also observed, that before the year 1367. the high offices in England, * 1.34 as the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Privy Seal, &c. were wont to be, for the most part, in the hands of the Clergy, (as also in Scotland until the Reformation) but about that time the English Nobility procured, that all these offices should be given unto temporal Lords.

12. At that time God raised up John Wickliff, a couragious witness of * 1.35 truth; he was Fellow of Merton Colledge, and Master of Baliol Colledge in Oxford, and Reader of Divinity there, about the year 1370. He began first to oppose in questions of Logick and Metaphysick, but such as strawed the way to other things which he intended: When he set upon controversies of Divinity, he protested publickly in the Schools, that his aim was to bring the Church from Idolatry to some amendment. In his book, entituled, The path∣way to perfect knowledge, near the end, he sheweth what travel he had in tran∣slating the Bible into English; he gathered many old Latine Bibles, for (saith he) the late books are very corrupt; and he conferred the translations with the ancient Doctors and common Glosses; and especially he was helped by the late translation of Lyra in the old Testament: and the fourth time, he employed many cunning men, at the correcting of his fourth translation: Then he wrote that book which I have now named, wherein he giveth the sum of every book of the old Testament, with some general and useful ob∣servations. He reckoneth the books according to the Hebrew; and sheweth also some use of the Apocrypha, for examples of piety, patience, constancy, &c. and denieth that they are for proof of faith. In chap. 2. he saith, The truth of the Gospel sufficeth to salvation, without keeping the ceremonies made of God in the old Law; and much more without keeping the cere∣monies of sinful and unknowing men, that have been made in time of Anti∣christ, and unbinding of Satan, as it is Apocal. 20. and he calleth it heresie to say otherwise. In chap. 1. he saith, Christian men and women, old and yong, should study fast in the new Testament; for it is of full authority, and open to the understanding of simple men, as to the points that be most need∣ful to salvation; and the same sentence, in the darkest places of holy writ, is both open and dark, which sentence is in the open places; and each place of holy writ, both open and dark, teacheth humility and charity; and therefore he that keepeth humility and charity, hath the true understanding and perfe∣ction of all holy writ; as Augustine proveth in his Sermon of praising cha∣rity; therefore no simple man of wit, should be feared unmeasurably to study the text of holy writ; for they are the words of everlasting life, as Peter said to Christ, Iohn 6. and the holy Ghost stirred holy men to speak and write the words of holy writ, for the comfort and salvation of meek Christian men; as Peter in his Epistles, and Paul Rom. 15. witness: And no Clark should be proud of the very understanding of holy writ; for that very understanding, without charity, which keepeth God's hests, maketh a man deeper damned,

as Christ Jesus, and James witness; and the pride and covetousness of Clarks, is the cause of their blindeness and heresie. In chap. 10. Though Kings and Lords knew no more of holy writ, then three stories of 2 Chron. that is, of Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, and Josiah, they might learn sufficiently to live well, and govern their people well by God's Law, and eschew all pride and ido∣latry, and other sins: But alas! alas! alas! whereas King Jehoshaphat sent his Princes, Deacons and Priests, to each City of his Realm, with the Book of God's Law, to teach openly God's Law unto the people.....some Christian Lords send general Letters unto all their Ministers and Liege-men, that the pardons of the Bishop of Rome, which are open lies, (for they grant many hundred years of pardons after doomsday) be preached generally in their Realms and Lordships; and if any wise man gain-say the open errors of Antichrist, and teach men to give their alms to poor needy men, to escape the pains of Hell, and to gain the bliss of Heaven, he shall be imprisoned as a man of unchristian belief, and traitor to God and Christian Kings and Lords. And whereas King Hezekiah was busie to cleanse God's house, and put away all uncleanness from the Sanctuary.....some Christians Lords in name (and Heathens in conditions) defile the Sanctuary of God, and bring in simoniacal Clarks, full of covetousness and heresie, and hypocrisie and malice, to stop God's Law, that it be not known and kept, or freely preached; and some Christian Lords keep many Prelats and Curats in their Courts, and in secular offices, openly against God's Law and mans, and withhold them from their ghostly office, and helping of Christian souls......let these unwise Lords know, that Eli the Prophet (one only) had the truth of God, and King Ahab, with 850 Priests and Prophets of Baal, had the false part; and after Micheas, one alone Prophet of God, had the truth against 400 Prophets of Baal, that counselled Achab to war, to his own shame and death: so now, a few poor men, and Idiots in comparison of School-Clarks, may have the truth of holy Scripture, against many thousand Prelates and religious, that be given to worldly pride, covetousness, simony, hypocrisie, and other fleshly sins; and the rather, seeing poor men desire only the truth and freedom of the holy Gospel and Scripture, and accept mans law and ordinances only, in as much as they be grounded on holy Scripture, or good reason and common profit of Christian people......But it is to be feared, full sorely, that Kings and Lords now have been in the former sins of Manasses; God grant that they repent verily, and make amends to God and man, as he did in the end. And near the end of that Chapter, he saith, Now in England it is a common pro∣tection against persecution of Prelates, and some Lords, if a man be ac∣customed to swear needless, false, and unadvised oaths, by the bones, nails, and sides, and other members of Christ, and be proud and letcherous, and speak not of God's Law, and reprove not sin about him; and to abstain from needless oaths, and not lawful, and to reprove sin by way of charity, is cause enough why Prelates and some Lords slander men, and call them Lollards, Hereticks, raisers of debate and treason against the King......How much blood have Lords shed in wars, for pride and covetousness, by counsel of false Prelates, Confessors and Preachers, it passeth mans wit to tell fully in this life: but of shedding blood, and slaying poor men, by withdrawing alms, and giving it to dead stocks or stones, or to rich Clarks and feigned re∣ligious, were to speak now, if a man had the spirit of ghostly strength: now men kneel and pray, and offer fasts to dead Images, that have neither hunger nor cold, and despise, beat and slay Christian men; what honoring of God is this? &c. The Bishops and Friers could not endure such doctrine; but so long as Edward the III. lived he was safe, for that King loved him; and as

some write, the above named Acts were by his information máde against the Pope and Prelates: when the King became old and unable, his second Son, John Duke of Lancaster, was Regent, (for the King's eldest Son was dead, and his Son Richard was yong) he approved the doctrine of Christ which Wickliff did teach; so did Henry Percey Lord Marshal, William Rigge Chancellor of the University, and many more of account. Simon Langham Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, summoned him to appear at Lambeth, An. 1376. The Duke of Lancaster went with him, and the contention was great; yet nothing was done against him at that time. In the beginning of the reign of Richard the II. John the Regent, and the Lord Marshal, gave up their Offices; then the Bishops thought to have the more advantage against Wickliff: Nevertheless, he continued preaching, 1. The holy Eucharist, after consecration, is not the body of Christ, but figuratively or sacramen∣tally. 2. The Church of Rome is not the head of all Churches; nor had Peter any more power given him by Christ, then any other Apostle had. 3. The Pope hath no more power of the keys, then any other within the order of Priesthood hath. 4. If God be, temporal Princes may lawfully and justly take their temporalities from Church-men sinning habitualiter. 5. The Gospel is a rule sufficient by it self, to rule the life of all Christians here, &c. These and such other Articles were brought to Pope Gregory the XI. by him and twenty three Cardinals, they were condemned as heretical: And the Pope sent his Bulls unto the University, to Simon the Arch-Bishop, and unto the Bishop of London, that they should apprehend the Heretick, as he spoke; he wrote also unto the King to assist the Bishops. A convocation was held at Lambeth; where Wickliff appeared, professing himself to be a true Chri∣stian; he explained the Articles; and he denied some to be his assertions, saying, they had wrested his words. At that time, whether the Queen-Mother had discharged the Bishops to do him violence, (as some write) or that the Londoners took his part, (as others say) or both, he was dismissed; only they charged him, that he should preach no more of that doctrine. The Schism of the Antipopes gave some respite unto Wickliff; and Simon was slain in a dissension between the Nobility and the Commons: His Successor, William Courtney, was more fully against him, and prevailed so with the King to banish him: and in the fifth year of the yong King procured an Act, that Hereticks (as it pleased them to speak) should be imprisoned until they justified their cause: This Act mentioneth great numbers of them through∣out all the Kingdom, convening to Sermons in Churches, Church-yards, Market-places, and other places, where are great assemblings of people. Philip Repington, a Batchelor of Divinity, had been summoned for the same doctrine; but after this Act he forsook it, and became Bishop of Lincoln, and a cruel persecutor of the truth which he had professed. John Ashton also fell away. Nicolas Herford, another Batchelor, made his appeal from the Bishop unto the King and his Council; but William caused him to be ap∣prehended and imprisoned; he escaped, and continued preaching as before. John Wickliff, in the time of his banishment, wrote unto Pope Urban a con∣fession of his faith; wherein he affirmeth, that seeing the Bishop of Rome calleth himself the Vicar of Christ, of all men he is most bound to follow the Law of Christ in the Gospel; since the greatness among Christ's Disciples consisteth not in worldly honors, but in exact imitation of Christ in life and doctrine; and he advised the Pope to leave unto the Secular Powers all tem∣poral rule, as Christ did; and he prayed, that he and his Cardinals might follow the Lord Jesus, and faithfully teach his flock. But the Pope of Rome was so busie against the Pope of Avenion, that neither of them had leasure

to attend such matters; and Wickliff did return: It happened that he be∣came sick, and there was little hope of his recovery; the Friers sent four of their Order, and four elder men unto him; and wished him then, in the hour of his death, to recant his former opinions. He desired his friends to set him up, and then said with a loud voice, I shall not die, but live, and declare the most wicked facts of Friers: they left him with confusion; and he did re∣cover, and wrote a Treatise against the Order of Friers; of which Treatise Doctor James maketh mention, in his Book called, Wickliff's conformity to the Church of England. An. 1382. they assembled a Convocation against him, to condemn his Doctrine and Books; in the very hour of their first meeting, all England was shaken with an earth-quake, that all who were assembled, thought it expedient to surcease for that time. At last he died in peace in Lutterworth (where he had been Parson) An. 1387. Such a God is the Lord, that whom he will keep nothing can hurt. John Bale hath a cata∣logue of his Books in five full pages; and Aen. Silvius in Histor. Bohem. testi∣fieth, that more of his Books were extant, than of Augustine. The late Papists do impute many errors unto him, and so did the Councel of Constance; but others have cleared him of those imputations, especially the above named Antiquary, Doctor James. And that the reader may see the falshood of those criminations, this is one, that he condemned all oaths, therein savoring of Anabaptism: But by the testimony which I have cited out of The path-way, it is clear, that he speaketh of customary and false swearing; and in that same Chapter he saith, that to swear by any, is the honor of God alone; and there∣fore it is Idolatry to swear by any Saint or creature: and by this one instance it may be judged of others. The Councel of Constance ordained, to take up his body and burn it; and so the English Prelates took up his bones forty and one years after his death to burn them; such was their rage against the professors of truth. At that time happened a rebellion in Ireland; Richard * 1.36 the II. went to suppress it; while he was there, Thomas Arundel Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and the other Bishops, stole away the hearts of his subjects from him, (because he had hearkened to the doctrine of Wickliff) and per∣swaded them to advance Henry Earl of Derby to the Crown; to the end, that both they might be rid of such a Soveraign, and have a King for ever obliged to authorise their bloody designs against God's people: but all their treason and cruelty could not smother the truth. It is bitterly enough marked, (saith Io. Bale Cent. 6. 25. in Appen.) that the Earl of Salisbury despised con∣fession, * 1.37 and the Popish Sacraments at his death. Sir John Montague threw down all Images within his Lands. John Purvey wrote Books in defence of his Master's Lessons; he wrote a Commentary on the Revelations, where he saith, Seven years are past, since the Pope of Rome was generally made known to be the Antichrist; [to wit, from the year 1382. Behold how God bringeth light out of darkness!) I had not written such things against Anti∣christ and his Prelates, if they had not imprisoned me, lest I did speak against them: There he applieth all the prophesies concerning Antichrist and the Whore, unto the Pope and his Court. The Arch-Bishop had imprisoned this Purvey, and by cruel torments caused him to recant seven godly Articles at Paul's Cross; but when he was at liberty he spoke more boldly; and accused the Pope, for denying that the Word of God is sufficient to salvation with∣out the Decrees and Decretals: He said also, Spiritual men write Books against the Pope, and these Books are either hid or burnt; nor is any man suffered to preach, but which are devoted unto the Pope; and good men are drawn into prison: but (said he) more Books, and more vehement, shall be written against the Pope. For these and such other things, Henry Chichelay,

Successor to Thomas, imprisoned him again. An. 1393. Walter Bruite was in question before the Bishop of Hereford, and delivered a book, yet extant (saith Geo. Abbot against Hill. in answer to the first reason) in the Register of that Diocy, wherein he wrote these and many such positions; Bread remaineth in the Sacrament after the consecration; the Pope is the Anti∣christ; nothing is to be believed (as necessary to salvation) but what may be confirmed by Scripture; the City described in Revel. 7. is Rome; justifica∣tion is freely by Christ alone; miracles now are no assurance of truth; in∣fants dying before baptism, are not therefore condemned; auricular con∣fession is not prescribed in the Scriptures; the Canon Law is ill grounded; the numeral letters of DVX CLERI, make up the number 66••; worship of Images is Idolatry; that men are not rashly to be reputed Saints; the Pope hath no power beyond other Saints, nor is the head of the Church; Papists mistake the keys of binding and loosing; the Pope deceiveth men in his pardons; absolution is to be sought at the hands of God only; Priests use vain prayers in the Mass; exorcisms and holy water are unlawful; Priests do sin, who bargain to sing for the souls of men departed; religious men and women are the devourers of widows houses; selling of Orders and Dirges is naught; the Pope is the Beast with the two horns, like the Lamb, while he challengeth the double sword; temporal goods may be taken from the Clergy offending. The same Author, loc. cit. sect. 25. saith, Yea, so far was the Doctrine of Wickliff spread, the Pope Gregory XI. in the year 1378. did di∣rect his Bull to the University of Oxford, against the Doctrine and Articles of that learned man, even Rome it self ringing of his opinions in that University; neither did his followers die when he died; but long after that Pope Gregory the XII. did direct another Bull to Oxford, in which he useth the same words which his Predecessor had; that is, that Wickliff did follow the doctrine of Marsilius of Padua, and of John of Gandune, of unworthy memory. Which speech is worth the marking, (saith Abbot) to shew, that this man had his pre∣decessors: The Copy of this latter Bull is to be seen in a Book, which that worthy lover of Antiquities, Mr. Hare, gave to our University, saith he.

13. In time of the rebellion against King Richard, amongst all the Bishops, only Thomas Merks, Bishop of Carlile, was for him: In the Parliament they were not content to depose him, but were devising more mischiefs against him. Then said Thomas, None here present is worthy to pass his sentence on so worthy a King, whom they have obeyed as their lawful Prince full twenty two years; this is the part of traitors, cut-throats and thieves: none so wicked or vile, who though he be charged with a manifest crime, should we think to condemn before we hear him; and do ye think it equal to pass sentence on a King anointed and crowned, giving no leave to defend himself? how unjust is this? let us consider the matter it self: I say, ye openly affirm, that Henry Duke of Lancaster, whom ye are pleased to call your King, hath most unjustly spoiled Richard, as well his Soveraign as ours, of his Kingdom. While he was speaking, the Lord Marshal enjoyned him silence; and the other Bishops said, He discovereth more Covent-devotion (he had been a Monk) then Court∣discretion, in dissenting from his Brethren. Yet at that time his integrity was so respected, that no punishment was imposed upon him; but the next year 1400. when some discontented Lords arose against King Henry, this Thomas was taken prisoner, and judicially arraigned for High Treason; for which he was condemned, and sent to St. Albans. But what shall the King do with him? he could not with credit keep him nor dismiss him; and to take his life was dangerous, when Prelates were thought sacred. The Pope did help the King, by giving unto Thomas another Bishoprick in Samos, a Greek Island. But before his translation was compleated, he died.

THE FIFTH AGE Of the CHURCH, OR The History of the Church reverting, and of Antichrist raging, containing the space of 300. years, from the year 1300. until the year 1600.

CENTURY XV.

CHAP. I. Of POPES.

1. INNOCENTIUS the VII. was crowned An. 1404. Before that time none spoke more against the ambition of the Antipopes; and he had sworn to renounce his place, if the union of the Church did so require; but now he could not hear any speaking of taking away the Schism; yea, because some Romans bewailed the dammages of it, he sent them to his Nephew Lewis (whom he had made Marquess of Piceno, and Prince of Firma) as to a Burreo, (saith Platin.) and he caused in his own sight, eleven Romans to be thrown out of an high window; and said, This Schism cannot be otherwise taken away; therefore he was called, the bloody Tyrant. Tho. Cooper. For this cause the Romans called for the aid of Ladislaus, King of Naples, and the Pope fled unto his Nephew in Viterbio; thereafter the Romans, fearing that Ladislaus would usurp over the City, brought back the Pope; and he did accurse Ladislaus. Pope Benedict sent unto Pope Innocentius, for a safe conduct unto his Cardinals, that they may treat of an union. Innocentius slightly refused. Wherefore Benedict made his vaunts in sundry missives, that he was desirous of union, and Innocentius had denied a treaty. Then Innocentius became paralytick; and his own Clergy said unto him, It happened unto him justly, according to his demerits. He sate two years. Then the French Nation did represent unto Pope Bene∣dict, the inconvenients of the Schism; and they craved, that he would wil∣lingly lay down his Dignity, for the welfare of the Church, if the Pope that shall be chosen at Rome shall do the like. He promised to do so. The Car∣dinals at Rome, in consideration of the enormities waxing every where by this Schism, took this order; they promise each one, with solemn vow to God, to Mary, to Peter and Paul, and the blessed company of Saints, that if any of them were called to that high place, whensoever the other Pope will quit his place, and his Cardinals will condescend unto the Cardinals at Rome upon a new election, that one may be chosen by them together, in that case he

who shall be now chosen, shall renounce his Papacy. And they provided, that none shall ever take absolution from this oath: All did subscribe.

2. GREGORY the XII. being eighty years old, was chosen; and the same day, in presence of all the Cardinals, confirmed the same oath by a new subscription. The union was attempted again, by Letters from the one Pope unto the other; they consent to meet on Michaelmass day at Savona in Li∣guria; but Gregory objected sundry impediments; and when these were re∣moved by Bishops and Princes, he coined more; as may be read at large in Morna. Myster. pag. 497. & ss. Benedict still made shew of readiness; when he heard that Gregory made new delays, he went unto Catalonia in Spain, where he was born, professing his desire of union, but there was no appear∣ance of it: In truth, he was necessitated to go thither; for the French King, and University of Paris, would bear no longer with him, and called him a Schismatick, &c. Gregory thought then that the field was won: He called a Councel to assemble at Aquileia; and to the end he may attain his designs, he created more Cardinals. Benedict practised the like in Arragon; both of them still pretending unity. The Church of Rome had of late broached * 1.38 this conceit, That the judgement of the Pope is infallible; but now it pleased God to check that fond opinion, and by lamentably sensible examples teach them their error, that if reason cannot perswade them, experience should con∣vince them; or if they will believe none who had written that the Pope may er, yet they shall see it with their eys, and then let them hold him the rule of faith at their peril. So the Cardinals of both these factions began to distaste the ambition of their Popes; and first, some of the Spanish Cardinals with∣drew themselves, and came to Pisa; and others of the other side assembled with them, to the number of 124 Divines, and 300 Jurists: They with one consent call a Councel to be held there, An. 1409. and by their Letters they require the Emperor, the Kings of France, Hungary, England, Poland, Sicily, Arragon, and other States, to give their concurrence. Only the nearer part of Spain, Scotland, and the Count Armeniacus, followed Benedict. The Councel was assembled, to the number of 1000 Divines and Lawyers, as some write. They summon both Popes to appear, either personally or by their Proctors. They both contested against the lawfulness of the Assembly, as not having authority from the head. The Councel replied, A Councel cannot be called by one of the Competitors; for a party cannot make a general, but a parti∣cular Councel; but neither of the two would yield to the other; so the Councel goeth on; and because none of the two Popes would appear, after many Sessions, and after long disputation of their power, and after canonical process, they all, without exception, condemn Pope Benedict and Pope Gregory, and absolve all men from obedience unto them; they annul all their Acts, promotions.....In the tenor of deprivation, they call these two noto∣rious Schismaticks, obstinate maintainers of Schism, Hereticks departed from the faith, scandalizing the whole Church, unworthy the Papacy, and cut off from the Church. And they elected unto the Papal Chair, a Greek by birth, Peter Philargus, the Bishop of Millain; who was called

3. ALEXANDER the V. Of him it is said, He was a rich Bishop, a poor Cardinal, and a beggarly Pope: this last part was said of him, partly because of the division of the Papal revenues, and partly because of his pro∣fusion beyond any Prince. The other two Popes would never consent unto this Synod. Bellarmin will neither call this Councel lawful nor unlawful, De Concil. lib. 1. cap. 8. Then were three Suns, as the Popes were wont to call themselves in comparison of the Emperors, but they were all pale in the clouds, none of them being in their own region; and the Romish Church had

three heads. Alexander had scarcely warmed his Crown on his head, when he gave full remission of all sin unto them, who conferred any thing unto the Monastery of S. Bartholomew by Smithfield; and resorted to that Church any of these days following, to wit, Maundy Thursday, Good Friday, Easter Even, or on the Feast of Annuntiation, from the first Even Song unto the latter. Io. Fox in Act. He died in the eighth moneth. When he was dying, he protested before a multitude of Bishops and others, that the Pisan Councel had proceeded very lawfully, and had decreed most justly. Platin. Will not the Papists believe the protestation of their Pope on his death-bed? Then the Cardinals thought to be more circumspect in chusing his Successor; they assembled at Bononia; where Baldesar Cossa, a Noble man of Naples, was the Pope's Legate, and Commander of the City; he had a great number of Soldiers both within and without, under pretence of preventing all tumults, but indeed, that if he could not attain unto the Papacy by solicitation, he might atchieve it by arms. Platin. He pressed the Cardinals to name a Pope. They went to election, and named one; he refused him: they name another; he refused to accept him: they did name more; none were to his liking: They ask, Whom will he name? He said, Give me the Cape of blessed Peter, and I shall give it unto the Pope: Then he put it on his own shoulders, and said, I am Pope. The Cardinals thought this an informable election; but none durst speak against him. Bellar. de Ro. Pon. lib. 4. cap. 14. saith, It could not be easily judged, by which of these three was the true and lawful Pope: why? because every one of them had most learned Patrons. This same Pope,

4. JOHN the XXIV. (alias XXIII.) feared that the Cardinals would enterprise something against him, and therefore presently sent Legates unto Germany, entreating the Princes to accept Sigismund unto the Imperial Throne; he thought so to gain his favor. Platin. He, obtaining this desire, proclaimed a Councel at Rome, under pretence to crown the Emperor, but intending to establish himself. The Schism continued, until the Emperor pro∣cured a Councel at Constance, An. 1414. John, hoping that the Emperor would acquit him for his former favor, consented, and gave his Bull for assembling the Councel; and in that Bull, he acknowledged the lawfulness of the general Councel at Pisa; and called Pope Alexander, the President of happy memory. In the Councel he laid down his Papacy; and the Emperor gave him thanks, and kissed his foot: But when he saw no appearance to be restored, he thought best to provide for himself by flight; and he would re∣voke his renuntiation. The Emperor caused to pursue him. Frederick Duke of Austria apprehended him, and delivered him unto the Emperor; and he committed him unto the Count Palatine of Rhine, who kept him three years in his Castle at Hedleberg. John was judged as unworthy as any of the other two; for he was accused to have hired Marsilius Parmensis, a Physician, to poison Pope Alexander; that he was an Heretick, a Simoniack, a Murtherer, an Inchanter, an Adulterer, a Dice-player, a Sodomite, a notorious Atheist, and contemner of all Religion; he sold for 50000 ducates the head of John Baptist, which was in St. Silvester's Monastery at Rome. John Naucler saith, About forty Articles were proved against him. Then the Councel dealt with the other two Popes to renounce their authority, as followeth. Pope Gregory, being then decrepit, sent his Proctor, and renounced his power; and was made Legate of Piceno; and died shortly after. Benedict would never ac∣knowledge the Councel; and when he died, after the Councel was ended, he required an oath of his Cardinals, that they should chuse another Pope after his death.

5. MARTIN the V. was chosen by the Councel on Martin's day,

An. 1417. he was convoyed by the Emperor and Councel, with great so∣lemnity, into the great Church of Constance, and from thence unto the Monastery of St. Augustin to be crowned; the Emperor led his horse by the bridle on the right hand, and the Marquess of Brandenburgh on the left hand, both on foot. He confirmed the Acts of the Councel. The Emperor entreated him to abide in Germany, because of the diversity of Religion, or (as he spoke) for divers enormities there. The French Nation allured him to go with them. He said, The Churches of the Saints in Rome were decaying, by the long absence of Popes; so he went to Italy, and stayed three years at Florence. At that time John the XXIV. redeemed himself out of prison for 30000 crowns, and went unto Florence. Pope Martin feared that he would renew the Schism; but John kissed his foot, and was made Cardinal of Tusculo; yet could not patiently live in so private a condition, and died of melancholy. Then Martin had but one Antipope, and sought by all means to have him out of the way; but Alfonso King of Arragon maintained Pope Benedict the rather, that Pope Martin had declared Lewis, Duke of Anjow, to be King of Sicily. When Benedict had sate thirty years, and was dead, his Cardinals chose Pope Clemens the VIII. who sate four years; until Pope Martin, seeing the unlucky success of King Lewis, did agree with Alfonso concerning Sicily; then these two compound with Pope Clemens, that he shall have the Bishoprick of Majorca; and his Cardinals shall enjoy their hats, except some recusants that were committed; so the Schism was ended. Pope Martin was hot in the wars against the Bohemians. Angelus de Clavasio, a Minorite, in his Summa, at the word Papa, writeth, that this Martin, after con∣sultation, granted licence unto a man to marry his own Sister. He sate fourteen years, and died An. 1431.

6. EUGENIUS the IV. was miscarried with ill advice, and troubled all things concerning God and men. Platin. By his covetousness he so pro∣voked the Romans, that there was a great fight within the City, and he thought it his best way to steal away in a Monkish habit; when the Citizens knew that he was going down the river in a boat, they threw stones at him; but by means of his Captain Sfortia, he regained all that he had lost, and be∣came very haughty. He loved wars, which may seem strange in a Pope, saith Platin. He was afraid of the event of the Councel at Basil, when he saw it encrease with multitude of Princes and Bishops from Spain, France, Ger∣many, Hungary, &c. and had made an Act in Sess. 2. A Councel is above a Pope; and all men of whatsoever condition, even Papal, ought to obey it; therefore he went about the translating of it to Bononia; but the Emperor, and all the Princes and Bishops there, charged him, that if he did not approve the Councel, which was ordained by the former Councel, and was called by the former Pope, and now had sate so long time by his own consent, the Na∣tions there assembled would dethrone him: This Letter made him approve the Councel by his Bull, An. 1434. When Sigismund died, Eugenius assem∣bled his Cardinals and faction at Ferraria, and then (as followeth) at Florence, and would have taken all power from the Councel; but the Councel did so despise his threatnings, that they condemned Pope Eugenius as unworthy of Peter's Chair; and they chose another, to wit, the Duke of Savoy, who had lived an Eremite for some years; him they called FELIX the V. This was a new schism; some followed the one, and some the other, and some were neutral; so they were two Popes, and two Councels contrary unto one ano∣ther. Behold the unity of the Roman Church! all the Acts and consecrati∣ons of Pope Eugenius were judged null at Basil, nor was he ever absolved from their curse; they called him, a rebel against the sacred Canons, a noto∣rious

scandalizer and disturber of the peace and unity of the Church, a simo∣nist, a perjured wretch, incorrigible, a schismatick, and obstinate heretick. On the other side Eugenius wrote his Letters from Florence unto all Princes, shewing that Amedeus, alias Pope Felix, had advised with the inchanters, and had received response that he should be Pope, and therefore he had lived an Eremite for a space, to deceive the world with hypocrisie; he called him, a wolf in a sheeps skin; the Image of Nebuchadnezzar; the Idol of Beelze∣bub, standing in the Church of God; Lucifer, who said, he would set his seat in the North, &c. Ph. Morn. in Myster. pag. 544. He published sundry Acts and writs, wherein he did aver, that he was so far from being obliged to follow and obey a Councel, that he did then deserve most, when he con∣temned the Acts of a Councel; and he said, It is heresie to think, that a Councel is above a Pope, although all the University of Christendom would affirm the same: So by the Bull of Pope Eugenius, the infallability of the Church is preserved in the Pope only, and the Pope only may make a true Church; or rather we may infer, The Pope is the Antichrist: For as Augu∣stine, Lib. 20. De ci. Dei, cap. 19. saith, The Antichrist shall sit (as it is in the Greek) non in templo Dei, sed in templum Dei, tanquam ipse sit templum Dei, quod est Ecclesia, sicut dicimus, sedet in amicum, id est, amicus; that is, not only in the Church, but over the Church, as if he were the Church. When his Bulls and practises could not prevail against the Councel, he enticed the Daul∣phin (who thereafter was Lewis the XI. King of France) to go with 30000 Soldiers against Basil, as followeth. John Palaeologus, Emperor of the East, sent word, that he would come unto the Councel to treat of union; (but his aim was to procure aid against the Turks) then Charls the VII. sent ships into the Ionian Sea, to bring the Emperor and his Clergy into France, and that way to convoy him unto Basil: But Eugenius prevened them with ships and money sent unto the Emperor, as it were to defray their charges by the way, and with promises to pay all their charges in Italy; and his Admiral said, That the Pope and the Councel were reconciled: the other ships come too late, and shewed, that the Councel was not reconciled with the Pope; the Patri∣arch and other Bishops perceived some fraud, and refused to go into Italy, until reconciliation was made there among themselves: whereupon the Ad∣miral of the Papal ships would have fought with the Councels ships; but the Emperor would not suffer them to fight within his dominion; and also he pressed the Bishops to go aboard; it was in the winter time, and after they had been beaten with storms, they arrived at Venice; the Patriarch Joseph was sickly, and the Emperor left him, and went to Ferraria; within few days Joseph followed; and while he was yet in the ship, the Emperor sent to in∣form him, that at his first meeting with the Pope, he must fall down and kiss his foot; the Emperor (said the messenger) providing for your honor, hath dealt these three days with the Pope, that it should not be so; and he adviseth you hereof before hand. This news seemed strange unto the Patriarch; for he had resolved to acknowledge the Pope as a Father, if he were older; or as a Brother, if he were equal in years; or if the Pope were yonger, he would accept him as a Son: yea, and before he came from home, he had said unto some of his friends, that if he were once in Italy, he hoped to purchase more reputation, and to recover the honor of his See; and now when he is ordered to kiss the Pope's foot, he was amazed. About noon six Bishops come unto him to congratulate his arrival; and to exhort him, that he would not refuse to give unto the Pope the obeysance that all men give him. The Patriarch answered peremptorily, that he would not salute the Pope after that maner, yea, and all maner which nature doth not allow; since they are Brethren, they

should embrace one another after a brotherly maner. The Bishops return to shew this answer unto the Pope; and in the mean time, the Patriarch asked the advice of the Greek Bishops; they, in one voice, said, It was not lawful, nor comely, nor profitable; and they told him, that he might have known the Pope's pride before, when his Legate sought the precedency in Constanti∣nople, as they also had given him to understand at that time, but he would not regard their advertisement. Before night the Papal Bishops came again, and pressed the same curtesie. The Patriarch said, By what reason can the Pope de∣mand this? what Councel of the ancient Fathers hath so ordained? if he call himself Peter's Successor, the Successors of other Apostles are here; and did any of the Apostles kiss Peter's foot? who ever heard that? The Bishops replied, Kings and Emperors, and Cardinals greater then the Emperor, do so unto the Pope now through many ages. The Patriarch answered. It is but a late custom, and I will rather return home then do it; I am in the ship, and I will not go out of the ship, if that be required of me. Briefly, because the Patriarch would not so abase himself, the Pope was content to accept him with mutual em∣bracings and kisses, yet but in a chamber, in presence of a few Cardinals. Of their proceedings in the Councel, I shall speak hereafter: For the present thus much only; among the Articles covenanted between the Emperor and the Pope, this was one, that if the Turks shall invade Constantinople, in the time that the Greeks shall be in Italy, the Pope shall send a navy for aid: But in two several summers Amurathes did invade Constantinople by Sea, and the Pope could not be perswaded to send one ship; the Emperor sought but two, and Eugenius would send none. The History marketh, that God did preserve Constantinople at that time; and immediately Nicolaus, Duke of Piceno, took two Cities, Bononia and Friuli, from Eugenius. Sgyrop. Hist. sect. 5. cap. 12. In the year 1443. the Pope made agreement with the chief Romans, and returned to Rome in September; he would have gone into St. Peter's the second day, but all the people were in an uproar, crying, Away with new tributes, and the authors of them; Eugenius had laid new tribute on the wine: He did not dare to go out of doors that day, but discharged the late Impost; the next day he went forward, the people crying. Long may Euge∣nius live. On the nineteenth day thereafter, he called an assembly at Lateran; and excommunicated all the Prelates at Basil. Vladislaus, King of Hungary, had made peace with the Turks: Eugenius sent his Legate, Cardinal Julian, * 1.39 and perswaded the King to break the peace; because without his leave, he could not contract with the enemies of Christ. At the first onset, the company of Asia, on the north wing of the Turks Army, were put to flight by John Hunniades, Prince of Transilvania, and General of the Hungarians: Then Amurathes took out the Book of the Articles of Peace, and lifting up his eys to Heaven, he said, These are the Articles, O Jesus Christ, which thy Christi∣ans have covenanted with me, and have sworn holily by thy name; and now they have violated their faith attested by thy name; they have falsely denied their God; and now Christ, if thou be God, I beseech thee avenge thy own wrongs and mine, and shew the punishment of perjury unto them, which as yet have not known thy name. He had scarcely uttered these words, when (behold!) the fight was suddenly changed. Ph. Morn. in Myster. ex Bonfin. Hist. Hungar. dec. 1. lib. 6. A bloody fight followed at Varna, where the Turks prevailed; that ye may see (saith Aen. Sylv. lib. 1. epist. 81.) how oaths should be kept, not only with the houshold of faith, but with enemies also. That day the yong King, and Julian the false Cardinal, and many of the Hungarian Nobility, were slain; and the Prelates, that were in the field for encouraging the Soldiers, fled, and fell into marishes; and all the trinches and ditches were

filled with blood of Christians, An. 1444. from thenceforth wars prospered not well with the Hungarians. The same Pope raised wars in Italy, and died An. 1447.

7. NICOLAUS the V. was chosen, Pope Felix being alive; where∣fore many remained neutral; and the wars that were begun, continued until the year before the Jubilee. The Emperor, with his Diet at Oschoffenburgh, did charge all Germany to acknowledg Pope Nicolaus; and he commanded the City Basil to dismiss the Councel before the Feast of St. Martin, An. 1548. The Pope Nicolaus sent Aen. Sylvius to perswade Pope Felix to renounce his title; they agree, that Amadeus shall be a Cardinal, and Legate of Germany, and of his own Countrey; and all his Cardinals and Bishops shall keep their places. To procure the favor of the Germans, Nicolaus published a Bull, Ad sacram Petri sedem, and another, Vt pacis, dated in July An. 1449. wherein he prescribeth some moderation of Annates; he approveth and confirmeth all the provisions and Acts of the Councel at Basil, and of Pope Felix the V. and their other censures, excommunications, absolutions, &c. This Bull is an∣nexed unto the Acts of that Councel, after the Decretum quinque conclusionum, Such were the times, that the Popes framed their Decrees and Bulls accord∣ing to their own interest, and not according to equity, nor the voices of them who had called on the holy Ghost: That Councel was also confirmed by Pope Sixtus the IV. All troubles being thus calmed, so many went to Rome in the year of Jubilee, that on a day Peter Barbus, Cardinal of St. Mark, riding on a mule toward the Vatican, and reencountring with the people on Hadrians bridge, could go neither forward nor backward for the throng, his mule and two hundred men with three horses, were extinguished, and many fell from both sides of the bridge into the water. Platin. The next year Mahumet, ha∣ving received many foils at Constantinople, was preparing all his forces a∣gainst it. Then Constantine Paleologus sent unto the Pope, and craved help of men and money. Nicolaus refused, unless the Emperour would cause the Greeks to submit unto his Papal Authority. Antonine Bishop of Florence, at the same time, saith; The Pope thought it not reason to spoil Italy of mo∣nies, for aid of a Nation potent enough, if they would bestow their money to hire other Nations. Anton. par. 3. tit. 22. cap. 13. But the Greeks would rather suffer any extremity, then be subject unto the Pope; so that City was lost unworthily, An. 1453. Then Nicolaus hoped to reap a rich harvest; he sent Bassarion, a Greek, (whom Eugenius had enticed unto his side at Flo∣rence, and had given him a red hat, with the Bishoprick of Tusculo) to be Patriarch of Constantinople; the Greeks would not accept him, but chose Gennadius Scholarius. Many Greeks came then into Italy; and many Italians began then to study the Greek Language. Bodinus in Daemono. sheweth ex Iac. Sprenger. a rare dispensation granted by this Nicolaus: A German Bishop (whom the Pope loved) was sick, and had learned from a witch, that another witch had done him ill; nor could he be healed, unless that sickness were cast upon the woman which had done it, and then she assuredly was to die: The Bishop sendeth unto the Pope for an Indulgence to practise this. Nicolaus granted it, with this clause, Of two evils, the greatest is to be eschewed. He sate eight years.

8. CALLISTUS the III. instantly after his coronation, produced a Book, wherein he had many years before written these words; I Callistus, Pope, vow unto the Almighty God, and the holy individual Trinity, that I shall pursue by wars, interdictions, curses, and by what other means I shall be able, the Turks, which are enemies of Christ's name. Platin. So he sent sixteen ships, under the conduct of the Patriarch of Aquileia, into Asia. At that

time a great Comet appeared; which the Mathematicians deemed to por∣tend a great plague: wherefore the Pope ordained, that the bells be tolled at noon; and then all people to fall upon their knees, and pray that the plague might fall on the Turks; but it fell at home: for as the wars were taken in hand suddenly, so they ended soon and shamefully. Ibid. Callistus ordained the feast of Christ's transfiguration on August 6. granting the like indulgence unto the observers thereof, as of Corp. Christi. Jo. Naucler. He multiplied the number of canonized Saints, adding Edmund an English Minorite, and Vin∣centius a Spanish Minorite, &c. When the before named Bessarion heard of this enrolling, he said, These new Saints make me doubt of the old. He or∣dained a general Letany and procession the first Sunday of every moneth; and that every one observing it, shall have indulgence for seven years. He added unto the Mass a prayer, for victory against the Infidels; which who∣soever shall say, shall have three years indulgence. If he had minded sincerely to aid the Christians, he had a fair occasion; for at the same time John Hun∣niades, or Vaivoda, overcame Mahumet at Alba, (saith Naucler, or as others write, Belgrad) and was not able to pursue his victory, his Army was so sore weakened. Antonin. par. 3. tit. 22. cap. 14. Shortly thereafter the valiant Hun∣niades died at Zemplen, An. 1456. But Callistus was more desirous to have his Son, or Nephew, Lignius Borgias, to attain the Crown of Sicilies; for Alfonso King of Arragon died, and his base Son Ferdinand succeeded in all his Kingdoms; but the Pope proclaimed the Kingdom of Sicilies to be va∣cant, and fallen again unto St. Peter, and so the Pope may dispose of it at his pleasure: he commanded Ferdinand, under pain of his curse, that he call not himself King of Sicilies; but if any can pretend any right unto it, it should be examined at Rome: and he dissolved all oath of obedience unto Ferdinand. Anton. ibid. cap. 16. They were levying on both sides; and in the mean time Callistus died, when he had sate three years.

9. PIUS the II. was before Aeneas Sylvius; with the change of his name, he changed his manners. He had been Scribe at the Councel of Basil; and was one of the twelve Censores Concilii; when any thing was done by De∣puties of Nations, Aeneas was one for Italy; when Eugenius was deposed, and Felix was chosen, Aeneas was sent, by the Councel, unto the Emperour, to declare the equity of the election; and the Emperour admiring the dexte∣rity of his wit, chose him to be his Secretary. In his first book, Degestis Conc. Basil. he hath a large discourse, proving that the Pope is subject unto the Councel; there he saith, The Church is the Spouse of Christ, and the Pope is but his Vicar; now (saith he) the Spouse is above a Vicar, neither will will any man subject his Wife unto his Vicar: There he proves that these passages of Scripture, Thou shalt be called Cephas, and I will give thee the keys; and I have praied for thee; and feed my sheep, give no priviledge unto Peter, but are wrested by flatterers, contrary to the mind of Christ, and exposition of the Fathers. There also he saith, Christ is the head of the Church, and the Pope is not the head; unless one will say, that he is the Ministerial head, or Vicar of the Head for edification, and not the harm of the Church; and therefore as an offending member may be cut off, so the Pope may be deposed: And that a Councel may be assembled without the consent of the Pope, he proves both by reason and practice. But when Aeneas was made Pope, he sent abroad a Bull, with the Title of Retractations, revoking what he had written against other Popes; and praising them. In another, begin∣ning Execrabilis, and dated in the second year of his Papacy; he condem∣neth all appellations unto a future Councel, as execrable and pestiferous; and he condemns all Universities, and favourers of such appellations. In ano∣ther

that beginneth In minoribus agentes, and directed unto the University of Colen, An. 1463. he professeth repentance for writing the Dialogue, and other books for authority of a Councel; and saith, He had persecuted the Church ignorantly, as Paul did; and he would prove the authority of a Pope above a Councel, from the same passages of Scripture which he had brought to the contrary. In the end he saith, he doth reverence the Councel of Con∣stance; and yet that Councel had decreed that a Councel is above the Pope. And so Pius verifieth what Pope Gregory, on Iob lib. 11. cap. 10. saith, A Doctor neglecting to practice what he hath taught, and will not do the good that he hath averred, beginneth to teach the lewd things that he loveth; and in the just judgment of God, now he shall not have for good, who refuseth a good conversation; because when the heart is inflamed with the love of earthly things, it speaks alwaies of earthly things; as truth saith in the Gos∣pel, Out of the aboundance of the heart, the mouth speaketh. This Pope absolved Ferdinand King of Arragon, from the curse of Pope Callistus; yet so, that he gave his wifes sister in marriage unto the Pope's Nephew; and also gave him the Dutchy of Maldeburg and Celan. Platina saith, This Pope's sister had four sons; and the King made the two youngest both Knights; and unto one of them he gave his daughter, with the Dutchy of Amalphis. Pius was an enemy to Lewis the II. King of France, because he confirmed the Pragmatica Sanctio; and he caused him to annul it. He menaced Borsius▪ Duke of Mutina, because he favoured the affairs of France. He pursued, with most grievous censures, Sigismund Duke of Austria; because he had imprisoned Card. Nicol. Cusanus, unto whom the Pope had given a Bishop∣rick in Tirolis, without the Duke's consent. He deprived Diether, Bishop of Mentz; because he would not consent that the Pope should exact the An∣nats in Germany, nor give his Oath that he would never sollicite for a Coun∣cel; and Pius gave that See unto Adolph of Nassow. Crantz. in Saxon. lib. 12. cap. 1. saith, The Pope's confirmation was not regarded; therefore A∣dolph levied an Army, and by the aid of the Palatine of Rhine, he prevai∣led against Diether, and spoiled the City pitifully, and brought it into mi∣serable bondage, and all trading decaied there. Fascic. rer. expeten. fol. 164. Edit. An. 1535. saith, Pius sighed so oft as he heard the name of Mentz, be∣cause he had done so great harm unto that City; and thereafter he restored Diether. Pius brought unto the Patrimony of the Church Tarracino, Bene∣vento, Sora, Arpino, and a great part of Campania; and was alwaies care∣full to inlarge the Papal authority. He was so intangled with wars, that he seemed not to favour learning, saith Platina. In the year 1460. he assembled a Councel at Mantua, for levying an Army against the Turks: The Orator of France came thither, and complained that the Kingdom of Naples was taken from the right heir, and given unto the King of Arragon; but the Pope pleaded for Arragon, and would have no business to be treated there, but only preparation against the Turk; and he sent Bessurion into Germany and Hungary for the same effect: But their private jars hindred the common cause, saith Laon. Chalcocon. lib. 8. Io. Naucler. saith, Many Souldiers came from Germany, France and Spain unto Ancona; the Pope gave them all his bles∣sing, and sent them home again, because they had not brought money enough with them. He writ an Epistle to Mahumet, which is the 396. in number; where he affirms that the Empire of Greece depends on his See, and his Pre∣decessours had given the Empire of Germany unto Charls; and he offered to give that Xingdom peaceably unto him, if he would turn Christian, and defend the Church. He did sit six years. Platina reckoneth these follow∣ing Proverbs to be his, There be three persons of one Deity; and we

may not consider by what reason it may be so, but who hath said it. When men attempt to measure the Heaven, they may be called bold, rather than true measures. Fools, and not wise men, are moved with fair words. The first places in Kings Courts are slippery. As all Rivers run into the Sea, so all vices into great Courts. Men should be given to dignities, and not di∣gnities unto men. Some men are in Office, and deserve it not; others deserve, and have it not. A wandring Monk is the Divel's slave. For weighty causes marriage was taken from Priests; but for weightier reasons it should be gran∣ted, &c. I have seen some Editions that have not this last Proverb; but it is in the Edition at Venice, An. 1562. Cum Privilegio Pontificis, &c.

10. PAUL the II. had been a Merchant in Venice; when he heard that his Uncle Eugenius was Pope, he would then learn Grammer, but because of his age, he made little progress. Platin. Nevertheless Eugenius made him Arch-Deacon of Bononia, then Bishop of Cervia, and then a Cardinal; but his ambition stayed not until he was Pope; and then he was not so much void of all literature, as an hater of all learned men; for he deprived them of their Benefices without any just cause; among them Platina was one: These seeking to be restored, craved that their cause might be heard before Auditores rotae; but he said, Ye would bring us before Judges, as if ye were ignorant that all Laws are in our breast; I have declared so, and let them all go; I am Pope, and may approve or refuse the Acts of others at my pleasure. He was the first Pope that spoke in this maner. Io. Serres. After three weeks, when they saw no appearance to be restored, Platina wrote unto him thus; If thou may spoil us of that which we bought with our money, we may also complain of the wrong and unjust ignominy; since we have been rejected by thee, and have received so notorious infamy, we will go to Kings and Princes, and exhort them, for your cause, to assemble a Councel; where thou shalt be compelled to give account, why thou hast spoiled us of our lawful possessions. For this Letter Platina was laid in Iron fetters; for the Pope could not hear of a Councel: after some space Platina was loosed, upon condition, that he go not out of Rome. Platin. Eugenius had founded some Canons in the Lateran Church, which were Regulars; Callistus expelled them, and placed Seculars; now Paul put out the Seculars, and restored the Regulars, to the great offence of the Romans. Idem. He exceeded all his Predecessors in gorgeous apparel; his Mitre was set with all manner of precious stones; he would be admired by all men; and lest he were too singular, he ordained by a publick Decree, that none should have a scarlet hat, but the Cardinals; and those should always have their horses or mules covered with scarlet; he would have given them more ornaments, if some, thinking well, had not ad∣monished, that the pomp of the Church should not be augmented in preju∣dice of Religion. Idem. All offices were then sold at Rome; he sold the richer Benefices to them who had the lesser, that his Annates might be the more; no respect was had of learning, but only, who will give most: He called the Students of Humanity, (as Platina speaketh) Hereticks; and he exhorted the Citizens, that they breed not their children with learning; it is enough (said he) if they can read and write. He devised new offices for his own gain; he kindled wars in several places; he stirred the Germans and Hungarians against the Bohemians; he vexed the Poli in Aequitoli, because they said Christ hath no Vicar. He sate six years ten moneths, and died of Apoplexy, An. 1471. Agrippa de vanit. scien. cap. 6. calleth these, Paul and his Successours Sixtus, Alexander and Julius, famous disturbers of Christendom.

11. SIXTUS the IV. General of the Franciscans, restored the Secular Canons, whom Paul had ejected. Onuphr. in Addit. to Platin. Paul sowed,

and Sixtus reaped a plentiful harvest; for Paul did ordain that the Jubile should be kept every 25. year, and Sixtus kept it, An. 1475. In the next year he ordain∣ed, that whosoever kept the feast of the conception of Mary (as was ordained at Basil) according to the order now prescribed by his Notary, should have as large forgiveness as was decreed by Urban the IV. or Martin the V. unto the observers of Corp. Christi. This constitution was annexed to the Acts of the Councel at Trent; and by a constitution following there, it is clear, that many Preachers in their Sermons and Books, maintained that Mary was con∣ceived in sin, and it is a deadly sin to hold the contrary; wherefore the former constitution had need of a Bull of confirmation, dated An. 1483. Onuphrius saith, In the days of Paul, Sixtus was so respected for learning, that all the doubts of saith were committed unto him among all the Cardinals; and now he made shew of great things; he proclaimed a Councel to be at Lateran for reformation of the Church, and for aid against the Turks. The Emperor Frederick objected, that no good was ever done at Rome for the Church; therefore it were fitter to assemble at Constance, or other City in the confines of Germany: Constance, where so many Popes were deposed, was odious at Rome. Frederick then named Utina in Carnia. Then Sixtus perceived that he could not atcheive his designments, and forgetting the Councel, turned to the advancing of his kinred, of whom he made some Dukes and Princes. Onuphrius saith, He loved his kinsmen greatly, and was blamed for granting unto them some things contrary unto reason and equity; to wit, as Wesellus Groningensis (who was an eye witness, in his Book De indulgen. Papali.) re∣porteth, At the suit of P. Ruerius, (whom Sixtus made Cardinal of S. Sixto) and of his own Brother Jerome, he granted unto all the domesticks of Car∣dinal de S. Lucia, a free licence to commit sodomy in the moneths of June, July and August. Onuphrius saith, He devised new tributes, but spared to shew the particulars. Agrippa de van. scient. cap. 64. doth shew, saying, Pope Sixtus built a large Stews; and was like to Heliogabulus, who fed herds of whores to his friends and servants.....and now each whore in Rome payeth dayly unto the Pope a Julian penny; which tribute surmounteth to 20000. ducates yearly; and this is the charge of the Exchequer of the Church, to reckon the rewards of whores: for I have heard them reckoning thus; This man hath two Benefices, a Curates place of twenty crowns, with three whores, paying weekly twenty Julians: Yea, the Bishops and officials of Court are bordellers, and compel the Priests to pay a yearly tribute for their concu∣bines; so that it is a proverb, Have he one or none, he must pay a crown for his concubine; or let him take one if he will: But in the Kingdom of avarice nothing is filthy, if it bring gain. I pass (saith he) that for a sum of money, Bishops give licence unto women, in their husbands absence, to dwell w••th othermen; all which are so manifest and frequent, that it is doubted, whe∣ther the shamelesness of Priests, or patience of people be more out of order...such patrons hath the bordle craft, &c. But to return; Sixtus would never refuse to grant a Benefice, saith Onuphrius; and would give the same Bene∣fice to sundry persons, being importunate; and to take away all jarrings, he appointed John de Monte unto that charge; he was much addicted to wars; and did nothing well, saith Onuphrius. When he heard that Hercules Duke of Ferraria had agreed with the Venetians, he was so vexed, that he died within five days, when he had sate fourteen years. Ioh. Sapius made this Epitaph;

Sixte, jaces tandem, nostra discordia secli, Saevisti in Superos, nunc Acheronta tenes. Sixte, jaces tandem, deflent tua busta cynaedi, Scortaque, lenones, alea, vina, Venus.

Riserat ut vivens coelestia numina Sixtus, Sic moriens nullos credidit esse deos.

12. INNOCENTIUS the VIII. followed him in bloody wars, de∣vising tributes, selling Benefices, advancing his Nephews, &c. At that time Zizimus, (or Games) the elder Son of Mohumet, was overthrown in battel in Bithynia, by his younger Brother Bajazet, and fled into the Rhodes, where the Master apprehended him. When Baiazet knew it, he sent rich gifts unto the Master of the Knights, entreating to keep him in sure ward, and he would give him 40000. crowns yearly, and never move wars against Christians. Lest Games make an escape, he was sent into France, and thence delivered unto Innocentius. Phi. Cominaeus Hist. pag. 944. edit. Hanno. An. 1606. The Pope profered unto all Christians, if they would leave intestine wars, he would aid them against the Turks; and to encourage them, he told them, that Captain would go with them: But Bajazet sent him 40000. crowns yearly, and so that enterprize was ended. Onuphr. He was compelled to make peace with Ferdinand King of Naples; and then pretending that the King paid not his tribute, he accursed him, and gave his Kingdom to Charls the VIII. King of France. He sate four years.

13. ALEXANDER the VI. attained the Papacy by ambition of some Cardinals, whom he corrupted with gifts and promises; so the worst of all was preferred to them all. Onuphr. Some in the conclave said, They had most foolishly made him Pope, who was a most wicked man, and great hypocrite, and would vex them all; neither were they deceived, for Ascanius Sfortia (the chief procurator of the election) became phrenetick, others were exiled, some were imprisoned, and some condemned to death by him. Charls the VIII. King of France, was then in his expedition toward Naples, and in∣tended to go against the Turks; for he heard, that Bajazet was not stout, and was in fear of Games; and the Christians did advertise Charls, and invited him. P. Comin. de bello Neapo. lib. 2. The Pope envying France, agreed with Alfonso Son of Ferdinand, on condition, that the Pope should send a Car∣dinal to Naples for his confirmation; and Alfonso should pay as his Father was wont, &c. Then these two sent their Legates unto Bajazet (saith Guic. lib. 1.) shewing, that Charls was then in Arms against Naples; and thence intending into Greece, in prosecution of the project of his Ancestors; and they proferred to detain the force of France, if he will aid them with money. Bajazet returned thanks unto the Pope, that he who is the head of Christen∣dom, had advertised him so lovingly of so eminent danger; and intreated him to kill Games by poison, or any other way, and he would give him 200000. ducates, and the woven garment of Christ; as he had sent unto Innocentius the point of the spear, wherewith Longinus had pierced Christ's side. P. Morn. in Myster. Nevertheless Charls, in the twentieth year of his age, passed through Italy, with Bernard Stewart Duke of Albany, General of his Army, without resistance; and knowing that Alfonso was with the Pope, he went to Rome, and told the Citizens, If they let him not enter, he would make a way to himself. The Pope hearing how others had accepted him, neither did refuse, nor had power to hold him out: The same night Alfonso fled unto Naples; and Alexander went into Hadrians Tower. A great number of the Cardinals and Senators went forth unto Charls, and lodged him in that part which belonged unto the Columnenses. The Pope was odious unto the Cardinals, and they had a purpose to chuse another: They exhorted the King to batter the walls of the Tower, which he might have done easily; neither wanted he will, but he wanted the dexterity of choise men; so his Courtiers, being corrupted with gifts by Alexander, they agreed upon these conditions:

1. The Pope should give unto the King four Cities, for assurance of the King∣dom of Naples. 2. No wrong or trouble should be done unto the Cardi∣nals and Gentlemen who had followed him. 3. He should deliver Games unto the King. 4. He should give his Son, the Cardinal of Valencia in pledge, but under a shew of the Pope's Legate. P. Comin. lo. cit. Io. Serres addeth, that Charls got the title of the Emperor of Constantinople. The Pope could not refuse these conditions, yet so, that his perfidious minde could not hide it self; for he poisoned Games, and then sent him to Charls; and within few days he died. Charls abode at Rome three weeks, and kissed the Pope's foot, and then his cheek (which Alexander caused to be painted in the Gallery of St. Angelo, Guicciar. lib. 1.) and to shew that he had power within Rome, he caused seats of Justice to be set up where he pleased, and did execution on some guilty persons. From Rome he went to Naples; and the Cities received him, Alfonso having fled into Spain. Then Charls presumed of security, and left no Garisons in the City; in the mean time Alexander, by his Legates at Venice, made a new league with the Emperor, Spain, Venetians and others, against King Charls, so that he was forced to return into France; and the Cities of Apulia and Calabria, not being fortified, received the Spaniards. P. Comin. de bell. Neap. lib. 3. Then Pope Alexander did salute the King of Spain, The most Christian King; and he would have given him that title, thereby to ingage his favor for ever; but because some Cardinals advised him, that the King of France would be offended, to be deprived of that title, Alexander gave the title of The Catholick King unto Ferdinand. Ibid. lib. 5. Then Alexander being delivered from the fear of Charls, began to enrich his kinsmen by all manner of ways, saith Onuph. If at any time he was not taken up with publick affairs, he gave himself unto all maner of pleasures, being al∣together given unto women; he had four Sons and two Daughters; above all women he loved Vannocia, whom he kept almost as a wife. Idem. Other Popes did not avow their children, but he openly honored them: It is offensive to godly ears to hear, and vile to repeat the incest of his family, which Onu∣phrius toucheth; Guicciardin hath at large, lib. 1, & 3. and Iulian. Pontan. tumul. lib. 2. hath summarily in his Daughters Epitaph:

Hoc jacet in tumulo Lucretia nomine, sed re Thais Alexandri filia, nupta, nurus.

He kept the seventh Jubile An. 1500. and by his Bulls sent pardons unto all men who could not go to Rome, or were careless to go, saith Onuph. but Pol. Virgil. saith, He proclaimed to keep the Jubile not at Rome only, but in all Provinces; both for his own gain and ease of all Christians, that who would might buy plenary Indulgences, as if they were in Rome. Of this Jubile Sannazarius saith,

Pollicitus coelum Romanus & astra Sacerdos, Per scelera & coedes ad Styga pandit iter.

He professed a great expedition against the Turks, and that he would go per∣sonally as General. Gasper a Spaniard was sent into England, who within few moneths amassed vast sums of money; which the Pope received, but forgot the expedition. Fr. Mason in Antiq. Brit. lib. 4. c. 13. he made many Car∣dinals for money. Onuph. he killed every rich Priest at Court, and some Car∣dinals, that their riches might be brought into his treasury; he had uttered his cruelty against more, for hope of their inheritance, if he who was born for the ruine of Italy, had not been the cause of his own death, by error of his Cup-bearer; for when he had invited some rich Senators, and prepared a poisoned bottle of wine for them, the Cup-bearer gave the wine to the Pope and his Son Caesar Borgias; the young man fell into a sharp feaver, yet

escaped; but the old Pope could not overcome the poison. Idem. He sate 11. years, and died An. 1503. Onuphrius (who can commend the worst Popes) saith, He had vertues with his vices; deep judgement; singular memory, and eloquence that was hurtfull to many; none could propound a thing more craftily, defend it more sharply, or bring to pass more readily, what he once attempted: These gifts he defiled with monstrous vices, and with falshood more than Punike; horrible cruelty; unmeasurable avarice; infinite lust, &c. This gives credit unto his Epitaph made by Ia. Sannazarius,

Fortasse nescis cujus hic tumulus siet: Asta viator, ni piget. Titulum quem Alexandri vides, haud illius Magni est, sed hujus qui modò Libidinosa sanguinis captus siti Tot civitates inclytas, Tot regna vertit, & duces leto dedit Natos ut impleret suos. Humanajura, nec minùs Coelestia Ipsosque sustulit Deos. Vt scilicet liceret (heu scelus!) Patri Natae sinum permingere. I nunc, Nerones vel Caligulas nomina, Turpes vel Heliogabulos. Hoc sat viator: reliqua non sinit pudor. Tu suspicare & ambula.

Who hearing or reading these things, written not by adversaries of his See, but by Popish writers, will not think, That the Pope is the man of sin?

CHAP. II. Of EMPEROURS.

1. ROBERT Count Palatine of Rhine was Emperour, An. 1400. with universal consent; but not with such reverence as his Ancestours, be∣cause of the alienations granted by Charls the IV. and the late contempt of Wenceslaus. Robert was prudent, and calmed all the jars within the Empire. When he had brought Germany into tranquillity, he went to be crowned in Italy; and to protect Florence against the potent warriour John Galeacius, Duke of Millain, as the Florentines had invited him with large promises; but they fled in the day of battel, so his expedition was unprofitable and disho∣nourable. Neither could he be moved to stay in Italy, although the Gibe∣lines and the Pope, made larger promises unto him. When he returned, he was no less troubled with the factions of the Anti-Popes, and schism in the Church. He indeavoured to assemble a Councel, but the Anti-Popes would not consent. He died An. 1410.

2. SIGISMUND King of Hungary (and brother of Wenceslaus, as yet alive) for his valour, in fighting against the Turks, was judged worthiest of the Empire. Both the Popes did seek his favour, and pretending the au∣thority of confirmation, sent and confirmed his election. Platin. He spared no travel to remove the schism, and went personally unto both the Popes; and seeing no other remedy, he went unto the Kings of France, Spain and England, for assembling the Councel at Constance. It was once appointed

to be held An. 1412. but it was delaied, because Ladislaus, King of Naples (standing up for Gregory the XII.) had taken Rome, and kept it as Lord thereof: he died the same year, and the Romans returned to the obedience of Pope John. Then the Councel was proclaimed, every where, to begin at Constance Novemb. 1. An. 1414. We will speak of it by it self. The Bohe∣mians were offended for burning their Preachers, John Huss and Jerom of Prague; and they feared not to assemble in the fields, to the number of 30000. and communicated, in both kinds, upon three hundred Tables erected for that use; then they rushed into several Churches and Monasteries, and broke down the Images. Io. Cochl. Hist. lib. 4. Their King Wenceslaus died, An. 1420. without children. Then wars waxed in Bohemia; for Sigismund, as nearest heir, sent Governours to rule it, untill he returned from the Wars against the Turk in Hungary; there he was unfortunate. In the mean time arose John Trosnovius (commonly called Zisca or Cisca, that is, one-eyed) a man of good Parentage, and brought up in the King's Court, and a cou∣ragious Souldier; the Hussits chose him to be their Captain; their Army was reckoned to consist of 40000. they possessed the Fortresses of Prague, and were Masters of other Cities and Castles; every where they broke down Ima∣ges in the Churches. Aene. Sylvius Hist. Bohem. Cap. 38. At that time, one coming from Picardy, perswaded many Bohemians, both men and women, to walk naked; and besides other fond errours, they defiled themselves with promiscuous lusts, and called themselves Adamites. Cisca abhorred them, and although they proffered to join with him, yet he scattered them, and killed some of them. Io. Naucler. Before the Governours were arrived from the Emperour, Cisca was grown so strong, that they were glad to seek peace. Pope Martin thought to affright them with his curse; but the Hussits did not fear his thunder. When the wars of Hungary ceased, the Emperour inten∣ded to march into Bohemia; if he had gone thither suddenly, it seems, the Bo∣hemians would have submitted; for they sent unto the Emperour in Mora∣via, to seek peace; and the Emperour condescended unto tolerable condi∣tions; all the people were joifull, under hope of peace, and liberty of religi∣on. God would have it otherwise, that his good mettle might shine, and be better known unto the world. Sigismund would first punish some offences committed, in Vratislavia, against his Governours; and was severe against the chief of the rebellion. This news coming to Prague, did so affright the people, that they were afraid of the like rigour; and resolving to refuse the Emperour, writ their Letters through all the Kingdom, as if the Emperour intended the like cruelty amongst them. Aene. Sylvius ibid. cap. 39. All the people, with uniform consent, put Cisca into Prague, for their defence against Sigismund, An. 1421. Whereupon followed eleven battels (or rather pre∣parations) described loc. cit. cap. 44. &c. Cisca was alwaies victorious. Un∣less their enemy had written so, it were almost incredible. The most notable were these; Sigismund came to Prague, and besieged it six weeks: All that space Cisca, and his Bohemians, had the better in every skirmish; and the like was in other parts of the Kingdom. The Emperour was forced to break up from Prague, and to go unto Cutua. Then Cisca left the City, and joined with the Tabbrites (so named from a Town which they had founded, at that time) and not being contented with victory in defence, he took some Towns and Castles from the Imperialists. Then the Emperour went against a Mona∣stery, which held as a Castle for Cisca; nothing doubting to carry it, his Army was so numerous. Cisca came unto their relief; and the Imperialists, at the only sight of their adversaries, were so far from opposing, that they ran away suddenly; and the Emperour durst not stay in any part of all Bohe∣mia.

So Cisca took more Towns and Castles. Before the Town Rabi, his one eye was pierced with an Arrow; but his reputation was such, that he continued in his government, and that Army was led by a blind man; a thing never seen nor read in any other History, saith Sylvius ibid. The Em∣perour levied another Army, and sent for the Elector Princes; then came the Bishop of Mentz; the Count Palatine; some Dukes of Saxony; the Mar∣quess of Brandenburg, and other Bishops of Germany: the Emperour or∣dered them to enter, with their forces, into Bohemia on the West; and he, with his Hungars, did enter on the East. Blind Cisca goeth to the fields, and when he was ready to join in fight, the Imperialists were so amazed, that they were soon overthrown; and some principal men amongst them were slain. Cisca followed his Victory one day, and brought back rich spoil. A Florentine leading 15000. Horse and Foot, fell among ice, and many of them were drowned. The Bohemians, being so victorious, would chuse a King to resist the Emperour; they sent and invited Vitold, Duke of Litua∣nia; he was glad to be a King (Cisca was no less discontented) and acce∣pted, and within a short space resigned his Title unto the Emperour; who returned against the Hussites. Cisca is still victorious, and 9000. Imperialists were slain. Now Sigismund thinks he cannot be King of Bohemia, without the good will of Cisca: and that age saw the Emperour (whose name barba∣rous Nations did fear, and all Europe did reverence) make supplications and prayers unto an old blind Heretick, as Sylvius speaks Cap. 46. But (saith he) whom man could not overcome, the finger of God did kill. He should rather have said, Whose weakness was strengthned by the power of God, against the malice of men, he could not be undone by craft not power of men; for Cisca, in his old age, was willing to hearken, and to bring the Bo∣hemians under the command of the Emperour, and so under the yoke of the Pope; but God's appointed time was not yet come, and he would not suffer the Treaty to be closed, nor will leave his people; howbeit they then in despair call themselves Orphans: After the death of Cisca, they were di∣vided into two factions, and led by two Captains, Procopius the elder and the younger. All these circumstances gave some courage unto Pope Martin; he sent a Cardinal, the Bishop of Winchester in England, unto the Emperour, with a charge to renew his forces against the Bohemians, and sign the Ger∣mans with the Cross. An. 1427. three Armies were levied; from the Sea Coast went the Duke of Saxony; the Marquess of Brandenburg from Fran∣conia; and the third from Rhine, Bavier and Suevia, under the Conduct of Otho Bishop of Trevers. These entred three waies into Bohemia, and joined together; when they heard the Bohemians were approaching (a thing most strange, yet reported as true by Sylvius cap, 48.) they were so terrified, that without seeing the enemy, both Captains and Souldiers, without shame, a∣bandoned the Fields and ran away. The Hussits pursued, and got all the Baggage and Artillery; and not being contented, they sally out of the King∣dom, and return with rich spoil. The Legate accused his crossed Souldiers of so base cowardize, and exhorted them to turn their faces against the vile Hereticks; nevertheless they ceased not to flie, untill the Victors left pursu∣ing. Ibid. At that time were wars also between Millain and Florence; and between the French and Spaniards in Naples: But Pope Martin not being sa∣tisfied with so much spilt blood, sent another Legate, Julian Cardinal of St. Angelo, to perswade the Germans to assume the cross once more against the Bohemians. An. 1430. The Bohemians, by their Letters sent abroad, did lament that so many men were slain through the deceitful malice of the Pope; who, like to Satan, was rich in promises unto them which would fight against

innocent people, but is not able to perform; who is not ashamed to pro∣claim lyes, and slander them as miscreants and hereticks; and refuseth to fight with the weapons of God's word, because he knoweth his own heresies will be disclosed; but truth is never afraid of falshood, and is mightiest of all things; but he deceiveth both in body and soul all that believe him. And they intreated all men, both rich and poor, for God's sake, and for righteous∣ness, that they would, by some means, procure a safe and friendly communing at some convenient place, and bring their teachers with them, that they may hear one another; and the party erring may be brought to acknowledge their error, and not destroy one another blindely; which if those whom they implore, will refuse to do, on the other side, they will take the Lord to be their help, and will defend the truth unto death: nor will they be afraid of the Pope's curse, who is not God (as he maketh himself) and these many years hath accursed them; but God hath been their help by his gracious blessing, &c. Ph. Mornay. in Myster. Nevertheless, the Marquess of Bran∣denburg is chosen General of another Army; He and the Dukes of Saxony and Bavier, three Bishops Electors, with others, to the number of 40000. horse, and not so many foot, went against Bohemia. The Cardinal went along with them. Where they came, they spared neither age nor sex; and no man (considering their number and apparent power) doubted of their victory: But when the Bohemians came near them, a voice went among the Impe∣rialists, that they should stay no longer; none knew whence the voice was; a suddain fear caused them to flie. Julian ran unto the Dukes and Comman∣ders, exhorting them to fight, not for possessions or worldly glory, but for Religion, Christ's honor, and the salvation of souls, Aen. Sylv. ibid. but fear was more perswasive, that they left their colours, weapons, and all that they had, An. 1431. At that time the Emperor was at Noremberg; and determined to deal no more with them by Arms, but would provide against them in the Councel at Basil; and the Legate Julian went thither. Many other broils were in the Churches of Germany at that time, as Crantz. in Saxo. lib. 11. cap. 25. sheweth: For the Bishop of Magdeburg, and his Clergy were exiled: the Church of Trevers was divided between two Competitors fighting, and both accursed; and both in contempt of the keys did their office: the Church of Mentz had controversie with the Citizens, casting out their former Senate, and chusing another; so that the Clergy were forced to leave the City: the Church of Bamberg was in the same condition: the Church of Utrecht, after Sweder's death, had contention for a new Bishop: nor could Pope Eu∣genius and his Cardinals go safely from Rome to Basil, but were all plundered by the way, even to the skin, ibid. The next year Sigismund went to Rome to be crowned; but not with such equipage, nor so looked upon as others were before. The Bohemians sent Procopius the elder, and some others to Basil; but the Nobles would not be content to be ruled by the two Procopii; for they were suspicious of them, as hearkning too much unto the Councel; nor was their opinion vain, saith Aen. Sylv. cap. 51. Mainard was the Author of this mutiny. They assembled in Parliament, and chose Alscio, a Noble∣man of small estate, to be their Governor; but all was done as Mainard would. Sigismund, after his coronation, came to Basil; where he heard some controversies decided: then he came to Ulme; where he understood that a battel had been fought in Bohemia, and the old Commanders were slain; and the faction of the Nobility were prevailing: then Sigismund sent unto Bohemia, requiring them, in a quiet manner, to accept him their King, according to his right. Mainard had privy correspondence with Sigismund; he called all the Soldiers into hovels or barns, (whereof many are there) pre∣tending

that he was to march against the Lands of the Emperor, and he would give them in these barns wages for the expedition; but he shut the doors upon them, and burnt them all; and then he brought the rest of the Countrey under the Emperor's command, Aen. Sylv. cap. 51. The Em∣peror entered into Bohemia, An. 1436. with great solemnity; then Images were restored, Altars were repaired, and Monks returned into their Cloisters; some Hussites fled out of the Countrey; a time of recantation was granted unto others; and the most bold among them were punished: But Sigismund could not prevail as he would; for they preached against the Monks and doctrine of Rome; and followed their former order in their Churches; and were rising in Arms against Sigismund, ibid. cap. 52. But he died the next year, leaving only one Daughter, which was married to Albert Marquess of Moravia, and now, by marriage, Successor of the Kingdom of Hungary. Sigismund had dealt with John Paleologus, Emperor of the Greeks, to make an union with the Latines in matters of Religion, and thereby he might have aid against the Turks; and likewise through weakness of German Princes, he might be chosen Emperor; such motives were prevalent; but when he was upon his way, he heard that the Emperor was dead, and he began even then to repent of his voyage. When the Princes Electors did conveen, Pope Eugenius and the Councel of Basil sent their Legates, craving to delay the election until the affairs of the Church were setled. The Electors said, The condition of the Empire cannot permit a delay: Therefore the Orators of both parties did threaten the Electors with their curse. The Electors did ap∣peal from them and their curse, unto the general Councel that should be next and lawfully called; so they went on.

3. ALBERT the II. Marquess of Moravia, was chosen unanimously, and was gracious unto all Germany, for he was learned, wise and stout. The Bohemians, which before had fought for Religion, sent unto Casimire, Bro∣ther of the King of Poland; and he was willing to accept the Kingdom, but was hindered by Albert; nevertheless, the Bohemians and Silesians continued in a warlike posture. Aen. Sylv. cap. 55. Albert punished the Jews for perti∣nacy in their Rites. He heard that Amurathes the II. was entered into Servia, and was intending to invade Hungary; therefore when he had dealt with the two Anti-Councels for unity, he went against the Turks. Amurathes hearing of his preparation, returned into Macedonia and Thessalie, subduing all where he came. Albert dismissed his Army; and died in Hungary An. 1439. John Emperor of the Greeks conceived hopes of aid in Italy, and arriving at Venice, made choise to seek the aid of the Pope, rather then of the Coun∣cel at Basil; but at last his experience taught him, that the Pope was seeking but to inlarge his own power; and so having almost begged his bread in Italy the space of two years, he returned with no satisfaction: and having heard the scoffings of some by the way, he had no grace among his people, and was forced to quit his Crown, in favor of his Brother Constantine.

4. FREDERICK the III. Duke of Austria, was chosen Ianuary 1. An. 1440. in the 25. year of his age, and reigned 53. years. Albert had two Daughters, and left his Wife big with childe. The Hungarians sent unto Vladi∣slaus King of Poland, to accept their Crown; but when their Queen brought forth a Son, Ladislaus, they crowned him, in the fourth moneth of his age. His Mother sent him unto his Uncle the Emperor, to be brought up by him. The Hungarians thought it not expedient to want a King in time of such danger; therefore they followed their first purpose, and brought in Vladislaus: He once put Amurathes to flight, that Amurathes sought peace; and the King, mistrusting his own strength, consented unto peace for ten years: They both

confirmed the peace and conditions by solemn oath, after their several maner; but as it is said of Eugenius, the oath was violated, and the King was killed in the fourth year by the Turks. Then the Bohemians would chuse another King: The Queen did advertise them of the birth and title of her Son; and some did accord: But in open Parliament, by consent of the most, Albert Duke of Bavier was chosen King. Albert refused; saying, He would not bereave a pupil: a rare example. The Bohemians then sent unto the Emperor, in∣treating him to undertake the Government during the minority of his pupil. He said, he could not; because of the difficulty of his other affairs; and he advised them to chuse Governors among themselves. The Orators, by their own motion, proffer the Crown unto himself. He said, That were unrighteousness, especially in the person of a Tutor. So they did chuse Governors; some of the Romish Religion, and some contrarily minded: These did agree upon a toleration in matters of Religion, Aen. Sylv. cap. 57, 58. Frederick wrote a Letter unto Charls King of France, shewing his earnest desire to cure the malady and schism of the Church; and this cannot be without a meeting of Princes, and chief men of Ecclesiastical and Civil Estates; and therefore as he, by advice of his Prelates and Princes, had ap∣pointed a Diet at Mentz February 2. following, so he intreated, with sincere affection, that his Brotherhood, for the glory of God, and comfort of the Church, would send Commissioners to treat, advise, and conclude in things of that kinde, belonging to the benefit of all Christian people; but if his Brotherhood would be pleased to come personally, it were most glori∣ous, and would bring forth the more copious fruit. The Letter is dated at Vienne May 1. An. 1441. Regni 1. In Fascic. rer. expetend. fol. 160. That Diet was held as followeth in the next Chapter. He ceased not until he removed the schism between the Popes; and then was crowned by Pope Nicolaus; who also did celebrate the marriage between the Emperor and Elenora, Daughter of the King of Portugal, An. 1452. He was joyfully received in all the Cities wheresoever he came, because none did fear him; and he went without shew of hostility or great power, saith Crantz. in Saxo. lib. 11. cap. 32. and there was universal peace in Italy so long as he was there; but when he left it, peace took her leave: For in Lombardy, Naples, and other parts, they returned to their wonted ambition and tumults. The Bohemians also fell at variance, and forced the Emperor to quit the tuition of their King. And the Emperor was molested by his Brother in Austria, until his Brother died. Con∣stantine Paleologus was molested by his elder Brother Theodor for a space, yet prevailed. After the battel of the Hungarians at Varna, An. 1444. where Vladislaus and Cardinal Julian were slain, Constantine went to Peloponnesus to resist Amurathes, but lost it. Then Scanderbeg left his office of Janizar, and took upon him the Government of his Father's Kingdom Epirus; for Amurathes had taken him from his Father, and promised to give him his Father's inheritance. Upon this hope the young Prince abode with the Turk, and did him good service; but when his Father John Castriot was dead, and the Turk oppressed that Countrey, and sought-occasion to kill him, his native Countrey and he had their correspondence, and he escaped from the Turk's Court: Then he fought sundry battels against the Turk, and was victorious. At last Amurathes amassed a great Army against him, which he was not able to resist by all likelihood, if the valiant Prince of Transylvania, John Hun∣niades, had not come unto him with a new Army; at that time they were both foiled; yet the Princes escaped, howbeit hardly; and the next year Amurathes died in drunkenness, Lao. Chalcocon. lib. 6. In the year 1453. Mahumet, the next Emperor of the Turks, razed Athens, for envy of learn∣ing

there; then he besieged Constantinople. The Emperour Constantine had no assistance from Christians, partly for troubles among themselves, and partly for the ambition of the Pope; who was offended with the Greeks for not submitting unto him: nor did the Greeks esteem of their Em∣perour, because he vexed them with grievous taxes: So that City was lost Iune 28. and the fiftieth day of the siege; Constantine was slain; and such cruelties were committed, as the like hath been scarcely written. The same day Galatia was rendered unto Mahumet. Christians were sorry for these losses; but private interests hindred them from attempting a recovery. In the year 1456. Mahumet entred into Hungary; then the renowned John Hunniades, with the aid of the Emperour, went against him with such happy success, (as it pleased God) that the Turks were overthrown at Belgrad; Mahumet was wounded; and Hunniades got all his Artillery and Baggage August 6. All Christendom rejoyced at that victory with bone-fires, as being themselves delivered from the fear of such an enemy. Then the Turks went against the Islands of Archipelagus; and the valiant Hunniades died in September next; but Hungary had peace. Frederick set his minde to establish peace in Germany; and suffered much for preventing eminent evils. Crantz. loc. cit. saith, His patience was useful for the time, and it was deemed to be his wisdom. Many did lament several abuses in the Church and Commonwealth; they said his answer was, The time of Reformation is not come as yet; nor did it come in his days; and it is not known when it shall come, saith Crantz. In this place the watching providence is to be remembred; Ladislaus intended (by a plot from Rome, as it was reported, saith Aen. Sylv. cap. 71.) to make an end of all the Hussites at once, in this manner: He was to marry a Daughter of France; the marriage should have been solemnized in Prague; where many Princes and Prelates were to assemble from Germany and France; besides Cardinals, Potentates, and others from Rome; who if they had gathered, might have done as they had projected. When this marriage was in preparation, and the Princes ready to take journey, Ladislaus died, after he had been tied to his bed 36. hours, not without suspition of poison, in the 20. year of his age: So Bohemia was delivered from that intended massacre, and two Kingdoms were vacant; many pretended right to the Crown of Bohemia; and the Kings of France and Poland were suitors: When all their claims and suits were heard; they, preferring the good of the Kingdom, declared George Pogiobratz their King, ripe in judgement, and a good Warriour. Matthias, the Son of John Hunniades, was then a prisoner; and Ladislaus had caused to bring him from Hungary to Bohemia, to be executed there; but when the King was dead, the Bohemians had nothing to lay unto his charge, and they dis∣missed him; before he entered into Hungary, the Hungarians proclaimed him their King; thou wilt admire, who readest this, saith Naucler, of these two young Princes; the one is carried from his throne (when he thinketh to be married) to his grave; and the other from prison (when he feareth to be beheaded) to a throne; a suddain and strange change. But Matthias lived not long; and unto him succeeded Vladislaus, the Sisters Son of Ladislaus, and married the Widow of Matthias. The Emperor strove then for the Kingdom; after a battel, these two covenanted, that if Vladislaus and his line should fall, Maximilian, the Son of Frederick, should succeed. Vladislaus had one Son, Lewis, who died in a battel against the Turks, An. 1528. and then the covenant was accomplished, and the house of Austria are Kings of Hungary. After the death of Ladislaus was strife also for the Dutchy of Austria; three Brethren, the Emperor, Albert, and Sigismund contend for it;

they did name some Umpires to decide the controversie; but it is hard to judge against the mighty. Frederick carried it. But in the year 1463. Al∣bert besieged his brother, in the Castle of Vienna, so streightly; that the Emperour sent for relief unto George King of Bohemia (whom he was wont to despise as an Heretick) and he sent unto Pope Pius, intreating him, that he would not accurse George with his Thunder; the Pope yeelded, be∣cause of that necessity, saith Naucler. And the Bohemians delivered the Emperour; but so warily, that he neither did perish, nor was victorious. In the year 1466. Frederick went to Rome; some say, to perform a vow; others say, to treat with the Pope concerning Wars against the Turk; what∣soever was his purpose, he returned in peace; and by his means, peace con∣tinued in Italy and Germany. At that time Charls (surnamed, The Hardy) Duke of Burgundy, Flanders, Gelderland, Holland, &c. durst hold all the World for his enemies; and spared not to invade and take Towns where he pleased. He had a conference with the Emperour at Lutzemburg; and amongst other purposes, he demanded the Title of the Kingdom of Naples, because it sometime had belonged unto the Empire; and now he intended to make Conquest of Italy. The Emperour knowing and misliking his am∣bition, gave him fair words and departed the City in the night. Wherefore the Duke besieged Colein: The Emperour came against him with a great Army, yet desirous of peace: They were both induced to agree, and Charls left the bounds of the Empire. But he could not live in peace; he intended to march into Italy, and to molest the Switzers in his way; but he was killed by them, in the year 1476. Then the French, the Switzers and others, repossessed themselves of what Charls had taken from them; and Maximilian, the Emperour's son, married the only daughter of Charls, and kept his inheritance not without troubles. In the year 1480. Mahumet, having conquered the Islands of Archipelagus, invaded Italy; his Bassa Aco∣math took Otranto and some other places; all Italy was in fear. Mahumet died, and his son Bajazeth was molested with Civil wars; so Italy was freed. In the year 1486. Frederick caused his son Maximilian, to be chosen King of the Romans; and made several Statutes, under great penalties, against all that should disturb the peace of Germany. The year 1492. is remarkable, first for the death of Pope Innocentius, and election of Alexander the VI: Next for expelling the Moors out of Spain, by Ferdinand King of Castile, above 700. years after their first arrival; it is written that 224000. families of the Jews were banished. Thirdly, under the name of the same Ferdinand, Christopher Columbus, sailing Westward, discovered the Isles Azores; as Americus Vespusius, in the year 1499. discovered the West-Indies, which after him was called America. Pope Alexander gave that Kingdom unto Ferdinand. When this gift was reported unto Artabaliba, King of Peru, he said; That Pope must be a fool, who gave unto another what he never had; or certainly he is impudent and unjust, who gives another man's Lands unto strangers, and stirreth up men to the shedding of innocent blood; as Benzo & Lopez do record. When all the Empire was in peace, Frederick died An. 1493. The Reign of his son was, for the most part, in the next Century.

CHAP. III. Of Divers Countries.

1. IT were tedious to repeat all the strange Eclipses of the Sun and Moon, * 1.40 which are recorded to have been in this Century, portending the won∣drous darkness of the ignorance of these times, as indeed it surpassed all o∣thers; since no age had seen more ungodly Popes, nor greater ignorance of the Clergy. The inundations of waters; the frequent pestilence and famine, did also proclaim the wrath of God against the iniquity of men; but the more God did strike the stithies of their hearts, they became the harder; except a small number (in respect of the ungodly multitude) who therefore were had in reproach, and were persecuted.

2. In the beginning of this Century, God made some preparation for a * 1.41 Reformation of the Western Church, and in the midst of it more; which were two mighty helps of knowledge. First, some Greeks came into Italy, to wit, Emanuel Chrysoloras and Argyropulus two Byzantines; Musurus Cre∣tensis, John Laicaris, Theodor Gaza, George Trapezuntius, &c. The Greek language had scarcely been heard in Italy, the space of 700. years; but then both Greek and Latine Schools were multiplied; and they translated some Greek Fathers into Latine; as, Trapezuntius translated some works of ••yril Alexandrin. of Eusebius, &c. Their Disciples were Leonard Aretin, Guarin Veronen, Pogius Florentin, Philelphus, &c. In emulation of them, were famous in the Latine language, Laurentius Valla, Flavius Blondus, Do∣natus Acciaiolus, a Florentine, and many more. And the year 1450. is fa∣mous * 1.42 for the excellent invention of Printing, in Strawsburg, by a Gold-Smith John Gutenberg; whom some do call Johannes Faustus. This Art, as it was wondrous for invention; so it was, and is, singularly profitable for store of books; then the Scriptures were seen and read; the writings of the Fathers came to light; Histories were made known; times were compared; truth was discerned; falsehood was detected, &c. Before that time the rich-poor Monks gathered all the books into their Cloisters; and few read them, but others could not have them. This was a great occasion of ignorance, which thereafter was removed by use of Printing.

3. Several Homilies and Treati••es came forth against the covetousness, luxury and ignorance of the Clarks and Monks. Herman Ried in a book, De vita & honestate Clericorum, saith, In these dangerous times are many Clarks, whio make no account of the authority of the Fathers, nor of reason; they admit not the Holy Scriptures, and they despise the ancient Canons; as Ber∣nard had written unto Eugenius; they do hate and deride men of understan∣ding and Catholicks, because they espy the grievous vices of the Clergy, and in zeal speak against their unfaithfulness; the Clarks call such men fantastick, disturbers of peace, and men of erroneous consciences. Who are zealous to root out the vices of the Clergy, and who alledge the truth as it is written in the Canonical Scriptures; these (I say) are checked and reviled by their own and other Prelates; so that at last they must, even against their wills, be silent and dissemble. So it is verified what St. Jerom said, in lib. 1. de norma vi∣vendi, cap. 5. There is not so cruel a beast as a wicked Priest, for he cannot indure to be corrected, or hear the truth; in a word, they are full of wicked∣ness. Then he complains, that the Priests are worse than hypocrites, since they are so far from hiding their wickedness before men, that they openly avow it; and they are permitted by their Prelates, because they pay yearly

some money unto their Officials: And that the condition of the Church is more dangerous now than ever it was; for in time of persecution were good men; but now the Church hath liberty, and decaies for want of zeal and knowledge, &c. Catol. test. ver. lib. 19.

4. Felinus, Accursius, Petrus de bella pertica, Bartolus, Johannes Igneus and many other Lawyers, are recorded to have testified against Emperours and Princes, for their weakness in suffering Bishops to usurp the Temporal Sword, and Dominion of Lands and Cities; and against the imprudence of them who had given so many priviledges unto the Clergy; by which the Popes and Bishops do inlarge their power, and oppress the Laity. At that time Volquin, in a Sermon, called the Monks Monsters; a Monster (said he) is a head with two bodies, or a body with two heads, and such are Monks; they are Monks and Lawyers, or Monks and Courtiers, &c. And so are Priests and Canons, who have many Benefices, Prebendaries, &c. ibid.

5. Vincentius, a Venetian, was then famous in Italy, for opinion of holi∣ness. He left some Prophecies against the Clergy, which, in the end of that Century, were Printed at Paris, with the Prophecies of some others. In one he saith, Antichrist is in the World: in another, he saith, Antichrist shall be a Pope; but to allay the word, he adds, a Pope not lawfully chosen. We may now add, Many Popes have not been chosen lawfully. In another, he saith, If we speak of those who are called Religious, there is not one in all the World that keeps his Religion as he should; they are all become cor∣rupt and scandalous; yea, they are the instruments of perdition, who should be instruments of the salvation of souls. Ibid.

6. When the Antipopes would not remove the Schism, a Parliament was in Paris, An. 1406. Septemb. 11. where Charls the VI. ordained, That * 1.43 none should pay Tithes to Pope nor Cardinals; and if they attempted to ex∣act them, no former provisions should be acknowledged. In the Narration of this Act, it is said, That the Deputy of the University, did apply unto Pope Benedict these sayings, Withdraw you from every Brother that walks inordinately: And, I know, that after my deaarture, Wolves shall come in amongst you, not sparing the Flock: And, Because my Flock was spoiled, and my Sheep were deavoured by all the Beasts of the Field, having no Shep∣heard, neither do my Shepheards seek my Sheep, but the Shepheards seek themselves, and feed not my Sheep; therefore thus saith the Lord, I will cause them to cease from feeding my Sheep, and I will deliver my Sheep from their mouths; and therefore all paiment; yea, and all obedience, should be denied unto the Pope: And so they promised for their own part. Fascic. rer. expeten. fol. 195. In February following was another Edict, discharging the paiment of Annates; and other things that were called Minuta servitia. In January 1408. in presence of the King and Peers, and people of the Realm, and of the Embassadours of England, Scotland, Sicilia and Galicia, John Cartehusius, a Norman, in the name of the University, had a Sermon on Ps. 7. His sorrow shall turn upon his own head, &c. There he deduceth six conclusi∣ons: 1. Peter de Luna, or Pope Benedict, is an obdured Schismatick, an He∣retick and disturber of the peace and union of the Church. 2. He should not be called Pope nor Cardinal, nor named with any Title of Honour; and who obey him, are worthy of the punishment pronounced against the abettors of Hereticks.....Wherefore the University, with one consent, do wish, that neither the King nor any of the Realm, would accept any Bulls from Peter de Luna; that the University be commanded to publish the truth throughout the Kingdom; that a Bull of Excommunication, which was lately brought from him unto the King, should be torn as injurious to his Majesty; that the

Bishop of St. Flora, and M. Peter de Corsellis, and Sancienus de Leu, Dean of St. German in Altisiodore, be apprehended and punished, because they consulted with Peter de Luna; and the University promised to shew weigh∣tier things concerning the faith, and prove them before competent persons. These petitions were all granted to the University. Benedict hearing these things, fled with four Cardinals into Spain. In August all Prelates and Church∣men, were commanded to publish the Neutrality of the Popes in their several jurisdictions, P. Morn. in Myster. pag. 516, 518. And then he sheweth how France stood for the like Neutrality in the time of Pope Alexander the V.

7. At the same time Francis Zabarella, a famous Lawyer of Padua, wrote de Schismate; where he spareth not to aver, The followers of the Pope have corrupted the Canon Law with their Glosses; nothing is so unlawful, but they think it lawful unto them; they have exalted the Pope above God him∣self, whence hath flowed a deluge of evils; the Pope draweth unto himself all the authority of other Churches, and despiseth inferior Prelates; unless God provide for the estate of the Catholick Church, it is in danger; but in a Councel remedy must be provided, and the Papal power must be curbed, since he is subject unto the Church; for that power resideth not in the Pope, but in the Church, or in a general Councel representing her; the Church neither can now, nor at any time could transfer that power unto one man, but the same remaineth wholly unto her; the Church may depose a Pope; it is a fond thing that they say commonly, The Pope cannot be judged by men; since he who is judged by the Church, is not judged by men but by God: The power of calling Councels belongeth unto the Emperor; as is clear by the examples of Constantine, Justinian, Charls the Great, &c. The Em∣peror should be present in the Councel, as was in Nice and others; when matters of faith are treated in them, Laicks, if they be worthy and prudent, may be present in Councels: The Pope cannot hinder the calling of them; since through want of them, the Church hath fallen into so great mischief; and Bishops usurp government as secular Princes: Seeing the Emperor is the principal Advocate, and defender of the Church, he may and should ask account of the Pope's faith, so oft as the Pope is suspected; and he may proceed against him by Law: Peter never had the fulness of power; but unto him, in the name of the Church, the keys were given: We are not obliged to obey the Pope, but when he requireth just things; we should not give unto him such honor, as to equalize him unto God; nor should ado∣ration be given unto him, which Peter refused, Acts 10. Whereas it is said, The Church cannot er; it is not to be understood of the Pope, nor of the Church of Rome; but of the Church of Christ, which is the Congre∣gation of true Believers: every member of the Church should be vigilant to conserve the Catholick faith. He declareth, that he was moved to write these things for respect to God's glory, and not in expectation of any earthly reward; and he proveth these positions by ancient Councels, Mornay in Myster.

8. Theodorick Urias, an Augustinian Monk, in his work de Consolatione Ecclesiae, declareth the vices of the Clergy; to wit, lust, simony, ambition, contempt of God's word, and neglect of mans salvation. Some of his verses are in Chronic. Pa. Langii, which begin Papa stupor mundi cecidit, secumque ruere Coelica templa Dei, membra, simulque caput. There he sheweth how the Pope hath drawn all the Church into damnation; that he filleth the room of Simon Magus, and not of Simon Peter; since under his Government the Sacraments and all holy things are sold as it were lumber; that the Roman Church becometh dayly worse and worse; and turneth from gold into silver;

yea, from silver into iron; yea, from iron into clay; and now it remaineth, that she be turned into dung, and be cast forth, ibid.

9. Another Theodorick, Bishop of Croatia, wrote some prophesies in rhimes; there he foretelleth, that the Church of Rome shall be brought to naught; the Pope shall be evilly intreated by his subjects; justice, which hath been shut up in darkness, shall come into light; and the true Church shall flourish in godliness more then she hath done, Catal. test. ver. lib. 19.

10. In Italy Nicolaus Lucensis, a Carmelite, preached before Pope Gre∣gory the XII. against the tyranny of Popes; therefore he was cast into prison; but by solicitation was set at liberty, P. Morn. ex Theod. à Niem. de schism. lib. 4. Many others in Germany, and more in France, were pursued for witnessing unto the truth.

11. John Huss denied Purgatory, auricular confession, the Pope's power, and Indulgences; he disproved Dirges; he called prayers for the dead, a device of Priests; he spoke against prayers unto the Saints; against the Images of God, and of the Saints; against confirmation and extream unction; against all holy days, except the Lord's day, &c. Aen. Sylvius imputeth some absurd things unto him; no marvel, for envy is ready to slander. In a word, he saith, John Huss imbraced the Sect of the Waldenses. And Io. Cochleus Hist. lib. 2. saith, Huss did commit spiritual fornication with the Waldenses, Dulcinists, Wiclenists, Leonists, and other enemies of the Church of Rome. Among so many examples, it is not unprofitable to speak, at more length, of one; and among them all, is none by whose History we may have more instruction. The Masters of the School in Prague were Teutones, until the Books of John Wickliff were brought thither; the learned men of the Nation took it ill, that strangers were ever preferred above them; and now finding some matter whereby they were able to vex those Masters, they dealt with King Wenceslaus, that the School might be go∣verned after the manner of Paris. Those Teutones could not endure this; therefore they and their disciples, to the number of two thousand, did re∣move into Leipsich. The Bohemians were glad; and John Huss had the guidance of the School. Shortly thereafter, the Church called Bethleem was founded, with maintenance for two Preachers, to preach dayly the Word of God in the Bohemian language; John Huss was chosen the first Preacher: He commended John Wickliff, and openly wished, that when he departed this life, his soul might be with the soul of Wickliff; of whom he doubted not to have been a good and godly man, and then in Heaven. Aen. Sylvius saith, All the Clergy approved John Huss: But he addeth, that these Clarks were infamous, and thought by that means to escape punishment. Never∣theless the people, partly by reading the Books of Wickliff translated into their language, and partly by the preaching of John Huss, became so ripe in judgement, and prompt in the Scriptures, that they would dispute with the Priests in matters of faith. The Arch-Bishop Sbinco, sent complaints unto Rome. Pope Alexander directed his Letters, charging the Bishop to forbid all preaching, but only in Cathedral Churches, or Colledges, or Parish Chur∣ches, or Monasteries, or Chappels confirmed by the Apostolical See; and that the Articles of Wicliff be not taught privately nor publickly; and that all shall be judged Hereticks who shall attempt in the contrary. Against this Bull John Huss objected many things; especially, that Christ had preached unto the people on the Sea, in Fields, Houses; and the Apostles did so in any place. Wherefore (said he) from this mandate of Alexander, I appeal unto the same Alexander being better advised. Nevertheless, the Bishop discharged him from Preaching. He obeied, and went out of the City into the Village

Huss, where he had his birth; but ceased not to preach, and had many hea∣rers. At that time he had not spoken of the Sacrament of the Altar, saith Aen. Sylvius in Histor. Bohem. but Petrus Drasensis one of those Teutones that had left Prague, did return from their society, and became Master of the School: He said to Jacobel Misnensis, Preacher of St. Michaels (who was then fa∣mous for learning and godliness) I wonder that you do not perceive the er∣rour of the Eucharist, which hath been so long in the Church; for the com∣munion is given unto the people under one kind; whereas Christ hath com∣manded to give both Bread and Wine. Jacobel advising with the writings of the Fathers, especially of Dionysius and Cyprian; and finding the commu∣nion of the cup to be allowed unto the people, he taught them publickly that they should not neglect the partaking of the cup. Many heard h••m gladly, but Sbinco complained unto the King; and because he was not violent, the Bi∣shop went to Sigismund, King of Hungary, and beseeched him that he would not permit the Sacrament and Orthodox Faith (as he said) to be changed, although his brother be negligent. There Sbinco died, and Albicus is pre∣ferred unto that See: Pope Alexander also died; so a little liberty was given unto those Preachers; but quietness continued not long in those furious daies of Antichrist's rage; for John Huss was delated again unto Pope John, he sent a Legate to try the cause in Prague. Wenceslaus and his Queen Sophia maintained John Huss, and he appealed from the Legate unto the Pope; and then fearing envy, more than doubting of his cause (as may be seen in the testimonial Letters, which the University sent unto the Councel at Con∣stance) he sent Proctors unto Rome; where some were imprisoned for their bold speeches; and reason was not heard, as is manifest in the answer of the Bohemians, in the Councel An. 1415. May 19. and John Huss was excom∣municated as an Heretick. Histor. Io. Huss fol. 87. printed at Norimberg An. 15••8. The Bohemians drew more and more to parties; and the Wars fell out between Pope Alexander, and Ladislaus King of Naples; therefore the Pope sent his Bulls of Indulgence, unto all who would aid him in his Wars. John Huss writ against the impiety of these pardons; and the people, being so informed, spoke also against them, and called the Pope the Antichrist; who durst proclaim Wars, and take the Cross on his shoulders against the Chri∣stians. The Magistrates imprisoned some for such speeches; but the people joined, and forced the Magistrates to let the prisoners go, except three that were privily beheaded in prison; when the people saw the blood running out at the dores, came and took away their bodies, and buried them honoura∣bly; and cried, These are Saints which have given their bodies for the testi∣mony of God. They buried them in the Church of Bethleem as the Re∣licks of Martyrs, saith Aene. Sylvius in Histor. Bohem. cap. 35. The other party being more wealthy (and therefore fearing the Pope) were instant against him; and prevailed with the King, that John Huss was banished the Town. The people cried out against the Prelates and Priests, as the Authors of the banishment; accusing them of simony, adultry, pride, &c. not sparing to lay open their vices, and eagerly craving a Reformation of the Clergy. The King being moved with that out-crying, required greater exactions of such Clarks as were delated, and known to be prophane. Then the other par∣ty took occasion to complain of all, sparing none whom they knew to be the enemies of John Huss. So many Clarks were brought into great distress; others into fear; and the most part were glad to fall in, at least not to fall out with the purer sort; and John Huss had liberty to return unto his Church at Bethleem; the people received comfort; the King great gain; and the Priests fell into the net which they had prepared for others. But John Huss

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was the more accused before the Pope; who directed his Bull unto the King, to suppress John Huss and his doctrine. Briefly, for his cause (amongst o∣thers) was the Councel gathered at Constance; to which he was summo∣ned by the Pope; and got a Safe-conduct from the Emperour, that he should only answer unto such things whereof he was blamed; and undoubtedly he should return into his own Country in safety. He resolved to appear, and affixed Letters on the dores of Cathedral Churches, Parish Churches, Abbeys and Cloisters, signifying, that he was going to the General Councel, to give an account of his faith; and if any man had suspicion of his doctrine, he cra∣ved that they would declare it before the Bishop of Prague; or if they plea∣sed, before the Councel. Then An. 1414. August 30. all the Barons of Bohemia were assembled at the Abbey of St. James in Prague, the Bishop being present. There John Huss presented a Supplication, craving this fa∣vour, that if the Bishop of Nazareth, Inquisitor of Heresie within that Dio∣cy, had any suspicion of his doctrine, he would declare it there; and he protested, that he was willing to suffer correction, if he deserved it: Or, if the Bishop had no accusation against him, that they would give him a testi∣monial, by which he, being as it were armed, might go the more confident∣ly unto Constance. The Bishop professed openly, that he knew no offence in him; and only advised him, to purge himself of the Excommunication. This was put in form of an Act, and sent unto the Emperour with John Huss. It hapned that August 27. Conrad the Arch-Bishop, held a Synod with his Prelates; where a Proctor appeared in the name of John Huss, requiring, that since John Huss was ready to give an account of his faith, they or any of them who would accuse him of obstinacy, should write in their names; and according to the Law both of God and Man, prepare themselves to suffer the like punishment, if they could not prove it legally against him; as he was ready to answer, with God's help, before the Arch-Bishop and his Pre∣lates, or in the insuing Councel. Answer was made by Ulric Suab, Marshal to the Arch Bishop, that his Master was busied with the affairs of the King; and therefore the Proctor should wait a little, in some place without Court. This he did, but got no other answer; and therefore he made protestation of his proffer, and craved instrument upon the refusal, from a Notary there present. The History of John Huss fol. 4. October 15. John Huss took his journey, being accompanied by two Noble-men, John Lord de Chlum, and M. Wencelat de Duba, and th••ir followers. Wheresoever he came, he notified his coming by Letters affixed on most patent places; craving, that whosoever could impute any errour, or obstinacy unto him, they would pre∣pare themselves to the Councel, where he was willing to satisfie every one. In all his journey he was friendly received, even by Curats and Priests; so that he writ in an Epistle, that he had found no enemies in any place, but in Bohe∣mia. And if his coming into any City was known, the streets were full of people desirous to see him; namely, at Nuremberg the Curats came unto him, and conferred with him: He said, He was desirous to shew his mind openly, and to keep nothing secret. So after dinner, he talked with them, untill night, before some Senatours and many Citizens; they all held him in singular reverence; except one Doctour and one Curat, who checked all that he spake, although they gave no reason. Stanislaus de Xnoyma, a Bo∣hemian, was going to Constance to be one of his accusers; by the way he died of a Feaver. November 3. John Huss came to Constance, and lodged with an honest Matron, named Faith. On the morrow the two Noble men shewed unto the Pope, that they had brought John Huss, and intreated that he might remain without molestation, according to his Safe-conduct.

The Pope answered, Although John Huss had killed his Brother, no hurt should be done unto him during his abode there. November 29. two Bishops and the Burgh-Master were sent for him, to come before the Pope and his Cardinals, to render some knowledge of his doctirne, as he had craved, and they were ready to hear. He answered, He was desirous to shew his doctrine not in private, but publickly before the Councel; and yet he would obey this demand: So committing himself unto the Lord Jesus, and protesting that he would rather die for the glory of God, and prosession of the truth that he had learned out of the holy Scriptures, then deny any part thereof, he came unto the Pope's Court. There first he was questioned generally of the errors that were spread of him. He answered, Reverend Fathers, un∣derstand that my minde is to die, rather then to be found culpable of one error; for this cause am I come willingly unto this Councel, to shew my self ready to suffer correction, if any can prove me to be in any error. The Cardinals replied, Thou speakest modestly; and so left him with the Lord de Chlum, under a guard of armed men. Then they sent a subtle Monk; under shew of rudeness and simplicity, to intrap him by questions; but the other perceived his dissembling, and told him so; nevertheless answered to his questions. In the evening the Pope sent the Provost of the Court unto the Lord de Chlum, willing him to go unto his lodging; as for Mr. Huss, they had provided for him otherwise. The Lord Iohn went speedily unto the Pope, putting him in minde of his promise concerning Iohn Huss, and intreating him that he would not so lightly falsifie his faith; besides that, he was come hither under the Emperor's Safe-conduct. The Pope answered, All those things are done without my consent; and he said privily, What reason is it that thou shouldest impute this deed unto me, who am in the hands of these Bishops and Cardinals? as indeed, the Pope fearing to be de∣posed, or to procure the favor of the Prelates, did betray the innocent unto them. So the Baron returned, complaining openly of the injury; but availed nothing. Iohn Huss was led to the Chapter-House of the great Church, where he was kept prisoner eight days; and from thence he was led unto the lacobines upon the Rhine, and shut up in the vilest prison of the Abbey, although his cause was not as yet heard publickly. After a short space he fell into a Feaver, (by occasion of the stink of the place) so that they despaired of his life; and lest he died (as others in that prison) the Pope sent a Physitian to attend him. The Emperor was not yet come to the Town. In the midst of his sickness, his accusers, Michael de Causis and another Bohemian, made importunate suit that the Heretick might be condemned; to this effect they presented unto the Pope some Articles; namely, 1. Of the Communion under both kindes. 2. The giving of the elements amongst the people. 3. He will not acknowledge, that the word Church signifieth the Pope and his Cardinals; but affirmeth, that that signification had its be∣ginning from the School-men. 4. He holdeth, that temporal Princes may take temporal possessions from Church-men. 5. Concerning the equality of all Princes in power. 6. That reservation of causes did proceed from the ambition and pride of Popes. 7. Of the schism and tumults that he had moved in Bohemia. In the time of his sickness, four Commissioners from the four Nations were appointed to hear the accusation and witnesses, who were ignorant Priests of Bohemia, one confuting another. John Huss sent, and craved that an Advocate might have place to answer for him, since he was hindered by sickness. This liberry was denied; because a Canon for∣biddeth, that one accused of heresie should answer by a Proctor. When he had recovered some health, at the command of the Commissioners,

certain Articles were sent unto him, which they said they had gathered out of his Books de Ecclesia; but such as Stephen Paletz, a Bohemian, had either forged, or patched by halfs. So he continued in prison until March 28. An. 1415. When health permitted, he wrote some Treatises; to wit, Of the ten Commandments; of Love and Knowledge of God; of Marriage; of Pennance; and of the Lord's Supper. When Pope John fled, his Servants delivered the keys of the prison unto the Emperor; and the Councel com∣manded to deliver the Prisoner unto the Bishop of Constance; he shut him up into a Tower, with fetters on his legs, that he could hardly walk in the day; and in the night he was tied to a rack near to his bed. All this time certain Noble men of Poland and Bohemia did their best indeavors for his liberty; but all who appeared to favor him, were derided by all men in the City: Wherefore they presented their supplication unto the Councel May 14. shewing that the Emperor had granted a Safe-conduct unto their Preacher, and he who was Pope for the time had consented unto it; nevertheless, he was so hardly abused, and falsely reviled and slandered; therefore they in∣treated, that his cause might be brought quickly to an end. The Bishop Luthomislen. answered, In the last words of the supplication he was touched as a slanderer; therefore he craved, that a day might be appointed for clearing those things that were called slanders. The 17. day of the same month was named; and on the next day the Noble men returned their answer, clearing their Preacher of all that the Bishop had objected; as it is to be seen in divers Histories; and their very words are in the Meditations of Mr. Fox on the Apocalypse cap. 11. and in the History of John Huss's life, Printed at Nurenberg, An. 1558. They concluded their answer with another suppli∣cation; but received no answer before the last of May; when they pre∣sented the testification of the Bishop of Nazaret, another of the Bishop of Prague, and a third from the University; all three clearing John Huss from the calumnies of his adversaries: And the Noble men petitioned, that the man might have liberty to answer personally; or that his accusers should not be so lightly believed. The Patriarch of Antioch answered, in name of the Councel, Iohn Huss shall be brought before the Councel Iune 5. and have liberty to speak for himself. But they did not so: Therefore the same day these Noble men presented another supplication unto the Emperor, shewing the uncourteous dealing of the four Deputies; and intreating, that accord∣ing to the Safe-conduct, he would hear their former supplications. But he was also driven from his Safe-conduct by the Cardinals; because no pro∣tection can be given unto one who is suspected of heresie. On the foresaid day, all the Cardinals and Bishops, and Clergy almost, who were in the City, assembled in the Convent of the Franciscans; and there it was commanded, that before the Prisoner were brought forth, the Articles should be rehearsed, and the Witnesses be heard. A Notary, Madonienetz, hearing that the Bishops had determined to condemn the Articles in absence of the party, went with all speed unto the Bohemian Barons, and told them; they also went unto the Emperor; who sent Lewis Count Palatine of Heidleberg, and Frederick Burgrave of Nurenberg, to shew them who ruled the Councel, that nothing be done in that cause, until first the party be heard; and that they should send unto him the Articles, and he would cause them to be ex∣amined by good and learned men: So the decreet was suspended. At that time the two Barons gave unto those whom the Emperor had sent, certain Books of Iohn Huss, that his adversaries and their accusations might be tried by them. The Books were delivered to the Cardinals; and Iohn Huss was brought forth, and acknowledged the Books to be his, saying, If there

were any error in them, he was willing to amend it. Then they proceeded, having scarcely read one Article when they called for Witnesses. He would have spoken; but they all cried out so against him, that he had no liberty to speak one word; and when the tumult was calmed, that he could answer out of the Scriptures or antient Fathers; some said, It was to no purpose; some mocked him; and some were so outragious, that he resolved to be silent; and then they all said, Now he is dumb; now by his silence he con∣fesseth. Iune 7. (on which day the Sun was almost wholly eclipsed) they assembled in the Cloister of the Minorites. John Huss was also brought. His Accusers read some Articles, and undertook to prove them by Witnesses. He protested, that he had never spoken those things. Then said the Cardinal of Florence, Master, you know, that in the mouth of two or three Wit∣nesses every judgement should be stable; and here you shall see many famous Witnesses against you; and, for my part, I cannot see how you can main∣tain your cause against them. Huss answered, I take God and my conscience to witness, that I never taught such things, as those men fear not to speak against me, what they never heard of me. The Cardinal said, We cannot judge according to your conscience, but must stay our selves upon evident Witnesses. Then it was objected, He defended the errors of Wickliff. He answered, He never defended any error of Wickliff. When they in∣stanced in some particulars; he said, These are not errors, but agreeable to Scripture. They objected, He had sown sedition between the Ecclesia∣stical and Political States of Bohemia. He answered, Pope Gregory had taken the Empire from Wenceslaus; and the Colledge of Cardinals, being offended with the same Pope, had written unto the King, that if he would deny obedience unto the Pope, they would bring it to pass, that another Pope should be chosen, who should restore him unto the Empire; which he did; and hence arose the division between the King and the Arch Bishop Sbinco, a follower of Gregory; and, said he, it is easie to be known, that I am unjustly accused in that cause, as the Germans here present can witness. Albert Warren, Arch Deacon of Prague, stood up to speak; but they would not hear him. He was accused of some words in contempt of the Emperor, and was cleared by testimony of the Lord de Chlum. The Emperor then said to Huss, Seeing we may not defend any man who is an Heretick, or suspected of Heresie, we advise thee to submit thy self unto the Councel in all things; then we will provide, that they shall suffer thee to go in peace, with an easie pennance; which if thou wilt refuse to do, the Presidents will have sufficient cause to proceed against thee: for our part, be thou assured, we will prepare the fire for thee with our own hands, rather then suffer thee to maintain any opinions longer. He answered, O most Noble Emperor, I render unto your Highness immortal thanks for your Letters of Safe-con∣duct; and I take God to witness, that I never intended to maintain any opinion obstinately; and I came hither gladly, that if the meanest of the Councel can lay before me any holier doctrine then mine, I will change my minde. Then he was led away by the Sergeants, under the custody of the Bishop Rigen.; who had also Jerome of Prague in prison. On the morrow they met again; the former Articles were read in audience of Huss; and others were said to be collected out of his Books, of Predestination and Per∣severance. He answered, acknowledging what they had truly gathered out of his Books, and gave the reasons thereof; he shewed, that in some Articles they had perverted and wrested his words; as may be seen in the cited History, from sol. 15. until 24. Then Peter de Aliaco, Bishop of Cambrey, said, Thou hea••est how horrible crimes are laid against thee; now it is thy part

to think what to do; thou must either recant all these Articles, and so thou mayest finde favor; or if thou wilt stand to the defense of them, I fear it will be to thy danger: this I speak to thee by way of counsel, and not in manner of a Judge. The like said other Cardinals. He answered, Most reverend Fathers, I have said already, that I came hither not to maintain any error obstinately; but, if in any particular I have conceived a perverse opi∣nion, I would gladly be reformed: and now I beseech you, that I may have liberty to declare my minde; and if I bring not firm and sufficient reasons, I will most humbly submit my self unto your information. A Cardinal said, Behold how craftily he speaketh; he calleth it information, and not corre∣ction or determination. Verily, said Huss, term it as ye will; I take God to witness, that I speak from my heart. After other speeches, a Priest said, He should not be admitted to recant; for he hath written to his friends, that although he swear with his tongue, yet he will keep his minde without oath until death. Then the Bishop Rigen. commanded to carry him to prison. He writ all those things, being in prison; unto his friends, that the truth might be known, and calumnies be prevented, as he declareth in his Epistles When he was removed, the Emperor said unto the Presidents, that either he should recant all those things that were laid against him, and abjure all preaching, and be exiled out of Bohemia, or else be punished with fire; and all his favorets in Constance be apprehended and punished, namely his Disciple Jerome. Others said, When the Master is daunted, his Disciples will be more tractable. Iuly 6. the Emperor sent unto him four Bishops, with the two Bohemian Barons, to know what he would do. When he was brought out of prison, John de Chlum said first; Mr. John, I am an unlearned man, neither able to instruct you a man of learning; nevertheless, I require you, if you know your self to be guilty of any of those errors, that you would not be ashamed to change your minde; but I will not advise you to do any thing against your conscience; but rather to suffer any punishment, then to deny what you know to be truth. John said, with tears, Verily, as I have often said, I take the most high God to be witness, that I am ready with all my heart, if the Councel will instruct me by the holy Scriptures, to change my minde. Then said a Bishop, I would never be so arrogant, as to prefer my judgement unto the judgement of the whole Councel. John answered, Neither do I otherwise; but if the meanest of the Councel will convince me of error, I will perform, with all my heart, whatsoever the Councel will injoyn me. Mark, said another Bishop, how he continueth in his errors. So they commanded to put him into prison again. The next day a general Congregation was in the great Church; and the Emperor was present; here was laid down all the vestiments belonging to a Priest. John was brought; and falling down on his knees, he prayed a good space. The Bishop Lon∣densis went up into the Pulpit; his Text was Rom. 6. Let the body of sin be destroyed: all his Sermon aimed, that John Huss should be destroyed. Then a Bishop read the process against Huss at Rome, and the Articles of his accusation. When he attempted to answer a word or two unto the Articles severally, the Cardinal of Cambrey commanded him silence; and said, Hereafter thou mayest answer unto them all together, if thou wilt. He said, How can I answer unto all these at once? I am not able to remember them all. The Cardinal of Florence said, We have heard thee enough. Huss besought them to hear him, lest others conceive amiss either of them or of him. When they would not hear him, he, kneeling, committed all the matter unto the Lord God, and to Jesus Christ; as he hoped at their hands to obtain all his desire. Lastly, It was imputed unto him, that he had said,

There is a fourth Person of the Deity; and a certain Doctor heard him speak it. Huss craved the Doctor's name. A Bishop said, That is not needful. Then he said, O miserable man that I am, who am forced to hear such blasphemy and slander! They said, He hath appealed unto Christ, which is heretical. He said, O Lord Jesus, whose Word is here openly condemned, I do again appeal unto thee; who when thou wast evilly intreated of thine enemies, didst appeal unto God thy Father, committing thy cause unto the most just Judge; that by thy example, when we are opprest with manifest wrongs, we should flie unto thee. The definitive sentence was read, declaring, That by the Councel it was ordained, for his heretical doctrine to degrade him publickly from his Priestly Order, &c. When the sentence was reading, he did now and then interrupt them; and so oft he was commanded to be silent: when it was read of his obstinacy; he cried, I was never obstinate; but was always desirous, and now I desire to be taught by the holy Scriptures, and am ready to imbrace the truth. When his Books were condemned, he said, Why have ye condemned those Books, since ye have not proved by one Article, that they are contrary unto the Scriptures or Articles of Faith? and what injury is that unto me, to condemn my Books written in the Bohemian tongue, which ye never saw? Often times he looked up to Heaven, and prayed. When the sentence was ended, he, kneeling, said, Lord Jesus for∣give my enemies, by whom thou knowest I am falsely condemned, and that they have used false witnesses and slander against me; forgive them for thy great mercies sake. Many of them laughed at this prayer. Then seven Bishops (who were appointed to see the execution) put on him the Priestly vestures; as they put on the Alba, he spake of the white vesture wherewith Christ was clothed and mocked: So in all the other things he comforted himself with the example of Jesus Christ. When all the vestiments was put on, a Bishop exhorted him to change his minde yet, and provide for his welfare and honor. He went to the top of the scaffold, after the custom, and being full of tears, spake unto the people, saying, Those Lords and Bishops exhort me, that I would profess here before you, that I have erred; which if it were to the infamy of any man, they might happily perswade me; but now I am in the sight of the Lord my God, without whose ignominy and grudge of my conscience, I can no way do what thy require of me; with what counte∣nance could I look up to Heaven? with what face could I look on them whom I have taught, of whom there is a great number, if by my example it come to pass, that the things which heretofore they have known to be most true, should now be made dubious? I will never do it, nor give any such offence, that I might seem to think more of this vile carcase, which is condemned to die, then of their salvation. A Bishop said, Behold how he continueth in his pernicious errors. Then he was commanded to come down to the execution: And a Bishop took the chalice from him, saying, O accursed Judas, why hast thou forsaken the way of peace? we take from thee the chalice of thy salvation. John said, I trust in God my Father, and in my Lord Jesus Christ, for whose sake I suffer these things, that he will not take away his chalice of redemption, but I have stedfast hope, that I shall drink thereof to day in his Kingdom. The other Bishops took away the other Priestly things; and each of them accursed him. He answered, He willingly suffered their curses for the name of Christ. At last those Bishops began to contend, with what instrument his shaven crown should be un∣priested, with a razor or cizers. John then turned unto the Emperor, and said, I marvel, that when they are of a like cruel minde, yet they cannot agree in the manner of their cruelty. At last they cut off the skin with cizers;

and said, Now the Church hath taken from thee all her ornaments and pri∣viledges; and nothing remaineth, but that thou be delivered into the hands of the Magistrate. Then they caused a crown to be made of paper, almost a cubit deep; upon it they painted three black divels, with this title above them, HAERESIARCHA. When he saw it, he said, My Lord Jesus for my sake hath born a crown of thorns, why then should not I bear this light crown, be it never so ignominious? truly I do it willingly. When it was set upon his head, a Bishop said, Now we commit thy soul unto the Divel. John, lifting up his eys to Heaven, said, But I commend my soul into thy hands, O Lord Jesus, who hast redeemed me. Then said the Bishops unto the Emperor, This most sacred Synod of Constance, leaveth unto the Civil Power this John Huss, who hath no more to do in the Church of God. The Emperor commanded the Duke of Bavier (who was stand∣ing in his robes, holding the golden Apple with the Cross in his hand) to receive the Prisoner from the Bishops, and deliver him unto the Sergeants. When he was led to the place of execution, he saw before the Church-dore his Books burning; he, smiling, exhorted all men, that they should not think that he died for any error or heresie, but only for the hatred of his adversaries, charging him with crimes most falsely. All the City followed him in Arms. When he came to the place of execution, he kneeled down, and lifting up his eys to Heaven, he prayed and said certain Psalms, namely, the 31 and 51; they who were near him, heard him repeat oft the verse, Lord, into thy hands I commend my spirit. The People said, What he hath done before we know not, but now he prayeth devoutly. Some said, It were good he had a Confessor. A Priest, sitting on a horse's back, answered, He may not be heard, who is a condemned Heretick. While he prayed, and lifted up his eys to Heaven, his paper hat fell off his head; a Souldier took it up, and said, Put it on again, that he may burn with his Masters the Divels. When he arose from praying, he said with a loud voice, Lord Jesus assist me, that with a patient and constant minde, by thy most gracious help, I may indure this ignominious death, unto which I am condemned for preaching thy most holy Word. Then he declared unto the people the cause of his death, as is before; in the mean while the Executioner was stripping off his clothes, and turned his hands behinde his back, and tied him to the stake with wet ropes: whereas it hapned, that his face was to∣ward the East; one cried, That an Heretick should not have liberty to look East-ward: So he was turned. When his neck was tied unto the stake with a chain, he said, I will gladly receive this chain for Christ, who was tied with a worse chain for my sake. Under his feet they set two wet faggots mixed with straw; and from the feet to the chin he was inclosed in wood. Before the wood was kindled, the Baron of Oppenheim and another Gentle∣man went and exhorted him, that he would remember his salvation, and repent of his errors. He said, What errors should I renounce, whereas I know my self guilty of none? as for those things that have been falsely al∣ledged against me, I know that I never did so much as think them; for this was the chief aim of all my preaching, to teach all men repentance and re∣mission of sins, according to the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and after the ex∣position of the holy Fathers; wherefore I am ready to suffer death with a cheerful minde. They left him wringing their hands; and the fire was kindled. Then he prayed with a loud voice, Jesus Christ, Son of the living God, have mercy upon me. He repeated these words thrice, and the winde, dri∣ving the flame into his face, choaked him; afterwards he moved the space that one may say the Lord's prayer thrice. The head and neck that were above

the chain, they hewed into small pieces, that it might be consumed the sooner. They found his heart untouched among the ashes; they struck it with their rods, and burnt it alone: They gathered all the ashes, with great dili∣gence, and threw them into the river, that the least remnant of him should not abide on the earth. The History of John Huss. Now that we may know wherein his doctrine differed from ours at this day, I will but hint at them, and add a little of his Prophesies. Of all the Articles that he professed to believe, (more were imputed unto him, as followeth in Chapter V. but he denied them) none was different from our present Doctrine, but the opinion of Transubstantiation, which he held with the Romanists. As for his Prophesies: In Prague he saw a Vision; he seemed to paint the Images of Christ and his Apostles; but the Pope came and hindered him, and caused his Servants to blot away the Images: Then he saw other Painters, in great number, paint the same Images again; and the Painters became so numerous, that the Pope and his Cardinals were not able to abolish the Images. In the Councel he said publickly, When an hundred years are come, ye shall answer unto God and unto me. Those words were stamped on the coin of the Hussites. When he was shut up among the wood to be burnt, he said, Out of my ashes a Swan shall arise, which they shall not be able to burn, as they do with the Goose: (Huss signifieth a Goose in the Bohe∣mian Language) By all which, no doubt, he foresaw the Reformation that followed an hundred years after his death. Aeneas Sylvius in Histor. Bohem. cap. 36. relateth this History briefly; and howbeit he call him and his follow, Jerome of Prague, stubborn Hereticks, as the Councel had called them, yet when he commendeth the Epistle of Poggius unto Nico∣laus concerning these two, and inserteth another unto Leonard ••retin of Jerome's death, certainly he thought well of these Martyrs, no less then the writer did. This Poggius was a Secretary of that Councel. In the last Chapter, I will touch the process against Jerome, studying brevity. And here I will remember a passage or two of the Epistles of Poggius ad Leonar. Areti. First, He mentioneth his Epistle unto Nicolaus; then coming to the cause of Jerome, he saith, I profess I never saw any man, who in talking especially for life and death, hath come nearer the eloquence of the An∣cients, whom we do so much admire; it was a wonder to see with what words, with what eloquence, arguments, countenance, and with what confidence he answered his adversaries, and declaimed his own cause: That it is to be lamented, that so fine a Wit had strayed into the study of Heresie, if it be true that was objected against him.....When many things were heaped against him, to accuse him of Heresie, and those things were proved by Witnesses, it was permitted unto him to answer particularly: he refused a long time; because he should first plead his own cause, and then answer to the railings of adversaries: when this was refused, he said, How great is this iniquity, that when I have been 340. days in most hard prisons, in filthiness, in dung, in fetters, and want of all things, ye have heard my adversaries at all times, and ye will not hear me one hour?.....ye are men, and not gods; ye may slip and er, and be deceived and seduced, &c. Then every Article of accusation was read publickly; and proved by Wit∣nesses. They asked him, Whether he could object? It is almost incredible to consider how cunningly he answered, and with what Arguments he de∣fended himself: He never spake one word unworthy of a good man; that if he thought in heart, as he spake with tongue, no cause of death could have been against him, not of the meanest offence: He said, All those things were false, and feigned by his adversaries: He declared his own studies and

life, full of vertues. And he spared not to commend John Huss; calling him a good, just and holy man; who had spoken nothing against the Church of God, but against the abuses, pride and pompt of the Clergy and Pre∣lates; for whereas the revenues of the Church should be imployed on the poor and strangers, he judged it unworthily bestowed on harlots, feastings, feeding of horses and dogs, superfluous raiment, and such other things un∣worthy of Christian Religion. He quoted many Doctors for his opinions. In the end Poggius saith, O man, worthy of everlasting remembrance a∣mong men! This Epistle is also in Fascic. rer. expetend. fol. 152.

12. In other places many others suffered death for teaching and speaking against the worshipping of Saints; against transubstantiation; the tyranny of the Pope, &c. These Articles were always objected unto them, although they differed from the Romish Church in many other things. Amongst those were Henry Crunfelder Priest of Ratisbon, An. 1420. Henry Radgeber Priest there, An. 1423. John Druendo, of Noble birth, and a Priest, was burnt at Worms, An. 1424. John Draendorf the same year; Peter Thoraw at Spire, An. 1426. John Rockenzan, An. 1430. Matthias Hager, An. 1458 &c.

13. The Emperour Sigismund required Peter de Alliaco, Cardinal of * 1.44 Cambrey, to put in form some Articles concerning the Reformation of the Church, that might be propounded unto the Councel of Constance; this was four moneths before the going away of Pope John, which was judged a most fit time to treat of that purpose. He began his Preface with the words of Bernard in Serm. 33. in Cantic. A rotten malady creepeth to day through all the body of the Church, and the further the more desperately...seeing from that time the Church hath become worse and worse continually, after the fearful darkness of so many schisms; unless timely provision be made, more fearful things may be feared to insue, according to the Pro∣ph••sies of Abbot Joachim. Then he sheweth what he thinketh needful unto Reformation. 1. That General and Provincial Councels be kept; especially General Councels, for amending all Persons and Estates: neither should re∣medy be looked for from the Church of Rome; because many are suspi∣cious that she dissembleth, and is unwilling to have Councels, that she may r••ign the more at her own pleasure, and usurp power over other Churches: Because before Constantine, it was not free unto the Church to hold General Councels openly; then arose many Heresies: therefore it is no marvel, that in these last times, when Councels have been contemned, that she is fallen into divers schisms, and other infinite evils, as experience teacheth. General Councels are necessary for Reformation of the body of the Church, espe∣cially the Roman, which must be Reformed. Whereas the Gloss saith in Dist. 19. c. Anastasius, The Pope should ask the Councel of Bishops, When matters of faith are to be inquired? it is to be understood, not only of the articles of faith, but of all those things also that concern the universal estate of the believing Church; and otherwise it is dangerous to commit our faith unto the arbitrement of one man. And if ever they were necessary, far more now, to procure an union of the Greeks with the Latines; to repress the enterprises of the Turks, who having destroyed the Empire, will rush into the Church, and straw a way unto the Antichrist, as now many most godly men fear both these dangers at hand. 2. For Reformation of the Roman Court, it is sufficient, that there be but one Cardinal out of every Province, because the Cardinals are the causes of schisms; and the Pope should provide to relieve, ease and to remove the grievances of the Nati∣ons; he should abate the exactions, his pomp and luxury; he should not

excommunicate, but in weighty causes; as was done in the primitive Church. 3. Prelates should not be chosen young, imprudent nor ignorant; but of ripe age; apt to teach; exemplar in manners; moderate in lives; not med∣ling with weapons or worldly business; abstaining from pomp in clothes and horses, and feasts; hating all simony; they should moderate the Lent, in respect of some persons and circumstances; they should bring the Divine Service to devout brevity; repress the number and variety of Images in Chur∣ches; put order to new Feasts and Saints, that men cease from work only upon the Lord's day, and the most famous Feasts that have been appointed by the Church; because when people are idle, sin is multiplied in Taverns, dancings, and other abuses. 4. He cometh to the Reformation of Monks, in respect of their multitude and pernicious diversity; and he taxeth the Romish Court, that they dispise Divines, and advance only such as can bring gain; so that now it is come into a Proverb, The Church is not worthy (if Papists will have the word meretur expounded so) to be governed, but by wicked men, &c. He complaineth also of Pagan abuses, and diabo∣lical superstitions at Rome; but (saith he) as there were seven thousand who * 1.45 never bowed to Baal, so we may be confident, that there are some desirous of the Churches Reformation. This Book is in Fascic. rer. expetend. and was presented unto the Councel November 1. An. 1415. But they who should have reformed, were to be reformed; and so little or nothing was done.

14. Thomas Rhedonensis, a French Carmelite, and (as Antoninus saith) a famous Preacher, went to England, France and Italy; and in his Sermons said, Rome is the mother of abominations; the Church hath need of great Reformation; Prelates should leave their pride and luxury, and follow the ex∣ample of Christ and his Apostles. For such preaching he was burnt in Rome, at the command of Pope Eugenius, An. 1436. Baptista Mantuanus, speaking of this mans death, lib. de vita beat. c. ult. saith, Ah mad envy! what doest thou? thou hast not killed him; for his soul cannot die; but by hurting his earthy body, he is the sooner partaker of eternal life, Catal. test. ver. lib. 19.

15. Laurentius Valla, a Senator's Son of Rome, and Canon of St. John of Lateran about the year 1420. wrote a Book (which he calleth a Declama∣tion) against the pretended donation of Constantine. In the end thereof he shews the estate of the Church, saying, I say, and I cry, (for I trust in God, and do not fear men) In my life time hath been in the high Priesthood no faithful nor wise Steward; he hath not given bread to God's family; the Pope an∣noyeth with wars, people that love peace; and stirreth up Princes and Cities; he maketh his advantage not only by the loss of the Republick, so as Verres or Catilina durst never attempt the like; but of the Church and holy Ghost, so that Simon Magus would abhor it....In no place is there any Religion; no holiness; no fear of God; and, which maketh me tremble when I speak it, wicked men bring the excuse of all crimes from the Pope; for in him and his Court is the example of all wickedness; that against the Pope, and them that are nearest unto him, we may say with Isaiah and Paul, The name of God is blasphemed among the Gentiles for you; ye who should teach others, teach not your selves. The late high Priests, abounding in wealth and pleasures, seem to contend to be as ungodly and foolish, as the ancient Bishops were holy and wise, and by their shame to surmount the praises of the former. There also he complaineth, that they have corrupted the faith with old wives fables; and that they are not ashamed to preach, what a Christian should be ashamed to name. And he saith unto the people, When we discern bad money, we throw it away; and we will not discern a bad Lord, but will keep him still. All the Book is such. For this Book he was forced to flee: But he was received honorably by Alfonso King of Naples, and was his Secretary. Orthae. Gra. in epist. post declam.

16. Thomas de Corsellis a Frier, had a large Oration in the Councel of * 1.46 Basil: Aen. Sylvius hath inserted it in his Commentaries. There he proves, that the Councel is above the Pope; the Pope may err, and experience shews it; when the Pope abuseth the keys, he may be deposed; if he hear not the Church, he is a Publican and Heathen; a general Councel representeth the Church; some, for vain glory and reward, do flatter the Popes, and teach new doctrines; and are not ashamed to say, That the Pope is not subject unto the authority of an holy Councel; and the Pope may judge all, and be judged of none; but should be left unto the judgment of God only, even al∣though he draw after him souls, by droves, into Hell. They consider not, that these be the words of Popes, inlarging their own phylacteries, or of their flatterers: And because these words are easily refuted, they run unto the words of Christ; not regarding the meaning of the Spirit, but the fancies of their own brain, and the prattle of the words, Thou art Cephas; by these they will make the Pope the head of the Church: And, I will give thee the keys: And, I have praied for thee: And, Whatsoever thou shalt bind on Earth: And, Feed my Sheep: And, Cast thy self into the Sea: And, Thou shalt be a Fisher of men: And, Christ commanded to pay Tribute for him and him. All which these men do wonderfully proclaim; but they do altogether despise the Ex∣positions of the holy Teachers, &c. Aene. Sylvius in his Comment. de gestis Concil. lib. 1. makes oft use of this Oration.

17. In the same Councel Lewis, Cardinal of Arelatensis, did maintain these positions: More credit is to be given unto a private Presbyter, if he have better warrant of Scripture or reason, than unto a Pope or whole Coun∣cel: Councels have erred, and have been corrected, and contented to be directed by a Presbyter; as the most famous Councel of Nice, was by Atha∣nasius, when he was a Presbyter: Councels consist not only of Bishops, but of Presbyters also; for in the Councel of Chalcedon are said to have been 600. Priests, which is a name common to Bishops and Presbyters: and in other Councels they seak neither of Bishos nor Priests, but of Fathers, which is also a common name: And the power of the keys is given unto the whole Church, in Bishops and Presbyters; and now, according to the tesli∣mony of Hierom, Bishops are above Presbyters, by custom rather than by constitution; for even Paul calleth Presbyters Bishops, in his Epistle to Titus: These that are called Bishops, stand in aw of Kings for their worldly wealth, more than of God for their souls; whereas the multitude of Presbyters here present despise the world, and their life, for the love of the truth. He insisteth much on this point, because Antonius Panormitan would not give a deci∣sive voice unto the Priests, Aen. Sylvius ibid.

18. Paul Episc. Burgensis and Spanish Orator (whom Aen. Sylvius cal∣leth Decus Praelatorum) held in that Councel, that a Councel is above the Pope; and when it is lawfully assembled, even without his consent, he hath not power to dissolve, discharge or adjourn it. This he proves by the Law of God and of Man; at last he useth an argument from natural reason and testi∣mony of Aristotle; and said, In all well established Kingdoms, that is chiefly looked unto, that the Kingdom may do more than the King; if it be contra∣ry wise, it is not a Kingdom, but a Tyranny: It is so with the Church, she should have more power than the Pope. Whereupon Sylvius writes more fully, saying; The Pope is in the Church, as a King in his Kingdom; but it is absurd that a King hath more power than all his Kingdom; therefore the Pope should not have more power than the Church. But as sometimes Kings, for their evil administration and Tyranny, are excluded from the whole King∣dom; so, without doubt, the Roman Pope may be deposed by the Church;

that is, by a general Councel. In this matter I make no account of them, who give so large Power unto Kings, as if they were tied unto no Laws; those are but flatterers, and prattle otherwise then they think: For although it be said, Moderation is always in the Prince; that is to be understood, when there is reason to decline from the words of the Law. He is a King who watcheth over, and procureth the common good; who delighteth in the pro∣sperity of the Subjects; and who, in all things he doth, aimeth at the welfare of his people: and if he do not so, he may be called not a King, but a Tyrant, looking only unto his own interest......If we see a King dispising Laws, robbing his Subjects, deflouring Virgins, and doing all things at his plea∣sure; will not the Peers of the Land conveen, put him away, and advance another, who shall swear to rule by Laws? So reason and experience do teach. The same should be in the Church, that is, in the Councel; and so it is manifest, that the Pope is subject unto the Councel, saith Sylvius.

19. A Greek Abbot had a Sermon at that Councel; and began thus, Lo, Souldiers cast away the works of darkness. There he rebuketh the Clergy, that they had lost their spiritual armor; and he exhorteth the Fathers to Re∣form the Clergy, or else the Church will perish, Catal. test. ver.

20. James de Guitrod, a Carthusian, lived about the year 1440. among other Books, he wrote De septem statibus Ecclesiae in Apocalypsi descriptis. There he accuseth the Pope and his Court, that they do continually hinder the Reformation of the Church; and that they do alwaies tremble at the naming of a Councel. He wrote another Book, De errorib. Christianorum modernis; where he noteth not onely the vices of People and Clergy, but their Idolatry; their Pilgrimages and gadding to Images; their Miracles feigned for avarice. He saith, Christian Religion is in derision with Infidels, because of so many impieties and vanities of Christians. Men accept and love one another for their works; but God accepteth the work for the man; and therefore every man should first indeavor to be reconciled unto God, before he can hope that his works can be accepted. In another Book, De causis & remedus passionum, he rebuketh the pride of Prelates; and saith plainly, They have the place of Antichrist, and not of Christ; and their pride is the pride of Lucifer.

21. John Gochius, Priest of Mechlin, then avouched, that the writings of Albe••tus, Thomas, and other Sophists, taken from the muddy channels of Philosophy, do more obscure then inlighten the truth; they fight against the Canonical truth, and against themselves; they smell of the Pelagian Heresie. The Scriptures should be followed; and all other writings should be examined by them, even the Decrees of Popes and Councels: Monkish vows are not profitable unto godliness, and are contrary unto Christian li∣berty: Works are not satisfactory unto God's justice; but we are justified through the only mercy of God, by faith in Christ, and not by our deservings: Sin remaineth in the godly, but is not imputed unto them, and is forgiven for Christ. He refuteth them who do mince sin in the godly, Catal. test. ver. lib. 19.

22. Nicolaus Cusanus, Bishop of Brixia, is by Aen. Sylvius called Her∣cules of Pope Eugenius; and he lamenteth that so noble a head had strayed into the schismatical side. This Cardinal Cusan, in his Books De Concor∣dantia Catholica, which he directed unto the Councel at Basil, maintaineth these positions: All the promises which Christ spoke unto Peter, as, I will give thee the keys; I have prayed for thee; and such other things, should be understood of the Church universally, and not particularly of Peter or his Suc∣cessors; especially since many Popes have been Schismaticks and Hereticks:

Every Prelate hath place in the Church, according to the Dignity of his Seat; and so the Bishop of Rome hath attained such precedency in the Church, as Rome had antiently among the Nations: Or if they have place according to the holiness of him which first sate there, certainly Jerusalem should have the primacy; where the great high Priest did wash his Church with his blood: And why should not Ephesus, the seat of St. John, be preferred to Alexan∣dria, the seat of Mark? and so of the rest. The Councel dependeth not upon the head thereof, but upon the consent of all the Assessors; although the Bishop of Rome were present there, he hath not more power there then a Metropolitan in his Provincial Synod. Without all controversie, a universal Councel is above the Bishop of Rome; whose power is sometimes said to have been from Christ; yet in more places we finde that his primacy is from man, and dependeth on the Canons: wherefore, as he may be judged and deposed by a Councel, so he cannot abrogate nor change, nor destroy the Canons of Councels. In lib. 3. cap. 2. & ss. by many testimonies of Anti∣quity, he proveth it false, that Constantine gave, or could give the Empire of the West unto the Pope. These testimonies are exstracted and subjoyned to the Declamation of Laur. Valla in Fascic. rer. expetend. There also Cusanus saith, Neither is it true, that the Pope gave it unto Charls, or transferred it from the Greeks unto the Germans; and it is most false, that the Princes Electors were instituted by the Pope; and that they discharge the office of Election in his name. In the contrary, The Emperor dependeth on God alone; and it is not necessary that he be confirmed by the Pope; nor may the Pope depose him. The Emperors, in old time, called the General Councels; as other Princes have taken care of Provincial Synods. When he was Legate in Germany, he hindred and discharged the carrying of the Sacrament in their Processions, Crantz. in Metrop. He addeth, Because the Sacrament was ordained for use, and not for ostentation.

23. In the year 1442. the Emperor Frederick had a Diet at Mentz; where they spoke of casting off the Pope's yoke in time of the schism: But in the time of Pope Nicolaus, this Neutrality was taken away by the mediation of Aen. Sylvius; and therefore he got a red hat. Nevertheless, because the conditions that he had made, in name of the Pope, were not fulfilled, the Germans assembled again; and by advice of Diether Bishop of Mentz, they would provide for themselves, according to the Pragmatica Sanctio against the tyranny of the Roman Church; and they agree upon Decrees concern∣ing the election of Prelates; the collation of Benefices; the pleading of causes; the granting of pardons; the exactions of tenths, &c. And if the Pope shall discern against them, they resolve to provide for themselves by an appellation.

24. Martin Meyer, Chancellor unto this Diether, wrote an Epistle unto Cardinal Aen. Sylvius; and complaineth, in his Master's name, that the Canons of Constance and Basil were not observed; that Calixtus, as if he were not tied to the covenant of his Predecessors, did oppress Germany; he contemneth the election of their Prelates; and reserveth their Benefices, of all sorts, unto his Cardinals and Secretaries; expectative graces are given without number; Annates, or mid-fruits, are exacted rigorously; yea, more is extorted then is owed; the Government of Churches is not given unto them which deserve best, but who payeth most; new Indulgences are sent dayly for squeezing money.....a thousand means are devised, whereby the See of Rome draweth gold from us, as if we were witless Barbarians....Our Princes, being awakened, have resolved and decreed to cast off this bondage, and to defend their former liberty. In the end he congratulateth

his late advancement, and lamenteth that so many evils hapned in his time: But (saith he) God will have it otherwise, and his decree must have place. By these words, Meyer giveth to understand more then he speaketh. This Epistle is printed with Sylvius his description of Germany.

25. The Greeks wrote unto the Bohemians in this manner: The holy * 1.47 Church of Constantinople, and Mother of all Orthodox Believers, unto all the Masters, and each of the famous Brethren, and Sons beloved in Jesus Christ, in Bohemia, salvation by the Son of the glorious Virgin, and an hundred-fold increase of spiritual fruit. The holy Church of the heavenly Bridegroom, which is the Head of the whole Church, hath not greater pleasure, then that she heareth that her Sons walk in the truth; therefore when, not without most great pleasure, and as it were a pledge of common fruit, the fertility and growth of them, who couragiously suffer persecution for the testimony of true faith, came unto the ears of the same godly and bountiful Mother, especially by a Brother and Son, Constantinus Anglicus, the bearer of these presents, and a reverend Priest, we were more plainly ad∣vertised, that ye hearken not unto the novelties that are brought by some into the Church of Christ, but that ye are constant in the foundation of faith, which was given unto us by our Lord and his Disciples: The holy Church hath incontinently written unto you, and intended to exhort you into con∣cord with her; and not according to the forged union of Florence, which was separate from the true and lawful Councel; which union should rather be called a diremption from the truth; for which cause we received not that union, but altogether refused it, and according to the immoveable decree of truth, wherein only we can be truly and safely united; for the Church of Christ doubteth not of these things, which she heard reported of you, as is said: Seeing therefore you have judged it expedient, to contraveen the peril∣lous novations of Rome, ye shall be of one mind with this Church, by means of the Holy Scriptures, which is the true Judge. For although no good report of you came unto us before, that ye did not resist the Roman novelties; but rather were enemies to the ancient traditions of the Catholick and Christian Church; yet now we are informed more surely, that ye are revived and re∣turned unto the common religion of Christians, and unto true godliness, and that you leave not your Mother; but being zealous, with true love, of your true Mother, have a singular desire to promove and inlarge her; which we understood by the coming of this devout Priest, (as we have said) who hath declared unto us particularly the estate of your affairs; he hath given unto our holy Mother his godly and acceptable confession, and hath re∣ceived the Doctrine of the true Faith from her, wherein all men should agree, who desire to be saved, which also we will declare unto your charity. Where∣fore beloved Brethren and Sons, if it be so, as we believe and trust, hasten the unity together with us; for where can ye be more zealous against tempters, then in the bosom of the true Church, and under the shield of true salvation? and where can ye better refresh your selves, then where the fountain of the water of life is open? All therefore who are thirsty, come unto the waters; come, buy the wine of sober joy without money; and receive milk from the teats of her comfort: we trust then, that in all things ye agree with us; where∣fore from henceforth, with singular care and love, we will provide unto you spiritual Pastors, which shall have care of your souls, and feed you with the word of truth, and example of life, and shall not afflict you. More∣over, concerning the Rites of the Church, we will graciously yield unto you, with the Apostle, in these, whatsoever have a good ground, and a pure intention; the granting of which may tend to your edification, and

shall not be contrary to the honor of this our holy and true Mother, and her communion and obedience; for verily we intend to dispense and deal with good will and discretion, in the difference of Customs and Rites. The Al∣mighty God grant, that we may hear as we have heard, that many others have likewise received the spirit of true life to the increase and multiplying of the beloved Children of the true Mother; and cause you, together with us, to rejoice in the house of the Church, with the same Professions and Rites; yea that we may praise him with heart and mouth for ever and ever: Amen. Given at Constantinople, Ianuary 18. An. 1451. Rer. Bohem. autiqui Scriptor. pag. 235. Edit. Hannoviae, An. 1602.

26. George Pogiobratz, King of Bohemia, was a good Warriour, and did not fear the threats of the Pope and Emperour; and he restored the rui∣ned estate of the Kingdom. Vratislavia and Silesia refused to obey him, be∣cause he was an Heretick, as Cochlaeus speaks Hist. Huss. lib. 12. But Pius the II. then intending Wars against the Turk, did by all means perswade them to yeeld obedience; and the King did require the Pope, to keep the Com∣pacts of Basil in favours of the Bohemians The Pope refused to grant so much. Wherefore the King called the Estates together, and protested be∣fore that he would live and die in that faith which they did profess, and so did the Nobles, An. 1462. Cochl. ibid. Pope Paul gave that King∣dom unto Matthias, King of Hungary: and when he was busie against the Turks, and had recovered several Towns, and had entred into Thracia with good success, Rodulph the Pope's Legate drew him back from the Turks, to invade the Christians in Bohemia; but God protected them against him, although he had the aid of the Pope; and the Vratislavians and some Cities did accept him; yea God defended that Kingdom so, that when George di∣ed, An, 1471. and the Pope had stiled Matthias King of Hungary and Bo∣hemia, the Estates of Bohemia would not accept him, even howbeit he had married the daughter of George before the Wars, but hated him for his un∣natural usurpation; and did chuse Ladislaus the son of Casimire, King of Poland: And the two sons of Pogiobratz prevailed in Wars against Matthi∣as, and the Emperour made them both Dukes. This was so offensive unto Matthias, that he proclaimed Wars against the Emperour; but he was taken away by death, Pet. Mexia.

27. Stephen Brulifer, a Doctor of Sorbone and a Franciscan, taught in his lessons, and maintained in disputes, that neither the Pope nor Councel nor Church, can make any Article or Statute to bind the conscience of a Chri∣stian; that all their authority consists in the urging of obedience unto God's word, in preaching it; and administring the Sacraments which he hath in∣stituted, so that they bring nothing without his command; he called justifi∣cation by merits, a Divellish doctrine, since the Lamb of God was sacrificed, and hath satisfied God's justice for us. The Doctours of Sorbone would not suffer him amongst them. But he went to Diether, Bishop of Mentz, which had been deposed for speaking against the avarice of Rome, and was resto∣red. Fascic. rer. expet. fol. 164.

28. John de Wesalia, a Preacher of Worms, was delated by the Thomists unto the same Diether; he gathered his books, and sent them unto the Uni∣versities of Colein and Heidleburg, to be examined. They convened this John before them at Mentz, in February An. 1479. After they had viewed his books, they found these Articles, which they called errours: 1. All men are saved freely, by the meer grace of Christ, through faith. 2. We should beleeve the Word of God only, and not the glosses of any man. 3. God hath, from all eternity, written in a book all his Elect; whosoever is not writ∣ten

there, shall never be written in it; and whosoever is written in it, shall ne∣ver be blotted out. 4. Our Doctours do expound the Scriptures wickedly and falsly. 5. Christ never appointed a Fasting nor Festival day; neither forbad to eat any meat upon any day. 6. When Peter did celebrate the Eucharist, he said the Lord's Prayer, and the consecration, and then did communicate with others; but now the Priest must stand an hour and more when he saith Mass. 7. They are fools who go in Pilgrimage to Rome, for they may find as much good elsewhere. 8. The Word of God should be expounded, by conferring one Text with another. 9. Prelates have no au∣thority to expound Scriptures, by any peculiar right given unto one more than to another. 10. Mens traditions, as Fasts, Feasts, Pardons, set Praiers, Pilgrimages, and such other things are to be rejected. 11. Extream unction, confirmation, auricular confession, and satisfaction are to be contemned. They demanded of him several questions; as, Whether Christ was present bodily in the Sacrament, or spiritually? He answered, Christ's body was there present, and the substance of Bread and Wine remain also. 2. What he thought of the Procession of the Holy Ghost? Ans. He beleeved not that he proceeds from the Father and the Son, as from one principium, because the Scripture speaks not so. 3. What he thought of the Vicar of Christ? Ans. He beleeved not that Christ hath a Vicar; for he said, Behold I am with you unto the end of the World. 4. What he thought of pardons? Ans. He had written a book, wherein he had shewed, that the Treasure of the Church can∣not be distributed by Popes; because it is written Revel. 14. Their works fol∣low them. After these interrogatories, and others of that sort, three Doctors were appointed to deal with him privately: He said unto them, As ye deal with me, if Christ were here, you would condemn him as an Heretick: but he would overcom you. After all this, so feeble was he in mind, that he made a recantation. Orthae. Grat. in Fascic. rer. expetend. His condemnation did not please Mr. John de Keiserbergh, nor Mr. Engelin de Brunswick, two learned and upright men: especially Engelin said, They had dealt too pre∣cipitately with such a man, and many of his Articles may he sustained; and that his accusation had proceeded only from the envy of the Thomists. Ibid. ex Examine Magistrali Iohannis de Vesalia.

29. Dominicus, Bishop of Brixia, writ unto Pope Pius the II. a Treatise with this Title, Reformatio Curiae Romanae; he toucheth the malady softly, but truth appears; for he saith, If we consider the antient Popes, and their Acts, so that we follow the evil in them, and then we compare the reve∣rend Cardinals, Bishops and Prelates, and of other degrees with them, surely we will weep with Jeremiah, Lamen. 4. Alas! how is the gold obscured! the good colour thereof is changed; the stones of the Sanctuary are scat∣tered in the streets; that is, the Prelates in the broad ways, which lead unto destruction, as Gregory expoundeth. Item, This Reformation belongeth unto the Pope especially, who, as the head of others, should procure it, and set his minde on it; but he who will reform others, must look unto him∣self and unto his family; for the life of the Pastor is an example and prece∣dent unto others; and when the head is sick, the members cannot be well.

30. Sigismund Duke of Austria, could not indure the insolency of Pius * 1.48 the II. his Legate; therefore Pius did excommunicate him. By advice of Gregory Heimburgh, a Doctor of the Civil and Canon Laws, Sigismund appealeth unto a Councel; and sent his appe••l••tion to be published at Rome. Pius understanding that Heimburgh was the Author of this appellation, ex∣communicated him also: And because he dwelt at Nuremburgh, and was Advocate for that City, Pius wrote unto the Burgrave and the Senate an

Epistle, where he calleth this form of appellation, a new heresie, and a divellish inspiration, because they, with scoffs of appellation, do appeal unto a thing which is not: He sheweth, that he had excommunicated Hem∣burg for Treason and Heresie; and he commanded to banish him, and to escheat all his movables and immovables, and to proceed against him as an Heretick. Hemburg appealed from this Sentence also, unto a future Coun∣cel; nevertheless he was forced to remove from that City, and went to Bo∣hemia, untill Diether Bishop of Mentz was vexed by the Pope, and sent for him. In the appellation of Sigismund, he sheweth the equity of his cause, and the iniquity of the curse; he appealeth not unto the Pope being ill advi∣sed, unto him being better advised; but unto his Successour or unto a gene∣ral Councel, that shall be assembled according to the Decrees of Constance and Basil; and these failing, unto Jesus Christ. In his own appellation he mentioneth the same, and he si••teth the Bull or Letters that were sent unto the Senate. Pius had said, It is a vain thing to appeal unto a thing which is not, and which cannot be above the Pope. He answered, The Councel was above Peter; and as it may be appealed unto the See Apostolical, when it vaketh; so it may be appealed unto a future Councel.....He dare call me an Heretick, because I say, The Councel of Christendom is above a Pope; and I say he is an Heretick who maintaineth the contrary. Pius had said, A Councel is no where. He answered, The Pope hindreth; no hindrance is on my part, &c. Theodor Faltrius writ, in the name of Pius, against Hem∣burgh, and he answered by Apologia contra detractiones & blasphemias Theo∣dor. In another Treatise De Primatu Papae, which was Printed at Ba••il, An. 1555. he calleth Rome Babylon and the Whore; and he maintaineth that the Primacy of the Pope hath no ground in Scripture, nor the writings of the Antients; but is by usurpation only, without the institution of Christ, con∣trary to the good of the Church, and an intolerable tyranny; and he exhor∣teth every man to depart from Rome, as they are commanded in the Reve∣lation; and to this effect he hath a comparison of Christ and the Pope, to prove that the Pope is the Antichrist: He accuseth the Teachers, that for fear or hope they dare not contradict the Pope's errours; and by their silence, do confirm his usurped power. In the end he saith, These many years it hath been more safe to doubt and dispute of the power of God, than of the power of the Pope; for men, being drunk with the Wine of this Whore, do ex∣pound the Holy Scriptures flatteringly; and wrest them all, to confirm her errours: And because Emperours and Princes, either for ignorance or not reading, or because they are miscarried with earthly pleasures, do not see this, they are brought into this bondage, to beleeve, as an Article of their faith, that the Pope cannot err, and may do on earth as he pleaseth; and no man may say unto him, What doest thou? And the Pope may command the Angels. Catal. test. verit.

31. France was not better pleased with Pope Pius; he sent unto Lewis the XI. saying; If thou be an obedient Son, why maintainest thou the Pragmatical Sanction? Eugenius did admonish thee to forsake it, because it is not accor∣ding to God: So did Nicolaus and Callistus tell thee, it is a cause of many evils and discords in the Church; and hitherto, thou wouldest never hear the voice of the Church. The King was a little moved by these Letters; but the Parliament of Paris shewed unto him the utilities of the Sanction, namely, if it be abolished four incommodities shall insue: 1. The confusion of all order in the Church. 2. The impoverishing of the Subjects. 3. The whole King∣dom shall be emptied of money. 4. The subversion of all the Churches; and they give instances at length. This Commonefaction was divided

into 89. Articles, by John Cardinal Atrebaten. and is extant among the works of P. Pithaeus, saith P. Morn. in Myster. But Lewis was perswaded, by the Pope's Letters, to annual the Sanction; yet the King's Attorney, and many Bishops would not consent; and the University did resist the Pope's Proctor, and appealed unto the next General Councel. They observed many incon∣veniences, following upon the annulling of the Sanction, within the space of four years: The Parliament did present these inconveniences unto Charls the VIII. with a new complaint against the abolishing of the Sanction; as may be seen in Ph. Morn. in Myster. pag. 587. And Pope Leo the X. in the Late∣ran Councel Sess. 10. in his Bull, which beginneth Primitiva, shews, that the Prelates and Clergy of France, would not obey the King's dissolution of the Sanction, nor give ear unto the admonitions of five Popes, and had cleaved fast unto the Sanction.

32. Antonius de Rosellis was a famous Reader of the Laws at that time, and writ several Treatises against the Popes. The Authors of Index Expur∣gatorius (as it is published by Junius) have ordained to blot out of his book De potestate Imperatoris & Papae, these words; out of the chapter Plus videtur; The Emperour hath, from God, such secular dominion, and bodily correcti∣on, over all men, that even Clarks, in respect of Secular things, are subject unto the Emperour. Here they blot away the word bodily. Out of ca. Ne prolixius, num. 5. It is Heretical to say, that the universal administration of secular things, belongeth or may belong unto the Pope. Ex fol. 10. col. 3. they blot away, The Pope hath not power to Elect, Crown or Consecrate the Emperour, in respect of his Papacy from Christ, but by Commission granted by the Emperours; and this Commission may be revoked. Ex fol. 16. sect. Et ad primum, they blot away, The goods of the Church of Rome, which the Pope possesseth by the gift of Constantine, do belong in property and possession unto her, but in respect of the jurisdiction or right of the Em∣perour; the Pope hath the use thereof in place of the Emperours, and the Emperours confirm this, by Oath, at their Coronation; but their Oath being personal, tieth not their Successours; and so they may (I wish they would) refuse that Oath, and return unto the direct Dominion or Imperial right in temporal and civil things.

33. Roderic Sanchio a Spaniard, Bishop of Zamora, and Referendarius of Paul the II. in Speculo vitae humanae, saith, The Pope maketh not account of wisdom nor laudable study, nor of peace and quietness in the Christian Com∣mon-wealth, but only of earthly things; Prelates neither preach, nor are able to teach, but are very ignorant, given to the belly and venery; and lay heavy burthens on mens shoulders, which themselves will not touch with their fingers; to wit, the Precepts of Canons and Decrees, Censures and Pu∣nishments; so many snares, Excommunications, and many such things which were not known unto the primitive Church, or were voluntary. And in the same Book he saith, The Papacy is not instituted for a Human but Divine Princedom; not to rule over men only, but over Angels; not to judge the living, but the dead also; not on the Earth only, but in Heaven; not to com∣mand the Beleevers, but the Unbeleevers also. There he applieth, unto the Pope, the passages of the Psalms and Prophets, which are spoken of Christ; and he exalteth the Pope above stammering Moses, and his brother Aaron. Behold hot and cold from the same mouth.

34. Dominicus Calderinus, in the daies of Pope Nicolaus the V. would not go unto the Mass; when he was instantly pressed by his friends, to go with them; he said, Let us go unto the common errours. Buxtorf. ad An. 1472.

35. Andrew Bishop of Carnia, did complain of the corrupt estate of the Church, both in manners and Doctrine; and did shew unto the Emperour, and Princes of the Empire, and some Universities, that Reformation could not be attained without a Councel. Many did approve his intention; so Ba∣sil was designed to assemble there, and thither he went. When Pope Sixtus heard of it, he sent Angelus a Bishop of Suecia unto Basil, with a mandate unto the Senate, to deliver the before named Andrew bond unto him; un∣der pain of his curse, and to account them all accursed, who concur with him in that purpose. The Senate answered, That they could not cast a Bi∣shop into chains, which was not condemned. The Legate excommunica∣ted the City, and returned to Rome. Then the Pope sent Jodocus, Bishop of Sedan, unto the Emperour; and perswaded him to send unto Basil a com∣mand, to keep the Bishop of Carnia untill farther advice; and in the mean time the City was absolved. Within few moneths Andrew was hanged. Henricus Iustitoris, another Bishop, writ against this Andrew; and saith, that after private and brotherly admonitions, he had published a book, accusing the Pope both in manners and faith. Catal. test. verit. lib. 19.

36. Wesselus Gantsfort was a Master in the University of Paris; and for his free speaking and writing, was forced to return into his native Countrey Groning; then he lived in the Monastery of St. Agnes hill by Swol, where he taught many young men, and had correspondence with sundry learned men. In an ••pistle unto a certain Dean, he saith, The Indulgenciaries themselves confess, that there is nothing mentioned concerning these Indul∣gences in the Scripture nor in the Fathers; and even the late Fathers, before Albert and Thomas, did speak against the Indulgences, when they were but lately begun; Gerson also and Antoninus were not satisfied in that matter; and the Parisianes did openly rebuke the unadvisedness of Clemens the VI. He sheweth there, that when he was at Rome, in the time of Pope Paul the II. he had disputed with learned men concerning the Indulgences; and that a certain Master, having been lately at Paris, did report, that he had heard a dispute of that subject, and all the Auditors were more confused, and none did return wiser: And a Cubicular of the Pope hearing this re∣port, said, That is no new thing. As for his judgement, he saith, Con∣cerning the punishment of souls, I do ingeniously think, until I be better informed, that when sin is forgiven, the punishment is also forgiven; nor is any man tied unto punishment, which is freed from the sin. And out of Lombard he alledgeth a testimony of Ambrose, He only can forgive sin, who only died for sin. And another of Augustine, If God cover sin, he will not take notice of it any more; and if he take no notice of it, he will not punish it, because he hath forgiven it. He addeth, The holy Ghost hath by Peter described the one and only solid Bull of Indulgence, by which an entrance into the Kingdom of God is ministred abundantly; saying, Add unto your faith vertue; and to vertue knowledge.....and if ye do these things, an entrance shall be ministred abundantly, &c. In another Epistle unto the Dean of Utrecht, I am informed by my friends, that when the Inquisitor hath done with the cause of Vesalia, he will come next unto me; I do not fear in the cause, but I must suffer trouble, reproaches and calumnies, espe∣cially of some Doctors of Colein, whose hatred and envy I do well enough understand by thy danger; for I speak by experience, &c. Whence it is ma∣nifest, that at that time many did not speak so openly as they would, because they did fear to strive against the stream. In an Epistle to ••gilbert he writes; This is a sure rule of Divinity, Believers should not maintain what is not contained in the rule of faith: But by no passage of Scripture can they shew,

that when sin is forgiven, the judgement of the punishment is committed unto the Pope's will; for how can they be covered, when they are still im∣puted? and how are they not imputed, when they are punished? hath God forgiven, to the end the Pope may punish? And where will ye establish this determined will of Christ, that one and the same work of Indulgence shall have vertue sometimes for six years, sometimes for seven, sometimes for se∣ven hundred, sometimes for seven thousand, and sometimes full and abso∣lute. Then answering unto that position, The Church is ruled by the Spirit of God; he saith, It is true, in so far as the Church is holy, but not in these particulars whereof she is ignorant, and in which she erreth; as alas! we la∣ment that she erreth grievously, as appears by the unsavoury salt, the dela∣ted Husband-man, and the unfaithfull Steward, whom Bernard expoundeth to be Mercenaries in place of Shepheards, yea and Wolves for hirelings, and Devils for Wolves. In his Book De subditis & superioribus he averreth, That the Pope may err; and when he erreth he should be resisted: Pius the II. did usurp all the Kingdoms of the earth; and Sixtus the IV. dispensed with all maner of oaths in causes temporal, not only that were already made, but that shall be made; which is nothing else, but to give unto men licence to forswear themselves, and deceive others: Because the Pope and his Car∣dinals are contrary unto Christ, they are the Antichrist. John Ostendorp, a Canon of St. Levin in Daventry, went once to visit him; and Wesselus said unto him, O diligent youth, thou shalt live until that time, when the doctrine of these late Divines, and contentious School-men, shall be for∣saken. Wesselus died in the year 1490. and Ostendorp lived until the year 1520. Gerhard Gelderhavrius writeth, that he heard his Master Ostendorp report this Prophesie. Ja. Triglandius, in his Church History against ••ten∣boga, par. 3. writeth of him, that when Pope Sixtus the IV. was chosen, Wesselus went to visit him, because he had been his good friend in Paris: The Pope bade him ask what he would, and it should not be denied unto him. He answered, I wish, that since now you are universal Pope, you would demean your self in your office according to your name, that in due time you may hear that approbation, Come thou good and faith∣ful Servant, enter into thy Master's joy. The Pope said, Why seekest thou not somewhat for thy self? He said, I crave no more but an Hebrew and Greek Bible out of the Vatican. The Pope answered, That you shall have; but fool, thou mightest have sought a Bishoprick, or some such thing. Wesselus answered, Because I have not need of so great things. When he died, some Friers burnt all his books and papers; but he had given sundry books unto others, which were collected and printed at Wittemberg, in the year 1522. When Luther saw them, he spake of the Prophet Elias, who thought that he was left alone, and yet the Lord had preserved seven thousand that had hot bowed the knee to Baal; so (said he) hath God preserved many thousands from the Idolatry of the Pope. And he wrote of him as followeth; There is one Wesselus come forth, whom they call Basilius, a Friselander of Groning, a man of wonderful understanding, and of an excellent spirit, who hath been taught of God, as Isaiah hath prophesied of Christians; for it cannot be thought or said, that he hath learned such things from men, as neither I have: If I had read those books before, mine enemies might have said, Luther hath taken all this out of Wesselus, we do so agree. But by these my joy and courage increaseth, and I doubt not but I have learned the truth, since he and I do agree in so constant unity, and almost in the same words, although differing in place and time, and occasions. And I admire by what mishap it is come, that so Christian works were not published by another.

37. Among the lights of that time Rodulph Agricola may justly be rec∣koned; he was born in Friseland. Ph. Melanchthon, writing his life, saith, Josquin Groningensis had reported unto him, that when he was young, he heard Vesselus and Agricola often lamenting in their Sermons the darkness of the Church; the abuses of the Mass; the single life of Priests; and that they both taught, that men are not justified by works, but by faith, as Paul oft teacheth; and they condemned the multitude of traditions. He died An. 1489. Buxtorf. Ind.

38. Paul Scriptor teaching on Scotus in Tubing, when he came to the fourth Book, Dist. 10. did speak against transubstantiation; and said, All things should be tried by the Word of God, as a true touch-stone; all Scho∣lastical teaching shall shortly be abolished, and the doctrine of the primitive Church shall be restored, according to the holy Scriptures. Conradine Pe∣licanus was his Auditor, and testifieth that he heard him reprove many er∣rors and abuses of the Roman Church; therefore the Minorites caused him to be banished; and as Rud. Gualter, in his Epistle before his Homiles on Matthew testifieth, he was put to death, as many did suspect, being not moved with uncertain conjectures. He died at Keiserberg in the year 1499.

39. Nicolaus Rus, a Batchelor of Divinity, preached at Rome, and wrote, The Pope hath not such power as is commonly believed; the Pope should not be heard when he strayeth from the Scripture; his Indulgences are but fraud; those only are true pardons, which God giveth of his free grace in Christ; Saints should not be adored, and far less their bones; they who are called the Spiritualty, to wit, the Roman Clergy, have packed up all Religion in mens traditions and vain superstitions, and they are careless of their office, and are Ministers of Antichrist: These things are written in his Threefold Cord; where he expoundeth the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the ten Commandments; which he wrote in the Saxon Languauge, that the common people might understand; he left Rome, and abode there, and had many Auditors. The Pastors of the Waldenses in Bohemia came and visited him: At last he was forced to flee into Liveland, where he died.

40. Jerome Savonorola, a Dominican in Florence, taught these Articles: 1. Men are justified freely by faith. 2. The Communion should be admini∣stred in both kindes. 3. The Pope's Indulgences are frivolous. 4. The keys were given unto the Church, and not to Peter alone. 5. The Pope hath not from Christ any primacy above other Bishops. 6. The Pope followeth neither the life nor doctrine of Christ, and therefore he is the Antichrist. 7. He who feareth the Pope's excommunication, is excommunicated of God. 8. He preached against the vices of the Clergy. Io. Fox in Act. & Mon. Philip Co∣minaeus did confer with him; and testifieth, that he was a man of most up∣right life. He foretold that God would raise up a King to punish the Tyrants of Italy; and that God would shortly reform the Church; therefore some did h••te him; and some believed him; namely, the Senate of Florence was perswaded by his preaching, to give way unto Charls the VIII. King of France. When the league was made in Italy against the French, he foretold that Charls should return in safety of his person, maugre all the power of his adversaries. Charls, returning from Naples, sent for this Jerome; who told him to his face, that God had hitherto convoyed him; but because he had not reformed the Church, as he should have done, and had not hindered his Soldiers from violence and rapine, he should shortly suffer dammage; but if yet he would repent, and punish his Subjects according to their deme∣rits, and would tenderly help the oppressed, God would shew mercy upon him. Ph. Comin. de bello Neapol. lib. 3. He said also, Charls shall come back

into Italy, and perform the work that God had appointed unto him, or then most grievous plagues were hanging over his head; and he writ the same unto King Charls; and advertised him, that if he return not to amend his omis∣sions, his Son shall die shortly, and himself shall not live long after him. The Florentines did expect his returning, and would not partake in the league against France; and others contemned the man as an Heretick, and worthy to be cast into the river; but he was so reverenced, that none attempted any thing against him, even although the Pope and Duke of Millain had by Letters dealt earnestly with the Florentines to put him to death; and on that condition, they promised to restore unto Florence the Towns that were taken from them. Charls would not return into Italy, but intended to re∣form the Realm and Church of France. Then (as it was foretold) his Son died, and himself was smitten with an apoplexy; he recovered a little, and called upon God, and Mary, and the Saints Claudius and Blasius; and within nine hours he died. After that the adversaries of Savonorola stirred up the people against him, and vexed him grievously; and slew his dearest companion, Francis Valoris. When the Pope heard of this, he sent a Legate unto Florence, and gave them liberty to judge him: So he was ex∣amined with tortures (saith Guicciardin. Hist. lib. 3.) for speaking against the Clergy and Court of Rome. Upon this examination, a Process was pub∣lished to this purpose; That he was not moved thereunto out of any evil intent; but this one thing he only respected, that a General Councel might be called, whereby the corrupt manners of the Clergy might be reformed, and the degenerate estate of the Church (so far as was possible) might be re∣duced to that that was in time of the Apostles, or those that were nearest unto them; and if he could bring so profitable a work to effect, he would think it a greater glory, then to obtain the Popedom it self. So Savonorola, and Silvester a Dominican, and Dominicus de Pisis a Franciscan, (which took part with him) were burnt in the year 1499. Ph. Comin. lib. 5.

41. Tileman Spangerberg (the Father of John Spangerberg) said unto his Sons and Neighbors; This Religion shall shortly be despised; and ye shall see the Priests and Monks cast out of the Churches and Cloisters contempti∣bly for their wickedness, especially for their avarice and filthiness; and ye will see a reformation of the Church; for God will not suffer the abominable vices of these men, since they teach not a word of the Gospel, and their conversation is worse then heathenish. And he said unto some Canons, ye are called spiritual men, and should teach the people, but ye do far other∣wise; ye do what ye should hinder others from doing; ye are authors of wars, who should exhort others unto peace; ye should save mens souls, and ye de∣stroy both souls and bodies. At that time the Bishop of Hildissheim had wars with the Duke of Brunswick. He died in the year 1499. Catalog. test. verit. lib. 19.

42. Santes Pagnine, a Dominican of Luca, deserveth to be remembred; at that time he Translated the Old Testament out of the Hebrew; and left the old Latine Translation in many places, cleaving unto the Original. In his Thesaurus; or Hebrew Dictionary, he not only cleareth the signification of the words, but declareth many dark sentences, by conferring them with parallel texts; and out of the Commentaries of the Rabbines.

43. We have heard, that from time to time the Empire of the Turks * 1.49 hath waxed through dissension of Christians, and that it was seldom or little hindred by them. After the death of mighty Tamerlane, in January 1402. the Turks did prevail powerfully, until the year 1460. when the valiant Scanderberg, of the Countrey of old Achilles, stayed their usurpation some

years. We touched before how Constantinople was lost in the year 1453. it is lamentable to hear or read the merciless cruelties of these Infidels against the Citizens, without respect of sex or age; as they are written by the Greeks. The Emperour Constantine died in the crowd, as they were flying out; the enemy cut off his head, and carried it, on a spear, through their Camps in to∣ken of their Triumph; so did they with a Cross, crying, Here is the God of the Christians. So from time to time the Church hath little rest on Earth; partly being vexed by Heathenish Emperours, partly by the proud Popes, and partly by the cruel Turks. These have been the three capital enemies of the Church, whose malice hath been so great against God's people, and it is hard to judge which of them hath exceeded in cruelty; but for number and continuance of mischiefs, the Turk surmounteth the others, even so far, that neither can a History be so perfect, nor Writers so diligent; and far less can this Compend express their manifold cruelties. But for a general view, con∣sider what Dominions, how many Countries, Kingdoms and Provinces they have taken from Christians. The yearly Revenues of their Emperour, are reckoned 800••000. or eight millions of golden crowns; whereof two milli∣ons is lai••d up in treasure, and the rest is for the entertainment of his family and servants. Cumin. Ventura in Thesoro. polit. Laon. Chalcocondylas an Athe∣nian, de reb. Turc. lib. 8. hath his Revenues in this manner; his Tribute out of Europe is 90. Myriades aureor staterum; of which no Turk paieth a penny, for it is not lawfull that a Turk pay Tribute. Mahumet the II. did first exact the Tithe of handy-work, which the Governors of Towns must bring up, and that is given to the Janizaries; the flocks of Sheep pay a Tribute unto the Janizars also: Moreover thirty millions of golden crowns, is gathered ftom and for Horse, Mules, Camels and Oxen through Europe and Asia. He shew∣eth other particulars, and in the end he gives the sum 400. millions; besides 20. millions, which the Governors and Dukes must pay yearly, in the Spring, by way of gift; and the Revenues of Princes, Dukes and Timarati, are valu∣ed to nine hundred millions; all paied by Christians, at that time. The bounds of the Turks are from Dalmatia, on the East-side of the Venetian Gulf, unto Thracia the space of 1500. Italian miles; and from the Euxine Sea unto Nilus; and from thence unto the Strait; and in Asia East ward unto Persia. In Europe, the Princes of Transilvania, Bodogamia and Valachia are his Tributaries; and he hath all the Provinces on both sides of the Danube, near unto Frioli in Italy; and on the North he marcheth with Poland and Muscovy. In Affrick his ditions are (for the most part) barren, except most fertile Aegypt. This Empire is now governed by twenty Bassaws; of which three are in Europe, the most potent is in Greece, another in Hungary, and the third in Temisnara; in Asia are thirteen, three in Affri••k, and one in Cyprus. Cumin. Ventura in Relatio. de Vrbe Constantinop. Wheresoever they prevailed, they either slue all the inhabitants, or led them away in such misery, that they lived so that death had been more tolerable. Bathol. Georgueviz lived amongst them the space of 13. years, about the year 1540. and returning writ a book Deploratio Chri∣stianorum, which was printed at Wittemberg, An. 1560. there he saith, If any man had foreknown that calamity, they would rather have chosen to have died a thousand times; if in any place death be mixed with life, or if life be prolonged, that men may be long a dying, it is under the Turks; the bondage in Aegypt the captivity in Assyria, and exile in Babylon, are light in compa∣rison of this most grievous oppression; for whether Christians do submit un∣to them, or not, it is all one if these prevail; as in their promises is no fidelity, so is no mercy in their victory; they kill all the Nobility, and scarcely spare any of the Clergy; they throw down all the Churches, or turn them to their blas∣phemous

superstition; leaving unto Christians old Chappels, which when they decay it is permitted to rebuild for a great sum of money; neither are Christians permitted to have any audible sign of assembling, but only as it were by stealth to exercize their religion; neither may a Christian bear Office in any Province or City, nor carry a weapon; if any blasphemy be spoken against Christ, or contumely against a Christian, he must hold his peace; but if thou speak against their Mahumet, the punishment is fire; or if against their religion, thou shalt be circumcized. If a Christian, on horseback, do meet a Turkish Priest, he must come down, and with low courtesie salute the Priest. Every Christian now must pay the fourth part of all his increase, as well of their Corns and Bestial, as of their handy-work; and every Master of a family, paieth a ducate yearly for every person of his family; if the Parents have it not to pay, they must sell their children; and others are compelled to beg it, or they are condemned to perpetual prison; and still it is free unto the Turk to take the most handsom of the Christian children, and circumcize and bring them in their Cloisters, to be Seminaries of his Janizaries or guard, and of his Souldiers, so that they hear not of Christ nor Parents; yet many of these Ja∣nizaries carry under their arm pits a New-Testament in Greek or Arabick. From amongst the fairest of the Christian daughters, the great Turks hath his Wives and Concubines, and it is religion unto them to do otherwise: So that by custom or contempt of the old Turkish blood, the present Empe∣rours and Janizaries and Bassaws, are descended of the Christians. Both the Christians and the Janizaries, in these Provinces, do heartily wish the reven∣ging Sword of Christians to deliver them from their wofull thraldom; and the Turks stand in fear of it, because of such a prophesie amongst them. Geor∣gieviz de affectione Christianor. The multitude of the Turks are base minded, being destitute of all learning; for their Laws forbid Schools, and they live most by Pasturage. Euphorm. in Icon. animor. cap. 9. This brief glance of the power and tyranny of the Turks, is usefull for understanding some passages of the Scriptures, as also to move others unto compassion and praiers for the Christians, whose troubles we know not; and to make us the more thank∣full for our tranquility and liberty, and more patiently to bear sickness; a lit∣tle penury, or if it were banishment for Christ's sake, &c. which light things many do impatiently undergo, because they know not the heavy crosses of other Christians. Yea and for cleering the justice of God, in all these heavy burthens of Christians, it may be marked out of Nicep. Gregoras and Chal∣cocondylas their Histories, that though these Greeks were very constant, both in the Doctrine and Rites of their Antients, yet amongst their Nobility were manifold divisions and strifes; amongst their Clergy great ambition and con∣tention; and especially, they complain of the wretchlessness of the Empe∣rours, and the infinite Taxes which they exacted of the people; so that ma∣ny did (even before the loss of Constantinople) chuse to live under the Turks; and the rather, because at that time the Turks dealt fairly, with the Christians that would come and dwell in their Towns, and proffered them liberties; and it was upon occasion of these grievances, that some Greeks came into Italy and Germany, in the beginning of that Century.

CHAP. IV. Of BRITAIN.

1. WHilest King Richard was living in prison, Henry the IV. was Crow∣ned King of England. An. 2. chap. 3. he ordained, that if any person should obtain, from the Bishop of Rome, any provision to be exempt from obedience regular or ordinary; or to have any Office perpetual in any house of Religion, he should incur the pains of Praemunire. And chap. 15. He gave authority unto Bishops and their Ordinaries, to imprison and fine * 1.50 all Subjects who refuse the Oath ex Officio. Here by the way I add, that in the Parliament of King James, An. 1610. Stat. 1. it is said, Whereas the Tem∣poral Sword was never in the Prelates power, untill the 2. of Henry the IV. and then usurped by them without consent of the Commons (for say, They were truly Ecclesiastical, yet it is against the Laws of God, and of the Land, that they should meddle with civil jurisdiction) therefore is an Act past against it, and the Oath Ex Officio. In the same Parliament of Henry the IV. it was or∣dained, that all Lollards [that is, who professed the doctriue which Wick∣liff had taught] should be apprehended; and if they should remain obstinate, they should be delivered to the Bishop of the Diocy, and by him unto the correction of the Secular Magistrate, to be burnt. This Act was the first, in this Island, for burning in case of Religion, and began to be put in execu∣tion the same year 1401. and Thomas Arundel, Arch Bishop of Canterbu∣ry, swore that he would not leave a slip of the Lollards in the Land. At that time did suffer William Sawtree, a Priest, William Swinderby, Richard White, William Thorp, Reinold Peacock, once Bishop of Saint A••••ph, and then of Chicester. Io. Fox in Acts & Mon. Many errours were imputed unto them maliciously; but (as Ph. Morn. in Myster. pag. 495. shews ex Walsing. in Hypodeig.) they held no other doctrine but of the Waldenses. George Abbot, contra Hill, in answer to the first reason, sec. 25. shews, that Pope Gregory the XII. did direct a Bull to Oxford, against the Wiclevists, and there he saith, They did follow the doctrine of Marsilius of Padua, and John of Ganduin. There he mentioneth a Provincial Councel held at Ox∣ford, and sharp inquiry decreed by the above named Thomas, against all, even the heads of Colledges and Halls, and others suspected of Lollardy. They might very well suppose (saith he) that the Students of that place were also entertainers of the aforesaid doctrine, since about that very time [in the Margine is, Anno 1406. October the 5.] a testimonial was given in the Congregation-House, under seal, in savor of John Wickliff, where these words are, God forbid that our Prelates should have condemned a man of such honesty for an Heretick, &c. By this testimonial it appeareth, that the fire could not consume the truth. In time of the same King Henry many propositions were published, (upon occasion of the schism between the Anti∣popes) arguing that the Pope should be subject unto Laws, Censures and Councels. And the King wrote unto Pope Gregory the XII. An. 1409. thus; Most blessed Father, if the most discreet providence of the Apostolick See would call to minde, with what perils the universal world hath been dam∣nified hitherto under pretence of this present schism, and especially what slaughter of Christian people, to the number of 200000. (as some say) hath been thorow the world, and lately 30000. were slain for the Bishoprick of Leodium, by two Antibishops set up against one another by two Popes, cer∣tainly you would lament in spirit, and be grieved for the same; so that with good conscience you would relinquish the honour of the Apostolick See,

rather then suffer so horrible blood-shed hereafter to insue; following the example of the true Mother, who pleading before Solomon for the right of her Childe, would rather part from the Childe, then the Childe should be parted with a sword, &c.

2. In the year 1407. James Resby was burnt at Glascow, for saying, The Pope is not the Vicar of Christ; and, A man of wicked life should not be acknowledged for Pope. About the year 1411. was the beginning of the University of St. Andrew's, not so much for publick or private addoting of revenues, as by voluntary profession of learned men. In the year 1416. the Abbot of Pontiniak was sent Legate from the Councel of Constance into Scotland; and Pope Benedict sent Henry Hardin, an English Franciscan, to perswade Robert, Governor of Scotland, (in time of the captivity of King James the I. he was taken by the English when he was sailing into France) unto their adherence. The Governor consented unto Benedict; but all the Clergy received Pope Martin, and followed the authority of the Councel. Buchan.

3. In the year 1412. the Commons of England presented a Bill, petition∣ing King Henry to take the temporal lands from the spiritual men, (so were the Monks named) because the temporalities were disorderly wasted by them; and might suffice to entertain unto the King 15. Earls, 1500. Knights, 6200. Esquires, 100. Alms Houses for the Poor, and 20000. l. to the King's Ex∣chequer; so that every Earl shall have 3000. Marks yearly; every Knight have 100. M. and four plow-lands; every Esquire have 40. M. and two plow-lands; and each Alms-House 100. M. with the oversight of two secu∣lar men unto each House; all English money. Unto this Bill no answer was made. Tho. Cooper. In the year 1414. Thomas Arundel Bishop of Canter∣bury, put to death and martyrdom, in January, these persons; Sir Robert Actoun, Mr. John Brown, John Beverley, with 36. more; and in March following he was so plagued in his tongue, that some days before his death, he could neither eat nor drink, nor speak: many said, It was justly done unto him; because he had tied the truth, that it should not be preached. M. Fox ex Tho. Gascoin. Unto him succeeded Henry Chicesley, who sate 25. years, and was no less an adversary against the followers of truth: As the Preachers were increased, the stricter inquisition was made; some were burnt, some fled, and some abjured. Among those that were burnt was John Claydon, a Currier in London, and Richard Turning, both in one fire at Smithfield, An. 1415. and 36. at Thickethfield. Here Sir John Old∣castle, Lord Cobham, deserveth peculiar remembrance for his godliness and warlike courage; about the year 1413. he was called, The Protector of the Lollords. When he was committed unto the Tower, he gave in wri∣ting unto the Arch-Bishop a confession of his faith; the Arch-Bishop read it, and said, It contained many good and Catholick points; but he must satis∣fie them in other heads; as, concerning Transubstantiation; the Sacrament of Pennance; the worship of Images; the power of the Keys; the power of the Pope, and Roman Hierarchy. Sir John was so far from giving satis∣faction in these heads, that he said plainly, The Pope is the Antichrist; the Arch-Bishop and other Prelates are the members of the Antichrist; and the Friers are his tail; and the usual determination of these other points is con∣trary unto Scripture, and was devised since poison was infused into the Church; and not before. For these answers, the Arch-Bishop condemned him of heresie, and ordained him to be punished: But the King loved him, and caused the execution to be delayed. In the mean time Sir John escaped out of the Tower; and then a great multitude joyned with him, trusting to be free of danger; but many, both Priests and others, were condemned to

the fire, and would not recant. P. Morn. in Myster. ex Walsing. and he shews ex Io. Copgra. lib. 2. de Nobilib. Henr. that Sir John Oldcastle said in a Parlia∣ment, England will never be in peace, until the authority of the Pope be sent over the Sea. He was a learned and eloquent man; and published sundry Treatises against invocation of Saints; auricular confession; the single life of Priests; and other errors then waxing: Wherefore he was apprehended, and brought again to London; he was first hanged, as if he had been a Traitor, and then burnt as an Heretick, An. 1417. Io. Fox hath his story at great length, in Act. & Mon. If we will believe Walsingham, at that time were in England 100000. persons professing the same doctrine. King Henry the V. writ to Pope Martin An. 1422. there were so many infected with the Heresies of Wickliff, that without the force of an Army they could not be suppressed. Neither yet left he off to make strict Acts against them, under the name of Lollards, that they should be punished as Felons and Traitors; and so were they pursued: Nevertheless, many endured the heat of the fire for worshipping God alone; for denying the Pope's usurped power; for main∣taining the lawfulness of communicating in both elements, &c. Among these are numbred Laurence Redman Master of Arts, John Aschwarby Vicar of St. Maries in Oxford, William James, (who is called an excellently well learned young man) Thomas Brightwel, William Haulam a Civilian, Ralph Greenhurst, &c. Among those which fled, was Peter Pain, who had been a hearer of Wickliff, and then went into Bohemia, and was sent unto the Councel of Basil; where he argued for partaking of both elements; and against the Civil Power of the Clergy. William White being examined be∣fore William Bishop of Norwich, An. 1428. did hold, (as he had also writ∣ten) that by Law Marriage was granted unto all persons of the militant Church; but the Pope (who is the Antichrist) and his Counsellors (which are the Clarks of Lucifer) have abolished this Law, to the undoing of the Priesthood, after the loosing of Satan, that is, after the 1000. years from the incarnation. Anno 3. of Henry the V. the Act was renewed against pre∣sentations unto Benefices, to be purchased from the Pope; but under colour of prejudice to the Incumbents in going so far for them; but by this Act all presentations from the Pope were annulled. An. 1439. under King Henry the VI. Richard Wiche was burnt; the next year Eleanora Cobham Dutchess of Glocester, was condemned to perpetual imprisonment in the Isle of Man; and Robert only a Priest, was condemned to death. Philip Morice was ex∣communicated by Pope Eugenius, and he appealed unto the General Councel.

4. Richard King of England, had made Truce with France for 30. years; * 1.51 these being expired, Henry the V. sent unto Charls the VII. King of France, An. 1415. claiming the Crown of France. So Wars began. Henry con∣quered a great part of France. In the year 1419. Charls did dis-inherit his son Lewis; and then the Kingdom was divided, some cleaving unto Lewis, who, at that time, was called King of Vierron, because he lived there in Berry. Charls agreed with Henry, that Henry should take to wife the daughter of Charls, and be proclaimed Regent of France, and both should keep what they have; and after the death of Charls, the Crown of France shall remain with Henry and his heirs; and that Henry, with the Duke of Burgundy, should pursue Lewis the Dolphin, as an enemy of the Common-Wealth. These two Kings died in one year: Charls died first; and Henry (because his son was but eight moneths old) ordained his brother Humphrey, Duke of Glo∣cester, to be Protector of England; and the Dukes of Bedford and Burgundy Protectors of France. These two had continual Wars with Lewis. Henry

the VI. was Crowned King of England, in the eighth year of his age; and at Paris he was Crowned King of France, in the tenth year of his age, An. 1431. Five years thereafter the Duke of Bedford died, and the Duke of Burgundy became an enemy to England; then all things in France, went backward from England; but no cessation of wars untill the year 1475. when King Edward the IV. invaded France, and then Truce was made for seven years; at that time Lewis gave unto Edward 75000. crowns, and 50000. crowns yearly during the Truce. Henry the VII. renewed the old claim, An. 1487. Peace was made An. 1492. on condition, that Charls should pay presently a great sum of money, and then yearly 25000. crowns, in the name of Tri∣bute. Tho. Cooper.

5. At Saint Andrews, Paul Craw was accused, An. 1431. for following John Wickliff and Huss; namely, for denying that the substance of the Bread and Wine is changed; or that confession is necessary to be made unto Priests; or praiers unto Saints departed. When he was condemned, they did put a Bull of Brass in his mouth; to the end he should not speak unto the people, or they should not know for what he was burnt. King James the I. then did set himself to reform the abuses that had crept into the Realm, under the Reign of Robert the III. and his own captivity in England; he made Laws against the disturbers of the common peace, and against them who ride with more men then their yearly Revenues may sustain; he punished Robbers and Re∣bels. He considered the Clergy, and saw that Benefices were not bestowed on learned men; but as rewards done unto the Pope or a Bishop: And he saw Monks abounding in wealth, and more mindfull of their bellies than of books; and the Churches served by some begging Friers, which were hired by the Titulars to preach now and then; and the Beneficed men did never see their Parishes, unless it were to crave their Tithes. When the King did publickly rebuke such enormities, the Bishops answered, and the Friers preached, Church-men should be left unto the Pope, and to God, neither are they obliged to answer unto any prophane Magistrate. When he could * 1.52 not amend the present possessours, he would provide for the time to come: At Saint Andrews he founded some Schools, to be Seminaries of all Estates; and to the end the Schools should be had in the greater estimation, he ho∣noured the Masters with competent maintenance, and their meetings and disputes with his Royal presence. He gave strict command; that the Masters should recommend unto him the most diligent and worthiest Disciples, on whom he might bestow the vaking Benefices; and he had alwaies by him a role of the recommended Students. Likewise he turbed the Monasteries; and said, King David (who erected so many Monasteries) was a good Saint to the Church, but an ill Saint to the Crown, Buchan. lib. 10. With consent of all the Estates he made an Act, that all the Subjects should be ru∣led by the King's Laws only: In Parliam. 3. and if any did fly or appeal from the King's judgment, he should be accounted a Rebel, and punished accor∣dingly. In Parliam 8. James Kennedy, Bishop of Saint Andrews, was then exemplary; he caused all Parsons and Vicars to dwell at their Parish Chur∣ches, for preaching the Word of God unto their people, and to visit them especially in time of sickness. He indeavoured to visit all the Parishes within his Diocy four times in the year; and inquired in every Parish, if they were duly instructed by their Parson or Vicar, and if the Sacraments were duly administred; if the poor were helped, and the young ones instructed in the grounds of Religion. Where he found not this order observed, he punished the Delinquents severely; to the end God's glory might shine throughout his Diocy. Ex M. S. histor. in Biblioth. Edimb.

6. James the III. King of Scotland, ordained by Act of Parliament, An. 1466. that no Commenda, old or new, should have place within the Realm; and that none shall purchase nor accept any Commenda, under pain of re∣bellion, otherwise then for the space of six moneths: And that no Pension, new or old, of any Benefice, Secular or Religious, be sought nor accepted from any person without or within the Realm, under the same pain. James the III. Parlia. 1. Hence we may guess at the abuses of Commendaes, and Pensions out of Benefices, as certainly complaints have been made at that time against them. Here, by the way, the Reader may inquire what a * 1.53 Commenda is? and how it began? This we may learn from P. Soave in Hist. Concil. Trident. lib. 2 & 5. In ancient times, by frequent incursion of ene∣mies, or in time of Pestilence, it came to pass, that when the Teachers died, Successors could not be had in a short space; and lest the People should be destitute of a Spiritual Ruler, the chief Prelates of the Province, or some neighbour Bishop, did commend that Church unto some Minister, until these lets were removed, and a qualified Minister might be had; that besides the charge of his own flock, he would also help the other, as he might; and in the mean time he had no power of the Benefice, but only to preserve it: But afterwards, these Commendataries, pretending necessity and diffi∣culty, had power to meddle with the Benefice; and then being delighted with the Benefice, they would pretend some lets why another Minister was not needful; and so they retained both Benefices, to the prejudice of both flocks. For remedy of this malady it was provided, that a Commenda should not continue above six moneths: But the Pope, by the fulness of his power, would grant it for a larger time; yea, during the Commendatarie's life; especially when Acts were made against plurality of Benefices. So they would keep the words of the Act, but do contrary unto the sense thereof; since a Commenda during life is all one with a title. Yea, not only would the Pope give one Commenda, but more, at his pleasure, and then the style was changed: For whereas at first the words were, That the Church, in the mean time, may be rightly and orderly admonished, we do commend it unto thee; then they said, That thou mayest administrate thy estate and condi∣tion the more decently, we commend this Church unto thee. And, which is yet worse, the Pope would give unto the Commendatary a power to dis∣pose the Benefice after his death; yea, and such Commendataries were ex∣empted from subjection unto the Bishop, and he had no power over them; whereby it came to pass, that the Roman Courtiers were desirous of no Benefices, but by way of Commenda, and not by way of Title; because upon this account they were subject, and upon the other they were absolute; without any tie of looking after the flock, nor edifices belonging thereunto, but only unto their own benefit and will. And the number of such Com∣mendaes turned to such abuse, (saith the same Author) that when all men were calling for a Reformation, Pope Clemens the VII. in the year 1534. was not ashamed to give unto his Nephew Hippolitus Medices, a Cardinal, a Commenda of all the Benefices throughout the World, both Secular and Regular, both Dignities and Rectories, for the space of six moneths after the day of his possession, with power to dispose of all their fruits at his pleasure. By which irregularity, as wickedness may be thought to have come to the highest pinacle, so in former ages (saith he) such a number of Com∣mendaes was not known, when the Church of Rome durst not seem so shameless. And yet even then, to cover the plurality of Benefices, they had another trick, which in ancient time was devised for the good of the Church, The union of Benefices. At first, if any Church was any way robbed of its

Benefice, what was left, was bestowed, with the care of souls, on a neigh∣bor, and both the Parishes were accounted one: But by the craft of Cour∣tiers it came to pass, that without respect of souls, many rich Benefices were united; and by this means plurality of Benefices were covered, if in favors of a Cardinal 30. or 40. Benefices were united, even though in divers Na∣tions. Whence arose many inconveniencies, because the number of Bene∣fices was diminished; and what favor was bestowed upon one person, was also communicated unto his Successor, though not so deserving nor craving it; so that the Court and Chancellary was damnified: Therefore it was pro∣vided, that the Pope may unite so many Benefices as he thinketh expedient; yet so, that after the death of him in whose favor these are united, the union shall be null, and the Benefices shall be in their former condition; and so the Chancellary did retain their gain of disposing many Benefices. That Author speaketh thus of these Commendaes and Unions generally in all parts, whereby it appeareth, that the care of souls was altogether neglected. But our History sheweth yet more abuses; for some did obtain at Rome an Abbocy * 1.54 and other Benefices; and had power to exact Taxes or Pensions from Prelates and Clarks; and Parsonages were annexed unto Bishopricks, or unto Abbocies: Therefore in the year 1471. an Act of Parliament was made by King James the III. that because innumerable riches were carried out of the Realm by such means, the purchase of Abbocies and other Benefices should be null, if they were never at the Court of Rome before; but such places should have free election. And that no Subject, spiritual or temporal, take upon him to be Collector unto the See of Rome of any higher or greater taxation, but as the use and custom of old was before, in the old taxation of Bagimont. And that there be no union nor annexion made in time to come to Bishop∣ricks, Abbocies, nor Priories of any Benefice; nor that any such union made lately, nor since the present King received the Crown, be of any strength or effect, nor be suffered, but the said Benefices shall return to the first foun∣dation; all under pain of Treason. And in the year 1481. it was provided by the same King and Estates, that no person should purchase Commission from the See of Rome to be preferred unto any Benefice vaking, even though the See of the Benefice be vacant for the time. These Acts were renewed by King James the IV. in the year 1488. with this addition; If any person, spiritual or temporal, shall maintain or defend such purchasers of Benefices, after it is declared to be of the King's patronage, shall also be guilty of Trea∣son. But in the year 1493. it was ordained, that all Prelacies, Abbocies, Priories, and other Benefices, should be disposed as they were in the time of King James the I. and that no person attempt to purchase any Benefice from the Court of Rome, under pain of proscription and banishment. The next year an Act was made, that because still some did go to Rome for pur∣chasing of Benefices, which may be preferred and given within the Realm, and also brought novelties and innovations into the Church, without advice of the King; for remedy hereof, no Subject shall go out of the Countrey, until the spiritual persons intimate the cause of their passing unto their Ordi∣nary; and that spiritual and temporal persons shall shew unto the King, or his Chancellor, the cause of their passing, and obtain licence, under the pain of Treason. Conformable to this practice, Richard Cawdray Proctor, in the name of King Henry the VI. King of England, protested by publick instrument, that whereas the King and his Progenitors, time out of minde, have been possessed with special priviledges, and custom observed from time to time, that no Legate from the Apostolick See should enter into the Land, or any of the King's Dominions, without calling, petition or desire of the

King; and for as much as Richard Bishop of Winchester, and Cardinal of S. Eusebie, hath presumed to enter as Legate, not being called nor desired by the King: Therefore the said Proctor, in presence of the Council of England (then in the house of the Duke of Glocester, Lord Protector in the King's minority) did protest, that it standeth not with the King's minde, by advice of his Council, to admit or approve the coming of the said Legate in any way, or to assent to the exercise of this his Legantin Authority, either attempted or to be attempted, in this respect contrary to the foresaid Laws, and custom, &c. By these Acts it is manifest, that the usurpation of the Popes was odious unto the Nations; and that their avarice and innovations were restrained; but the Kings did not exclude them, especially in England; the persecution that was begun in the latter days of Edward the III. continued all the time of King Richard the II. and Henry the IV. and V. though not al∣ways with a like cruelty. But in Scotland their Acts had more strength; for when James Kennedy, Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrews, (who founded and perfected the most famous Colledge of Scotland, now called the Old Col∣ledge of Saint Andrew's) died An. 1466: his Brother (of the same Mother) Patrick Graham, was elected by the Canons to succeed; but he could not obtain the King's consent; for the Courtiers perswaded him, that he should not admit such elections; because by such means, the greatest honors were in the power of the basest men; to wit, Canons gave Bishopricks, and Monks made Abbots and Priors; whereas (said they) all should depend on the King, that he may reward, punish and forgive, according to the service done unto him. Wherefore that Patrick went to Rome, and easily ob∣tained * 1.55 from Pope Sixtus the IV. not only confirmation of the election, but likewise the Title of Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrew's; and that all the other Bishops should be subordinate unto that See; and power to be Legate for three years for preventing the dangers insuing unto the Church. Notwith∣standing all this his authority, he durst not return into Scotland for fiye years, but abode at Rome; for he knew that the people were exclaiming against the contempt of the Laws. In the year 1472. he would adventure to return; but sent before him the Bull of his Legation. They which were advanced, or hoped for advancement by the King, did fear that this Legation would be to their prejudice; and they ceased not to shew the King, that his autho∣rity was contemned by that Bull, his Acts were annulled, and the liberties of the Realm were turned into the hands of the Romans. Then, by Act of Council, an Herauld was sent unto Patrick at his landing, before he entred into any house to inhabit him, from attempting any thing in any of these Offices, untill such things as were to be laid unto his charge were examined before the King. Thereafter he was reconciled unto the King; but with express charge, that he attempt nothing beyond the custom of his Prede∣cessors: Nor had any in that place so little authority; for he was excommu∣nicated by the Rector; and then again accursed by Husman the Pope's In∣quisitor; and the Arch-Deacon Sevez was placed in his Chair; and Patrick was hurried from place to place, as to a stronger prison; whether justly or unjustly, it is not certain, since the cause nor process is not made known, except that he paid not the money for his Bull of priviledges. Others were so affraid at his miseries, that they attempted not to recover that priviledge of election from the power of the King; and whom the King did recom∣mend unto the Pope, were all accepted. Hence it came to pass, that Bene∣fices were bestowed upon unqualified men, at the pleasure and suit of Cour∣tiers; so great corruptions followed. Buchan. lib. 12.

7. About the year 1465. a Carmelite preached at Paul's Cross, that Christ on earth was poor and begged. The Provincial of that Order, and others, held the same opinion. But others did inveigh bitterly against them, as tea∣chers of pestiferous errours. The fame of this controversie went over the Alps; and Pope Paul the II. writ his Bull into England, informing his Pre∣lates, that it is a pestiferous heresie, to affirm that Christ had publickly beg∣ged; and it was of old condemned by Popes and Councels, therefore it should now be declared as a condemned Heresie. In the year 1473. John Goose, or (as some write) John Huss was burnt on the Tower-hill, for the doctrine of the above-named Martyrs. The next year an old Matron about 90. years of age, Johan Boughton was burnt at Smith-field; and her daughter the Lady Young was in danger. An. 1498. a godly man at Babram in Nor∣folk was burnt; and in the same year and place, a Priest was burnt, whom all the Clarks of Canterbury could not remove from his faith: The next year another was burnt at Smithfield. Io. Fox in Acts & Mon.

8. About the year 1492. Robert Blaketer went to Rome for his confirma∣tion * 1.56 in the Bishoprick of Glascow; he obtained from Pope Alexander the VI. the Title of Arch-Bishop, and that three other Diocies should be subject un∣to him. Sevez Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrews, would not acknowledge him nor his Title, because it was in prejudice of his former Title. Upon this oc∣casion both Clergy and Nobility went into factions; at last they were recon∣ciled, so that they both should be called Arch-Bishops; but Saint Andrews should precede. In the year 1494. by this Robert, was summoned, before the King and Councel. thirty persons from Kyle and Cunningham; among these George Campbel of Cesnok, Adam Reed of Barskyning, John Campbel of Newmills, Andrew Shaw of Polkennet, &c. The Articles laied unto their charge were: 1. Images should not be worshipped. 2. Nor Reliques of Saints. 3. Christ gave power unto Peter, and not to the Pope, to bind and loose. 4. The Pope is not the Successour of Peter; but where it was said un∣to him, Go behind me Satan. 5. After the Consecration bread remains, and the natural body of Christ is not there. 6. The Pope deceives the people by his Bulls and Indulgences. 7. The Mass profiteth not the souls which are said to be in Purgatory. 8. The Pope exalts himself against God, and above God. 9. Priests may have wives. 10. True Christians receive the body of Christ, every day, by faith. 10. Faith should not be given unto miracles now. 11. We should pray unto God only. 12. We are not bound to beleeve all that Doctours have written. 13. The Pope, who is called the head of the Church, is the Antichrist. They were accused upon other Arti∣cles, but such as may be thought to have been venemous accusations (for the practice of these enemies, was ever to make truth odious) or uttered ob∣scurely, or of not so great importance. The Bishop said to Adam Reed, Reed beleevest thou that God is in Heaven? Adam answered, Not as I do the Sacraments seven. The Bishop said unto the King, Sir, Io, he denieth that God is in Heaven. The King said, Adam what saiest thou? He answe∣red, If it please your Majesty, hear the end between the churl and me. Then turning to the Bishop, he said, I neither think nor beleeve as thou thinkest; but I am most assured that God is not only in Heaven, but also on Earth; but thou and thy faction declare, by your works, that either God is not at all, or that he is so set up in Heaven, that he regards not what is done upon the Earth; for if thou didst beleeve firmly that God is in Heaven, thou wouldest not make thy self check-mate to the King, and altogether forget the charge that Jesus Christ gave unto his Apostles, To preach his Gospel; and not to play the proud Prelates, as all the rabble of you do now. And then he said

unto the King, Sir, judge now whether the Bishop, or I, do beleeve best that God is in Heaven. The Bishop could not revenge himself as he would, and other taunts were given him: But the King, willing to put an end, said unto Adam, Wilt thou burn thy bill? He answered, Sir, The Bishop's if you will. With these and the like scoffs, the Bishop and his party were so dashed, that the greatest part of the accusations was turned into laughter, and the King would not condemn them. After that time, none was accused for religion in the space of 30. years.

CHAP. V. Of COUNCELS.

1. I Resume the narration of Councels, not for any profitable information that may be reaped from their Decrees; but rather, that the wicked∣ness of the Popes may appear the more clearly; partly as it was condemned by these Councels, in former times; and partly as it did overrule and abuse some of them by crafty policies.

2. The Cardinals of both the Popes Gregory and Benedict left them, and * 1.57 assembled a Councel at Pisa, An. 1409. The Bishop Tarracon had a Ser∣mon on the Text, Purge out the Leaven, &c. He said, These two were no more Popes, then his shooes were Popes; they are worse then Anna and Caia∣phas, and are like to Divels. The definitive Sentence was pronounced, that both Benedict and Gregory were Schismaticks and Hereticks, and worthy to be deposed for their horrible sins. The Acts of them both, in the preceding year, were annulled. Alexander the V. was chosen Pope, and an Epistle was written, in his name, unto the Bishop of Paris; where the other two Popes are called the enemies of God and his Church; and it is declared, that they were deposed for their notorious crimes. Ph. Mornae. in Myster. ex Monstrelet vol. 1. cap. 52. 53. & 57. This Councel (saith Bellarmin. de Concil.) was a General Councel, but it seems neither to be approved nor rejected, since Antoninus affirmeth (par. 3. tit. 22. cap. 5.) that it was an unlawfull, and not a true Councel; and the event proves the same, because it took not away but augmented the Schism: And yet (saith Bellarm.) if it had been condem∣ned, without all doubt, Pope Alexander the VI. had not called himself the sixth, but the fifth; [Mark this reason.] yea it is almost the common opini∣on, that Alexander, and his Successour John, were true Popes, as indeed of those three they were most reverenced. So he.

3. In the year 1410. Pope John assembled a Councel at Rome; a Mass * 1.58 of the Holy Ghost was said after the custom. The Pope sitting in his Chair, behold an ugly and dreadfull Owl, coming from behind him, flew too and fro, with an ill-favoured shouting; and standing sometimes upon a middle beam of the Church, looked with staring eies upon the Pope. All the people marvelled that such a night Fowl, came in the day amongst such a multitude, judging it an ominous token; for behold (said they) how the Spirit appears in the shape of an Owl! As they beheld one another, scarcely could they keep their countenances from laughter. Pope John began to sweat, and to fret within; and not finding by what means he could salve the matter, he arose and went away. In another Session the Owl appeared again, and ever looked towards the Pope; he was ashamed, and commanded to drive her away; but she was not afraid of their cries, nor the things that were thrown at her, and never removed untill they killed her. They who were present

did scoff at the Councel, and went away and nothing was acted. Nic. Cle∣mangis in Fascic. rer. expetend.

4. By much travel of the Emperour Sigismund, was assembled An. 1414. at * 1.59 Constance a Councel of 309. Bishops, 600. other Fathers, 24. Dukes, 140. Counts many Delegates from Cities and Incorporations, and from Universities, and many learned Lawyers, with consent of Pope John. All particulars were decided by the suffrages of four Nations; to wit, German, Italian, French and English; every Nation had their several places and Presidents, who continued not con∣stantly, but were often changed. Here were 45. Sessions, and many things con∣cluded; the principal were these. In Sess. 1. Nov. 16. it was determined, with con∣sent of P. John (sitting as President) that the Councel was lawfully called; and the Ministers and Officials of the Councel were named. In Sess. 2. Mar. 2. An. 1215. the Emperor being present, the Pope gave his renunciation in this manner: I John, Pope XXIV. for the quieting of all Christian people, do promise, swear and vow unto God and the Church, and this sacred Councel, that I shal willingly and freely give peace unto the Church of Christ, by way of simple renunciation of the Papacy; and to do and fulfil it effectually with the advice of the present Councel; if, and when Peter de Luna, Benedict the XIII. and Angelus de Cora∣rio, Greg. the XII. (so called in the time of their obedience) shal by themselves, or by their lawful Proctors, forsake simply the Title which they pretend, &c. Instruments were taken thereupon. In Sess. 3. Mar. 25. it was ordained, that the departing of the Pope should be no hindrance, but the Councel may proceed. Item, that the Councel should not be dissolved, until the Schism be removed, and the Church be REFORMED in head and members. In Sess. 4. March 30. This Synod being assembled in the Holy Ghost, and representing the Catholick Church militant, hath immediate power from Christ; unto which every man shall be obedient in things concerning faith, extirpation of schism, and general reformation of the Church both in head and members. Item, Pope John should not withdraw any Official of the Councel; and if he shall attempt to do so, or hath atempted it by censures and excommunications, none of those things shal be regarded, but are nul. In Sess. 5. Apr. 6. was another Decree much to the same purpose. In Sess. 6. Apr. 17. a Procuratory of renunciation was sent to Pope John; and the Messengers were ordred to exhort him to return▪ Item, Commissioners were named, out of the four Nations to examine John Huss unto the definitive Sentence inclusivè. Item, a Citation was sent to Jerom of Prague, to appear be∣fore the Councel within 15. daies, 5. daies being allowed for each of three cita∣tions: And a Safe-conduct was granted, in these terms; By the tenor hereof, we give all Safe-conduct from all violence, justice being excepted, so far as in us lieth, and the Orthodox Faith requires; with certification, that whether he ap∣pear or not we will proceed against him. In Sess. 7. May 2. a Citation was dire∣cted against Pope John. In Sess 8. May 4. the Articles against John Wickliff were read; these, and he, and his memory, were condemned; and it was or∣dained, that his bones should be taken up and burnt. In Sess. 9. the execu∣tion of the citation against Pope John was exhibited. In Sess. 10. May 14. Pope John for his notorious simony, or selling of Benefices, and because he is not only diffamed, but really defiled with other grievous crimes, and is in∣corrigible, is suspended from all spiritual administration; and the process is to be followed unto his deposition. In Sess. 11. May 15. the Articles against Pope John were read, and sent unto him; together with a citation to appear, hear, and see himself deposed in the next Session. In Sess. 12. May 29. the Commissioners unto Pope John made their report; and it was ordained, that if the Papal Chair should be vacant, another Pope should not be chosen with∣out the consent of the Councel. Item, definitive Sentence of Deposition was

pronounced against Pope John the XXIV. for his departing from the City privily in the night, and disguised in habit; and for the scandal given by him in troubling the peace and union of the Church, contrary to his promise, oath and vow unto God and the Church, and this sacred Councel. Item, That none of these three, who in time of their obedience were called Pope John the XXIV. Benedict the XII. and Gregory the XIII. should be chosen Pope; or if they shall be chosen, their election shall be null. In Sess. 13. June 15. Although Christ did institute after Supper, and gave unto his Disciples both kindes, bread and wine, hoc non obstante, the Authority of holy Canons, and the approved Custom of the Church, hath kept, and keepeth, that the holy Sacrament is not given after Supper, nor taken by any not fasting, excepting the case of infirmity, or other necessity allowed by Law and the Church: And although in the primitive Church, this Sa∣crament was received by Believers under both kindes; yet.....we command, under the pain of excommunication, that no Priest communicate unto the people under both kindes of bread and wine. [This was the first time that such an Act was made in a Councel.] In Sess. 14. June 24. Charls de Mala∣testis, Rector of Romandiola, being sent Proctor by Pope Gregory, ap∣proveth the Councel, and simply renounceth his Papacy. Item, The Acts canonically done by Pope Gregory the XIII. before that instant, were ap∣proved, and his Cardinals were received with the song, Te Deum laudamus. Item, It was ordained, that a Pope should be chosen in manner, time and place, as the Councel shall appoint. Item, Citation was directed against Pope Benedict. In Sess. 15. July 6. The Articles of John Huss were read; to wit, 1. The holy Catholick Church is but one, which is the universality of the predestinated. 2. Paul was never a member of the Divel, although he did some acts like to the acts of the malignant Church. 3. Praesciti, or those who are foreknown, are not any part of the Church; since no part of her falleth finally, because the charity of predestination falleth not away. 4. The two natures, God-head and man-hood, are one Christ. 5. Al∣though he who is foreknown, be in grace according to present righteous∣ness, yet he is never a part of the holy Church; but he who is predestinated, abideth ever a member of the Church; although he fall from temporary grace, yet he never falleth from the grace of predestination. 6. Taking the Church for the company of the predestinated, whether they be in grace, or not according to present righteousness, after that manner is an Article of the Faith. 7. Peter was not, nor is the head of the Catholick Church. 8. Priests living criminously, defile the power of Priest-hood; and, as un∣faithful Children, they think amiss of the seven Sacraments, of the Keys, Offices, Censures, Manners, Rites, worshipping Reliques, Indulgences and Orders. 9. The Papal power hath flowed from Caesar. 10. None, without revelation, can reasonably say of himself, or of any other, that he is the head of a particular Church; neither is the Priest of Rome the head of that Church. 11. We should not believe, that who is particular high Priest of Rome, is the head of any particular Church, unless God hath predestinated him. 12. None hath the place of Christ, or of Peter, un∣less he follow them in manners. 13. The Pope is not the true Successor of Peter; and if he follow avarice, he is the Vicar of Judas Iscariot; and the Cardinals are not the Successors of the Colledge of the Apostles, unless they follow their manners, and keep the commands of Christ. 14. Doctors holding, that one worthy of Ecclesiastical censure, if he will not amend, should be given unto Secular power; assuredly in this they follow the high

Priests, Scribes and Pharisees, in delivering Christ unto Pilate, because he would not follow them in all things; and they were worse murtherers then Pilate. 15. Ecclesiastical obedience is an human invention, and con∣trary to the express authority of Scripture. 16. Mens works are either vici∣ous or godly; for if a man be vicious, his works are vicious; and if he be vertuous, his works are vertuous: for as mortal sin infecteth all the actions of a vicious man, so vertue quickneth all the actions of a vertuous man. 17. A Priest of Christ, living according to his Law, and having knowledge of the Scriptures, and affection to edifie people, should preach, notwith∣standing any pretended excommunication. 18. Who, by command, ac∣cepteth the Office of a Preacher, and cometh to the Office of Priest-hood, should also execute that Office notwithstanding any pretended excommu∣nication. 19. By Church censures of excommunication, suspension and interdiction, the Clergy, for their own exaltation, supplant the Lay-peo∣ple, multiply avarice, protect malice, and prepare a way unto Antichrist; it is an evident token, that such censures proceed from Antichrist; that by such censures (which they call fulminations) they proceed especially against them who discover the wickedness of Antichrist; and he will principally maintain himself by the Clergy. 20. If the Pope be an evil man, especially if he be praescitus, then, as the Apostle Judas, he is a Divel, a Thief and Son of perdition; nor is he the Head of the holy militant Church, since he is not a member thereof. 21. The grace of predestination, is the bond wherewith the Church of Christ, and every member thereof, is united unto Christ the Head insolubly. 22. A Pope or Prelate being wicked or praescitus, is equivocally a Pastor, and truly a Thief and Robber. 23. A Pope should not be called most holy, no not in respect of his Office; for then a King may be called most holy; yea, an Hang-man may be called holy; yea, the Divel may be called holy, for he is the Officer of God. 24. If a Pope live contrary unto Christ, although he be chosen lawfully, according to the in∣stitution of men, yet he entereth otherwise then by Christ, even although he enter by election prescribed by God; for Judas was lawfully chosen by Christ unto the Apostleship, and yet he went the wrong way into the sheep∣fold. 25. The condemnation of the forty five Articles of John Wickliff, made by the Doctors, is unreasonable and unjust; and a feigned cause is alledged by them, to wit, none of them is Catholick. 26. Whether one be chosen lawfully or unlawfully, we should believe the works of the elected; for in so far as he worketh unto the edification of the Church, so far hath he authority from God. 27. There is no appearance that there should be an head governing the Church in spiritual things, who should always remain with the militant Church. 28. Christ can rule his Church better without these monstrous heads; to wit, by his Apostles and true Disciples, who are spread through the World. 29. The Apostles and faithful Priests of the Lord did diligently rule the Church, in things necessary unto salvation, before the Office of a Pope was known; and so might they until the day of judgement, although there were not a Pope. 30. None is a Civil Lord, none is a Prelate, none is a Bishop, so long as he is in mortal sin. These Articles were condemned, partly as notoriously heretical, and rejected by the holy Fathers, partly as scandalous and offensive unto pious ears, partly erroneous, and partly as timerarious and seditious. Then the condemna∣tory Sentence of John Huss was read: The Deputies of the four Nations, and the President the Cardinal of Ostia, and the Emperor, cried, Placet. Item, This assertion, any Tyrant may and should be killed meritoriously by

any of his Subjects, either by privy plots or glozing flattery; notwithstanding any covenant or oath of fidelity, and not waiting the sentence of any Judge: This assertion was condemned as heretical, scandalous, and strewing a way unto perjuries, lies, falshood and treasons. In Sess. 16. July 11. Commissio∣ners were sent into Arragon, to deal with Benedict for renouncing his Title. Item, None may go from the Councel, without licence granted by the Presidents of the four Nations; under pain of deprivation. In Sess. 17. Ju∣ly 15. The Emperour undertook to go into Arragon, to deal with Pope Be∣nedict; and excommunication was denounced against every hinderer of his journy. Item, Prayers and Processions should be made, in Constance every Sunday, for his happy success; with pardon for a hundred daies, to all such as should be present at the Processions; and all Prelates should be present in their Pontificals; granting also unto every Priest who should say a Mass, for the same success, another hundred daies indulgence; and to every person saying devoutly a Pater noster, and an Ave Maria, for the Emperour's safety, a pardon of forty daies, after the wonted manner in the Church. In Sess. 18. August 17. Two Judges were deputed to hear causes and grievan∣ces, that were to be presented unto the Councel, untill the definitive Sen∣tence exclusivè. Item, As great faith and obedience should be given unto the Acts of the Councel, as to the Bulls Apostolical. In Sess. 19. September 23. Jerom of Prague (who had been accused, imprisoned, and constrained to abjure) read his recantation; forsaking all those articles that were called the heresies of Wickliff and Huss, and consenting unto the Roman Church, and the present Councel; especially, in the Articles concerning the power of the Keys, Sacraments, Orders, Offices, Censures and Indulgences, Reliques, Liberty of the Church, and all other things belonging unto Religion; and he consented unto the condemnations and the Sentences pronounced against Wickliff and Huss. Item, Notwithstanding any Safe-conduct given, or to be given, by Emperours, Kings or others, inquisition may be made against an Heretick, or any suspected of heresie; and process may be made accor∣ding to Law, even although such a person would not have come without such a Safe-conduct. [This is indeed, Nulla fides servanda haereticis.] In Sess. 20. November 21. Frederick Duke of Austria was summoned, under pain of excommunication, and forfeiting of all his Lands that he held of the Pope or Emperour, to render the Cities, Castles, and Lands that he had ta∣ken from George Bishop of Trent. January 20. An. 1416. in a general Con∣gregation, appeared the Commissioners who had been sent unto Pope Bene∣dict; and they presented twelve Articles, penned and consented unto at Narbon, December 13. between the Emperour and King of Hungary, and the Commissioners of the Councels, on the one part; and the Kings and Princes following Pope Benedict, on the other part, for union of the Church; to wit, That a new Process should be intended against Pope Benedict; and in case of contumacy, he should be Canonically deposed; and a Pope should be chosen by the Councel, whom they all should acknowledge as only and lawfull Pope. In another general Congregation February 4. these Articles were approved and subscribed by the Fathers of the Councel, and by the Embassadors and Proctors of the Kings of England, Scotland, Cyprus, Navar, Norway, of the Dukes of Burgundy, Britain, Savoy, Austria, Holland, Zealand, &c. and by the Proctors of Bishops, Generals of Or∣ders, Priors, &c. In Sess. 21. May 30. James, Bishop of Lauda, made a Sermon, and Jerom of Prague stood up in a high seat; and craving and ha∣ving obtained audience, he professed that he had wickedly consented unto

the condemnation of Wickliff and Huss; that he had lied in approving that Sentence; and he revoketh now and for ever, his consent thereunto; affir∣ming that he had never found any heresie or error in the books of Wickliff nor Huss; although he had said so before, &c. Wherefore he was pre∣sently condemned; and indured the fire constantly. In Sess. 22. October 15. The Ambassadors of Arragon were accepted into the Councel. In Sess. 23. November 5. Commission was given unto certain Deputies to go into Ar∣ragon, and there to examine Witnesses in the cause of Pope Benedict, who will not renounce. In Sess. 24. November 28. Citation was directed against Pope Benedict. In Sess. 25. December 14. The Church Glomucen. in Bo∣hemia, was given in Commenda unto the Bishop Lutomisten. for a certain space. In Sess. 26. December 24. The order of Ambassadors from Princes in this Councel, shall not prejudice their right hereafter. In Sess. 27 and 28. The above named Frederick was accused and accursed. In Sess. 29. March 8. 1417. Peter de Luna, alias Pope Benedict the XIII. was convicted of ob∣stinacy. In Sess. 30. March 10. The withdrawing of the King of Arragon from obedience unto Peter de Luna was approved. In Sess. 31. Was an Act in favor of the Bishop Bajonen. In Sess. 32. April 1. Peter de Luna was con∣victed of contumacy; and it was ordained to make process against him, until deposition exclusivè; to this effect some were deputed to hear wit∣nesses in his cause. In Sess. 33. May 12. (Sigismund now being present) The depositions of the witnesses were published; and Peter de Luna was sum∣moned to object (if he could) against them, and against the instruments and executions. In Sess. 34. June 5. The process was heard and approved; and further deliberation is to be had. In Sess. 35. June 18. Voices were granted in the Councel unto the Ambassadors of the King of Castile; and his deny∣ing of obedience unto the said Peter was approved. In Sess. 36. Iuly 22. All censures pronounced by Pope Benedict, against whatsoever person, since November 9. An. 1415. were declared null. In Sess. 37. Iuly 26. Peter de Luna was deposed simpliciter from Papacy, as a Schismatick, Heretick, perjured and disobedient; and all men were forbidden to obey him as a Pope, under pain of excommunication, and all that may follow there∣upon. In Sess. 38. Iuly 28. All censures against the Ambassadors of Castile, since April 1. An. 1415. were annulled. In Sess. 39. October 9. For remo∣ving and preventing schisms in all time coming, it was ordained, that Gene∣ral Councels should be assembled; the first to begin within five years after this present; the second to begin after seven years from the other; and thence∣forth one to be assembled every tenth year, in the places which the high Priest shall name, with consent of every Councel, within a moneth before the dissolution of each Councel; or in his absence, every Councel shall name the place of the ensuing Councel: And the Pope, with consent of the Cardinals, may abbreviate the time, but no way adjourn it, nor change the place being once named, as is said. Item, Articles were penned, which the Pope should professe, and binde himself to observe, at the time of the election; of which this is the tenour: In the name of the holy and undivided Trinity, Amen.

In the year of our Lord 〈1 span left blank〉〈1 span left blank〉 I N. elected to be Pope, professe with heart and mouth unto the Almighty God, whose Church I undertake to govern by his aid, and unto blessed Peter, Prince of the Apostles, during this my frail life, to believe firmly the holy and Catholick Faith, after the tradition of the Apostles, of the General Councels, and other holy Fathers; namely, of the eight first Generall Councels, to wit, of Nice, of Constantinople, of Ephesus, of Chalce∣don,

the second and third at Constantinople, of Nice, and of Constan∣tinople, and of the General Councels at Lateran, Lions and Vien; and to preserve them to the uttermost; to confirm, defend and preach the same to the spending of my life and blood; and by all means possible, to prosecute and observe the Rites of the Sacraments, canonically delivered unto the Catholick Church. And this my profession and confession, written at my command by the Notary 〈1 span left blank〉〈1 span left blank〉 I have subscribed with my hand; and I offer it sincerely, with a pure minde and devout conscience, unto thee, the Al∣mighty God, on the Altar 〈1 span left blank〉〈1 span left blank〉in presence of these Witnesses 〈1 span left blank〉〈1 span left blank〉 at 〈1 span left blank〉〈1 span left blank〉

Item, It was enacted, that no Prelate should be transported, against his will, without weighty and reasonable cause; which cause, the party being cited, shall be decided by the Cardinals of the Church, or the most part of them. In Sess. 40. October 30. Before this Councel shall be dissolved, Reformation shall be made by the Pope, who is to be chosen, and by the Councel, after these Articles that are propounded by the Councel: 1. The number, quality and Nation of the Cardinals. 2. Of reservations unto the Apostolical See. 3. Of Annates. 4. Of collation of Benefices, and gratiis expectativis, or avousances. 5. Of appellation to the Roman Court. 6. What causes are to be treated at Rome, or not. 7. For what causes, and how a Pope should be corrected and deposed. 8. The extirpation of Simony. 9. Of dispensations. 10. Of Indulgences. 11. Of the provision of the Pope and his Cardinals. 12. Of Commendaes. 13. Of Tithes. Item, In this Sess. 41. November 8. Order was prescribed concerning the election of the Pope at this time: So Odo de Columna was chosen, as is above. In all these Sessions John Cardinal of Ostia was President, and sate in Pontifica∣libus; but thenceforth Martin possessed the Chair, and the Decrees were framed in his name; yet so, that the Cardinal of Ostia, in name of the Councel, subjoyned Placet; and one Ardecinus, in name of the Emperor, did the like; as is expressed in Sess. 44. In Sess. 42. December 8. A Bull was read, discharging the Emperor and the Count Palatine of their bond for sure keeping of Pope John, who then was to be delivered unto Pope Martin. In Sess. 43. March 21. An. 1418. All exemptions of Churches, Monasteries, Convents, Priories, and other Benefices that have been pur∣chased after the death of Pope Gregory the XI. are declared null. Item, All unions and incorporations made since that time: All fruits of Churches, Mo∣nasteries, and Benefices in time of vacancy, should not be given unto the Pope nor his Exchequer, but are to be left according to antient Law or Custom: All simoniack ordinations, confirmations, and provisions of Churches, Mo∣nasteries, Dignities, and Benefices already made, or that shall be made, are declared null: All dispensations of Benefices of Cure, that are granted in favour of whatsoever person, and are not conformable to the constitution of Boniface the VIII. that is, that any person should enjoy the Benefice, and not able to discharge the Office, such dispensations are null. Item, No Nation should be tied to pay the Tithe of Church-revenues unto the Pope, without the consent and subscription of the Cardinals, or most part of them, and without the consent of the Prelates of that Nation. Item, Priests are forbidden to conform themselves in their habits unto Secular Courts, and a certain habit is prescribed unto them. All this Winter the Emperor did press the reformation of the Clergy, according to the De∣cree of Session 39. When the Cardinals and Bishops said, Incipiemus à Minoritis; Sigismund said, Imo à Majoritis, meaning the Pope and Cardinals: Wherefore the Pope made haste to bring the Councel to an end.

In Sess. 44. April 9. was much debate for the place of the next Councel; at last Papia was named. In Sess. 45. April 22. Cardinal Umbald stepped up, without consent, especially of the Emperour (saith Platin. in Martin the V.) and cried, Domini, ite in pace. In the mean time came the Embassadours of Vladislaus, King of Poland; and of Vitold Duke of Lituania, craving, in the name of their Masters, that a Book written by a Frier John Falken∣bergh, containing notorious errours and heresies, may be examined by the Councel, or Commissioners of the Nations; or else they protest de injuria, and they appeal unto the next General Councel. Pope Martin answered, saying, I will inviolably observe, and no way violate, whatsoever hath been done Conciliariter in this Councel; and these I do ratifie and approve, and no otherwise. Then Cardinal Antonius proclaimed liberty of departing unto every one; and in the name of the Almighty God, and of his Apostles Peter and Paul, and of Pope Martin the V. he gave unto every one, there present, a full remission of all their sins once in their lives; if that every one, within two moneths after the knowledge hereof, shall seek the Indulgence in forma, &c. Here the Cardinal of Ostia said, Placet; and Augustine de Lance, in the name of the Pope, said Placet; and so it is written; but no mention of Sigismund's Placet, because the Councel was dismissed against his will.

5. According to the Decree at Constance, Pope Martin sent his Legates to Papia, An. 1424. to open the Councel; few Bishops came thither; and the Pest beginning, the Councel, with common consent, was removed to Sena; more Prelates came there. Alfonso King of Arragon, intending to purchase the Kingdom of Sicily, sought by all means, chiefly by giving gold (saith Platina) to procure the adjournying of the Councel, and to re∣store Pope Benedict the XIII. But Pope Martin disappointed him by dissol∣ving the Councel; and nothing was done, but only the next Councel was ap∣pointed to be at Basil, An. 1431.

6. The Councel at Basil was began, December 14. An. 1431. by the Le∣gate Julian, Cardinal of Sancti Angeli; by Commission granted first by Pope * 1.60 Martin, and confirmed by the lately elected Pope Eugenius the IV. as it is written in Sess. 1. The Emperour Sigismund was Protector thereof (whilest he lived) sometimes by his Deputy William Duke of Bavier, as appeareth in Sess. 7. and sometimes personally, as in Sess. 14. In Sess. 1. they pro∣pounded their main purposes: 1. The extirpation of Heresie; namely, of the Bohemians. 2. The quenching of the Wars in Christendom. 3. Be∣cause the Vineyard of Christ is overspread, and as it were laid wast with huge numbers of Thistles, and Weeds of Vices; that these may now be pulled up; and the Church [Mark this, ye who say that the Roman Church hath never erred.] may flourish again, and bring forth the fruit of honesty. But the particulars that were treated in it, may be reduced to four chief heads; to wit, concerning the Bohemians, the Greeks, the authority of General Councels above the Pope, and the Reformation of the Church. So omit∣ting the order of time and Sessions, for the clearer and more compendious method, I will shew what was done in those. 1. In Sess. 4. the Bohemians were summoned to appear, and a Safe-conduct was sent unto them. Three hundred of them, some Civilians, and some Ministers came, and dispu∣ted upon these four Articles. 1. All who would be saved, should receive the Communion under both kinds. 2. All civil government is by the Law of God, forbidden unto the Clergy. 3. The Preaching of the Word is free unto all men (having once received Ordination) and free in any place.

Aen. Sylvius hath not this parenthesis; and the Epistle of the Bohemians (directed unto all the faithfull, in the year 1431.) saith, Per eos quorum in∣terest. 4. Open crimes and scandals should not be suffered, no, not for avoiding greater evil. The Deputies were ordered, by their Commission, to debate these Articles, and no other; and they would admit no argument grounded upon any Authority, except of the Scripture alone. Therefore the Fathers of the Councel, charged Cardinal Cusanus to fight them in their own field; and he was not ashamed to say, The Scriptures belong to the well of the Church, and not to the essence or necessity thereof, either in the beginning or continuance: And, The Gospel is known by the Church; but not the Church by the Gospel. The Bohemians replied, Such was not the mind nor voice of the Primitive Church, which did administrate the Eucharist, and expound the Scriptures otherwise then they do now. Cusan answered, Let not this move you, that at divers times the Rites of the Sa∣craments be divers; or that the Scriptures are applied unto the times, or understood diversly; so that at one time they are expounded according to the universally current Rite; and when the Rite is changed, the sence is also changed....because when the sentence of the Church is changed, di∣vine judgement is changed. The dispute continued fifty daies; in the end the Councel approved the last three Articles in some sence: And in Sess. 13. they granted that the first was according to Christ's institution; but, say they, the Church hath otherwise ordained and practised, for weighty cau∣ses: Nevertheless, they would grant this unto the Bohemians and Moravi∣ans; not as the bill of divorcement was granted unto the Jews, but as law∣full by the authority of Christ Jesus, and of his true Spouse the Church; and as healthfull and profitable unto them who receive worthily. Io. Coch∣laeus and Garranza have omitted this dispute and conclusion; but they are written by Aen. Sylvius and his Epitomizer Orth. Gratius in Fascic. rer. ex∣petend. fol. 96. Then Anno 1438. the Bohemians did supplicate, that by allowance of the Councel, they might have the Divine Service; namely, the Gospel, and the Epistles, and the Creed, read unto the people in the vulgar language, as it had been in that Kingdom, by long custom and per∣mission of the Church: And that the Fathers, there present, would be care∣full of the Reformation of the Church, both in head and members, as it is most necessary for Christian Religion; and hath been of a long time wish∣ed by all godly souls, and as they themselves had propounded from the be∣ginning. Orth. Gratius saith, Many things were advised and conceived, but had many obstructions, the enemy of mankind procuring so: Never∣theless the Bohemians failed not in their hopes, neither would they fail in their indeavours. 2. The second head was concerning the Greeks, in hea∣ring their Embassadours (whose golden Bull was dated in the year of the World, 6944. indict. 14. An. Ch. D. N. 1435. November 26.) and sending Legates unto Constantinople; they gave a Safe-conduct, and for the place of their meeting, the Greeks propounded, that if the Latines would go un∣to Constantinople, the Clergy of the East would assemble upon their own charges; but if the Latines will have the Greeks coming into the West, their coming should be upon the expences of the Latines; and the place of their assembly should be Basil, or Avenion, or Sabaudia at the option of the Greeks. When they had agreed on these particulars in Sess. 24. and 25. with consent of Pope Eugenius; afterwards he drew the Greeks from the Councel, as follows. 3. The third head was of the Authority of General Councels: As in the Councel at Constance, so here in Session 2. After

long debate of the Prelates and Divines, it was decreed by ninety Fathers thus; This Synod, being lawfully assembled in the holy Ghost, and be∣ing a General Councel, representing the militant Church, hath power immediately from Christ, unto which every one, of whatsoever estate or dignity, although Papal, should obey in such things as concern Faith, and extirpation of Schism, and general Reformation of God's Church in the head and members. Item, It declareth, that whosoever, of whatsoever estate or dignity, although Papal, shall contumaciously refuse to obey the Commands, Statutes, Ordinances, or Precepts of this holy Synod, or of whatsoever other General Councel lawfully assembled, in the pre∣mises, or things belonging thereunto, unlesse he repent, should be sub∣ject unto condign pennance, and be duly punished. Pope Eugenius was offended at these Acts; therefore he sought to divide the Fathers; then to intrench their liberty; and lastly, to remove the Councel to Bolonia; pretending his own infirmity, that he could not undertake so long a jour∣ney, though the Councel require his presence; nor is there hope of Re∣forming the Germans; and the Greeks will not passe the Alps. The Em∣perour replied, The peace of the Latines should not be disturbed for any hope of peace with the Greeks; and so many Nations had condescended unto the Councel at Basil; and will account him as an Author of Schism, if he practice in the contrary. Nevertheless Eugenius, by his Bull, dis∣solved the Councel; and summoned the President, and all the Fathers, unto Bolonia, under pain of his curse. On the other side, in Session 3. An. 1432. April 29. they renew the two former Decrees; and decern, that Eugenius can no way dissolve the Councel, because that were contrary unto the Decrees of Constance, and tendeth to the grievous danger of the Faith, and the disturbance of the Church, and scandall of all Christian people. And they sent John, a Doctour of Divinity, unto the Pope, and the Cardinals with him, humbly entreating, obtesting and admonishing him and them to revoke the published dissolution, and to assist and aid the Councel with his and their presence, unlesse they have a Canonical reason of absence; and if not, threatning him and them, that they will pro∣ceed according to order of Law against each of them. At that time Sigismund assembled a Diet of the Germans; and invited other Nations to send their Ambassadours, for preventing the schism; and the Councell sent their Commissioners thither. It was concluded there, That the Councel should continue at Basil, and the Decrees thereof be received by all. Then Eu∣genius, considering his own difficulties, that the Emperour, with the Germans, and the Kings of France and Hungary, were for the Councel, and that he had not peace at Rome, (for he was at variance with the Co∣lumnenses for the treasury of Pope Martin) he sent his Bull, revoking the dissolution, and confirming all that was done in the Councel, Session 16. February 5. An. 1434. And his Cardinals were received into the Councel, April 24. After the death of Sigismund, Eugenius would again take away the Councel; and summoned the Fathers to appear before him at Ferraria. But in Session 26. July 31. An. 1437. they wrote a large libel of Eugenius his crimes; to wit, his simoniacal presentations, unjust dilapidations of Church-revenues, perjuries, scandalous attempts, &c. and they charge him to appear before them within sixty days; with certification, that whe∣ther he appear or not, they will proceed against him, by cognoscing and determining, as the Synod by aid of the Holy Ghost, shall judge expedient for the Church of God. And when the President Julian received Letters

from Eugenius to discharge the Councel, he returned his contrary reasons; especially the Bohemians may boast and say, Is not here the hand of God? behold, Armies have fled so oft before us, and now the universal Church flyeth from us! behold, neither by Arms nor by Reason can we be over∣come! And since the Nations expect a Reformation of the Church by this Councel, if it be dissolved, they will say, that we do mock both God and man: And when there shall be no more hope of Reformation, the Laicks shall justly rush upon us, after the manner of the Hussites; and truly, there is such a publick fame; they will think that they shall offer a good sacrifice unto God, who shall spoil or kill a Clergy-man; the Clergy now are come into a gulf of miseries, and shall be odious both unto God and man: And whereas you pretend your wars, although you were to lose Rome, yet you should rather renounce all, then dissolve the Councel; since the salvation of one Soul, for which Christ died, is more dear unto him then any Castle or City, or all the World, or Heaven it self; and your Office is to save Souls, if you will follow Christ; or else the ax is laid unto the root of the tree, the tree is ready to fall, and can stand no longer; whatsoever cause of delay be pretended, men say, It cannot be for good; whereas you fear, the Coun∣cel will take away temporalities from the Church, this is marvellous; for that might be suspected, if the Councel did not consist wholly of Church∣men: But I fear that it befal unto us as unto the Jews, who said, If we suffer this Man, the Romans will come and take away our Nation; so if we say, If we suffer the Councel, the Laity will come and take away our tempo∣ralities: But as in the just judgement of God, the Romans destroyed their Nation, who would not suffer Christ to live; so it is much to be feared, lest in the same just judgement it come to pass, that because we will not suffer the Councel to stand, we shall lose our temporalities; and oh, that we lose not both bodies and souls! Lastly, whereas you call the holy Councel, an unlawful Assembly, it dependeth upon the Councel at Constance; if that was lawful, so is this; but none doubteth of that but it was lawful; and if one will say, The Decrees thereof were not lawful, then the election of Pope Martin is not valid; and if Martin was not Pope, then neither is your Ho∣liness, who was chosen by the Cardinals whom Martin did create. Out of the Epistle of Julian ad Eugen. in Fascic. rer. expetend. Nevertheless, Car∣dinal Julian was perswaded to forsake the Councel, and went unto Eugenius. Then Lewis Cardinal Arelaten. was chosen President of the Councel. And Eugenius sent abroad his Bull against the Councel. The contents of that Bull will appear by the responsory Epistle of the Councel, dated October 29. An. 1437. They shew the scope of the Councel; to wit, the Reformation of the Church in head and members.....and the practises of Eugenius in the contrary; and the manifold inconveniencies of the Schism; namely, that as at Corinth one said, I am Paul's, and another, I am Apollo's; so now one saith, I am the Pope's, and another is the Councel's: Of this the Pope is the cause; he will not keep unity, nor follow the example of Da∣masus, who would not call into doubt what a Synod had determined. As for his Epistle which he hath published unto all Believers, it containeth no amendment; for he saith, All that the Councel layeth to his charge is false; whereas he might have spoken more modestly, and considered, that men will not believe his word in his own cause; for who may not write and speak as he pleaseth? But as in antient times Leo, Damasus, Sixtus, and other Popes, did in Synods purge themselves from scandals; so or far rather should Eugenius purge himself, either personally or by a Proctor, before the Synod;

and if these things were not proved against him, his innocency should be cleared unto all men; but if they be true, they might all have been covered with due conversion and repentance; and he should have followed the example of Peter, who being rebuked by Paul to his face, as it is written to everlasting remembrance, took it in good part; and commended Paul's Epistles, wherein he knew that the same was contained; leaving an example unto his Successors, that they be not offended, when any of their co-apostles say the like unto them for their good, or the good of the Church: In their citing of him, they had no other intention, but to provide for the good of the Church in extream necessity; nothing can be more gracious unto us, (say they) or is more wished by us, then that he would govern the Church faithfully; but he should not do all things at his pleasure, contemning the Canons of holy Councels; but rather, as Peter teacheth, he should rule, and not domineer over the people, and be a pattern unto others; for the Roman Pope is a Minister, and not a Lord of the universal Church; where∣as he saith, The Fathers seek to abase him, and to exalt themselves above him; can he deny, that the jurisdiction of an universal Synod is founded upon the holy Scriptures, and that who pertinaciously reject the determi∣nation of such a Synod, falleth into heresie? neither is he abased, nor is his power restrained, when he is so directed, that he tend not into destru∣ction, but edification: Let him take heed, in the fear of God, lest while he indeavoreth to excuse lesser things, and continueth contumacious against wholesome admonitions, he fall into more grievous things: He durst say, The Fathers of the Councel have coutinued these seven years divorced from the Vicar of Christ and Apostolical See, which is the Mother and Head of Christians; but will he condemn all the Cardinals, Patriarchs, Bishops, Emperours, Kings, Princes, and others, who personally, or by others in their names, have been present in the Councel? or will he condemn the Church dispersed through the World, and say, that they are all divorced from the Mother and Head of Christians, or that they all have favoured them who are separated? By saying that the Synod is separated from him, it appeareth that he affirmeth, that he is divorced from the Synod, repre∣senting the universal Church; for when a member is disjoyned from the body, we say not, the body is separated from a member, but the part from the whole: So he is the Author of the pernicious Schism, by calling a Councel to Ferraria, against the Decrees of Constance, and of this present, and against his own promise which he made unto the Greeks; but we, thanks be unto Christ, make no Schism, but follow the true unity of the Church; that both the Pope of Rome, and all others, may keep the unity of the Church, and solidity of Peter; which consisteth not in the will of one person, who may dayly er, since some Roman Popes have fallen into errours; but it rather resideth in the universal Church, which Christ, the true Head thereof, will not leave until the end, &c. Here the Emperour Albert interposeth his Authority, and held a Diet at Nurembergh, and another at Mentz; in both these were Commissioners from Basil, and from other Nations; none was there in name of the Pope, howbeit he wanted not pleaders for him. The Emperour feared, and favoured the Councel; and sent Conrad of Windzberg, a couragious man, to be Protectour of the Councel. In the time of that latter Diet, it was debated at Basil con∣cerning Eugenius; some held, that he was an Heretick; some said, he was a Schismatick, and relapse; some denied both: But by the Argument of the Bishop Ebrunensis, and of Thomas an Abbot of Galloway, the

hardest sentence prevailed, that he is both an Heretick, and relapsed into Schism. Then the Divines wrote and published eight Conclusions, which they called eight Truths; to wit, 1. It is the truth of Catholick Faith, that a Holy and General Councel is above the Pope, or any other Man. 2. A General Councel, being lawfully assembled, cannot be dissolved, nor re∣moved, nor adjournied by the Roman Pope, without their own consent. 3. He who contradicteth these truths is an Heretick. 4. Pope Eugenius the IV. hath fought against these truths, in attempting, by the fulnesse of his Apostolical Power, to dissolve or transfer this Councel, &c. In Session 27. These were sent to the Diet at Mentz, and through Europe, to be advised; finally, they were debated in the Councel the space of six days. Aen. Sylv. de gestis Conc. Basil. lib. 1. The Abbot Panormitan said, He would not oppose these truths; but he might say, Eugenius is not a re∣lapse, since he hath not failed in any matter of Faith; and if he hath trans∣gressed in his sentence of dissolving the Councel, he may be excused; be∣cause he had done so by counsel of the Cardinals, who represent the Ro∣man Church; and the Authority thereof is to be preferred unto all the World, according to a singular Gloss. John Segovius, a famous Divine of Spain, proved from Panormitan's words, that Eugenius should be called an Unbeliever, rather then a Believer; and a member of Satan, and not of Christ. As for that Gloss, he opposed the Authority of Jerome, Orbis major est urbe. The Bishop Argensis said, The Pope is but a Minister of the Church. Panormitan replied with chafe, The Pope is Lord of the Church. Then said Segovius, Weigh what you say Panormitan; the most honourable Title of the Pope is, The Servant of the Servants; which was taken from Christ's words, The Rulers of Nations domineer.......On the morrow Amadaeus Arch-Bishop of Lions, and Ambassadour of France, (one amongst them all most eminent, both in piety of life, and plenty of knowledge, faith Aen. Sylvius) proved by many Reasons, that Eugenius was an Heretick; and he publickly condemned all them who had promoted him unto the Papacy. Briefly, In debating the three first Con∣clusions, they proved (and Sylvius reporteth their Reasons) that the pro∣mises, Upon this rock I will build......and, I have prayed for thee; were made unto the Church, and not unto Peter alone, nor unto the Pope; for many Popes have erred; as Marcellin offered unto Idols; Silvester the II. did worse......The Church, which is represented by the Councel, is the Mother of all Believers, and therefore the Mother of the Pope; and she is so called by Anacletus and Calixtus. The Church is the Spouse of Christ, and the Pope is but his Vicar; now the Vicar cannot be superiour unto the Spouse, but rather obedient unto her. Sylvius lib. cit. The result of the Diets was, that in respect of the person and place of Eugenius, the Coun∣cel should be intreated to surcease from process against him. After great concertation, an Act was past in the great Congregation, May 15. con∣cluding the first three Truths: And unto that Request they published their Answer, January 17. An. 1438. The sum is; Because Pope Eugenius will not repent of his wicked attempt, unless he be suspended from his admini∣stration; so now, since he hath sinned more hainously, they have no hope that he will repent for simple intreating; therefore they will proceed to his deposition, yet not hastily; but as they have allowed more then due space of citation, so after he is suspended, they will delay his deprivation, and wait his amendment. His citation was upon ninety days. Then came forth the Acts of the Councel of Ferraria against the Councel of Basil, and

the Acts of this against the other, as they be annexed unto the Councel of Basil. In Session 34. June 25. An. 1439. Pope Eugenius, alias Gabriel, being convicted of notorious contumacy, of disobedience unto the com∣mands of the Church universal, of continual contemning the Canons of the Councels; of disturbing the peace of God's Church, of Simony, Per∣jury, Schism, Heresie......was simpliciter deprived of the Papacy. And in Session 39. in November immediately following, Amadaeus Duke of Savoy, (who had been an Eremite in Ripalia, a Wilderness in the Diocy Gebennen.) was chosen Pope, and called Felix the V. After that nothing was done; but for defense of the Councel, Answers were published, re∣futing the libels of Pope Eugenius and his Councel; it were were wearisome to relate all; yet I shall hint at one Reply, dated October 7. An. 1439. After the Preface, whereas Eugenius said, The Authority of Councels above the Pope, was established only by the faction of Pope John the XXIII. They say, All the Fathers consented in Councel, deposing two Popes, and electing a third: And Pope Martin, with consent of the whole Councel, defined it to be an errour, if any dare say, that it is not of the necessity of salvation, to believe that the Church of Rome is supream among all Chur∣ches, if by the Church of Rome be understood the Church universal, or General Councel. Item, When any shall be suspected of the Heresies of Wickliff, he should be demanded, Whether he believe that whatsoever the Councel of Constance hath defined concerning Faith and Salvation, should be approved and held by all Believers? and yet Martin was not ignorant of the former Act: And in this Councel at Basil the same was renewed, when there was no difference of factions. In the end they compare Eugenius unto the Jews, Donatists, Arians, and other Hereticks, who were wont to call the better part Hereticks, divellish, and separated from the true Church; so doth Eugenius now, &c. IV. The fourth principal purpose of that Councel, was the Reformation of the Church, according to the Act of Session 41. at Constance. So in Session 12. it was ordained, That every Church and Monastery should chuse their own Prelate, without any reser∣vation to the Roman Pope, but onely of those places that are under the Roman Church in respect of Dominion. In Session 15. Every Bishop should have a Synod twice, or at least once every year, which shall con∣tinue two or three days, or longer, as seemeth good unto him; and there he shall admonish his own Clergy of their general and particular duties; he should diligently inquire of their manners; he should exhort them unto good manners; and direct those who have charge of souls, to instruct their people with wholesome doctrine and admonitions; the Provincial Statutes should be read; and any compendious Treatise concerning the administra∣tion of the Sacraments, and other things conducing to the instruction of Priests; he should, by due correction, beat down simony, usury, and for∣nication; and revoke the dilapidations of Church-goods; he should re∣form the abuses of the Clergy, and other people, so far as concerneth Divine Service; and especially he should take heed that his Diocy be not infected with heresie, errours, scandals, lottery, divination, inchantation, superstition, or any other divellish device. Item, In every Province shall be a Provincial Synod within two years after this Councel; and after that a Provincial Synod every third year; where all the Arch-Bishops, and all the Suffragans, and all quorum interest should be present; where an Arch-Bishop, or one in his name, should have the Exhortation; admonition shall be, that Benefices and Orders should be bestowed on the worthiest without

simony; and that mature examination be had of such, as the cure of souls is committed unto; and that Church-goods be not abused; it should be in∣quired how Bishops bestow Benefices, and confirm Elections, and preach unto their People, and punish the vices of their Subjects, observe the Epis∣copal Synods, and discharge other parts of their Office: It shall also be inquired of the Metropolitan in all these particulars; if any contentions arise to disturb the peace of a Province, the Synod should indeavour to settle them; if such discords arise between Kingdoms or Princedoms, the Bishops should assemble Synods in both, and concur one with another to take away the occasion of these discords, respecting only the glory of God and welfare of the People: In the Provincial Synods it shall be advised, what is to be propounded in the insuing General Councel. In Session 20. It is not necessary to forsake the company of excommunicated persons, unless the Sentence be laid and published against such a certain person or persons expresly, and their cause can have no tergiversation nor excuse by Law. Item, That no City nor place can be subject unto Ecclesiastical Inter∣diction, but for the fault of the Governours of that place, not for the fault of a private or any forraign person. Item, No appellations should be made after the first being annulled. In Session 21. Annates should not be required by the Roman Church, nor elsewhere, for confirmation of Election, nor for a Collation. In other Sessions Statutes were made concerning the Ser∣vice in the Mass; the election and profession of Priests; the number and quality of Cardinals; and reservation of cases unto Rome. In Session 30. An. 1437. Laicks are not tied, by the command of Christ, to communicate of both bread and wine; but the Church hath power to direct how it should be administred.....that whether they communicate in one kinde or in both, according to the Ordinance of the Church, it is profitable to salvation unto the worthy Communicant; yet the laudable custom of the Church should be observed as a Law. In Session 36. It was then (at first) declared, That the blessed Virgin was never defiled with original sin; and the Feast of her conception was confirmed to be kept December 8. In Session 43. Pope Felix ordained the Feast of Maries visitation to be kept July 22; and to cause it to be observed, he granted unto every one observing it, indul∣gence of injoyned pennance for an hundred days. Pope Eugenius inticed the Daulphin of France to dissolve that Councel by force; and he brought above thirty thousand Souldiers to Basil; but the Swisers, being but four thousand, did vanquish him, as the Lacedemonians did Xerxes; that is, few (to wit, an hundred and fifty) of the Victours remaining alive; and eight thousand French died in the place. Because of these troubles, the Councel held no Sessions from August 10. An. 1442. until May 16. An. 1448. Then the Ambassadours would not continue longer; and the Emperour undertook to procure another more peaceable Councel within three years; and Pope Felix, with his Assessors, appointed Lions as the most conve∣nient place. But in the publick Session, on the day aforesaid, it was deter∣mined, that the present Councel should be continued, and be resumed after that time; or in case of trouble, it should be transferred to Lausanna: But they assembled not at all.

7. Much noise had been of a General Councel between the Eastern and * 1.61 Western Churches, for the space of twelve years especially; and when the Councel of Basil was convened, some conceived hope of an union; but the aims and motives of the leading parties (as was touched before) shew that no good could follow. Many have written of that Councel at Ferraria

and Florence; among them all, none hath the circumstances so fully as Sylvester Sguropulus, who was Assessour unto the Patriarch of Constanti∣nople, and present in most of the consultations, both before and in time of that Councel. The Emperour John Palaeologus intended to have gone unto Basil; the first offence was given by them at Basil, who in their Letters unto the Greeks said, The Fathers assembled in the General Councel, as they had abolished the late Heresie of the Bohemians, so they were ready to cut down the old Heresie of the Greeks. The Greeks said unto the Oratours of Basil, How can we approve them, who in the very Preface say, that we are old Hereticks? we cannot admire sufficiently, with what face they can feign this of us; who but ye did think to upbraid us with the infamous name of Hereticks? or what Heresie can be in us, who have never transgressed nor departed from the Traditions of the Apostles, Coun∣cels and Fathers? this is a heavy stumbling-block unto us; and therefore first of all we crave a remedy of this. The Latines said, It was not done of purpose, but a meer escape of the writer; we, for our selves and for all our Nation, say, that we did never suspect such a thing of you; neither say we now, that ye maintain any Heresie; and we are ready to proclaim this unto the World, by any way ye please. This Apology did not calm their animosities, of the Patriarch especially, until the Emperour said, O that God would grant an universal Synod, that by his blessing there may be an union of the Churches of Christ, and Christians might agree in peace! this were a great work, and to be admired in all time coming; yea, not only a great work, but more then hath been done in the former occumenial Synods; yea, more then was done by great Constantine in the first Councel; for at that time there was peace in all the World, and one Arrius, with twenty or thirty more, was contradictory unto the Doctrine of the Church, and all others were Orthodox; but that Heresie was of short standing, for it arose and was condemned within the space of three years. But unto this Synod which is now intended, many, yea, innumerable people shall be assembled; for consider how many are in Italy, Germany, Spain, Britain, and other places of the West; how many Bishops are there, Monks, Doctors and Philosophers, mighty and proud Nations; many also shall be from these our parts, who do reverence our Religion, and are not in number inferiour unto the others; such as the Trapezuntians, Iberians, Cercasians, Mincreliens, Goths, Russians, Walachians, Servians, the Islanders, besides the Patriarchs and their Provinces: I hear also of a great Nation in Ethiopia, which is populous and Orthodox, according with our tenets in all points, who also (as I suppose) shall be called unto this Synod; thus many are for us also. And the Schism hath been of long continuance, for they have been driving it these five hundred years almost; how great a work were it then to solder and unite so many Nations, so long time at variance, and to bring all the World into one Church? and we have hope, by what hath been written unto us, and as we hear, that there shall be an union by the help of God; and if it be, this Church shall be much bettered; for the King of Germany said unto me, when I was with him, that it concerned me to procure the union; for if you do this (said he) you shall establish the Church; since our folks have transgressed in many things, and the Eastern Church hath a better order; and if you effectuate not the union, yet you may amend our people: He spoke also many other things; and I know certainly his good purposes, and what he intendeth to do for us, if the union go on; and among other things, he hath promised that I shall be his Successour in his Kingdom.

This Oration was heard with much joy. Then it was propounded, that the Pope and the Councel should be first united. The Latines promised that it should be so; and said, They are already upon agreement. But the Pa∣triarch could not disgest, that the Councel had called them old Hereticks; and that the Pope Eugenius will not come personally unto the Councel. But John (one of the Oratours from Basil) perceiving that Joseph was ambitious and desirous of honour, flattered him with glozing words, saying, If he were once there, how would he be admired! all men would honour him; and especially all the Fathers of the Synod; and they will bring presents unto him; and they will follow his advice, as one who is wiser then they all are. Letters were sent unto the Councel, especially to amend their former Preface, and for a Safe-conduct. When these were returned, the Emperour sent unto Trapesus, Iberia, and other Nations, inviting them to send their Bishops and Oratours unto the Councel; and he invited the three Patriarchs. Some Nations sent two Bishops and one Oratour; and some sent one Bishop and one Oratour: The Patriarchs sent their Commissions unto some Greeks within the Empire; as the Patriarch of Alexandria named Anthony Bishop of Heraclea, and Mark a Monk, (whom the Emperour afterwards made Bishop of Ephesus, for honouring his Commission;) Antiochia named Joseph (then) Bishop of Ephesus, and Gregory a Confessary; Jerusalem named Dionysius and Isidore, two Monks then, but the one became Bishop of Sardeis, and the other of Russia. Their Commissions gave them power to substitute a Vicar, if any necessity detained them: But the Oratours of Basil took exception against the Commissions; and they complained unto the Emperour, that they tied the Deputies to admit nothing that was not done canonically, nor conformable unto former Councels and holy Fathers of the Church, nor admit any addition, or change, or novation of the Creed of Faith. This limitation (said John the Oratour) cannot be accepted; for how can I ingage my self to give entertainment unto such Deputies, who are so tied, If a question be propounded in this manner, answer thus; and if not, you must do nothing: Deputies should be left free unto their thoughts, and confirm what shall be defined by the Synod; you must therefore cause this to be amended, or else, in my judgement, it will not be expedient unto your Majesty to go, nor dare I hold up my face in the Synod. The Em∣perour was perswaded to draw up another form of Commission, and sent it unto the Patriarchs with his Letters; where he said, You may not be suspicious of us, for we hold the same grounds with you; nor will we change in the least from the oecumenial Councels, and what we hitherto professed; and be ye assured, that we will doe no otherwise then as ye would; but they must subscribe that form of Commission for the honour of the Synod, and of their Deputies. When they were come to Ferraria, after the complements, (which were touched before) the Patriarch sent the Bishops of Nicomedia and Tornob, and the History Writer, to see how the place of the Assembly was ordered. There Cardinal Julian said unto them, Here is the Pope's throne, and on either side are seats, on the one side for the Latines, and on the other for the Greeks; since the Synod consisteth of two Nations, the Pope must sit in the midst as the chief, and tie of both parties. They answered, Since there be two parties, the Pope should sit with his party, as the Emperour and the Patriarch are ordered to sit with their party. Julian replied, There must be a middle tie; there∣fore the Pope must be in midst. But said they, A middle tie is not necessary; or if you will have the Pope in the midst, it followeth necessarily, that

the Emperour and the Patriarch should also be in the midst, and sit with him, or else they cannot sit. Julian said, One tie is sufficient to joyn the two parties; but two or three cannot make one tie. When this order was shewed unto the Emperour and Patriarch, they would not be satisfied until that posture was changed, and the Pope's throne be set on the side with the Latines. And then they could hardly condescend; for though the Pope's thrown were set on the side, yet he would have a place made for the Emperour of Germany, and over against his seat another for the Greek Emperour. But the Greek Emperour said, Why should a chair be for the German Emperor, since there is none? and why should the Pope have place distinct and above the Emperours? The Patriarch said, Why should the Pope be not only before both the Emperors, but in so many degrees and ac∣coutrements above mine? Then said the Emperour with indignation, All these toys are not so much for decorement of the place, or for order of the Synod, but rather for pride and earthly fancies, and far from a spiritual disposition. So the Emperours chair was set right over to the Pope's throne, and the Patriarch's chair over against the empty seat for the Emperour of Germany. There was strife also among the Deputies of the Patriarchs for place. In the first Session, April 9. nothing was done; but they took possession of their places, and the Bulls of convocation was read in Latine and Greek; and it was condescended, that there should be a cessation for four moneths, (that the Kings and Princes, being advertised of their meet∣ing, might send their Vice-gerents unto the Synod) unless it were private conferences for debating lesser differences. In this time the Cardinal Julian invited some Greeks to dinner: Some did refuse, (with fair excuses) be∣cause the Emperour had forbidden them to argue at any time with the Latines privately or apart; but the Bishops of Ephesus and Mitylene were perswaded, after much entreating. There the Cardinal adviseth the E∣phesian to write unto the Pope, in commendation of this noble work that he had begun, and exhort him to continue in bringing the union to an happy issue. He answered, It seemeth in my judgement superfluous, nor am I fit thereunto; nevertheless, if you think expedient, I shall write, and send it unto you; and if it please you, it may be directed unto the Pope. In this Letter he said, It were an easie thing unto him to accomplish the union, because of his power in the Church; and all the Latines yeild (blinde) obedience unto him, as the Successour of Peter; if he would but put away the word filioque out of the Creed, and leave off the dead Sacrifice of un∣leavened bread, the union would soon be confirmed, and all Christians were made one Church. So soon as Julian read this Letter, he went quick∣ly and delivered it unto the Emperour. He was so inraged, that he would have called him to account and punishment for it, if Bessarion Bishop of Nice had not excused the matter as a slight conceit, unworthy of censure, and might do annoyance if it were taken notice of judicially. Then a con∣ference began of ten Church-men on each side, and some Noble-men to sit apart as beholders. Of the Greeks were the Bishops of Ephesus, Mo∣nembasia, Nice, Lacedemon, and Anchial, Sylvester Sgurogulus......And of the Latines were two Cardinals, Julian and of Firma, Andrew Bishop of Rhodos, &c. Cardinal Julian asked, Whether they had thought upon means of reconciliation? The Bishop of Ephesus answered▪ The best means is truth; and if we have truth with us, we will never seek ano∣ther; for we cannot finde a better means then truth. The Latines would have disputed on the main controversies: But the Greeks said, That were

contrary unto the former agreement. They talked of Purgatory: And the Bishop of Ephesus demanded, Whence have ye that tradition? how long time have ye had that opinion? what is your opinion concerning it? Julian answered, The Roman Church had this opinion from Peter and Paul, and have kept it always; and thus it is......The Greeks declared their Doctrine, that the souls of the godly receive the good things prepared for them, and the souls of the wicked receive punishment, untill they receive their bodies again. Here John a Spanish Doctour of the Pope's Court, propoundeth other questions, concerning the being of Angels in a place; with what wings do they flie? what kinde of fire is that in Hell? &c. They spent some days upon such questions without any agreement. In the mean time infor∣mation was brought from Venice and other places, that Amurathes was gone to Constantinople with a Navy; and the Emperour intreated the Pope to send two Ships to aid the Greeks. The Pope refused, unless they will consent unto the union. After some days, the Pope promised to send one into Venice to hire two Ships; and the Emperour sent two Noble-men to hire more Ships; but the Noble-men could never finde nor hear of the Pope's Servants there. When the four moneths were past, the Greeks crave a beginning of the Councel; because the Pope delayed, the Bishops of E∣phesus and Heraclea, despairing of any good success, went to Venice, in∣tending home-wards; but the Emperour sent and brought them again. Then he, hearing that others also had the same purpose, did first motion, that the Councel should be removed further from Venice, for hindering their return; neither after that would he impart his counsels unto the Bi∣shops; but he and the Patriarch (when his sickness did permit) consulted with the Pope. October 6. began the first Session; and the Greeks would have it first disputed, Whether the word filioque was a late addition? to clear this, they produced the Books of the first seven oecumenial Councels. The Latines alledged, the seventh was for them; and they produced an old Book where it was so written. The Greeks said, That Book should not be admitted; since neither is it in any of their books, neither had any of the Latine Doctours, writing of that purpose, ever made use of that Book. The Latines alledged also the testimonies of some Latine Councels and Fathers. The Greeks made no reckoning of these; and said, Since the General Councels had not that particle, and had threatned a curse against all who added unto or changed the Creed, the Latines should not have added it; and therefore the Latines should now consent unto the blotting away of that addition. The Latines replied, It should first be considered, whether it be true, and so may justly be added. The Greeks would not proceed, untill that was first blotted away. Three moneths was spent with this jangling; and the Pope, seeing that the Greeks would not yeild, gave them not moneys, according to condition; and agreed with the Emperour to remove unto Florence. The Greeks opposed the removing mightily, especially the Patriarch, being sick of a Quartan Ague: But they must remove in the midst of January, An. 1439. The cause of the remo∣ving was pretended to be for the Plague; it was in the Town in the Summer, and though many of the Latines died of it, yet it infected no house of the Greeks but one, and in the Winter was ceased. When they began the Sessions, the Emperour commanded the Greeks (against their wills) to pro∣ceed unto the second question; both parties alledged testimonies of the Ancients, (and neither of them brought one Argument from Scripture) and quarrelled against the pertinency or faithfulness in quotation. The

Pope and the Emperour resolved together to make a definitive sentence, and for that effect to take another course; to wit, both parties should frame a draught; and which of the two should please them both, that should be subscribed. The Greeks were unwilling; and said unto the Emperour, that they had experience how obstinate the Latines are, and will not yeild in any thing; and they cannot yeild to depart from what their Church had held in all ages. The Latines brought their form of the Sentence unto the Emperour first; and he called the Greeks unto his lodging, and shewed them it. They all refused it. The Emperour required them to frame another; and that did not please the Latines: whose objections against the Greeks were, 1. Seeing in the first words it is said, Because we thought that the Latines hold, that the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father and the Son as from two principles.....therefore we did abstain from the addition, or exposition of the Creed, and from communion with them; and now when you finde contrary, you should no more abstain from the addition or ex∣position. We crave your Answer in this. 2. You say that you have declared the Faith of the Latines; we ask, Whether you think this true, and if you will accord in this? 3. Declare your faith. When you say, The holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father; we demand of you to answer, Whether he proceedeth eternally from the Father alone, and not also from the Son? 4. You say, The holy Ghost is properly of the Son 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; we crave that you would clear this, Whether you think that proper is to be of the same substance onely, or proper, that is, having his essence eternally from the Son himself, even as from the Father? &c. These objections were de∣livered unto the Emperour; and he told the Greeks, that he had received such, but he neither gave them, nor read them unto his Greeks. And whereas onely twenty four had consented unto that form which was de∣livered, and twelve had refused it, now some of these twelve craved leave to return home; the Emperour threatned them sharply for craving it. Then thinking upon ways of excluding these dissenters from voicing, he said, None should subscribe the Acts of this Synod, but only such as had subscribed in former General Councels: For this cause he caused to bring the Books, and there findeth that none had subscribed but Bishops and Abbots, and so he commanded silence unto others, or rather he freed us from speaking, saith my Authour, to wit, against conscience. Then the Emperour called them unto voicing▪ ten were for the proceeding from the Son, and seventeen were dissenters: Wherefore the Emperour and the Patriarch dealt with the dissenters apart, partly by allurements, partly by expostulations of ingra∣titude for former benefits, and partly by menacings; and the Patriarch objected against the Abbots, that they had received their titles from the Emperour, yet they were not a•• yet canonically ordained; and the time be∣ing expired, wherein they should have craved their confirmation, their title is null. On June 3. the Emperour called them together, and pro∣pounded a form of union to be subscribed in these terms; Seeing we have heard the testimonies both of the Eastern and Western holy Fathers, and these say, The holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father and the Son; and those say, From the Father by the Son; and that, By the Son, is one with that, From the Son; and that, From the Son, is one with that, By the Son; yet we, forsaking that (particle) From the Son, say, That the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father by the Son eternally and essentially, as from the same principle and cause; the particle By there signifying the efficient in the proceeding of the holy Ghost. Thirteen subscribed this; among whom

were the Patriarch, and the two Deputies of Alexandria. The Emperour required the Courtiers to subscribe, who all obeyed except his own Brother. Lastly, he confirmed it, with this addition in the end, that the Greeks were not tied to put the addition into their Creed, nor to change any of their Ceremonies. Then he craved the subscriptions of other Nations. The Bishops of Menon and Moldoblachia consented; but the Bishop of▪ Trape∣zus refused: And the Bishop of Iberia went away privily; and before his departure, he shewed unto every one of the Bishops, that he had Letters from the Patriarch of Antiochia, that they should not yeild to add nor diminish an Iota, or the least point. When he was gone, the Pope thought it might help to speak with the Oratour of Iberia privately, before the finall conclusion, and said unto him, I hear that ye are Christians, and famous men, loving the Church; but the Roman Church is the Mother of all Churches; and the Governour of it is the Successour of Saint Peter, and Vicar of Christ, and the universal Shepheard and Doctour of all Christi∣ans; ye must therefore follow the Mother of Churches, and approve what she approveth, and be subject unto her high Priest, that ye may receive the salvation of your souls, &c. The Noble-man answered, By the grace of God we are Christians, approving and following our own Church; and our Church hath constantly maintained whatsoever she received of the Doctrine of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the Traditions of the holy Apostles, and the universall Synods, and the most famous holy Teachers of the Church; neither hath it declined in any measure from their Doctrine, nei∣ther hath it added nor impaired any thing: But the Church of Rome hath added, and transgressed the bounds of the holy Fathers; wherefore we have cut her off, and departed from her, in so much as we behold the purity of the Fathers, and hence is she deprived of many and famous children: Therefore your blessednesse should with diligence seek those whom you have lost, and be reconciled and united with them; and this may be easily done, if you will put that addition out of the holy Creed; which you may easily do, since all the generation of the Latines applaud your order and judgement; for they esteem you as the Successour of Saint Peter, and reverence your Doctrine; if then you will put away that ad∣ditament, not onely the Iberians, but all the Nations of Christians will be subject, and united unto the Roman Church truly; and will acknow∣ledge her, and thee also as a true disciple of Christ, and the prime Sucessour of St. Peter, and they all will follow thee with sincere love; then shalt thou be the prime Pope and Father of many Christians; and then shall be one Shepheard, and all shall be one Flock under thee. The Pope was confident to have gained this Iberian, as a rude and unlearned man; but when he heard these words, he spake no more. The same Iberian went with my Authour to hear a Sermon that was preached before the Pope; and then he said unto the other, I heard him often name Aristole, but I desire to hear of Peter, Paul, Basile, Gregory, Chrysostom, and such others; but what have we to do with Aristotle, Aristotle? and with some kinde of pity he scorned the Preachers gesture and noddings, but more them who would seek union with such Doctours. On June 4. the Emperour shewed the sub∣scriptions unto the Pope, and hoped that he had given all satisfaction; but the Pope said, If now ye be brought into acknowledgement of this truth, I am glad of it, and I wish that your Fathers had been partakers of the same; but all this is not sufficient to make up the union; there be other differences between us, and those must also be amended. The Emperour

thought this strange; and when the Patriarch (who had given order to pack up his baggege, thinking that all was done) heard of the Pope's words, he was amazed; and June 10. sitting at supper, he died; and so neither re∣turned home, nor saw the Decreet of union, which afterwards was penned, Some days before his death, he sent for some of the dissenters, and said, The Pope hath promised to pay the money that he oweth us for these five moneths and an half, and to send us home in six Ships, and the Venetians will send Convoys with us; and he hath promised to send twenty Ships in March, for any service that our Emperour will imploy them unto; this work will be to the great advantage of our Nation, and of the Christian World; and since all these things have succeeded so happily, do not with∣draw your consent any more, &c. Because they did refuse, alledging that their conscience and danger of their souls was more dear unto them then all the World; he said, Behold, ye do that I shall never see my Countrey; for if my dearest friends be not with me, I shall never return; I speak unto you as a father and a friend; if ye will obey me, it shall go well; and if not, the Synod will take notice of it, and will not let you go, but will do unto you as ye deserve. They answered, We are ready to suffer whatsoever the Synod will decern against us. After the Patriarch's death, the Emperour had all the burthen, and dealt with the advice of three onely, to wit, the Bishops of Russia and Nice, and his Secretary. The Cardinals went unto him often, and importuned him to consent unto other three particulars, to be contained in the Decree of union; to wit, 1. That both the Churches may retaine their own custome of the bread, whether leavened or unlea∣vened. 2. Concerning Purgatory. 3. Concerning the Primacy of the Pope. The Emperour consented unto these without the knowledge of any Greek, but of those three. The Latines did much press the Emperour to take away a Prayer out of the Liturgy, concerning the unbloody Sacrifice; for they said, The bread and wine are consecrated by the words of the Lord, Take, eat, this is my body; and therefore to pray after the saying of these words, is as if the blessing of the Lord were not sufficient to consecrate the Sacra∣ment. Here was much debate; at last the Emperour said, If ye will be∣lieve truth, the antient Fathers, and all the Eastern Churches, have kept this custome, as it is in our Books. Cardinal Julian said, Can your Ma∣jesty swear, that your Books have not been changed since the days of the Fathers? and if you cannot, how shall we believe them? The Pope also required the Emperour to cause all the Greeks to assemble into his Palace; and there he did upbraid them, that they wasted so much time, and would conclude nothing: But neither the Emperour nor other Greeks would yeild in this head, but the Bishops of Russia and Nice. Then was great debate concerning the form of the Decree, in whose name it should be framed; the Emperour would have it in his name, as the Decrees of universal Synods were wont to be; but the Pope would have it in his name: after long con∣tention the Emperour must yeild. Then the Pope would have them to chuse a Patriarch, either an Italian or a Greek. The Emperour seeing that the Pope would never make an end, if his demands were granted one after another, resolved to grant no more; and said, A Patriarch could not be chosen but in Constantinople, and according to their own Canons. At last they come to subscribe the Decree; my Authour hath the Story particu∣larly, but I will content with the sum, as he hath it in Sect. 10. cap. 18. saying, This Synod came not to a conclusion, nor brought forth any de∣termination; nor was any man demanded to give his suffrage in any thing

that was debated in disputations: That it was an universal Synod none will deny; but that this Synod pronounced any Sentence, none that was there will affirm; if he look simply to the Judicial Order: for seeing the Empe∣rour was there present, and the Pope and the Patriarch of Constantinople, and the Vicars of the other Patriarchs, and the Bishops from both parts made up the form of an universal Synod; and there were disputations in the presence of them all, according to the order of universal Synods; and the words of the disputants were written; though therefore the Latines did with much pride proclaim what they spake, and did arrogate unto them∣selves, what we did demonstrate as clearly as the Sun shineth; and what was in question, and indemonstrable, they did take as confessed, and pro∣claimed them as demonstrations, and they accounted our reasons as no∣thing, they being so overcome with their pride and arrogancy; never∣theless, so long as the disputes continued, it seemed to keep the form of a Synod, and to act sinodically; but when the disputes ceased, it was no more a Synod, but all things were done privately, secretly, and under a shadow; for the contentions that were by order of the Emperour, with ten high Priests besides the Pope, were but private and secretly; and neither did others of our high Priests, neither the Latine Bishops, know what was spoken there; and the Conventions of our folks, that were in the Palace, or in the Patriarch's lodging, were but in chambers, and nothing was done there as the Acts of an universal Synod, but onely ways and conceptions were hatched, how we could simply make an Union with the Latines; and the Suffrages that were there, were not like unto the Votes of an uni∣versal Synod, but of some few persons aiming at an Union: And when they seemed to be thus perswaded, then they reported unto the Pope, that the Greeks approved what the Roman Church thought good, that the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Son also; and now they are one with the Western Church: And then was a definition, and all things therein, as some few persons of both sides would; which to refute is not my purpose; therefore those who were of the Synod, knew not how these things were done in secret and in a corner. An universal Synod did never the like, neither in the disputes, neither in any thing that was taken in hand from the beginning, was any Greek or Latine demanded, or gave his voice sinodically; for these causes none can be justly blamed, who did not approve the union, as if they did subvert the Sentence of the Synod, since none that was there can affirm, that it was sinodically proved, that the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Son also, and that all men should think and believe it as undoubted and confessed; but what both the Latine and Greek Bishops did in the Synod, was thus; The Greeks saw a Sentence subscribed by the Emperor, and they also subscribed it; the Latines saw that subscribed by the Greeks, and by the Pope, and they also subscribed it; and the greater part knew not what was written; for except very few both of the Latines and Greeks that looked upon the Sentence, or that hapned to be at the writing of it, the most part knew not the contents; and when they were assembled to subscribe, it was not read unto the Greeeks before nor immediately after the subscribing, as neither unto the Latines; but the next day, when it was read in the Church, the Bishops were demanded, and the Latines answered, Placet; and the Greeks said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. All these things were so contrived, as I have declared more fully before, (saith he) and seeing the Determination was in this manner, and the Bishops had so little knowledge of the Contents of it, and so crafty devices were in framing it, they who will, may consider, whether

such a determination should be accounted a Sentence of an universal Synod? or whether that union should be approved as a true and uncontrolable? So far Sguropulus. Now by what means the Greeks were induced to subscribe the last Decree, the Reader may understand from what is said of the means, which were used to cause them to subscribe the first conclusion, to wit, promises and menaces. Neither was the Pope deficient; for they who did subscribe, received the promised money for their entertainment; and who would not subscribe, sometimes got a part of it with checks and bitter re∣proaches, and oft they got nothing; and the Bishop of Nice was made a Cardinal, and Bishop of Tusculo; and the Bishop of Russia was put in hope of the Patriarchship. It is to be marked, that Sguropulus was one of the dissenters, yet he protesteth that he writeth the History truly; and he confesseth, that he subscribed the last Determination, but against his will, and because it might have procured unto him the Emperour's hatred; as also it was little advantage unto the cause, if he did not subscribe; and on the other side, he thought that all the subscriptions were to little purpose, seeing they were but in private chambers, and the Sentence was not past in the Synod: But though he and some others were veh••ment against the par∣ticle A or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or From the Son; yet no where doth he declare the very point of difference in the matter of substance, but only that they would not have an Iota, or particle of their Creed to be changed.

THE FIFTH AGE Of the CHURCH, OR The History of the Church Rising, and of Antichrist raging, containing the space of 300 years, from the year of our Lord 1300 untill the year 1600.

CENTVRY XVI. PART. I.

CHAP. I. Of POPES.

Many and great were the revolutions of this Century: therefore it seems more expedient, to divide it into three parts, according to three main differences of occurrents; and in every part to continue the former method of chapters. The first part is from the year 1500, untill the year 1517; shewing what things hapned before the Reformation. The second part from the year 1517, untill the year 1563; containing things from the beginning of the Reformation, untill the close of the Councel at Trent. And the third part from 1563, untill the year 1600; declaring the main occurrents after that Councel.

PIUS III. was chosen An. 1503. not so much for his reputed goodness, but when the Competitours could not prevail, they providing to their next advantage (according to their wonted manner, saith Guicciardin.) did consent to the election of this old sick Cardinal, that they might not fall from their hope, albeit time may intervene. This is a special respect of the Cardinals in the election, as Cumin Ventura (who had been oft in that Conclave) sheweth in Thesor. Politic. And so it hapned, for he died within 27 dayes.

2. JULIUS II. one of the competitours, had then procured the suf∣frages of so many Cardinals, that on the first day of their assembly, Octo∣ber 31. he was proclaimed Pope, every one wondring (saith Guicciar∣din. lib. 6.) that they had chosen one, whom they knew to be so froward, cruel, factious and continually unquiet: but he had made large promi∣ses, unto the Cardinals, Princes and others, which could promote his business. He established his chair shortly after, first by contracting his daughter Felix unto Jordanes Ursinus, and then his sisters daughter Lu∣cretia unto Antonius Columna. Then he set himself to regain all

Romandiola: and so he took Cesena and Forolivio from Caesar Borgias the son of Pope Alexander the VI. he expelled the family of Bentevoli out of Bononia: he excommunicated the Venetians, and gave their Lands unto the first who could take them. Lewes the XII. King of France (surnamed Pater Patriae) overthrew the Venetians at Abdua: albeit he gave the grea∣test part of his purchase unto Julius, yet he envieth the prosperity of Lewes, and combined again with the Venetians, to expel him out of Italy: Wherfore Lewes assembled a Nationall-Councel at Tours in the begin∣ning * 1.62 of September An. 1510. where he propounds the question, Whe∣ther a Pope may lawfully move wars against a Prince without cause? They answer, It is not lawfull. Then he asketh, Whether a Prince being so provoked might for his own defence deny obedience unto such a Pope, and invade him? It was determined, He may lawfully. There they de∣cree also to establish the Pragmatica Sanctio, and to contemne the Papal cen∣sure in all time coming. Before the King would deny obedience, he re∣solves first to certifie the Pope of these articles, and assure him, that if he shall continue in such frowardness, he shall be summoned to a generall Councell: (for Lewes had the concurrence of the Emperour Maximilian, with the advice of five Cardinals, two Spanish, two French and one Ita∣lian.) The Pope despiseth all. Therefore on May 19. An. 1511. Lewes proclaimed a generall Councel at Pisa Septemb. 1. to the end, that by ge∣nerall advice they may provide against the present and imminent evills of the Christian Church. Julius rageth, and hindereth the meeting at Pisa: but they convene at Lions: where it was treated of Pope Julius's simony and * 1.63 continuall stirring of wars; and that Popes must be curbed by authority of Councels; and that Christians can not be in safety, if one have absolute power, and know that he is free of censure: then they suspend the Pope from administration of the Papacy, &c. Jo de Serres & Guicciard. The Pope hath another Councel at Lateran, and granteth Bulls of pardon unto all and everie one that shall kill any French man, and gives the kingdom of France unto the first Conquerour. In the mean time he killeth Peter, a Cap∣tain of the Florentines, because he had advised them, to join with France: he besiegeth Ferraria, and lay personally at the siege of Mirandula: the Vicar of Christ takes arms against a Christian City, sayth Guicciardin. As he was marching over the River Tiber, he throwes his keies over the bridge, saying, Seing Peter's keies serve not, I will see what Pauls sword * 1.64 can doe. King Lewes faintes not in his courage for all the curses, and did coine his money with this inscription, Perdam Babylonem. Briefly it is wri∣ten, that within 9 years Julius killed two hundred thousand Christianes by unnecessarie wars, so that Onuphrius sayth, he desiring to enlarge his revenues, was more given to wars than became a Priest: and Budaeus libr. 4. de asse calleth him a priest of Bellona, and not of Christ. His predecessours gave large priviledges to the begging Friers: and Julius was liberall to his confederats in the wars, especially unto the Swisers, and gave them the ti∣tle, Defenders of the libertie of the Church; with a golden sworde, a bonnet, &c. When he heard, that they wer entring into Italie, for the words in the Le∣tany, Sancte Petre, Ora pro nobis, he sayd, Sancte Schwizere, Ora pro nobis, Hotting. in Analet. Histor. Theolog. pag. 73. ex Helvet. Annal. Neither was he careless of the gain of indulgences, as the Epigram shewes, Fraude capit to∣tum mercator Julius orbem: Vendit enim coelos, non habet ipse tamen, &c. Hee re∣neweth the Bull of Pope Pius II. against them who appeall from the Pope un∣to a Councel, and ordaines him who appealeth to be accursed, and the ap∣pellation

to be nulle. A litle before his death, he had strange purposes, to waste Italy, France and Spain, saith Guicciardin. lib. 11. He was so im∣perious and peremptory in his statutes, that after his death and before the new election, the Cardinals thought it expedient, to limite the power of the Pope by some constitutions. This was propounded; but some for fear of offending, and some being moved with hope, and few with regarde of the publick good, consented to lay the purpose aside. So Ann. 1513. John Medices Captain of the Papall armie, aliàs

3. LEO X. being 37 years of age was chosen by policy of the young Cardinals. On the day of his coronation he threw among the multitude a 100000. golden Ducats. Guicc. At the entreaty of his brothers wife Alfon∣sina he took from Francis Feltrius the Dukedom of Urbino, and gave it to her son Laurence Medices, whom he made Governour of Hetruria: but Laurence enioyed it not long, being expelled by the Florentines, untill the year 1530. when his nephew Clemens 7. took all liberties from the City, and made Alexander the bastared son of Laurence the first Duke of Florence. Leo expelled Borgesius and his Brother Cardinall Alfonso out of their native City, not without the note of ingratitude; Onuphr. And therefore Alfonso with some other Cardinals conspired to kill the Pope: it was be∣wrayed, and they were deprived of their hats, and fled. The Pope made a paction with the Spanish Ambassadour, that he would pardon Alfonso, * 1.65 if he would bring him to Rome; and he gave him a safe conduct. The Ambassadour brought him, and afterward the Pope killed him. When the Ambassadour objected perjurie unto him; hee said, A fault against the life of a Pope is not contained in a safe conduct, albeit the same were ex∣presly and individually named; Guicciard. libr. 13. He confessed the fact in the Colledge of Cardinals: and for the same they would forsake him. The * 1.66 same day to engadge new friends, (the Colledge not willingly, but for fear consenting) he creates 31 Cardinals: from whom by paction he received 50000. Crounes. And this is the lawfull Calling of the Clergie, whereof the Romanists bragg continually, saith Ph. Mornaeus in Myster. pag. 619. In time of their election there was a lightening and thunder, wherewith the litle babe JESUS fell out of the lap of the mothers image, and the keies out of the handes of S. Peter, even in the Church, where in they all were. Many did then interprete, that this did portend and foreshew the ruine of that See. As indeed the same yeare Martin Luther at Wittem∣bergh began to oppose the Popes indulgences, and after one errour more were espied by him and many others: whereupon followed the famous and gracious Reformation, as followes. He used (as Guicciard. speakes libr. 13.) * 1.67 the authority Apostolical too licentiously, by the advice of Cardinal Puc∣cius, sowing abroad most large indulgences, without difference of time or place, not only for confort of the living, but to pull souls of the dead out of purgatorie: and because it was known, that such indulgences were granted only for gain of money, which the Emissaries exacted shamelesly (for the exacters had bought the selling of these pardons from the Popes of∣ficers) Leo himself incurred mens evill will in many places, and gave many scandals, especially in Germany: where his ministers solde these wares for a very small gain, and in kitchines they would lay on a cast of a Die, a power to take a soule out of purgatorie. And especially it was offen∣sive, that it was notorious, how the Pope had given all the gain of these pardons from sundrie parts of Germany unto his sister Magdalen, &c. And the Friers were not ashamed, to preach in their Sermons, that at the

sound of a penny cast into a basine, the souls in purgatory doe leap for joy, and instantly flee away into the heavens: yea and some said, When that taxe were payed, all sins wer forgiven. Neither were they more mo∣dest in other Countries, affirming boldly, God doth presently execute whatsoever pleaseth them, according to that saying of Christ, Whatsoever yee bind on earth, shall be bond &c. They require ten pence for everie soule; and if one pennie were given lesse, the pardon was not available. Mornaeus in Myst. ex Christ. Massaeo in Chron. ad Ann. 1515. This gain (saith Langius à Monk) was scandalous unto the holy sons of the Church, wherupon the question began to be commonly scanned, of the power of Christs Vicare: and whence was this new doctrine, which the antient Popes never knew? But more of this hereafter, God willing. Onuphrius sayth, Leo did erect new offices, to reap gain unto himself, and that he was given extreamly to hunting, halking and to pleasure, and that he spen∣ded wholl days in luxury and musicke more than became a Pope. He stir∣red up the Emperour Charls against Henry I. King of France. When newes was brought to him, sitting at supper, that the French were expelled out of Millane, Placentia, Parma, &c. he said, In his time he had three causes of joy, 1. that when he was banislied by Pope A∣lexander, he was restored. 2. that he was called Apostolick. 3. that he had driven the French out of Italie. And ere he had done with supper, he became colde and stiff, and then a fever overtook him: the next morning he was transported from Manliana villa into Rome, where he died Decemb. 3. An. 1521. Ja. Sannazarius gives the reason, why he gote not the sacra∣ment before his death, Sacra sub extrema si fortè requiritis, hora,

Cur Leo non potuit sumere? Vendiderat.

But he had said no less truly, if he had written, Because he was not a Chri∣stian. For some write, that when his Secretary Cardinal Bembus did once * 1.68 lay before him a sentence of the Gospell; Leo answered, It is well known, how that fable of Christ hath been profitable unto us these many ages by∣past. He openly denied the immortality of the soule: and therefore in the Lateran Councel (as followes) that question was moved, and determined against him. Bellarmin. saith, that he was not an heretick for that errour, because it was not determined by a Councel before that: Bellarmin. de Ro. Pont. libr. 4.

CHAP. II. Of EMPEROVRS.

MAXIMILIAN I. was elected and crowned King of the Romanes An. 1486; and after the death of his father An. 1493. he was recei∣ved Emperour without contradiction. In his infancy he so hardly learned to pronounce words, that it was thought, he was dumbe: but the greater difficultie he had of speaking in his infancy, he was the more admired after∣wards for his singulare eloquence: for besides the vulgare language he could speak perfectly Latine, French and Italian. In the first Diaete held by him An. 1495. at Worms it was decreed, that all the Electours should erect publick Schools within their own bounds: and accordingly Frederik Duke of Saxon * 1.69 began the University at Wittembergh An. 1502, and Joachim Marques of Brandeburgh began another at Frankford upon Oder An. 1506. In the

yeare 1499. the Swisers made wars in Austria: the Emperour subdued them with great honour. The same yeare Lewes XII. King of France entred into Lombardy, and after various accidents, by treason of his hired Swisers, Charls Duke of Millane took him captive: there they agreed, that Lewes shall pretend no right to Millane. Immediately Lewes and the King of Castile made a League, and entred together into the Kingdom of Na∣ples, and divided it betwixt them: they did not long accord: for in the year 1504 the Spanish expelled all the French. The Emperour would not medle with the affairs of Naples, because he had made a league with Lewes; and at Spira arose a great faction of peasants, proclaming liberty from Lord-revenves and all higher Powers, and tieths, and vowing to destroy all Princes: which had turned to the confusion of Germany, if they had not been quickly danted with a great army: some of them were severely punished. Isabel Queen of Spain died An. 1504: then her only daughter Ieane with her husband Philip, son of Maximilian, were sent for, to come from Flanders, and accept the Crown: they delay two years, and then went: Philip died, soon after his arriving; and Jeane was sickly, and their son Charls was but a child: therefore Ferdinand King of Castile, Arragon, Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, Majorca, &c. and Brother of the fore named Isabell was called to the governement of Spain, enduring the minority of the young King, and Maximilian accepteth the government of Flanders. At that time the Venetians were of great power, and therefore were en∣vied by many. A league was made against them, by the Pope and the Emperour, and the King of France, to expel upon common charges, the Burgesses out of the Continent. Only Lewes came at the time appointed; and seeing that he had sufficient forces, he did hazard to fight them: he slue 20000. took the Captains, and the rest fled: he conquered many of their towns in the Continent; and though he had done all by his own power only; yet he quitteth unto the Emperour Verona, Vicentia, Patavium, &c. and unto the Pope Arimino, Faventia, Cervia, Ravenna, &c. and he reserveth unto himself their part of Lombardy. So the Dominion of the Venetians was sore weakned, and never of such power again, howbeit by their power they have recovered what was given unto Maximilian. Pope Iulius was the first, who forsook the League: when he had such towns, he fea∣red, that if the Venetians were brought to ruine, his own estate might be in danger: for the Colledge have special care, that none be of greater power than the Pope: Wherefore Julius made peace with Venice, as is hinted before. Because John King of Navar did aid King Lewes; the Pope knowing, that Navar at that time was in a manner dis-peopled, gave it unto Ferdinand, who did invade it, albeit he had married his Brothers Daughter, he took Pompejopolis, and the Spanish keep a great part of that Kingdom until this time. About the years 1512. Maximilian made league with Henry VIII. King of England, and they both invade France, and in severall parts prevaile. The Emperour was drawn back, to appease a debate twixt the Ecclesiastical and seculare Estates: he was advised to restrain the avarice of Church-men, and in the Diaet. at Trevers they consult how * 1.70 drunkennes and common swearing should be punished: but these two grie∣vous sins could not be rooted up, saith Osiander in Epit. Hist. Cent. 16. libr. 1. Cap. 16. Nevertheless by Imperiall authority the plurality of Benefices was for bidden, Fasci. rer. expetend. Pag. 170. In time of that Diaet, in presence of the Emperour and all the Princes was opened the altar of the great Church of S. Peter; there in was found a coat without a seam: and that

was called Christs coat. Some said, it was but a device, to delude the Emperour and the Princes, and to conciliate some authority unto the Church and that See, saith Osiand. loc. cit. The same yeare was another tumult at Spira: the Commons rose against the Senate, because they were burdened with so many taxes: they thrust out the Counsellers, and set up another Counsell, and took the keies of the town into their own power. The Emperour interponed his authority, and establishes the Senate. At that time Lewes XII. made peace with England, and marryed Marie Si∣ster of King Henry VIII. concluded peace with the Venetians by the meanes of two Senatours, whom hee had captives. Then Francis I. per∣ceiving, that the Emperour in his olde age was inclined to peace, entred upon the Dutchie of Millain, and fought with the Duke till night: they stood both in arms all the night; in the morning the King carried it, and shortly had possession of Millain An. 1515. The same yeare Ferdinand King of Castile died at Madril, and left Charls (then 15 years olde) his successour: so the many Kingdoms of Spain were united. Maximilian was making readie to goe and recover Millain, and was hindered by the death of Ladislaus King of Hungary, and Bohem, Whose young son was espou∣sed to the Emperours Daughter. He appeased the tumults there; made peace with France, and employed the rest of his time in ministration of ju∣stice, and reforming some abuses and confusions of the Empire, untill the year 15••9. when he died. He was a Prince abounding in vertues, and so bountifull, that if he had been Lord of all the revenues of the earth, he ne∣ver wold have had treasure; so couragious, that he could not be timorous; of singulare sagacity and judgement, yet would alwayes ask counsell of them, who loved him, and were able to advise: he loved learning, and was liberal toward them who were expert in the liberall sciences. Pet. mexia. Then all the Electours made choise of Frederik Duke of Saxony: but he would not accept it, saith Erasm: in Epist. Roffensi Episc. dated An. 1519.

CHAP. III. Of DIVERSE COVNTRIES.

RAymond Cardinal S Mariae Novae and Bishop of Curca was sent Legate * 1.71 by Pope Alexander VI. into Germany in the year 1501. and from thence into Dacia, Suecia and Prussia, with power to sell Indulgences unto all, which had not been in Rome at the Jubilee. The Emperour and the Princes hearing of his earand, sent unto him, when he was at Trent, and forbade him to come into Germany, without doubt perceiving that it was but a cunning trick to squeeze moneys out of the Country. Nevertheless after some M••ssives sent to and fro, he came unto the Emperour, and then to Norenbergh, and from thence to Mentz, and then more Northward, and leaveth abundance of these indulgences printed on parchement, to be sold before his return. Nic. Besel. in Addit. Naucler. telleth of his coming, and how he obtained liberty; but he speaks not of his account: But Orth. Gra∣tius in Epistol. ad Lector. before the works of Petr. de Aliaco helpeth, saying, When Raymond returned with vast sums of money, the Colledge of the Cardinals asked him, Whath said the Barbarians, when these wares of in∣dulgences were sent unto them? He answereth, All the World (so for

as I have been) complain of the prodigality of Cardinals; and certanly if they see you not amended, our Republick will bee in danger. They frown on him; and his friends said, He should not speake of Reformation, which is an odious purpose at Rome.

2. Many tricks did the Friers devise to delude the World: for example I * 1.72 wil name but one. At Berna in the year 1507. the Dominicanes think what way to ingratiat themselves unto the people, and be preferred unto the Franciscanes, and so might draw the oblations of the people unto them∣selves. They cause one (who was lately entred among them) believe, that S. Marie, and S. Barbara, and S. Catharin of Siena did appear and speak unto him, and brought unto him the Hostie or Eucharist bleeding as the very blood of Christ; and commanded him, to goe unto the Senate of the town, and report such and such things, especially, that the blessed Virgine was conceived in sin, and the Franciscanes as liars should not be suffe∣red in the town; and neverthelesse the image of the blessed Virgine should be worshipped. As also they made an image of the Virgine with a device to drop, as it were weeping tears. The thing was belleved as truth: that red-coloured water was adored, as if it had been Christs blood, and drops of it sent hither and thiter as a rare and precious gift: lykewise was great concourse of people to see their Ladie weeping. Thus the Dominicanes were thought the only men for the space of three or four years. The Franciscanes had used such jugleries before; and for res∣pect to them selves were loath to bewray it: but at last they sought it, and revealed it all. Then the Provinciall and three other Dominicanes were taken and burnt An. 1509: when the deceivers were tortured, they confessed other jugleries: but the Popes Legate would not suffer them be divulged. Tis historie is common both in vulgare and Latine rithmes, saith Catol. test. Ver. lib. 19. So while the one sort of the friers strive to beare down the other, they ar both deciphered.

3. Andreas Proles an Augustinian in Portacoeli by Vueringerod was a de∣vote * 1.73 and Zealous Doctour: in his Lessons he said, Yee heare, Brethren, the testimonie of the Holy Scripture teaching, that by grace wee are whatsoe∣ver wee are, and by grace we have all that we have. Whence then is this so great darknes, and so horrible superstitions? Alas, brethren, the Chri∣stian Church hath need of great Reformation, and indeed I see it approa∣ching. The brethren ask him, Why doe you not begin the Reformation? why doe you not oppose yourself against these errours? I am (said he) an old man, weak in body, and I ackvowledge, I am not endowed with learning, eloquence and other gifts requisite for such a worke: but the Lord will shortly raise up a Champion, able for age, learning and activitie, which shall begin the work, and set him self against these errours: God will give him courage, to speak unto the great Ones, and yee shal find that his ministerie shall doe much good: for the Kingdom of the Pope shewes, it will shortly fal, because it is so high. Catol. test. ver. Lib. 19 ex Henning. And there it is also, that Martin Luther (being young) heard, him preach at Magdeburgh. The same Doctor Proles was sent-for to come unto a councell (Henningh nameth not the place) and there it was pro∣pounded to ordain a new feast-day. Only Proles spoke against it, because (sayd he) Christian people ar made free by the blood of Christ, and yet are burdened with a multitude of traditions. The Pope and others would have had him to change that language: but he said, I will never think other∣wise. Wherefore the Pope did excommunicat him. But he regarded not

the sentence, and returned home; and then he told, how he was in many dangers by the way, that if the hand of God had not preserved him from many who were set by the Pope against him, he could not have escaped. Many were moved with the mans zeal, and began to vilifie the sentence of excommunication. He lived a yeare, speaking more frequently against the errours of the Church: and then Ernest Bishop of Magdeburgh did solicite, that he might be absolved. The Pope did yeeld upon condition, that Pro∣les should come unto the Pope, and a conduct was sent unto him. He went; and when he was nere unto Rome, a Cardinal (who had been of the same Augustinian Order) meeteth him, and told him, what was the Popes mind to wards him; no good. Wherefore the olde man thought it safer to returne; and by the way died at Ciclembach An. 1510, and was buried in the monasterie of the Augustinians.

4 John hilten a Monk of Isenac in Thuringia spoke against the errours of his brethren: they conspire against him, and shut him up in prison. * 1.74 When he becam sick, he entreats them to pitie him, because of his bodily infirmitie. They dealt never the more mercifully with him. He said then, I have said litle or nothing against you: but a bout sixteen years hence (this was spoken about An. 1500) one shal come, who shal oppose monks, and yee shal not be able to resist him. Catol. test. ver. ex Philip. Melan. in Apolog. cap. devotis Monast.

5. Wolfgang aitinger a Clerk of Ausburgh about the year 1500 wrote Commentaries on the prophecies of Methodius: where he oft taxeth the vices of the priests, namely, the neglect of their Office, that they did nei∣ther teach, nor ad minister the sacraments, but did hire Vicares to supplee: he said also, The seat of Antichrist is not the literal, but the spirituall Babylon.

6. Sebastian Brand, at that time Pastour of S. Marie's the cathedrall Church of Erford, preached against the indulgences in this manner; Deare friends, on this Whitsunday wee lay forth our wares unto you: but here is an uncouth merchant, bragging, that he hath better wares [meaning the seller of pardons]: when he is gone, wee will lay forth ours again. And against satisfactions he said, We have some who will goe to Church, and pray, sing, mutter the hours, and say Masse for us; but who will goe to hell for us? He said also, The time is at hand, when yee shall hear the gospell read out of the booke it self: some of you will see that time: but I will not live so long. For these and such other words, he was forced to flee, and went to Magdeburgh.

7. Bernard Lublinensis wrot unto Simon a Printer in Cracow An. 1505; commending a Chronicle of Bohem writen by John Pilsensis, and having spoken of many rites and changes in the world, which some doe approve, and others condemn; he saith, Albeit the simplicitie of faith may easily make us free from these toies, that wee may believe these things to be godly, which they that sit in Moses Chaire doe command; yet the minds of men can not be tied, but they will search out truth, that the un∣derstanding may attain it's proper object: if this searching make us guiltie of sin, into what miserie are Christians brought; which dare not for the decrees of men professe truth itself, when it is found! If any man in Zeal of religion dar say, the Bishop of Rome and others with him have litle re∣garde unto the Church, these flatterers say, What? will thou, caitife, open thy mouth against heaven. darst thou mutter against the Pope, who is most holy, and a God on earth? But if the same which ar called most holy,

will set not their mouth only, but their hands and feet against heaven, and if when they kill men, they imagine, that they are doing service to God, they are so far from speaking against them, that they doe commend and magnify their wicked deeds; and if one will speak otherwise, hee shall feele the fire. But in these miseries, I have only one refuge, that I will believe in Christ, and put all my trust in him: as for the rites and inventions of men, I wil so long bear with them, as they are not contrary unto the honour of God, yet so that they be inferiour unto the Commands of God and his Gospell, without which man can not be saved: therefore I believe not, that all things, which men condemn, are condemned with God; nor that all things are holy, which they call holy: for God judgeth other∣wise than man judgeth.....It is impossible that all the World can obey one man: it is enough, if they believe in Christ. Behold, I have writen unto thee my thoughts: I will stand for nothing, except the faith of Christ, &c. Catal. test. Ver. lib. 19. Philip. Mornae. hath the same, but more briefly.

8. After the Councel at Pisa, Philippus Decius a Lawier of Millain de∣fended the lawfulness of that Councel against the Pope; that seing the Pope is obdured in Simony, and infamous for most corrupt manners, the power of calling a Councel returns unto the Cardinals: which is the most ready remedie in such a necessity; especially seing the authority of the Emperour and of the most Christian King and the consent of the Clergie of Italy and Germany doe all concurre in one; and it is according to the pra∣ctise and Acts of the Councels at Constance and Basile. Pope Pius V. caused Thomas Manricus revise and gheld or mangle that book, as may bee seen, in Biblioth. Possevini.

9. The Waldenses have been often mentioned, and their doctrin hath * 1.75 been related from the report of others: now in the year 1508. these of Bohem being accused before their King Vladislaus, and fearing a persecu∣tion, sent unto him the Confession of their faith with an apologeticall suppli∣cation. Because I have seen this Confession in Fasciculo rerum expetendarum & fugiendar. only, and so it is not common, I think good to insert it heer; Most glorious King, and our most gracious Lord, Wee afflicted men, and humbly subject unto your Majesty, and falsly cloathed with a contemptible name; doe first declare our humble request, and also our earnest desire of your long health with the increase of every good thing, and freedom from every evill in your happie Empire, even at it is our duty to wish unto your Highnesse. Wee declare unto your Excellencie, that heer∣tofore your Grace's Write is come unto us, not by common rumor only, but by actuall deed also into many of our hands: in which Wrire, by the accusation of our enemies, which have unjustly given forth their Sentence of wicked judgement against us, wee understand that wee ar called wicked and ungodly men, seducers of ignorant people, and through the craft of the Devill more noisom, than the false nation of Turks,.....Wherefore wee most humbly pray, that your pietie would patiently heare us for the justice of God, and for his mercies sake, which wee wish continually that God would give unto you: and what wee shall now write, you may wirhout doubt think, that every point thereof comes from the sincerity of our heart: for what wee believe in our heart before God, that doe wee in this manner professe with our mouth. First wee with a believing mind have received this, in which now for some space wee having continued, doe intend constantly to persevere with a stable mind and free intention, to wit; All the truth of faith revealed by the Holy Ghost, and then by the H. Ghost

layd up in the Scriptures, and briefly summed up in the Creed of the Apostls, and also really keept by the primitive Church; and confirmed by signes, miracles, sinceer teaching and martyredom; and lastly diligently explai∣ned by the Nicene Councel, by the Bishop Athanasius and many Teachers against hereticks: this faith wee confesse to be necessary, even in this age, for the salvation of our souls. So lively faith is the universal fundation of mens salvation, which faith is by the gift of the Holy Ghost bestowed princi∣pally and by the merite of Christs grace, is ministerially preached in the Church by the voice of the Gospel and word of truth, and is exemplarly confirmed by the Holy Sacraments. We believe and confesse constantly (while we live) by the same fountain of faith that the authour of faith and giver of Salvation is God almighty, one in the substance of Godhead, but three in Persons, the Father, Sonne, & Holy Ghost, one God blest for ever. By this faith wee believe of God the Father, wee believe God the Father, and in God the Father. We believe of God the Father, that he begetteth his only Son, eternally, whom of his mercy he hath given unto the World for redemption & salvation; by whose merite the only Father worketh salvation according to the purpose of his own election. By the same faith wee believe God the Father, when we doe acquiesce upon his testimony, which came down from heaven concerning his beloved Sonne, This (said he) is my beloved Sonne, hear him. Which also the blessed and ever unviolate Virgin Mary, said with a suitable mind, VVhatsoever (said she) my Sonne shall say unto you, doe it. With the lyke faith wee say also, that his commandements are faithfull and true and of God, that who ever of ripe age living in faith shall forsake these, can no way attain salvation through Christ. Wee believe in God the Father, when wee knowing that he is the almighty maker of heaven and earth, love him with our heart, and really keep his commandements according to our knowledge and po∣wer. The Catholick faith, which wee have once received from God, maketh us believe of Christ, believe Christ our Lord, and in Christ: Wee believe and professe of Christ the eternall wisdom. that he is the true and only God, equall in Godhead with the Father and Holy Ghost, in power, wisdom, and that he is eternall life, proceeding from the Father by perpe∣tuall generation, by whom he made the world. Who, to fulfill the pro∣mise made unto the Fathers, came personally from the high heavens for the salvation of the Nations, was inclosed in the wombe of the Virgine, in the fulness of time seen on earth, cruelly racked on the cross, when Pilate was President of Judea, and with his holy blood gave up the ghost: when he was taken off the cross, he was layd in a rock ye grave, and on the third day was raysed from sweet sliep: and lastly on the fourtieth day being taken up in a cleare cloud, we believe that he reigneth at the right hand of the Father, to wit, in a most honorable place and most worthy unto him, that all the desires of our heart and all the confidence of our hope may be lifted unto that glory prepared by his blood: which sitting on the throne of grace, plea∣deth as a faith full Advocate for them who shall enioy the inheritance of glorie: He leaveth not his Church (for which he offered him self unto death) destitute of grace, vertue and aid by his free gift, which [Church] he preserved diligently in the dayes of his flesh: unto him every knee of things that live in heaven, on earth and under the earth, is so subject, that they should worship and reverence the Sonne with the same glorie, ho∣nour and majesty, as God the Father, and confesse with their toungs that he sits in his glorie and seat of the majesty of his Father, Nor shall he at an

time descend, untill al contrary Nations being made subject under his feet, bee at last consumed with everlasting damnation. Wee believe Christ Jesus, when wee say, that his commandements, which oblidge us to be∣lieve in him, trust and love him for attaining the eternall life of glory, are true & faith full. And we believe in Christ, when knowing him to be our God and Saviour, wee doe imbrace all his words with full faith; and lo∣ving him with perfect love, are united with his true members in faith & love. Lastly by vertue of the same faith, which we intend to hold unto our last breath, wee firmly believe of the Holy Ghost, wee believe the Holy Ghost, and in the Holy Ghost: Of the Holy Ghost, that he is the one true God with the Father and the only begotten Sonne, distinguished in this only, that he proceeds from both: by vertue of which faith quickning, renewing & reforming, every one attaineth the participation of Christs meritorions grace, justification, truth, fortitude and perfect salvation: by which [Spirit] also the Holy Church is grounded in the faith of Christ, against which the gates of hell are not able to prevaile: which also by the same Spirit in the members of true faith he washeth, justifieth, sanctifieth, ordereth, governeth, gathereth, strentheneth & fructifieth: As also by the same Spirit were the Holy Scriptures inspired, and are known: by him the members of the Church are vnited: from him are the gifts of ruling the Church and many other things which by the same Spirit are made perfect unto the life of glory. Wee believe the Holy Ghost, when wee fully consent unto the Divine Scriptures or Apostls of God. Wee believe in the Holy Ghost, when with clear knowledge and unfained faith wee love him, and with the members inspired by him, wee keep his revealed truth unto eter∣nall glory. By the same fulness of formed faith wee believe, that the holy Catholick Church in respect of the foundation of lively faith, is the number of all the elect from the beginning of the world unto the end thereof, whom God the Father in Christ by his Spirit hath chosen, justifieth, cal∣leth unto the glory of salvation, and magnifyeth; without which is no salvation unto man. But in respect of ministry and dispensations, wee believe that the holy Catholick Church is the congregation of all Mini∣sters and people subdued by obediente, obeying the will of God, from the beginning of the world unto the end of it, whom God only sendeth inspi∣red by his Spirit, giving them the word of truth, peace & reconciliation, that they may bring forth the fruit of salvation in the unity of the Church, and their travell be not disappointed of the saving reward: whose names and number He only knoweth, because he hath writen them in the book of life. That first Church hath none, that shal be damned, and the other is mixed untill the appointed time of the last judgement. But the Church of ma∣lignants seekes them that are of that evil one, whom Satan sendeth in this time of mortall life, to the perdition of the world, and tryall of the elect. On this Church all the curses and sad things, that Christ & his Apostls have foretold, shall be heaped, to wit, that they who are unworthy of ecclesi∣astical honour, may rule over them by their power; The promises also of renovation are fulfilled in her. And yet wee arrogate not so much unto us as that we would be called, or bee the only Catholick Church, as if salvation were to be found with us only: but wee endeavour with all diligence to be partakers of the ecclesiasticall truth; and wee are afraied to be subject unto orobey evill workers, whom wee find to be enmies of the Church and its truth, for fear of everlasting damnation, and for obedience unto Christ, and because they doe minde, speak and doe unto his Church things contra∣ry

unto his law. Wherefore wee willingly endure oppression, tauntings, and calumnies, for the salvation of our souls: for un less Holy fear, and the horrour of hell did withhold us, we would embrace the liberty of the world with it's vanities, wherin one may live as he listeth: But wee would rather choose the strait, derided and sad way, in which our Redeemer Christ, and the Church (his spouse condemned by the world, and despised, yet fol∣lowing the example of Christ) have walked, than to taste and follow the momentany pleasures of the world. The first and chief ministry of the Church is the Gospell of Christ, whereby grace and truth (that were pain∣fully purchased by the torment of the cross) is revealed, which grace is given for salvation by the Holy Ghost and God the Father unto the Elect, which are called by the gift of faith. Another necessary ministry of the Church, wee declare to be the word of teaching, by which the saving truth is known in the sense of faith: through which knowledge the life of grace and glory is administred unto the men of good desire. Likewise wee declare, that the seven sacraments are useful unto the Church of Christ, by which [Sacraments] the promises of God are signified to be fulfilled unto believing people, and by them entrance into the Church of God for keeping unity among them, that walk unto glory, is ministred. Faith, which God gives, causeth us think of baptisme the first Sacrament, these things: whosoever of ripe age, by hearing Gods word, believeth, and believing is renewed in soul, and is enlightened, such by outward washing for argument of inward cleanness attained by faith, should be baptized in the name of the Father, Sonne and Holy Ghost, into the vnity of the holy Church. Our profession is also exten∣ded unto children, which by the decree of the Apostles (as Dionysius writes) should be baptized, and then by the guidance of their God-fathers being instructed in the law of Christ, should be invited unto, and accusto∣med with the life of faith. By faith received out of the Holy Scriptures, wee professe, that in the dayes of the Apostls this was observed; whoesover in their young years had not received the promises of the gifts of the Holy Ghost, such did receive [them] by prayer and imposition of hands, for confir∣mation of aith. Wee thinke the same of infants. Whosoever being baptized, shall come to the true faith, which he purposeth to follow through adversi∣ties and reproaches, so that new birth appeareth in his spirit and life of gra∣ce, such a one should be brought unto the Bishop or priest, and being demanded of the truths of faith, and of Gods commandements, and of his good will and constant purpose, and works of truth, and shall testify by confession, that all these things are so, such a one is to be confirmed in the hope of attained truth; and he is to be helped by the prayers of the Church, that the gifts of the Holy Spirit may be increased in him for the constancy and warrefare of faith; and finally for confirming the promises of God, and the truth that he hath, he may be associated into the Church by laying on of hands in vertue of the name of the Father, of the Word and of the Holy Spirit. By this faith, which we have drunk from the Holy Scriptures, we believe and confesse with our mouth; Wheresoever a wor∣thy priest with believing people, according to the mind and purpose of Christ, and order of the Church, shall shew forth his prayer with these words, This is my bodie, and, This is my blood, immediatly the present bread is the body of Christ, which was offered unto death for us; and so the present wine is his blood shed for the remission of sins. This profes∣sion of our faith is confirmed by the words of Christ, which are written by the Evangelists and Holy Paul. Unto this profession may be added; this body of Christ, and his blood, should according to the institution of Christ

and his Church, should be taken in both kindes of bread & wine, in re∣membrance of his death, and of his blood shed, as he said, Doe this in re∣membrance of mee. Then this death of Christ, (as it is declared in the Gospel) and the fruits of his death should be preached; as also the hope of his blood shed, as the Apostle witnesseth, saying, So oft as ye eat of this bread, and drink of this cup, ye shall shew forth the Lords death, untill He come. Thirdly according to the sure knowledge of spiritual truth, of which the Euangelist John doth write; as also for assurance of giving, taking, using and of truth, by faith in hope, as the Lord saith, Take, and eat; Take, and drinke. Fourthly for the conjunct use: for according to the in∣stitution and practise of Christ, and the primitive Church, the Priest should then administer, when the necessity of believers requireth, and he should receive with them, as He saith, Doe yee this in remembrance of mee. And Paul saith, The cup which we blesse, is it not the communication of the blood of Christ? and the bread which we break, is it not the partaking of the body of Christ? for wee many are one bread and one body, who are partakers of that one bread and one cup. Fifthly for distinction of believers from the unbelievers and unworthy; and for excommunication and rebuke of those, who being defiled with the spot of vices, do refuse to amend. Of this saith Paul, I would not have you partakers with the Devils: yee can not drinke of the cup of the Lord and the cup of Devils. And again he saith, Put away the evill from yourselves: for if any who is called a brother among you, be covetous, or a fornicator, or an idolater, or a dronkard, or a railer, or a thief, with such a one eat ye not. Behold, this is our faith, (most Gracious King) concerning the body and blood of Christ; which as we are afraid to change, or forsake these things, which our Lord JESUS hath been pleased to testifie, and for which end we doe now declare it; so neither dare we add any thing unto it, which the Lord of the Sacrament hath not added; as also the primitive Church, which follo∣wed Christ in poverty and affliction, in singleness of heart, hath not altered the ordinances of his law. Concerning this Sacrament, which our Lord through his great mercy, hath ordained for love of his elect, have many contentions arisen, in opinions, expositions, and addition of sanctions [or decrees] so that contrary unto the intention of the Lord's institution, they have furiously raged against others, even to take away their lives. But we for eschuing so great mischief, have our refuge unto the faith of Christ, even unto his words, and meaning, so often repeated in his word; so that what He commanded to believe, we do believe it simply; and what He hath commanded to do, we would do it faith fully: truly we doe not only believe that that bread is His body, which being taken, and blessed and broken, He testifieth to be his body; but also if He had taken a sto∣ne, and said, This is my body: we would have fully believed it. Becau∣se of this our simple faith, and because we will not suffer ourselves to forsa∣ke it for the opinion of men, wee are called hereticks: likwise for the actu∣all use, unto which the word of Christ and his Apostles, and the example of the work of the same sacrament doe invite us, because we doe and use it so, with upright faith in remembrance of the death of Christ, wee are con∣demned, judged worthy of prison, and are afflicted: for wee being tied unto Christs command, and dissuaded by his forbidding, doe worship him with reverence and honour due unto him, and we feare to worship any other thing as him only sitting at the right hand, with the Father and the Holy Ghost. Wherefore, gracious King, let your highness understand, that we do so, not in contumacy or any contempt, but for feare of God, and in

obedience unto him: and wee pray, that your Highness would shew com∣passion on us, who are condemned for the faith of Christ, as wee wish that the most High would of his grace be pleased to preserve and keep your honour from his wrath. By the same faith we believe, that the ordination of priests is truly from the high Bishop and great priest; that in stead of the embassage of Christ, the ministery, preaching of the gospell, doctrine, judging; offering of prayers by men, thanksgivings, and praises may be done unto God by them; And it is from God unto men, that the promise of God may be verified in hope of the received true faith, and by excommu∣nication, the wicked may be debarred from that good. And by the same faith wee confesse, that the promises of God may be verified in hope of the received true faith, and by excommunication, the wicked may be debarred from that good. And by the same faith wee confesse, that they who intend to ordain others should follow the example of Christ, and should consum∣mate his ambassage with a right mind, without respect of persons, free from covetousness and simony. By the same faith we declare, that they which are to be ordained or promoted to higher or inferior orders, should excell other believers in a godly life and faith in Christ: for a lively faith sancti∣fieth, and maketh fit unto all offices, and possesseth the blessing, and life: for good works of an honest conversation are the garments and ornaments of a priest, to the glory of the heavenly Father, and example of the people, and shew the vertue of the word: they should also have more aboundant gifts of the Holy Spirit, to wit, more servent love toward Christ, confidence of their own and their nieghbours salvation, trust in God, equity of mind, a wholsome feeling of faith in a good conscience, theire feet prepared unto the Gospell of peace, prudence of Spirit, knowledge of Gods law, dis∣cerning of Spirits, and the like. What clerck soever by such an ordination is advanced unto the priesthood, wee professe, that such an ordination is a Sa∣crament, because it is a signe of the true priesthood of Christ Jesus, and of his ordination by God the Father; and a forme of the ministry as of the head of his Church, to offer unto God the incense of truth in Christ. Wee approve, that three things are necessary unto the full gradation of a presbyter; first the the triall of his life, faith, gifts and fidelity in lesser things that are intrusted unto him: another, prayers with fasting: thirdly, the giving of power with words suitable there unto, and the imposition of hands for corroboration. By faith wee doe testify, that marriage is a lawfull, honest, and decent union (in Christ) of twoe persons, man and woman, keeping a chast bed without breach: and it is a signe of a great truth, to wit, the coupling of Christ with the Church and a believing soul. By faith wee affirme, that if God give a contrite and humbled heart for sin, unto a falling sinner having the true faith of Christ, and if with heart and mind, and really he repent of his former sins; such a one being so truly disposed; if he find a presbyter able to discerne good from evill, and whose lips preserve the knowledge of Gods law, he should reveale uprightly unto such a priest his sins by confession, by whom (as a judge ruling in stead of God and the Church) according to the law of the Lord the weight of the fault may be rightly discerned, to the end, he may be ashamed, and being corrected he may have advice of repen∣tance unto reformation of himself; and being either loosed or bound by Christs keyes, he may obey humbly, and that such humble contrition of the heart is a sacrament, that is, a signe of true grace bestowed on the repen∣tant. But if there be not a heart contrite, humbled, through faith abhorring vice, and an afflicted Spirit, embracing the will of God, and also confession

with relaxation of the fault, and moreover if fained satisfaction be added, wee pronounce it to be a vain signe and void of the grace of Christ. The anointing of the sicke containes two things in it; first, a cause of a more ready approaching unto the diseased: for this it is not a sacrament: the other is the thing signified by that unction, which is given by God in Christ: for which thing prayer especially should be made in true faith, that it may be given un∣to the sick believer, as blessed James commandeth, saying, Is any sick a∣mong you? let him call for the Elders of the Church, and let them pray for him, anointing him in the name of God, and the prayer of the faithfull shall save him, and the Lord wil relieve him; and if he be in sins, they shall be forgiven him: By faith of the sick the signe of unction assures him of the forgiveness of sins. When wee have declared the faith of the Catholick Church, and her truth, by which truth holiness is given unto her, it re∣maines to declare by the same certainty of faith, the communion of Saints. The communion of the Saints is, when the members of the Holy Church doe for common benefite, use the good, free, saving and administring grace of God, which is given without repentance; and they exercise themselves ac∣cording to the grace of God given unto them, to the common utility of others. It is cleare then, that the elect only are partakers of true faith, grace and righteousness in Christ, by his merite, unto the glory of e∣ternall salvation, as also they receive the sacraments to the evidence of faith: albeit they have been seduced, yet damnation shall not ceize u∣pon them. But the wicked of unformed faith, albeit they communicate truly in the Sacraments, digniries, administrations and publick man∣ners, if they he destitute of true faith, they communicate unworthily as hypocrites; and if they follow the erroneous, by their leading they fall into seduction and deceit: By faith of Christs grace wee pronounce freely, that who communicateth with a lively faith, by the same he attaineth, through Christ, true remission of his sins; and also because he partaketh of the Sacra∣ments of the Church, he getteth by the same faith and certainty, the relaxa∣tion of crimes: and at the time of the last judgement in the resurrection, the glorification of his soul, Amen. The Letter which they sent with this Con∣fession is worthy of reading. But for brevity, I omit it. When the Confession was delivered, their adversaries ceased not to accuse them still, as if they had writen, otherwise then they did believe, or practize: and so the King went on in cruelty against them. Wherefore they sent another Apologie: where in they tooke God to witness of the injuries done unto them by their adversaries, and that they had writenin singleness of heatt, nor did their tongue dare to speak what their heart did not believe. There also they ex∣presse them selves more clearly in some particulares; as concerning the Eu∣charist they say, Wee do not only believe and confesse, that the bread is the naturall bodie, and the wine is the naturall blood sacramentally, but also that the bread is the Spirituall bodie, and the wine is the Spirituall blood, And to believe this, we are induced by the saying of the Apostle Paul, The bread which we break is it not the communion of the body of Christ? and the cup.....? for wee that are many are one bread and one bodie: for wee are partakers of one bread and of one cup......The Redeemer of mankind hath commanded to take, eate, and to doe that in remembrance of him; but no command is given unto believers, to worship the sacramental subsistence of Christ's body and blood: for Christ gave unto his disciples sitting, what they should use; and they obeying him, did eat and drink, but did not worship the sacrament. And the Apostles, and their successours, for a long space of time went to the

houses of believers, and break the bread with joy: and certainly they did not worship the sacrament; nor in so doing did they erre, nor were called hereticks. But they did worship the personall subsistence of Christ at the right hand of the Father. And unto the true worshippers of the Divine Ma∣jesty it is commanded in both the Testaments, the old and new, to worship and adore Christ very God and Man, not in the sacramentall existence, but in his naturall and personall subsistence at the right hand of his Father, For the old Testament (as the triumpher over Satan tempting him, remem∣breth) saith, It is wrtiten, Thou shall worship the Lord thy God, and him only shall thou serve. The vessell of election explaines the New, when he saith, God hath exalted him, and given him a name which is a bove every name, that at the name of JESUS every knee should bowe....The in∣carnat truth confirmes this, when he saith, That all men should honour the Sonne as they honour the Father. But none doeth worship the Father in any creature, but only in heaven, as that prayer published by Christ testifieth, Our Father which art in heaven, &c. In the words following (because they were accused, that they did not worship the Virgine Mary nor the Saints) they shew, that they did esteem of the Virgine, as blessed above all women, not only for that she was sanctified, but also for that the Sonne of God did assume a body of her body; and they esteem of all them who were sanctified by faith in the grace of God through Christs merite, and so as blessed of God they doe honour them with due honour, they love them, and would follow them, but they can not give them more honour, than Gods word directs them.

10. When Ernest, Archb. of Magdeburgh was a dyng An. 1511. his Chaplain Clemens Schaw and two Franciscans were by him, and one of the Franciscans said, Famous Prince, be of good confort, wee will com∣municate unto your Highness not only all our good works, but likewise of all the Order of the Minorites: and without doubt, when you have these, you shall stand just and blessed before the throne of God. Ernest answered, By no means will I trust either in mine own works, or in yours: but the works of Christ only are sufficient. Catalog. Test. ver. lib. 19. ex Cl. Schaw.

11. John Picus, Lord of Mirandula and Earle of Concordia, was about that time admired for his learning: his books began to be printed An. 1504. He wrote 900 Propositions, which he defended in publick disputations at Rome: amongst them, were these following; The true body of Christ is in heaven locally, and on the altar sacramentally. By the power of God one body can not be in diverse places at once. Consecration is not made precise∣ly by these words, Hoc est corpus meum, unless the antecedent words be added, The Lord Jesus in the night he was betrayed.....Neither the cross nor any image is to be adored with the worship of latria, no nor as S. Thomas expresseth it. The Doctours condemned these Theses: And he wrote an Apologie, defending them to be Catholick; especially concerning the sa∣crament he said, The body of Christ may be present without any conver∣sion or annihilation of the bread. He said, May be, and not, is present, to eschue their bonds: without doubt he had spoken more plainly, if he could have done it freely. In an epistle unto the Emperour Maximilian An. 1500. he saith, With such faith and piety as I can, I beseech thee, that with all diligence thou wouldest accomplish that thy most Holy purpose, to restore the Christian Republick unto the antient liberty: it is wasted by outward ene∣mies, and torne by inward; and the sheepfold of Jesus Christ, which was consecrated by his blood, hath suffered, and dayly suffereth farr worse from

wolves under sheepskins, then under their own colours: Go-on then, most worthy Caesar, and excite Christian Kings by what means thou canst, and shew thyself a faithfull servant unto Christ the King of all Kings, who will quickly deliver his sheep, as wel from outward enemies as from false shepherds. In time of the conflict of the two Councells of Pisa and Late∣ran, hee handled that question, Whether in the cause of faith, a Pope should be preferred before a Councell, or contra? and said according unto the Glos∣se of the Decree dist. 19. c. Anastasius, where it is said, The Pope should in matter of faith seek a Councell: and therefore the Synode is more than a Pope. And he adds, Wherefore the archdeacon of Bononia approving the glosse said, It is dangerous, to make our faith subject unto the pleasure of any man: and so said Bernard, What greater pride! one man to prefer his judgement before all the world. And when he had shewed his judgement, that the greater number should be preferred before the lesser, caeteris paribus, he addeth, But if the greater part would decern any thing against the word of God, or against these things that should not be violat, and a smaller number opposeth them, wee should cleave unto the lesser number, as in the Councell of Arimino, and the second at Ephesus; yea, we should be∣lieve a Country man or an old wife, rather than a Pope, or a thousand Bishops, if these bee contrary unto the Scriptures, and the former follow the Gospell. Likewise speaking of that question, Whether the Pope and Councells may erre? he saith, It may be easily decided, because he hath already shewed, they may erre from the Scripture: many Councels and Popes have fallen into heresy; it oft hapneth, that he who is accounted President of the Church, hath not dutifully discharged his presidence; and somtimes he can not be President at all, seing it is recorded, that in former time a wo∣man was Pope; and I remember of a learned man, who in our age had attained great esteem of religiousness, and taught (albeit not altogether publickly) that hee who was chosen Pope at that time, was not Pope....and I remember of another, who was received and adored as Pope, whom good and worthy men thought neither to be Pope, nor that he could be Pope, for he believed not that there was a God! and they did testify of his most wicked deedsin buying the papacy, and exercising all kind of wicked∣nes; yea and they declared his most wicked words: for it was affirmed, that he confessed unto his familiar friends, that he believed there was no God, even since hee was ruler of the Papall See, I heard of another Pope, who in his time sayd unto his friends, he believed not the immortality of souls; and when hee was dead, he appeared unto the same man, and said, that to his great losse, and by everlasting fire, he had found or knew, that souls are immortall Ph. Morn. in Myster. This John had an oration in the Councell at Lateran before Pope Leo X. wherein he spake freely of a necessity of Re∣formation, because of their corrupt manners, their adulterate Lawes and canons, their decaied religion, even among the chiefest of them. God∣liness (said he) is almost turned into superstition, righteousness into ha∣tred or favour, and men of all Estates doe sin openly so that vertue is oft blamed in good men, and vice honoured in place of vertue, especially by those who would have (as it were) the walls and hedges of their own cri∣mes and strange insolency and contumacy unpunished. These maladies, these sores thou must heal, o great highpriest: or if thou refuse to cure them, I fear, lest he, whose crown thou holdest on earth, cut off and de∣stroy the infected members, not with fomentations, but with fire and sword: I think verily, that He gives certain signs of his future medicine by

pestilence, famine and bloody warrs: at such admonitions and heavenly thunders, wee should have lifted up our ears unto repentance: but wee ra∣ther loose them like the Moores, which become deaf at the continuall noise of Nilus: nor is it any marvell: for Iohn Chrysostom thinks, that all e∣vill procedes from the Church; and Hierom writes, that he had found no man, which had deceived the people but the Priests: If thou wilt reforme and correct these things, willing or unwilling, thou shalt be thought by the Christian world, to haue lifted up a standert of a full Reformation. This thou, o great high priest, shouldest doe, and none other on earth more then thou: and if thou wilt not, remember, I pray thee, that old Priest, who was punished for not punishing the sin of his son: for they who are set over others, should not only be innocent themselves, but resist the nocent, and represse their wickedness. And when he had shewed more particularly, that the conversation of the clergy had very great need of Reformation, he proves the same of their doctrine, and in the end he saith, the Holy Scriptures of both Testaments are to be revised, and corrected according to the antient Copies of the first Originals, that they may be purged from the errours which have crept-in by the carelesness of Writers, or default of times: Solemn cere∣monies, concerning which, some broils have been antiently, are to be brought into some allouwable order, and true histories are to be distinguis∣hed from Apocryphe fables, &c. Orat. Io. Pici in Concil. Lateran. ex Fascic. rer. expetend.

12. Jacobus Faber Stapulensis had then renown for his learning and knowledge in all sciences, especially in Divinity. Aventinus had been his disciple, and testifieth, that he heard him and Clichtoveus say sixe hundred times, that Lombard had troubled the most clear fountain of Divine phi∣losophy with the durt of questions and pudlle of opinions. He wrote Com∣mentaries on the Psalmes, Ecclesiastes, on the four Evangels and the e∣pistes of Paul. His works began to be printed An. 1508, and (as Jo. Sleidan writes) he suffered many grievous persecutions by the Masters of Paris; but the King, by his missives from Spain, exhorted them to spare him. What was his belief in many articles now in controversy, may be guessed by this, that the Authors of the Belgick Jndex Expurgatorius have filled 18 pages with the catalogue of passages, which they have ordained to be blot∣ted out of his books: as out of his Comm. on Mathew, they blot out these words; By faith in Christ only wee look for salvation; The righteous∣ness of works is a Pharisaicall doctrine; Let none say, Peter was that rocke. And on Luke, The grace ofsalvation is due not to works, but of the good∣nes of God only; In very deed not priests, but God doth cleanse; yet they are witnesses; All prayer and adoration belongs unto Him alone. And on Iohn, This faith can not bee without love; He fell down and worshipped: which is a duty to be done unto God only, and the duty of him which con∣fesseth that the Son of God is God; All the Saints are nothing, if the que∣stion be of true worship; Yee believe in God: believe also in mee; Or els he is but an infidell, albeit he think that he believes. But the Authors of the Spanish Index have made a shorter cut: they order to destroy all the Com∣mentary on John, because it can not be wel amended, say they.

13. William Budaeus was Secretary to Francis I King of France: in his fifth book de Asse (which was printed An. 1513.) he describes the estate of the Church at that time, saying; The clergy are worse than the worst of the people in all kind of vice and wantonness: prelats are ignorant and ene∣mies of learning, having no respect to the salvation of souls, but rather

thrusting them down to hell by their false teaching or wicked example. He saw how they sought to abolish the Pragmatica Sanctio: and therefore when he hath shewed that the riches of the present times are not compara∣ble unto the former times, he addeth, except one sort of men, who indeed should not have been excepted; these are the priests, whom now we be∣hold to be the only rich men, almost next unto Kings. And when he had spoken a little satyrically of them, he addeth; Whence hast thou, o France, that liberty to be called most Christian, if as by religion thou didst deserve that honourable name, so by the same religion thou endevoirest not to retain it still? O how would thy enemies clap their hands, and rejoice who do envy thee this Palladium of thy happines & Kingdom, a gift sent unto thee from heaven! which being taken away, or fading from thee, thou canst no more be happy; Beware, I pray thee, that thou bee not to credulous unto these sonnes of the earth, who building honorable estates like unto the Aloidae, seeme to make warre against God, & climbe into the heavens, to wrong them who are above: for by consent of all men, the cause of all these cometh from the head & top of Christendom: who unless he be well disposed, all the inferiour members must draw the causes of disease from him; We see likewi∣se, that godly men do wish; that by providence the pillar of the Church may be amended, or another be sett up more profitable; Neither am I ignorant, that the foundations of this house were layd by a cunning hand on a most firme rock, which by no force can be pulled down, &c. Then he sheweth the abuses of the Church, especially those that proceed from simony, where∣by the government of the Church is altogether diverse from the institution of Christ. He compareth Christ & his Apostles with the Pope and his court, so that he is compelled to say, The Bride hath renounced her Spouse. Then he complaines, that the discipline of the Church, is corrupted by them who should have been the chief maintainers of it, and who can believe, that the men, who have done these things, can acknowledge the good & true faith? who knoweth not, that the choice stones of the sanctuary have been castdoun long since, and dispersed, so that the Majesty of the Church being ruined, now the Spouse of Christ forgetting her marriage-bond, not only hath left her husband, but shamelesly hath been wandring in the broad waies & streets licenciously, & gone a whooring thorough Provinces? who know∣eth not, that the sheapherds are become not only deserters, but drivers away of their flockes? What? Have we not seen the most eminent of the praelats behaving themselves so preposterously, so filthily, that they who should have framed all the daunce to grauity & comelynes, have altogether abhorred the comelynes of order, &c. The Jesuits of the Spanish Jndex Expurg. have ordained all such passages to be blotted out. In his secound book De Translat Hellenism, he saith, O if we had but the relicqus and ashes of the old faith, which now is almost buried. From which faith God hath called some of his stewards faith full who being full of Divine courage, of godly emula∣tion, of the Spirit, of God, have been a glory & ornament of the Church; But now and even of a long tyme the Church is a wasted house; having no co∣lour nor shew of that religion, which Christ taught, if we judge of the universality by the greatest part.

14. Iacohus Almainus Doctour of Divinity, in his book printed at Colen, De potestate Pontificis (against Thomas de vio, aliàs Cardinal Cajetan the Legate of Leo X.) writeth particularly of indulgences, saying; The power of binding & loosing seemeth not to be extended unto them that are in purgatory. seing wheresoever promises are made in the Scriptures, or

grace is promised, it is alwayes said, on earth; as whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth, &c. and it is never spoken of these who are departed this lofe. Thence it followeth, saith he, That the souls in purgatory can not be delivered from punishment by indulgences, albeit they may be by prayers.

15. John Tritemius was at this time Abbas Spanhemiensis: he had many bickerings with the monkes. In one epistle he calleth the priests con∣temners of the Holy Scriptures: in another he complaineth, that Aristotle was more preached in pulpits, then Christ. In his answer unto the 8. questi∣ons of the Emperour Maximilian, he hath these propositions: If there be any salvation without Christ, Christ is not the Saviour of all. 2. Seing the Sa∣cred Scripture is the work of God, we must necessarily confesse, it is in all respects perfect: for the great God, whose works are all perfect, hath given unto his Scriptures, such order as he pleased, and without all doubt he inspired his pen men, how they should write Adquaest. 4. 3. The heavenly doctrine is not in the words, but in the meaning of the Scriptures, not in the pages of an hid oration, but in the secret of mysticall inspiration: ibid. 4. Neither hath the Church any authority without the Scripture, nor is faith given unto the Scripture, without the Church: for as Augustin saith, I had not believed the Scriptures, if the authority of the Church, had not moved me; So John Gerson said, I would not believe the Church, if the Gospell did not move me: the Church confirmeth the Scripture, and is confirmed by the Scripture: when the Church doubteth, she hath recourse unto the advice of the Scriptures: for the same Spirit of God hath founded the Church on the faith of Jesus Christ, and he only hath inspired the Scriptures: This is the three fold cord, which is not easily broken: when the Holy Scripture is by the Holy Spirit coupled with the authority of the Church, so that the Scriptures commend the Church, and the Church commendeth the Scripture. 5. Some men think, that the Holy Scripture is in many things confused and imperfect, and yet if they would read it with due purity of mind, they would find it very perfect & solid. At last he concludeth; The authority of any Ca∣tholik Church (not of any particular Church) is great, which only in the doubts concerning faith, hath place to expound the Scriptures [to wit, out of the Scriptures themselves, which are perfect, as he said before] unto whom speaking according to the Scriptures, the neckes of all powers are subject, &c,

An. 1516. died the worthy Carmelite Baptista Mantuanus, a Poet of such same, that he is aequalized unto the antient Poets, as Bostius writeth un∣to Burellus. In many places he describeth the estate of Rome, to wit, he pro∣fesseth his own affection toward that Church, in Fast. lib. 12. saying,

Et licet his olim nugis juveniliter aures Praebuerim: tamen ut melius cum tempore factum Judicium, lis haec mihi perniciosa videri Caepit, & ex gravium cuneis abigenda virorum.

In his Eclog. 9. he describeth the City, thus;

Mille lupi, totidem vulpes in vallibus istis Lustra tenent, & quod dirum ac mirabile dictu est, Ipse homines (hujus tanta est violentia coeli) Saepe lupi effigiem moresque assumere vidi, Inque suum saevire gregem, multâque madere Caede sui pecoris: factum vicinia ridet, Nec scelus exhorret, nec talibus obviat ausis.

Saepe etiam miris apparent monstra figuris, Quae tellus affecta malis influxibus edit. Saepe canes tantam in rabiem vertuntur, ut ipsos Vincant caede lupos, & qui tutela fuerunt Hostiles i••eunt animos, & ovilia mactant.

And in his first book Sylvarum after along catalogue of the impieties of Rome, he saith, Singula texentem convitia deseret aetas,

Tantum ac tale tuae est impietatis onus. Romanis Pater est Mavors, lupa Martia nutrix: Haec hominum mores ingeniumque docent. Vivere qui sanctè cupitis, discedite: Romae Omnia cùm liceant, non licet esse pium.

And in Fast. libr. 2. he directeth his speech unto Pope Leo X.

Sed tria praesertim restant curâ atque labore Digna tuo: bellum est primum, quae fessa laborat Italia, & pleni humano jam sangnine campi. Est aliud; Romana gravi maculata veneno Curia, quae spargit terras contagia in omnes. Postremum, est oppressafides, expósta rapinis Vndique, & in praedam populis subjecta cruentis: A te haec subsidium magnis clamoribus orant: Sancte Pater, succurre Leo: Respublica Christi Labitur, agrotatque fides jam proxima morti.

17. The University of Padua in their determination for the divorcement of Augustinus Furnarius a Noble man of Genua, did hold that those things which appertain unto the law of God, are not subject unto the power of the Romish Pope, and that in these things the Pope is not the Vicar of Christ, but only in such things that are committed unto the jurisdiction of men. Corn. Agrippa in Apolog. §. 2.

18. Cornelius Agrippa Count a Niettesheim & Doctor utriusque Juris became afterwards counseller unto Charls V. Emperour. Albeit he continue pro∣fessing himself to be a member of the Romish Church, and wrote despite∣fully of Martin Luther, yet in sundry of his works he dissembleth not the estate of the Romish Church. An. 1510. he had a declamation against di∣verse abuses of the Church, and in defence of his declamation he wrote a book which he calleth De vanitate scientiarum & artium: in which his pur∣pose is to shew that no where, no not in the Pope, nor in Scholastik Theolo∣gy is there any Divine solidity, but only in the word of God: and in proof heer of as he taxeth the faults of all studies and Arts, so he concealeth not the vices of priests, monks, Bishops, Cardinals and Popes, as elsewhere I have touched: especially in cap. 54. he sheweth, that the Doctours of Theology in Lovan do reckon among the canonized Saints Aristoteles, who by killing himself had made himself a sacrifice unto the Devils, and nevertheless they had caused to print a book de Salute Aristot. and they had published another booke de Vita & Morte Arist. with a Theologicall glosse: in the end of which they con∣clude, as John the Baptist was the fore-runner of Christ in things concerning grace, so Aristotle was the forerunner of Christ in other things, &c. In c. 60. he saith, It is not the least part of Religion, that consisteth in the pompe of ce∣remonies, in cloaths, in vessell, candles, bell, organs, concents, odours, sacrifices, gestures, pictures, in the choise of meates, & fastes & such other things that are in singular admiration & adoration of the unlearned people, who receive and take heed only to such things as are before their eyes—.But

as it oft happeneth, that those things which are ordained for remedy, turne to harme, so it comes to passe that by the multiplication of the lawes con∣cerning these caeremonies, Christians are now burdened with too many constitutions, with moe that the Iewes of old: and which is more to be lamented, whereas those rites are neither good nor bad in themselves, people trust more in them, and observe them more praecisely, than the comman∣dements of God; Bishops and priests in the mean time looking on these things, as it were, thorough their fingers, and providing well for their own bellies, &c. But briefly, for rebuking these and such other corruptions in the Church, Agrippa was delated by the Masters of Lovan, unto the Emperour, as an haeretik, he defended himself by a published Apologia: and for examples sake they condemned him of haeresy, because he had said in Cap. 100. The knowledge of the word of God came by no schoole of Philosophers, by no Sorbone of Divines, and by no colledge of Schola∣stiks, but only God and Christ have given it unto us; To which no thing should be added nor paired. Unto this their censure he answered in Apolog. Sect. 23. They think these words offensive unto godly eares, not that they are contrary unto Scriptures or unto the Church, but because it is dis∣sonant from the schooles, who seeme to have decreed, that Philosophy is necessary unto salvation, and they think it all ungodly, that their Aristotle hath not imagined: But if these Propositions be false, the contrary must be true and Catholik, to wit, not God and Christ only, but schooles and Sorbones, and colledges have given us the knowledge of Gods word, and we may against Gods command adde unto, and pair from the canonical Scripture; Who would think that the Magistri of Lovan are so fond & do∣ting, that they will think this proposition Catholike? &c. And in Sect. 34. he said, O Moses, ô Salomon, ô Paul, ô John, ô Christ, ô Church of God, what a Disciple of Satan is this, who forgeth calumnies against the words even of the Holy Scriptures? what will he answer, when he shall stand with me before the throne of Christ to give account, that he hath maliciously detracted from the word of God? surely in that day many of Magistri nostri will rise and say, O Lord in thy name we have boldly slaundered, in thy name we have disputed eagerly; In thy name we have burnt many men confident∣ly; In thy name we have suffred ourselves to be called Masters in Divinity; but Christ will say unto them, I never knew you; &c. This Agrippa is called a Ne∣cromancer: but God will have truth to be justified, even enemies being Judges.

19. Polydorus Vergilius was born in Urbino, and sent by the Pope into En∣gland in the dayes of Henry the VIII. to gather the Peter-pence: because the King saw him a learned man, he wished him to stay, so he became Archdean of Wells. Albeit in his writtings he professeth himself a Papist, yet he con∣demneth the worshipping of images, Tractat. on the Lords Prayer Pag. 2: he maintaines the liberty of mariage unto the priests, de Inv. lib. 5. c. 4. and in the∣se books he sheweth the novelty & vanity of many other abuses of Rome, as I have elsew here noted, and he plainely describeth the matter and manner of the preachin in his daies, saying; John the Baptist preached in the de∣sert of Judaea, our Saviour preached and commanded his Apostles to preach, saying, Goe, teach all nations, and preach the Gospell. Whereof some of our Divines are ashamed, when they preach; or then they are weary of it: for when they have perfunctoriously read a part of the Gospell, as if then people had no more need of instruction; they digresse to their fained quae∣stions, there they wrestle: and as if they were mad, they vexe themsel∣ves, wresting the Holy Scriptures as they please: they corrupt all, they

confound all with their cries: when their fury is allayed, they come to base things, talk of the prices of victuals; of pedlers: lik jests some times they jeere: and for the same are they commended by the foolish people, and this sort of preaching is most frequently used, and most commended; But would to God, oft times they spred not worse: for as no sort of men is so profitable for religion, if they would preach the Truth, so none doe more harme, when they study to preach for to pleas the people: for when they have once gotten the name of holyness, they doe most harm, be∣cause they are most easily believed, as if they would teach nothing, but that men should live better; But some who should preach, teach nothing at all, so that they may justly be called dumbe dogs; So either by vanity or silence, they suffer Christ to be unknown among the people—Some times they prate one thing after another off hand, that like flying birds they wote not themselfes where they will end. de Inven. rer. lib. 5. cap. 9. Again in his treatise de Interpert. Orat. Dom. he saith; We eat the bread of Christ, when we believe, that he is the Son of God, as it is said, he who believeth in me, hath eternall life: and the priests should distribute this bread unto us by preaching; but thou wilt say, how can priests feed so many, seing the greatest part of them is ignorant of letters, and the number of people is infinite? Let us also passe by that, &c. Briefly it is manifest how many things he did not love in the Church then, that the Authours of the Index Expurgatorius have fulled 8 pages, with the catalogue of these things, which now they disallow in that his one work de Invent. rer.

20. At the same time some Cardinals & Bishops incited Lewes II. King of France against the Waldenses (who had continued so many hun∣dred years in these places on this side of the Alpes) as if they were incestu∣ous, witches and haeretiks: and therefore they wished the King to ex∣pell them all without examination. On the othersyde they sent commis∣sioners to declare their innocency before the King. The Cardinals would ha∣ve debarred them from the Kings presence, because the canon-law saith, Haeretiks should not be heard. Lewes answered, If I were to fight against the Turk, I would first hear, what he would say. So he sent for the commis∣sioners of Merindole, and Cabriers: they reverently declared, that they believed the Holy Scripture, and the Creed of the Apostles, but they leaned not to the Pope and his doctrines; if the King shall find other wise, they submit themselves most gladly unto his censure. The King sent one of his Counsellers Adamus Fumaeus, and his confessour N. Parvus à Dominican, to inquire whether it where so, as they had said. They went into these Pro∣vinces, and after due search, they reported, that the Infants among them were baptized, the articles of faith and the law were preached, the Lords day was religiously observed, and the word of God was expounded: they could find no witchcraft, nor whoredom among them, but they had no images in their Churches, nor ornaments of the masse. The King answered with an oath (as afterwards Pope Gregory XIII. said unto his Cardinals concerning the Calvinists) saying, These men are better then I and my people. Jo. Lampad. in Mellif. part. 3. Also Claudius Seisselius Archbishop Taurin. gives them a large testimony of approbation, howbeit he follo∣wing the multitude wrot aganst them.

21. An. 1516. John Major à Scot, & famous Professour of Divinity in Paris, publisheth some propositions, which he handleth more largy on lib. 4. Sentent. dist. 24. quaest. 3. First, the most great high priest hath no temporal government over Kings, &c. 2. If thou say, he succeded unto

Christ, and Christ is Lord of all; thou canst not prove, that Christ accor∣ding to his manhood is Lord of all, seing he said unto Pilat, My Kingdom is not of this World: and albeit the antecedent were granted, the conse∣quent is weak and impossible to be proved: for the Vicar is not of such au∣thority, as his Superiour: and Christ did institute Sacraments, and gave the law of grace, and he may revoke all the positive law of God••, but the Pope may not doe so. 3. If we grant the contrary, then it followeth, Con∣stantin gave nothing unto Silvester, but only restored his own unto him: but the contrary is dist. 96. c. Constantinus & 12. q. 1. c. Futurum. 4. The Popes. confesse that temporal jurisdiction belongeth not unto them, neither will they derogate from the right of Kings. Innocentius III. in cap. Novit de judiciis. and Alexander in C. causam: Qui filii sint legitimi. 5. Many devote Kings, who are canonized by Popes, never acknowledged the Pope of Rome to be their superiour in temporal things, and died in that belief—for earthly power dependeth not upon the Spiritual power of the Pope, as a Centurion on his Colonell, but as two powers that are not subordinate, or whereof the one dependeth not on the other: for a King is not the vassall of the Pope, so neither is the Emperour any way subject unto him. These were not the opinions of one Scote alone, but the common tenentes of France, as is also manifest, because on the 27. day of March An. 1517. was a solemne appellation of the Vniversity of Paris in their general congregation at S. Bernards, for them∣selves and for all who would adhere unto them; by their Proctour Arnulph Monnart, before William Huk Docto. V. I and Dean as an authentik person, because they could not compeare before him to whom they did appeale; wherein they protest that they will attempt nothing against the catholick Church, nor power of the Pope being wel advised; then they declare, that the Papall power maketh not the Pope impeccabilis, that is, such as can not sin, neyther hath leave to sin: and therefore if he command any thing that is not just, he should patiently endure, if it be not done which is wic∣kedly suggested unto him: neyther should obedience be given unto him, if he decree any thing to be established against the preceptes of God, yea just∣ly may he be resisted: But if he be aided with assistance of potent men, who are perhaps deceived with wicked suggestion or no good Counsell, so that he can not be resisted, yet one remedy remaineth by the Law of nature, which no Prince can take away, to wit, the remedy of appellation, which is a kind of defense competent unto every man by the law of God, of nature & ofman; Then they approove the Councells of Constance and Basile, & they do urge the constitutions made in them for reformation of the Church, which was necessary at that time: this they declare particularly, to wit, the remedies against simony, annates, &c. In prejudice where of (say they) Leo X. in a certain assembly within Rome, wee know not how, yet not gathered in the Spirit of the Lord, with whom nothing can be dis∣cerned nor decerned aganst the law of God & Holy Councells; he, I say, gaping after his own lusts & Iucre—;Therefore we, the Rectour & University feeling ourselves burthened, wronged, opprest, doe appeal-from our Lord the Pope, not being well advised in abrogating the ordinances of the said Sacred Councell of Basile & of the pragmatike sanction, in setting forth new statutes, unto a Councell to be lawfully assembled—instantly, more instantly, and most instantly protesting, that we will prosecute this appella∣tion by way of nullity, abuse, iniquity or any other way, that we best may, option remaining unto us, &c. The chieff members of the Uni∣versity did all subscribe solemnely, and their seall was affixed. Fasc. rer. expet. Fol. 34, 35.

22. Vl••ichius Vttenus caused to re print the book of Laurentius Valla against the forged Donation of Constantine, and he prefixed an epistle unto Pope Leo An. 1517, where he saith, Let it come to light, if any thing hath been a long time hid; and let it come with the more confidence, as it is more true, or hath been written the more sincerely. What a booke is this? which other Popes could not endure, because they would not heare the truth.....What doth that concerne you, that they said, It is written against the honour of the Ecclesiasticall estate? or that they said, it speaks amisse of the highpriests? for certainly they were not highpriests, which did forge the Donation of Constantine, because they were not shepheards. Nor was it the Church, that received it, because it was not the Congre∣gation of believers in Christ. For if these had been shepheards, they would have fed Christs sheep, and not invaded and devoured them. And if they had been the Church, certainly they had called the Nations unto life and liberty, and not have drawn Empires and Nations under their yoke.....Certainly, all the most bitter speeches and all the most cruell deeds are justly due unto these high priests, who have forged that detestable crime. And why not? unto robbers, thieves, tyrants. For who is a more violent robber, then he which catcheth so, that he holds no measure in robbing? such were they, who upon the least occasion have gone into infinite boldnesse of robbing; who have sold grace, and for so long a time have set to sale, pardons, dispen∣sations, and bulls of I know not, how many kinds; who have appointed prices for remission of sins, and have purchased gain from the punishments of hell.....who are not content to crave extraordinarily once a year, but sent so oft as they would, to require, some pretending for one thing, and some for another; some at is were for a levie against the Turks, and some to build a temple in Rome unto bl. Peter, and they never doe it. And when they had done all these things, they would be called most blessed and most holy, nor could they suffer a word to be spoken against their manners, much less any thing to be done against them. But if any man had spoken of liberty, or made the least obstacle unto these robbers, they would have raged against him to death, and quickly have undone him.....Therefore they were not shepheards, because they did not save souls, but undid them, and they made the sheep of Christ a ready prey unto the devouring wolves. I say therefore, they were not shepheards, but rather wolues; nor guardians, but trai∣tours and thieves. Wherefore it is lawfull to speak ill of them: for certain∣ly God did not regard them, seing they regarded not the peace of God: and so long an high priest hath not been in the Church, as there hath not been peace......who were not content to kill the bodies of men cruelly, for mantaining the truth, but would destroy the souls, beloved of God, the spouse of Christ, that noble spoile of hell, that reward purchased by the blood of Christ have they trode under feet, killed and devoured, &c. This he wrote from his castle Steckelberg Decemb. 1. 1517. There indeed he com∣mends Pope Leo, wishing (as it seemes) he were such an one: but a little after that he speakes more freely: for when Pope Leo sent unto Germany to extract tithes for preparation of warrs against the Turk, the Princes of Germany assembled, and there in presence of the Emperour one being de∣manded to give his advice, had a large discourse. Ort. Gratius writes, it was said to be the Oration of Vlric. Hutten. Among other things he saith, Yee would expell the Turk: I commend your purpose: but I fear, that yee mistake the name: seek him in Italy, not in Asia: our Kings are able to defend their own Dominions from him in Asia: but all Christendom is not

able to danton the other: the one hath skirmished with his nighbours, and as yet hath done us no harm; but the other oppresseth every where, and thirsteth after the blood of miserable people: yee can not satiate this Cerberus with a flood of gold: there is no need of armes nor an Army: tithes will be more forcible then garrisons of souldiers. When I doe weigh the mat∣ter seriously, I see, two wayes are propounded; one, at the command of superstition, craves gold; the other, if wee refuse, threatneth the Popes curse: take either of the two, as you will: but ô fond and superstitious opinion of men, who think him to be the God of heaven! he who duely considereth, seeth that all are carried at the becke of the Florentines: Not to give, is offensive; and to give is gracious: the thunder of Christs vicar is not to be despised, but every bolt is not to be feared, especially when it is directed by humane affections: I feare the indignation of Christ, but not of the Florentines: This is the cause of the Florentines. and not of Christ. The last yeare, upon no small charges, were the wars carried on against Fran∣cis D. of Urbine, who was expelled out of his Dominion, that Laurence Medices might have it: Lewes was not provident enough to leave more gold.....When the Urbin Duke is away, the lyke fortune is threatned against the Prince of Ferraria, and then wee must salute Laurence Medices a Citizen of Florence, King of Hetruria. This shall be the effect of the tieths, and this is the craft of the Italian Turk, who by the convoy of superstition entreth into our bowels, &c.

23. About that time the study of learning was in a manner revived in many parts of Europe: for Pope Leo X. erected some Colledges at Rome: Cardinal Francis Ximenius Archbishop of Toledo caused the Bible (called Complutensia) to be printed An. 1515. in four languages, the Hebrew with the Chaldaick, Greek & Latine translations. Henry VIII. did endowe the Universities of England: Francis King of France did the lyke there: so also did Charles in Low-Germany; as we heard before of Wittenbergh and Frankford. Because Sanctes Pagnin and Arias Montanus had translated the Bible word for word, which did not so well agree with the Latine phrase; Francis Vatablus the Kings Professor of the Hebrew tongue at Paris tran∣slates the old Testament in a clearer style. And here Andrew Cratander the Printer then at Basile deserves to be remembred: hee was both learned and wealthy, and upon his charges set many learned men a worke, to translate the books of John Chrysostom, Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Theophylactus and such other antient Greek Authours, which then began to speak Latine in his house, as the Emperour Charles V. testifies in Exemp. privilegii, be∣fore the works of Cyril. After him (a litle later in time) was Robert Stepha∣nus that learned and famous Printer at Paris: it appeares in his Respons. ad cen∣suras Theolog. Paris. that, when he was Corrector in the shope of his fa∣ther-in-law Simon Colen, he, caused to be printed a little New Testam. cor∣rected in sundry texts conforme unto the Greek: for this cause the Sorbo∣nists cried out against him, as worthy to be burnt; for (saith he) they cal∣led that corruption, whatsoever was purged from the dregs of their com∣mon ignorance. This was in the yeare 1522. I make mention of him in this place especially, because of that which followes in that his Answer; he saith, I may speak this truely, when I did ask them [he is speaking of the Masters of Sorbone] In what place of the New Testament is that written? they did answer like shameless whores, They had read it in Ierom. or in the Decrees: but they knew not, what the New Testament was: Even so igno∣rant were they, that they knew not, the New Testament was wont to be

printed with, and after the old Testament. This [saith he] will be though prodigious, and yet most true, and certain which I shall relate: a few years agoe, one of Coledge was wont to say dayly: I wonder that these young men talk of a New testament: I was above 50. years of age, and knew not what a New Testament was. Oh blindness, and also desperate shamelesness! So far he. But how gross soever was the ignorance of many not only of the vulgar sort, but of those which were called Rabbies; nevertheless all Sciences, and languages were polished every where, as there were at that time many learned men; and so by mercifull providence the world was pre∣pared for a Reformation.

24. And here Erasmus a Roterdamer deserves to be remembred: about that time he was busy in translating some Greeke Fathers into Latine, and in delivering some Latine Fathers from the moths, and gathering from sundry Bibliotheks the dispersed Copies both of the one sort and the other: so that by his diligence many Printers were held in worke, and Europe was furnished with books, more abundantly than ever before: and in the year 1516. he published a translation of the New Testament out of the Greek by the permission of Pope Leo: that worke, as it was acceptable unto good men, so it did provoke the implacable hatred of the idle Monks against him: they had their quarells against him before that: for in the year 1508. he had been in Italy, and in his returning, he wrote a part of what he had seen and heard, in a little book under the title, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the praise of folly; and in a jocund way brings Folly as speaking, what He thought: among other things, Folly speaking of the preachers, saith, They have devised a foolish faith, but a pleasant persuasion, to wit, If one shall look upon a painted Polyphemus Chrystophorus, he shall not perish that day; or if one shall in the prescribed words pray unto Barbara, he shall return safe from battell; or if upon certain dayes he can meet with Erasmus (this was the name of a Canonized Saint) and give him some waxe-torches, and say some pray∣ers, he shall soon become rich. And now they have found George for Hercules, as also another Hippolytus; and almost they worship his horse, when he is trimmed with tappers and studes, and they beg his favour with some new gift: it is royal to sweare by his brazen helmet. And what shall I say of them, who most sweetly flatter themselves with the fained pardons of sins, and who measure the space of purgatory with their hour-glasses, (as if with a mathematicall line) without errour, the ages, years, months, dayes and hours; Or of them, who trusting to some little buttons and short prayers, which some pious deceiver hath devised either for sport or gain, do perswade themselves of every good thing, riches, honours, pleasures, fulness, continuall health, long life, able old-age, and at last a chaire next unto Christ in heaven, which nevertheless they wish not for a long time, that is, when the pleasures of this life shall leave them against their will, then let the joy of heaven come.....What is more foo∣lish, yea what is more happy, than they who for saying dayly seven verses of the holy Psalmes, doe assure themselves of more than the highest happi∣nesse? and these magical verses some devill (surely a merry one) but naughty rather than crafty, is thought to have told Saint Bernard: and these things are so foolish, that almost I myself am ashamed of them: and yet they are approved, not only by the vulgar people, but even by the professours of religion. And is it not all alike, that now every Country hath their pe∣culiar Saint, and they divide every thing among them, and give unto every one of them their own rites of worship; one will heale the tooth-ache,

another is helpfull in childbirth, another will bring again a thing that is sto∣len...and what seek they from these Saints, but what belongs unto folly...Why should I enter into the sea of these superstitions? though I had an hundred tongues and an iron voice, I could not tell all the names of their superstitions, which neverthelesse the priests doe, not unwillingly, both suffer and nourish: for they know, how much gain accrueth hereby....How many will set up a waxe-candle unto the Virgin the mother of Christ, and that at noone, when there is no need of it...? Some will goe to Jerusalem, to Rome or to S. James, where they have nothing to doe....It were good for me not to touch the Divines, nor move that stinking pudle: for they are a sort of men very peevish and soon provoked: it may be, they will set upon me with sixe hundred conclusions, and force me to recant? or if I will not, they will proclaime me an heretick: for it is their custom to a∣fright men with this thunder, if they be not content. And indeed albeit none others will less acknowledge my bountifulness, these also are not a little ob∣blidged unto mee, while rhey being happy with their self love, as if they were dwelling in the third heaven, doe from above look down upon mor∣tall men, as so many beasts creeping on the earth, and I allmost doe pitty them, when they are compast roundabout with such a swarme of Masterly definitions, conclusions, corollaries, propositions explicite and implicite, and so many sly subterfuges, that Vulcan's chaines shall not hold them, but they shall escape with distinctions, where with they cut asunder all knots easily as with a Tenedian sword; they have so many new-coined words and prodigious terms. And then they expound the hidden mysteries at their pleasure, as what way the world was made and set in order; by what conduite the infection of sin is derived unto posterity; by what wayes, in what measure, and how much time Christ was perfected in the Virgin's wombe; how the accidents can subsist without their own house in the sacrament. But those are triviall things: it concerneth the Masters and (as they call them) the illuminate Divines, if at any time they fall out, to declare, Whether there was any instant or moment in the generation of God; whether there be more son-ships in Christ; whether this be a possible proposition. The fa∣ther hateth his son....What had Peter consecrated at that time, when Christ's body was upon the cross; whether at that time Christ could be cal∣led a man; whether after the resurrection we shall eat and drinke, that so we may prevent hunger and thlrst. There are innumerable toyes, more subtile then these, ofnotions, relations, formalities, quiddities, hec∣ceities, which none can behold with his eyes, unless he can through the thic∣kest darknes behold the things that are not.....And nevertheless these doe find by my means some, who when they heare them, thinke they heare Demosthenes or Cicero: of which sort are especially merchants and women, whose eares they endevour chiefly, to please, because these will give them a part of their ill-purchased goods, if their back be softly hand∣led; and the women for many causes doe favour this order.....And the high priests and Cardinals and Bishops have long agoe followed handsom∣ly the fashions of Princes, and goe beyond them. If any will consider what meaneth the linnen surplice with the snowy colour, to wit, a life altoge∣ther unspotted; and what meaneth the two-horned mitre with one knot tying both the tops, to wit, the perfect knowledge of both the old and new Testament; what meane the hands covered with gloves, but the ad∣ministration of the sacraments pure and free from all contagion of humane things. What the staff, but the most watchfull care of the concredited

flock. what the cross, that is carried before him, but the victory of ail hu∣mane affections. I say, if any will consider these and many such other things, would he not live a sad and pensive life? But now they do well, if they feed themselues, and leaue the care of the sheep either unto Christ, or unto some Frier, as they speak, or unto a Vicare: but in gathering mo∣ney, they are Bishops indeed; no blindness there. After the same man∣ner, if the Cardinals would consider, that they are successours of the Apostles; and that the things shall be required of them, which those have done; and that they are not Lords, but administratours of spiritual gifts, of which they must ere long give account; or if they would consider their at∣tire, and think with themselves, what meaneth this white coat, but the highest and most excellent innocency of life? and what meaneth the internall pur∣ple? is it not their zealous love to God? What meaneth the externall purple so large and wide, that it covereth all the most Reverend's mulet, yea and may also cover his Camell? is it not his love spreading it self so broad to help all men, that is, to teach, exhort, comfort, rebuke, ad∣monish, compose warrs, resist wicked Princes, and gladly to bestow, not only their riches, but their blood on christ's sheep? And yet what have the successours of the poor Apostles to do with riches? I say, if they would consider these things, they would not be ambitious of such a place, and they would gladly leave it, or certainly they would be more laborious, as the antient Apostles lived. Now the chief highpriests, which are the Vi∣cars of Christ, if they would follow his life, that is, poverty, labour, teaching, cross, contempt of life▪ or if they would remember their name Papa, that is, a Father, or their sirname, most holy, who were more afflicted on earth? or who would buy that place with all their wealth? or when it is bought, defend it with poison, sword and all manner of violence? how great commodity shall they be deprived of, if they had any wit, or a grain of that salt, where of Christ speakes?........I was lately at a theologicall disputation (whither I often go) and one asked, what authority of Divine Scriptures commandeth to burn an heretick rather than to convince him with reason? An old grave man (you might by his stately countenance have known him to be a Divine) said with great indignation, the Apostle Paul hath given this law, Haereticum hominem post vnam et alteram admoniti∣onem de vita. And when he thundered the words again and again, and ma∣ny did admire what had hapned unto him, at last he explained him self, and said, Put out the life of an heretick. Some did laugh, and yet many did commend it as a very theologicall commentary, &c. The same Eras∣mus in epist. adJod. Jon. dated Louan. 6. id. May, An. 1521 shewes the la∣mentations of all good men for the apostasie of the Romane Church, and the general corruption in doctrine aswel as in manners; and how they earnestly dealt for Reformation, but could effectuat nothing, because of the covetousnes of Prelates. of him more followes.

25 Joh. Ludovic Vives (borne in Valentia, and living at that time in Lo∣van) at the intreaty of Erasmus did revise and collation sundry old Copies of Augustin's books de civit. dei, and wrote annotations or Commentaries upon them, where he noteth the condition of the time; as lib. 2. c. 21. not. penult. he saith, What will ye do with these Princes of the Schools, which as yet know not, that Paul wrote not in Latine, but in Greek? As also it is a very presumptuous thing, that these which are altogether igno∣rant of the manner of speaking, will so often dispute foolishly, and deter∣mine more foolishly of the signification of words: which they do every∣where

both in Dialectick and philosophy, where as they would seem to be nothing less then Grammarians, and take it very ill, if any who is a little more learned, will but speak of a word in these Arts. Lib. 7. c. 26. Augu∣stin speaks of the priests of Cibele, which in his time were wont to go a beg∣ging from the people, where upon they did live lewdly; and Nota a Vives shewes; that in the days of Cicero the begging of these priests was restrain∣ed unto some daies, because superstition possesseth mens minds, and emp∣tied their houses: and he addeth, What if Augustin and Cicero saw the wealthy and most large Societies begging from them a farthing, who should rather distribute of their own, where with they abound and over∣slow? and in the mean time the giver biteth dry bread, and drinketh wa∣tr out of an earthen vessel, for which he must work hard both night and day for himself and children; and the rich beggar surfets himself with white bread, wood-cocks and good strong wine Lib. 8. c. 27. Augustin saith, What believer ever heard a priest.....say in his prayers, I offer a sacrifice unto thee, Peter, or Paul, or Cyprian, seing at their monuments it is offe∣red unto God, who hath made these to be men and Martyres?.....we worship not therefore our Martyres....nor turne we the villanies of the gods unto their sacrifices. Vives addeth, But now the custome is, when a holy day is kept unto Christ, who hath redeemed mankind by his death, to make playes unto the people, litle differing from the antient comedies: albeit I speak no more, whosoever heareth, will think it filthy enough; they make sports in that, which is most serious: they laugh at Judas glory∣ing most foolishly that he hath betrayed Christ: there the disciples fly away, when the souldiers pursue them, and that not without the loud derision both of the Actours and beholders: there Peter cutteth off the eare of Malchus, and the black band clap their hands, as if the captivity of Christ were well revenged. And a litle thereafter, he that fought so stoutly, being afrigtted at the question of a girle, denieth his Master; then the multitude scorned the maide, and hissed at Petet: among so many laughings, and so many fooleries, Christ only is sad; and while he endeavoureth to fetch up sad affections, I know not how, but not only there, but also in the very act of religion he cooleth to the great crime and impiety not only of the be∣holders and Actours, but of the priests, who will have such things to be done. Lib. 11. c. 18. b. Vives saith, Augustin saith, that there is some of the arte of Rhetorick in Pauls words: it is tolerable, because Augustin saith it: but if any of us would say it, they would cry out against it, not as a crime only, but as heresy: so ready at hand are heresies: they talk of nothing sooner nor more easily, when themselves are full of them. Lib. 18 c. 22. Augustin saith, Rome was built as another Babylon, and as the Daugh∣ter of the former Babylon. Vives saith, The Apostle Peter calleth Rome Babylon, as also Hierom expoundeth it in the life of Mark, and writing to Marcella, thinks, that no other Babylon is described by John in the Reve∣lation, but the city Rome: but now it hath laid off so odious a name. for no confused thing or riff-raffe is there: every thing is distinguished by cer∣tain lawes, so that albeit every thing may be sold and bought there, yet yee shall doe nothing without law and formality even of the most holy law. And c. 31. no. c. Vives saith, There is mention of this Prophet [Haba∣cuc] in Dan. 14. that he brought his dinner from Judea to Babylon unto Da∣niel: but Augustin useth not this testimony for proofe of his time, because that story of Bell and all that 14 chapter, and the history of Susanna, are Apocrypha, nor are in the Hebrew, nor were translated by the LXX.

Lib. 15. c. 11. a, Augustin justly derides them, which give more credite unto translations, then unto these languages from which the sacred Scrip∣tures have flowd into others. And lib. 21. c. 24. d. Paul signifieth, that no man can boast, that he is made glorious by his own merits, but that it is wholly by Gods benefite. He hath many such passages, that are blotted out by Index expurgator.

25. In a word, there was no Nation, that did not oppose their grievan∣ces at that time against the impious inuentions of the Romane Court, that they did violate all Concordata; they reserve all the fattest Benefices unto the Cardinalls; they without all order dispense expectative graces; exact An∣nates without pitty; measure indulgences according to their luxury; mul∣tiply the exaction of tiths under pretense of Turkish war; sell benefices and priesthoods indifferently to unable persons, even to ignorants; and draw all causes unto Rome. Whole volums of such things are extant, and were presented unto Emperours and Kings; and they adjoined the necessa∣ry temedies, especially in the years 1516 and 1517, as P. Mornay testifieth in Myster. pa. 629 edit Salmu. in fol. and when Orth. Gratious had decla∣red the 109 Grievances of Germany, he saith, O, if there were not more hundreds of such, that are here mentioned by the Princes.

CAP. IV. Of BRITANNE.

1. John Colet had learned humane sciences at home, and went to France and Italy for love of the sacred Scriptures. When he returned, he set him∣self especially to the meditation of Paul's epistles, and expounded them pu∣blickly and freely at Oxford. Henry 7 promoted him to the Deanry of Paul's. He professed to distaste many things that he had heard in Sorbone: he called the Scotists men without judgement, and the Thomists arrogant: he said; he reaped more fruit by the books which the Rabbies called hereti∣call, than by their books that were full of divisions and definitions, and weremost approved by them. He never marryed, and yet regarded not monks without learning: he said, he found no where lesse corrupt man∣ners than among married persons, because the care of a family and other affections suffered them not to deboard so much as others are wont. He spoke zealously against bishops, who professing religion were greatest world∣lings, and in stead of shepheards were wolves. In his Sermons he said, I∣mages should not be worshipped, and clerks should not be covetous. Nor Christians willingly be warriours. Two Friers Bricote and Standice accused him for heresy, unto B. Richard Fiziames: and he unto the archb. first, and then unto King Henry VIII. but these two knowing the godliness of the man, became his Patrones, Erasm. in epist. ad Jod. Jon. dated Andrelac. Idi. Jun. An. 1521. He died of a consumption An. 1519 in the 53 year of his age: the clergy would have taken his body out of the grave, and bur∣ned it, if they had not been hindred by the King. Foxe in acts & mon.

2. Arthur the eldest son of King Henry I. married Catharine the Infanta of Spain, and died without issue: then his father being desirous to conti∣nue the alliance with Spain, and to keep her rich dowry within the realme, devised to marry this young widow to his other son Henry: and for this end he purchased a dispensation from the Pope. The King thought to have

made his second son Archbishop of Canterbury; and for this end was the more solicitous to have him well instructed: but he was crowned after his fathers death An. 1509.

3. In the beginning of this Century was litle stirre in matters of reli∣gion in Scotland. After that infortunate battel of Flowdon, where King James 4 and his base son Alexander Archbishop of Saintandrews were slain, fell great strife for that See. Gawin douglas Bishop of Dunkell and brother to the Earle of Anguise was presented by the Queen as Regent: Patrick hepburn Priour of Saintandrews was elected by the Chanons; and Forman Bishop of Murray and Pope Julius his Legate would have it by his power of Eegation. This strife was so hot, and continued so long a time, that the mouths of many were opened to speak against the corruptions in the Church.

4. Hector Boece was borne at Dundy, brought up in learning at Paris; and at this time was professour of philosophy, and afterward Principall of the Colledge at Aberdien. In his Chronicle of Scotland he cometh not nearer than King Iames 2: but by the by he shewes the estate of the Church in his own time: in Lib. 13. c. 11 he saith, Now we will make a digressi∣on, and see how farr the Prelats and Church men in antient times were above the Prelats of our times in vertues and integrity of conversation, of which the Prelats now but have the name, and follow not their manners at all: for the antient fathers were given to the imitation of Christ in pover∣ty, piety, humility, and righteousnes, alluring the people by their fer∣vent charity and continuall preaching in the Service of God with equall af∣fections to rich and poore; not araying themselves with gold, silver or costly ornaments; not haunting the Court, nor accompanied with wo∣men or seen in bordels; not contending to exceed Princes in pleasure and insolency; nor doing any thing by deceit, but living in pure conscience and verity: But the Prelats in our dayes and the Church-men are led with more vices than are seen in any other people: such enormities have rung perpetually since riches were apprised by Church-men. So farr he. If the opposition be marked (which is his aime) we may understand what pre∣lats or clergy were then.

CAP. V. Of COVNCELS.

1. When Pope Julius 2 was crowned, he promised by solemn oath to call a Generall Councell for Reformation of the Church: but afterward no thing was lesse in his mind: and while he made war now against Venice, and then against France, nothing regarding the estate of the Church, nine Cardinals departed from him, and having the con∣currence of the Emperour and the King of France with their clergy, a Coun∣cell was summoned on May 19 to conveen at Pisa Septemb. 1. An. 1511, be∣cause the Pope had violated his oath concerning the calling of a Councell, and the condition of the Christian Commonwealth admitted no longer de∣lay; and they summoned the Pope to appear before them; and all Princes, Doctours and Prelats that had or might pretend any in terest, through Italy France and Germany. On August I. the Pope published his answer, that when he was a Cardinal, he was most desirous of a councell; but now

because of the warrs a councell can not be assembled in Italy, and far lesse in the wasted and defaced City of Pisa; nor had they authority to call a councell: and therefore he commanded all men not to obey that citation under pain of excommunication Jo. Sleidan. Comment. Lib. 1. Three Cardi∣nals returned unto the Pope, and were accepted, saith Nic. Basel. in Addit. but the others with the bb. of Lombardy and France did meet at Pisa: and be∣cause they were not safe there, they removed to Millan, where Barnardin Card. S. Crucis was chosen president: and then fearing that Millain was not safe enough, they removed to Lions. Because they continued in their purpose, the Pope in his Consistory at Rome condemned them as hereticks, schis∣maticks and rebellious, and depriveed them of their titles, dignities; voice, bishopriks, monasteries and whatsoever Benefices they had by Commenda or whatsoever other title; and declareth them uncapable for al times to come. Basel. ib. In the mean time the Emperour was persuaded by the Pope to for∣sake that councell: and therefore was noted for inconstancy by some, and others called him an obedient son. But Lewes XII. was ready to compell the Pope to obey the Councell. On the other side the Pope levieth and directs an Army against him: and the King gave order to his General Gasto Foxius in Millane to omit no opportunity of fighting against the Popes Army; and if he should prevaile, he would make hast towards Rome without any respect of the Bishop. And lest it be talked abroad, that the King did attempt this by his sole authority, his army was levied in name of the Councell (which was still called) of Pisa. and Cardinall Severino was sent by the Councell with that Army. Whereupon followed a great victory at Ravenna, the Popes army was foiled, his Legate John Medices Generall thereof and many o∣ther remarkablepersons were taken. But the death of Gasto stopped the course of the victory, and delivered the Pope from fear. Then the Swi∣sers under the pay of Julius made irruption into Burgundy, and Lewes Pelissa Governour of his Army in Italy was ordered to come into France. In the mean time the Councell had eight Sessions, and continued their pro∣cess against Julius, and did suspend him from all Civill and Ecclesiasticall authority Aprile 9. 1512. The report is (saith Sleidan) that it is the policy of the Popes, when they are afraid of a Councell, to appoint another ser∣ving their own purpose. So Pope Julius on July XVIII. summoneth a Councell to begin at Lateran Aprile. 19; and after that did adjourne it till May 1. certis causis eum ad id moventibus saith Baselius. This was the work of Bishops and Councells in those days. Budaeus de assefol. 176 edit. Ascen. An. 1531 saith, Here were two Councells, the Romane and the Pisane, but both were called through envy and revenge, rather than out of love; and it may be added, or any purpose to doe good: but we see, Reformation of the Church was pretended. and the Pope was opposed.

2. At the foresaid time began the Councell at Lateran which Bellarmin calleth the XVII. Generall councell. In the first Session the Bible was laid at the Popes feet, and he was called Prince of all the world, the suc∣cessour of Peter, and not inferiour unto Peter; yea they say unto him, The respect of your divine Majestie. In Sess. 2 Julius is called, Priest and King, most like unto God, and who is to be adored by all people. In Sess. 3 the Kingdom of France is interdicted, and given to any for the winning: the markets and faires are transported from Lions unto Geneve. In Sess. 4. the Pragmatica Sanctio of France is annulled, and the Pope is said to have the pla∣ce of the everlasting King on earth, albeit with unequal! merites. After the 5 Sess, Julius died: and in the next Sess. Leo X. was declared Pope. Then

Begnius Episc. Modruviensis comforted the Church, saying, Weep not Daughter Sion: for behold the Lion of the tribe of Juda cometh, the root of David; behold the Lord hath raised up unto thee a Saviour and deliverer. And again turning his speech unto the Pope he saith, O most blessed Leo, we have waited for thee our Saviour-we have hoped, that thou our Deli∣verer wert to come: take thy sword and buckler, and arise to our defence. In Sess. 8. the Cardinals whom Iulius had declared uncapable of any title, were restored: for when Iulius was gone, they had no more to worke up∣on, and so submit themselves, and were accepted. In Sess. 8. Leo com∣manded that the decrees of this councell should be observed under the pain of excommunication. In Sess. 9. the Emper. and all Kings and Princes, and all others, are commanded, that they hinder no man from coming unto the Synode, under the danger of God's wrath and ours, saith Leo. Item a lay man blaspheming shall pay 25 Ducats, if he be a Noble man; and for the second fault, 50 Ducats, to be applied unto the fabrick of the Church of the Prince of the Apostles. In this Session, the Synode spake by Anto∣tonius Puccius Clericus Camerae, unto the Pope, saying, In thee the only true and lawfull Vicar of Christ, that saying shall be fulfilled again, All Nations shall serve him: Nor are we ignorant, that All power in heaven and earth is given unto thee. Then he bringeth in the Church speaking unto the Pope thus, These things may I, most sweet Spouse, thy only beloved and faire one, say, Consider mee not, that I am black, &c. Ex Caro. Molinaei Monarchia tempor. Pont. Roma. In Sess. 10. they would provide that Books should not be printed against the Roman faith: therefore they ordained, that none should presume to print or cause to be printed any book, or whatsoever writing ei∣ther in our City (saith the Bull of Leo) or in any other city or diocy, untill first they be examined by our Vicar and Master of the holy palace; and in other cities by the Bishop or another man of judgement to be deputed by him to this effect, and by the Inquisitour of the hereticall pravity within that city or diocy, and untill they be approved by suscriptions, and these to be dispat∣ched without delay, and freely, under pain of excommunication, &c. Bulla Leon. added to the decrees of the Councell at Trent. In this councell it was talked of the Turkish warrs; of the Reformation of the Church; of the immor∣tality of the soul, and how these of Bohem might be reduced. It was deter∣mined against Pope Leo, that the souls of men are immortall. Item that none shall speak of the coming of the Antichrist: for it was the common talking of men every where The Tope is the Antichrist; and this was judged the fittest way to shunne such speeches. It was also ordained, that all Europe shall pay tiths for preparation of warrs against the Turk: But many pre∣lates knew, that the Pope had no such intention: and therefore the Bishops of Dirrachium, Salamantin, Tarvisin, Grassen, Chien, Montis viri∣dis, or Mount Maran, Cervien, Licien, Ferentin, Perusin and others did subscribe with this limitation, Placuit, quoad Turcas expeditione primum inchoata. In the year 1516 King. Lewes died, and his successour Francis submitted himself unto Pope Leo: from that time Leo sought to dissolve the councell: and because nothing was concluded concerning the Refor∣mation of the Church, he made shew to adjourne the Councell for five years, to the end, the Bishops being refreshed at home with some spirituall gifts, they might rerurne with the greater alacrity: and the Pope gave to them and their domesticks remission of all their sins. Concil. Lateran. Sess. 12.

A TRANSITION.

It was said in antient times, Vltima caelicolum terras Astraea reliquit, that is, when all vertue had left the earth, last of all equity or righteousness failed from among the children of men. But now we have heard the Church complaining, that first piety had departed, and in place thereof came formality accompanied with superstition and innumerable rites. Devotion moved people to make good men but too wealthy, and their successours tooke more pleasure in their wealth then in their industry and piety: and when wealth was severed from godliness, they became proud and ambiti∣ous: yet would not want the name of holiness: and by the name of holi∣ness with too much wealth, they did climbe (I will not say, unto the high∣est pinacle of honour, but) unto Divine honour, and were exalted above all that is called God, and laid aside even the word of God. So that then it might have been said, Spernitur à Româ Scriptura novissima Dotum, that is, when the Romane Church had forsaken piety of conversation, purity of worship, order of discipline, equity of Civill things, and all gra∣ces or gifts of God, lastly she despised the very written word of God. Nevertheless God left not men inexcusable, nor suffered He them to passe without reproofe by some Witnesses of his Truth even under the grossest darkness. And so we have heard not only the Waldenses and such others, which made separation from the Church of Rome, as the Greeks, but some Monks, some Abbots, some priests, some Bishops, some U∣niversities, some Counsels of States, some Parliamens, some Councels, yea some Cardinals and Popes, which were, and did continue members of the Romane Church, now and then bewailing and declaring the corrupt estate of the Church, both in the pretented head, and in the body there∣of, for the greatest part, not only in manners, rites and discipline, but in doctrine also. We have heard some professing a desire, and attempting a Reformation: but were ever hindered by the Popes and court of Rome. How then can any man be so impudent (if he be not altogether ignorant) to say, that the Church of Rome hath never erred, nor can erre? We have heard also some foretelling, that a Reformation must bee, and shall be; yea and some pointing at the very time and year of Reformation. We have seen the world prepared for a Reformation by store of antient books prin∣ted and spread through Europe; by reviving of Liberall Sciences and the prime tongues; and by multitude of learned men. It followes now to be∣hold, how God Reformed his Church, not by the direct intention of men, but in spite of all his adversaries, and as it pleased Him in wisdom for the manifesting of his glory and mercy toward ungratefull mankind.

PART II.

CHAP. I. Of POPES.

HADRIAN. VI. (borne in Utrecht, of Belgia) for his learning and sagacity of judgement was called from Lovan to be Tu∣tour unto Charls the young King of Spaine: then he became Bishop of Derthuse, and chief Counseller unto Charles, and Governour of Spain in the Kings absence; and at that time being known at Rome by report only, he was chosen Pope January 9. An. 1522. When he was advertised of the election, he wrote Letters of thanks unto the Col∣ledge of Cardinals, for the good opinion they had conceived of him; and whereas three Cardinals were appointed to be sent unto him, he desired them to spare their travell: for as soone as it might possibly bee, he would come un∣to Rome. And because the Senate and people of Rome were displeased, that a stranger should have that Dignity, he wrote unto them, promising what∣soever favour could be expected from him. He arrived at Rome in August following. In the mean time Soliman the Turk was besieging the isle Ro∣dos. And in the seventh moneth carryed it by composition, to the great shame of Christians. J. Sleidan. Comment. Lib. 3. adfin. It appeares, that from Spain Hadrian wrote unto Erasmus, to write against Luther, and accor∣dingly in an epistle dat. Basileae prid. jd. Julii. An. 1522. ad Jodoc. President of the Senate of Mechline, he saith, Here and there partly by word, and part∣ly by epistles I have turned away many from the Lutheran faction: and no∣thing hath discouraged the Lutherans minds so much, as that I have open∣ly declared my adherence unto the Romane high priest, and disallowing Luthers cause. Cheregat was sent with a Brieve (as they speak) dated No∣vemb. 25. 1522. from Hadrian unto the Princes of Germany, shewing that it was grievous unto him, that Luther had moved such a stirre and sediti∣on: for it concerneth the loss of souls, and the destruction of the flock now committed unto him; and it is hapned to beginne in the same Coun∣try where he was borne, which Nation was ever furthest from all supicion of heresy: wherefore he craves earnestly, that they would helpe to re∣medy it, as quickly as might bee, lest through longer delay, it happen unto Germany, as it did unto Bohem; and he promiseth that he will spare neither mony nor travell here in; beseeching them, that they will every one according to his power do the like, seing so many weighty causes may move them heerunto; to wit, the Glory of Gods holy Name is by this he∣resy chiefly obscured; the rites of the Church are defaced, and in a man∣ner abolished, and Germany which was wont to have the chief praise of re∣ligion, now for this revolt, cometh into contempt: for when they might have easily dispatched Luther; and quenched his heresies, they have not done it, so degenerating from their ancestours, which have left a notable example of their vertue at Constance; Is it not a most notorious wrong, that Luther doth unto them and their forefathers? for where as they have followed the religion of the Romane Church, now when he condemned

that religion, he condemned them; Let them weigh seriously, what those fellowes do intend: verily under pretence of Evangelical liberty, to take away all Lawes and Magistrates; Albeit first he seemes only to impugne the rulers of the Church as tyrannicall and wicked; and hitherto they doe craftily hide their intention and traiterously, and do flatter Magi∣strates, to the end, they may the more freely utter malice against the Clergy; but when the clergy are opprest, doubtless they will attempt further.....Luther differeth not much from the sect of Mahomet, which permits men to marry many wifes, and then to forsake them: by which means that wretched hypocrite hath bewitched and allured the greatest part of the world: albeit Luther permits not this, yet he aduiseth all men, which have vowed chastity, to marry, so giving way unto mans lust, that he may have the more to be of his confederacy, to the utter destruction of the Commonwealth, especially of Germany: Therefore it is their part to put in execution the decrees of Pope Leo and of Caesar......If any will say, Luther was condemned ere he was heard; or it is reason, the cause should be debated; these men think amisse: for Christ had taught us the rule of faith and religion (whose authority we must follow, and not skan the articles of faith by humane reason, nor enquire the cause of this or that pre∣cept): Indeed he is to be heard, when he is examined, whether he spake thus or thus? whether he set forth this or that book? but touching the faith and sacraments we may not permit him to dispute, nor defend these things which he had written thereof: for here we should follow the custom of the Church, and in no way swerve from it: and seing his doctrine had been already condemned by general Councels, no account should be made thereof again: and there shall be no end of contention, if it be lawfull for every private man to call into question the things, which prudent and lear∣ned men with great deliberation have established.....Nevertheless it can not be denied, that God, who is the avenger of all wrong, doth thus plague his Church for the sins of the Ministers thereof, as the Scripture saith, The iniquity of the people proceeds from the priests and Elders: for certainly they have sinned at Rome these many years, full grievously and sundry way∣es, even from the highest Bishop unto the lowest clerk: we have all gone out of the way, every one to his own way, nor have any of us done any good: [A good confession, if amendement follow] wherefore we must all give glory unto God, and humble ourselves before him, and consider from whence we are fallen; As for mee, I will endevoure to redresse it, and I will see, that the Romane Court, which perhaps hath been the occasion of all this mischieff, be first reformed sharply, as Christ did first purge the Temple, that as it hath been the example of vice, so it may be the begin∣ning of amendement, and pattern of vertue; and so much the rather because all the world crieth for a Reformation...but this must be done by degrees, because all sudden mutation is dangerous, &c. These instructions are expressed word by word in Fascic. rer. expetend. and others. The Princes did conveen at Nurembergh in March An. 1523. (the Emperour was not there) and their answer was an humble request; that the Pope would per∣form his promise, and for the only remedy of all abuses he would call a free Councell within Germany, and not delay it above a yeare. The copy of this Brieve was brought unto Luther: he translateth it unto Dutch, and affixeth his Notes on the margine. But whereas Hadrian so plainly confes∣seth the viciousness of the Romane Court, which he thought was none of his fault, as never been there before) and delayeth the amendement, it is the

usual policy of the Popes, when they can not eschue solicitations otherwise, they do promise largely, that while men trust to their promises, they may find the means, either by favour of Princes, or by power of arms, to mantain their dignity, which is like to stagger by free and Generall Coun∣cels Jo. Sleid. Lib. 4. Because of this Brieve, and the conceit that many had of Hadrian's integrity, all men did expect a Reformation. But behold! he becomes ingracious unto all men: for he deprives the best men of their Benefices, for his own advantage in bestowing the same Benefices on others: therefore he was called unrighteous and covetous: and when they, which were deprived, did complain, he said, The times wherinto a man falleth, do much vary his fortune: for the golden times of Leo were abundant with plenty and peace: but the broiles and famine and pestilence in time of the interreigne had laid wast the estate of the Commonwealth, and cau∣sed these evils to be imputed unto him most innocently. Onuphr. He spake also of reforming the dissolute manners of the City, and said, that according to the lawes he would punnish blasphemy, simony, usury, un∣lawfull lusts. Then he was taken away by death, not without suspicion of wrong. He canonized Benno, and Antoninus Bishop of Florence: he conspired with the Emperour against Francis I. King of France: he held that a Pope, even as Pope may be an heretick, and teach heresy, and that indeed some of them had been hereticks. Bellarm. de Ro. Pon. Lih. 4. c. 2. He died at Rome Septemb. 14. An. 1523.

II. CLEMENS, VII. the sister-son of Leo X. after contention of two months came into the chair, by paying 20000. Ducats, and giving a stately house Rome unto his competitour Pompejus Columna. He had been called Julius, and would have retained his name, as Hadrian did: but the Cardinals would not suffer him: It was Hadrians designe to make the Emperour powerfull in Italy: but Clemens fearing the fortune of Charles, was for the King of France. He had observed, that Hadrian was not wary enough in the affaires of Germany, especially in confessing the faults of the Court, and in asking their advice concerning the remedies, whereupon he had given them occasion to petition a Councell, and to propound their 100. Grievances: therefore he took another course with the Germanes, as followes here c. 3. Sect. 18. He keept the Jubilee An. 1525. but all that yeare he was perplexed for fear of the Emperour untill he heard that Francis King of France was at liberty in March 1526. immediatly he sent unto him, and drew up a league against the Emperour, which was sealed in May by him, Francis and some Princes of Italy, and he absolves Francis from his oath, that he had given in Spain. This was called Liga Sanctissima. Then as being free, he writes menacingly unto the Emperour. and even the next day he di∣rectes another Brieve which was more smooth. The Emp. wrote his answers accordingly, as in Hist. Council. Tr. l. 1. and at the same time he writes unto the colledge of the Cardinals. That it was grievous unto him to consider, how the Pope could so forget his dignity, as to disturbe the common peace; and e∣ven at that time when he (the Emperour) having made peace with France, thought that he had setled the Christian world, he had received such Letters, as he could never have expected from the Father of the Church: and he thinks, these had been writen by advice of them all; this (said he) is the more grievous, that such Letters were brought from the Pope and the Fathers, pillars of the true religion, threatning warr against the Empe. defender of the Church, and who had deserved better of them: for in respect unto them; he had shut his eares against the just complaints of the German-Princes, he had

discharged the Diet, which was appointed at Spira.....and now he had sent the copy of the Popes Letters unto them, to the end, that they after consideration would aid the Christian commonwealth now fainting, and put the Pope from such dangerous courses; or if he will not, that they would admonish him of his duty, and exhort him to call a general Coun∣cell; or if he refuse that, or delay it for a longer space than is expedient, he en∣treates that holy Senate, that they would call a Councell so soon as may be; but if they also will accept his just demand with deaf eares, it lieth on him according to his authority, to use all just and convenient remedies. Those Letters were delivered unto the Colledge Decemb. 12. Before that time, to wit, Septemb. 20. the Columnenses (the chief Citizens, perceiving that Clemens sought only his own interest) came unawarrs into the Vati∣can, (none resisting, because all men did hate the Pope, said Onuphr.) and plunderd it. The Pope prayed Hugh Moncata (one of those his ene∣mies) and obtaines liberty upon such conditions, as they would demand. When he was free, he could not digest such wrongs, and recalled his Army from Millain, under pretext, that then all things were setled: but so soon as the army was arrived, he thundered his curse against the Colum∣nenses, and interdicted all men of their company, and puts Cardinal Pom∣pejus from the Senate. The Cardinal was then at Naples, and there publis∣hed his appeall unto a Councell; he shewes not only the iniquity and nulli∣ty of the Popes censure, but the necessity of the Universall Church, which is brought solow, that it can not be healed, unless both head and members be reformed by meanes of a Councell; and he summoned Pope Clemens to appeare in the Diet, which the Emperour had appointed at Spira. Then Clemens was full of thoughts: for (saith Pet. Soave) he could not endure the name of a Councell; not only for feare of diminishing the Papal autho∣rity, and curbing the interest of the Court, but more upon contemplati∣on of his personall condition: for howbeit, when he was made Cardinal, the Pope Leo, would have proved that there had been a contract of mariage between Julian and his mother, yet all men knew (said he) that his proofes were false [and some write, that Clemens was the sonne of Leo] and albeit no law forbids that a bastard may be Pope; yet it is commonly thought, that such a dignity can not consist with such a defect: likewise he was afraid of the Emperour, that he would take part with his enemies; but most of all, that the Cardinals knew well, and could easily prove by what means he had purchased the triple Mitre; and how rigidly Simoniacall elections were discharged by Pope Julius II. so that he feared the like to befall him as it had hapned unto Pope John XXIII. But as is it said, Inter arma silent leges, the next year there was no motion of a councell: because the Vice-Roy of Naples, alledging that the Pope had violated the articles of the late agree∣ment, and at the motion of Pompejus, brought an Army to Rome; and on the other side the Duke of Burbone (being exiled out of France, and therefore a fitter) Generall of the Emperours Army in Lombardy, brought about 14000. Germanes (whom they called Lutherans) with a promise, that they shall have the plunder of Rome, whether so much gold is brought from all Europe. Clemens agreeth with the Vice-Roy in March: he gives him 50000 crowns; he absolves the Columnenses, and restores the Cardinal Pompejus. Then in May the Duke comes, pretending that he is going into Naples, and craveth refreshment unto his Army. The Ge∣nerall of the Gwelphes threatneth, that if he go not away quickly, he will sweep him from his horse with a bullet. Then the Duke pitcheth his

camp in the field Sancto. he was repulsed two severall dayes, and the third he carrieth it: his thigh-bone being broken in the assault, he died: never∣theless the souldiers enter the City, and spare neither priest nor prelate, nor had they spared the Pope, if he had not escaped into Hadrians tower: but they ceased not from reviling him. Rome never saw so doo lefull a day (saith Onuphr.) nor did the Goths, Vandals nor Lombards so much harme unto it: for they ranged up and down, plundering all, untill the Pope rendred himself: they keep him prisoner: because of the pestilence and scarcity of victuals they went to Narnia, and return in September: they threaten to burne the City, if the Pope will not pay them their wages. Guicciardin Lih. 18. saith, the Pope redeemed himself for 400000. Du∣cats. In the mean time Letters come from the Emperour, excusing himself of all that was done, and commanding the souldiers to let the Pope goe free. Nevertheless they will not obey, untill they receive their wages, seing their Generall was gone, of whom only they could crave it. The Pope gathereth what ornaments were left in the City, that money may be coined for them: and because that was not enough, three red Capes were profered to be sold, that who would buy that honour, might bring gold, Onuphr. Then the Pope returns answer unto the Emperour, that he never thought but good of his affection. and perswades himself thereof, &c. The next year was a treaty of peace betwixt them two, and An. 1529. Charles was crowned by him. In the year 1528. the confederate Princes dealt earnestly with Clemens, that then he would demonstrate the sinceri∣ty of his mind in that league he hath made with them; especially that he would excommunicate the Emperour, and expell him both from Naples and the Empire. But he feareth, if the French, Venetians, and other confede∣rates were Masters of Italy, they would mantain the liberty of Florence (which in time of these broils they had usurped) and he was more desirous to regain that City, then to revenge the wrongs, the Emperour had done him: but he said unto them, that for that time he was poore and unable to do any thing; and if he would attempt to take the Empire from Charles, it were but a provocation unto Germany, to take unto themselves the au∣thority of choosing the Emperour. And therefore he would lay aside all thoughts of Seculare affaires; and only set himself to restore the Church, and to convert the Lutherans; and for that end he would go into Ger∣many (for he was very cunning in dissembling, saith Pe. Soave) Some hearing him, said, his afflictions had wrought well for his amendement: but what he did afterwards, begott an other opinion in their mindes. And in the mean time he was treating with the Emperour that he shall bring his brothers sonne Laurence Medices into possession of Florence, and when the Emperour comes to be crowned, they shall accept one another with the former solemnities and ceremonies; and that the Emperour shall with arms compell the Lutherans unto the obedience of the Roman Church. This last was the greatest difficulty; but when they had agreed in other things, they conclude this in generall terms, that in reducing the Luthe∣rans unto the Church, the Pope shall use all spiritual means, and the Em∣perour shall use temporall; but if those be pertinacious, the Pope shall do his best, to cause other Princes to aide him. On the other side the Pope re∣nounceth all pretensions unto the Kingdom of Naples, for only giving one white horse in name of fee-farme; and he gives him the patronage of 24. Cathedrall Churches, and passage unto his souldiers through his Lands. When this treaty was closed, the Pope was joyfull, and all men almost

did wonder, that he who even now was no body, was so soon advan∣ced to his former grandure; especially the Courtiers said, It is a miracle, shewing Gods favour toward the Church. Te. Soave. When the Em∣perour was at Bononia, he was earnest with the Pope to call a Councell: but the Pope had no liking of it, especially as it was craved, to be free, and beyond the Alpes; and the rather, because he had observed, how the Bb. were intending to have in their power the Collation of Benefices, preventions, advocation of pleas, dispensations, absolutions and such other things: all which with a great part of the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction the Romane Court had drawn unto themselves to the prejudice of the Pre∣lates. Therefore he bendeth himself to divert Charles from that purpose. and saith, A councell will be prejudiciall unto his Emperial authority: for there be two sorts of people infected with that Lutheran pest, the com∣mons, and the Princes: the Commons are bewitched with the allure∣ments of their teachers: but a Councell is not a mean to deliver them from these enchantments, but it will rather open a doore unto them to attempt greater liberty; and they will rather bow under authority, when they are pressed with your decrees: if they obtain liberty to search into the power of the Church, they will by and by pry into your Secular power: there∣fore it is easier to refuse their first demands, then, if you once yield unto them, to resist their rushing afterwards, with any reason. As for the Prin∣ces, they make no account of piety or Gods worship, but gape for the Church-goods and absolute dominion, that when they are quitt of the Pope, they may next shake themselves free of your yoke: possibly as yet they have not seen these mysteries: but if they shall once smell of them, they will assuredly aime at this marke. It is true, the Pope shall suffer great losse, if Germany fall away, but the losse of Austria shall be more: and therefore while the greater part of the Princes are still at your devotion, you must looke to it in time, and no way suffer the edge of your authority to be blunted: remedy must be speedily applied, before the number of the rebells increase, or they understand the advantages of their falling away: and nothing is more contrary unto celerity, than a Councell: for it requi∣res a long space of time, in which no thing can be effectuated; and many impediments must be removed, arising from the manifold pretenses of men intending to retarde, hinder, or to make the Councell null: and those are many. I know, they say, The Popes have no liking of a Councell for fear of curtailing our power: but that respect did never enter into my mind: for I know, that our authority is from Christ immediatly, accor∣ding to his promise, The gates of hell shall not prevail against thee: and I have learned by experience of former times, that Papall authority was never minished by a Councell, but rhe Fathers being obedient unto Christs word, did acknowledge, that we are absolute, or tied no way. Or if any Pope in humility, or modesty, or upon any other account, have not used their just power, they have been entreated by the Fathers to resume their place. If you will read antient records, you will find that when a Councell hath been called against hereticks or upon any other occasion, the Popes have always increased in their power. And if we would lay aside the promise of Christ, which is the only foundation of our power, and speak only of hu∣mane reason, seing a Councell consists of Bishops, the authority of the Pope is necessary unto them, that under it, as a buckler, they may be safe from the iniuries of Princes & people. Yea and Kings and Princes, which know the art of ruling, are most Zealous of Apostolicall authority, because

they have no other way to suppresse Bishops. And I know as certainly, as if I were a prophet, what shall be the issue of a Councell: for they who cry for it, if their opinions be condemned, will devise some what against itsauthority: and so your Cesarean power being weak in other Nations al∣ready, shall turn to nothing in Germany: but the Papall power, though it faile in Germany, shall increase in other places of the world You may be∣lieve mee the rather, that you see, I make no account of my own inter∣est, but only to see Germany restored unto the Church, and due obedience rendred unto Caesar. Nor can this be, unless you go quickly into Ger∣many, and by your authority put the Bull of Pope Leo, and the Edict of Worms into execution, &c. It became not the Frier Julius Medices (this was his name ere he was Pope) and farre lesse Pope Clement to use such rea∣sons [saith Pe. Soave: but he meaneth such a heap of lies] but they prevailed with Charles, because he was aiming at a more absolute power, than his grandfather or his great-grandfather could attain; but especially he was so advised by his Chancellor Cardinall Mercurius Gattinara, unto whom the Pope had made many large promises, namely, a red Cape unto one of his cousines at the next election. And Clemens sent a Nuntio unto King Ferdinand, with charge to deale earnestly with him, that there be in the Diet no dispute nor determination in matters of religion, nor any decree for calling a Councell: and because he knew, that Ferdinand was of grea∣test credite in Germany; to have his favour, he gives him power to lay a tribute upon the Church-men in Germany for advancing the warr against the Turke, as also to apply unto this use whatsoever Silver or Gold there is on the ornaments of the churches. Of the Diet at Ausburg, it followes in C. 3. Sect. 27. When Clemens understood, what was done there, it vexed him, that the Emperour had suffered the Confessions to be read publickly, that he had determined any thing in matters of religion; but more, that the Prelates had given way; and it grieved him most of all, that the Em∣perour had promised a Councell, and determined the time, which be∣longeth to the Pope alone; and so now the first place is given unto the Em∣perour, and the Pope hath but the second place. And hence he did con∣clude, that seing so litle hope was appearing from Germany, he must think on another remedy: and seing what is done, can not be undone, he resolves to conceall that it is against his will, but will rather commend it as done by his authority. And so Decemb. 1. he writes unto Kings & Prin∣ces, that he thought to have extinguished the Lutheran heresy by the pre∣sence of Caesar in Germany; but seing now he understands that they are rather hardned, he had resolved by advice of the Cardinals to call a Coun∣cell, as his predecessours had done in such cases; and he exhorts them ei∣ther to come personally or prepare their deputes, when he shall determine of the time and place in Italy. But (saith Pe. Soave) few were deceived with this fraud, seing all men knew, that such an inuitation to a Councell, whereof neither time nor place was defined, was but an affected imposture. In prosperity and adversity this Machivilian sate 11. years: when he was dead, the Court had no small joy, because of his avarice, austerity and cruelty, that he had exerced continually, but especially in time of his sicknes, so that he was odious unto many, saith Pe. Soaue. When the See is vaking, the Cardinals are wont to prescribe some articles of reforming the Papal power, which they sweare to observe precisely, if any of them shall be chosen; albeit it is known by experience of all ages, that none of them hath a purpose to observe that oath: for so soon as they be invested,

they professe, that they could not be tied, and they are absolved by their assumption. So at that time it was one of the articles, that he who shall be chosen, shall call a Councell within a year.

III. PAUL III. Had been Dean of the Colledge of Cardinals many years, and would seem, not to be afraid of a Councell (as Clemens was) but to be desirous of it: and ere he was crowned, he propoundeth in the first meeting, that it is necessary to hold a Councell, seing otherwise peace can not stand among Christian Princes, nor can heresies be rooted out: he appointeth three Cardinals to advise upon the place, time and o∣ther circumstances, and to give their Overtures in the first Consistory after his coronation; and (to lay the blame of opposition upon their side) he saith, Seing a Reformation must be of the Church, it were most expe∣dient, that the Cardinals from that present time begin to reform themsel∣ves rather than be reformed by others; neither can there fruit be expected by a Councell, nor can the decrees have any authority, unless they go before by their good example. In the first Consistory Novemb. 12. he speaks of this purpose again. They thought, he spoke ingenuously: but some did smell out his policy, because he had appointed three the most unfit men of all the number, to consult of this. But in December he took away all fear from them: for then he created a Cardinall Alexander Farnesi∣us the son of his own bastard son, and another Guido Ascanius Sforza the son of his bastard Daughter, the one being 14. years old, and the other 15 years. Then the Cardinals had enough to object, to wit, their childhood. January 16. An. 1535. he had a large speach in the Consistory, that the Councell can be delaied no longer, lest all men think themselves deceived with words: and he sent his Nuntio's unto Princes, shewing his resoluti∣on; and that he judgeth Mantua the fittest place: he sayd, There were but two wayes of dealing with the Protestants, force, or allurements; he jud∣geth the later, the better, and he will refuse no condition of accord, sa∣ving his Papall dignity. Vergerius goeth into Germany (as followeth in Cha. 3.) and returning the next year, saith, There is no hope to winne Luther and his followers: they must be oppressed by arms. For his service he is made a B. in Istria; and immediatly dispatched unto the Emperour in Naples. Charles heares his report, and hasteneth unto Rome. At this time Lewes Sfortia Duke of Millan was dead without children, and the King of France professeth to recover it with a strong hand. Charles telleth this unto the Pope. who answereth. It were better for him to subdue the Pro∣testants in Germany; and himself with the Venetians will perswade Francis to desist. Pe. Soavesaith, The Pope professeth the destruction of the Luthe∣rans, but his purpose was rather that an Italian should be Lord of Millain. But Charles did understand what he meant, and intending Cretizare cum Cretensi, said, he would do so: yet thought it not expedient, to raise up so many enemies at once: and adviseth the Pope to call a Councell, that so the world may see, they had used all meanes of peace before arms. The Pope seemes to be wel pleased, because warrs were begun in Pymount, and certainly will come into Italy, and when the Councell is summoned, he will have a faire pretence to guard the Councell under shew of custody. So he calleth a Councell to assemble at Mantua May 27. in the year 1537. and also gives commission unto four Cardinals and some bb. to Reforme the Paeni∣tentiaria, Dataria & Court of Rome; threatning his curse against all, that shall disobey them. But nothing was done; and men of judgement said, No better was to be expected of the Councell called so unseasonably in time

of warre between the Emperour & France Pe. Soave in Hist. Conc. No Nation would consent unto this Councell; nor the Duke of Mantua, unless the Pope would give him money to hire a guard of souldiers. The Pope was glad, that others had refused, when he had offered it; and to shew his readiness, he appoints to conveen against Novemb. 1. but he nameth no place. Henry VIII. King of England by a published Declaration, shews, that he is desirous of a Councell, but he will neither go nor send unto any called by the Pope, seing now he hath no correspondence with the Pope, and it is not a new thing, that the Pope deceives the world, as now he blameth the Duke of Mantua, but who seeth not that it is but to delude men? as also that he calleth a Councell, and nameth not the place? and seing now there is no hope of a free Councell, he judgeth it best, that every Prince reforme Religion with in his own dominion: Or if any will shew a better way, he will not refuse it. In Italy also many said boldly, that albeit the Pope lay the blame on the Duke of Mantua, yet it is the Popes only fault, as appears, by that nothing is done in Reformation of Rome, albeit he had made a shew of it, when the Councell at Mantua was pro∣claimed; and none other had opposed that worke. To wash himself of this imputation, he gives a charge again unto four Cardinals and 5. Prelates, to search out the maladies, and apply remedies with all diligence. Now these gather the heads of Reformation in write, and do present them unto the Pope where in they shew a threefold cause of all the maladies, the prone∣ness of PP. to heare flatterers, their readiness to derogate from former lawes; and the neglect of Christs command to take no gain for spirituall things. Then more particularly they observe 24. abuses in the administration of Church affaires, and 4. in the Romane Government; In the or∣dination of Clerks, collation of Benefices, pensions, permutations, re∣gressions, reservations, pluralities, commenda's, non-residences, exemp∣tions, deformation of Regulares, ignorance of Preachers and confes∣sours....then they came to dispensations, first of them that were marri∣ed, then to marry within degrees forbidden; dispensations of simony, of granting confessionals, and indulgences; dispensation of vowes, of chan∣ging testaments, tolerating whoores, neglect of almes-houses and many more such. The Pope gives these Overtures unto the Consistory: where somesaid, it was not a time to reforme these things, seing the Lutherans would boast, that they had caused the Pope to enter upon a Reformation, not only of abuses, but of laudable rites. John Peter Caraffa Cardinall of Theate said, a Reformation is necessary, nor can it be omitted without great offence; as evill should not be done, that good may come of it, so necessary good works should not be omitted for feare of evill, that may follow. The Pope inclineth the first way, and commandeth, that all be buried in silence. Ne∣vertheless the Cardinall of Capuasent these heads into Germany, which, some say, was done by advice of the Pope, to the end, many might conceive hope of a Reformation in Rome. Pe. Soave ibid. When Novem∣ber was approaching, the Pope by his Bull nameth Vicentia to be the place of the Councell, and because winter is at hand, he nameth the first day of May in the year 1538. to be the first day of assembling. At that time he sent his Legats to Vincentia, and he went to Nice in Liguria, under shew to make concord between the Emperour and Francis, but as some said, to per∣suade them both to quit Millain unto his son. He dealt with them to send Prelats unto the Councell: they had excuses, and he was easily contented. When he could effectuat nothing, he returns, and recals his Legates from

Vicentia, and by his Letters dated July 28. he prorogated the Councell unto Easter in the next year. Pope Paul had been oft advised by the Cardinals to accurse King Henry VIII. but he judged it safer, to keep up his sword, than draw it, when he knew it could not pierce, (as certainly it is effectu∣all according as men do conceive of it) But now King Henry had not only beheaded Cardinal Fisher (this was an eye-sore to all the Cardinals) and published books twice against the Popes authority of calling the Coun∣cell, but lately also he had summoned Saint Thomas archb. of Canterbury (who had suffered death in defense of Papall authority, and was Cano∣nized by Pope Alexander III. and since the year 1171. had been wor∣shipped in the Romane Church) to appeare in Court, had condemned him for treason, and in pursuite of the condemnatory Sentence had caused the hang-man to take up his reliques, and burn them, and throwe the ashes into the river, and had escheated all the treasure and ornaments, that were dedicated unto S. Thomas; And the Pope (having now some hope by conference with the King of France at Nice, that if he had peace with Caesar, he wold invade England;) Upon Decemb. 17. An. 1538. accur∣seth Henry, and ordaines, that all his favourers shall be deprived of all honours and goods; he commandeth all his subjects, that they acknow∣ledge him not as their Lord; and all forreiners, that they have not any commerce with English men; and all Princes, to rise in arms against him, and take his King om and goods for their prey. But what place this curse had, it appeares (saith Pe. Soave) by the Leagues, that the Emperour, the French King, and other Princes made with King Henry not long thereafter. When the Pope heard, that the Germanes were seeking a Conference of Divines, he propoundeth this unto his Consistory, and said, It was necessa∣ry to determine some thing concerning the Councell. Some Cardinals said, Nothing could be concluded, untill the Princes were reconciled. Others more politick said, There was more danger to be feared from Nationall Conferences than from the Councell; and therefote it is more safe not to cast off a Councell, but to suspend it at the Popes will indefinitely; and so if any danger were appearing from any Nationall Councell or Conference, he might prevent it, by appointing time and place. And so Juny 11. by a published Bull the Councell was suspended til the Pope should appoint time and place. In the year 1541. he promised unto the Emperour to hold a Councell the next year, and he would send a Legate unto the Diete at Spira to advise of the time and place; and he shewed his opinion to name Vicen∣tia. He acquaintes the Venetians with this purpose. They refuse, be∣cause they had lately made peace with the Turke, and if they consent that the Councell be within their bounds, where they will treat of warr against him, he will say, that they conspire against him. When the Emperour came into Italy, Paul meets him at Busset by Parma, and dealeth with him to give the Dutchy of Millain unto his son's son, which had married Margarite the Emperours base Daughter; and if he would do this, the Pope profered to enter into league with him against France; to give 150000. crowns yearly for some years, and make some Cardinals of his nominati∣on. The Emperour demandeth 1000000. crowns presently, and as many within a short space. This he refuseth. The Emperour spake not of the Councell, because he had made it cleare, that the stay was not his fault, and he thought on other remedies after the warr. They parted in shew of friendship: but from that time he enclined more to aid France. While he is so full of doubts, he understandes that the Emperour had made a league

with Henry VIII. against Francis: then he thinks it necessary to joyn with France. The Emperour is informed, how hardly the Pope had taken with his league, & sent him answer, that Francis had made a league with the Turk, and by his aid the Turks Navie had spoiled the sea-townes of Na∣ples; and why may he not then make a league of just defence with him, who is a Christian, albeit he deny the Pope to be the head of the Church; yea and with the Popes expresse consent Francis had sought aid of the Protestants, which are more adverse unto the Pope than the King of England is: The Pope should ex officio have accursed the French King, when he heard of his league with the Turke: but it is cleare: that he is an accepter of persons: for when the Turkish Navy did assaile and spoile other parts of Italy, they did no harme unto the dominions of the Pope: and when they came to Ostia for fresh water, and the Romans were amazed at the report thereof, the Cardinall of Carpo, who at that time of the Popes absence was his Vi∣car, told the Citizens, they needed not to feare. But it did provoke the Pope yet more, that the Emperour would not permit his Legate Cardinall Farnesius to go unto the Diet at Spira; and had decreed concerning reli∣gion w••thout his knowledge, yea to the evident contempt of Papall au∣thority. And again more, that when in September An. 1544. Charles and Francis were reconciled, Charles propounded this condition, that they should both restore the old religion, and amend the Court of Rome, whence as from the fountain all these evills had flowed; and to this effect they should force the Pope to assemble the Councell. But the Pope did not feare their purpose to reform the Court, because he knew, they had con∣trary ends, and he knew, how to divide them, when they came to the point and to make his own advantage. Only this did vexe him, that it shall be said, They did force him to assemble a Councell. Therefore he resolves to dis∣semble all his offences, and prevented their solicitation by proclaming the Councell at Trent against March 15 and in the same Bull he exhortes the whole Church, to give thanks for the peace between the two Monarchs, whereby they may the more safely conveen. He knew the time was short, but he did it purposely, that in the beginning his creatures might have the more power, to prescribe the order of proceeding, &c. How he carried himself towards the Councell, I remitt unto that chapter of the Coun∣cell. When he could not bring the Protestants unto submission, he kindled the warrs in Germany An. 1546. Onuphrius writes, Since the Pope was fallen from hope of purchasing Millain, he was not a little displeased with the Emperour, and feared that he aimed at the Empire of Italy; as also he and his faction had so stiffly opposed themselves against the Presidents in the Councell, neither would Charles confirme the Dutchy of Parma and placen∣tia unto the Popes son Peter Loisius: nevertheless they kept an out∣ward shew of amity, and covenanted Juny 26 in this manner; For so much as Germany hath continued these many years in errours, that great danger is thereby to be feared: for eschuing whereof the Councell was called at Trent, and the Protestants do reject it; therefore have the Bishop and Emperour for Gods glory, and safety of the common wealth, and namely of Germany, concluded between themselves, I. that Caesar shall prepare an Army & all things requisite unto warre in the moneth next following; and those who refuse the Councell, and maintain these errours, he shall reduce them by force of arms to the old religion, and obedience of the Holy See: yet so that he shall use all means to bring this to passe without warre, but make no peace nor composition with them, prejudiciall to

the Church or religion. 2. The Pope besides 100000 Ducats which he hath delivered already, shall lay down so much more at Venice, which his Lieutenent shall thereafter employ on the warrs, and no otherwise; and if no warr shal bee, he shall receive his money againe: he shall also furnish unto these warrs 12000 foot men, and 500 horses, at his own charge for an half year, over which he shal place a Lieutenent, and Captaines: and if it happen, that the warrs be ended before six moneths, the benefit shall belong unto the Pope. 3. For preparation and furnishing unto these warrs, it shall be lawfull by the Pope of Rome's permission, unto the Emperour to take the one half of the Church-goods in Spain, and to sell as many lands in Spain, as shall amount to 500000 Ducates, &c. Sleida Comm. lib. 17. The Emperour in all his Diets and at other occasions pro∣fessed, that he undertook these warrs, only because the Princes denied him civill obedience (which they did never refuse, if he would have given them liberty to professe the Truth of religion). But the Pope in this league and his Bulls written unto Germany, professed the only cause of religion. Thus they made different pretexts; to the end, each of them might bring the other into distast, and if they could attain so much, or overthrow the Protestants, they were in part satisfied. At the same time the Protestants, did publish in writt, that they waere advertised by men worthy of credite, how that the Antichrist of Rome an instrument of the Devill and authour of this warre, as in former times by his hired servants, set many towns of Saxo∣ny into fire, so now he hath sent others to infect their wells, that he may destroy by poison, what he can not so easily bring to passe with the sword: wherefore they admonish all men generally, but especially their own sub∣jects, to watch and apprehend such men, &c. Within few days John William, son ne to the Electour of Saxony, by letters gives warning, that they take heed unto themselves diligently; for lately an Italian was taken not farre from Weinmar, upon suspicion, and had confessed, that he and some others had money given them at Rome in the Bishops name, that with fire and poison they shall doe all the harme in Germany, they are able to do, Ibid. lib. 18. When Paul heard, that Charles was prevailing, he recalled his nephew Octavius with his souldiers, ere the warre was ended: wherfore Charles was offended; and not long thereafter the Vicount of Millain killed Peter Loisius, and tooke Parma & Placentia. Then was the Pope so over whelmed with grief, that the tooke a feaver, and died on the fourth day, when he had satt 15 years. I do omit his most vitious and incestuous life, as it is written at large by Sleidan from an Italian authour; and that Onuphrius testifieth, that he was diffamed for Astrology, and of too great affection to his kindred, whom he did enrich without all shame, and against the will of his Cardinals: but consider, how unlike this Paul was unto the Apostles Paul and Peter: in all his Bouts with these Machivillians Charles & Francis, and in all his Consistories, he never shewes any respect unto Christ or his Gospell, but to his private interest only. Novemb. 18. An. 1549. the Cardinals went unto the election: but they could not agree before Februar. 22. In time of their contention, Letters were intercepted, which Camillus Osius the attendant of the Cardinal of Mantua was said to have written unto a friend Annibal Contine, and some vulgar verses of his love to ward him, with such vile words, that they can not vvithout of∣fence be named. Whereupon arose a report, that some filthy Pope vvas to come out of that conclave. On the forenamed day

IV. JULIUS. III. was consecrated, who being Cardinall of Bolonia

loved out of measure a young man innocentius; and now he caused his brother to adopt him, (that after his name he was called Innocentius de∣monte) and he made him a Cardinall. It was talked at Rome, and balla∣des went abroad, how Jupiter loved Ganimedes; yea Julius was not a∣shamed to talke of the same with the Cardinals. In the year of his election he keeps the Jubilee. Onuphrius writes of him t••us; Albeit he was 70 years old, yet in all the time of his Papacy he waited more on feasts and pleasures, than on the discharge of his most waighty affaires, to the great dammage of all Christians: for he, who before was most vigilant in his charge, and by stealth followed his lusts, now being Pope, and attaining the top of his desires, casts off the care of all things and too much followed his pleasures: so men are encouraged unto vertue, not with the beauty of vertue, but hope of earthly advantage.... this was also reproovable in him, that without respect to his place he so delighted in idle talke, that his hearers would blush for shame. He died through intemperance rather than by age; after he had satt 5 years. Ja. Thuan.

V. MARCELLUS. II. would not change his name, to shew that he was the same man as before: he lived but 21 dayes; yet escaped not the blame of covetousness, saith Onuphrius. He was wont to have histories read unto him at table: once hearing what Pope Urban IV. had said of the misery of PP. he striketh the table with his hand, and said, I can not see, how a Pope can provide for his own salvation. Thuan. Lib. 15.

VI. PAUL IV. being 79. years old was crowned, with the grumbling of all men: they feared his severity, saith Onuphry: when he knew it, he spoke fairly unto the Cardinals and studied by liberality to procure the favour of the people: and when he was secured, he shewed himself in his colours, and began to performe what he had been devising before: there∣fore was hated of all men, He made a shew of reforming some abuses in the Court, that he might some way satisfy the exceptions of the Lutherans: but his shewes made him not so acceptable, as his deeds made him odious. He deprived many Clerks, because they had entred by simony: but it was for his own gain, and the hurt of many. Idem He had most arrogant conceits, and thought by his sole authority to prevent all incommodities without the aid of Princes. When he spoke with any Ambassadour, he often boasted, that he was superiour unto all Kings, and would not keep familiarity with a∣ny, he had power to change Kingdoms, and was the successour of such as had dethroned Kings & Emperours, and spared not to say in Consistory, at ta∣ble, and elsewhere, that he acknowledged no Prince to be his companion, but all must be subject unto his foot Pe. Soave lijst Lib. 5. When he heard, that liberty of religion was granted in Austria, Bavier, Prussia, Poland, &c. he thought to overturne all by a generall Councell at Lateran: and did intimate it unto the Emperour and Princes, not for their advice (said he) for they must obey, but of courtisy: (he knew this would not please them, he would let them see what his See could do, when they had a Pope of courage) and if Prelates would not come, he would hold the Councell with the Prelates of Rome: for he knew his own power. Ibid. He gave some Priviledges unto the City: for which the Romans would give him Divine honour, untill they found that it was but a deceitfull bait: for he un∣dertook warrs for the Kingdom of Naples, whereby he provoked not only the Romanes, but all the Princes of Europe (except the King of France whom he had persuaded to break his league with the Emperour) with new factions, and through his fault all Compania and Latium were

brought under the command of the Spaniard (for Duke d'Alva Gover∣nour of Naples chose to invade rather, than to be inuaded, and he might have taken Rome, if he had followed his victory An. 1556) and the treasury of the Church being emptied, Paul imposed & severely exacted most grievous taxes, whereby he procured more hatred, and was forced at last to seeke peace. Amongst his articles of the league with France, it was one, to create more French Cardinals (that so a French Pope might be cho∣sen after him) but in the beginning of the year 1557. he created neither so many nor such Cardinals as he had promised: he excused himself, that all his clients were no lesse affected toward France, than the French were, and within few dayes he would create more, because he hath a purpose to bring some Cardinals into the Inquisition, and so the present number shall be dimi∣nished. But all that year he was encombred with the warr, and when the French Army was recalled, he thought to satisfy the Romanes and the Car∣dinals by an unexpected conceit, to wit, by degrading his own kindred (whom he had advanced with the male contentment of so many) and he was earnest in the Inquisition, so that many fled into Geneve, and into woods. Onuphrius (an eye-witness) testifieth, that he tormented many of all estates without difference of age, and not without great blame of cruelty. When he lay sick, he sent for the Cardinals and exhorted them to be mindfull of the Inquisition, which is the pillar of Apostolicall au∣thority, said he. His breath was no sooner gone, when the people of the City broke up all the prisons, and set them on fire after the prisoners had escaped; and the Monastery of the Franciscanes ad Mineruam was hardly saved from violence. They had set up in the Capitole his portrai∣ture of white marble, when he gave them the liberties; but then they threw it down, and cast it thorough the streets, till it was defaced and bro∣ken; and would have done so with his body, if some had not kept it by power: Lastly a proclamation was made that the badges of the Caraffes, (a family in Naples, of which he was descended) whither painted or carved, should be demolished within Rome, under no lesse paine than of treason Jac. Thuan. Hist. Lib. 23. He died August. 18. An. 1559. The Cardi∣nals assemble unto the election: capitulation was made, that the Councell of Trent shall be restored for the necessity of preserving France and the Nether-lands, together with the open departure of High-Germany, and England. Here unto all the Cardinals did sweare and subscribe: but all in vain (as followes Ch. 5.) untill other occasions intervene.

VII. PIUS IV. was not sooner enstalled, but he gave out a mandate to burn all books of Lutherans: this command was executed in many pla∣ces. Osiand. cent. 16. par. 2. Lib. 3. c. 35. He imprisoned Cardinall Caraffa, and his brother Duke of Pallia (by whose aid principally he had attained unto the Papacy) and some other Cardinals. He caused to hang the Duke in Hadrian's tower (after he had craved liberty to say once the seven Peni∣tentiall psalmes) and beheaded the rest in the new tower. And for filling up the number again, he created new Cardinals of his own kindred: amongst whom was John the son of the great Duke being 14 years old, and Mark de Embs, whom he made Bishop of Constance, so learned, that when the Emperour Ferdinand said unto him, decet vos esse piscatores hominum: the Bishop understood not what he said, and answered in Dutch to another purpose Ibid c. 44. The Duke of Savoy would have given liberty unto the Waldenses within his bounds: but Pope Impius would not suffer it, and did contribute to take armes against them, Histor. Concil. Trid. Lib. 5. In the

year 1561. he shewed more than beastly cruelty against the professours of Truth: for in Monte alto a towne of Italy he imprisoned 80. men whom they called Lutherans, and caused the hang-men cut to their necks, as a cook doeth with a hen, and left then wallowing in their blood. Some suffered with immoveable constancy: some were a little dashed, when they saw the bloody knife in the hatkster's teeth: yet none of them would recant. He practized the like cruelty in two townes of Calabria, to wit, S, Sixti & Guarda: where he hired the Marques of Buciana (and gave a red hatt to his sonne (to be his executioner. Osiand ibi. c. 37. & 45. ex Henricpe & Ni∣grin. He would in time of the Councell have made a Generall league with all the Princes and Estates against the Protestants wheresoever; and this he did intend, to insnare all the Princes; and thought that none of them durst re∣fuse, if upon no other account, yet ro save themselves from suspition. But when he had sent his Nuntio unto them severally, none of them would consent; every one had their own excuse; and a common one, was, the hindering of the Councell: and yet (saith Pe. Soave) many thought, the raising of the Councell had not been displeasing unto him, seing he did alwaies furnish occasions of fomenting that opinion. Of his relation unto the Councell, more followes, in that place. After the Councell, he published a Bull, which is annexed to the Canons of the Councell: out of it I have extracted these words;

The duty of the A∣postolick service, which is committed unto us, requires, that the things which the almighty Lord hath vouchsafed for provident direction of his Church, to inspire from above unto the holy Fathers assembled in his na∣me, Wee should speedily execute the same to his praise, and glory [Ob∣serve, what false and hypocriticall pretenses] Therefore seeing according to the disposition of the Tridentine Councell, all who shall hereafter happen to be advanced unto Cathedrall and superiour Churches, or who shall hap∣pen to be Overseers of dignities, chanonries or other Church-Benefices having the cure of souls, are obliged to make open profession of the or∣thodox faith, and to promise and sweare, that they shall continue in obe∣dience unto the Romane Church; Wee willing.....that the tenour it self, which is noted by these presents, be published....and observed, and under paines....wee command, that it be framed by Apostolick autho∣rity....after this and no other forme....to wit, I. N. do with firme faith believe and professe all and every thing contained in the summ of faith which the holy Church of Rome useth, to wit, [Here is the Confession of Athanasius, and immediatly it followes] I most firmely embrace the Aposto∣licall and ecclesiasticall traditions and other obseruances and constitutions of the same Church; I do admitt the holy Scripture according to that sense, which the holy mother the Church held and holdeth, unto which [Church] it belongeth to judge of the true sense and interpretation of the Scriptures; nor shall I ever accept or expound the Sctiptures, but accor∣ding to the unanimous consent of the Fathers; I confesse also that there be truly and properly seven sacraments of the new law, instituted by Jesus Christ for salvation of mankind, albeit they be not all necessary unto eve∣ry one: these are baptisme, confirmation, the eucharist, pennance, extreme unction, orders, and marriage; and that these do conferre grace, and of these, baptisme, confirmation & marriage should not be reitera∣ted without sacriledge; I receive and approve all the received and approoved rites of the Catholick Church in the solemn administration of all the fore∣named sacraments; I embrace all and every thing, that was defined and

declarad concerning originall sin and justification, in the Synode of Trent; I professe also, that in the Masse is offered unto God a very proper sacrifice of attonement for the quick and the dead; and that in the most holy sacra∣ment of the Euchatist is verily, really and substantially the body and blood together with the soul and Deity of Christ Jesus, and that there is a con∣version of the whole substance of the bread into his body, and of the whole substance of the wine into his blood, which conversion the Catho∣lick Church calleth Transsubstantiation, I confesse also, that all and whole Christ and the very sacrament are received under one kind only; I hold constantly, that there is a purgatory, and that the souls there-in are aided by the prayers of believers, also that the Saints reigning with Christ are to be worshipped and invocated, and that they offer prayers unto God for us, and that their relicques are to be worshipped; I most constantly, affirme, that the images of Christ and of the mother of God ever a Virgine, and of other Saints, should be had and retained, and that due honour & wor∣ship should be given unto them; That the power of indulgences is left by Christ in the Church, and that the use of them is very profitable to the salvation of Christians, I acknowledge that the holy & Catholick and A∣postolick Church of Rome is the mother and Mistris of all Churches, and I promise and swear obedience unto the Romane Pope, the successour of blessed Peter Prince of the Apostles and Vicar of Jesus Christ; And all other things that were delivered, defined and declared by holy canons and Occumenicall Councells, and especially by the most holy Synode at Trent, These do I undoubtedly receive and professe; And also all contra∣ry things and whatsoever heresies were condemned, rejected and anathe∣matized, I also doe condemne, reject and anathematize; And the same true catholicke faith, without which no man can be saved, which I do at this present willingly professe, and sincerely hold, I the same N. doe vow and swear, that I shall have care, so farre as lieth in mee, that the same faith shall be kept whole and unviolated most constantly (with the help of God) untill the last breath of my life, and that it shall be kept and taught & preached by my subjects or by such as I shall have charge of, in my calling. So may God help mee and these holy Euangels of God; Wee will that these present Letters be read in our Apostolicall Chancelary......

Given at S. Peters in Rome, An. 1564. Novembr. 13. and fifth year of our Papacy.

These were read and puplished Decembr. 9. Here is a tenure of Episcopall profession, and it is a summ of Papistry. After the Councell the Pope thought himself secure, and spent the rest of his time in building sumptuous houses, and entertaining some Princes with Princely feasts. He built in the Vatican a place like unto the amphitheater for all such games. He was most expert in dissembling, addicted to all pleasures of meat, wyne and venery, which were thought to have hastened his death: for he died ex nimia venere, Decembr. 9. An. 1565. Jac. Thuan.

CHAP II. Of EMPEROVRS.

CHARLES V. the nephew of Maximilian, and King of Spain, &c. was chosen King of the Romanes: he had the largest Dominions of any Emperour for many hundred years: he was crowned at Aken An. 1520. and held a Diet at Worms An. 1521. where unto Luther was summoned: there it was ordained, that Luthers books should be burnt, and himself be bannished out of the Empire: but of his Acts concerning Religion we will (God willing) speak more hereafter. The Pope had been his Tu∣tour, and the King of France was prevailing in Lombardy: wherefore the Pope and the Emperour made a League against France, and they drewe in Henry VIII. King of England with them. Charles began his warrsin Lombardy, but was not there personally: at the battell of Pavy Francis was taken prisoner, and carried to Madrid: afterwards he was dismissed, and gave his two sonnes in hostage, and marryed Leonor the Emperours Sister, But Francis got from Pope Clement, a dispensation of his oath which he had given to Charles, for the performing of certain conditions after his liberty, and the rather, because that Charles did aim with unsatiable lust at the Empire, not of Italy only (saith Onuphr. in Clement VII.) but of whole Eu∣rope. When Charles heard of a League made against him by the Pope and the Princes of Italy and King Francis, he was not a little offended, and making the more hast, sent Charles Duke of Burbone Generall of his Army, into Italy, who did so prevaile, as is hinted before. Then in his Let∣ters he challengeth Francis of the breach of his oath, as he often spoke thereof unto the French Ambassadours. The King sent his Letters (by an Herauld) dated at Paris March 28. An. 1528. saying, By the talk, which thou hadst with some of mine, I understand that thou brag∣gest of certain things sounding to my dishonour, as if I had escaped thy hands against my fidelity: now; albeit he who after the compact hath left pledges, is him selfe quitt from bonde, so that I am thereby sufficiently excused; nevertheless in defence of my honour, I have writ∣ten thus briefly unto thee: therefore if thou doest blame this my fact and departing, or sayst that I have at any time done contrary unto the duty of a Noble Prince, I tell thee plainly, Thou liest: for I have determined to preserve my honour, while I have a day to live: therefore we need not many words: if thou hast ought against mee, thou shalt not need heerafter to write more, but appoint the place and time, where we may fight hand to hand: If this thou darest not do, and in the mean time revilest mee, I protest, that all the shame thereof belongs unto thee. The Emperour re∣ceiveth the Letters, and sent another Herauld appointing the place. Fran∣cis would not accept the Letters, but considering the danger of his children and his former misfortune, sought peace: it was concluded in August. An. 1529. At the same time Solyman was besieging Vienna in Austria with 25000 Turks: he assaulted it 20. times: it was defended so viliantly by the Germanes under the conduct of the Palsgrave, that the seege was rai∣sed after a moneth, and Solyman returned, many Turks being killed or ta∣ken. Then Charles had peace everywhere, and went to be crowned in Italy: ere he came to Bononia (where the Pope lay) three Cardinals were sent to demand, and take his oath of fidelity, that he would never pre∣judge

the liberties of the Church. He answered, He would not refuse that, so far as it should not be prejudiciall unto his own right; Meaning to recover Parma & Placentia, which the Church did then possesse, but was a part of the Dutchy of Millane. The Pope and Cardinalls loved not such conditions, but they durst not resist. So on Febr. 22. he was declared King of Lombardy, and Febr. 24. he was crowned Emperour An. 1530. He restored the Dutchy of Millain to Francis Sfortia: he created Frederik Gonzaga Duke of Mantua, and by meanes of the Prince of Orange he conquered Florence, and gave it to Alex. Medices. Then he wentunto Germany: in the Diet at Ausburg he caused his brother Ferdinand to be decla∣red King of the Romanes, not without opposition of the Duke of Bavier & of the Protestants. An. 1532. Solyman returned into Styria: Charles waites him at Vienna: yet sent some horse men against Cason a Turkish Captain with 15000. men plundering the Country. Cason was taken, and many souldiers were slain: wherefore Solyman returned now the se∣cond time with shame. Charles then goeth into Italy to talke with the Pope concerning the Generall Councell: thence he sailed into Spain An. 1533. After two years he relieved 22000. Christian captives, and wonne the Kingdom of Tunis from the Turks, and rendered it to King Alzaten Muleasses, who had been expelled by treason of his own sons. He retur∣nes into Italy, and again talkes with Pope Paul concerning the Councell: and went into Spain: thence he returnes into Germany An. 1541. When he was at the Diet in Regensburgh, he heard of the losse of Tunis again, and went thether, and lost a great part of his army to his discomfort, and re∣turned into Spain in November. Of his business with France, and with the Protestants in Germany, it followes in the next Chapter. His victo∣ry at Smalcald was his ruine: for upon no condition would he grant liberty unto John-Frederick Electour of Saxony, and the Landgrave: therefore Maurice son of Henry successour of the Popish George Duke of Saxony, and son-in-law to the Landgrave, though a Protestant, yet had follo∣wed the Emperour in and after these warrs; and therefore was honoured with the title of Electour) now seeing that the Emperour aimed not (as he had oft professed) at wonted and civill obedience only; did entreat for li∣berty unto his father-in-law. Charles dreameth of security, as if Ger∣many could not stirre any more, and would not remitt any part of his will. Wherefore Maurice by the advice and with the aid of Albert Duke of Bran∣deburg raiseth an army quietly, and approacheth to Ispruc: when Char∣les was informed of it, he sets the Electour at liberty, lest Duke should Maurice have the honour of his delivery, and himselfe fleeth with his Court by night into Italy: he climbeth the Alpes with torch-light. After all his travels he had not a foot of ground in Germany, but the Nederlands. After his departure within few hours Maurice took Ispruc, and was Master of all the baggage belonging to the Emperour and his court An. 1552. but touched nothing appertaining unto the burgesses. It came to passe, that King Fer∣dinand & Duke Maurice concluded a peace at Passaw, and ordained a Diet to be held at Ausburg. It was delayed two years: and albeit Maurice was killed by the before-named Albert, yet all discords for religion were commodiously composed in Septemb. An. 1555. liberty was granted un∣to the Protestants; the Landgrave was restored; but liberty was not per∣mitted unto bb. and clerks, to retain their Benefices, if they left Popery Pe. Soave histo. Conc. Trid. Charles would always hold up the Councell: but when he saw, that his fortune was changed, and his hope of a new Mo∣narchy

was gone; nor would his brother Ferdinand, nor the Electours condescend to the succession of his son Philip in the Empire; he laieth aside all care of the world, he resignes his inheritance unto his sonne (re∣serving 100000 crownes to himself and family) and quiteth Austria and the title of Emperour unto his brother Ferdinand (to use his own words, as Pe. Mexia recordeth) as if himself were dead, he tetiereth into Spain, lived in the monastery of S. Just two years, and died as humbly, as he had lived gloriously. All that space he read diligently the Books of Bernard, and with confidence would argue thus, I am unworthy to attain the King∣dom of heaven by my merites, but the Lord my God (which hath a two∣fold right unto it, by inheritance, and by meritt of his suffering) hath reser∣ved the one title unto himself, and hath given mee the other: by this gift I will claime it, and in this confidence I will never be ashamed: for the oil of mercy is not kept without the vessell of assurance: this is the confidence of man, to mistrust himself, and rely upon God: to trust in our own works is not faith, but unbelieff: sins are remitted by the mercy of God, and we should believe, that sin can not be forgiven but by him against whom we have sinned, and who can not sin, and by whom only all sins are pardoned. In the end when unto his lingring sicknes was added an hot fever, he held the crosse in his armes, saying, Abide in mee, ô sweet Saviour, that I may abide in thee. He took the sacrament in both kindes, and re∣peating the same words, he rendred his most glorious soul unto God, who gave it. So Ja. Thuan. hist. Lib 21. and Pe Soave hist. conc. Tri. lib. 5. saith, After his death, Constantius Pontius was committed to prison for suspicion of heresy, who was Confessor of Charles the Emperour in time of his solitariness. and in whose armes he died. This Pontius died in prison, and Philip caused one to burn him in effigie, and used such cruelty against his dead body: that many were amazed, and looked for no mercy from him, who had been so merciless to that man, whose infamy was not without the aspersi∣on of his dear father.

II. FERDINAND II. assembled the Electours at Frankford, and shewed the renuntiation of Charles: this was accepted, and he was received by them. He sent for confirmation of the Romane Court: Ere the Am∣bassadour was heard, the Cardinals object, The Imperiall seat can not vaike but by death, or deprivation or eiuration: and the last two belong unto the Pope only: for as the Pope only can depose, so eieration can be made before him only: as for anything that had passed in Germany, it was done by hereticks, which have lost their power: and therefore Ferdinand should purge himself in judgement, and do pennance, and send his Pro∣ctour with full power to renounce all that was done, and he should submitt all unto the pleasure of the Pope only. When the Ambassadour craved to be heard, the Pope said, Charles could not renounce but in his presence only, nor can Ferdinand accept without his consent: therefore he must sa∣tisfie within three months for such things as the Cardinals have to lay unto his charge. So his Ambassadour was not heard. Grisman advertiseth the Em∣perour: who willed him to shew, that if he were not admitted within three dayes, he should make protestation, that seing he had waited so long, and could not be heard, to the dishonour of his Master, he will return, that the Emperour may advise with the Electours, what shall be most expedient unto the Imperial dignity. Briefly Ferdinand could not be confirmed at Rome untill Pope Pius 4. Thuan. hist Lib. 21. An. 1559. Ferdinand held a Diete at Ausburgh, where the Oratours of sundry Nations vere present; and the

Protestants did present their grievances, to wit, that albeit peace of religion was concluded & confirmed by subscriptions & seales, yet the judges of the Chamber had enacted strict lawes in mixt causes against them; and seing controversies do depend on religion, they should be suspended conforme to the Articles of peace; nor would the Popish Princes and Magistrates suffer their subjects freely to professe the Augustan Confession, nor suffer them to sell their lands (as the Articles do permitt) that they may dwell in other territories, but they imprisoned them, or sent them away empty. The other party wanted not replies. The Emperour appoints another meeting, when his Deputies shall hear both parties more fully. The Protestants were content, if a like number of Judges were chosen of both parties. At that time they petitioned, that liberty might be granted unto bb. and clergy: but it was not granted. Ferdinand was addicted to Popery, yet was not an enemy to Protestants. Ere he was Emperour he was continually for warrs, but afterwards he was desirous of peace. He caused his son Maxi∣milian to be chosen King of the Romanes An. 1561. and died An. 1564.

CHAP III. Of diverse COVNTRIES.

IN the year 1516. Pope Leo X. under pretext to collect money for wars * 2.1 against the Turk, sent indulgences through all Christendom, granting pardon of sins both for guilt and punnishment, unto all which would give money; and extending this grace unto the dead, if any would buy for them: for his will was, that for whomsoever the disbursment was made, albeit they were in purgatory, they should be free from their pain; granting also liberty to eat eggs and milk on fast daies, and to choose a Confessour unto themselves &c. He began to distribute this harvest, ere it was well sown, giving unto certain persons the benefit to be reaped out of certain Pro∣vinces, and reserving what pleased him for his own treasury. Especially he gave the gain of Saxony and other parts of Germany about the sea∣cost, unto his Sister Magdalen and her husband Francis Cibo the base son of Pope Innocent VIII. for recompense (as he pretended) of the charges, the house of Cibo had sustained in the daies of Alexander VI. who was an e∣nemy to the house of Medices, and had chased Leo and others of that fa∣mily out of Rome. Magdalen (living then at Genua) agrieth with the B. Ange∣lus Arembold, and he proclaimed to give that power of selling these in∣dulgences in Germany unto any which would ingage to bring up most money, even so sordidly, that none of credit would contract with him: yet he wanted not merchants, Pe. Soave in Hist. Conc. Trident. and he went into Denmark and Sweden. Among these merchants was John Te∣celius a Dominican, who was once condemned by the Emperour Maximi∣lian, for adultery to bedrowned in the River at Ispruck, but by intercession of Duke Frederik had escaped. At this time returning into Germany, he began to teach how great power he had from the Pope, that albeit a man had defiled the Virgin Mary, and had got her with childe, he had power to forgive that sin for money; and he had power to forgive not only sinnes already committed, but whatsoever in one shall committ afterwards. Shortly comes forth a little book under the name

of Albert Bishop of Mentz, commanding the pardoners to set forth these indulgences most diligently. Joann. Sleidan. Commentar. Libr. 13. It was the custom of Saxony, that the Augustinians were imployed in the selling of Indulgences: but Tecelius would rather employ the Domini∣canes: and they spent prodigally in taverns, what others did spare from their necessaries to buy the pardons. So the luxury of the pardon-mon∣gers, and the preaching of the Dominicans were scandalous to very many of all estates, and the Augustinians took it ill, that they were deprived of their priviledge. Pe. Soave. Iby.

II. MARTIN LVTHER. was borne in Islebia a town of Mans∣field * 2.2 An. 1483. in the 22 year of his age he had finished his course of Phi∣losophy in Erford, and there entred into the monastery of the Augustini∣ans. After three years he was inuited to be professour of Philosophy in Witembergh, and there he was graduat Doctour of Divinity by Andr. Catolstadius An. 1512. In Erford he had learned of an old Augustinian, that it is not sufficient to believe generally the remission of sin, or that it belongs unto them only, whose names are registred in Scriptures, but every true penitent may believe, that his own sins are forgiven him freely in Christ: and accordingly is that to be understood, Wee are justified by faith freely. Afterwards he read the works of Augustin, and despised not the Sententiaries, namely, Thomas, Biel, Occam &c. In the year 1516. he had a publick disputation of Free-will against the common doctrine of the School-men, as Lu. Osiand. in Epit. hist. cent. 16. li. 1. c. 19. rehearseth. His Question was; Whether man being created after the image of God, can by his naturall power keep the commands of God the creator, or do or think any good, and by grace deserve, and know his merites? Hee an∣swereth in three Conclusions, and so many Corollaries unto each of them. Conclu. I Man in respect of his soul made to the image of God, and so fitted for the grace of God, doth by his naturall strength only, make every creature which he useth, subject to vanity, and seeketh himself, and things accor∣ding to the flesh. Corollar. 1. The old man is vanity of vanities, alto∣gether vanity, and makes all creatures, even which are good, to be vain. Coroll. II. The old man is called flesh, not only because he is led with sensuall concupiscence, but (albeit he be chast, wise, just) because he is not renewed of God by the Spirit. Corol. 3. Albeit all unbelievers be vain, and do no good, yet they shall not all suffer alike punnishment. Conclus. 2. A man, without Gods grace, can no way keep his commandements, nor prepare himself unto grace, vel de congruo. vel de condigno, but necessa∣rily abides under sin. Goroll. 1. The will of man without grace is not free, but serveth, albeit not unwillingly. Cor. 2. When a man doeth what is in himself, he sinneth; seeing of himself he can neither will, nor think [well.] Cor: 3. Seing the righteousnes of believers is hid in God, and their sin is manifest in themselves, it is true that only the un just are damned and sinners & whoores are saved. Conclus. III. Grace or charity, which helpeth not (but in extream necessity) is very dull, or rather no charity; unless by extream necessity be understood, not the perrill of death, but every one's want. Coroll. 1. Christ Jesus, our strength, our righteousnes, the searcher of the hearts and reines, is the only searcher and judge of our merites. Cor. 2. Seing unto a believer all things, by the power of Christ, are possible; it is superstitious to depute other helps unto mans will, or of other Saints. Cor. 3. According to the premisses is the answer unto the Question. He wrote unto an Eremite thus; I desire to know, what thy

soul doeth; whether now in the end it be weary of it's righteousness, and lear∣neth to be refreshed with, and trust in the righteousness of Christ: for in our time the tentation of presumption is strong in many, and chiefly in those, who study to be just and good by their own strength, and being ignorant of the righteousness of God, which is in Christ abundantly, and is given freely, seek by themselves to do well so long, untill they have confidence to stand before God, as it were adorned by their own strength and merites; which is impossible: Thou wast some time in this opinion, or errour; and so was I: but now I fight against this errour, but as yet have not overcome: therefore, dear brother, learne Christ, and him crucified: learne to sing unto Him, and despairing of thyself, to say unto him, Thou, Lord Jesus, art my righteousness, but I am thy sin: thou hast taken mine, and hast given mee thine: thou hast taken what thou wast not, and hast given mee what I was not. Take heed lest at any time thou aspire unto so great purity, that thou wouldst not seem to thy self a sinner, yea, or not to be a sinner: for Christ dwelleth not but in sinners: for therefore came he down from heaven, where he dwelt among the righteous, that he might dwell in sinners. Think upon that his love, and thou shalt see his most sweet consolation: For if we must come by our labours and affli∣ctions to the peace of conscience, why hath he died? therefore thou canst not finde peace, but by him, and by fiduciall despairing of thyself and thy works: and further thou shalt learne thereby, that as he hath taken thee, and made thy sins his, so hath he made his righteousness thine. Howbeit Luther had so disputed and written, yet none did oppose him: but rather he purchased love and estimation.

3. When the Indulgences were proclaimed and preached in the manner * 2.3 named before, his zeal could not endure the vanity of them, and the blas∣phemies, wherewith they were commended. At the first, he spoke not against the use of indulgences, but against the abuses of them, and against the blasphemous commending of them: and (as he shewes in his Apology, which is in Sleidan. lib. 13) he wrote unto the Bishop of Mentz, exhor∣ting him humbly to inhibite or restrain these Friers: but the Bishop retur∣ned him no answer: yet the Bishop of Brandenburgh hearing of that e∣pistle, did admonish Luther, to take heed, lest he brought himself into danger. Likewise Alb. Crantzius the historian said unto him, Brother, you speak truth: but you can not help it: go into your cell, and pray, Lord have mercy upon us. And the Prior and subprior of Wittembergh did entreat him, that for respect unto their Order, he would be silent, and not bring it into contempt; and the rather, that the Franciscanes were beginning to rejoice, that the Augustinians were falling into contempt even as they. Luther answereth. All this will fall, if it be not begun in the name of the Lord: but if it bee, let us trust to God, that he will carry it on. Schultet. Annal. ad An. 1517. John Bishop of Misna at that time said, he had lately read the holy Scriptures, and therein had found a religion very unlike unto that, that was presently professed. And a litle before his death, he heard of Tecelius, and said, This will be the last seller of such wares: for intollerable is his impudence Ibid. A rich woman of Magde∣burgh after confession could not have a pardon from a Dominican, unless she would give a hundred florenes: she adviseth with a Franciscan her for∣mer Confessour, and he said unto her, God forgives sin freely, and selleth not as a merchant. And he besought her, that she would not tell Tecelins, who had informed her so. But when Tecelius knew, that for this cause

she would not give the mony, he said, that he shall be either burnt or ba∣nished, who hath given such advice. Ibid. After this Luther was the more diligent in searching the originall of the doctrine of indulgences; and then he publisheth 59. conclusions to be disputed in Wittembergh, Octo∣ber 31. An. 1517. within few dayes they were carried through all Germa∣ny, and were joyfully read by many: for all men almost were complai∣ning of the pardons, especially as they were preached and sold by Tecelius. None came to set face against these Propositions, and the name of Luther became famous, for that at last one was found to oppose the corruptions of the Church. Then Conrad Wimpina a Doctour in Frankford upon Me∣ne publisheth contrary propositions, in defense of the Indulgences. Lu∣ther writes in defense of his own propositions; and John Eckius opposeth them. When Luthers propositions and book were carried to Rome, a third Dominican Silvester Prierias wrote against him. Thus the conte∣station waxeth hott, and is more known abroad. Upon this occasion. Pe. Soave in hist. Conc. Trid. shewes the originall and progress of indulgences.

Where as (saith he) the matter of indulgences was not much scanned * 2.4 in former ages, nor was it weighed by the Divines, by what arguments they could be mantained, or weakned, their causes and essence was not throughly known: for some thought, that indulgence was nothing else, but an absolution by authority of a prelate, from that pennance, which according to that manner of discipline the Church in these times, did en∣joyn unto a penitent, (in following ages the Bishop took unto himself alone the prescribing of that punishment; afterwards he did concredite it un∣to the poenitentiary priest, and at last unto the discretion of the Confessary) yet so that he was not free from the punishment due by Divine justice: When this was thought to turne more to the hurt, then benefit of Christi∣ans, because when a dispensation of canonicall punishment was given them, they became careless to seek the favour of God by voluntary pu∣nishment, they did conceive that indulgence was a freedom from both punishments. And again they were divided: for some thought, this freedom was absolute without any satisfaction: but others on the contrary said, So long as communion by charity continues in the Church, the re∣pentance of one believer is communicable unto another so farra, that he is freed upon the account of the other. But because that was thought to be more proper unto them that were of a blameless life, and exercised with strict discipline, then unto the authority of a bishop; a third opinion was ta∣ken up, that the essence of indulgences consists partly in the authority of the prelate, and partly in compensation. And because the conversation of the Bishops is not so blameless and free from sin, that he by his merites can help others, they devise the treasure of the Church, into which are layd the merits of all, which had more plenty, then which was sufficient unto themselves; and the dispensation of these merits belongeth unto the Bi∣shop of Rome, so that it is in his power to give indulgences, and recom∣pence the debt of a sinner, by the merits of the same value, out of the common treasury of the Church. And where as neither this treasure could satisfy for all sinners, seing the merits of the Saints have certainly an end and bounds; and so it may faile; they thought good; to adjoin the infi∣nite merits of Christ unto the finite merits of the Saints, that so the treasure might be perpetuall. And here again arose another scruple; what need is there of the drop of mans merits, seing the infinite ocean of Christs me∣rits floweth for ever. And truly this gave occasion unto many, to put all

their confidence of indulgence, into the only treasury of our Saviour, which never can be emptied. All these things were so uncertain, and had no surer ground, but the Bull of Pope Clement VI. which was proclaimed for the Jubilee, An. 1350. that they were thought not sufficient to con∣vince Martin Luther, or to confute his reasons: therefore Tecelius, Ec∣cius and Prierias perceiving the weaknes of their cause in the places proper unto that matter, took their refuge unto Common places; and lay their ground upon the authority of the Pope, and consent of the School-men; to wit, Seing the Pope can not erre in matter of faith, and had confirmed the Scholastick doctrine of indulgences, and by his Bull hath bestowed them on believers, the doctrine concerning these is an article of faith, to be be∣lieved necessarily. Hence Martin takes occasion to digresse from indulgen∣ces, and to sift the power of the Pope. Albeit others had commended this power as the highest, and subject unto none other, yet he made not such account of it, but held it to be subject to a General Councell lawfully assem∣bled; which he affirmed to be very necessary at that time, in respect of the condition of the Church. And howbeit in this fire of contestation Luther did overthrow the power of the Pope, and ever the more, that the others did advance it, yet he did always speak no thing but modestly of the person of Pope Leo; yea and for a time he declined not his judgement. Never∣theless they fell upon other particulars, and the dispute concerning remis∣sion of sin, repentance and Purgatory, by which the Chapmen of the Ro∣man court did confirme their indulgences. But among them all, James Hoghstrate a Dominican and Inquisitour of the faith wrote against Luther most properly: for he left other reasons and purposes, and adviseth the Pope to beat down the mans pertinacy with fire and sword. So writes P. Soave summarily.

VI. On Christ-mass-eeven Frederik Electour of Saxony, and his Brother * 2.5 John went to Church in Wineberg, An. 1517. with their traine; and the aire being cleare, he seeth above his house clearly a fiery cross: they stand beholding it, and were amazed: then Frederik saith unto his Brother, That is a signe, that there will be strife for Religion, and the house of Saxony will be in danger. Abr. Schultet. Annal. At that time Andr. Caro∣losladius the prime Divine had published a booke in defense of Luther; the young Students at Wittembergh burned the propositions of Tecelius in the market place, and the Duke Frederik (not being required) undertakes the patrociny of Luther and Carolstad. When Luther saw the Book of Sylvester, he called it a wilde one & divelish, and (saith he) if Rome do so judge, as this book speakes, it is the very seat of Antichrist. He is sum∣moned by the General of the Augustinians to answer at Heidelbergh: ma∣ny did dissuade him: but he would yield obedience: by the way the Bishop of Wortsburg entertaineth him friendly; and the Palsgrave receives him graciously at Heidlebergh: In the Monastery of Augustinians (which after∣wards was called Collegium Sapientiae) he disputeth 28. propositions con∣cerning justification by faith, chiefly these two, Free-will (after sin) is but a title: He is not just, who worketh much, but who believeth much in Christ. Martin Bucer, wrote Luther's words so quickly as he could, and sent a copy thereof unto Beat Rhenan, with these words in the end, Luther in the solemnized Synod of his Brethren here was president of a learned dis∣pute in a solemne manner, and hath disputed some paradoxes, which not only were above the opinion of us all, but even seemed heretical for the most part: marvelous was his Sweetness in answering, incomparable was his

patience in hearing, and in dissolving knots ye might have seen the witt of Paul, and not of Scotus, he did so easily bring them all into admiration of him with his short answers, that were taken out of the treasury of Di∣vine Scriptures: he agreeth in every thing with Erasmus; in one thing he goeth beyond him, that what the one doeth conveigh closely, the other teaches plainly. When Luther had returned, he publisheth a Declarati∣on of his propositions concerning indulgences, and dedicates it unto Pope Leo; in his epistle, and in another unto the Bishop of Brandenburgh he shewes the motives of that his divulged declaration, 1. To calme his ad∣versaries. 2. To satisfy the desires of many; that he suffer them not to be deceived, who think that he asserts all these, seeing he doubteth of ma∣ny of them, and in some he is ignorant; some he denieth, and he asserts none of them pertinaciously. And he entreates the Bishop of Branden∣burgh to take his pen, and blot out as he pleaseth, or burn all in a fire; seeing he doth only dispute, but determines nothing. Likewise unto the Pope saith he, I do present myself prostrate at the feet of your blessedness with all that I have, or am: refresh, kill, call, revoke, approove, disproove: I will acknowledge your voice to be the voice of Christ presiding and spea∣king in you, Schultet. ibid. Luther had written many of his first proposi∣tions according to the current of the time, which afterwards he did recall and refute. The Emperour wrote unto the Pope, advising him to put an end unto these disputations in time: and the Pope sent word unto Hierom Auditor camerae then in Germany, to summon Luther unto Rome. Luther craveth to be examined in Germany in a place and before judges conveni∣ent. Duke Frederik writes unto Thomas de Vio Card. Caietan the Legate, that Luther may be heard in Ausburgh. Then the Duke of Brunswyke amongst other invectives wrote, that Luther had raised this tragedy by mo∣tion of Frederik Duke of Saxony, for envy of Albert Bishop of Mentz, because he keeps still the Bishoprik of Madenburgh. Others said, Luther was provoked for the losse of gain to his sect. Concerning the first, Lu∣ther wrote the contrary, as is to be seen in his above named Apology, in Sleida. comment. lib. 13; as also histories shew, that Frederik was a prudent and peaceable Prince, and the choise of Germany after the death of Maxi∣lian, but having understanding, and following the Rule of Gods Word, he preferreth the clearing of the truth in such a matter unto every thing: and so when Maximilian and Leo commanded him in August An. 1518. to remove Luther from preaching; the Duke considering the matter of Luther's doctrine, and searching the sentences of Scripture quoted by him, he would not withstand the truth, when it was made cleare unto him. Nor did he so, trusting to his own judgement only, but was inquisitive to know the judgement of others more learned and antient; especially he wrote un∣to Erasmus (who was then about 58 years of age, and famous for lear∣ning) protesting, that he would that the earth did open and swallow him rather than he would mantain any opinion against his knowledge and con∣science; but he could not permitt an innocent man to be oppressed by these, who were seeking their own interests, and not the glory of Jesus Christ; and therefore he be sought him to declare his judgement freely in these contro∣versies. So writes Erasmus in Epist. Roffens. Episc. dated. prid. Luc. Ann. 1519. Erasmus answereth at first darkly, that in Luther were two faults; he smote both at the head and belly of the Church [that is, the Pope and the monks] which two should not be medled with. Then the Duke was in∣stant with him, to shew his mind more clearly: and Erasmus answereth,

Luther doth well in discovering errours; and Reformation of the Church is very necessary: the substance of his doctrin is true, but his style would be more moderate both in writing and speaking against mens persons. Whereupon the Duke wrote unto Luther, that he should temper the vehe∣mency of his invectives. As for the aim of Luther, Paul Langius, a dis∣ciple of Tritemius, and at that time a Monk Citicensis, writes in Chronic. saying, Martin a very perfect Divine, profound, incomparable, endea∣vours to bring sacred Theology unto its originall dignity, and primitive purity, as also unto the Euangelicall, sincere and simple innocency, all seculare Philosophy being put clean away.....he followes Simon de Cas∣sia a most Christian Divine in former times, despising all Philosophy, teaches the Holy Scripture most purely, declaring continually the most re∣verend and almost not-heard mysteries of Gods Word: he became most famous through the world, albeit like another Jerom he wanted not the envy of enemies, and persecution of the Scholasticall Divines. And the same Langius speaking of Carolstadius, Luther and Melanchton, saith, They most purely do treat of Divinity, the wheat of Gods Word without al chaff, that is, without all Philosophy and mixture of Syllogismes: they have the Sacred Scriptures, and especially the Gospell of Christ and epistles of Paul, for their principles and foundation; with the study of learning they powre into the breasts of their disciples the fear of God and seeds of all vertues by their word, example and pen. And lest any should say, that he speakes of them before their separation, he addeth about the year 1520. He by his doctrin, and admired preaching, brought indulgences to nothing, and called them altogether into doubt, and diverted the people from buying; affirming that they were not necessary unto salvation, nor were availeable unto forgiveness of sin, but were a neglecting of repentance, and a casting loose and an impediment of all works of piety; nor was such a treasure of the merits of Saints known in the primitive Church for the space of 1000 years and more....affirming also that the Church of Rome is not the first and head of all Churches de Jure Divino: and therefore unto this present time they persecute him like another Athanasius.....and he hath taught other rare and sublime things, which not only some Romanists, but many of the most learned, especially the Thomists cease not to maintain; Nevertheless Martin a most learned and wise Divine in our age, confirming and proving his doctrin by testimony of the Gospell and of the antient Orthodox Fathers hath remained invincible hitherto. This and much more is written by that Monk not affirmatively, but by admiration, and doubting after the manner of many, as he speakes, untill it be decreed by a Generall Councell. To this purpose writes Laur. Surius a Carthusian Monk of Colein, and enemy of Luther, saying, Because not small abuses were mixed with these proclaimed indulgences, Luther took occasion to inveigh bitterly against some immode∣rate and filthy preachers of them, and sent Letters unto the Bishop of Mentz, writing far otherwise of matters of religion, than he did afterwards in his book de captivitate Babylonica and other books: also he set forth 95. propo∣sitions against the indulgences, and Tecelius set forth 105. contrary pro∣positions: out of this contention arose that fire, where with all Europe was almost enflammed: in the very beginning of this tragedy many grave & learned men did judge, that Luther was moved, not with a very bad zeal, and that he looked upon no other thing but the Reformation of the Church, in which every good man was grieved at many abuses &c. And in the year 1519. Novemb. 1. Erasmus wrot from Lovan unto Albert Bi∣shop

of Mentz, saying, Many things are in the Books of Luther, con∣demned as heresies, by Monks and Friers, which in the books of Augustin & Bernard are found as sound & godly: the life or conversation of Luther is universally approved of all men; And the world is burdened with mens or∣dinances, with School-doctrines and opinions, and with the tyranny of begging Friers, who so far as the Pope makes for them, they make him more than a god; but if he make any thing against their purpose or ad∣vantage, they account no more of his authority then of a dream: they have left off to speak of Christ, and teach nothing but their own new con∣ceits, which even idiots can not endure, and good men groan, when they see such things: These things (as I suspect) have moved Luthers mind that he durst oppose himself against the intolerable impudency of some: for what other thing can I suspect of a man, who is neither ambitious of ho∣nour, nor covetous of mony? And in his epistle to Cardinall Campegi∣us dated Lovan. Natal. Nicol. 1520. he saith, I have heard very worthy men of approoved life and doctrine rejoice, that they had found some of Lu∣thers books: and I have seen, that whosoever was of most innocent life, and nearest to the purity of the Gospell, was least offended at him: further his life is commended even by them, who hate his doctrine: God only can judge of the mind.....the world now being wearied with this doctrine of humane traditions & constitutions, seemeth to thirst for the pure water of the Evangelicall fountaines: and it seemes unto mee, that this man is fra∣med by nature unto this purpose, as he is kindled in desire.

V. The Pope was persuaded by some, that Luthers cause should be first * 2.6 examined in Germany: and so he committeth it unto Cardinall Cajetan, ordering him, that if he find any appearance of amendement, to accept him, and restore him unto the Church, and not only forgive him what was passed, but give him hope of preferment and rewards: but if the man be obstinate, he should deal with the Emperour and Princes, to restrain him with bodily punishments, Upon citation Luther goeth to Ausburgh, and hea∣ring that the Cardinall had gained upon the Emperour and some Princes to hate him, he writes unto George Spalatinus, For all these I fear not: though they prevaile by flattery or credite, to make mee odious unto all men; yet I am sure in my conscience, that whatsoever I have, and whatsoever they impugne, I acknowledge and confesse that I have it from God: and these things I do referr and offer unto Him: if he take them, let them go: if he maintaine them, they are safe; and blessed be his holy name for ever. He came to Ausburgh in the beginning of October, but did not present him∣self, untill he had received a safe-conduct from the Emperour and then he appeareth before the Legate October 12. he was accepted courte∣ously, and the Legate spoke of some controverted points: but when he perceived (saith Pe. Soave) that he was not like to yeeld, no not for the great weight of Schoole-divinity, in which profession he was very well acquainted; and he was prompt with the texts of Scripture, where in the School-men had little confidence: therefore he professed openly that he would not deal with him in way of disputation: only he did exhort him, to recall what he had divulged, or at least to submit his books and doctrine unto the Popes judgement, and the rather he should not refuse, because of the present danger, if he repent not, and of Leo's favour, if he despise it not; when it is tendered. Luther pauseth a litle, without any answer: the Legate thought he wold not presse him instantly, but gives him leave for some days, that the menaces and promises may take the more upon

him: and he sent Jo. Staputius Vicar generall of the Augustinians to deale with him in the same manner. Another day the Legate professed, that he would deal with him, not as a disputant, but as his Judge, and to encline him to reconciliation, he adviseth him that he let not the faire op∣portunity of favour slip. Luther answereth with his accustomed freedom, I will not prejudge the truth for any paction; nor have I offended any man by word or deed, that I should hunt after any man's favour; nor do I fear the menaces of any adversary: and if they will attempt any thing against mee illegally, I am resolved to appeall unto a generall Councell. The Cardinall had heard, that he was encouraged by some Princes who intended by him to restrain the Popes power, and he suspected that their persuasion had made him so confident: therefore he was full of wrath, and chideth him bitterly, revileth him, admonishes him, that Princes have long hands, and commandeth him to pack him out of his sight. He going away, calleth to mind, what they had done to John Huss: he intendeth to depart quietly: but after another advisement he sent Letters unto the Cardinall, where in he acknowledgeth, that he had spoken hastily, as the importunity of his adversaries and these bankers had provoked him; he promiseth to use more modesty, yea he will satiffy the Pope, and shall speak no more of Indulgences, if his adversaries shall be likewise tied. But (saith the same authour) while neither party will be silent, but rather provoke one ano∣ther, the fire was the more kindled. The Court of Rome was offended with the Cardinal, that he had dealt too peremptorily and contum cliously, nor had allured him with hope of a miter or red hatt. Others relate that con∣ference in other words, yet not contrary, that when Luther was comman∣ded to recant, he desired to be informed, where in he had erred? The Legate alledgeth the Extravagant of Pope Clemens. Then Luther protested, that he did reverence the Church of Rome, so far as they are not contrary unto the written word of God; as for any thing that he had written or said, he protested, that he thought it Catholick, and was ready either presently, or at any time shal be appointed, to give reasons of this his assertion, out of the written word, and to answer any objection. But the Legate would not heare of Scripture. When Luther was gone, the Legate wrote a sharp letter unto Frederik, requiring him as he tendered his own honour & save∣ty, or respected the favour of the great high priest, to send Luther unto Rome, or expell him out of his Dominion. The Duke replieth, excu∣sing himself, that he could not do that with his honour nor with a safe con∣science, unless he knew a justcause; and if the Legate will shew that, nothing shall be lacking on his part. Nevertheless the Duke began to be timorous, un till he sought information from Erasmus, and the University of Witembergh: they did encourage him unto constancy in Gods cause. J. Fox in Act. & mon.

VI. Leo feareth an innouation in Germany, not only by loosing the * 2.7 benefit of Indulgences, but by contempt of his authority: and for remedie of both he confirmeth the Indulgences by a new Bull, dated Novemb. 9. Ann. 1518. and therein declares, that unto him as the successour of Pe∣ter, and Vicar of Christ, belongs the power to bestow so great a benefite both on the living and the dead; and the Church of Rome is the mother and Lady of all Christians; and all men must obey her, who will not be separate from the communion of the Church. This was sent unto Caje∣tan, and he directed severall coppies thereof unto the Bishops throughout Germany; adding threats against all who shall think otherwise. Then Luther, saw that nothing was to be expected from Rome unto him▪ but

condemnation: therefore he published an appeal, wherein he professeth, that he would not decline the authority of the Pope in so far as he followeth truth, but he is not so free from the common condition of men, that he can not erre, seing even the example of Peter (who was rebuked by Paul) testifieth the contrary: indeed it is easy for the Pope by his wealth and power to oppresse any man dissenting from him; and they who are oppressed, must have their refuge to a general Councell, which every way is to be prefer∣red before the Pope. By this appeall (after it was spread, and many did judge it reasonable) it did quickly appeare, how weak the Popes Bull was to quench the fire of Germany. Pe. Soave in Histor. In the end of this year Luther wrote unto Wenceslaus Linckius, saying, I send unto thee my proceedings more exactly written than the Lord Legate thinks: but my pen is a breeding for higher things: I know not whence these meditations do come: in my judgement this business is not yet begun; so far is it from that the Peers of Rome can hope for an end: I send thee my trifles that thou mayst see whither I guesse rightly, that the very Antichrist (as Paul speakes) be reigning in the Court of Rome: I think, I can demonstrate that he now is worse than the Turks. Schultet. Annal.

VII. After the publishing of the foresaid Bull, the minds of the Roman * 2.8 Court were lifted up again, (and ere they heard of Luther's appeall) as if all were then well: presently they fly unto their harvest, and send Samson a Franciscan of Millan into Helvetia, to sell Indulgences: in some places he reapeth abundantly: he comes to Zurick, where Hulderik or Ulrick Zuinglius opposeth him, and preacheth not only against the abuses of the indulgences, but confuteth the use of them and the power of the Pope sending them: and many did hear him gladly, and commended him mightily, saith Pe. Soave. Here it is to be remembred, that albeit Luther was the first who entred into debate with the corrupt Court of Rome, yet not he alone. Wolfgang Fabritius Capito was born in Haganoa of Alsatia An. 1478. his father abhorring the wicked life of priests, took him from the study of Divinity, and applied him unto Medicine: but after his fathers death he returned unto the subtilties of Scotus, in Friburgh of Brisgoia, and weary∣ing there, he became preacher in Brusella by Spira: thence he was called unto Basile An. 1508. where by preaching and disputing he sowed the first seed of the Gospell. Likewise John housschine or Oecolamp. made such progress in his studies at Heilborn & Heidlbergh that Philip the Palsgrave made choi∣se of him to be Tutour of his children: about the year 1514. his native town Winsbergh calleth him to be their preacher, where he was the admiration of all learned men: and in the year 1516. he was called unto Basile, and there did concurre with Erasmus in translating the New Testament, and the same year was graduat Doctor of Divinity by Capito. Also at Straws∣burgh Doctour Keisersberger and John Creutser another Doctour of Divinity, howbeit they did use the usuall rites, yet they preached no other doctrine then afterwards was declared in their Confession An. 1530. so that Straws∣burgh was the first town of Germany professing the truth of the Gospell, saith Abr. Scultet. in Annal. As for Zuinglius; his father was wealthy and old; and his son very young: he thought, the fittest way to preserve his riches unto his son, was to build a Church in Glarona, and addote all his riches unto the priest there of, upon condition; that his son be the first priest: when the boy came to 16 years of age, he was sensible of his unworthiness to have the charge of souls: therefore he went to the schools in Basile An. 1505. where he heard Thomas VVittenbach teach, that the

death of Christ is the only price of our redemption, and indulgences are but a device of the Pope. Then he read the Scriptures diligently, especi∣ally the New Testament in Greek: and finding in the epistle of Peter, that the Scripture is not of private interpretation, he made it a part of his prayer dayly, that God would give him his Spirit, to attain the knowledge of the hid mysteries. And lest he should be deceived with a fond conceit of his own imaginations, he compared the Scriptures, and by collationing one passage with another, he searches the meaning of the darker places: and he read the writings of the antients, yet so that he judged, they should be examined by the touchstone of Gods word. Thus he attained to the knowledge of many things, which were not spoken of in these days. He was called by Francis à Sickengen a Germane Knight, to be his preacher, ansd there he read the gospell and the epistle and the Letany in the Germane language; not intending any Reformation, but that they under his charge might the better understand what they heard. Then came unto his hands the Resolution of the questions, which Picus of Mirandula had pro∣pounded at Rome: these he did approove; and therefore was suspected and hated by some: nevertheless with boldness he spoke against the pardons, and openly disputed with Cardinall Matthew Bishop of Sedune, before there was any word of Luthers propositions: and he preached against the superstiti∣ous running of the people unto the Eremites. In the year 1517. he was cal∣led to be preacher of Zurick, and at his admission he protested, that he would declare the History of Christ out of the Gospell, not according to the expositions of men, for he would be tied to none, but to the mind of the Spirit, which he trusted to attain by prayer and meditation of the Scriptures. Many rejoiced at this protestation, and others were offended. Ex vita Zuinglii prefixed unto his Epistles. When the books of Luther came into Helvetia, he had heard of them, but he professed publickly, that he would not read them, yet exhorted the people to read them diligently. Behold his intent! he would, that the people hearing him, and reading the other, and knowing that he did not read them, might the better see the unity of the Spirit flowing in them both out of Divine Scriptures, and so the more willingly believe the Truth. And by Gods blessing there fol∣lowed a wondrous successe; as here after we shall heare.

VIII. In January 1519. comes from Pope Leo, Carol. Miltitius with a * 2.9 present of a golden rose and consecrated, unto Duke Frederik, and with Letters unto his Counseller Degenhart Pfessinger, entreating him to assist Miltitius for bannishing Luther that child of Satan. In the mean time word is brought, that the Emperour is dead Januar. 12: then the eies of all men were toward Frederik as successour: whereby Luther had rest for a time, and the fury of his adversaries was abated. He spoke with Miltitius at Al∣tenburgh, and promised silence, if the same were enjoyned unto his ad∣versaries; and to recant, whensoever he shall be covinced of an errour. To the same purpose he wrote unto Leo March III. adding, he could not recant simply; because it would be an imputation unto the Apostolicall See, seing many learned and judicious men in Germany understand all the controversy. On the first of May Erasmus writes unto the Duke of Saxo∣ny, that so long as he is President of justice, an innocent man should not be given into the hands of ungodly men, under pretense of piety; all do commend the innocency of Luther; nor is he to be thought an heretick, who displeaseth this or that man: his accusers do but seek their own inte∣rests; nor should he be rashly condemned of heresy, who leadeth a godly

life as becometh a Christian. In the end of Juny and some days of July there was a disputation at Leipsich betwixt Eccius and Carolstad: there was also Luther and Melanchton, all under the protection of George uncle of the Duke Frederik. When Tecelius heard of this appointment, he said, So would the Devill: and he died in the mean time. This disputation is writ∣ten by many. Agrippa telleth the substance of it in few words, thus, Hogh∣strat and Eccius gained nothing but scorne. They dispute most of the po∣wer of the Pope. After the dispute, the Duke George touches Eccius and Luther with his hand, & saith, Whither Jure Divino or Jure humano, yet the Pope of Rome is the great highpriest. This disputation brought forth many books, especially from Carolstad and Eccius, whereby both their names were much empaired. Then Luther publisheth his Ser∣mons of a twofold righteousness; of the saving meditation of Christs passi∣on; of baptisme; of preparation unto death: Also a declaration of the propositions disputed at Leipsich concerning the power of the Pope; A confutation of the Antidotes falsely imputed unto him by the Monks of Ju∣trebok: And a Commentary on the epistle to the Galatians. In October the Bohemians write from Prague unto Luther, exhorting him unto con∣stancy and patience, and affirming his doctrine to be pure Divinity. Likewise Wolfgang Capito wrote from Basile unto him, that Helvetia and the country about Rhine even unto the sea did love him; yea and the Cardinall Bishop of Sedun a learned and very faithfull man, and many other chief men, when they heard he was in danger, were willing to have bestowed on him not only for his sustentation, but a safe refuge, where he might ei∣ther lurk or live openly: but when they had seen the coppy of the letter, which the Duke had sent unto the Legate, they perceived that he had no need of their aid: and that they had caused his books to beprinted, and spread them in Italy, Spain, France and England, heerin regarding their com∣mon cause. The same Capito wrote also then unto Erasmus, exhorting him, that he would not oppose Luther, albeit (saith he) I do misse (or wish that he would write otherwise] many things; yet it is expedient that he be encouraged, that young men may be the more heartned for the liber∣ty of the Church: I know that the adversaries wish nothing more, than to have you provoked against him: but it is better to have all the other Divi∣nes against You, then to have his abettours your enemies: many Princes, Cardinals, Bishops, and the best of the clergy do affect his business. Schul∣tet. Annal. This summer the Monks made it the principall matter of their preaching, to inveigh against Luther; and so they spread among the people what was before packed up in Latine within the walls of the Schooles: and Luther for this cause spread his books in the vulgare language. In August the University of Colen, and in November the University of Lovan came forth with their bare articles and Sentences of damnation or (as Erasmus then spoke) prejudged opinions, thinking with the fire of words to quench a stronger fire of reason: but they made the books of Luther the more vendible. The University of Paris had been held most famous for many years: their judgement was also exspected, but they would not write. Erasmus in Epistol. ad Cardinal. Campeg. dated Lovan. Natal. Nicol. An∣no 1520.

IX. In January 1520. a new broile ariseth upon a Sermon of the Eu∣charist, * 2.10 that Luther publishes: in it he saith, It seemes good unto mee, that both the Species of the Supper were given unto the communicants. Therefore George Duke of Sayony, writes unto Duke Frederik, accu∣sing

Luther of the Bohemian heresy. And the Bishop of Misna by a pu∣blished mandate condemneth that Sermon. The Elector answered his uncle, that Luthers cause was not legally decerned. Unto the Bishops mandate Lu∣ther writes; he did judge as he had written, if it were permitted by autho∣rity of a generall Councell; and in the mean time the Acts of the last Councell should be obeyed; and he thinks that Christ is not partially, but wholly under both the bread & the wine. Januar. 15. Luther writes unto Charles V. and afterwards unto Albert Bishop of Mentz, and unto the Bis∣hop of Mersburg, humbly beseeching, that they would not condemne untill they heare him. These two bb. admonish him, to temper his pen for the love of Christ, and to write of other things more usefull for advancing piety, than to medle with the Popes power: as for themselves, they had not leisure to read his books; only they hear that he had written of free-will and such other idle questions & trifles, and of the Sacrament and such other things that are determined by the generall Councels Osiand. in Epit. Lib. 1. Cap. 27. In March Luther publishes his answer unto the Censure of Colen and Lovan. These writings are reported at Rome, and some do charge the Pope of negligence, that he provideth not timely against so great evils; especially the Monks do grumble, that he takes more pleasure in hunting, gaming and musik, and is careless of weightier things: they tell him, how arianisme might have been prevented, if Arius had been * 2.11 ath is first appearing put out of the way, as they did at Constance with Huss and Jerom. On the other side (saith Pe. Soave) Leo began to repent that he had medled at all with the business: for he thought, it had been better for him, to have permitted the Monks to fight together, so long as they both professed obedience unto him, and not to have sided with either party, to the offense of the other; yea if he had not medled with it, it might have evanished in a short time. Nevertheless upon the continuall solicitation of some bb. of Germany and the two Universities, and especially of the Friers, Leo was moved to yield. So the Cardd. Prelates, Divines and Canonists were assembled, and Leo commits the cause unto them. They unanimously agree that so great impiety must be blasted with the thunder of a curse: but the Di∣vines and Canonists do vary in the manner. Some said, the curse must be given peremptorily: others say, A citation must precede. The Divines say, The * 2.12 case is notorious by his books and publik Sermons. The Canonists say, Notoriousnes takes not away just defense, neither by the law of God, nor of nature; and they had given a precedent in summoning him before Car∣dinal Cajetan. Again the Divines say, This cause doth concerne them on∣ly, seing it is of faith & Religion. The Canonists say, It concerneth them also, seing it is a case to be judged. After much jangling they fall upon a course to please both parties, and distinguish between the doctrine, person & books: let his doctrine be presently condemned; a certain day be named wherein he may appeare; and that may serve for a citation: but for the books, there was another variance: some would have them go with his do∣ctrine, and some with his person. And when neither party would yeeld unto the other, a mid way was devised to please them both, to wit, the Books shall be condemned with the doctrine, and be burnt when he is ac∣cursed. And accordingly one decree is made for all: therein he is not warned to appeare, but that he and all adhering unto him shall abstain from these errours, and burn the books within 60 dayes, or els they are presently declared notorious and obstinate hereticks; and also all men are charged, that they keep not, nor receive any of his books, howbeit they

containe not the condemned errours, but flee from him and all his favo∣rits, or take his person, and bring him up, or chase him out of their dominions: yea and whosoever shall receive him, their lands also are made subject unto the curse of the Church. The forenamed authour shewes what were the censures of this Bull; men of understanding (saith he) did admire it; first in the forme, that whereas it should have been handled in the language of Scripture, yet it was set forth in the style of a Court; and that in such intricate & prolixe sentences, that it was hard to find out the meaning of it, and as if it were a decree in case of a fee-farme; namely in that clause, Forbidding all men, that they presume not to assert these errours, was such polix∣ity, that between forbidding and preserve were 400. words at the least. O∣thers did marke, that unto 41. positions, that were condemned as here∣ticall, scandalous, false, offensive unto the godly, and seductive of the simple, it was not shewed, which were Hereticall, which scandalous, which false. but by adding a word respective, all was made uncertaine, seing that Generall word determineth not the particulars: and therefore some pru∣dence or other authority is necessary to define these controversies. And some did admire with what face it could be said, that among these 41, propo∣s••tions some were the errours of the Greeks condemned long ago. Others thought it strange, that so many positions of severall heads of the faith were condemned at Rome by the sole pleasure of the Cardinals and other Courtiers, without the knowledge and suffrages of bb. Universities and other learned men through Europe. Now hear from Abr. Schultet. how it was accepted in Germany. Eccius brought it to Lipsia; Marinus Caracci∣ola & Hier. Aleander to Colen: Eccius is flowted in Lipsia? the Bull was not received in Bambergh, because, as they said, it was not legally intima∣ted: the Rector of Erford by a publick program exhorts the Students, if they see that Bull set up in any place, to teare it in pieces, and oppose them∣selves unto the enemies of Luther. So when Eccius came to Erford, the Students went against him in arms, and they threw the Bull (being torne into pieces) into the water. Ulrik Hutten a noble man of Franconia did publish the Bull with interlineary and marginall glosses, not without great reproach to the Popes honour. Luther, before he saw it, had set forth his book De captivitate Babylonica, wherein he professeth that dayly he saw more and more, and he wishes that all his books concerning Indulgences were burnt, and in place of them all he sets this one position, Indulgences are the wickednesses of Roman flatterers: And he wishes that his books were burnt, in which he had denied, that Papacy is of divine right; and had gran∣ted, that it is of humane right; and for them he sets this Thesis, Papacy is the mighty hunting of the Romane Bishop. Then he teaches that the captivi∣ty of the sacrament of the altar is first, that one of the elements is denied unto the people. 2. that transsubstantiation is believed. 3. that the masse is made a sacrifice. And he acknowledgeth but two sacraments, baptisme and the Lords Supper. and he willeth that this book be accounted a part of his recantation. When he had read the Bull, he said, At last the Bull of Rome is come, of which some write many things unto the Prince: but I despise it, and will set myself against it as impious and altogether Eccian: yee see Christ is condemned in it: there is no reason named: I am called, not unto audience, but to a recantation: ye may see, they are furious, blind and madd.....O that Charles were a man, and would for Christ's sake set himselfe against these devils! Then he wrote against the Bull, calling it execrable, excommunicates the authors of it; maintaines all the condemned

articles, calleth the Pope the Antichrist, and appealeth from him unto a Councell. When he heard, that his books were burnt at Colen, Lovan and Luik, he assembleth the Professors of Wittembergh Decemb. 10. and in a solemne manner he causeth publickly to be burnt the last Bull of Leo the X. the Decrees of Gratian, Decretals, Extravagants, Summa Angelica, and some books of Eccius: and then he publisheth unto the World the rea∣sons why he had done so. By this provocation of Luther (saith P. Soa∣ve) and for other just causes all men of sound judgement said, A Councell is necessary, not only to compose controversies, but to provide against the abuses that have been for such à long time in the Church.: and the necessity was the more apparent, because their mutuall writings did but kindle the strife more, seing Martin (saith he) failed not to confirme his doctrin with much writing; and the more earnest he was in the cause, he advan∣ceth the more; he is the more enlightned, and findeth the more matter of disputation, and discovers more errours, even beyond his own inten∣tion: for howbeit he professeth to do all through the zeal of Gods house, yet every one may perceive, that he is driven thereunto by necessity. When Duke Frederik was going to the Emperours coronation, he mee∣teth with Erasmus at Colen, and askes him, What he thought of Luther? Erasmus saith, It is true what he teaches, but I wish, he were moderate. Why (saith the Prince) doth the clergy hate him so? Erasmus saith, He hath committed two great faults, he touches the Popes crown, and the Monks bellies: and therefore it is no maruell, that all the Papall Kingdom be bitter against him. The next day Erasmus writes unto Con∣rad Peutinger, one of the Emperours Counsellers, and adviseth to cause Luthers business to be examined by learned and indifferent men in the follo∣wing Diet at Worms. Luther was advised by many to teach and write more moderately: and he excuseth himself in some Letters; in one unto Spalatin he saith, If I must continue in teaching, I understand not your and others counsell, to wit, that Holy Divinity can be tought without offense: the Scripture doth especially pursue the errours of Religion: this the Pope can not endure. I have given up my self unto God: his will be done. Who did entreat Him to make mee a Teacher? Seing he hath made me, let him have me; or if he repent that he hath made me, let Him undo me again. I am so far from being afrayd for trouble, that it filleth the sailes of my heart with an incredible gaile; that now I un∣derstand why the Scripture compareth Devils unto the wind: for while they blow forth in rage, they carry others unto patience. This is only my care, that the Lord be my friend in these causes, which are not so much mine, as his: and be you pleased to help here, as you may. And in a∣nother Letter dated unto the same Spalatin Febr. 15. he saith, There will be a new & great fire: but who can resist the Counsel of God? I intreat you, let the business passe-on with it's own motions: it is Gods cause only: so far as I can see, we are driven and moved rather than do move▪ Abra. Schultet. Annal.

X. The same year Christiern King of Denmarck sent unto the Elector of Saxony for a Preacher of the truth: and one M. Martin was sent; he in Coppenhagen did preach upon the festivall dayes in the after-noon with great applause of the people: the Chanons did not medle with his doctrine, but they did deride his manner of delivery. John Thurzo Bishop of Vra∣tislavia was the first Bishop, who hearkned unto these new preachers, and maintained them, and died August. 2. Caspar Hedio being a Doctour of

Divinity in Basile, was called to be preacher in the chief Church of Mentz; and by advise of Vlrick Hutten, Albert Bishop there sent for Wolfgang Capito to be his preacher and Counseller: Capito embraces the call, to the end, he might have the fairer occasion to sow the seed of the Gospell there. The Senate of Zurik gave command unto all the Preachers with∣in their jurisdiction to lay aside all the devices of men, and freely to preach what they could confirme by the writings of the Prophets and Apostles: and in time of Lent they despised the old ordinances for abstaining from flesh. Hugh Bishop of Constance commandeth all men by his edict, to continue in the faith of the Roman Church, untill a Generall Councell be conveened: and for the same purpose he sent his Commissioners unto Zurik. Zuinglius maintaineth before the Commissioners, what he had taught; and the Senate entreates the Bishop to call a Synode, and there let the learned examine and declare what the people should believe. Then Zuinglius wrote of himself unto Myconius, saying, I have given up myself unto God, and do wait all evill both from Church-men and laity, praying for this one thing from Christ, that he will enable me to suffer with a couragious heart, and as he pleaseth, either break me, or pre∣serve mee, who am a pot in his hand. If they shall excommunicate mee, I will think on the very learned and godly Hilarius, that was exiled from France into Africa, and on Lucius, who being beaten from Rome was brought again with great glory; not that I compare my self unto them, but I will comfort my self by their example, which were better, and suffered worse: and if it were expedient to rejoice in any thing, I would rejoice to suffer reproach for the name of Christ. Abr. Schultet. The same author saith, The first Nation, that was enlightned by the Gospell, was East Friseland, where the Prince Edsard reading diligently Luther's books, and thereby receiving the light of knowledge, did forsake the rites of superstition, and permittes these books to be sold & read; yea by his example and exhortation did encourage the Nobility of the Land to read them, and others also who could understand. The first preachers there, were Henry Brune unto the Auriaci; Lubbert Cant at Leer, Jo. Ste∣ven at Norda; Jo. Sculto at Wenera, albeit afterwards he fell away; but the most eminent was George Aportan at Embden. He had been a Monk at Zwoll, and the Prince made choise of him to be Tutor unto his chil∣dren: then giving himself to search the truth, he was ready to communi∣cate unto others what God gave him to understand, and at last became Prea∣cher of Embden: the priests oppose him, but by permission of the Prince, he preached in the open fields; and afterwards he was brought by the people into the Church; Bernard Campius maintaining him with a guard lest the priests or their followers should have made any disturbance. Herman Henriks, one of the Priests forsook the idolatry, and became his Collegue: the other priests were by degrees put from the altars; some went to other places; and they who stayd, had liberty to exercise their blind devotion within the Cloister of the Franciscans. The Prince did presse none; but he did most aide those who were for the Reformation: and the superstition had place within private walls and the cloister.

II. In Aprile An. 1521. Charles V. calleth a Dyet at Worms: thither * 2.13 was Luther summoned, and a safe conduct was sent unto him. Some would have dissuaded him; because his doctrine was condemned at Rome, and his person was accursed there on maundy-thurseday, he might be sure, that the proceedings of that Court were to be confirmed in this, if

worse were not done unto himself, as was done to John Huss. Luther answered, I will go thither, albeit there were there, as many devils as there be tyles in the houses. He appeares before the Estates Aprile 17. and was demanded. Whether he acknowledges the books that were abroad in his name? and when they were named, he did acknowledge them. Then, Whether he would maintain what was writen in them, or recall any part of them? he answered, That question is of great importance; I humbly crave some space to advise. They grant him one day: and then he said, these books are not all of one nature: some containe the doctrin of faith and piety; some were against the errours of the Romanists, and some were wri∣ten contentiously against the maintainers of these errours: to recall the first sort, was not the duty of a good man, because albeit the Bull of Leo had condemned them, yet he had not judged them as impious. As for the se∣cond sort, it is too well known, that all the Christian World and especi∣ally Germany being miserably vexed, doeth groan under a heavy yoake; and so to abjure these books, were a confirmation of that tyranny. He confesseth, that in the third sort he had written a little tartely, but he is now called to give account of his doctrine, and not of his manners: and if any will convince him by reason, of all men he will be least obstinate, nor will he refuse to burn his books, if he shall be convinced of any er∣rour in them, by testimonies of sacred Scripture: the acknowledgement of manifested truth is an excellent gift of God; and the rejecting of it, or defiling of it with lies, hath brought from heaven many thousand calamities. Then he was commanded to give his answer in few words. He answered, I can not recall what I have tought or written, unless I be convinced by testimonies of Scripture or manifest reason. The Emperour hearing of this answer (for he was not present, nor was confirmed by the Pope) sent them word, that he would defend the Church of Rome, and use all remedies to extinguish that fire; but he will not pronounce sentence against that man, untill he be safe at home according to his promise. Some there, would have followed the example of Constance, and said, Promi∣ses should not be kept unto hereticks. Lewes the Palsgrave Elector did oppose, saying, It were a perpetuall dishonour unto the Germane Nati∣on; nor is it tolerable, that for favour of priests the publick faith should ly under that infamy. Some also said, They should not proceed so rashly in a matter of so great importance, nor do all men as yet perceive what may follow. After some dayes the Bishop of Trevers, the Marques of Bran∣deburgh and some others were named to deal with him; and they exhor∣ted him to submit the whole matter unto Cesar and the Princes. Luther said, The Prophet saith, put not your trust in men, nor in Princes; but es∣pecially the word of God is not subject unto men: if they will convince mee by that Word, I will willingly submit. Then they ask, Whether he will submit unto a Generall Councell? Yes, saith he, if they rule them∣selves by the holy Scripture. What remedy, say they, think you, may there be in such a deplored case? He answered, I know no better than that of Gama∣liel; If this Counsel or work be of men, it will turne to nought: but if it be of God, yee cannot destroy it, lest yee be found to fight against God: and I wish, the Pope would follow this advice: for certainly his purpose, if it be not of God, will shortly he brought to nothing. The Bishop of Trevers dealt with him privatly: but he continued in that assertion, that this cause can be ruled no other way but by the Scripture. Then he was commanded to be at home within 21 days, and in his way he should not provoke the peo∣ple

by teaching nor writing. He gave thanks unto Caesar and the Princes, and went away Aprile 26. On May 8. a Decree was published in the name of the Emperour, wherein was declared what was done with Luther both ar Rome and Worms, and that he continueth obstinate in damned heresi∣es; and therefore all men should take him for such a one, and after 21 dayes none defend nor lodge him, but rather take and imprison him, and take all the movables and immovables of all his favourers and abettours; and none shall read, nor have, nor print, any of his books, but burn them &c. This decree did more good unto the Emperour then harme unto the cause: for soone after the Pope breaketh his league with France; and receives Charles into his bosome. As for the judgement of others, it appeares by an epistle of Erasmus dated, Basil. 3 non. Septemb. An. 1522. saying, I was ever of this mind; this tragedy can not be calmed any better way than by silence: and this is the judgement of the most prudent among the Cardinals and Princes. A most cruell Bull came from the Pope, and it did nothing but stirre up the fire. Another more cruell Edict comes from Caesar, who is altogether prone that way: and that restraines the tongues and penns of some, but changes not their mindes. Some commend his pious mind; but they say, his judgement followes such, as the learned men do not much value. So far he. It is true, Luther was forced to hide himself for a time; but was not idle, and after this Diet many did contrary unto the E∣dict. Even in Worms, aftet they had seen the constancy of Luther and his warrant, they receive the preachers of the Gospell: and be cause they could not have the liberty of the Churches, they set up a portable pulpite, and heard the preachers in many places of the town, untill the year 1525. when all the priests runne away for fearin time of the rurall tumults, and then the religion was set up in all the Churches. In Erford began to preach, John Lang, George Forchem, John Culschamer, Peter Geldner, Mel∣chior Wedman and Justus Menius, who had been priests: the number of believers was so multiplied, that in the year 1523. eight Churches could not contain them, Briefly the like was done in Goslaria an Imperiall city of Saxony; at Halberstad, Hamburgh; in Pomerland, Liveland, &c. as Schultet in Annal. shewes particularly: and in many of these places the preachers were killed by poison or open violence by the priests and their abetters, but to their greater wo. In Low-Germany alone in the time of this Emperour more then fifty thousand persons were beheaded, or drowned, hanged, buried alive, or other wayes put to death for the cau∣se of religion. John oecolampade in the year preceeding was retyred into a Monastery for feare of trouble: but when he heard of the publick edict, he set forth some Sermons and a book of Confession: for which, Glapio the Emperours Chapelan did threaten him mischief: but he with consent of the Friers went away in safety. Martin Bucer had been a Dominican 15 years: at that time he left that Order, and was Chaplaine unto Frede∣derik Prince Palatin and President of the Imperiall Councell: the next year he was called to be Preacher at Landstall. When Luther was lurking, the Augustinians of Wittembergh, put away the private Masse, because it was an execrable abuse of the Lords supper, and turned into a propitiatory sacrifice, &c. The Electour requires the judgement of the University: then Justus Jonas, Jo. Dolcius, Andr. Carolstad, Jerom Schurff, Nic. Amsdorff, and Phil. Melanchton approove the reasons of the Augustinians, the Elector ratifieth their Act, and not only dischargeth private Masses in the Cloister, but in the open Church, and then in the Church of the

Castle. Then and there also images were broken down, auricular con∣fession was forbidden; both elements were delivered unto the people; and Andr. Carolstad teaches that Civill courts should be ordered not by the law of man, but of Moses: he set forth a book of the lawfulness of Priests-ma∣riage, and against the vowes of Monks. When Luther heard hereof, though he did not approve all that was done and written, yet he wrote unto Spalatinus August 15, Carolstad must have some liberty, for he will not be content, if any do oppose him. Erasmus was offended that any Re∣formation was begun without the authority of a Generall Councell: and he wrote unto Peter Barbire August. 13. saying, It can not be told, how many and what kind of men did at the first love Luther: when I had read a few pages of his books, I did foresee, the matter would turn to a broil: I do so hate discord, that even verity with sedition is unpleasant unto mee....As I think, many things are received in the Church, which may be changed to the great good of Christian religion, So nothing plea∣seth me, which is done tumultuously. And in another dated August 23 he saith, I wish it were true, that Christiern King of Denmark said unto me, while we were talking of such a purpose, Gentle purges worke not, but efficacious potions shake the whole body. I see no good issue, unless Christ himselfe turne the temerity of men into good, &c. Albert archb. of Mentz began again to sell pardons in Hala of Saxony: then Luther wrote unto him from his Pathmos Novemb. 25. threatning him, that if he leave not that idol of pardons, greater evils will be sent on him; and if he dismisse not these which for eschuing fornication have marryed, he will make known openly some things both of him and other bb. which they desire to be buried in silence. The Bishop returnes answer Decemb. 21. shewing that he had read his Letter with good lyking, and afterwards he shall have no cause to complain of him, and he will live as becomes a Christian Prince: for which end he requires his prayers and of other good men, seing that is the gift of God alone: he can take admonitions in good part, and wisheth well unto Luther for Christs cause. The University of Paris sent forth their judgement against Luther's books; and Ph. Melanchton oppo∣seth it with this inscription of his book, Against the famous Decree of the Parisians, the apology of Melanchton for Luther. Likewise Henry VIII. King of England wrote against Luther in defense of the seven saeraments, and the power of the Pope. When Leo heard of it, he sent unto him the title, defender of the faith, as Alexander VI. had given unto the King of Spain the title of Catholick King, and I know not what other Pope did first call the King of France, The most Christian King. But saith Pe. Soave, Luther was not dashed with authority, but laying aside the due reverence of his person, wrote against him with such bitterness of words, as he had used against the puny Doctors: and the medling of the King in this cause did not satisfy many in this controversy, and as it hapneth in debates, most do favour the weaker party, and do much commend their weak endeavours. Immediatly after the publishing of the Edict at Worms, Hugh Bishop of Constance sendeth the Popes Bull and that Edict unto the town of Zurik, and commandeth them to obey both the one and the other, and he invei∣ghes against Zuinglius and his followers. Wherefore Zuinglius gives ac∣count unto the Senate and to the colledge of the Chanons, of what he had taught; and he writes unto the Bishop, especially pressing that he for∣beare not the priests with their concubines, which wickedness, saith he, brings the clergy into contempt, and is a very lewd example unto the peo∣ple.

And he wrote unto the Swisers generally, that they should remember a former licence, which the Magistrats had granted unto the priests to have a concubine, for saving the honesty of other mens wives: which li∣cence though ridiculous, yet necessary for the time, should be amended by turning fornication into lawfull marriage. The Bishops command gave courage unto the black Friers to write against Zuinglius: and he ceaseth not to defend his own doctrine: he published 67. conclusions containing the summe of his doctrin, and the abuses of the Clergy. The Senate for removing such strife, do appoint a convocation of all the Clergy within their juris∣diction against January 23. promising free liberty of reasoning unto both parties: and by Letters invite the bb. of Constance, Curia and Basile ei∣ther to come personally, or to send their Commissioners. There were assembled about 600. priests and (as they called them) Divines. The Bi∣shop of Constance sent in his name John Faber, who afterward was Bishop of Vienna. The Burgermaster beginneth, saying, It is not unknown, what dissension hath arisen in the cause of religion: therefore this assembly is called, especially that if any can speak against these 67 conclusions of Zuin∣glius now made known unto them all, he may now speak the same freely. Faber shewes his Commission, and alledgeth it was not a pertinent place nor time to decide things of that kind, which appertain properly unto a Generall Councell, and the Pope and Princes have agreed, that one shall be called shortly. Zuinglius said (as Pe. Soave reports) that is but a trick to deceive people with vaine hope, and to keep them in grosse darknes: it were better in the mean while, to search some particulars that are sure and undoubted by the word of God and the received custom of the Church, untill a more copious clearing of doubts come by a Councell. When Fa∣ber was urged again and again to shew, what he could speak against that do∣ctrine of Zuinglius, he said, I will not deal with him by word, but I will confute his conclusions by writting. Because neither Faber nor any other would object, the Burg-master in the name of the Senate breakes up the as∣sembly▪ and they give Order, that through their jurisdiction all traditions of men be layd aside, and the gospell be taught sincerely according to the books of the old & new Testament. So (saith Pe. Soave) when neither the dili∣gence of Doctours and bb. nor the condemning Bulls of the Pope, nor the rigid edict of the Emperour could prevaile any way against the doctrine of Luther, but it rather took deeper root; all men almost did judge a gene∣rall Councell to be the only remedy: but the severall aimes of severall sorts, as of the Princes, people, Romane Court and of the Pope cast them upon severall thoughts concerning the way of ordering, and place of the Councell. Pe. Soave writes of these aimes and purposes particularly. The death of Pope Leo makes a pause heerin. At that time Satan was busy sowing his tares by the first Anabaptists, whose names let them pe∣rish: * 2.14 against them Luther was the first that did write, from his Pathmos, as he spoke. They pretend to have revelations from the Spirit, and con∣ferences with God. Melanchton was not a little troubled with them. The epistle of Luther unto Melanchton is worth the reading, wherein he saith, I commend not thy timorousness: and first seing they bear witnes of them∣selues, they should not be heard for that, but as John adviseth, Try the Spirits. Ye have the Counsell of Gamaliell, to delay: for as yet I heare of nothing either done or said by them, which Satan can not do. My advice is, that you try whether they can proove their calling: For God never hath sent any, but being either called by men, or declared by sig∣nes;

no, not his own Sonne. The Prophets formerly had their power according to the Law and propheticall Order, as we now by men. I would in no way accept of them, if they assert their calling by a naked revelation, seing God would not let Samuel speak, but by the accessory authority of Heli. This is especially necessary unto the publick function of preaching. And that yee may try their private Spirit, you may enquire, whether they know anguish of mind, divine birth, death and hell. If you hear that they speak all things smooth, pleasant, devote (as they call it) and religious, albeit they say, they have been ravished into the third heaven, approove them not, because they want the signe of the Son of man, which is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the only proover of Christians, and sure sear∣cher of Spirits. Wouldst thou know the place and way of talking with God? heare, As a lion he hath broken all my bones: and I was cast forth from his face; and, My soul was filled with sorowes, and my life drew neer unto hell. The Divine Majesty speakes not (as they say) immedi∣atley, so that a man may see him; yea, man shall not see him, and live. Nature can not endure the little starr of his speach: and therefore he speakes by men, because wee can not endure him speaking. The Virgine was troubled, when she heard the Angell: so did Daniel and Jeremy com∣plaine, Correct me in judgement, and be not a terrour unto me. What more? Is it possible that his Majesty can speak familiarly with the old man, and not first kill and make him wither, lest his wicked smells do stinck, seing he is a consuming fire. Even the dreams and visions of the Saints are terrible, at least when they are known: Try therefore and hear not a glo∣rious Jesus, unless thou know, that he was crucified. Ex tom. 2. epist. Lutheri fol. 41.

XII. In March. 1522. Luther returneth into Wittembergh, and by * 2.15 Letter he shewes unto the Elector the cause of his returning, saying, Your Highness knowes my cause, or now be pleased to know, that I have not the gospell from men, but from heaven by Jesus Christ our Lord, so that I truly may (as here after I will) call my self his servant and Evangelist. Whereas I did offer my selfe unto congnisance of my cause, and became subject unto the judgement of others, I did it, not that I had any doubt of my doctrine, but in modesty, that I might call others: but when I see, that too much modesty turns to the detriment of the gospell; and Satan, when I have scarcely given him ahandbreadth, would take up all the field, my conscience presseth me, to take another course. I hope, I have satisfied your. H. that I have yielded for a year: for the Devil knowes well, that I did it not for fear or distrust.....Now I am come back to Wittembergh with a higher and stronger guarde than the Ele∣ctor of Saxony can give me: nor came it ever into my thought, to seek defence from your H. yea, I am confident, your H. shall have better guarde and defense by me, than you can give me: and if I knew that your H. either would or could maintaine me, I had not returned at all. It is not any sword that can provide for, or helpe this cause: God only must rule and worke here without any industry or help of man: therefore in this cause, he who trusts most firmely in God, shall defend himself and others most safely. And seing I find your Ho. so weak in faith, I can no way attribute so much unto your Ho. that I can think to be defended or delivered out of danger by you: I shall preserve your Ho. soul, body and estate free from all damnage and danger in this my cause, whether your Ho. belie∣ve it, or not. Let your Ho. know also, and doubt not, that it is de∣creed

otherwise in heaven then at Norinbergh concerning this business: for we shall see, that they who think, they have devoured and destroyed the Gospell, are not yet come to a Benedicito. He is another and more po∣tent Prince, then Dude N. with whom we have to do. He knowes me, and I him pretty well. If your Illustrious Ho. did believe, you should see the wonderfulness and glory of God: and seing you believe not, you have seen none of those things: Unto God be glory and praise for ever. Then more particularly he saith, I was called by the letters of the Church and people of Wittembergh: now in my absence, Satan hath fallen upon my flock, [the Anabaptists were there, and some other troubles] and hath stirred such troubles, that require my presence necessarily; and further I fear a great sedition in Germany, which they will desire to remove, or, for a time delay by joint prayers. Ard in another epistle unto Melanchton he saith, Pre∣pare me a lodging, for the translation of the Bible presseth me to return unto you. After his returning, he preached every day, and in his Ser∣mons (as Abr. Scultet. expresseth his words) he spoke against, not what was done in reformation during his absence, but the manner, and the ne∣cessity of doing some things. In his absence he by letters had exhorted them, to put away the private Masse; and they went about the doing of it: but the Elector did oppose them, saying, I will leave nothing undone that may be for Gods glory: but seing that this particular is so full of diffi∣culty, I think good, not to be too hasty: for it is little, that so few can do: but if the matter be warranted from Scripture, certainly ye shall have more to side with you, and then the change shall be more expedient: I can not tell, when the Masse came first in use, nor when the manner was left off, which the Apostles did use: but as I understand, the greatest part of your cloisters and schools were founded for saying Masses; and if they be now put down, any of you may easily think what hurly burly will follow: whe∣refore my advise is, that yee consult again on this matter, that things may be carryed with godly quietnes. After more deliberation the University did supplicate, that with his permission they might forsake the masse as un∣lawfull; and they would endeavour to do it without tumult: and if it could not be so, yet that which is godly should not be omitted: and how∣beit they be few in number, that is not a new thing, seing from the begin∣ning of the world the greatest part of men have opposed truth and piety: And these Schools were not at first appointed for Masses▪ but for teaching the youth, and about 400, years the merchandise of Masses began; and albeit the originall were more antient, yet so great impiety should not be tolerated nor practised: and if any business arise thereupon, it should be imputed unto the wickedness of men impugning piety against their con∣science. So the Masse was abolished, after frequent deliberation after * 2.16 the advice of Luther, and with the Elector's consent, and nevertheless Lu∣ther spoke against it. Then they had abolished images out of the Church, and left off auricular confession. Luther was not content with these things, and in four Sermons, he reckoneth images among indifferent things, and said, Images if men worship them, should be demolished; otherwise they are to be tolerated.....It is true, nor can we deny, that images are noxious, because many do abuse them: but they should not be con∣demned for that: for some men are so mad, to worship the sun and starrs: should we therefore cast these out of heaven? Carolstad hearing these words, had a purpose to vindicate himself: and Luther did earnestly en∣treat him to cease, lest they be found to clash one against another. Ne∣vertheless

(as Scultet hath observed ex Carolst. libell. German.) Carolstad did accuse Luther, that he would had have all men slaves unto his authority, so that they should neither do nor write any good, unless he were in the front: And Luther tom. 2. epist. p. 56. speaking of Carolstad, saith, He would be a new Master upon a suddain, and set up his ordinances among the peo∣ple; pressa authoritate mea. There was a greater fault in Carolstad, which Osiander hath marked in Epito. Cent. 16. Lib. 1. c. 32. to wit, at that time the Anabaptists said, they had a command from God, to kill all the wic∣ked, and to begin a new world, wherein the godly only should have the dominion. Carolstad approoves this fancy, and when he saw that his au∣thority was darkned by the respect of Luther, he began to speak against the schools of learning, and said, All men should worke with their hands; he would not be called (as before) Doctor Andrew, but brother An∣drew: he throwes away his wonted habite, and as a rurall man, he brings wood on his back to sell in the town; and at last joines with the Anabap∣tists. Luther opposeth them mightily; and after Carolstad was gone, he brings into use again images for ornament, and auricular confession, but not with former strictness. This was the beginning of their vari∣ance.

XIII. At that time Luther heares, that in Bohem some had propoun∣ded * 2.17 in their solemne assemblies to receive the Bishop of Rome's authority, or else there would never be an end of their schisme & contention, Where∣fore he wrote unto them in August An. 1522. saying, Their name was odi∣ous unto him, ere he knew, that the Bishop of Rome was the Antichrist: but now since God hath restored the light of the Gospell, he judgeth far otherwise, so that the Bishop and his Court are more offended with him, then with them. His adversaries had oft said, that he had fled into Bohem, as indeed he once purposed; but he staied, lest they had called his visitation a running away; And now there is hope, that the Germans and Bohemians shall professe the same Gospell and religion together. Whereas many of them were sorry for the divisions amongst them, it was not without just cau¦se: but if they shall revolt unto Popery, the number of their sects shall waxe rather then be diminished, as appeares by the Friers, which are di∣vided into so many Religions. There is no better mean to cure that evill, then if their teachers will set forth the doctrine of the Gospell purely: and if they can not detain the people from revolting, let them (at least) en∣deavour to keep still the Lords Supper wholly, and keep the memory of John Huss and Jerom of Prague undefiled. And albeit all Bohem shall make defection, yet he will commend and set forth the true doctrine unto po∣sterity. In the end he beseeches and exhorts them to persevere in that estate of religion, which they had hitherto defended with their blood, and not by revolting to blemish the Gospell, when it beginnes to shine upon o∣ther Nations. And albeit all things be not well established among them, yet God will not faile to stir up in due time some faithfull Minister to re∣forme religion, if they continue constant. VVhat answer they did return, we have not found, but it is most certaine, they did not revolt, saith Sleidan in Comment. lib. 3.

XIV. The Gospell began to be avowed by many in that year. In the * 2.18 Court of Lewes King of Hungary, God raised up George Marques of Brandeburgh to join with the Vratislavians in their supplication for liberty of Religion: and so began the Reformation there. Hartmund à Cron∣bergh a Noble man did prevail powerfully at Cronbergh. The people of

Strawsburgh were much commended, that in the midst of many discoura∣gements on every side, they did receive Reformation by the preaching of Matthias Zellius and Symphorian an old man, who had been many years priest of S. Martin's there; and others after them, who had also been priests or Monks. John Froschius a Carmelite preached in Ausburgh; Andrew Osiander in Nurimburgh, and Gallus Korn a Franciscan joyned with him. Hartman Iback à Monk of S. Catherin's, having the favour of Amandus holtz-hausen and other Senatours preached in Frankford on Moen. In Wessenbergh on the borders of Alsatia and the Palatinat began to preach Henry motherer a Priest; and they called Martin Bucer from Wittembergh: but in the next yeare they were both put out by the Vicar of Spira, and Bucer went to Strawsburgh. In the country of Greichga by the river Neccan many towns received preachers. Henry Sutphan an Augustinian having escaped from the hands of the Inquisitours in Antwerp, went to Breme, and preached in S. Ansgarie's Church, which the Cha∣nons had left, because a man had been killed in it. The Clergy seeing the people following his preaching, did complain unto the Magistrates, and then unto the Bishop: but Sutphan defends his doctrine by authority of the Scriptures, and promised to surcease, if they shall convince him of er∣rour. So the Magistrates maintained him. The light of the Gospell went a long to Magdeburgh. Stetin, Sund in Pomer, to Riga, Derbat and Reval in Liveland; to Scaphusen, Berna, S. Gall in Helvetia; to Dant∣sick, Vienna, Ulma, Wila, Creilsheim. Cothuse, Arnstat &c. From Delph in Holland, Friderik Canirm wrote unto Caspar Hedio then in Mentz, saying, The adversaries do attempt much by their mandates, letters and messages, but God infatuateth the Counsell of Achitophel, and it comes to passe, that Monte parturiente nascatur ridiculus mus: this I know, that if we had liberty to preach in publick, the Monks (which are bitter against the truth) would turn to nothing; for their credite is gone already by a few preachings in the Schoole. But we must patiently wait upon the will and good pleasure of the Lord, who when he seeth that we are so earnest; doth purposely delay to help, lest we sacrifice unto our nets, and take the praise unto ourselves, if every thing went on smoothly: He hath respect not only of them which are to be called, that they may be brought unto grace, but likewise of them that are called, that they may continue in grace: but when he shall see us giving over, or despairing of salvation unto Israel, and to be altogether doubtfull, then that he alone may be seen to work on the earth, he will help his Church unexpectedly, that unto him alone may be praise and glory, Amen. I am very sorry, that Erasmus becomes colder dayly, and so far as I can judge, he retraits indirectly, what he did seem to have written and spoken free∣ly; and I perceive his childish fear, in respecting the honour of men more then of God. And there bee many such Nicodemuses with us, but certainly they would stand more stoutly, if the glory of Christ, who only doth strengthen weak consciences, were publickly preached. Abr. Schultet. Annâl.

15. In that summer Luther published the New Testament in the Dutch * 2.19 language; and a book against the falsely named Order of Bishops: there he accuseth them for condemning and persecuting the truth of the Gospell, howbeit when he had so oft provoked them to dispute, they could neither oppugne the doctrine of the Gospell, nor defend their Popish errours. He telleth that they will not come to speed with their tyranny: for he regardeth

not the Papall curse, nor the Cesarean edicts, that for them he will not forsake the profession of truth, but the rather shall it spread through the world; and he endeavours to do it the more heartily, because that they rage so cruelly: neither shall the Gospell fail, albeit he were killed: but God will punish them grievously, if they will continue in their fury. When the bb. abbots and Monks heard of this book and of the Dutch New Testa∣ment, they were the more enraged, and sought by all meanes they could, to have Luthers books burnt: and in some places they prevailed: as in Wittembergh Ferdinand the Emperours brother (the lawfull Duke being exiled) put in execution the Edict of Worms, and in November put ma∣ny to death. As also Henry Duke of Brunswike, George Duke of Saxo∣ny, and Philip Bishop of Frisinga & Naumburgh were violent against all having any of Luthers books. Likewise Erasmus sent a Letter unto Jodoc President of the Senate of Mechline, dated, Basil. prid. Jd. Jul. An. 1522. saying, Here and there I have turned away partly by my words, and part∣ly by epistles, many from Luther's faction: nor doth any thing so much discourage the Lutheran affections, as that I have declared plainly by my divulged books, that I do cleave unto the Romane Pope, and do disal∣low Luthers business. Scultet writes that Pope Hadrian had exhorted E∣rasmus to employ his pen against Luther.

XVI. We have heard before (in part) what Pope Hadrian had written * 2.20 unto the Diet of the Germane Princes at Norinbergh in November An. 1522: now hear their answer: they say unto the Legate, They had with all re∣verence read the Popes Brieve, and heard his commands against the Luthe∣rans: they give God thanks, that his Blessednesse was come into that See, and unto him they wish all happiness. And (after they had spoken of their unanimity to joyn in war against the Turk) they say, they are ready to execute the ordinances against the Lutherans, and to root out all errours, but for weighty causes they had delayed, because many had understood by Luthers books, how Germany was oppressed many and grievous waies by the Court of Rome: and if they had attempted to execute that Edict, many would have thought, that they were confirming all these vexations; and thence had certainly a popular tumult arisen, even open rebellion and Civill warr: wherefore in such difficulties it were safer to use softer cures: and seing the Legate had confessed in the name of the Pope, that sin was the cause of all those miseries, and he promised to Reforme the court of Rome; and if these abuses be not amended, and the grievances removed, with others, which the Princes will now propound, it is impossible to cal∣me the present broils, or to settle peace again; Especially seing Germany had consented unto the paiment of Annates, expressely on condition, that they should have been employed in warrs against the Turks, and these have been payed for many years, and never applied unto that use; they entreat that the Romane Court would permit that money be brought in to the Em∣periall Chamber for that use. And where he craves their Counsell for heal∣ling the present and imminent maladies; they think, they have not to do with Luther alone, but to root up many vices that are festered by long cu∣stom, and which some through imprudence, and others through impu∣dence do defend; therefore they see not a more expedient and efficacious way, then if a godly and free Councell be called with the Emperours con∣sent in some convenient part of Germany so soon as possible, and at farthest within a year; and there must, it be lawfull unto all, both laick and Ecclesi∣asticall persons, to advise and pronounce freely, without danger of any

oath or former tye, but so far as is expedient for the glory of God, and the salvation of souls &c. The Legate replieth, That excuse of delaying the Edict is but weak: for albeit it may seem, that scandals might have arisen, yet evill things may not be tolerated, that good may spring out of them; as neither did the followers of Luther pretend these scandals & grievances flowing from the Romane Court; and though they had done it, they should not forsake Catholick unity, but rather in the highest patience have suffered the most grievous extremities: and therefore they should even now put that Edict into execution; as the Apostolicall See is ready to relieve Germany of their uniust oppressions by the Romane Court, if there be any. As for the Annates, seing the Pope will give an answer in due time, he hath nothing to say. But concerning their petition of a Councell, he thinks it will be accepted by the Pope, if they will smooth their words, which seem to be harsh, to wit, that they require the consent of the Em∣perour, and that it be called into one place rather than in another: if these words be not smoothed, they seem to curb the Popes power, and so can bring no good effect &c. This reply in these and other particulars was not acceptable: for they did measure good and evill by the rule of gain unto the Roman Court; and in the mean time they would amend in no∣thing, but only in words of vain promises. Therefore after deliberation they resolue, that they will not depart from their former answer, but will rather expect what the Pope will do. Then the Seculare Princes begin to consider the manifold Grievances of the Nation, flowing not from the Court only, but from the whole body of the clergy. When the Legate heares of this purpose, he will stay no longer. Nevertheless they go on, and gather them, which afterwards were called, The bundred grievances of Germany, and sent them unto the Court of Rome, with a protestation, that they could en∣dure them no longer. Some of the Grievances were, the vast sums of money for dispensations, absolutions and indulgences; advocations of pleas from Germany to Rome; Reservation of Benefices, corruptions of Commenda's & Annates, exemption of guilty Church-men from Ci∣vill Courts; uniust excommunications and interdictions; the bringing of severall pleas unto Church-consistories covered with many pretexts &c. and they reduce all unto three chief heads, the oppression of the people with most grievous bondage, Germany is spoiled of wealth, and they usurpe the power of the Magistrate. The Diet was dissolved March 6. An. 1523. and all these, the Popes Brieve, and his instructions, the answer of the Princes, the Legat's reply, and the Grievances were printed and spread. When they were brought to Rome, it did gall the Court, that by the Popes confession they were called the fountain of all these evills: and the Prela∣tes could not endure, that they were brought into contempt, and that the people now had not only cause to revile them, but the Lutherans had mat∣ter of joy & exultation; and they were brought into inevitable necessity to loose their power and gain; else it were cleare that they were incorrigible. Who did favour the Pope made excuse, that he was ignorant of the poli∣cies, whereby Papall power and the authority of the Court had stood so long. Pope Leo was more wise: when the Germanes had blamed the Court, he said, It was their ignorance and mistaking, so that if Luther had been sent to Rome, when it was required, he had not seen abuses there. But in Germany they said, The Popes confession was but a trick of that Court, to confesse a fault, and promise amendement, and never to think of amending, and so deceive people for their own interest. And

where the Pope sayd, All things can not be Reformed at once, they said merrily, he will proceed so slowly, that an age may slip betwixt the first and next step. And nevertheless (saith Pe. Soave) Hadrian professed free∣ly and ingenuously, that the Church was corrupted, and he was solicitous of remedies, as appeares by the issue: he died September 13. In that Edict or Answer of Nurembergh were also other particulares, which the Germans did expound diversly according to their affections; as, where it was said, Preachers shall not speak of such things that may raise broils among the people; The Papists said, the meaning is, These things should not be repeated that Luther had taught, and especially the pretended er∣rours of Church-men. On the other side, who where desirous of Refor∣mation said, The meaning of the Diet is, Priests should not mantain these abuses, which heretofore had provoked the people against Church-men Again, where it was said, They shall preach the Gospell according to the doctrine of Doctours approved by the Church; the Papists said, The meaning is, they should preach nothing but according to the late School∣men and the Postillators. But others said, By such Writers were under∣stood the Fathers of the Primitive Church, as, Hilarius, Ambrose, Au∣gustin, Hierome and such. And so that Edict which was supposed to quench the fire of controversies, did inflamme them more: and all good men saw a necessity of calling a Councell, and that parties should submit thereunto. Pe. Soave in histo. Concil. The adversaries of truth devise ano∣ther * 2.21 trick against the Reformation, to wit, they traduce the opposite do∣ctrin with maligne interpretations; as, when Luther said, Christ hath satisfied for our sins, and our works are not satisfactory unto Divine justice; the Monks say, The new preachers are enemies of good works, as if faith alone were necessary unto salvation, and as if it were alike whether we live holily or not. When Luther said, None is tied necessarily to con∣fesse all his sins unto a priest; the Monks said, They make no confession unto God nor man. In a word, as Erasmus writes in Epist. in Pseude-Evangel dated Friburg. An. 1529. the Monks and Divines through cruelty of nature, or foolishnes, or for gain or hope or honour, or privat ma∣lice. did most cruelly accuse them, not only of frivolous things, and which might be disputed on both sides, but most perversly they did miss-interprete what was well spoken. And this was another spurre to provoke their followers to execute the Edict of Worms the same year. Therefore said Erasmus (Io. cit.) Before this time was some licence to dis∣pute of the Popes power, of indulgences. and of purgatory: but now we dar not speak of things that are godly and true: we are compelled to believe, that man of himself worketh meritorious works; and by his works deserves eternall life ex condigno; that the Blessed Virgine may com∣mand her son to hear the prayers of this or that man; and many other things horrible unto godly eares. John Prince of Anhalt began to affect the truth, and did advertise Luther by Do. Hierom and a Franciscan, that he should purge him of that calumny, which Ferdinand Duke of Austria had imputed unto him in Norinbergh, that he had said, Christ was not the seed of Abraham. Charles Duke of Savoy was very desirous of truth and purity: Luther understanding it by Annemund Coct a French Knight, writes unto him a Confession of faith, to confirme him in the zeal of piety; in the closure he saith, Well, Illustrious Prince, stirr up that sparke which hath begun to kindle in thee and let fire come from the house of Savoy, as from the house of Joseph, and let all France be kindled by thee; yea, let

that holy fire burn and increase, that at last France may be truly called for the Gospel's sake, the most Christian Kingdom; as heretofore for that wicked service of Antichrist in shedding blood, it was wickedly called most Christian, Dated Septemb. 7. An. 1523. The particulare persecuti∣ons that were in that year, I leave unto the Martyrologies.

XVII. In the year 1525. Erasmus was persuaded by Henry VIII. King * 2.22 of England, and by Card. Wolsey Bishop of York, to write against Luther, which he did under that inscription, diatribe de libero arbitrio. Against that book Luther sent forth another, de servo arbitrio. The eyes of all men were then towards these two, as if two bulls of Bashan were to rencounter. But lyke two war-ships they were both sparing. For Erasmus writing unto Melanchton, saith, You maruell, why I have sent forth a book of free-will: I had three sorts of enemies; Divines and haters of learning were assay∣ing every where to undo Erasmus, both because I had hinted them in my books, and because I had brought that most florishing Colledge into Lo∣van, and that I had infected all that Country with tongues and good Let∣ters, as they speak. These had persuaded all the Monarchs, that I was asworne friend of Luther. Therefore my friends, seeing that I was in danger; gave some hope unto the Pope and the Princes, that I was to do some what against Luther; and I did entertain this hope for the time: and in the interim men, not awaiting my book, did provoke me with their pamphlets. So I could not eschue, but send forth what I had written, or els I had offended all the Monarchs, which would have thought, that I had deluded them; and these turbulent bodies would have cried, that I keeped up for feare, and looking for some what more sharpe, would have raged more furiously. Lastly because an epistle of Luther is in all mens hands, where in he promiseth to hold his quill off me, if I will also be si∣lent, men would have thought, that here is a compact twixt us. Moreover the Professors of heathnish letters at Rome, themselves being more heathnish were wonderfully raging against me, as it seemes, envying the Germans. The∣refore if I had set forth nothing, I had given occasion unto these Divines and Monkes, and these clay-bakers at Rome, whose Alpha (if I be not deceived) is N whereby to persuade the Pope and Monarchs, what they were endeavoring. Finally these furious Evangelicanes had been the more angry. For I have handled the matter very modestly; and yet what I writ, it is according to my own mind, albeit I will gladly quite it, when I shall be persuaded of what is more right: And what Luther thought of this book, wee may understand by an epistle unto Spalatin, dated, Feri•• 3. omnium Sanct, saying. It is incredible, how I disdain thar book De libero arbitrio.: as yet I have reade but two shiets of it: it is grievous to answer so learned a book of so learned a man. This year by authority of Fre∣derik King of Denmark, notwithstanding all the opposition of the Bishops, Copenhagen, Malmoy and other towns, especially the diocy of Vibergh forsook Popery, and made open profession of Reformation. So did George de Polentia Bishop of Sambia in Prussia, and the town of Conings∣berg there. So did Henry Duke of Meklenburgh. At Brunswik the Minorites held a Synode, and setforth some propositions concerning pra∣yer to Saints and the sacrifice of the Masse: but not only the learned did impugne them, but the people after much contention did expell the Mi∣norites. Jodoc Cownt of Hoia made a Reformation in his Land. It be∣gan also at Anneberg and Cygnaea in Misnia; at Gotha in Thuringia; at Noribergh and Noerdling: at Lichstall, Scaphusen and some other places

in Heluetia; though at the same time some towns there made a combina∣tion against the Reformation. Abr. Schultet. Annal.

XVIII. The main business of that year was the work of Card. Cam∣pegius * 2.23 Legate of Pope Clemens, This Pope was altogether against the calling of a Councell, and thought upon wayes to put it out of the thoughts of them who were desirous of it. He considered the Grievances of Germa∣ny, and resolves to give some satisfaction, yet so that neither his authority, nor gain of the Court may be abaited. He findeth, that these Grievances were not only against the Romane Court, but against the bb. and their officials, against Curats and priests of Germany. So he resolves to send an active man, who may make some Reformation in these smaller things: and he thinks, if Germany be satisfied in these particulars concerning themselues, they will not enquire further. To this end he sends Campe∣gius unto the Diet of the Princes at Norinbergh: he had a long oration, admiring that so many wise Princes would suffer any change in that Reli∣gion, wherein they were born, and their Ancestours had died, and that they considered not, how this change tendeth not only to condem all theit forefathers and the destruction of their souls, but likewise to a rebellion against Civill Powers. The Pope regardes not his own interest, but in compassion toward Germany hath sent him to search out meanes of hea∣ling these maladies throughly. It is not the purpose of his Blessednes, to prescribe any thing unto them, and far less expects he, that they will pre∣scribe any thing unto him, but rather that they will think upon expedient salves: And if this diligence of the Highpriest be now refused, they can not blame him herea••ter. The Emperour was then in Spaine; and the Princes give thankes for the Popes good affection; they shew, that they are sensible of their own calamities, as they had represented unto Pope Hadrian both their maladies, and what salves they thought expedient, and as yet they had received no answer: and if he had any commission in that matter, they entreat him to deliver it. Campegius answereth, that he knowes not whether any thing in that kind was propounded unto the Pope or his Cardinalls, but he knowes their good affection, and he hath full commission to concurre with them in what they shall judge conduci∣ble: and he knowes what Cesar and they had done in the Diet at Worms; and some had obeyed that Edict, but why others had not obeyed it, he knowes not; but it seemes expedient, that chiefly they would take a course to prosecute that Edict. As for that they speak of Propositions tendered unto the Pope Hadrian, he knowes not whether the Pope hath heard of them, but this much, three Coppies were brought to Rome, and the Pope had seen one of them: but he and the Cardinals did judge that these things were not done by Order of the Princes, but published by some heretick; and albeit he hath no command therein, yet he hath full po∣wer to do what is expedient. In these demands are many things dero∣gatory unto Papall authority, and smell of heresy, nor can be handled there, but he is ready to take notice, and do what is not contrary unto the Highpriest, and is grounded on reason: or if they have any business with the Highpriest, it may be propounded in milde terms &c. The Esta∣tes thought, It could not be unknown unto the Pope, what they had trea∣ted with Pope Hadrian, and that the Legate put another face upon it: nevertheless they appoint some to treat with the Legate, if they can fall upon any expedient meanes. They could gain nothing, but that he promised to reforme the Clergy of Germany; and these who spoke against

the Romane Court, were but hereticks, and the examination thereof did belong only unto the Popes. The Princes consider, that the Refor∣mation whereof he speakes, was but of small things, and did tend to the prejudice of Seculare Power, and to the faster rooting of the power of the Romish Court and of great Prelats, and as gentle remedies do often bring greater evils, that might open a wider door unto greater rapine; therefore they refuse it; albeit the Legate was very instant in the contrary. So the Diet was closed Aprile 18. and another appointed to begin at Spira Novemb. 11. to advise what is to be done, if a Councell shall not be called in the Interim; and that the Princes, each within his own Province shall advise with godly and learned men, what is to be disputed in the Coun∣cell; and that Magistrats shall have a care, that the gospell be preached according to the doctrine of Teachers, that have been approved by the Church; that pictures be forbidden, and libels against the Court of Rome. Campegius protests that Princes should not medle with the business of faith, and he promiseth to report what they had demanded of a Councell. Af∣ter the dismissing of the Diet, Compegius dealeth with Ferdinand the Emperours brother, the Dukes of Bavier, the bb. of Salisburgh, Trent and Ratisbone, and nine Commissioners of other bb. that they would meet at Ratisbone July 6. On which day they decree, that seing it was ordered at Norembergh to put the Edict of Worms into execution with all diligence, therefore they at the instance of Card. Campegius do com∣mand that in all their dominions that edict be fully execute; and all men who have sent their sons to Wittembergh, shall recall them within three months. The next day the Card. propounds 37. Canones concerning the reformation of the Clergy, to wit, of their habite and manner of life, of the sacraments and other rites, feasts, fabrick of churches, of entring into orders, of festivall days and fasts, priests that are married, confession before communion, blasphemy, witchcrauft and sorcery, and charming, and such things: at last bb. are ordered to keep Synods twice a year for dili∣gent observation of these Canons. All these that are named before, did approve, and ordain them to be observed. When this Decree was publi∣shed, others which were not present, were offended against the Card. and these his associates, that in such a meeting they had determined such a de∣cree, concerning whole Germany; especially seing it was told them in the Diet, that such a course could bring forth more evill than good; and had mentioned petty things, without any mention of soarer grievances, as if all other things were on a right posture. My authour (Pe. Soave in hist: Conc. Trid.) saith, Campegius and others with him did not regard what Germany thought of their Decree: it was their only care, to satissie the Pope who said that a Councell was necessary, unless they will treat of Papall authority, but in that case nothing is more dangerous or pernici∣ous. When the Emperour understood of their treating at Norinbergh, he was offended, that they had dealt with a stranger in such a business with∣out his knowledge; and the rigour of their Decree did displease him, because it would displease the Pope, whom he desireth to keep in friendship upon the account of his wars in Italy: but especially it did vexe him, that they had determined to have a Councell in Germany, as if that business did not appertain unto the Pope and him, but unto them; or if they had thought a Councell necessary, they should have supplicated him, that he might deal with the Pope for it, and that he might appoint time and place, as his affaires might permitt his presence. As for that Diet, they

had appointed to be at Spira, he will in no way yield unto it, and comman∣deth to execute the Edict of Worms, and, medle no more in religion, untill a Councell be called at the Popes and his own command. The Prin∣ces for a long time had not seen so imperious commands, and were so of∣fended, that they were like to have fallen iuto an open broile. Charles was so confident, because of his late victory at Ticino, and had the King of France captive, and so thought to rule all at his pleasure. But the Pope fearing his power, did make a league with other Kings and Princes for his aid, if it shall happen, that the Emperour shall fall out with him; and dealt for relief of the King of France. This was unsavoury unto Charles. So far Pe. Soave. In the mean time Ferdinand, and these that had been with him at Ratisbona, went on in prosecuting the Cardinal's canons, and persecuting the contraveeners within their jurisdictions, as Abr. Schul∣tet. and others shew at length. * 2.24

XIX. That year began the strife concerning the Ubiquity of Christs body: the originall of it was thus; After the time of Berengarius the opi∣nion of Christs bodily presence was built upon three pillars, 1. the inter∣pretation of the words. This is my body properly, or as they spoke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 2. Transsubstantion by vertue of these words pronounced. 3. A twofold presence, visible and unvisible. John Gerson Chancelar of Paris did judge all these naughty: therefore he first conceived reall communication of natu∣res, and said; Christ, as a creature can not be in mo places at one & the same time, yet the humane nature by vertue of its union with the Divine nature may have that prerogative communicated unto it, to be present where ever the Sacrament is administred, and there only. Jac. Faber Sta∣pulensis about the year 1523. taught, that as Christs body may be wherever the sacrament is administred, so it may be every where. These two opi∣nions began therefore in Paris; the first is held by the Papists; as a pillar of transsubstantiation; and the other came flying into Germany, and was embraced as a ground of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. At first, Luther denieth transsubstan∣tion; but of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and the twofold presence, it seemes; he spoke variously: for in the year 1523. some Bohemians came unto him in name of their Brethren, and did conferre in the doctrin of faith: of them he writes unto Nicol. Hausman to. 2. epist. pag. 167. saying. Pighardi judge so of the sacrament, that Christ is not bodily under the bread, as some say, they have seen blood and the babe there.....but spritually or sacra∣mentally, that is, he that receives the bread visibly, verily receives na∣turally the blood of him which is at the right hand of the Father, but re∣ceives it invisibly. I can not blame them more for this. And that they do not worship [the bread] they say, it is for the same cause, that he is not there visibly, as we speak of seeing, but invisibly, and he is at the right hand of the Fathet. Here is the Bohemians their judgement, and Lu∣thers approbation thereof. Then Ab. Schultet. in Annal. ad Ann. 1524. shewes, that when Andrew Carolstad was still at Wittembergh, he was scandalised at some words of Luther, who said, Christ is in the bread of the Supper tantus quantus in cruce pependisset, so bigg as he did hang up on the cross: and that this was an occasion of alienation of their minds. We have seen other causes of their schisme. On August. 22. Luther preached at Jena against the fanaticall spirits of Anabaptists pretending revelations: and at that time he said, Of the same Spirit are the breakers of images, and Sacramentaries. Carolstad was present, and took these words as spoken against him, because he had noted, and challenged Luther upon these for∣mer

words. After Sermon they meet in an Inn, and in end Luther pro∣voketh Carolstad to writ concerning that question of the Supper: and so began that Sacramentary strife. Luther hath written of that Conference at Jena one way (Scultetus saith, falsly) and Martin Rheinhard preacher at Jena at that time, hath writen of it another way. Within two dayes Lu∣ther went to Orlamund, (where Carolstad was preacher at that time) but he would not speak with Carolstad: yet some of his hearers disputed, with Luther, and did maintain, that what they had done in breaking down images, was warranted by the word of God, so that Luther went away, being almost ashamed. Not long after, by the means of Luther, and at command of John Frederik Duke of Saxony, Carolstad was exiled out of Thuringia, and so was Rheinhard, who had written the Confe∣rences at Jena and Orlamund. Carolstad wrot Letters unto Orlamund; these were read in a publick meeting, and all the people did weep at the reading of them: the subscription of the two Letters was this, Andrew bo∣deynstein neither heard nor convicted yet exiled by Luther. Bodenstein was his fathers sirname. When Luther heares of this subscription, he writes to Amsdorfius, saying, you see, how I, which should have been a Martyr, am come so far, to make martyres: you can scarcely believe, how large∣ly this doctrine of Carolstad concerning the Sacrament hath spread. Carolstad went to Basile, and there he converseth with the Anabaptists only, and set forth sixe little books concerning the Lords Supper. Upon which occasion Erasmus wrote unto Henry Stromer, 4 id. Decembr. saying, Carolstad hath been here, and scarcely did visite Oecolampade: he hath set forth sixe little books: the printers were imprisoned on the third day after, at the command of the Magistrate, especially because (as I heare) he tea∣ches, that in the sacrament the very body of Christ is not. None can en∣dure this: for the vulgare sort are offended, that God is taken from them; as if God were in no place, unless he be under that signe; and the learned are moved by the words of holy Scripture, and decrees of the Church. This business will breed a huge tragedy, when we have too many tragedi∣es. So far he. The sum of Carolstad's doctrin concerning the Supper is, The body of Christ neither is, nor can bee eaten with the mouth, but there is a celebration of the remembrance of his body broken for us, and of his blood shed for us. So he acknowledges a figurative speach in the words of institution: and the word, This, he expoundes not of the bread, but of the body, as if the meaning must bee, Take, eat this bread in remembrance of mee: for here is the body that was given for you. He addeth, there must be a trope necessarily, lest we be for∣ced to maintaine, that the bread was crucified for us; and that the Scripture commandeth us to eat his flesh, which is false; and that flesh profiteth; which is also false; and that his body is given and broken for us in the use of the Supper which is also false. In the book which he called, Of the un-Christian abuse of the bread and cup of the Lord, he pleadeth against their er∣rour, which bid men seek remission of sin in the sacrament: and he asserts, that the Sacrament should be often celebrat to declare the Lords death; and the annunciation of his death to flow from the remembrance of Christ; and this remembrance to flow from the discerning of his broken body and shed blood; and that the body is discerned, and not the bread or the sa∣crament, when we distinguish his body and blood from other bodies and bloods; and that we then discern the body and blood of Christ, when we consider that his body was broken for us, and his blood was

shed for us; they who consider not these things, are guilty of the body of the Lord, even as the wicked men, which killed him, be∣cause such do eat of the bread of the Lord, and drink of his cup: Therefore a man should examin himself, to wit, whether he thinkes right∣ly upon the death of Christ, and whether he be such, as Christ would have him to bee. He denieth also that the sacrament can be called an earnest or pledge of redemption by Christ, because what is proper unto Christ and his Spirit, should not be attributed unto the bread and wine; and the Scripture saith not, that consciences are quieted by the bread and wine; but rather the Apostle commandeth, that a man should first examin himself, and then eat of that bread: which examination were superfluous, if one were made more sure of the remission of his sin by the Supper. The Senate of Zurik were offended at the newness of this doctrine, and therefore had forbid∣den the selling of these books. But both Zuinglius and Oecolampade had spoken of a trope in the words of institution, long before they knew, how to make it cleare: and thereupon Zuinglius in a Sermon exhorts the Magistrat, to let the books pass and be read, that so the victory of truth may be the more ingenuous, and he said, Carolstad was lyke unto a soul∣dier which hath arms and a good mind to fight, but hath not skill of arms, and puts his helmet on his shoulder, and takes his brestplate as a buckler in his hand....so Carolstad is sensible of the truth, but because he knowes not throughly the proper nature of tropes, hee disposeth and places the words, not in a right ordet. Likewise Oecomlapade wrote un∣to severall friends, that they would not judge amisse of Carolstad: for al∣beit he had not attained what he would, yet in the substance of the matter he hath not erred much. And albeit the Anabaptists knew what difference was between Zuinglius and Carolstad in this particulare, yet they follow Carolstade, and spread his books far and wide. After the divulging of these books, Zuinglius wrote unto Matt. Alber Pastor at Reutlinga, saying, Hitherto we have erred from the But or mark: neither Leo Juda, nor other brethren, nor I do altogether disallow the judgement of Carolstad, but many are offended at the obscurity of his words and his immode∣rat scoffs; especially our Tigurines, because he hath a little departed from the way, wherein he should have walked. And then he teaches, that to eat the body of Christ, is no other, but to believe that Christs body was broken and died for us; and he proves this from John VI. where it is writ∣ten of Spirituall eating, whereof the signe is in the sacrament. 2. from the words of the institution, where he expounds, Is, by, Signifieth, as the following words do evince, Do this in remembrance of me. 3. from the words of Luke, This is the new Testament in my blood: therefore it is not the very blood &c. Likewise the Diuines at Strawsburg, to wit, Wolfgang Capito in October, and Mart. Bucer (with whom all the other Ministers did sub∣scribe) in December of the same yeare, did by their published papers ex∣hort all men, to leave strife, and think upon the right use of the holy Sup∣per, that is (as Bucerspeakes) we should eat the bread, & drink the wine, and then come to that which is spirituall, the remembrance of Christs death: for we should so eat the bread, and drink the wine, that we re∣member how Christs body & blood was once offered for us, and so we eat his flesh, and drink his blood spiritually. Luther was vexed with the successe of Carolstad's doctrin, and in wrath writes in the same December unto Amsdorf, saying, We have no other cause, but to be humbled: for Carolstad's venom spreades very wide, and unto his opinion is

joined Zuinglius of Zurik, Leo Judaeus, and many others affirming con∣stantly, that in the sacrament is only bread, as in the market &c. The next year this contest grew hoter betwixt Luther, and Jo. Bugenhagius in Po∣mer on the one side, and Zuinglius and Oecolampade on the other▪ In a third piece, which Zuinglius wrote in October, answering to Bugen∣hagius, he proves that his doctrin was not new (as the other had called it) but the very mind of Christ, of the Apostles and the Fathers; and that they have not expounded the tropes, albeit they have spoken with tropes; and he professeth, he knew, there is a trope in the words of the institution, but he knew not in what word the trope is, untill he had read an epistle of a Batavian, teaching that the words of Christ, The flesh profiteth nothing, speak not of a carnall understanding, because the text presseth another thing; and, who will say, that The flesh profiteth, he makes two wayes of salvation, &c. The same Abr. Schultet testifieth; that when Carolstade saw the books of Zuinglius and Oecolampade, he forsook his interpreta∣tion of the particle This. Afterwards more oile was added unto this flam∣me, when Brentius heard of the Ubiquity, which Faber Stapulensis had imagined. I do not intend to handle controversies: but of this purpose for clearing the history, I add two passages; one from Ab. Schultet. An∣nal. ad An. 1525; Oecolampad at Basile with his Collegues teaches the same with Zuinglius: when it was reported that he was a Carolstadian, his friends did entreat him to declare his mind concerning the Sacrament; and the same year he publishes a book, Of the genuine exposition of the Lord's words, THIS IS MY BODY. Therein he shewes, that orall eating had its beginning from Pe. Lombard, or Gratian, or if it be more antient, from Damascen the later; that Lombard in condemning them of heresy, who say that Christ useth the same phrase in these words, This is my body, as Paul had used in these, The rock is Christ, did condemne all the antient Teachers: which were of the same judgement. Then he answereth the objection, What things are above our capacity, men should not search: iherefore we should not search into the sacrament, And he proves that the sacraments are not of the sort of incomprehensible things, seing in the Lords Supper is no miracle, nor any thing exceeding mans capacity. Thirdly he wip∣eth-off the calumnies of some preachers, who clamorously said, that the Gospell was denied and Christ's God head, and all Christianity was over∣thrown by them who deny orall eating of Christs flesh; and he affirmes, that the Holy Ghost hath spoken in such a way, lest any take occasion of errour; and he would have some passages a little darkly to the end, that some seeing shall not see, and knowledge or revelation should be acknowledged to be a gift of Gods Mercy. Then he comes to the point, and proves the words This is my body to be spoken with the same trope, as these of Paul, Therock was Christ. This is not a strange exposition, nor is the phrase seldom used in the Scripture; as nothing is more inconvenient than the exposition of the Synusiasts; a trope certainly is in the words, and many absurdities follow otherwise: all the Fathers were for a trope in these words: he con∣firmes the same, and refutes the contrary by many reasons according to Scripture. The Senate of Basile ask Erasmus his judgement of that book: he answereth, He had read it, and in his judgement it is learnedly and well written, and I would say (sayd he) very Christian, if any thing can be called Christian, which is contrary unto the decrees of the Church, from whose judgement it is dangerous to decline. The other passage, that I add, is in Osiander Cent. 16. Lib. 1. Cap. 36. where speaking of these three, Carol∣stade,

Zuinglius, and Oecolampade, he saith. The judgement of all these three Divines was the same, to wit, that Christs body is not given in the holy Supper with the bread and wine, but are present above only in the highest heaven, and no where els before the last day. In after times (saith he) Caluin did seem to reject their expositions, but indeed was of the same mind with them: for in his agreement with the Divines of Zurik he writtes, that the body of Christ is as far distant from us, as the heaven is distant from the earth: but deceitfully did Calvin teach the same impiety in other & smoother words, so that he blinded the eyes of many learned and good men, and drew them into Zuinglianisme. So far he. I marke these two, that the Reader may see, how these do prevaricate or wrangle, which have been for consubstantiation; they will not understand any thing to be spoken against them: and as if blew, green and purple were all white, because they are not all black; so how beit in this question Carolstade, Zuinglius and Calvin were in some partdifferent, and all were against consubstantiation, both Luther, Osiander and these others of that sort will not observe any difference among them in their doctrine. But this difference among them gave occasion unto the Papists to insulte against them; as also the marriage of Luther with one Catharin à Bora, which had been a Nonne. Indeed many both the friends and enemies of Luther were offended: his friends, not simply, as if they had condemned marriage, but in respect of the time when all Germany (almost) was red with the blood shed in the wars with, the bowrs, and especially Saxony was lamenting with many others, for the death of the good Duke and Electour Frederik. And his enemies wrote bitterly, yea and impudently against him, alleadging (among other things) that within few dayes after his marriage, Catharin brought forth a son: which was not true. But afterwards Luther was much grieved, when he heard that this friends were offended, and especially that his ene∣mies took occasion to raile against his doctrine for respect to his marriage; in so much, that (as Melanchton writes to Camerarius) he had need to be conforted. * 2.25

XX. The Gospel began to be openly preached in France at Gratiano∣ple in the Dolphinate by Peter Sebeuilla, in the year 1523. Zuinglius wrote (as in epist Oecolamp. & Zuin. lib. 4.) exhorting him to lift up his voice lyke a trumpet, and sound forth the Gospell in France, invitis omni∣bus puppis & papis. Who shall not make him ready for the battel? (saith he) the prophet saith, Where the Lion roareth, who will not feare? When Christ thundereth by his servants, which of his enemies will not be afraid? yea certainly fear hath overtaken them in all their tents: they are so amazed and perplexed, that they know not what course to take: for if they begin ro kill the flock of Christ by their deluded Princes, they fear, that in so doing a door be opened to fall that way upon themselves: But if they attempt to resist by Scripture, their consciences tell them, how they are guilty in wresting it, and therefore they are cold and faint. Why then fall we not on these cowards, when we have the only and safe enough buckler of Gods worde? He will beat down Antichrist with the breath of his mouth. Christ is on our side, who shall be against us? albeit we are but lyke the vessell of Samos, yet none can break us so long as God is with us: and He will be with us according to the certain promise of his word, where he hath promised to be with us untill the world's end; and hath com∣manded us to fear nothing, when we shall be brought before Kings or Prin∣ces for his sake, for he will give wisdom and utterance, which all the adver∣saries

shall not be able to resist. Why then do we linger? Victory is at hand, why will we not reap it.....thou must wrestle not only with An∣tichrist, but whith all the world, if thou will advance into heaven: these only can come thither, who are careless of earthly things: Therefore first of all thou must deny thyself, and dy dayly: but thou canst not do so by thyself: therefore flye to the only mercy of God, and begg of him, that he would direct thy waies &c. At the same time in Melda about ten myls from Paris was Bishop William Brissonnet: he was a lover of truth and light; he passeth by the Monks, and sought learned men to teach the people: so from Paris he calleth Jac. Faber; William Fatell, Arnold, & Gerard red: they did teach the people with chearefull liveliness. But the Bishops cou∣rage was soon abaited by terrible menaces of the Sorbonists. Nevertheless religion was planted in the hearts of many, and by the wondrous Coun∣sell of God, from the persecution of that one Church many Church∣es through France were planted: for both the Teachers and hearers were spread abroad. On May 20. An. 1525. Pope Clement wrote unto the Parlament of Paris (the King was in Spaine) shewing, that he understood by Letters from Aloisia the Queen mother, how the seeds of wicked he∣resies were beginning to spread through France, and they had provident∣ly and prudently chosen some men to suppresse the fighters against the old religion: and he by his authority approves them that were chosen for that effect: for now all men should be diligent to preserve the common salvati∣on, when the malice of Satan and the rage of his souldiers have stirred such a broile; seing this madness intendeth not only to confound religion, but all principality, nobility, lawes and order.....It was very acceptable unto him, what they had done, and he exhorts them to continue with the like courage, &c. The King was advertised by his Sister Margarit, that they had driven Ja. Faber out of Erance: he wrote unto the Parliament, giving him a large approbation for learning and godliness, as knowing that the man was admired even by the Spaniards and Italians: therefore he willeth, that they surcease from all action against him untill new advertise∣ment.

XXI. The wars of the Bowres in Germany was a sore hinderance (for * 2.26 a time) unto the Gospell: for the Papists in Germany said, Those are the frutes of the new doctrin and of Luthers Gospell. And Aloisia in France said, In Germany is nothing but confusion, and no acknowledgement of a Prince. And this was the colour of the Popes bitterness in that his Let∣ter. A wicked follow had teached the people (as Sleidan in Commente. shewes more fully) that the doctrine of the Pope and of Luther is alike wicked: the Pope tieth mens consciences with hard lawes and bonds; and Luther hath untied the bonds, but hath declined to the other extre∣mity in giving loose reyns, nor teaches by the Spirit: they may well con∣temne the Papall Decrees, because they conduce not unto salvation: and to attain salvation we must eschue all manifest sin, as murther▪ adultery, blas∣phemy: we must chastize the body with fasting and simple cloaths: our countenance must be sad, speak little, and not have dressed haire. This is to beare the cross, and to mortify the flesh, said he. And when his hearers were thus prepared, They must forsake the crowd of men, and being separated, think often of God, who he is; whether he hath any care of us; and would have us to continue in this religion. And if he will not give us a signe, nevertheless we must continue, and be instant in prayer, yea and sharpely chide with him, as not dealing with us suffi∣ciently:

for seing the Scripture promiseth, that he will give what we aske, he doth not righly, in not giving a signe unto them, which would know him. He said, This expostulation and wrath is very acceptable unto God, because thereby he seeth the inclination & fervour of our mind; and without doubt, when he is entreated this way, he will declare himself by some sensible signe, and quench the thirst of our soul, and deal with us, as he did with the Fathers. He said also, God declares his will by dreames, as he had done unto him selfe, and had given him a command, to kill all wicked men, and pull down all Princes and Magistrats. He taught also, that all things should be common, and all should have alike freedom and liberty without all subiectjon. Sleidan. Comment. lib. 3. &. 5. In Apile. 1525. the countrie-people in Suevia by the river Danube (being deluded with such errours) began to refuse obedience, and they demand 1. liberty to choose their Ministers that will preach the word without mans traditions and decrees. 2. liberty from all tieths, except only corne; and these to be diuided at the discretion of good men, a part unto Ministers, part unto the poor, and part unto publik business. 3. it is not equitable, that heretofore they have been held in the condition of slaves, seing they are made free by the blood of Christ. They professe, they do not cast off Magistrats, but they will not endure that bondage, unless it be cleared by testimony of Scripture, that it is reasonable. 4. It is not reason, that they are forbidden to take wild beasts, or fishes; especially when the beasts destroy their cornefields: from the beginning God hath given unto man power over all living creatures, 5. it is a great prejudice of the people, that woods are in the power of afew men. 6. they demand that their Princes or Masters would moderate their dayly burdens of service, according to the equity of the Gospell, and lay no more upon them than was craved of old &c. Ibid. Albeit the attempts of these men was alike against Popish Masters and others which were desi∣rous of Reformation, yet I can not find that any Popish person did endea∣vour to convince them by information. Luther did publish books, to refute them many times: before they did publish their Demands he dissua∣deth them from sedition as a most fearfull sin, not only in the externall fact, but even to be spoken or thought upon. After the publishing of the De∣mands, he told them, they did wickedly in cloaking theire rebellion with the pretext of sinceer doctrine and equity, seing God hath commanded to obey Princes and Masters: then he sifteth their Demands severally, and shewes, that some of them are contrary unto the law of nature and equity; and if any of them have any reason in them, they should be examined by prudent men; but they should not move broiles: if their Masters will not let them have the liberty of the gospell, they may go in quietness, where they may have it, but they should not use violence against their Masters. He wrote also unto Princes and especially unto the Prelats, that their hindering the liberty of the Gospell was a provocation of Gods wrath, and their laying of intolerable burdens on their subiects, for their own pleasure and prodigality, was also offensive unto God: and he exhorts them, to use all meanes of peace rather then force, seeing the issue of warrs is uncertain, and arms are sooner taken up, then can be layd off. When they had taken arms, he wrote the third time, exhorting both, to take away their controverfies by treaties of good and prudent men. Many other preachers did also publish books, shewing the craft of Satan in raising such broils at that time; and that these should not be imputed unto the preaching of the truth, as the aduersaries of truth did crie▪

and it is no new thing, that the iudgements of God upon men for their sins, are imputed unto the Gospell, seing in the days of the Apostles and of the primitive Church, the heathens said, that all their troubles came upon them for the Christian religion, whereas God was offended for their idolatry and contempt of the Gospell, as they proved by the testimonies of Tertullian in Apolog. and Cyprian contra Demetr. Augustin de Civ. Dei, and others. Abr. Scult. Ann. ad An. 1525. When neither Princes would yield unto a treaty, nor the Bowrs would lay down arms, Luther wrote a fourth book exhorting all men as for the quenching a common fire, to take arms against the rebells, and kill them which had so basely denied obedience unto their Masters, and had begun to usurpe other mens possessions, and do cloke so vile villany with the name of Christianity. Nevertheless these villains grew into a hudge multitude, and divided themselves into three Armies, one at Biberac, another at Algovia, and the third at the lake of Constance: they took some towns, as Winsbergh and Wirtsburgh: they killed some Noble men, as the Court of Helfenstein, most unworthily. The Prin∣ces that went against them were John Elector of Saxony, and his uncle George, Philip of Hassia, Henry Duke of Brunswik &c. In some pla∣ces when they were put to flight, they run into the river: there were killed of them in severall places 50000. some write, 100000: and the chief enticers wete taken and beheaded.

XXII. Notwithstanding these broiles, it pleased God to spread the * 2.27 Reformation the same yeare. Luther at that time did first administer the Lords supper in the German language, and did ordain a Minister without the Popish rites. And Zuinglius did also forsake the Latine language, and the rites. Albert Marques of Branbeburgh was entituled Master of the Teutonick Order: but that year having warr with the King of Pole for some towns of Prussia, and seeing no aid from the Emperour was content to agree upon condition, that he should acknowledge the King as Superi∣our, and possesse Prussia under the tittle of a Dukedom; and then he au∣thorized the Reformed religion through out that Province. Gustavus King of Sweden sent for all the Prelats to come unto his palace, and there without any noise gave them in their option, to continue in their places, and professe the Reformed religion, or then to leave the Country. Some gave him their oath of obedience, and others went whether they pleased. William Landsgrave of Hassia established the Reformed religion within his jurisdiction. So it was established at Gorlik & Lauba in Lusatia. In Rhe∣tia alone were reckoned 41. preachers of the Gospell. So did Philip Count of Hanove, Cristopher and Antony Counts of Altenburgh & Delmenhorst. Conrad. of Tecklenburgh & Linga, and Baltasar Lord of Esens & Witmund, * 2.28 all within their territories: and so did many other free towns. In the year preceeding a motion was made to assemble a Synode of all the Refor∣med Churches, for establishing an uniformity in rites or circumstantiall cere∣monies. Luther opposeth it, asserting that it was not expedient: albeit it was propounded in a good zeale, yet it hath no precedent: for even in the Councell of the Apostls they did treat more of works and traditions than of faith, and there they had disputed for the most part concerning opi∣nions & questions, yet he was no less suspicious of the name of a Councel as of the name free-will: for if one Church will not follow willingly the exam∣ple of another in these circumstantiall things, why is a Councel needfull, to compell men by decrees, which may turne to lawes & snares of mens consciences? Therefore let one follow another freely, or use their own

fashion, so that the Spirit be mantained in the faith and word, howbeit there be a variety in other externall things. Schultet. Annal. ad Ann. 1524. ex Luth. tom. 2. epist.

XXIII. In the year 1526. Solyman the Turk entereth into Hungary; * 2.29 there the King Lewes could have no help from Christians: yet the bb. stirre him to a batell, and as he had sold himself to be a slave unto them in killing * 2.30 the professours of Reformation, he was killed. Jo. Sleidan. The same year the Emp. being provoked by that league made by Pope Clemens, dischar∣geth the authority of the Pope through all Spain, leaving an example unto posterity, that Church-disciplin may be maintained without Papall authori∣ty. But as good seed being sown out of season, so good works without good motives and principles have no continuance. In Juny was a Diet at * 2.31 Spira: Letters were brought from the Emperour dated at Spala March 23. the sum was; For so much as he intends to go shortly unto Rome to be crowned, and to talk with the Highpriest concerning a generall Councell, and no good can be done in the matter of religion in these assemblies; there¦fore they should observe the Decree at Worms, and take his absence in good part, hoping there shall be a generall Councell shortly. The Prin∣ces and towns professing the Reformation said, They were desirous in all things to please the Emperour: but if he were rightly informed of the condi∣tion of Germany, and how the controversy of Religion increaseth dayly, he would not urge the Decree of Worms; As for a Generall Councell, there is no appearance of it, seeing there was friendship twixt him and the Pope when the Letter was written, as appeares by the Date; but now it is otherwise, seing the Pope hath levied an Army against him. Wherefore they think best to send Oratours unto the Emperour to informe him more fully, and how dangerous it is, to delay the business of religion, and no less perillous to execute the Decree of Worms; and to entreat him to call a Councell in Germany, and come unto it, or at least to permit it, as it was determined at Noribergh, but was contromanded by the Emperour to the harme of Germany: Or if he will not allow a Nationall Councell of Germany, to entreat him to delay the execution of the Decree untill the Generall Councell: for otherwise the malady will waxe worse; And to represent, that so long as every man is solicitous of his own estate in time of this variance, it will be difficill to collect any money for any other use. Then another supplication was presented unto the Diet, complaining of the multitude, idleness and opposition of begging Friers, of the multitude & abuses of holy Dayes; and petitioning to leave unto every man the choise of his meats, untill the generall Councell. At this time the Duke of Saxon and the Landgrave of Hass enter into con∣ference with the Commissioners of Strawsburgh, that seeing they know not what the bb. and their adherents do intend, all of tkem shall concurr unto mutuall aid, if any of them shall be in danger for Religion. But the bb. would not proceed here in matters of Religion, and crave to delay these, because of the present variance betwixt the Pope and Caesar. Great strife ariseth among them: Wherfore the Duke of Saxon and the Landgrave say, they will stay no longer. Ferdinand and the Bishop of Trevers consi∣dering how dangerous it were, if nothing be done, and all depart with grudge and malice, do propound (for appeasing such heart burnings) that it is necessary to resolve upon a lawfull Councell either Generall or Na∣tionall within a year at farrest, and to entreat the Emperour to repaire shortly into Germany in consideration of their present condition; As con∣cerning

the Decree at Worms, they are content that all shall demean them∣selves in their Provinces untill a Councell, so as they will be answerable un∣to God and Caesar. And it was decreed so. After this Diet certain Princes consult at Esling, to write speedily unto the Emperour, and shew that they had decreed to send Oratours unto him: but the King of France will not grant them passage, except for foure months, whereof one was past: there∣fore they have determined to defer their Oratours untill their next assem∣bly, which they have appointed to be at Regensburgh the first day of Aprile next; to treat of the Turkish warr, trusting that by time they shall have better occasion to send; or they shall give him intelligence another way, and entreating him to repaire into Germany as shortly, &c. Slcidan. lib. 6.

XXIV. In the beginning of the year 1527. Otto Paccius Counseller of George Duke of Saxony informeth the Duke Elector and the Landgrave; that Ferdinand (then King of Bohem and Hungary) and the Bishop of Mentz had made a league with others also, to destroy them and Luther's religion. Wherefore these prepare themselves for defense: troubles were like to ensue: but when these which were said to have made that league, did purge themselves, the fear was appeased, Paccius was banished: but the Diet at Regensburgh was discharged. Ibid. Leonard Cesar a prea∣cher was burnt at the command of the Bishop of Passaw in Bavier, for hol∣ding these articles, Faith only justifieth: there be but two sacraments, baptisme & the Lords Supper: the Masse is not a sacrifice, nor is profitable unto the living nor dead: confession of all sins is not commanded: only Christ hath satisfied for sin: a vow of chastity bindeth not: the Scripture speakes not of purgatory: there is no difference of dayes: in Divine things is no free-will. He would have declared himself in these articles, when he was brought before the court, but they would not suffer him. Eccius was his accuser, and spoke always in Latine: but Leonard spoke in the common language: he would have all the company to understand him. Osiand. centu. 16. Lib 2. c. 5. This yeare was the first visitation of the Chur∣ches * 2.32 in Saxony. On the 17. day of December the Senate of Berne make publick intimation of a Dispute in the controversies of Religion, to begin January 7. they envite the bb. of Constance, Bafile, Sedun and Lausan, to come and bring their Divines, or els they tell them, they will confiscate all their goods within their territory: they shew, that only the books of the old and New Testament shall be the rule of the Dispute; and they en∣gadge themselves for safety unto all who shall come. Two Ministers are named to sustain these articles; The true Church, whose head is Christ only, ls begotten by the word of God, continueth in it, and heares not the voice of another: This Church makes not lawes without the word of God: therefore unto traditions of men, which have the tittle of the Church, we are not tied, if they agree not with God's word: Only Christ hath sa∣tisfied for the sins of the world: therefore if any say, there is another way of salvation or of expiating sin, he denieth Christ. It can not be proved by testimony of Christ, that the body and blood of Christ are received really and bodily: The rite of the Masse, where Christ is represented & offered unto the Father for the living & dead, is contrary unto the Scrip∣ture, and contumelious unto the sacrifice, that Christ hath offered for us: We may pray unto Christ only as the Mediatour and Advocate of mankind with the Father: It is not found in Scripture, that there is any place, where souls are purged after this life: therefore prayers and all these ceremo∣nies

and yearly exequies that are bestowed on the dead, and the waxe∣candls and torches, and such other things, do help nothing: It is contrary unto Senpture, to set up images or statues for use of worship: therefore if any such be in a Church, they should be removed: Marriage is not for∣bidden unto any sort of men, but for eschuing fornication it is comman∣ded and permitted by the holy Scriptures unto every one; and unclean and filthy single life becomes the order of priests least of any men. When these Letters were divulged, the people of Lucern, Vran, Suik, Un∣terwald, Tugy, Glarea, Friburgh & Soloturn, write unto Bern, ex∣horting them to cease from that purpose, and to remember their league: as for them, they will send none thither, nor suffer any to come. I. bidem.

XXV. Nevertheless the day is keeped at Bern. None of the bb. came nor sent: Deputies came from Basile, Schafuse, Zurick, Abbecel∣la, Sangall, Mulh••se and Rhaetia, their nighbours; as also from Straws∣burgh, Ulma, Ausburgh, Lindaw, Constance and Isna. Among these were Zwinglius, Oecolampade, Bucer, Capito, Blaurer, &c. Among the Opponents the chiese was Conrad Treger an Augustinian: he would not bring his arguments from the Scripture: and Presidents of the Dis∣pute would not permitt any other authority, because it was so ordered by the publication: wherefore Treger went away. On the 26 day of January, * 2.33 year 1528. the Dispute was ended; and then altars, images and masses were forbidden in Berne: the day and year of Reformation was Marked with golden letters in a publick place for memoriall unto posterity. The like Reformation was at Basile: Erasmus writes of it in Epist. ad Andr. Cruci. Episc. Plocens. dated Friburgh An. 1529. thus, No violence was used against any mans person or goods: only they sought a Burgher-Master as a chief enemy of Reformation, and he escaped in a boat: they break down all images in the churches &c. Erasmus was present, and (as he writes) he did admire, that whereas it had been reported, how S. Francis had smote a man with madness for scorning his five wounds, and other div••or Saints had revenged some reproaching words, yet none of them all did at that time revenge the contempt of their images. Pe. Soave saith, They of Gene∣ve and Constance and other nighbours followed the example of Berne; as also Strawsburgh after a publick disputation makes an ordinance to forsake the Masse, or at least to leave it, untill the maintainers of it will prove that it can stand with the worship of God; and this they did (saith he) albeit the Senate of the Empire at Spira had by their Messenger forbidden them, as not belonging unto them, nor unto the States of the Empire, to make any innovation in Religion, but only unto a General or National Coun∣cell. Yea and Italy (saith he) when for the space of two years there had been no Court in Rome, and all these calamities under which they were lying, were thought to be the execution of Gods judgement for rhe abuses of that government, did gladly hearken unto a Reformation, and in their private houses, namely at Fuenza within the Popes territory! they did preach against the Romane Church, and the number of these (whom others did call Lutherans, but they called themselves) Evangelici. did increase dayly.

XXVI. In March An. 1529. was a Diet at Spira: the bb. and their party * 2.34 thought to have severed the Elector of Saxony from the Cities, in contem∣plation of the variance in the question of the Sacrament: but on the other side they did perceive the craft of their enemies, and disappointed them.

Then Ferdinand excludes the Deputes of Strawsburgh from sitting in the Diet: they protest, that if they be displaced, (which is contrary to the law and custom) they will beare no part of the common charges. So they were restored ro their place. After much debating in cause of religion, at last it was decreed thus; They who have observed the Emperours decree, let them observe it untill the Generall Councel: these who have departed, and can not change again for feare of Sedition, let them continue, and change no more untill the Councel: their doctrine, which teach otherwise of the Lords Supper than the Church doth, shall not be received, nor shall the Masse be abolished; nor in such places where this new doctrin is received, shall any man be hindered to go unto the Masse, if he please: Ministers shall preach according to the interpretation received by the Church, referring all disputable questions unto the Councell; Let all States keep common peace, neither any take the defense of another's sub∣jects; all under pain of forfeiture. This Decree was opposed by John Duke of Saxony, George Marques of Brandeburgh, Ernest and Francis DD. of Luneburgh, the Landgrave, and Count of Anhalt. Aprile 19. they protest, that they are not obliged to obey this Decree, because it is con∣trary unto a former at Spire, where with consent of all parties every man had religion permitted freely untill a generall Councell: and as that was enacted with common consent of all, so it can not be violate without the con∣sent of all; and whereas there hath been dissension for religion, it was declared in the Diet at Norinbergh, who have heen the causers thereof, both by confession of the Bishop of Rome, and by the grievances of the Princes and States of the Empire, and no redresse is as yet made of these grievances......and there fore they will answer for this their protest both openly before all men, and unto the Emperour himself; and in the mean time till a General or National Councel be called; they will do nothing, that shall deserve just reproof. Unto this Protestation some Cities did subscribe; namely, Strawsburgh, Norimbergh, Ulme, Constance, Ruteling, * 2.35 Winssem, Mening, Lindave, Campedon, Hailbrun, Isna, Wisseburg, Norling and Sangall. This was the originall of that title Protestants, which afterwards became so famous. The Emperour was then in Italy, and was not content with this Protestation; as neither with the meeting of the Protestants at Smalcald in January following. Where they did agree on a league of mutuall assistance, if any of them shall be in danger for Re∣ligion.

XXVII. The Emperour summoneth a Diet to begin at Ausburgh in * 2.36 Aprile An. 1530. but he came not before Juny 12. the next day was the feast of Corp-Christi: the Emperour went unto the procession: Cardinall Campegius the Legate said, It was contumacy against the Pope, and such grief unto him, as he could not disgest, that any of the Princes did not at∣tend that solemnity: wherefore he adviseth the Emperour to charge the Duke of Saxony to carry the sword according to the custom, and be present with him at the Masse that day seven night, when the Diet is to begin; With certification, that if he faile, both he and his house shall be deprived of that honour. The Elector adviseth with the Ministers, what to do in this case: to obey, was against his conscience: and to refuse, was his dispara∣gement. They told him, What was required, was but a civill ceremo∣ny, and he might obey, as Elisha gave way unto Naaman, to be present with his King in the house of idolatry. Some did judge it an ill preparative, seing every one may pretend either necessity or expediency in the like case.

Yet many did approve the Elector in doing so, seing he did prevent great inconveniencies which were like to ensue. At that Masse Vincentius Pimpinell archb. of Rosa and the Popes Nuntio had the Sermon: it was wholly to this purpose; he upbraideth the German's, that they had suffe∣red so great damage of the Turks without a revenge, and stirreth them up by exampls of many Romans: and the Germans are in worse conditi∣on then the Turks, because they are all at the command of one, and have but one religion, where as the Germans are hatching new religions dayly, and despise the antient religion as out of date; and he accuseth them of foolishness, that ere they had forsaken the antient faith, they had not first thought upon another more holy, prudent and politick. If they had thought upon Scipio, Cato and those antient Romans, they would not have forsaken the catholick religion: and therefore now away with their Novelties, and take the sword in hand. In the first Session of the States. Cardinall Campegius hath an oration, tending to shew, that the cause of all the sects among them was the want of antient love; and this change of the opinions and rites had disturbed not the Church only, but was like to pull up their Civil government by the very roots: the Popes had heretofore applied themselves to cure these maladies, in sending their Legates unto these Diets, but all in vain: and now Pope Clement had sent him, who is most willing to advise and do what lieth in him, what may serve to the re∣storing of religion: and he exhorts them to obey what the Emperour (he extolleth him highly) shall decerne in matter of Religion, and with rea∣diness to prepare against the Turk, as the Pope is willing to contribute charges, and what aid he can. At command of the Emperour, the Bishop of Mentz replieth with applause, and promiseth concurrence. When other Princes had spoken: the Elector of Saxony presenteth a Con∣fession of faith written in Latine and Dutche Languages, which he in his own name and of other Princes and of Towns, petitioneth to be read publickly. The Emperour will not have it read at that time: and the next day, he will not have the Legate present at the reading of it, lest any thing interveen, that might be prejudicial unto the Popes honour, but calleth the Princes into a large Hall, where it was read; and another that was presented by the Cities professing the doctrine of Zuinglius, differing from the other but in the article concerning the Euchatist, So far Pe. Soave. That Confession (which from the place of this Diet was called, The con∣fession of Ausburgh) was written first in 17. articls by Luther, and after∣wards revised, altered and digested in another method by Melanthon in Ausburgh, and sent back to Luther in Coburgh; ere it was presented: So it was penned by them two. Melanthon had a speciall respect unto the Emperour, to give him as little offense as might bee: and therefore purpo∣sely omitts some articls, and made others so faire as he could: and the next year they amended it under the name of an explanation. The Emperour delivereth both the Confessions unto the Legate, who (as the forenamed author writes) thought to have written in his own name a refutation of them: but considering that then the Pope might be called their party, and the Protestants might take the more occasion to write against the Pope, he changeth his purpose, and gives them to certaine Divines, whom he had brought with him; and they wrote a refutation: and he gave it unto the Emperour with expresse caution, to cause read it, but give no copy of it, and he exhorts the Emperour to deall with the Protestants severally by promises of favours, and by menaces, to return again unto the antient

saith of their fathers. The Emperour doth so in every particulare. Nor is it to be omitted (saith he) that the Cardinal Matthew archb. of Saltz∣burgh said publickly and ingenuously; It is expedient to reforme the Masse; it is agreable to nature, to give men liberty of eating any meat; and it is equity that Christians be free from the burden of humane commands; but it is intolerable that a silly monke shall reforme all. Likewise Cornelius Scoper the Emperours Secretary said, The Protestant Preachers had done well, if they had money enough, to have bought liberty from the Itali∣anes: but because their religion is not beautified with gold, it can have the lesse audience. When the Emperour had used all the means, as the Legate had advised, and the Protestants would not yield, no not to permitt the exercise of the Romish religion within their dominions (for they knew, it was the Legat's device, to bring the people back by degries; and in the mean time to hold them in perpetuall trouble) on September 21. a decree was read, where of this is the summe; The Confession of the Saxons hath been read, and so was a confutation of it by the Holy Scriptures; and by great worke of the Emperour and the States the matter is brought to this conclusion, that the Saxons have received certain articls of the Church of Rome, and others they do refuse: wherefore the Emperour in singnlare humanity grants them space of advicement untill the 15. day of Aprile, whether in the other articls they will believe the same with the Emperour and the Bishop of Rome and all Christendom; in the mean while let peace be keept, let the Saxon and his associats print nothing concerning religion, nor change any more; let them not compell nor allure any man unto their religion; they shall join with the Emperour to punish the Anabaptists & Sacramentaries; Lastly because there hath been no Councel for a long time, and many things are to be reformed both in the clergy and laity, the Emperour will deal with the high Bishop, that a Councel shal be summoned within a half year, and begin within a year after. Unto this decree the Duke and his collegues (after consultation) reply by his Lawier Pontan, They do not acknowledge that their Confession was refuted by testimonies of the Scriptures, as they would have demonstrated, if a copy of that which is called a refutation, had been given them; and so far as they could remember by their hearing of it read, they have written a reply, which if the Emperour will be pleased to read, he shall finde, that their religion is sure and unmovable: And where as they are commanded to print nothing nor change any more, they will do nothing, whereof they may be justly accused. As for Anabaptists and such as despise the sacrament of the altar, none such have place within their jurisdiction. And because the decree con∣taines sundry things of weight, they crave copies of it, that at the time they may give the more advised answer. They do present the Apology: but Caesar would not accept it, and the next day he threateneth them sharp∣ly, if they do not obey the decree. So these Princes went away, leaving their Deputies behind them, and having craved and obtained leave. When they began to treat in the Diet concerning the warrs, these Deputies do in name of their Principals promise to contribute their aid against the Turks, if peace shall be granted unto religion. About the first of October a shar∣per decree was read against the Cities. which had given-in the other Confes∣sion. Finally a third decree concerning religion was read to this sense; Caesar ordaineth, that they shall not be tolerated, which teach of the Lords Supper otherwise than hath been received heretofore; Let nothing be changed in private or publick Masse; Let children be confirmed with oil, and the sick be

anointed with consecrate oil; Images & statues should not be removed; and where they have been taken away, they shall be set up again; Their opinion, which deny the free-will of man, may not be received: for it is beastly, and contumelious against God; Let nothing be taught, which doth any way empaire the authority of the Magistrate; That opinion of justification by faith only, shall not be received; Keep the sacraments in their place & number, as before; Keep still all the cetemonies of the Church, all the rites, the manner of buriall, and such others; Priest∣hoods Vacant shall be bestowed on qualified persons; the priests and Church-men that are married, shall be deprived of their Benefices, which shall be bestowed on others; and if any will put away his wife and crave absolution, at the will of the Pope the bb. may restore such, and all others shall have no refuge, but be exiled, or suffer other deserved punishment; Let the life of priests be honest, their cloaths comely, and eschue all offense.....Briefly in the matters of faith and worship of God, let no∣thing be changed, whoever doth contrarily, shall underly the danger of body, life and goods. Jo. Sleida. Lib. 7. These decrees were grievous unto many: namely, Melanthon gave himself to weeping, being pen∣sive not so much (as he professed) for himself (for he knew what he be∣lieved) as for the posterity. When Luther understood this, he conforts * 2.37 him by Letters, That seing it is not the cause of man, but of God: all the burden should be cast on him: why then doest thou (said he) afflict and torment thyself? feing God hath given his Son for us, why do we tremble or feare? why do we sigh? is Satan stronger then God? will he, who hath given so great a benefite, forsake us in lighter matters? why should we fear the world, which Christ hath ouercome? if we defend an ill cause, why do we not change? if the cause be just and pious, why do we not trust to Gods promise? certainly Satan can take no more from us but our life, but Christ reigneth for ever, under whose protection Verity consists: he will not faile to be with us untill the end; If he be not with us, I beseech, where shall he be found? if we be not of his Church, do yee think, that the Bishop of Rome & our adversaries are of it; we are sinners indeed many waies; but Christ is not a liar, whose cause we have in hand; Let Kings and Nations ••reat & foame as they please, he that sits in heaven, shall laugh them to scorn; God had maintained his cause hithertils without our Counsell, and so he will do unto the end.....As for any agreement, it is vain to look for it: for neither can we deprive the Bishop of Rome, nor can the true doctrine be in security, while Popery shall endure; If they condemn our doctrin, why seek we an uniformity? if they allow it, why maintain they their old errours? But they condemne it openly: where fore it is but dissimulation & falsehood, whatsoever they go about; In that you will have the Lords Supper communicated wholly, and give no place to them which hold in indifferent, you do well, for.....They cry, that we condemn all the Church: but we shew, how the Church was violently oppressed by tyranny: and therefore is to be excused, as the Synagogue was to be excused, when under the captivity of Babylon they keeped not the law of Moses, seing they were prohibited by force. Ibid.

XXVIII. When the Protestants understood, that the Pope had writ∣ten * 2.38 against them unto severall Kings, they in Febr. 1531. assemble at Smalcald, and send their Letters unto the same Kings, shewing that it was an old complaint of good men, that they were traduced by their enemies, as Nic. Clemangis in France, Jo. Colet in England &c: and where as now

they are traduced by their enemies (and they declare what was done at Aus∣burg) they are guilty of none of these crimes, that are layd unto their charge, as they doubt not to cleare themselves, if there were a free general Councel, and especially it is grievous unto them, that they are said to condemn Magi∣stracy and lawes.....and they entreat them, that, they would not believe such calumnies, and to entreat Caesar, that for the good of the Church he would call a godly and free Councel in Germany, where such contro∣versies may be lawfully debated and defined, rather than put them to fire and sword. The King of France returnes them answer, thanking them for emparting such a business, rejoicing that they did purge themselves of the objected crimes, and allowing their demand of a Councel as necessa∣ry for the good not of Germany only, but of the whole Church. To the same purpose writes the King of England, and addeth, that he ear∣nestly wishes there were a councel, and that he will interceed with Caesar for peace. At that time many Protestants were summoned to appear be∣fore the Chamber of Spira, by some pretending zeal of religion, and o∣thers alledging wrongs done unto them. Sentence was pronounced against them according to the Decrees of Ausburgh: some who lived within the jurisdiction of Popish Masters were robbed: but the Princes and Cities would not be so abused: so that the Sentences had not execution, and the Emperour saw, that his salve was worse than the wound, when his au∣thority was contemned: Yea and the Princes and Cities made a stronger union of defense, if any of them shall be oppressed; and they sought the aid of other Princes. When Caesar saw this danger, he was content, that some Princes would interceed for making agreement, and to this effect resolves upon a Diet to be held the next year. The Bishop of Mentz and the Palsgrave were Mediatours: many things were written and changed, * 2.39 ere both parties were satisfied. Pe. Soave, That summer tumults break out in Helvetia: five Popish towns took arms against the Protestant towns. Zurik hath the worse the first and second day: others came with aid, and the third day they prevaile and then peace was concluded. The lot fell on Zuinglius to go preacher with the army: his friends dissuade him, and would hade another to go: he said, If he would not go, his enemies would say, he that preaches for religion, will not hazard for it. So he went, and was killed: his enemies found his corps, cut it into pieces, and burn it: the next day his friends found his heart untouched by the fire, among the ashes: they asscribe it unto God, who thereby would shew the god∣liness of the mans heart. Osiwald in Vita Zuingl. Within few dayes Oc∣colampade dieth at Basile, The Papists said, that God in mercy to Hel∣vetia had taken away these authours of all their trouble: but (saith Pe. Soave) the experience of following years doth easily evince; that so co∣pious an harvest did come from an higher hand than the travells of these two workmen, seing these towns which were called Evangelici, made greater progresse in the doctrine, which they had received.

XXIX. In the year 1532. because Solyman was preparing an Army * 2.40 against Austria, Charles thinks it necessary to make peace in Germany; and having communicate his purpose unto the King of France, namely concerning a Councel; he writs unto the Pope to this purpose; He had used all means both of promises and rigour of justice, to recover the Pro∣testants, but all in vain; and now when the Turk is coming against his Lands, he is necessitated to take another course: he entreates the Pope to call a Councel. The pope did abhorre a Councel: but because Caesar

was so earnest for it, he would not seem to refuse, but granteth it, so that it be in Italy; and alledgeth that it can not be in Germany, because Italy would not endure to be so vilipended; as nether will Spain nor France give way unto Germany, albeit they yield unto Italy because of the pre∣rogative of the Papacy there: and the authority of a councell in Germany were very poore, if the Italians, Spanish and French shall not resort unto it: also remedies must be applied, not at the will of the patient, but by the wisdom of the Physician. Germany is corrupt, and can not judge of controversies, so well as the Nations free of the contagion: as for orde∣ring the councell, there needs no talk of it, unless he will begin a new way in the Church: for ir is cleare, the power of suffrages belongeth unto bb. only according to the decrees; howbeit by custom and priviledge of the Pope Abbots have been admitted; and all others must acquiesce unto their decree, after the consent of the Pope; or if he be present, the decrees should be in his name. The Emperours Oratour answereth, Italy, Spain and France are not seeking a Councel: and the remedies must be applied unto Germany, that are ansuerable unto their maladies; and therefore a place must be, where they will not refuse to assemble: and albeit none should mistrust the Popes safe-conduct, yet both old and late experiences make the Protestants suspicious of Italy: namely, that they were lately condemned by Leo as hereticks: howbeit also that is sufficient to take a∣way all excuse from them, that all men should submitt unto the Popes word, yet the Pope in prudence knows, that mens weakness must som∣times be comported, and what is not due summo jure must be granted, when equity requires. As for suffrages, it hath been so, partly by custom, and partly by priviledge, but now is an open field for the Pope, to shew his bountifulness, by bringing another order as the necessity of time requires: of old, Abbots were admitted for their learning and experience in religion: but now equity commanderh, that other men equall or superiour unto them in learning, albeit not honoured with such tittles, should have the like liberty: priviledge makes way for all men &c. In a word the Pope will not yield to the place nor manner. Pe. Soave in hist. conc. Trid. Where∣fore the Emperour applieth himself (in this extremity) unto the o∣ther * 2.41 course the more earnestly, and July 23. at Ratisbone a decree is published, granting unto the Protestants liberty to observe the faith of the Augustan Confession, so that they innovate not more, and none shall be troubled for religion untill a free and general Councel: and if that shall not be called within a half year, and begin within a year thereaf∣ter, the controversy shall be decided in a Councell of the Empire. The Protestants were then 7. Princes and 24. Cities, and had agreed that both the Confessions were orthodoxe, nor would they make any schisme for that one particulare. So they contribute to the warr against the Turk; and God blesseth their attempt, that the enemy was chased back. Pope Clemens was not content with this liberty of religion: but because the Emperour came into Italy with a great Army, he dissembleth, and pro∣miseth to fulfill his petition concerning the Councel; and in the mean time he intendeth, both warrs against the Emperour, and the ruin of the Protestants. So soon as Charles was gone into Spain, Clemens sendeth Hugh Bishop of Rhegio Nuntio into Germany, certifying namely John Frederik Elector of Saxony (who then had succeeded unto his father) that he will call a general and free councel within two years, on this con∣dition, that all shall ty themselves by oath, to observe what shall be de∣creed;

and that the towns Placentia, Bononia or Mantua seem unto him to be most convenient; and they shall have it in their option, which of the three: and if the councel shall not begin within two years, he gives them liberty to follow the Augustan confession. The Duke answereth, thanking him for his respects; shewing the necessity of a Councel, if it be free, and the controversies be not judged by humane lawes and doctrin of the Scholasticks, but only by the sacred Scriptures: as for the place, it seemes not expedient to be in Italy, but in Germany, where the contro∣versy is for the most part; Nor thought they it reasonable to oblidge them∣selves by oath to observe the decrees absolutely (for that is contrary unto Christian liberty) unless they knew what were to be the forme of the Councel, who were Moderatour, especially that the party defendent were not Mederator; whether the Acts were to be determined by tra∣dition, or by the holy Scripture alone. Ibid. In the next year Pope Cle∣mens died: but by the providence of God thus the liberty of religion was confirmed by the Pope as well as by the Emperour.

XXX. An. 1533. George Duke of Saxony banished out of Lipsia * 2.42 all who would not go to Masse. Luther hearing of this ordinance, wrote unto the Protestants there, exhorting them to suffer death rather than do against conscience; and he called Duke George an Apostle of Satan. Ge∣orge accuseth Luther before the Elector, not only that he had reviled him, but had stirred his subjects unto rebellion. The Elector chargeth Luther, to make his clear purgation, or he must suffer. Luther publishes a book declaring that he had exhorted the Lipsianes, not to resist their Prince, but rather to suffer: which concerneth not rebellion. Jo. Sleidan. commen. lib. 9. That year Erasmus publisheth a treatise De amabili Ecclesiae concordia: but this Neutrall forme pleaseth neither Papists nor Protestants: and the next year Luther accuseth him, that he did but mock religion, and turn it all into doubts, sporting himself with ambiguous words, whereas reli∣gion requireth plainness and cleareness Osiand. Epit. cent. 16. lib. 2. c. 26.

XXX. The Franciscan Friers were in danger at Orleans An. 1534. upon * 2.43 this occasion; The Praetor's wife by testament willed, that she should be buried without pompe: here husband desirous to satisfy here will, hath a care to bury her beside her father and grandfather in the cloister without shew, and he gave unto the Monks sixe crowns: they expected much more: and therefore they divisea way to make up their losse: they accuse the defunct of Lutheranisme; and cause a young Monke go upon the roof of the Church in the night time, and make a noise: an exorcist ad∣jureth the wicked spirit to declare, what he is? whether he be that lately damned soul? and for what sinne? The Monk was informed what to answer, and how. They take witnesses, The fraud was tryed; the Friers were imprisoned, and the young monk revealeth all. The King hearing this, voweth to throw down the Monastery: but fearing, that it might be matter of joy unto the Lutherans, he dismisseth them. In November of the same year in Paris and other places of France, even with∣in the Kings palace about one time of the night, were papers set up against the Masse and other points of religion. Inquiry was made: many were apprehended; and racked and burnt in the next year. King Francis excu∣seth * 2.44 him to the Protestants assembled at Smalcald, that seing they intended the destruction of the Commonwealth (said he) the Germanes should not blame him, more than he did blame them for suppressing the bowres or Manzerianes; and he having a purpose to revenge himself on the Em∣perour,

craves by the same Ambassade, that the Protestantes would make a league with him, for reformation of religion (So he pretendeth) and entreates them to send some Divines, namely Melanthon, to dispute with the Masters of Sorbon: he said, He knew certainly, that many su∣perstitions were creept into the Church by insufficiency of priests, and the Pope assumeth too much authority; how beit by mans law he is the highest of all bb., yet not by Gods word; the traditions of the Church may be altered, as time requires: and therefore he is desirous to hear reasoning, that things amisse may be amended. He said also, Pope Julius had excom∣municated King Lewes XII. & John King of Navarre, because they held, that the Pope hath not power to call a Councel without consent of Christi∣an Princes; and he had raised Monarchs against them, offring their King∣doms as a prey: In end he concludes, suting a league, without the Em∣perour. They answer, Without the Emperour they could and would do nothing. In this assembly the former league was continued for ten years; and into it were received all who were willing to professe the Augustan Confession; So that they were 15. Princes and 30 Cities. Cownt de Nas∣sow was also admitted. Henry VIII. sent thither, requiring that they would not admitt a Councell, which would not abolish the abuses of for∣mer times, or would confirme the Popes power. They also required of him, that he would receive the Augustan Confession: but that he would not do. That year Vergerius the Popes Legate had gone unto all the Prin∣ces * 2.45 severally, shewing them, that the Pope had called the Councel to con∣veen at Mantua. They all gave him one answere, that they would advise in their meeting at Smalcald: and there they told him, they hope, that Cae∣sar will not depart from his promise and decree, that the Councel should be in Germany; nor can they understand, what it meaneth, that the Pope promiseth to provide for the safety of them, which shall assemble, when they look back into former times; nor how in the Councell the way of trea¦ting can be rightly ordered, where he who hath so oft condemned them, will have the power in his hand; Nor can it be rightly called a Councel, where the Pope and his priests command all, but where men of all condi∣tions in the Church, even Seculares also have a like power. Vergerius had also been with Luther at Wittembergh. and said, The Church of Rome made great account of him, and were sory for the want of such a man, who might do good in the service of God and the Church (which two are insepa∣rable) and the court was ready to vouchsave him all favour: it was dis∣pleasant unto them, that former Popes had used such bitterness against him; Nor had he (who professeth not Divinity) a purpose to dispute contro∣versies with him, but to shew him the weight of humane reason, how ex∣pedient it were unto him, to be reconciled unto the Church: he may con∣sider, that doctrine of his was not heard before those 18 years, and hath brought forth innumerable sects, where of each accurseth another; whence many tumults and broils have arisen: and therefore it can not bee from God; but he was singularly blown up with selve-love, who would en∣danger all the world rather, than not to vent his own opinions: seing he had continued without sting of conscience the space of 35 years in that faith wherein he was baptized, he should still mantaine it; He may remember, how Aeneas Sylvius was once addicted unto his own opinions, and hard∣ly attained unto a silly chanonry in Trent; but when he changed his opini∣ons, he became a Bishop and then a Cardinal and lastly was Pope; and Bessarion being a wretched Clerk in Trapezus, became a gloriou Cardi∣nal

and almost Pope. Luthet answered, He seeth not what more affinity is between Christ and the Pope, than there is between light and darknes; no∣thing in all his life had hapned unto him more happily, than the severity of Leo, by the gracious providence of God: for at that time he had only seen the abuses of indulgences, and the Pope might have easily comman∣ded him, if his adversaries in that matter had been subject unto the lawes of equity: but being provoked by the writings of the Master of the holy palace, by the reproaches of Cajetan, and severity of Pope Leo, he took the whole matter into more diligent consideration, and had espied more intolerable errours, which he could not in conscience dissemble nor hide from others-and whereas he [the Legate] professeth himself not to be a Divine, and that appeares by his reasons, that he accuseth his doctrine of novelty, yet he can not be ignorant, that Christ and his Apostles and the antient fathers lived not as the Pope and his cardd. and bb. do now; Nor can these arguments taken from the broiles in Germany strick against his do∣ctrine, but in the conceit of men, which know not the Scriptures, seing where ever the word of God is preached truly, such stirres arise, that the father is against the son: but this is the power of the worde, that who believes it, he shall live, and who spurneth against it, is the more guilty. And this is a most known errour of the Romane Church, that they will underprop with humane reasons the Church of Christ, as if it were a secu∣lare Estate: but such reasons are foolishness with God; and that the councel may go well, and bring good unto the Church, it is not in the power of him who is but a mean man, but rather of the Pope, if he will let it be free, that Gods Spirit may only preside and rule, and laying aside all interests and usurpations and crafts of men, let controversies be judged according to the Canon of the sacred Scripture; If it were so, he for his part will pro∣mise all Christian sincerity and charity, and not to gain the favour of the Pope or of any mortal, but only for the glory of Christ, and for esta∣blishing the peace and liberty of the Church; Nor can so great good be expected, unless God be reconciled by casting away hypocrisy, and by earnest repentance for our sinns....Nor doth he regard the examples of Sylvius & Bessarion: these darke shewes can not move him....yea the Legate and the Pope shall embrace his faith rather, than he will forsake it. Histo. Concil. Tride. lib. 1. The same Vergerius dealt with other Preachers in Wittembergh and other places where he came: he found no acceptance among them: and where any did speake submissely, he made no great account of them: they were but few, and he thought, they could do little. The same year Charles Duke of Savoy was persuaded by the exiled Bishop of Geneve to take arms against that City: they had aid from the Swisers, especially from Berne, and gave the repulse: the Swisers con∣quered all the land between them and the lake of Geneve. Jo. Sleida. Ibid.

XXXI. In the year 1536. the Preachers of the Cities; which had * 2.46 presented their Confession differing from the Augustane in the question of the Sacrament considering that the Pope might make his advantage upon that difference, if the Councell shall hold at Mantua; thought good to seek agreement with Luther and others. So Capito & Bucer went from Staws∣burgh and others from Essling, Memming, Frankford, Ausburgh, Fur∣feld and Reutling, and made accord with the Divines of Wittembergh, On these articles following, 1. We believe according to the words of Irenaeus, that the Eucharist consists of two parts, an earthly, and an hea∣venly; and we think and teach, that the body & blood of Christ is truly

and substantially present with, and given & taken with the bread & wine 2 albeit we deny transsubstantiation, nor think that there is any locall inclu∣sion in the bread, or any durable conjunction with out the use of the sacra∣ment, yet we grant that the bread is the body of Christ by a sacramental union, that is, we think, when the bread is given, the body of Christ is also present, and is truly given: for without the use [extra usum] when it is keept in a boxe, or is shewed in processions (as a mong the Papists) we thinke, Christs body is not present. 3. We think, that the Institution of Christ is powerfull in the Church; and that it dependeth not upon the dignity of the Minister or receiver: Wherefore as Paul saith, even the un∣worthy do eat the Sacrament, so we think, that the body and blood of Christ is truly reached unto the unworthy, and the unworthy receive it, where the words & institution of Christ are keept: but such do receive to their judgement, as Paul saith; because they abuse the sacrament, when they use it without repentance and faith: for it is institute for this end, that he may testify that grace and the benefites of Christ are applied unto them; and that they are ingrasted into Christ, and washed in his blood, who do repent, and lift up themselves by faith in Christ. If followes, Because few of us are conveened at this time, and this business belongeth unto other preachers and Magistrats of both parties, we can not yet conclude the mat∣ter of concord, before it be reported unto others also: but seeing all the Divines here present do professe, that in all the Articles of the Confession and of the Apology we would think and teach wholly the same, we wish and earnestly crave, that the Concord may be made and begun and if o∣ther Divines of both parties shall approve this article concerning the Lords supper, we hope that a firme Concord may be made among us. The above named Divines (eleven in number) did subscribe: so did Luther, Cas. Cruciger, Melanthon, Jo. Bogenhagius, Justus Menius and Frid. Myco∣nius. Hence it is cleare, that then was no other difference in the articles of Confession; and who hath made the difference after that time: Osian∣der calleth this Formula Concordiae Wittebergensis: others calleth it Concordia Smalcaldica: But in the year 1537. was a solemn meeting of the Prote∣stants at Smalcald: by the advice of the Princes and Divines, Luther wro∣te * 2.47 the Heads of Doctrin, to be propounded and defended in the Coun∣cel, which were approved, and subscribed by the Ministers. The article concerning the sacrament of the altare (as they called it) was thus; Of the sacrament of the altare we judge, that the bread and wine in the Supper are the very body and blood of Christ; and not only given unto, and received by the godly, but also by the evill and wicked Christians; and that not one kinde only should be given: for we have not need of that Doxosophia, that seeming wisdom, which teaches, that as much is under one kind, as under both, as the Sophists and the Councel of Constance teach: for albeit it may be true, that there is as much under one, as under both, yet the one kind is not the wholl institution made, delivered and commanded by Christ: But especially we condemn and accurse in the name of the Lord, all those who do not only omit both kinds, but also tyrannically forbid and condem them, and revile it as an heresy, and so exalt themselves above and against Christ our Lord and God.....We do not regarde the sophi∣stical subtilty of transsubstantiation, by which they faine, that the bread and wine leave and lose their natural substance, and that only the form and colour of bread, and not true bread remaineth: for it agreeth well with the holy Scripture, that bread is and remaines there; as Paul saith, The bread,

which we break; and, So let him eat of that bread. It is remarkable a∣mong the subscriptions, that Melanthton subscribes thus; I Philip Me∣lanthon approve these articles as godly and Christian; yea and I think of the Pope, if he would admit the Gospel, the superiority ouer Bishops, which he hath now, might be permitted also by us after an humane law, for the cause of peace: and tranquillity of Christians, who are now un∣der him, and hereafter shall be under him. Osiander addeth in the magine, If he admit the Gospel, that is, If the Devil becom an Apostle: for if the Pope would admit the Gospel, he were no more a Pope; nor would he exalt himself above other Bishops, but would hear Christ saying, It shall not be so among you. Concerning the power of Bishops they say, In our Confession and Apology we spake generally concerning the power of the Church: for the Gospel commandeth them who are rulers in the Church∣es, that they should teach the Gospel, forgive sins, and administer the sacraments: it gives them also jurisdiction and power of excommunicating the obstinat in their manifest crimes, and absolving them who repent; And it's certain by the confession of all men, yea even of our adversaries, that this power is common unto all rulers in Churches, whether they be called Pastours, or Presbyters, or Bishops: therefore Jerom said clearly, There is no difference between Bishops and Presbyters, but all Pastours are Bishops &c. Vnto this Assembly the Emperour sent his Vice-Chancel∣lor Mathias Held, exhorting them to prepare themselves unto the Councel, which he had procured with so great difficulty, and wherunto they had so often appealed; and so they can not now refuse in making separation from other Nations, all which do iudge a Councel to be the only means of Re∣forming the Church; As for the Pope; without doubt they shall find him such as becomes the Head of the sacred Order; Or if they have any excep∣tions against him, they may declare them in the Synod modestly and with∣out bitterness; Neither should they think to prescribe unto other Nations concerning the form and manner of the Councel, as if their Divines a lone had the Spirit, seeing others may be found no less learned and pious; They had petitioned, that the place should be in Germany: but respect must be had unto other Nations; and Mantua is nigh unto Germany, and the Prince thereof is a Feudatary of the Empire, nor hath the Pope any commande there; Or if they suspect any danger, he will have a care of their safty, and accommodation. They returned answer, that when they had read the Popes Bull, they had seen, that they two had not the same mind and aim: then hinting, at what Hadrian, Clemens and Paul had done, they shew that those all had the same aim. Then they declair reasons why the Pope and such as are tied unto him by oath, should not be Iudges; As for the place, it is contrary unto the Decrees of the Empire, nor can they think to be safe there: for seeing the Pope hath his potent Clients through all Italy, which do hate their doctrin, they can not but suspect some hid snares; How can they admit him to be their Iudge, who in all his Buls condemneth their doctrin as heresy? It were but madness, to accuse the Pope and his followers, where he is the only Iudge; and to allow his Bull, were but to bring themselves unto a snair, and to confirm his Sentence against them; They have supplicated for a free and Christian Councel, not so much that every one might freely declare his mind, and to debar Turks, and infidels, as that they might decline such Judges who are their sworn enemies, and that all controversies in Religion may be examined and defi∣ned by the sacred Scripture; They acknowledge also as most certain, that

there be learned and pious men in other Nations, who if the exorbitant power of the Pope were curbed, would heartily contribute unto the Re∣formation of the Churches, albeit now they lurk, being opprest by his tyranny, &c. The Pope also sent the Bishop of Aquae, to invite the Protestants unto the Councel: but the Princes would not speak with him, and they published their reasons more copiously, why they can not ac∣knowledge that Councel. Hist. Conc. Tride. lib. 1. Likewise Held decla∣red, how the Emperour was well pleased, that they had prudently shunned a league with France and England: for France had conspired with the Turk, and endeavours to kindle intestin warrs in Germany; He had commanded the Iudges of the Chamber, to surcease from all causes of religion, but those alledge, that the Protestants call many causes religious, which are not such, and so administration of justice is hindered; and he craves that they would not be impediment to justice; And whereas they crave, that those who were not named in the Treaty of Noribergh, should enjoy the benefite thereof; He thinks it not reason, that those having approved the former Decrees, and promised constancy in the old religion, should have liberty to embrace what religion they please: this is against his conscience, and nevertheless he will do what is equitablc, &c. After some dayes Held craved, that they would contribute against the Turkish warre, and unto the necessities of the Imperial Chamber; or if the Turk shall not stir, they would grant a subsidy for some months unto the Emperour against France. He craved also, that they would declare, what kinde of league they had made among themselves. They answered, They fear not, but the Emperour will keep the peace, as he hath often promised, but both the Chamber and (Held) himself in his discourse hath given such interpre∣tations that the peace may not only be doubted of, but seems to be alto∣gether annulled; and the Chamber dealeth contrarily unto the agreement of Noribergh; as for that, which is objected, that they have possessed themselves of Church-mens goods, they are not so foolish, as for so pet∣ty triffles to bring into so great hazard themselves and families; but they can not permit Monks and enemies of the true Religion to exercize an ungodly Religion, and enjoy their revenues which they deserve not, within their Dominions; And if the Judges will proceed against them as they have done, they will not obey; and if violence be done to any of their friends, they can not forsake them: for they can not think, but that when some are oppressed, the same will be the case of them all: As for the League, it is not for offence, but defence, and such as they are ready without shame to make it knowen unto the Emperour, and unto all men. when Held was gone they agree upon the entertaiment of the Ministers, the opening of publick Schools; and their common defence. Osiand, Lib 2. Cap. 38. & 39. They wrote also unto other Princes abroad, vindicating their innocency, and promising, whensoever a lawfull councel shall be called, to appear, and approve their cause according to Gods Worde Especially the King of France returned them his answer, that he was of the same judgement concerning a councel, neither would he accept any, if it were not lawfull, and in a safe place. The Emperours Vice-Chancellor was not contented, and went to the other Princes severally, to make a League in name of Charles and Ferdinand against the Protestants: nor did he cease untill he brought it to pass. For this cause there conveened at Nori∣bergh the Bishops of Mentz and Salisburgh, the Dukes of Bavier, George Duke of Saxon, two Dukes of Brunswick, &c. This was in the year 1538.

In the mean while Joachim Elector of Brandeburgh by Letters sent unto the Elector of Saxon, entreates for aid from him and his confederats against the common enemy the Turk. Saxon and the Landgrave return answer; They can not, unless undoubted peace were established at home. The King Ferdinand representeth by Letters unto the Emperour their present danger. The Emperour writes from Toledo to this purpose; It had been lately shewd unto him, that the Protestants are desirous of peace, which is his earnest desire: therefore he deputeth the Bishop of Londa and Mathias Held, or either of them, and gives them his full power to treat and decern together with the Counsellers of his Brother Ferdinand, and the other Princes Intercessours, in that cause; and whatsoever they shal Judge, he will approve it. Before this Commission was brought, the Judges of the Chamber had publickly prescribed the City Minda, for not paying the Priests. The Elector of Saxony and the Lantgrave did complain of this iniquity, and entreat the Iudges to recall that Sentence; or if any execu∣tion shall follow, they will not suffer their friends to be oppressed. In the end of December the Lantgrave findeth (by acident) the Duke of Brunswik's Secretary, who called himself a Servant of the Marques of Brandeburgh: after examination the Lantgrave finds it a ly, and carrieth him to Casells: then he finds and openeth the Letters, which Brunswik sent unto the Ele∣ctor of Mentz and Held, whereby he knew of the League among them. Whereupon followed mutuall invectives between the Duke of Brunswik, and the Lantgrave. In February 1539. the Estats of the Empite conveen at Frankford after long debating it was concluded, that at Noriberg a Con∣ference shall begin August 1. to treat of the questions of religion: there shall conveen Divines on both sides, and other learned and prudent men, to be deputed by Caesar, Ferdinand and the Princes, to order the Confe∣rence; and whatever shall be concluded, shall be ratified in the next Diet. The Popish party propounded, that the Pope should be entreated to send his Legat the ther: but because the Protestants were serious in the contrary, that was omitted. When these news were brought to Rome, the Pope was impatient, that any Conference in matters of religion was without him; and he sends the Bishop Montepulcian into Spain, to accuse the Bishop of Londa for yielding unto the demands of the Lutherans, to the prejudice of the Apostolical See, and disparagement of his Caesarean Majesty. Many grievous things were layd unto the charge of that Bishop, and many fear∣full things were represented unto the Emperour against that Conference, as is to be read in Histo. Conc. Triden. lib. 1. But the Emperour would not dis∣cover himself unto the Nuncio, whether he would confirm the Confe∣rence, or not. George Duke of Saxony in time of his sicknes sent unto his * 2.48 brother Henryk in Aprile, shewing that if he will renounce his new religion, he shall be his heir; or els he hath made his testament disponing all unto Caesar and Ferdinand. Henry answered the Messingers, This is such a tentation, as Satan used against Christ, Fall down and worship me, and I will give thee all those things: But think yee, that I will forsake the known truth and pure religion, for riches? truly if yee think so, yee Mistake me. Before they had returned, George was departed: and though King Ferdinand knew how the Testament was made, yet he never sought it, and Henry went immediatly to Leipsich, entreth into possession, and restoreth the Reformed religion there at the Whitsonday. The Electors Palatin and Brandeburgh being Intercessors did advertise the Emperour concerning the agreement at Frankford, and entreat him to give way unto the Conference,

that was appointed at Noriberg. Before the Letters came to his hands, the Empress was dead, and the Emperours answer was: He was taken up so by the death of his Queen, and of other affaires, that he can not resolve upon the petitioned Conference. These do communicate the Letters un∣to the Protestants: who considering that the Emperour had not confir∣med the truce of 15. months, do meet at Arnstet in Thuringia Novemb. 19. there they advise concerning their defence, if it be needfull; of seeking friendship of King Ferdinand; of sending into England, because of some Decrees concerning religion lately made there; to solicite the King of France, that he would not trouble any for religion; and to send new Commissioners unto the Emperour. And because many were absent, and so they could not resolve as they would, they appoint another meeting at Smalcald the first day of March following: In the beginning of the year 1540. Charles comes into Flanders: the Oratours of the Protestants meet him, and congratulate his safe arrivall; they shew how their enemies had falsely traduced them; they supplicate the ratification of the late agree∣ment; or els all deliberation of the Turkish warres shall be hindred. Af∣ter some dayes they receive faire words, but no determinate answer. With∣in ten dayes the Oratours return to Smalcald, where the Princes and Deputies of Cities were frequently conveened. They had appointed Jo∣nas, Pomeran, Melanthon, Cruciger and Bucer, to draw up a forme of reconciliation in doctrine with their adversaries. After the delibe∣ration they report; they can not change from the Augustan Confession and the Apology thereof. Other preachers hearing of this Overture, did ap∣prove it by their Letters. At this time there hapned a variance betwixt two of the Emperours greatest Counsellours, the abovenamed Feld, and Gran∣vellan: this man accused the other, that he was too vehement in his coun∣sells, and that he had drawn the Emperour unawarse into unnecessary warrs. Whereupon Feld left Court, and lived privatly. Then Granvellan sent two Earles unto Smalcald, with some demands, and in his own name he instructes them to shew, that the Emperour was almost persuaded, the Protestants do not aim at religion, but at the Church-goods, and that they encline toward his enemies. They return thanks unto the Emperour and unto Granvellan; and they shew that many abuses had creept into the Church, which the bb. knew well, but will not amend because of their own interest: Nor had they appropriated any of the Church-goods, but had applied them into pious uses, as the entertainment of their preachers, mantaining of Schooles. and relief of the poore; Nor had they made any league with the Emperours enemies, but had constantly continued in loy∣alty, albeit promises of defence had been profered unto them; and they entreat that Granvellan would interceed for them, to obtain the Conference of learned men, and that the severity of the Judges of the Chamber may be stayed; and the peace begun at Frankford, may be ratified by the Emperour. Aprile 18. the Emperour sent Letters unto the Elector of Saxony and the Lantgrave, appointing a meeting at Spira or what place they think expe∣dient, to treat of religion, and requiring the Princes to be present.

32. The meeting at Spira was (because of the pest) held at Hagonoa. * 2.49 King Ferdinand came a month before; as also the Protestant Princes had solicited the Electors Palatine, Colein and Trevers, Eric of Brunswick, and the bb. of Ausburgh and Spira to be Counsellers of peace. Because the Protestant Princes came not, Ferdinand causeth examine the Commis∣sions, that they had given unto their Oratours: then he named Interces∣sours

the Electors Palatin and Trevers, Lewes of Bavier and William Bishop of Strawsburgh: the Protestants accept them: and their Prea∣chers did preach oft in their lodgings, especially when they did meet for consultation. King Ferdinand dischargeth these preachings: but they would not omitt them. The Intercessours crave from the Protestants their contro∣verted articles. They answer, they had published them ten years before in their Confession & apology thereof, as they are also ready to give more reasons thereof, if it be needfull. The parties could not condescend upon the way of treaty. The King appoints another meeting at Worms within 18. dayes, when the Deputies of both parties should be present, the Di∣vines in equall number, elleven on each side, to treat on the Augustan Confession; and in the mean time the clergy that have been spoiled by the Protestants, shall be repossessed, or seek to be restored by law in the Cham∣ber; lykwise they shall seek the prorogation of the truce, and none to be comprehended, which had not received that Confession before the agree∣ment at Noribergh, nor shall they admitt any other. The Protestants do protest against this Decree of repossessing and admitting: August 13. the Empetour confirmeth the meeting at Wormes, and promiseth a Diet of the Empire, where he shall be present, and heare the result of this next Conference. November 25. Granvellan comes to Wormes as Commissi∣oner from the Emperour, and with him was his sonne Bishop of Artoise, and three Spanish Divines, Muscosa, Malvenda, and Carobello: he had a long speach exhorting to concord, and enlarging the incommodities of dissension as appeares (said he) that religion is decaied in Germany, cha∣rity hath departed from men, and the glory of the antient and catholick Church is gone &c. The next day two Scribes were named on each side. Sleidan. Comm. The Pope had hindred this Conference so far as he could (saith Pe. Soave): he did know, that such Colloquies were prejudicial unto his See: nevertheless he thought, it were less discredite, that he con∣sented unto the meeting, than if they shall conveen against his seeming will, And so Thomas Campegius Bishop of Feltra was sent by the Pope: and he shew the great mind [forsooth] the PP. namely Paul, had to have a Councell; and as yet is thinking on it for the peace of Germany; and in the meane while he had at the Emperours request yielded consent unto this Conference as a preamble unto the Councell, and he (said the Bishop) at the Popes command will contribute to his power: he entreates them to think upon Overtures of peace, and they may expect from him, what∣soever may be done without prejudice of piety. Thether also was Ver∣gerius sent, who had been oft in Germany, but now under colour of Ambassadour from France, that so under the name of another he might do the Pope the more service: he had caused print (before his coming) an Oration, pleading, that a Nationall Counsel was not a convenient, me∣anes for establishing a peace of the Church: and then dispersed coppies of it, to interrupt the Conference. They triffle about the form of their trea∣ting; that nothing shall be divulged before the finall conclusion; con∣cerning the number of the disputants; and some other questions (by the advices of Campegius & Vergerius) purposely to waste time. Neverthe∣less it was at last condescended, John Eccius and Ph. Melanthon shall dis∣pute the head of originall sin. Whil they deal so slowly, the Popes Nun∣tio in Flanders is dayly telling the Emperour, that no good can be expected of this Conference, but rather a greater schisme, and all Germany is like to turne Lutheranes, which is not so much derogatory to the Pope, as the

damnage of Caesarean authority, as it hath been oft told him, and he may see by experience. Whether by such persuasions, or by other dif∣ficulties, the Emperour recalleth Granvellan, and delayeth all furrher treating unto the Diet at Ratisbone in March An. 1541. Pe. Soave in hist. Conci. He sent also unto the Pope, craving that he would send a Legate with full power, to define or finally conclude what the Estates shall ac∣cord upon, for the good of the Church. Paul sent Card. Contaren, with instructions, that if in that Diet any thing shall be done to the preju∣dice of Papall authority, he should oppose it, and declare it null; and then leave the Diet, but leave not the Emperout. When Contaren came to Ratisbon, he excuseth the Pope that he had not given him so large commission, as Charles had sought; because the power of not erring is the Popes personall priviledge, nor can be communicat unto any other, seing Christ had said, Peter, I have prayed for thee. The Pope had gi∣ven him power to make accord with the Protestants, if they will acknow∣ledge the principles of religion, such as, the primacy of the Apostolicall See ordained by Christ, and other things determined; and he entreated the Emperour that he would not hearken unto any proposition, which he may not grant without the consent of other Nations. This Diet began Aprile 5: the Emperour declares what diligence he had used to have union in Germany for preventing the inconvenients of the Turk (Ibid) and be∣cause the difference is mainly in religion; he adviseth, that they would cause a few good and peaceable men on each side, to treat of the controver∣sies amicably: and when they shall agree; the particulares may be referred unto the Estates, to be decerned by them and the Popes Legate, so that the Decree of Ausburgh An. 1530. may stand: Sleidan. The first que∣stion of chusing such persons spent some dayes: the Emperour sought and obtained from both parties the naming of the men, and promised that he would do nothing, but what might be for the good of both. For the Pa∣pists he nameth John eckius, Julius Pflugius & Jo. Gropper. On the other side he nameth Melanthon, Bucer & Jo. Pistorius: these he did admonish to lay aside private affections, and look only unto Gods glory. He named also Frederik Prince Palatin, and Granvellan, Presidents, and others as witnesses. When these did meet, Granvellan gives them a book, which (said he) was writen by good and learned men, and presented unto Cae∣sar, as convenlent for reconcilation: he biddeth them read and weigh it: shew what articles they can accord on; what they dis-allow, amend it, and wherein they consent not, study a conciliation. The book contained 22. heads, of the creation of man and his estate before the fall, of free-will, of originall sin, Iustification, the Church and notes thereof, the interpretation of Scripture, the sacraments, the sacrament of or∣ders, baptisme, confirmation, eucharist, pennance, marriage, ex∣extrem unction, charity, hierarchy, articles that are determined by the Church, the use, rites and administration of the Sacraments, discipline of the Church, discipline of the people. Lu. Osiander saith, The writer of the book was not altogether Popish: he had written soundly of justifi∣cation and some other articles. When they had examined the heads, they agree in some; and they amend some with common consent: they agree not on the heads of the Church and her power, the Eucharist, the enume∣ration of sinns, orders, of Saints, use of the whole Sacrament, and single life. They render the book, as they had amended it, and the Protestants adde their judgement of the articles wherein they did not agree. The Em∣perour

commendeth them for their diligence, and exhorts them to con∣tinue the same way, if they shal be further employed. And he reported in the publick meeting of the Estates what was done. Pe. Soave saith, The bb. which are the greatest part of that Diet, reject both the book, and all that was done: and because the Electors and Catholick Princes, which loved peace, did not consent unto them, then Caesar as the Church's advocat, dealt with the Legate to approve, what heads they had agreed▪on, and would expound what was dubious; and also with the Protestants, that they would not stoppe the way of further reconciliation. The Legate answe∣reth in write [I use the words of Soave] but ambiguous lyke the old oracles; He had read the booke, and the annotations, and the Protestants excepti∣ons; and he thinks, that seing the Protestants have departed from the consent of the Church, yet there is hope that by the help of God they may be brought unto consent; as for other things, nothing more is to be decerned, but to be referred unto the Pope and the Apostolick See: he will call a coun∣cel shortly, or take some other course convenient for the time, and will use diligence to do what is expedient unto the Christian world, and namely of Germany. And to testify, that he was desirous to have the clergy re∣formed, he calleth all the bb. into his lodging, and exhorts them unto their duty; to bewar of all scandals, al shew or suspicion of Luxury, cove∣tousnes & ambition; that they govern their families, seing by that the people do judge of a Bishops manners; that they should dwell in the most populous places of their own Diocies, that they may attend their flock; and where they live not, they should send faithfull Ministers; that they vi∣site their Provinces; bestow priesthoods on good & sufficient men; distri∣bute the Church-goods to the use of the poore; appoint pious learned, temperate and not-contentious preachers to teach the people; have care to breed the youth in good arts, seing upon this account the protestants do allure the children of the Nobility unto them. He caused this speech be written, and gave it unto Caesar, the bb. and Princes. The Protestants declare their judgement of both these writes, and said unto the Emperour If they had keept silence, they might have been judged to have approved both. In the publick meeting the Emperour shewes the Legates answer, and seeing no more can be done for the time, he propoundeth, that they would advise, whether without prejudice of the Decree at Ausburgh, these heads wherein the Collocutours had consented, may be received as truly Christian, and no more to be controverted, untill a generall councel shortly to conveen (which seemes to be the Legat's mind) or if there be no councel, untill the next Diet of the Estates. The Elector Princes do consent, it should be so, because there is more appearance to agree in o∣ther points, if these be ratified; and they entreat the Emperour to conti∣nue even now the further agreement, if he can; or if not, that he would deal for a General or National councel in Germany. The Prote∣stants answer to the same purpose, and adde, that as they had alwayes desi∣red a free councel in Germany, so they can never consent unto such a one, wherein the Pope and his party shal have the power of cognoscing and jud∣ging the cases of religion. But the Bb. and some Popish Princes do flatly oppose, and professe, they will not consent unto any change, but by au¦thority of a coucel, to be called by the Pope. And they were the more adverse, because they thought, the Emperours overture was in favours of the Protestants. Then Contaren hearing that the Emperour had commen∣ded him as consenting unto the accommodation of the Collocutours, they

goeth unto Charles, and complaines, that his answer was altogether mis∣taken, as if he had consented unto these conciliations untill a Councel: for his mind is, that no matters of religion can be concluded in such mee∣tings, but all must be referred unto the Pope as the faithfvll Pastor and Uni∣versall Bishop. July 28. the Emperour referreth all unto a councel, for which he promiseth to deal with the Pope; and if it can not be obtained, he promiseth to appoint another Diet within 18. months to end the differen∣ces of religion; and in the Interim he forbiddeth any more alterations, and suspendeth the Decree of Ausburgh. Soave. lo. cit. Then the Protestants promise their aid against the Turk, and interceed for the Duke of Cleve, who had offended the Emperour by invading Gelderland. That summer King Ferdinand besieged Buda in Hungary: the Queen a widow sent unto the Turk for aid: who came, repulsed Ferdinand, and took Buda to himself. Then Ferdinand held a Convention of the Estates in Prague, where the Nobility of Austria did supplicate for a Reformation of their Churches, according to the articles of Ratisbone, and that none be trou∣bled for piety in religion; or els, he may feare, the Turk will prevaile more. This was referred unto the General Councel.

34. In the beginning of the year 1542, King Ferdinand in name of the * 2.50 Emperour, calleth a Diet at Spira: he sheweth, what aid Boheme, Au∣stria, and the Clergy of his Jurisdictions wil contribute to the warrs against the Turk, and demandeth what the Princes will do. The King of France by his Oratours shewes his opinion, that it is not expedient to invade the Turke; but if he invade Germany, then the Princes should lay aside all other quarels, and resist with one accord. Moron the Popes Legate ad∣viseth wars presently, and offereth 5000. foot, if the Emperour will go: but if he go not, half the number: and he shewes, that a Councel shall be called shortly, but the Pope in respect of his old age can not come into Germany; and therefore desireth them to make choise of Mantua, Ferra∣ria, Bononia, Placentia, or Trent, which is in the Jurisdiction of the King Ferdinand. The King and some Popish Princes made choise of Trent. The Protestants refuse both the place, and that the Pope should be presi∣dent. Here the Princes consent unto the Warrs against the Turk, and with common consent Joachim Elector of Brandeburgh is chosen Com∣mander in chieff. This meeting endeth Aprile 11. Then Luther publis∣heth a book, shewing that howbeit before he had dissuaded from the wars against the Turk, because it was undertaken under pretext of Christian religion; but now seing Princes are better informed, and the Turk pof∣sesseth himself of other Princes Landes, it is all reason to resist him upon this account as a robber; yet so that Ministers should earnestly exhort all men unto repentance and pious prayers: and he exhorts all souldiers unto courage; and if any be taken captives, that they make not apostasy for fear of afflctions, or for the hypocrisy of the Mahumetanes: he added also a forme of prayer against the cruelty of the Turks. But the supplee was not sent, as the Princes had promised; and they which went, did no good, May 22. Pope Paul calleth a councel to begin at Trent No∣vemb. 1. and this he professeth to be of his proper motion. He sent his Bull unto the Princes, but very unseasonably, saith Pe. Soave: for Francis denounceth warrs against the Emperour in July, and invaded fyve severall Provinces all at once with fyve armies. The Emperour sent word unto the Pope that he could not be content with that Bull, seing he had done, so much for a Councel, and Francis had always opposed it, yet now he ma∣kes

them equall: then he shewes what iniuries he had suffered of the Pope especially by his Legate at Spira, where he had promised alike favour unto both the dissenting parties in religion: he submittes it to be considered in prudence, whether the actions of that King be for healing the wounds of the Church, who upon all occasions had hindered the Councel, and now compelleth him to take another course; wherefore if the councel shall not assemble, it is not his fault, but rather the Popes, who if he made account of the common interest, should declare Francis to be his enemy; nor is there any other way of assembling a councel, or of establishing peace. On the other side Francis considering, how his actions might be expounded, will take away all suspicion of religion, by making severe inquisition a∣gainst the Lutheranes (as he spoke) in France, and gave charge to the Masters of Sorbon, to use all diligence against them and all book-sellers having any of their books. So some were burnt, and some did recant: whereupon the Sorbonists made their processions of triumph, and the King honoured them with his presence. And when he heard what Char∣les had written against him, he sent his apology unto the Pope, upbrai∣ding Charles with what he had done unto Pope Clemens, and imputing unto him the cause of all the warrs betwixt them, and alledging that he had never done so much for the Church, as he had done in France: and there∣fore the Pope should not believe the calumnies of his enemy. The Pope sent his Commissioners to Trent, but none others came but two Com∣missioners from the Emperour, and some few bb. from Naples: the Pope gave them order, at the first to proceed slowly; and when none came, he ordered them to proceed quickly: but the Emperours Oratours hindered, and in December left it: So nothing was done. This summer Henry a Duke of Brunswick troubled the people of Goslaria & Brunswick confede∣rates in the articles of Smalcald. The Protestants complain into Ferdi∣nand in name of the Emperour: but Henry stood not in awe of Ferdinand's command. Wherefore the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave sought leave to resist him: and they caused him to flee into Baviere. Otho one of the Princes Palatine embraced the Augustane Confession; and so did the City Hildesheim.

XXXV. In January 1543. was a Diet at Noribergh: there the Prince Elector * 2.51 Palatin and the Bishop of Ausburgh were Commissioners for the Empe∣rour and sought aid against the Turck, and King of France, and Duke of Cleve. The Protestants complain unto King Ferdinand and the Commis∣sioners, that they were wronged by the Judges of the Chamber, contrary unto the Decrees; and they crave that that Court may be ordered to Judge justly; or else they can not contribute. After long disceptation, the Protestants were debarred, and the others made a decree for fortifiying the garisons nearest the Turk, and to contribute unto the wars; and these which had refused were condemned. The Protestants declare, that they can not con∣sent unto this Decree, seing they were debarred from the counsell; and there was great inequality in the decreed contribution. The Acts were not registred: In January Ann. 1544. was another Diet at Spira, where was the Emperour and King Ferdinand, and all the Electors, and very many Princes, The Emperour declares his good affection towards Germany, but was hindered from doing, as he would, by the Turk, and the King of France, which had a mutuall league. Then the Protestants complain against Henry Duke of Brunswick, that he had falsely accused them unto the Emperour in Italy, and that he should not sit there, nor do they ack∣nowledge

him a Prince of the Empire. So altertacions were mutually for a long space. In end, the Elector of Saxony acknowledgeth Ferdinand King of the Romanes; and the Emperour confirmeth a contract of marri∣age betwixt Saxony and Cleve: both which he had refused before. And a Decree was made, that the Princes shall contribute to the warrs against France, and furnish 4000. horse & 24000, foot, and to fortify the fron∣tier towns against the Turk; that no Germane shall beare armes with the French, or if any shall do it, the Magistrate is ordained to punish such. And because the difference in Religion can not be treated now, another Diet is appointed in December for that end; and in the mean time Char∣les shall give charge unto pious and learned men, to devise a way of recon∣ciliation; and exhortes the Protestants to do the like, which may be ob∣serued untill there be a general Councel in Germany; or untill the next Diet of the Germane Nation; And in the Interim all shall keep peace, and make no sturre for diversity of religion; and the Churches shall possesse their revenues for mantaining teachers and Schooles &c. The Popish party loved not this Decree, but being overcome with plurality of suffra∣ges, they would not speak against the Emperours authority. These wars continue not: but within a few months the two Monarchs do accord: a∣mong their articles this was one, that they shall joyne all their endeavours to restore the old religion and peace of the Church. Sleidan. Yea, Pe. Soave. writes, that the Emperour did the more willingly accord with Francis, because he was desirous not only to be free of that warr, but he thought by meanes of Francis to have peace with the Turk; and then he might the more securely attend his affaires in Germany, seeing in time of his other warrs the Germanes were aspiring unto liberty, so that they wil not leave the name of an Emperour. Upon occasion of this agreement, the Pope proclameth the Councel to be held at Trent. The Emperour was displeased with the proclamation: for he would have been called the principal cause of the Councel, partly for his own honour, and partly that the Germanes might the more readily condescend thereunto. Never∣theles he made serious preparation, and gives warning unto the Germanes as if the calling of the Councel were his work, and the Pope were his adhaerent. Both he and the King of France gave order unto their own Di∣vines at Lovan, and Paris, to collect what doctrines were to be propoun∣ded: which those did without any proofe or confirmation, but with seri∣ous exhortations to persecute all who would not embrace these naked pro∣positions. Luther answereth unto these of Lovan, and calleth them he∣reticall and bloody men, which do both teach contrary unto Scripture, and also exhort unto cruelty.

XXXVI. In Aprile An. 1545. was a Diet at Worms, where was no * 2.52 Prince, but King Ferdinand and Oratours from the Emperour and the Princes and Cities. The Emperours Ambassador presseth the wars against the Turk, and would delay the cause of Religion. The Protestant Ora∣tours, and with them the Oratours of the Electors of Colein and Palse∣grave do answer, This meeting was called especially for Religion, wherein something had been done before, and there is good hope of effectuating more: and therefore it should not be delayed unto a councel, and they do not acknowledge that which is called at Trent, to be according to the for∣mer promises; as also they had given their other reasons against it. And by what reason can they be pressed to take warrs, who can not obtain pea∣ce unto their own families? In the mean time the Emperour had written un∣to

the King of Poland (as also unto others) to concurre with the councel, and because he thinks that the Protestants will not submit unto it, it is ne∣cessary, that he and other Princes join with him against them as disturbers of common peace and Religion. About the 16 day of May Charles co∣mes into the Diet: and then it was told the Protestants, that they shall be heard in the councel, nor shal the Pope have absolute power there, as they alledge: or if they find any iniquity, then they may complain; but now to pretend such excuses, it is but their rash prejudice. They answer, The Pope and his retinue had now often condemned their Religion; and the matter may be taken up in Germany, by comparing the different opinions, and searching the truth in a friendly way. After much disceptation the Emperour closed the Diet August 4. so that al the Princes shall assemble personally in January at Ratisbone, and for difference in Religion there shall be a conference of four learned men on either side, and two Presi∣dents, wich shall conveen in the same town, Decemb. 1. Then the former edicts were renewed, and confirmed untill the Diet. The Popish party will not acknowledge the conference. But the Emperout sent four at the time appointed, and likewise four praesidents; and so did the Protestants send as many. The Emperour gave order to examine the confession of Aus∣burgh, and to omitt the three first articles; because there is no controver∣sy in the first two, and the third concerning originall sin was defined alrea∣dy. The Protestants demand for the manner of the conference, that all their conference shal be written, to the end, the Emperour and Princes may the more surely know the differences and their arguments. The prae∣sidents say, That were too prolixe: it is sufficient, the summ benoted; and layd in a chist, that nothing he divulged without common consent; yet so as it shall please the Emperour. The Protestants were content, if their Princes will consent. Peter Malvenda a Spaniard began to treat of Justification by way of Lecture. Bucer said, That way is contrary to the prescribed order: for he should object against the articles of the Confession, if they can; and the point of Justification was handled and determined five years before. Then the Emperour sent his pleasure concerning the man∣ner of treating, as is touched before, especially that nothing be divulged, untill it be reported unto the Emperour and Estates of the Empire. The Protestant Princes will not accord unto these conditions, and sent for their Preachers, to know what was done. The orher party take this impa∣tiently, and by printed books accuse the Protestants. Bucer publisheth a large reply, and declareth the doctrine of justification; shewing also their readiness to continue the Conference. But the Emperour was plot∣ting another course, While things are so dubious, the Elector Palatine reformeth the Churches within his jurisdiction: January 10. An. 1546. he puts away the Masse in the high church of Heidlbergh: and said, He had waited many years for a Reformation: but now seing it is dangerous to delay, and there is no hope thereof, he can not refuse the earnest desire of the people. At that time he and the Landgrave were advertised from Augsburgh, that the Emperour was preparing an army against them. The Landgrave writes unto Granvellan one of the Emperours Councellers, shewing what he had heard, not only from Germanes, but from Italy, concerning the Pope and Emperours confederacy against the Protestants &c: Granvellan answereth, that the Emperour intendeth nothing but peace, and he admireth the vanity of men conceiving such things of the Emperour. So did another Counseler Navius write unto the Count of

Solme, and advised him to exhort the Landgrave, to come unto the Em∣perour, and he shall soon be satisfied of all these jealousies. The Landgrave goeth unto Spira; the Emperour denieth that he had any such purpose, and exhorts him to keep the appointed Diet at Ratisbone. None of the Protestant Princes came thither but the Landgrave: only they sent their Oratours. The Emperour calleth this a contempt of his authority: he shewes his care for establishing peace in Germany, and presseth them abso∣lutly unto the decrees of the councel. The Oratours besought the Empe∣rour, that he would not violat the former peace; as they refused no charges nor service with the rest of the Empire, nor had any thoughts to do other∣wise in time coming: As for Religion, seing the councel was not such as he had promised, and the States had decreed, they humbly entreat, that it may be yet referred unto a councel of Germany; or a Conference of learned men, which will determine thereof according to the written Word. While they make such a shew of consulation, it was publickly known, that the Pope and the Emperour and King Ferdinand were levying souldiers. Then the Landgrave and Oratours entreat the other Princes, that they would go with them unto the Emperour and solicite him, that he would not warre against them. The Princes refuse; and the Emperour still professes peace with them as his loving subjects. The Landgrave en∣quireth, for what cause was the levying of souldiers every where, seing he professeth universal peace, and he had truce with the Turk? He replied at last, He aimed at nothing but the peace of Germany; and all who will give due obedience, may look for favour from mee (sayd he) but against others which will not obey, I must deal according to my right. Briefly cruell warrs followed: the Protestants at the first prevaile, and caused the Papist towns and bb. give them money: they dispossesse Maurice Duke of Saxony, who was a Protestant in Religion, but a Commander for the Emperour, because he trusted the Emperour, that the warrs was undertaken for civil au∣thority only. The Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave were of equall authority at that time, and their different judgements made them lose many good advantages: and in the end they were both taken, as is before re∣lated. In the Diet at Ulms Ann. 1547. the Deputies of the States be∣waile the great damnages, that had befallen unto them all by these in∣testine wars, and they crave peace. The Emperour professeth readi∣ness: but because of the pestilence the treaty of peace was deferred to a more solemne meeting at Ausburgh. Where the Emperour appointed some bb. and other Prelates to pen some articles of doctrine, concerning ceremonies, and reformation of the clergy. These Deputies wrote a litle book, all Romish, excep that they permitted marriage unto priests, and communion under both kinds. The Emperour took this course, because he could not bring about his purpose in the councel: he propoundeth this book in the Diet, and caused some to dispute the articles there; and then sent it unto the Bishop of Rome. The Pope wrote back, that none but the Bishop of Rome, had authority to permitt such liberty; and immediatly he sought to dissolve the councel by transferring it.

XXXVI. In May 1548. The Emperour assembleth the States at Aus∣burgh, * 2.53 and ordaineth that these which had not as yet made defection, shall continue in former obedience and condition of Religion, and unto others he said, Seing some well affectioned men and lovers of tranquillity have pro∣pounded unto mee a book of articles, which we have caused to be examined, Wee will you, as yee regard the good of the commonwealth, to accept

these articles, and approve your teaching thereby, until a fuller remedy be provided by a general councel. The Bishop of Mentz (as if all the rest had given him their voices) gave in name of all the States unto the Emperour immortall thanks for his zeal and care; and he promised to obey. The Emperour takes this answer as an universall consent, and would hear no excuse from any other. He commanded it to be printed in Dutch and Latine: it was called, The Interim. John Marques of Brandeburgh went unto the Emperous lodging, and said, that he had served him heertofore upon this affiance, that he had assured him of liberty of Religion. The Emperour sayth, This is a general Decree, nor can any be against it. The Marques began to speak in the contrary: but the Emperour commandeth him to be gone, lest he give a bad example unto others, to refuse the book: and he went home the same day, but changed nothing in religion. The Electors Palatine & Brandeburgh accept the book. Wolfgang Duke of Bipont refused it with great boldness. Ulric Duke of Witembergh would not accept it for his person; but because the Spanish souldiers were quarte∣red in his land for the time, he gave leave to use it: yet the priests were not regarded there, so that within a short space they left his land again. The Emperour sent Granvellan and the Bishop of Artois unto the captive Duke of Saxony with some hope of liberty, if he would approve the booke. He said, He coul not accept it, unless he would wound his conscience, and sinne against the Holy Ghost, seing it containes many things contrary to the holy Scriptures. After that he was keept more straite, and his preacher for fear changeth his habite and left him. The Emperour sent also unto the Duks two sonns, and they also refuse the book: then he complaineth unto the Duke that his sonns would not obey the Decree, and they suffered the Preachers to speak and writ aguinst the book: and therefore he should cause them satisfy him. The Duke returneth answer, Seing he himself approves not the doctrine of the book, he can not advise his sons to receive it: The Deputies of the towns sought some space of time to communicate with their principales, ere they give answer. The last day of Iuny was granted unto them. Some for fear did accept it; and others accept it with some ex∣ceptions. Some returned answer, Seing the Emperour presseth this as an Imperial decree, they will refuse no proportionable burden of the Com∣mon wealth: but this particulare concerneth their souls, and the burden thereof lieth upon the godly people: so many as are careless of Religion, care not what be decreed: they doubt not but the Emperour loveth peace: yet if men be compelled to speak and practize against conscience, it is to be feared, that such decrees shal raise greater troubles. Nevertheless the Emperour presseth the book upon them by force; as upon Ulme, Con∣stance, &c. The preachers chuse rather to leave the townes, as Bren∣tius left Hala, Musculus left Ausburgh, &c. Some were persuaded to accept it, and afterward with many tears confessed their sin publickly: Albeit the Emperour had commanded, that none should write against that Interim, yet many books were published, condemning the doctrine in it, and admonishing men to bewar of it as a most pernicious pest, not only for the errours of doctrine, but lykewise because it is a meanes to bring in whole Popery again: Ausburgh was compelled to receive their Bi∣shop again, and he would not come in, untill he covenanted with the Se∣nate, that he shall have three of the best churches for the Masse; and the Bishop granted liberty unto the people to follow either the Romish or the Protestant Religion, as they will. So after the Masse had not been seen in

that town the space of 20. years, it was begun again: at the first time was a frequent concourse of people, especially of the young folke: they won∣dered to see men with shorn crounes and strange habites; to sing and reade what they understood not; to set up torches at midday; to burn in cense; to use such gesticulations, sometimes bowing: their knees, somtime stret∣ching forth their hands, somtime folding them; somtime crying aloud, somtime mumbling; standing now in one place, and then in another; to eat the bread alone and drinke the wine so that not a drop wes left in the chalice; to wash their hands; to kisse the altar and the images, &c. After noone a priest went to preach in the high Church: a young man made some noise: a sergeant threatneth him: all the boyes runne together to save him: the priest seeing the fray, leaveth the pulpit and flyeth: report is car∣ryed unto the Magistrates: when they came into the Church, the multitude was gone. The next day the Senate sent unto the Chapter, to excuse the matter, that it was done only by boyes, and they would have a care, that the like shall not be done. The Chapter will not accept the excuse, but runne unto the Bishop dwelling in his house called Tabernae without the town: he complaines unto the Emperour: who ordered the Bishop to begin again, and the Burgermasters to be present for preventing any more tumult: Osiand. Epit. Cent. 16. Lih. 2. Cap. 73 & 76. Maurice Duke of Saxo∣ny returning after the Diet unto Leipsich, presseth his people with the In∣terim: they require a conference with the Divines of Wittembergh, and had severall meetings in sundry places; the last was at Leipsich: they were unwilling to change their Religion, and they stood in awe of Caesar'•• wrath; and they consulted upon a middle course, that if they shall yield in some indifferent things, the Emperour will accept their obedience, and will not persecute them. While they sift the Interim for indifferent things, they patch up a new modell of doctrine also; and did not consider the scandals, which did arise thereupon: for many of the people hearing that such things were called Indifferent, did think and say, All Religion is indifferent, and they had erred before in their zeall; and all Popery may be restored. On the other side the Papists said, All Protestants will return, if they be pressed with authority. I adde some instances of their indifferent doctrine. 1. A man is chiefly just and accepted before God, by faith for the Mediators sake: we will not strive for the particle only faith. 2. God worketh not in men as in a block, but so converts, that in understunding persons he wil have some action of the will, which accompanieth his efficacy. 3. we will not contend for the num∣ber of Sacraments: all the Sacraments may be accepted, cum sano intel∣lectu. 4. all Ministers may be subiect unto the highest Bishop and unto inferiour bb. administring their office according to the commandement of God, or unto edification and not destruction; that is (sayth Osiander) we wiil take wolves to be shepherds, if they will not devour the sheep, but lead them faithfully into wholesom pasturage, &c. Magdeburgh and Breme would not accept the Interim: and albeit Duke Maurice, the Elector of Brandeburgh, the Duke of Brunswick, Meckelburgh and others went against them in armes, and beseeged Magdeburgh, they would not accept it: when they had received a foyl, they by a published write, declare, that their losse was not so great as it was called; God had put them to a tryall, but they were confident of his helpe; and howsoever it shall please Him to dispose of them, they will rather die, then return to Antichrist, or receive the decree of Ausburgh: and they entreat all Christians, that they would not fight against them in such a cause, but rather aid them in such extremity.

They endured such strait difficulties the space of thirtien months, untill another variance hapned betwitxt the Emperour and Princes. These troubles for the Interim continved above two years; howbeit I have joyned them together, that I might carry-on the most publick affaires of Germany: some particulars were also then remarkable, of which I give a touch.

XXXVII. In the Diet at Regensburgh An. 1534. the Emperour and * 2.54 the Popes Legate did enioyn all the bb. to endeavour a holy reformation of their clergy within their severall jurisdictions. Herman Elector of Colein sent for Bucer and Caspar Hedio preachers of Strawsburgh: he ordered them to preach in Bonna his See; and to write the articles of Christian Religion. He sent a••so for Ph. Melanthon, and Jo. Pistorius a Preacher of Hassia. He recommendeth the Articles unto his clergy of Colein, to consider them. These do urge the Bishop to remove these new Preachers, and crave a time to aduise upon the articles. The Bishop telleth them, He is ready to remove them, if they can convince them of false doctrine or of wicked conversation. They write a contrary book, and in the preface they say, They would rather live under the Turk, then under a Christian Magistrate attempting a Reformation, and they raile against Bucer. Bucer offereth to defend his doctrine by disputation. When the Emperour understood of this, he writes unto the Senate of Colein, and commandeth them, that they suffer no alteration in Religion: and the Pope wrote lyke∣wise; commending also the clergy, that they had resisted their Bishop, and exhorting them to continuance. The Emperour comes with a train of Spanjards to Bonna, and causeth all the Preachers to be removed: for the cler∣gy made appellation from the Bishop unto the Pope and Emperour. The Bi∣shop declared, that their appellation was not to be regarded, seing he craues nothing, but as it becomes a godly Bishop, and he refutes all their criminations. In the year 1544. the Clergy do presse the people and the inferiour bb. and Universities throughout the province, to subscribe their appellation; and they cast out so many of their number, as would not sub∣scribe. The appellation is sent unto the Emperour and to Rome, In the year 1545. the Emperour summoneth the Bishop to appeare within thirty daies, or to send his proctour, to answer unto these accusations, July 18. the Pope summoneth him to appeare at Rome within 60. daies, and citeth also some of his accusers. In the year 1546. Aprile 16. the Pope excommunicates and deprives the Bishop of his priesthood and Benefice. The bb. of Leodium, & Utrecht, and the University of Lovan joyn with his accusers at Rome. Herman appeales from the Pope unto a free Councel, and declares that he can not acknowledge the Pope to be his Judge, because he is guilty of heresy and idolatry, which he will prove, when the Coun∣cel shall begin. The Pope gives the bishoprick unto Adolph Count of Schavenburg, and writes unto the Estates of the Province to accept him: and so doth the Emperour. The Clergy obey readily: but the Civil Estate complain, that they are unjustly deprived of their godly Bishop. So both had their parties: but Herman chuseth to quit the Bishoprick; and did renounce it Januarie 20. 1547; and with him Frederik Bishop of Munster was deprived of the Provestry of Bonna, and the Count of Stol∣bergh was deprived of his Deanship, because they did cleave unto Herman. So the new Bishop restoreth the old errours at Colein. Osiand. Libr. Cit. Cap. 48 & 50.

XXXVIII. So bitter was the malice of the Papists against Luther, * 2.55 that in the year 1545. they put forth in print a tale of his death; A horrible

miracle (say they) and such as was never heard, that God, who for ever is to be praised, in the fowle death of Martin Luther damned in body and soule, shewed for the glory of Christ, and confort of the godly. When Martin Luther fell sicke, (say they) he craved the body of our Lord Jesus to be communicated to him: which having received, he died soon after: and when he saw his end approach, he willed his body to be layd on the altar, and to be worshipped with divine honours. But God willing at last to make an end of horrible errours, by a strange miracle warned the people to cease from the impiety which Luther had begun: for when his body was layd in the grave, on a sudden such a tumult & terrour arose, as if the foundation of the earth had bin shaken: they which were present at the funerall grew amazed with fear, and lifting their eies, they saw the holy hoast hanging in the aire: wherefore with great devotion they took it, and layd it in the holy place: when that was done, the hellish noise was heard no more. The next night a noise and tumult was heard about Luthers grave, much lowder than the former, and raised all that were in the City out of their sleep, trembling and almost half dead for fear. In the morning they open the sepulcher, where Luther's detestable body was layd, and found neither body nor bones nor cloath••••, but a stinck of brimstone coming out of the grave &c. This merry tale being spread over Italy, a copy was brought to Luther, and when he read it, he writes under, these words, I Martin Luther, by this my hand-writing, con∣fesse & testify, that on March 21. I received this fiction concerning my death, as it was full of malice and madnes: and I read it with a glad mind and chearfull countenance, but deteste the blasphemy, whereby a stin∣kingly is fathered on the Majesty of God: As for the rest, I can not but rejoice & laugh at the Devils malice, wherewith he and his rout, the Pope and his complices persue mee: God convert them from their devilish ma∣lice: But if this my prayer be for the sin unto death, that it can not be heard, then God grant they may fill up the measure of their sin, and with such lying libels let them delight themselves to the full. It's also remarka∣ble, that when Luther heard some to be called Lutheranes, and some Zwinglianes, he was greatly offended, and he entreated, that his name be keept in silence, and that none be called Lutheran, but Christian. What is Luther, said he; the doctrine is not mine, nor was I crucified for any: the Apostle would not have any Christians called Paulinianes, nor Petrini∣anes: whence therefore shall this happen unto mee, that the children of Christ should be called by my vile name? away with it, ô friends; away with schismaticall names? Tom. 2. edit. Witemb. fol. 4. In Decemb. An. 1545. he was intreated by the Earls of Mansfield, to be arbiter of a controversy * 2.56 between them: for respect to their persons and the Province wherein he was born, he would not refuse. When he was fitting himselfe for this journey, he said to Melanthon, that he had gone too far in the controversy of the Sacrament. Melanthon exhorts him to explain his mind by publishing so∣me book: he answered, Thereby I may bring a suspicion upon all my doctrine; but I will commend it unto God, and I request thee to amend by thy watchfulness after my death, what I have done amisse. John. Foxe in Act. & Monim. from the testimony of Melanthon, Alex. Ales. Daniel Buren. Her∣bert de Langen, &c. January 17. he preached his last Sermon at Wittem∣bergh; on the 23. day he took journy: he was sickly before he came to Isleben: yet after some fomentations he recovereth a little, and attendeth the business about which he came, untill February 17. during this time he

preached somtimes, and administred the Lords Supper twice. That day he dined and supped with his friends, and among other discourses he was talking of heaven, and said, We shall know one another there, as Adam knew Eve at the first sight: After supper his pain increaseth in his breast: he went aside to pray, and then went to bed: about midmight his pain wa∣kened him out of sleep: then perceiving his life at an end, he said unto his friends attending him, Pray God, that he would preserve unto us the doctrine of his Gospell: for the Pope and Councel at Trent have grievous things in hand. When he had said so, he was sleepy, but the pain made him complain of a stopping in his breast; and then he praied in these words, Heavenly father, even God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the God of all confort, I give thee thanks, that thou hast revealed thy Sonne unto mee; in whom I have believed, whom I have professed, loved and preached, and whom the Bishop of Rome and the rest of the wicked do persecute and reproach: I beseech thee, my Lord Jesu Christ, receive my poor soul: and heavenly Father, though I be taken out of this life, and shall lay down this my body, yet I believe assuredly, I shall a∣bide for ever with thee, and that none shall be able to pull me out of thy hands. After this prayer he repeated the 16. verse of Joh. 3. and the 20. verse of Ps. 68: and thrice he said, Lord, into thy hands I commend my Spirit; with tokens of much confort, untill as a man falling a sleep, by little & little he departed this life. His body was honourably convoied to Wittembergh and by appointement of the Electour was buried in the To∣wer-church in the 64 year of his age. The next year the Electour was ta∣ken captive, and when the Emperour came into Witembergh the Spani∣ards would have taken his body to burn it: but the Emperour said, Suffer him to rest till the day of resurrection and judgement of all men.

XXXVIII. When the Electour was captive, and many of the confoe∣derats * 2.57 were reconciled unto the Emperour, the Electour of Brandeburgh and Duke Maurice did solicite for the Lantgrave. Charles was high in his de∣mands: yet the Lantgrave, considering his danger, was content of any conditions, so that he and his people be not forced to change their religion. He comes to Hall in Saxony, where the Emperour was: before he had ac∣cesse, he must subscribe the demands: this was one clause, The Emperour is the interpreter of all the articles. He sticketh at this, alledging that it was not so in the forme which was shewed before unto him. The Bishop of Artois said, It was a mistake of the writer: and he demandeth, that the Landgrave will promise unto the Emperour, to accept the Decrees of Trent. This he refuses: the Bishop menaceth him that he can not be accepted other wise. He answereth, He will obey the decres of a free, godly and Gene∣ral Councel, as Maurice and the Elector had done. Then he was brought before the Emperour, and upon his knies did confesse his offenses, and pro∣mised obedience in all time coming. The Emperour saith, Albeit he had deserved most grievous punishment, yet he refuseth not to restore him according to the articles of agreement. Nevertheless the same night at command of the Emperour, the Landgrave was arrested, and a guard set upon him. Maurice and the Elector of Brandeburgh, protest unto him, that it was contrary unto their mind, and they shall never cease, untill they obtain his liberty. And they did solicite earnestly, but could not prevaile. According to an article, 150000 ducats were delivered unto the Emperour and other things of great importance: but the Landgrave was delivered into the hands of Spainards as a Captive, and carried about

with the Emperour: who gave the title of Elector and Dutchy of Saxony unto Duke Maurice. This did not content him: but God made him the instrument of delivering the captives, of chasing the Emperour out of Germany, and purchasing liberty of Religion, as is hinted before.

XXXIX. Now let us view some things done in France; and first it * 2.58 is worth the marking, what Robert Steven (who is better known by the name, Robertus Stephanus) did, and what was done unto him by the Uni∣versity of Paris. In the year 1532 he published an edition of the Latine Bi∣ble, when he had conferred the Copies, that were in use at that time, with some old manuscripts, and according unto them he amended some errouts. The University take this ill, that he had attempted to change the Translation. He defended himself, that he had changed nothing, but had printed according to old coppyes, which he had by him. His an∣swer was tolerable in the judgement of reasonable men: nevertheless they persue him before the Court of Paris, and doe petition, that he may be burnt. But their petition was refused. Then he printeth the Bible, re∣taining the vitious translation, and on the margine he addeth the words of the manuscripts, with Notes shewing the Coppies, whence he had these words. These do accuse him for that edition, before the King Francis and his counsel: but were put to shame and silence. In Respons. Ro. Steph. ad Censur. Theologor. Paris. Pag. 109. Then he printed the ten commande∣ments, in great letters and in such a forme, that they might be fixed upon walls of houses for common use; and so did he with a Summe of the Bible. This did provoke them yet more, especially because he had printed the second command, Thou shall not make unto thyself any graven image, &c. And they accuse him: but the King gave him a warrant to reprint both the Ten commandements, and the Summe of the Bible, both in Latin and French. They did summon him to compear before them, and said, that his work was worse then the teaching of Luther. Fivetien members did approve him, and added their seals unto his attestation; so the multitude of them seeing the Kings warrant and that attestation, were ashamed, and their Deputies did also assoile him. Ibid. pag. 11. In the mean time the King had ordered Francis Vatablus Professor of the Hebrew, to expound the old Testament out of the first language: and his hearers did write his expo∣sition and his annotations. The Kings Printer dealeth with the hearers, and receives from them a new Translation, which he printes with the old Translation and with the Annotations. When this work was perfected in the year. 1545. he shewes it unto some of the University, requiring and entreating them to shew him, if any part thereof had not been rightly observed by the hearers, to the end, if there be any thing amisse, he may amend it. They doe approve the work, and assure him, that no evill could proceed from the Lessons of Vatablus. But when the books were solde, some do observe, that the Translation and the Annotations were contrary unto the present doctrine of the University: and therefore the books should not be solde, seing they were printed without the knowledge of the Faculty. The Printer goeth unto the Court. and sheweth Peter Castellan Bishop of Mascon, that the University were offended, and in∣tend to hinder the selling of his books; when he saw that the Bishop was doubtfull what aduice to give, he saith, If the Divines will give him their Censure, he is willing to print it with the Bible, and he will neither be ashamed, nor take in ill part, to advertise rhe reader of whatsoever errour is in the book. This Overture did please the Bishop, and he relates all unto

the King which willeth the Bishop to writin his name unto the Universi∣ty, that they shall revise the Translation and the Annotations; and note what doeth not please them, and subioyn unto every fault a reason of their judgement: and deliver their Censure to be printed either apart or with the Bible. Castellan writs so unto them: and they did promise to obey. But though they were at several times required to deliver their Censure, they shift it; and sent unto the Divines of Lovan, entreating to reckon that Translation among the forbidden and hereticall books. The King was informed of their shifts and of that Letter: wherefore he ordereth the Bishop to require them again: after severall exhortations to this purpose, they send fifetien places, which they had marked. The Bishop conferreth with their Deputie Gagneius upon these instances, and writes a large letter unto them, commending the Annotations, and shewing what course they should observe in their Censure. They were the more enraged at that commendation, and would not go-on in their Censure, but would have the book to be condemned, which they had declared hereticall. Then the King sent his Letters patent and sealed, charging them to conti∣nue in their Censure, and to deliver it unto his Printer. They doe still refuse, and at that time King Francis dieth. His son Henry sendeth the like charge unto them on August 16. 1547. They return answer, that they shall perfect their Censure before November 1. but then in place of the Censure they send a supplication, craving that the books may be for∣bidden, because he is a sacramentarian, and had written that mens souls are mortal. The Printer is informed, and addresseth himself to answer before the King and Counsel: then they return unto Paris: but he shewes how false their calumnies were. At that time they sent unto the King 46. Articles, which they had collected. It was told unto their Deputies, that they had spoken of some thousands of errours, and were these all tur∣ned to 46. Their answer was, The University had more, but had not as yet put them in forme. The Printer returnes to Paris, and chides some of the Divines, that they had accused him falsely. They produce the place, where they alledge, he denieth the immortality of the soul. He replieth, They understand not Latine, who will from these words forge such an errour. And saith he, I give them this praise, that when they can not prevail in reason, none are more impudent to bear down the innocent with monstrous lies. Then he returns unto the Kings Court, and petitioneth, that his adversaries should plead their cause against him, and bring-in all their articles. When they were summoned to do so, ten of them do compear: and in their pleading they fall into variance among themselves, and could not agree in maintaining their articles. Then they were charged, that hereafter they shall not usurp that power of Censure in matter of faith, which belongs unto the Bishops; unless the bb. shall call for their advice. The Articles were delivered unto the Cardinals and Bishops, to be examined, and it was appointed, that their Censure be given unto the Printer, to be printed. The Deputies of the University do lament that their power was taken from them; yet durst not speak in pu∣blick: and the selling of the books was stopped, untill the bb. had given their censure. The Deputies returning, a publick thanksgiving was ap∣pointed, as if all the business had been well done; and they were confi∣dent, that no more should be required of them. The bb. and Cardinals do conferre upon the 46. articles; they say, five or sixe were liable to mis∣intetpretations, but all the rest were sound and Catholick. When the

Printer heard it spoken so in the Court, he presseth, that the University should be charged to bring what other articls they have to object. The King commandeth them once and again to bring all their accusations. They delay, thinking, that if the bb. had given such a censure of the 46. articls, they can have little hope of any more. Therefore they do alledge that they can not attend the Court in such a cause, and they do supplicat, that it be referred unto the Inquisitors. The King not being present, it was so concluded by the Councel. The Printer was then afrayed, because the Inquisitors must condem all, whom the University condemneth. There∣fore he addresseth himself unto the King, who in Councel causeth seal an Act, suspending the former Act, and commandeth the University to produce what other articles they had against the book. Then they deal with Guiancurt the Kings Confessor, that he would solicit the King to condem the Prin∣ter as an heretick, and that they be not pressed to bring more articles; and in the end of their Letter it was written, It were a shame unto the Univer∣sity, if a mechanick man shall prevaile against them. The Confessor pre∣vailes so, that the selling of the books was again forbidden; yet so that the University must produce their other Articls. The Printer knowes not of this, which was done by the King: and he going unto Court, gives thanks unto the Cardinal of Guise for his favour in the judgement of the articls. The Card. telleth him, The course was changed. He askes, is there no remedy? I know none, saith the Cardinal. The Printer is feared, and intendeth to leave the Countrey: he communicats the case unto the Bi∣shop Castellan, and being betwixt fear and hope he entreats him to ask the King for what cause he had given order to persecut his Printer. The King said, It is true, I have forbidden to sell the books, because the Divines have complained of him as a most pestiferous heretick; but not that he shall be banished, untill they bring the rest of their articls. Then the Divines deal with Senalis Bishop of Orange, to persuade the Printer unto submission; and the Bishop said unto him, It were better for him to agree with the Di∣vines, than to leave his Countrey, nor could he have any hope to pre∣vail against the holy University: He answereth, I expect no victory, but only let them obey the King, and produce their articls. The Bishop re∣plieth, That can not be expected, seing it is not the custom, that the U∣niversity should prove what they do judge heresy, but only shew by word of mouth, and their word must be believed; or els we could never come to an end of an action. After a day or two the Printer saith unto the Bi∣shop, that he is willing to desist, if the Divines will no more persue him, and afterwards he shall print nothing without their advice. The Bishop applaudeth the motion, and adviseth him to communicat it unto Gujan∣curt. The advise pleaseth him also, if the Printer will give it in writ, and he undertakes to send it unto the University. The Printer considereth, that if they had that under his hand, he were no more safe from them, and they might produce that as a sufficient reason, why they should not bring-in the rest of their articles: therefore herefuseth. So both parties come again into ths Kings Court: there it was reported, that the Printer should have 1500. crowns for his damnage. Then the Deputies do rage and say, Shall a wicked man have a reward for impiety? and so others shall be encouraged to do more mischief. So the King was persuaded to give no money: but he said unto his Printer, that he will be more bountifull unto him another away. The Printer gives the King humble thanks, saying, that he craved no more, but that he would protect him from the

malice of these his enemies. The King granteth him his warrant: but with difficulty could he obtain the seal: and when he had it, he keeps it quiet. In the mean time the Divines endeavour to prove other things against him by witnesses: and when it was told them, that he had the Kings warrant, they do use all means to have him imprisoned; and will not believe, that he had obtained a protection. He shewes it unto them: and then they de∣murre. When this storm was over, he gathereth fifetien old manuscripts of the New Testament in Greek, and printeth it with the diverse lections on the margine, and gives the first coppie unto Castellan: he calleth the Printer sawcy, that he had printed it, before he had aduised with the Di∣vines. Robert answereth, There can be no danger in printing that book, nor could he be suspected of heresy for it; yea and some of them had advi∣sed him to change the text in 1. Cor. 15. 51. Wee shall not all sleep. but wee all shall be changed. The Bishop said, He should have done so: for there is a different lection. He answereth, He could not change a word contrary unto all the Greek coppies: for so he might have been condemned as a fal∣sifier. The Bishop in great wrath sent unto the Divines, and tolde them, that Robert Steven had deceived his expectation, and he will no more assist him: let them therefore advise what they will do with him for that edition of the New Testament. Gallandius the messenger shewes his order unto Robert, and adviseth him to preveen another storm. Robert she∣wes some of the Divines what he had done, and craves the approbation of the Faculty, before he vent the books. They commande him, to bring the old coppies, that he had followed. He answered, They are in the Kings bibliothek: he can not have them when he would: but he had conferred them diligently, and saved them a labour. Two were appoin∣ted to examine the book. He waites upon these, and could have no an∣swer. At last the Faculty conveenes. Some said, The man had been trou∣blesom unto them, and now if they shall approve any thing that he doeth, it will be a commendation of the man, and an acknowledgement of their fault. Others did coldly commend the work: and they were comman∣ded by the greater part, either to be silent, or go out of the house. So they dissolve without any determination. He asketh the Dean, What have yee concluded? What shall I report unto the King? He answereth, The Masters are not of the opinion, that the books be vented. Why? sayth Robert. The Dean answereth, Because of the marginall anno∣tations. There be no annotations (said he) but only diverse readings. He craves the Sentence of the Faculty in writ, which he may shew unto the King: and when this was denied, he told the Dean, he would relate what answer was given him. The next day he presenteth a coppy as the first fruit of his work, unto the King before the Cardinals and Peers, and shewes what he had done with the Faculty, and what their answer was. If we will believe his testimonie, All without exception did laugh, and said. The mens impudence, ignorance, temerity and foolishness is intolerable. So he had liberty to sell the books: but to appease the Faculty, he promiseth to print no more without their advice. Then for fear of their implacable malice he went without their reach, and dweltin another place: where he printed His answer unto their Censure: of which I will give you a taste. Art. 11. on Deut 9. 4. the summary on the margine is, God gives not unto men any thing for their righteousness or equity of their hearts. The censure. This proposition is hereticall. His answer, Let the un∣partiall reader iudge, how windy are these bellies, that so oft blow forth so

many heresies. The question is, Whether men do purchase Gods favour, so that He rendereth any thing for their deserving? The Scripture teaches plainly, that a reward is rendred unto the good works of believers: But wee must first see, whether men doe purchase grace for their works, or if God embracing them freely, and then their works, which he hath wrought by them by vertue of his Spirit, doeth vouchsave them the re∣ward. But all men are by nature the children of wrath Eph. 2. 3. all men come short of the glory of God: none doth good. Rom. 3. 12: all are ene∣mies of God Rom. 5. 10: of ourselves we have no good thoughts 2. Cor. 3. 5: all the devices of mans heart are ill from his childhood, Gen. 6. 5. Whence it followes, that God, who is debter unto none, gives graciously unto men whatever good they have. Remember also that of Paul, Who hath given unto him first and it shall be rendred unto him? Rom. 11. 35. The annota∣tion which is condemned, was on the text of Moses, where the Lord sayth, he gave not the lande unto the people for their righteousness or uprightness of their hearts: And far less can man attain more excellent be∣nefits for his merits: for he who deserves not a litle possession on earth, how shal he be worthy of the kingdom of heaven? Finally he, who thinks it an heresy, God bestowes nothing on men for their righteousness, denieth and abolishes the gracious bovntifulness of God in Christ. Art. V. on Ps. 62. 10. Annotation, Wee must run unto God: for the defences of men are meer vanity. The censure. This annotation is hereticall and impious. Answer. Where the opposition is betwixt the defences of God and of men, certainly these are called of men, which God doth not blesse. David went against Go∣liah with a sling and stones; yet he saith, Thou comest against mee with a spear and weapons and a buckler, but I in name of the Lord of Hosts, 1. Sam. 15. 45, And, There is no King saved by the multitude of an host: a mighty man is not delivered by much strength: a horse is a vain thing for safety, Ps. 33. 16 And There is no safety by the children of men Ps. 146. 3. And yet more clearly, Vain is the help of man Ps. 60. 13 Certainly this sen∣tence is hereticall in their judgement, if they condem mine. For David, by the name of help, understandes all defences, wherein he findeth meer va∣nity. And that wee may know, that God is delighted with this form of speaking, it is repeated in another Psalme, 108. 13. Neither meaneth he otherwise, when he sayth, It is vain to rise early, but, With∣out God nothing is prosperours, Ps. 127. 2. In the same sense it is said, Our eies yet have failed for our vain help-Lame. 4. 17. Art. VI. on 2. Sam. 7. 7. God will have nothing to be done without his word. The censure, This proposition is heretical. Ans. When Paul teaches, Whatsoever is without faith, is sin Rom. 14. 23, by the name of faith, he meaneth cer∣tainty, which is not grounded but on Gods worde. Therefore to under∣take any thing without Gods command, is not more acceptable unto God, than if a servant will attempt this or that rashly in his masters service. And there it is spoken of the worship of God, wherein that rule holdeth, O∣bedience is better thē sacrifice, 1 Sa. 15. 22. Therefore the Lord saith by Jeremy, When I brought your fathers from the Land of Egypt, I gave no commande concerning sacrifices, but that they should obey my voice. Hither belongeth, that he forbade to offer sacrifice without salt Levi. 2. 13, and to lay strange fire upon his altare Lev. 101. And what account he maketh of worship done without his word, we may learn from the Prophet, saying, Who re∣quired that at your hands? Esa. 1. 12. And there is no word more frequent, What I command thee, that only shall thou do. And, every one shall

not do what is good in his eies Deut. 12. 8. 32. and elswhere. And Christ speakes not otherwise, in vain they worship mee, teaching for doctrines the precepts of men. When Paul calleth supersition will-worship, by this word he despiseth whatsoever men do of themselves thrust upon God Col. 2. 23. Seing such sobriety is hereticall in the judgement of the Masters of Sorbon, what manner of Divine worship will they prescribe? Art. VIII. on Matt. 22. 12. Annot. The marriage garment is faith. Censure. This annotation is hereticall. Ans. Forrein Nations, I know, will wonder at this barbarity: and truly I am ashamed of our shame. Albeit it were the greatest glory of the Kingdom of France, if it were cleansed from such vile naughtiness, under which it fainteth for so long time. It is a he∣resy to call faith the marriage garment. I will not mention the antient and Classicall Doctors, which have thought so: let the matter be considered without the defense of man. Art. IX on Jam. 2. 17, Annot. Faith without works is not faith. Censure. This proposition is hereticall. Ans. I grant, historicall faith, by which the devils do tremble, is called faith: but I speak with James, who affirms, that faith without works is dead......But these reverend fathers think that heaven will fall, unless they maintain. their formless faith, by which Christians may bee without Christ. Art. X. on Ps. 31. 4. Annot. Sela, is added, to shew, that this sentence is remarkable, where wee are taught how sin is forgiven, to wit, by belie∣ving in God, who only can forgive sin. O the singular grace and bounti∣fulness of God toward men confessing their sins! Censure. This annota∣tion is hereticall, taking away sacramental confession, and the power of the keies, where it is said, Who only can forgive sin, seing the hierar∣chicall priests may forgive sin in their manner, although only God forgive authoritatively and chiefly. Ans. But Christ dealt more tenderly with his most fierce enemies: for when they objected unto him, God only can forgive sin, he did not call them hereticks for that; but rather confirming what they had said, he teaches that he had that power, because he is one God with the Father Matt. 9. 6. If it be an heresy, to give this honour unto God, that he only can forgive sin; then God is an heretick, who affirms by the Prophet, saying, I, even I blot away your inquities for my own sake Esa. 43. 25. Wee know that men do forgive in their man∣ner, when they forgive the injuries that are done unto them Matt. 6. 14 And because the Apostls are not only the witnesses of the forgiveness of sin. and by their teaching do seal it in the consciences of men, but lykwise they, do offer it as a thing wherewith they are entrusted, the duty of forgiving sin belongeth unto them also Joh. 20. 23. But this hindereth not, that the power of forgiving sin should be ascribed unto God wholly, And in∣deed if it be not lawfull to speak of the remission of sin, unless mention be also of confession, we must put away all the Scripture, which presseth that doctrin so oft, and never speakes one word of auricular confession. Art. XIII. on Ps. 47. 10. Annot. Only God can help men. Censure This annotation is hereticall, taking away the help of the Saints. Ans. Why do they not rather complain, that the mutuall help of men is taken away? But so all men might have clearly seen, that they do carp malicious∣ly at a pious saying: and yet I think not, they were so wary: for they look alwise unto their own gain; and what ever superstition is lucrative, they will fight for it lustily. The condition of France is wretched, and to be bewailed, that none dar speak of faith and trust in God, of praying unto him, or of any part of his worship, but these butchers will draw

him as an heretick into the fire. If a preacher say simply, We should pray unto God, the cry goeth, He smelleth of heresy, because he na∣meth not praying unto Saints. If any say, Trust in God; that is intolera∣ble, because he speaks not of confidence in Saints. But if prayer to Saints brought not lucre unto them, they would let them sliep. If is sufficient unto mee, that the reader seeth, they condem the first rudiment of the faith. For by whatever way we be helped, God only doth help, whe∣ther by means of men, or by another means: and who do not acknow∣ledge that all creatures are the instruments imployd by God, is more foo∣lish than a beast. Art. XV. on Esa. 63. 16. Annot. According to the late Translation Abraham neither doth nor can help us. Censure. This is hereticall, taking away the help of Saints. Ans. If they do make such account of the Saints help, why do they prefer Barbara & Nicolaus unto Abraham the Father of believers? yea, why do they forget him in their praiers both publick and privat, and cry so much unto Cristopher, Anto∣ny, Catherin, and such others? There is not any Breviary or Missal, that obttudes not such Mediators upon God, and never a worde of Abra∣ham.....But let the Holy Ghost plead for himself, who hath spoken by the mouth of Isaiah: my annotation is but a paraphrase of the Prophets words. These are a few of many. This Robert steven did first distinguish the verses of the Bible with arithmetical figures.

XL. John Calvin living as a Student at Basile, published his book of * 2.59 Christian Jnstitutions in the year 1536. and 25. year of his age. The same year he went into Italy, to visit the Dutchess of Ferrara Doughter of Lewes 12. King of France. In his returning he was chosen to be Professor of Divinity in Geneva: where the trueth of the Gospel had been preached before: but as yet many Citizens did affect Popery. The same year was penned a form of Christian doctrine and discipline, together with a short catechism containing the chief heads of Religion: those were published, and all were required to swear the observance of that doctrine and disci∣pline. Many did refuse; yet the Senate and people did swear thereunto An. 1537. The adversaries were not reformed from the scandalous li∣cence and courses, in which they had lived under Popery, and antient feuds (through occasion of the Savoyan warrs) were not layd aside. Though the Ministers did fairly, and then more sharply admonish them, yet they prevailed not; so that Farel, Caluin and Carold openly professed, that they could not administer the sacrament of the Lords Supper unto people who live in so bitter enmity, and so averse to Church-discipline, For this cause the Sindics or Magistrats (which were chosen in the end of that year) not hearing the Ministers, sent a command unto these three, to depart out of the City within two dayes. These Magistrates did so miss-carry themselves. In their office, that within two years they were found guilty, some of murther, and some of other misdemeanures; and were condem∣ned some to death, and others to exile. Then the Citizens ceased not from entreating the City of Strawsburgh by their Deputies, and the mediation of Zurick, untill they brought again Jo. Caluin Septemb. 13. An. 1541. Then he professed, that he could not confortably exercize the Ministry among them, unless with the teaching of the gospell, discipline were also establis∣hed. So a Model of presbyterian gouvernment was drawn up, and Elders were chosen again. This was setled by consent of the Senate, so that from the Sentence of the Presbytery it should not be lawfull either for Minister or people to recede. Though both Senat and the people did agree thereunto

as consonant unto Gods worde, yet some not only of the people, but even of the chief men did manifest their dislyke of it: yea some Ministers (which afterwards were found guilty of some wickednesses) though they did not openly oppose it, yet under hand they wrought against it, pretending the example of other Churches, where no excommunication was used: and some cryed out, that it would introduce again a Popish tyranny. But he overcame these difficulties, by shewing that not only the true doctrine, but discipline also must be warranted by the Worde of God; and that this hath the approbation of the most learned men of that age, as, Oecolam∣pade, Zuinglius, Bucer, Melanthon, Capito, &c. which he proved out of their books; and telling them that other Churches were not to be condemned, which had not proceeded so far, nor those Ministers which had found that their people needed not such censure; and lastly shewing a vast difference between the Popish tyranny, and the easy yoke of the Lord. So that at last the discipline was establisht Novemb. 20. 1541. Neverthe∣les some loose men would not be tied unto that Discipline, but sought to break it: especially in the year 1546 Amedius Perrin and ambitious man could not endure Caluins thunderings against his lasciviousness, and began to discover what he and his associats had for a time been contriving. The Senate took notice of him: he held him silent a while; but the contrived wickedness brake out more openly: for one of the Senate blamed Caluin of falle doctrine: The cause was heard before the Senate, and that Senatour was condemned of slander, and two Mini∣sters which had set him on, were conuicted of drunkenness, and removed out of their places. Caluin shews still, that the life of Christianity consists not so much in profession of truth as in the practise of godliness: Then Perrin and his associats do appeal from the Presbytery unto the Senate. The Presbytery pleadeth their Constitutions, agreeable unto Gods worde, and setled by autority; and therefore that their priviledges might not be infrin∣ged. The Senate granteth, that it should be so: and because Perrin would not be ruled, they depose him from his Captainship An. 1547. but the next year he was restored by the prevalency of his friends. In the year 1552. one Berteler was suspended from the sacrament for sundry faults: he craves that the Senate would absolve him. Caluin in name of the Presbytery op∣pones shewing that the Magistrate should preserve, and not destroy good discipline of the Church. But the false calumnies of the adversary (preten∣ding that the Presbytery did encroach upon the authority of the Magistrate) prevailed so, that in the Common-Councel it was decreed, that the last appeal ought to be unto the Senate, who might absolve whom they thought fit; So Berteler gote Letters of absolution confirmed with the publick seal. Then Perrin and his associats hoped for one of two, either that Caluin would not obey this mandate, and so he would be oppressed by the peo∣ple; or els if he did obey, it were easy to contemn the Presbytery, and they might follow their licenciousness. Caluin understood this but two dayes before the administration of the sacrament in September, and in his Sermon when he had spoken much against the profaners of the sacrament; said; I following Chrysostome, will rather suffer myself to be slain then this my hand shall reach the holy elements to those who have been judged contemners of God. These words did so prevaile (though the men were head strong) that Perrin sent privatly unto Berteler, and advised him not to obtrude himself upon the sacrament. So it was peaceably administed, through Gods mercy. In the afternoon Caluin preached on Acts 20, where Paul took his leave of the▪

Ephesians, and professed, that he would neither oppose, nor teach others to oppose the Decree of the Magistrates, and he exhorted the Congregati∣on to continue in that Doctrine, which they had received: and seeing (said he) things are come to this passe, give mee leave, Brethren, to use the words of the Apostle, unto you, I commend you to God, and the words of his grace. These words daunted the wicked wonderfully, and prevailed much with them all. The next day the Common-Counsel was assembled, and the whole Presbytery entreated, that they might be heard in giving reasons for abrogating the forenamed Act concerning the Ap∣peal. This was assented, their mindes being much changed: and it was decreed, that the Act should be suspended, and that the judgement of the four Helvetian Churches should be craved therein; and in the mean time nothing should be done prejudiciall to the Lawes formerly established. Thus the faction was diverted from Caluin: but afterwards they sought to bring the storm on Farell, who in these dayes came from Neocom into Geneva, and in a Sermon sharply reproved the factious, partly knowing the equity of the cause, and partly relying upon his authority, which he had formerly amongst them. When he was gone, that faction complai∣ned, that he had done them wrong; and procured, that one was sent unto the Senate of Neocom, to cause Farell appeare at a day appointed. Farell came again to Geneva, not without danger: for that faction cryed out, that he deserved to be thrown into the river. An honest young man said to Perrin, that Farell the common Father of the City should not be wronged: and he with another Citizen took upon them to stand by Farell at the day of hearing. His adversaties were astonished, and of their own accord craved pardon. So Farell was dismissed. Then came answer from the four Helvetian Cities, who unanimously confirmed the Ecclesiastical Policy, as it had been before established. Behold here, what sort of men did oppose the Presbyterian Discipline: to wit, loose and ambiti∣ous men.

XLI. Francis 2. King of France did maintain James Faber, and his * 2.60 Printer against the Sobonists, and he professed a desire of Reformation, when he sought aleagve with the Protestants at Smalcald: nevertheless he would not have the Pope to judge so of him: and therefore he continued in persecuting them which were for Reformation. Who can tell all the bar∣barities, that were committed in France from the year 1538. untill the year 1589. yet for exampls sake we will touch some. In that year 1538. Aprile 13. a young gentleman of Tolouse was burnt at Paris for eating eggs in Lent. Remarkable was that horrible impiety An. 1545. against the Wal∣denses in Merindole & Cabriers. When those heard of the Reformation in Germany, they were glade, and sent for some preachers, by whom they received clearer information, and with more courage did avowe the faith of their ancestours. They were delated for rebellion against the King; and this was a common accusation in those dayes, more odious then true, saith Sleidan in Comment. lib. 16. They were summoned to compeare before Bar. Cassanaeus President of the Counsell at Aignes November 17. Ann. 1540. and the Kings Proctour was ordeyned to persue them. They were informed of danger undoubtedly, if they did compear. So after three citations, for not compearance, they were condemned by a most horride sentence and cruel above measure, saith Ja. Thuan. Hist. lib. 16; to wit, the Masters of families were adjudged to the fire; their goods unto the esche∣ates Merindole should be made levell with the ground; their caves shall

be stopped; their woods shal be burnt, and their lands shal be given to none of their name or kindred in all time coming. Some did urge the exe∣cution of this Sentence; especially, the Bishops of Aignes and Arles gave money to levy an Army against them: but Alenius a Noble man of Arles appeased the minde of the President, by representing the cruelty of the fact (if such cruelty were execute against so many men not heard in their own defence): So the levying of souldiers was put off, untill the Kings pleasure were required. The King referreth the tryall of their cause unto the Pre∣sident of Piemount William Bellay. After tryall he reported unto the King, that the Waldenses were a people, who about 300. years since had purchased a barren peece of lande in farme from their Lords, and they by industrious manuring had made it fit for pasturage; they can endure toile and hunger, they abhorre strife; they are liberal to the indigent; they render all obedience unto theyr Prince and Masters; they professe the wor∣ship of God with frequent prayers & innocency of manners; they go seldom to the churches of the Saints, and when they go, they prostrate not them∣selves before the images of God or of the Saints, nor do they offer unto them torches or other gifts, but they go unto such places, only when they are about merchandise or such affairs; they employ not priests to do any re∣ligion for them or the souls of their fathers; they mark not their faces with the signe of the cross; when it thundereth, they sprinkle not themselves with holy water, but lifting up their eies unto heaven they call upon God for help; they discover not their heads before images in the wayes; in their service of God they use their vulgare language; they have no respect to the Pope nor Bishops, but they choose some of their own number for prelats and Teachers. When Francis heard this report, on Febr. 8. Ann. 1641. he sent unto the Senate of Aignes, and granted the space of three moneths, wherein the Waldenses shall recant, and certain persons shall be chosen by them, to abjure in name of the rest, or else &c. Francis Gajus and Willi∣am Armantius in name of the Waldenses then presented a supplication unto the Senate of Aignes, humbly craving to examine their cause, because it is against reason, that they are commanded to recant heresy, before they be convinced, yea or heard; and they offred their Confession in write, little differing from the doctrine of Luther Thuan. Ibid. Cassanaeus sent it unto the King, and the King gave it unto Castellan episc. Matisconen. to be exa∣mined: he sent it unto Ja. Sadolet Bishop of Carpento ract. Who answered, In that Confession are some things that may be well expounded, and some things are too sa••yrik against the Pope and Bishops, and howbeit other things are reported of them, he knew by former Inquisitions, that they were but false, and forged maliciously: and therefore he would not advise to use hostility against them. Then Io. Durantius and the Bishop Cava∣lionen. were sent by the Senate unto Merindole, to instruct and convince them; and to relate the success. Those abide constant, and Cassanaeus was perswaded by the wordes of Alenius, that no violence was used in his time. Jo. Minier came into his room, and he wrote unto the King, that the Waldenses were 16000. in Arms, intending to beseege Marsiles, or to attempt some greater business. The King received this Letter in January An. 1545. and was exasperated (the Cardinal Turnon adding oile to the fire) that he sent his mandate unto the Senate of Aignes, to execute their former Sentence. Minier keept this charge secret, to the end, the poore people might be surprised un a worse: he chargeth all who were able to bear arms, in Aignes, Arles, Marsiles and adiacent places to be in Arms against

England at a certain day: when all were in readiness Aprile 13, he ope∣neth the Kings Letters in the Senate, and quickly went to execution. Thuan. Ibid. Then they burnet Pupis, Motha, Martiniac, and all the villages about Peruse and the river Druence. The Merindolians beholding all in fire round about them, fled into the woods, and so did the Sansales. Mi∣niers had commanded to kill all wherever they could be apprehended with∣out respect of person. On an evening they had intelligence, that Mini∣ers was coming into the same place, where they were: because they must flee through rough places, they do resolve to leave their wives and children with some Ministers, (what lamentation was then!) and to go into the town of Mussy. Miniers had burnt Merindole, and went to Cabrier: he found the ports shut, and promised to do no harm, if they would open unto him: but he spared neither age nor sexe: he brought the men forth into a meedow, and slew them all about the number of 800. and burnt the women together in a barn. He did the like at Costa, and was no less cruell unto 22. Villages: 25. persons were smothered by smoke in a rock: who found mercy, were sent into the galeys: many were famished. Who could escape, went into Geneve or Helvetia. The like cruelty was used at Avenion and other places of the Popes Dominion in France. Ibid. When this was reported in Germany, it was dolorous unto many: from a Diet at Ratisbon Letters were sent, and the Protestants of Helvetia entreated the King, to shew mercy on them who had fled. Francis answered, He had reason for what he had done, nor should they pry into his censures, more than he had done into their affairs. Jo. Sleida. Comment. lib. 16. After∣wards Miniers feared to be called to account for this butchery (his conscience accused him) and by intercession of Cardinal Tournon (as was spoken he sought and obtained the Kings Patent approving what he had done. But he sought not a pardon from heaven; and not long after he isshued bloud out of his lower parts, nor could voide any urine, so that his bowels rotted within him, and he died miserably. Ja Thuan. loc. cit.

XLII. In Melda a City ten myles from Paris, the Bishop was desirous of the Reformed religion, and excluded all the Friers. For this cause the Sorbonists opposed him, and procured danger unto him, that he left his purpose. Nevertheless Ann. 1544. sixty Citizens had a Preacher, and as∣sembled in private houses to the hearing of the Worde, and celebration of the Lords Supper according to the first Institution. These were all ap∣prehended, and carryed in carts into Paris: where they received Sentence of death, and being sent back, 14. of them were burnt in one fire, and the rest were whipped, and banished. These went into sundry Provin∣ces, and ceased not to glorify God by preaching the Truth, namely, Pha∣ronus Manginns, Petrus Bonuspanis &c. Afterwards this Peter with other twell were burnt at Paris. Jo. Fox in Act. & mon. When King Francis * 2.61 was sick unto death, he repented of his cruelty, and many write (saith Thuan. loc. cit.) that he advised his son Henry, to try the injuries done by the Senate of Aignes against those of Piemont; and he sent order unto that Senate to apprehend John a Monk, and put him to an Assise: that man had devised a new kinde of torment; to wit, he caused the Walden∣ses put their legs into boots full of seething tallow, and in derision asked them, If they were ready to ride? When the Monk heard of this Man∣date, he fled into Avenion: and within few days, he was so tormented with ulcers, that he wished death. King Henry II. loved not Cardinal Tur∣non and such cruel persecuters. So the Merindolians and other Waldenses

gathered again, and by advice of the Duke of Guise Aumalius presented unto the King their complaint against the iniquity & cruelty of the Senate of Aignes, and they did humbly beseech, that their cause might be once heard and examined. It had some beginning in the great Counsel, as they call it: but the King brought it to the high Parliament of Paris: there the matter was debated publickly fifty dayes with great vehemency, by Ja. Au∣berius for the Waldenses, and Peter Robert for Aignes, and Dion. Ri∣antius the Kings Advocate. When the complaint and many cruelties were read, all the hearers conceived hope of redress. The event was; only Guerin (Regius Patronus, one of the cruellest persecuters, and having no favour among the Courtiers) was beheaded, and Miniers died, as is said before. Little was done publickly for Religion in France untill the year 1553: then many suffered at Lions and Paris: among whom were Martia∣lis Albus and Petrus Scriba, who had been sent from Bern in Helvetia, to preach the Gospell, and before they had done any thing, they were taken at Lions, and the King would not spare them for the intercession of Bern. Thuan. lib. 12.

XLIII. Charles Cardinal of Lorrain intending toward Rome, would do some thing to gratify the Pope: therefore he persuaded the King, to * 2.62 publish an Act, commanding all Presidents to prosecute without any delay all censure of the Church against Lutherans. The Senate of Paris answered unto the King, that four years before he had caused it to be acted, that according to the custom of his Ancestours, (who were all defenders of the Religion and liberty of the Church) the power of life or death for Religion should be reserved unto the King: but by this Act he loseth his priviledge, and forsakes his servants and subjects, and commits their fame, goods and persons unto the pleasure of the elergy, who by their severity in these years by past had not amended any errours, but rather have exas∣perat the people: and therefore it were more reasonable, to commande the Bishops and priests to instruct their flocks in the worde of God more dili∣gently, either by themselves or by qualified Vicars; and in time coming to promote only sufficient Pastours, who have no need of Vicars. Thuan. lib. 16. In the year 1557. Septemb. 4. a great number assembled in a pri∣vate house of S. Jacques striet, to hear the Worde, and receive the Lords Supper in the night, because they had not liberty in the day. The multi∣tude conveened in the nighour houses with weapons and stones, to throw at these people in their outcoming: they who came forth first, were killed with stones; and others taking courage upon necessity drew their swords, and came forth all save to one, saith Thuan. lib. 19. The author of the French Commentaries lib. 1. writs, that the believers seeing that they were compassed on every side by the furious multitude, had small hope to escape: but some finding a way made open through a gate, (which was a sin∣gulare providence for the savety of many) after they had returned to their prayers, escaped by flight withour harm, even as if God himself had gone before them. Both these authors say, that the women and weaker peo∣ple about the number of 120, were taken, by the Inquisitor (saith Thuan, and the other saith, by the Magistrate) and hurried into prisons, and then burnt: among whom were Nic. Clivius a Schoolmaster in Paris in the 60 year of his age, Taurin Gravella in Senatu Patronus, Nic. Cevius a Physicion, and some Noble women. Diverse reports were spread of this assembling: the Monks preached, that the Lutherans meet in the night without any light, to fulfill their lusts, the mother spared not to ly with

her sone.....their cloaths were found with the marks of such filthiness; they killed their infants &c. These things were reported unto the King, but uncertainly: yet none durst contradict them, lest he were challenged to be of the same sect. Thuan. Ibid. and the mindes of many did boile against them so, that he was called the best man, who could devise the means of their destruction. The Protestants wrote an Apology, shewing the fals∣hood of those calumnies, even as the like were imputed unto the antient Christians, as is clear by undoubted testimonies and histories, to the end Kings and Princes may be moved to hate them; and now these are publis∣hed by enemies of the Trueth, to the end, they may enjoy other mens goods, which they have catched wickedly: and therefore they humbly pray, that the King would be pleased to try their cause, &c. French. Com∣men: lib. 1. They found means to lay this book in the Kings bedchamber, and so be brought into his hands. Antonius Demochares an Inquisitor, and Ro. Cevalis Bishop of Aurincae wrote an answer unto this Apology, but none durst reply, because the Kings ears were so solde unto the impu∣dent accusations of the Bishops and Cardinals; and he sent the President Julianensis, commanding all hereticks or Waldenses (as they called them) to submit themselves unto the Bishop of Rome in all points of Religion; or to want lands and lifes. The Reformed with humble answers appeased the minds of The Commissioners. Osiand. epitom. hist. cent. 16. lib. 3. c. 26. The Princes of Germany and the Swisers sent unto King Henry, entreating for those miserable men professing the same Religion with them. In the mean while Philip King of Spain was entred into Picardy, and had taken Sanquintin and other places, so that Henry had need of aid from these Intereessors, and did bear with the slackness of his Comissioners. Thuan. loc. cit. In the same year it was ordained by King Henry, that there should be no privat marriage without clear consenr of both parties and of both parents; or otherwise parents may lawfully disherish their children; and the Iudges should punish the authors and procurers of such marriages, as the circumstances and equity shall require, with this exception, that the man be thretty years old, and the woman be 25. or the mother be married unto another husband, yet so that the children should crave their assent, but not depend on it recessarily. Item because some women for fear of infamy slay their new-born babes, it was ordained, that whatsoever woman shall have no witnesses of her birth, whether the babe were born dead or alive, she should be punished as for parricide. Item it was ordained, that all Bishops and parish-priests should abide at their own charge, and teach their people, at least by sufficient Vicars, under pain of losing their reve∣nues. Thuan. King Henry had all the time of his reigne warrs in Lom∣bardy and Low-Germany against Charles V. and then against Philip more infortunatly, so that he could not destroy the Reformed Religion, as he would: in the year 1559. Aprile 5. a peace was concluded between these two with this secret paction, that both of them should enquire within their own Dominions, and punish all Sectaries (as they called them) with the sword, Charles Cardinal of Lorrain, and Granvellan Bishop of Ar∣tois were called the authors of this paction. By occasion of this, the Pro∣testants had their secret confederacy: it was dissembled for a time, and at last burst out into open intestine war. Thuan. hist. lib. 22. Immediatly King Henry began the work, as he wanted not bad Counselours: especially the Guisians suggested, that the Sectaries were spread through all France, and the King did not reigne, wheresuch have place: and among all those

bloody Counselours the most venemous was Egidius Magister Princep•• Senatus: he said unto the KIng, Forrain peace is unprofitable, if warr begin at home: for this sore is so great, that if it be dissembled longer, it can not be restrained by law, and scarcely be dantoned by great Armies, as were the old Albigeans: heretofore the commons have been punished, whereby all men have conceived envy, but none was terrified: therefore he must begin now with them of authority and are Judges in the Lande, who by their autority and recommendations not only protect the people from punishment, but do encourage them: therefore the King will do well, to assemble the Judges unaworse, which he may do by occasion of the Mercuriall meetings [This was a sort of Judicatory devised by Charles VIII, Ann. 1493, and held on Thuresday afternoon once in the quar∣ter of the year, by two Commissioners from every Judicatory of the king∣dom, to answer before the Kings Advocats, for their negligence, dis∣obedience, slackness, wrongous Sentence &c.] Many Princes did oppose his advice: but Egidius made the King believe. that these were all Secta∣ries. May 16. the King comes into the Mercurial meeting at Paris, and blameth the Judges for slackness in punishing the Lutherans. Some would have informed him: but when they began to speak, he cried out, that even the Court was infected with heresy; and he commanded the Earl Monmorency Captain of the Guard, to apprehend those Counsellours Annas Burgaeus, Lud. Faurus, Paul Fumaeus, Anto. Foix; and others fled. Then he sent Letters through all the realm, commanding all Judges, to enquire and severely punish all Lutherans, Under pain, to suf∣fer the same punishment. Thuan. lo. cit. The three Princes Electors of Ger∣many, and others hearing of this, wrote unto the King in favours of those his faithfull subiects: but he would no way relent. Then God doth, what men can not. Great preparation was a making for solem∣nity of marriage between Philip King of Spain and Henry's Daughter: the King himself would be one of the challengers at the tilt: he sent a lance unto Count Monmorency, provoking him once and again: it hapned that the lance was broken on the Kings cuirace, and a splinter of it strok the King through the helmet into his eare and brains, and within few dayes he died. John de Serres.

XLIV. After the coronation of King Francis 2. Septemb. 20. he com∣manded to examin the cause of the Counsellours whom his father had * 2.63 imptisoned. The President of Santandrews and Demochares the Inqui∣sitor were appointed Judges: these finding some of the vulgare sort, that had revolted from the Reformation, knew from them, in what places the Reformed were wont to assemble, and drew multitudes of men into pri∣son: many thought best to leave their houses, and their goods were eschea∣ted. Thus did these Inquisitors oppresse in Paris, Poitiers, Tolouse and Aquitania, the Cardinal George Armeniacpricking them hereunto. When they came to cognosce the cause of the Counselours, grievous al∣tercations arose in the Senate, so that all the prisoners were absolved, excep only Annas Burgaeus: he was condemned to be burnt Decemb. 18, not so much for the Sentence of the Judges, as for the malice of the Queen-mo∣ther Catherin, because it was said in a pamphlet spread by the Lutherans, that the Kings eye was stricken out through the just judgement of God, because he had gloried, that he should see with these eies Annas Burgaeus burnt. The constancy of this learned and honoured man stirred up in many an earnest desire, to know the Religion, for which he had suffered

so joyfully, and gave occasion unto many to follow it. Therefore they who sought to destroy that Religion, devised other snares to intrap the professors: through France, especially in Paris they set up in the streets the images of the blessed Virgin and other Saints, and by them burning candles in the day-time, and caused base fellowes sing unto them the prayers, which are wont to be song in the Churches, some were appointed to stand there with little coffers in their hands, and crave as almes to buy such candles; and if any man passed away without worshipping the images, or not listning reverently unto the songs, or not contributing unto the candles, he was suspected; many were thrown into prison; and they who were buffeted, or troad upon only, were said to escape well: but these injuries provoked many. Pet. Soa. in Conc. Trid. lib. 5. The King was young, and lately married unto Mary Queen of Scots and neece of the house of the Guise, and the realme was governed by that Duke and his brother the Cardinal: those two not only set forth new Edicts more cruell than were before, against the Reformation, but likewise they endeavoured to change the liberties of the realm, and they debarred the Peers from access unto the King; and be∣gan to vaunt that they were descended lineally of Charles the great, from whose line Hugh Capet had usurped the Crown; and they said, They ho∣ped for a fit occasion to have the cause judged: they changed the antient Governours of Provinces and towns, and set up their creatures. For these causes the Peers had a privy meeting, and resolved to kill the Duke of Guise. He had intelligence, and accused the Lutherans of conspiracy, and as it had been for the more safety, he carrieth the King to Amboise, a little town, but a strong castle: the King was easily induced to give him all authority against the Lutherans, under Letters patent. French Comment. lib. 1. The Nobility were the more offended, and rose together in January Ann. 1560: among them the chief were Lewes Prince of Condee, Godefrid de Barri Lord of Renaude. Their Counsell was to compell the Guises to give account, how they had discharged their trust, and if they were found unworthy, to remove them, and their conditions at that time were, that nothing be attemped against the King nor his kinsmen nor the estate of the Realm, but to preserve the liberty of the Realm from the tyranny of strangers (so they called the Guises). Their interprise was disclosed and disappointed: for the Guises deceived some by means of Nemerose, and prevented others, ere they did meet at Amboise: they took them by the way, and killed many in the open field, and condemned some for treason. In a word all who were taken with arms, were killed without mercy. After∣wards Olivare the Chancellor, who had condemned those persons of trea∣son for this tumult of Amboise (as it was called) was grievously visited with sicknes, and in his agony said, He had deserved that judgement for condemning innocent men. The Cardinal of Lorrain came to visite him; but he said, Thou, Cardinal, bringest mischief on us all &c. Fre. Com∣ment. Ibid. New Edicts were set forth against the new Religion: never∣theless the Guises considering that the cruel Edicts had given the occasion of this tumult, resolve to abait of their severity, and sent abroad Letters of pardon, where of the summ was, It is not the Kings mind to begin his reigne with slaughter of his subjects, albeit they have deserved it, but wil∣ling to shew mercy he grants a general pardon for all offences of religion, if they will live Catholickly (Popishly) hereafter. The Letters were pu∣blished (as it was expressed in them) by authority of the King, and advi∣ce of the Cardinals de Burbon, de Lorrain, de Chastilion, and of the

Dukes Monpensier, de Guise, de Miniers, and d'Aumale. Then the Cardinal de Lorrain (a subtile and timorous man) shewed himself favour∣able unto the Ministers of Gods Word, and heard them, and said, He agreed with them in many articles of controversy. Thuan. lib. 25. The Reformed Churches began to assemble the more freely: but in Paris, Roan and other parts many of them were murthered, and for fear of troubles all men stood in awe of the Bishops. A Counsell was called at Fountain-bleaw * 2.64 in August Ann. 1560: where were the King and his mother, and his Queen, three Cardinals, and many of the Nobility. The king exhorted them to speak freely, and advise how his Royal authority, and the utility of the subjects may be best preserved. The Duke of Guise spoke first of his administration: you may be sure, never a word against himself. Then Caspar Castilion the Admiral presented unto the king a supplication in the name of them who called themselves, The faithfull Christians dispersed in diverse places of France. It was read: the summ was; They did humbly beseech his Royall Majesty to examine their Religion by the written Word, and untill then, to cause those bloody persecutions to cease: they protest that they have not attempted, nor do intend any thing against him their law∣full king, nor seek any licence unto any vice, as they are falsely traduced, but all their endeavour is to live worthily of the Gospell of Christ; and be∣cause their private meetings were misinterpreted by their adversaries, they humbly crave liberty for the publick ministry of the Gospell, untill the controversies be more fully considered by the Councell. Then the King commanded Janus Monluc Bishop of Valentia, to declare his mind concerning these troubles. He had a large oration to this purpose; This distinction into two religions hath not begun within these two or three years, but about fourty years ago three or four hundred Preachers have taught every where of Jesus Christ the Saviour, and this sweet name of a Saviour hath easily taken place in the hearts of the people who were desirous of salvation, when they found themselves as sheep straying without a shep∣herd; The kings of France have endevoured by severe Edicts and pu∣nishments to root out that new doctrine, but in vain: the Presidents and Judges have done many things wickedly in this cause, and covetously con∣demned men to death, whose lands or riches they would transfer unto themselves or their friends; Many Bishops reside not, to attend their flocks, or visite them seldom, unless it be when they exact their revenues, which they bestow on their lusts; yea many Bishops are but children, neither able nor willing to teach people, especially those that are sent from Rome; The Cardinals and Bishops give the offices of priests unto their servants, cooks and barbers, whence the name of a priest is in contempt among the people; The way to cure those maladies: is to fly unto God, who is angry against such Church-men, and seemeth to intend their distruction as he dealt once with the Jewes, and some godly men should be sought and cal∣led from all parts of the Realm, to consider of those and the like wicked∣nesses, And the King for his part will do well, to see that the Name of God be not blasphemed, as it hath been, and that the Scriptures be plainly and purely expounded unto the people; and in the Kings house should be godly discourses and exhortations, that so the mouths of such may be stopped, who shamefully say, that God is not once named in presence of the King; And I beseech you, ô Queens, grant this one thing, if I dare be bold to beseech you, that in place of unseemly and profane songs, all your train would sing Psalms to the praise of God, and be yee assured, that God

allowes not any company, which glorifieth not Him (And here be added more, to prove that it is impious, to forbid the singing of Psalms: for this is not to contend against men, but against God.) Another Remedy is a general Councel, as the Fathers were wont in the Primitive times; and I can not see, how the Popes conscience can be at rest, who seeing souls perishing with diversity of opinions, seekes not means to recover them: But if a general Councel shall be hindered, the King shall do well, to call a Councell of this Nation after the example of his Ancestors, Charles the great, and his son Lewes, and the best learned of both parties should be called, to dispute the principal grounds of Religion, as the Emperour Theodosius did with the Arrians, albeit they had been justly condemned at Nice, and then he would have the articles that were disputed before him to be clearly published; As for this Religion, for which all those broils have arisen, it is diversly entertained by diverse men; some of them are sedi∣tious, and some are good and honest Men, zealous and loyal unto God and their King, and would in nothing offend the one nor the other, in living and dying they shew their desire to enioy salvation, and to find the way thereunto, and when they have that way, they fear not losse of life nor goods, nor any manner of punishment: As yet we see it plainly enough, that the punishments which have been devised against them, have done no good, but rather their patience in the midst of firy flames, hath stirred up many to love their cause: whence it hath been, that many who never knew of their doctrine, were desirous to know it, for which those had suffered, and did embrace the same doctrine with no less affection and zeal; There∣fore look upon the examples of the Bishops in the first general Councels, who never used any other weapons but the word of God against the Ar∣rians and other heretiks: And the Christian and good Emperours did use no severer punishment against the authours of these sects, but bannishment: As for those privy meetings, they were alwaies forbidden, and the king hath sufficiently provided against them by Edicts; yet so that according to e∣quity, consideration may be of the time, manner, purpose and num∣ber of them who do meet, lest the innocent be afflicted. Then Charles Marillac Bishop of Vienna was bidden to speak, and his advice was to this purpose; There be two (as it were) main pillars of a kingdom, exercise of Religion, and the good will of the people; The controversies of Religion in antient times were determined in general Councels: but now there is no hope of a general Councel for two causes; first, it is not in our power, that the Pope, the Emperour and Kings will agree on the time, place and manner of a Councell, seeing there be so many questions for those circumstances; And next as when a man is grieved by some dan∣gerous sicknes, he can not tarry for remote Physicians, because of the un∣certainty of their comeing, So the present malady is grievous unto every part of the kingdom, and there is small hope of forreign cure: therefore we must have a Councel of our own Nation, as it was before concluded, and the King did promise: the necessity of the miserable Church requires it, as also the Kings credite; and the decrees yet extant shew that our an∣cestours were wont to assemble every fifth year in a general Councel, and the histories of this Nation shew, that Councels were called in every kings time, some from the whole Realm, and some from the half, or a Province, one or more; and it was seldome seen, but from these, some good en∣sued to the Reformation of doctrine or manners; Let us not stick in this matter, nor fear to be accused: We have many sorrowfull examples to set

before us, which are forewarnings of sad desolations ensuing, as the mise∣rable condition of the Jewes, Greeks, Egyptians and Africans, where the Church hath flourished, but now scarcely have the name of a Church: For those causes I think, that we can delay no longer to call a Councell, not¦withstanding these things which the Pope objecteth as letts thereof; And while this Councel or Parliament of the Church is in preparation, I think, three or four remedies may be provided; 1. that Prelates abide in their Dio∣cies [and here he inveighes against the Italians, who reap the gain or thrids of Benefices, and have no care of the office] 2. that nothing be done in the Church through Simony or bribes. 3. to confesse out own faults unto God, and make this manifest by publick fasts, which was alwayes the custom of the Church in time of publick calamities: and what greater danger can there be, then that which slayeth mens souls? 4. to stay seditious persons, that they hinder not the common tranquillity; and let it not be permitted upon any occasion whatsoever, to rise in arms without the kings leave, seing hereby have been many enormities: on the one part we have seen the tu∣mult of Amboife; and on the other, certain preachers have stirr'd up the people, violently to destroy and bannish the Protestants, Under pretence of godly Zeal: so grievous offences followed on both sides.....The other main point is to keep the people in due obedience and reverent esti∣mation of their Soverain: whereof I judge this to be the way, If the complaints of the people be hearkned unto, and convenient remedies be applied: There is a great difference between privat and general grievances: publick complaints should be heard in a publick assembly of the Estates; and at this time the people complain of many things, and when common complaints are not heard, the hearts of people are commoved, &c. Thuan. hist. lib. 25. The judgements of others were heard; namely, the Cardi∣nals said, Nothing can be done concerning a Councel without the Popes advice. The Bishop of Valence said, If the Parisians have need of water, may they not bring it from Sene more easily then from Tiber. It was con∣cluded, Seing the present maladies require present remedies, there should be a National Councel; and on Aprile 11. it shall be called to assemble September 10: and an Oratour was sent with all possible speed, to declare. unto the Pope their necessity of a Councel, and to entreat that he would take in good part what they had concluded. But his travell was in vain-Soave in Conc. Triden. lib. 5. At that time it was decreed also, that the Esta∣tes should conveen at Orleance, or where the King will please to appoint, to advise of things to be propounded in the Councel; and to the same end particular meetings should be in every Province; and the Bishops should prepare themselves; and in the mean while none should be troubled for re∣ligion, unless they be found to take up arms seditiously, and the punishment of such men to be reserved unto the King. French Commentar. lib. 2. After∣wards the Guises suggest unto the king, that Antony king of Navar and his Brother the Prince of Condee had plotted a new couspiracy. The king sent for them both, and resolved to satisfy the Guises with their blood. These two being guilty of nothing, obey. The Prince of Condee was imprisoned, and a guard was set to attend the king of Navar. The Pope promiseth to call a general Councel: therefore the National Councel was left off king Francis died Decemb. 15. in the 17. year of his age An. 1560. and so the Guises were disappointed. In this kings time Emanuel Duke of * 2.65 Savoy commanded the Waldenses of Lucern, Angronia, Perossa and Sanmartius, to receive the Masse, &c. or he would punish them as rebels.

They sent a supplication and Confession of their faith, professing that they believe all things contained in the old and new Testament, and the faith in the Creed of the Apostles, and of Nice, and of Athahasius, and the doctrine of the antient fathers so far as they agree with the Scriptures: they humbly supplicate liberty to live according to that Rule, as they be ready to give account of their Religion, and to confess their errour, if they shall be convinced from the Word of God: they craved that it be enqui∣red, how their fathers through so many ages had behaved themselves to∣ward their Governours, and they protest, that their mind is to render all obedience unto their chief Lord, and if they do it not, they submit them∣selves unto punishment. Nevertheless the Duke goeth-on with Edicts against them, and commandeth the Magistrats to execute them. Upon a new promise of liberty, he takes all weapons from them, and then com∣mandeth them to put away all their Ministers, and to receive priests. They said, They would obey their Prince, excepting Religion only, wherein they should follow God. Then the Duke sent an Army against them in the midst of winter An. 1560, burning houses, spoiling all their goods with great cruelty. The people fled into mountains, and devised a sort of cross-bow, throwing stones with great force: at severall times and con∣flicts they killed a thousand souldiers, and had slain more, if they had not been persuaded by some Ministers: so many of their own number were not slain. Charles Truchet a Captain and most cruell enemy had had his thigh∣bone broken by a stone: the souldiers carried him away, but when they were persued with stones, they left him: then a cow-herd slew him with his own sword. The Baron Triniteus went against a village Prat del Torno, to have killed all the people unawares: but they who were in the fields put him to flight. Thus Trinitaeus Captain general, despairing to prevail by force, certifieth the Duke of the difficulty; and they sent unto the Dut∣chess Margarit a supplication, entreating to interceed for them. They were called to a parlee, and besids other conditions it was agreed, They should use their accustomed Religion; they should not be accused for any thing done at this time; they should have liberty to buy and sell throughout the Dukes dominions; they shall render all obedience, and live without offence. French Commentar. Ibid.

45. In the dayes of Charles IX. brother of King Francis the condition * 2.66 of the French Church was diverse: in the beginning the government of the realm was divided between the King of Navar (as nearest in blood) and the Queenmother. The Prince of Condee was set at liberty, and peace was granted unto the Reformed Church. God gave this happiness after the frequent fasts and prayers of the Reformed in time of their appearing danger. But the Queen was not content, that the King of Navar had such power: some seeking their own advancement by a change, did augment her jealousy. So the Nobles were divided into factions, and present sedi∣tion was feared: but the King of Navar puts away all their feare by giving up his power unto the Queen. Peace continued for a time: but the Queen with the Guises and others of that cruel faction sought to remove the gran∣ted liberty. In the end of the above named December a Parliament of the Estates was at Orleance: where the Chancellor declared, that there was no less willingness in the King, than was in his brother, to have this As∣sembly for appeasing the seditions, which seem to threaten the ruin of the realm: this sedition (said he) is nothing but a separation of the subjects from the Commonwealth; and it springs from diverse causes, especially,

at this time it comes from Religion, which is most wonderfull; for on the one side as God is the only Anthor and preserver of Religion, so he is an enemy of dissension, and preserver of peace: Christian Religion hath not need of Arms, nor doth the beginning nor conservation thereof stand upon such defence, nor is their answer sufficient, who say, They take arms not to offend any man, but to defend themselves; Seing it is not law∣full in any way to rise against the Prince, as children should not resist their parents: by patience did the godly Christians set forth the Re∣ligion, and by ardent prayers even for heathenish Emperours. On the other side, if men were such as they should be, strife should never arise for Religion; But it is manifest, that there is no greater force then the first conceived opinion, whether it be good or evill: no peace can be expected amongst those of contrary Religions: nothing doth more vio∣lently distract the hearts of men, nor is any affection more efficacious either to beget friendship or hatred, than is Religion; Therefore to salve this variety of Religion, let us consider the matter diligently: every man may not embrace what Religion he fancieth, Thou sayst, Thy Religion is better then mine, and I defend mine; Whether is more reasonable, that I follow thy opinion, or thou should follow mine? Who shall end this controversy, but a holy Councel, as it was concluded at Fountain-bleaw? and we have hope, to attain one at the hands of the Pope; In the mean while let us not alter any thing rashly, thereby to bring confusion and warr into the kingdom, and let the Prelates look better unto their office.....If re∣medy can not be had by a general Councel, the King and Queen will seek other remedies, &c. Then three men were chosen to speak for the States, and had three orations: the sum of which was; Angelus a Counselor in the Senate of Burdeaux spake in the name of the Commons, saying, For removing trouble, it seemes necessary unto the people, first to take away the causes, which are partly the corruptions of Church-men; and amongst these corruptions three are most pernicious, tow it covetousnes, ignorance and luxury: Their ignorance is so manifest, that none doubteth of it; and ignorance is the mother and nurse of all errours, as both expe∣rience, and testimonies of antient fathers declare evidently: for remedy of this, Canons or decrees shall be provided in vain: for so great is the con∣tempt of preaching, that Bishops think it a discredite to feed the flock of Christ; and Curates following their example, despise that office, and com∣mit it unto hired and unlearned Vicars; Likewise their luxury, pride and pompe is scandalous to all men: for they are painted so, as if by outward shew they would represent the Majesty of God, which they should rather express by godliness and sincerity; How far have our Bishops of late dege∣nerated from the moderate estate, purity and piety of the antient and true Bishops?.....All those corruptions must be removed by a lawfull and godly Councel to be called by the Kings authority. James Silly speaker for the Nobility, spake in commendation of their Estate, shewing how necessary it is for maintaining the honour of Royalty; And concerning Religion, it is necessary, among many other miss-orders to restrain the usurpation of Church-men: for they have usurped too much authority, and have large revenues, and have encroached upon the houses of Noble men: all which they abuse wickedly: in the end he petitioneth, that churches may be granted unto the Reformed Religion. Quintinus Heduus had a long oration in commendation of the King and Queen, and of the immunities of the Clergie, and petitioned that the new Religion should

have no liberty; closing with an invective against the Prince of Condee. His speech was heard with scoffs, and he was derided with ballets, that he is said, through impatience to have died of melancholy. After these speeches a contest arose between the Peers and the Guises, who would have been accounted the Kings neerest kinsmen. The meeting was adiournied untill the first of May: the Prelates were commanded to pre∣pare themselves unto the Councel; and all the Judges who were impriso∣ned in the cause of Religion, were set at liberty. In August An. 1561. they meet again at Pontoise in Picardy: there at the first, contention was between the Peers and the Cardinals for the order of sitting: the Car∣dinals Turnon, Lorrain, and Guise went away malecontent, because they were not preferred. Then the Chancelor declared the causes of the meeting, and exhorted every man to speak freely. I touch not their Politik affairs. The speaker of the Commons complained (as before) of the corruptions of the Church men, and petitioned that these faults might be reformed, and that the King would so attemperate the revenues of the Prelats, that they live not licenciously; And seeing it is the Royal priviledge to maintain Religion, and all these troubles arise upon occasion of Re∣ligion, the readiest remedy is to call a Councel, whereunto all men may have free access; as also that they who can not with safe conscience go unto the rites of the Romish Church, may have liberty to assemble peaceably and publickly for hearing Gods Word in the vulgar language; and be∣cause adversaries do calumniate their meetings, he wisheth, that the King would depute certain persons to be present, and see what is done; as nei∣ther should those be called hereticks, who are condemned, before their cause be heard and examined by Gods word. The Speaker for the No∣bility spoke much to the same purpose: and the Clergy did oppose them both. At that time the Pope sent Cardinal Ferrar, to hinder the Natio∣nal Councel: he would have observed the accustomed power of the Ro∣man Legats in bestowing Benefices: but he was stopped by a Decree, and many rhymes were scattered against him: he took those in ill part, and went away. French Comm. Lib. 2. So the Papal authority seemed to fall, and it was talked abroad, that Religion should not be swayed by authority of any man, but by Trueth and reason; and who did cleave unto their former rites, were quiet for the time. The most part of the Nobility see∣med to affect the Reformation; and the Queen (whether to please the King of Navar, or to serve the time I know not, saith that author) wrote unto the Pope August 4. in this manner; First she lamenteth the wretched condition of France, that many thousands cleaving (as yet) unto the Church of Rome perish in their souls, because they are not instructed; and many Nobles and most potent men have made secession, whose power and number and concordis so strong, that they can not be overmastered; There∣fore She implores his aid, that the one sort may be retained, and the o∣ther may be reduced; and so the unity of the Church may be restored; Which may the more easily be effectuated; because there be no Anabaptists in all France, nor any hereticks that speak against the Christian faith, nor against the Acts of the first sixe general Councels; And this is the opinion of learned men, with whom she had conferred, that the holy father may receive such men into fellowship of the Church, albeit they be of different opinions, as of old the diversity of observing the Easter, and other rites and parts of Divine Service, did not dissolve the Union of the Church. Then for remedy she propoundeth the necessity of calling a general Coun∣cel,

or that he would provide another remedy; especially to regain them who are separated, it may be expedient, to use frequent admonitions, and to permit quiet Conferences; likewise Bishops and priests should teach Gods word, and exhort the people unto concord, laying aside all repro∣aches, as she hath commanded them who are separated, and they have obeyed; But many who have no mind to depart, stand in doubt of these particulars especially, first it is certainly known that the primitive Church had no images, and God hath expressily forbidden to worship them: there∣fore let it be considered whether it be expedient to remove them into pla∣ces, where they shall not give occasion to worship them. 2. it seemes strange unto many good men, that in baptisme exorcisme is used, and many other rites, which perhaps may profite them who understand them; but seing the most part understand them not, and they know that only water and the word are necessary, it were better to omit them; namely, many are offended; that an infected or diseased priest puts his unclean spit∣tle into the infants mouth; in the Masse many are offended with three things, one, that it is given under one kind only, albeit Christ said, Eat yee, drink yee; and such was the custom of the Church for a thousand years and more; another, it is ministred unto one alone or some few without prayers that may be understood by the vulgar people; and the other party have shewed that they restore the manner of the primitive Church; the third, that the body of our Lord is carryed about the striets against the express institution, Take yee, eat yee; and not, Carry yee; They say also, that Christs body is in heaven only, and therefore only spiritual worship is required; fourthly the Masse is a scandal unto many, because it is sold by ignorant and dissolute priests, and none seeks to amend this; yea and many of our fellowship doubt of the Masse, both in the substance and form of it: in the substance they observe, that Church men affirm, that they do offer Christ, and they do esteem of their own sacrifice more than they do of Christs sacrifice; In the manner they note four points, it is done in an unknown tongue 2. the use of no part of the Masse is declared. 3. some words are spoken as belonging unto the people, especially concerning the communion, and yet the priests communicate alone, even when the people are standing there 4. the order of the Divine Service &c. loc. cit. What answer was returned unto this Letter, the reader may judge. A∣mong the Ambassadors of forrein Princes, who went to congratulat the young King, was George Gluch from Denmark. The King of Navar envited him to his lodging; and said, He might shew his Master, that he hoped, the Gospell should be freely preached through out France, ere one year went about. Then said Gluch, Oh I pray, take heed, that the doctrine of Caluin and the Swisers be not received, but the doctrine of Martin Luther, which the Kings of Denmark and Sweden, and many Princes of large Dominions, do follow. The King replieth, Martin Lu∣ther and John Caluin professed to differ from the Church of Rome in four∣ty Articles, and of these 40. they differed between themselves, in one only: wherefore both parties should bend their mind first against the Pope, that when he is overcome, they may seriously consider, confer, and come to agreement in that article, and so at last the Church may enjoy the primitive purity.

XLVI. In the end of August An. 1561. according to the Decree of * 2.67 that great Counsel began the publick Conference in Possiac: the Prelates brought their Clergy from all parts of France to dispute the Articles in con∣troversy,

and a safe conduct was granted unto these for the Reformation. There was the King, and his mother, and his brother the Duke of Orleance, and his sister Margarit, and the King of Navar and his Queen and the Prince of Condee with other Peers; the Cardinals of Lorrain and Turnon with arch Bishops and Bishops about 50. besids many Deputies from other Prelates, and a great number of Popish Doctors: from the Reformed Churches were sent Peter Martyr then Minister at Zurik, Theodore Beza Minister at Geneve, Augustin Marlorat Mi. at Roan, Nic. Gela∣sius, Jo. Merlin and others, about twenty. The Ministers began with a Supplication unto the King, that the disputation might have places hortly, and those conditions be observed, the Prelates sit not as Judges, but the King and his Counsellors by his authority, should rule and order the Con∣ference; 2. that the controversies be examined according to Gods Word only, 3. what ever shall be determined, it should be written by the Kings Notaries in his publick Commentaries. After some dayes the Queen promi∣sed in the Kings name, that these should be performed. The Prelates com∣plain, and said, Such liberty to dispute should not be granted unto such, who are already condemned. Thus the dispute was differred some dayes. The first Session began September 9. The King in few words did shew his grief for the troubles of the realm, and exhorted them to declare what things had need of Reformation, and he promised to maintain their liberties with no less care then his Ancestours had done. The Chancellor did more fully shew, that the Kings will is according to the endeavours of his Ancestors, to remove controversies of Religion, and albeit their aimes was such, yet the success was not as they wished, but rather more troubles waxed: where∣fore he wisheth now, that all men would diligently apply themselves to setle these troubles in time: for this end he had called them, and in his Royal person did accompany them: that all things both of doctrine and manners may be reformed, especially by this publick Conference. And to look for remedy from a general Councel; it is as vain, as if a sick man having sufficient helps at home, would travell into the Indies for it: we may provide better for ourselves, then others of forrein Countries can do: they know not so well our cause nor condition of our people; and greater profit hath often come by National Councels then by the general; Wherefore let the Disputants on both sides joyntly aime at concord in the trueth: let not the greater party despise the lesser, neither let any man use curiosities, but judge of every thing by the Word of God only; Albeit the wished fruit do not follow, yet this good shall ensue, that all pretext shall be taken from those who complain, that they are con∣demned unheard &c. Osiand Lib. cit. c. 46. ex Beuther. The Cardinal Turnon in name of the Prelats gave thanks unto the King and Queen and Princes, that it had pleased them to call this Conference, and to honour it with their presence; But at that time he was not ready to speak of the matter propounded, nor would speak of it, untill first he were advised with his Collegues the Cardinals, Archbishops and other Prelates; and seeing the Chancellor had at Royal command delivered such words, he craves a coppy in writ, to the end, they may consider of them. The Cardinal of Lorrain craved the same. The French Commentar. Lib. 3. Then the Ministers were bidden to speak: Theodore Beza fell down on his knies, and prayed publickly: then after the preface for attention, he spoke ge∣nerally of Religion, and nameth some particulares, wherein both parties agree: then the differences, 1. in the matter of salvation, which we (said

he, in name of the Ministers) ascribe wholly unto Jesus Christ. 2. we differ not in the necessity of good works, but in the original, from whence we are able to do them; and what are good works, and to what use are they done. 3. of the authority and perfection of Gods Word. 4. of the nature and number of the sacraments: so of transsubstantiation; and Ecclesiasti∣cal discipline. In the end he fell on his knees again before the King, and pre∣sented the Confession of faith, which the French Church had penned An. 1555, and had presented unto King Francis. In this oration, when he was speaking of the Lords Supper, he said, If we consider the distance of place; the body of Christ is so far from the bread and wine, as heaven is above the earth. At these words the Prelats were so commoved, that they began a-disturbance, and were silenced, untill he had come to an end. Then Turnon with indignation said, For reverence unto the Kings com∣mand they had consented, that those new-Evangelists should speak, but not without sting of conscience: for it was no doubt, but they would vent things unworthy of the Kings most Christian ears, and scandalous unto many: Therefore the Prelats beseech the king, that he would not belie∣ve the words of that fellow, and suspend his judgement, untill the Prelats shall give a clear demonstration of the trueth, if he will appoint the time; And if it had not been for reverence unto his Majesty, they would not have heard that mans blasphemy, but have gone away; And they beseech the king to continue in the faith of his forefathers: the which he prayed the Virgin Mary and all the Saints in heaven to grant. Lib. cit. The Queen being desirous to appease the Prelats, said, No thing should be done with∣out the advice of the King and his Councellors and Parliament of Paris, neither do they intend a change of Religion, but to abolish dissensions. In the next Session September 17. the Cardinal of Lorrain spake in name of the Prelats: he made choise of two articles of doctrine, of the Church, and the Masse: of the Church he said, The Church consists not of the elect only, because in the Lords barn chaff is mixt with the wheat; and never∣theless the Church can not err: but if some part do err, the body should be preferred before a corrupt member: if any evill shall creep-in, we should have recourse unto antiquity, and the Mother Churches, amongst which the Church of Rome always hath had the first place; If any thing be amiss in any particular Church, against the ignorance of a small number of men we must set the decrees of the antient and general councels, and judgement of the approved fathers; and specially we should give place to the testimonies of Scripture being expounded by the interpretation of the Church, lest hereticks brag, and say, They alone have the Worde of God; As for the other point, If those words, This is my body, have not so greata force, as they sound and seem to have, why are they repeated by all the three Evangelists, and by Saint Paul? why did not the later Evan∣gelists or the Apostle expound these words, as the Sacramentaries do? this is the minde of the Testator, which should not be reiected: this was the mind of all the antient fathers, that not only the bread is given, but the very body of Christ really. He concludes with those words, I will yeeld unto your opinion of the Sacrament, except yee [pointing unto the Ministers] think, that Jesus Christ in his flesh, is not in this world from the time of his ascension, and that he hath some other body then that which is visible, and except ye think, he is otherwise in the sacrament then in the Word; if ye think it all one to put on Christ in baptisme, and to eat his body and drink his blood, and briefly that he is so in heaven, that he is not also on the earth,

and that he is otherwise in the sacrament then he is in a myre; And then abjuring all those dangerous opinions, he exhorts the King and Queen to maintain the antient faith, and protested in the name of the Prelats, that they would live and die in defence of that Doctrine, which he had declared. All the clergy came before the King, and Cardinal Turnon in their name protested again, This was the Confession of their faith, which they would seal with their blood, and which the King should embrace; and if these who are separated, will not subscribe the same, they should not be heard, but be bannished; and they crave most earnestly, that the King would so do. The Ministers were afraid, that the King would not admit them at another day, and therefore was the more earnest, that the King would be pleased to hear a reply presently: but that could not be obtai∣ned. By supplication they procured continuation of the Conference, but in a more private place: where were the King and Queen, and king of Navar, the Prelats, twelve Ministers, and a few others. Beza declared, what the Church is, and distinguished it according to the twofold calling: then he spake of the Notes of the Church, and of the succession and calling of Pastors: in ordinary calling (he said) three things are necessary, exami∣nation, election and imposition of hands; and in extraordinary calling, it is lawfull by Gods authority, albeit one or two or all these conditions be wanting: as for working of miracles, it is not alwayes conjoined with extra∣ordinary calling, unless we will talk of things whereof we have no testimo∣ny. Then he spoke of the authority of the Church, and whether it may err? and he shewed out of the Cardinals words, that the Church may err in par∣ticular members and congregations. As for the general Councel, he said, Men have not the more learning, that they become Commissioners, and many times the Prelats of sound judgement have been absent, and they who should have been most sound, have been most corrupt, as Bernard complained in his time; and therefore the authority of the Scriptures is above the authority of the Church: for which cause Augustin wrote unto Maximin the Arrian, that he will not obiect the councel of Nice, nor will have the councel of Arimino obiected against him, but let the Scriptures be Judge for both; And yet we despise not the judgement of councels and fathers, if they agree with the Scriptures; but as Jerom writes, the errours of the antiens should not be followed, but the authority of the Scrip∣tures may never be despised; I feare (said he) that I have been too prolixe, and therefore lest I give offense, I will continue, or leave off, to speak of the sacrament, as it shall please your Royal Majesties. The Cardinal beckned unto Claud. Espensius a Sorbonist: he said, He oft had wondred, how the Ministers had entred into the Church, seing they nei∣ther entred ordinarily by ordinary authority and imposition of hands, nor by any extraordinary way, seeing they are not confirmed by working of mi∣racles, nor by express testimony of Scripture: and therefore their Ministry is not lawfull. From that he turned to speak of the sacrament, at the command of the Cardinal Lorrain, that he might bring the Ministers into controversy with the Germans, as was said. To the same purpose spake a white Monk of Sorbon Xainctius, but more despite fully against the Ministers, and to the offence of both parties. Beza complained of his impertinency; and did supplicate the Queen, that she would provide a∣gainst reviling words and digressions: then he said, Our Ministers were chosen and approved by our own Churches, and so have two parts of ordinary calling, and if imposition of hands be wanting unto any, the

calling is lawfull, because these two are the substantials, and the other is less principal; And in so great confusion of all things in the Roman Church, we would not seek imposition of hands from them, whose vices, super∣stition and false doctrine we disallow: for they be open enemies unto the Trueth, as the Prophets had not such enemies then, as the Priests, neither sought they confirmation of their offices, unto which God had called them; Neither are miracles necessary in extraordinary calling, as is manifest by examples: yea Paul in evidencing his calling, speaks not of miracles that he had wrought, but of the fruits of his preaching: the which wee also may say, of so many Nations and Provinces, which have received the Gospel by our preaching; nor can there be a greater confirmation of any Mini∣stery, seeing the power of God is manifest in us, which neither imprison∣ment, nor banishment nor fire could hinder. Espenseus said, Bring mee one example in those 1500. years like to yours. All things, said Beza, are not written, that have been done; and however it hath been, it followes not, that our calling is not manifest enough, and set forth from God in his due time: He is not now bringing a new Gospel, but restoring the old, which was sufficiently confirmed before, and now by a singular way he hath caused his light to shine. He spake also of traditions, but was oft interrupted by Xainctius; and the Cardinal fearing that his incivility were checked by the Queen, would end the controversy, as if the question had been sufficiently cleared, and the Sorbonists spoke, as if the victory had been on their side. Then the Cardinal said in the name of the Prelates, that they would proceed no further, unless the que∣stion of the Sacrament were handled: and then he asks the Ministers, Whe∣ther they do embrance the Augustan Confession? Here he playd the fox: for if they denied, he thought to set them and the Germans by the ears: and if they consented, he hoped to triumph over them. Beza answered, He and his collegues were come to defend the Confession of their own Church, and to this end should the Conference be directed. The Cardinal with vehemency did press that point. The Ministers fearing, that the Conference might be broken off, and the blame be layd on them, crave leave to consider the Confession, forwhich the Prelates seemed absolutly to pro∣claim. The Cardinal nameth one article, We confess, that the very body and blood of Jesus Christ is truly, really and sacramentaly in the Sup∣per of the Lord, and is so given and received by them who communicate. He alledged also the testimonies of the Saxon Ministers concerning it: So the Conference was dismissed. The next day Beza was bid to speak, and he spake to this purpose, We have declared our mind concerning the arti∣cles propounded unto us, namely of the Church; we trust, none hath occasion to complain of us; and these things that have been handled, should have been approved, or disproved by the Scriptures; But we were deman∣ded, By what authority we preach the Word of God? they think to make our cause odious, by this demand: This questioning seemes superflu∣ous, seeing we were called hether, not to give account of our calling, but to confer of our doctrine; otherwise it may seem, we are brought into judgement; Or if it was done only for disputation, consider, that when two parties are brought into Conference, if the one demande, Why do you this? and the other mutually ask the same, this is but ca••illation and dissention; But omitting the Prelates of this realm, whom we will not offend, let us suppose, a certain Bishop were here demanding us, By what authority we do preach? and we like wise would demand him, By what

authority he were a Bishop, that is, whether he was elected by the Seni∣ours of his Church? whether the people had desired to have him? and whether his life; manners and doctrine had been examined? and he would answer, that he was so and so called; but the contrary is manifestly known: we call the consciences of those, who hear us, and know the matter, to bear witness; If he say, We are not Ministers, because we have not impo∣sition of hands; we might answer, Thou hast but one thing; the impo∣sition of hands; and if the want of that (as thou thinkest) make us to be no Ministers; the want of the other two (which are more principal) make thee to be no Bishop; We speak also another thing albeit beyond our purpose and against our will, but that this assembly may see, how this question is full of enuy; If one were demanding that Bishop, From whom had he received imposition of hands? and for how much he had bought his title? he would answer, I had imposition of hands from Bishops, and I bought not imposition of hands, but only for my place I gave two or three 1000 Crouns: which is as if one would say, I have not bought the bread, but I bought the wheat; I say, If this contest were judged by the Councels and decrees of the Church, it would make many Bishops and Curats ashamed; And we speak thus, not of intention to bring Quid pro Quo, but that yee may see, how unwillingly we touch the matter, and would have other things handled, lest the work of peace be hindred; We would have spoken of the article of the Lords Supper, because the Cardi∣nal of Lorrain promised to satisfy us in this point of doctrine (which is a principal one) by the proper words of the Fathers: this we do eagerly de∣sire: And to satisfy this desire, one article was culled from so many and necessary articles of the faith, and it was said unto us, Either subscribe unto this, or we will proceed no further; If they were our Judges, and sitting upon out lifes, they would not say, Subscribe, but, We condemn you; Their office leades them into another manner of speach, and they should shew if there be any errours in our doctrine; We are here before you, to give an account of our doctrine unto God and unto all the world, and to obey God and the King, and you, ô Queen, so far as lyeth in us to the pacisying of those troubles about Religion; If yee had to do with us only, who now are here, ye might easily have your wills: but we repre∣sent a greater number, not only of this kingdom, but in Helvetia, Po∣land and other parts, who think long to hear whether this Conference will turn: but when they shall understand, that in stead of a free Confe∣rence, the tenth part of an article was exhibited unto us with these words, Either subscribe, or no more; Albeit we would subscribe, what were ye the better? Others will know whether we have subscribed by force of argu∣ment, or by constraint; Wherefore ô Queen, we most humbly beseech that so good and profitable a work be not broken off, and that you will vouchsafe to grant such men, which will not disdain to dispute soberly. Nevertheless lest they say, We have not an answer, we receive all those pas∣sages, which Espencaeus brought out of Caluine: but in that bit of an arti∣cle out of the Augustan Confession, many things are to he considered, 1. the whol Confession should have been propounded, and not a line only 2▪ we would know, whether the Cardinal propoundeth it in his own name or of the Prelates: and then we would give thanks, that they confess themselves overcome in the article of transsubstantiation, which is justly condemned by all the Reformed Churches. 3. if we should subscribe, they also should subscribe, that our Churches may understand what we have dene.

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4. and if they will come to the whol Confession of the Germans, we trust, that we are come unto a very good way of concord and unity; In the mean while we affirm, that the Lord Jesus is present in the use of the Sup∣per, where he offereth, exhibits and truly gives unto us his body and blood by the operation of the Holy Ghost: we eat the same body that was broken for us, but we eat spiritually and by faith; that we become bone of his bo∣nes; And if this be not sufficient (it is hard to speak of so great a mystery in few words) if it seem good unto the Cardinal, let us consider and confer the Scriptures and writings of the Fathers (as he hath promised) and if it please you, ô Queen, to appoint a convenient form of collection, and to appoint Notaries, to receive our disputations; We trust, yee understand that we came not to bring disorder and trouble, but would dedicate our∣selves unto God, unto your Majesties, and the whole Christian common∣wealth, and specially unto the tranquillity of this Realm. The Prelates were angry, that he had spoken of their Vocation; and Lorrain said, He had dishonoured the Queen, into whose hands the right and liberty of ele∣ction was given. So there was bragging of the Cardinall and Prelates, and tumultuous talking of their Vocation, and of the Supper. After that day they changed again the form of Conference: five men were chosen on either side; to dispute all the matter peaceably. On the one side were the five Ministers named before; and on the other was Janus Bishop of Valen∣cia, Vallius Bishop of Seen, Botiller an Abbot, the Bishop of Salignac, and Espensaeus the Sorbonist. They agree on the order of disputation, the time, place and Notaries. They began with the question of the Supper: aforme of agreement was drawn up; when it was shewd unto the Prela∣tes, they would not consent: they framed another the next day, and shew it unto the Ministers, who would not admit that. On the thrid day all the ten consented unto this forme, We confess, that Jesus Christ in the Supper offereth, gives and truly exhibiteth unto us the substance of his body and blood by the operation of the Holy Ghost, and that we eat spiritually the same body which died for us, that we may be bone of his bone; and flesh of his flesh, to the end also, that we may be quickned by him, and may understand all things appertaining to our salvation; And because faith being grounded on the word of God, maketh things (that are promised, and understood by us) to be present, by this faith we truly and effectually receive the true and natural body of Christ Jesus by the power of the Holy Ghost: and in this respect we confess the presence of his body and blood in the Supper. The other Prelates were content with this form: but the Sorbonists would not, and they blamed their chosen men: that they had made a compact with the Ministers, neither would they consent unto any more treating. Thus was that Conference ended without any effect, and the Ministers of Germany after three moneths did returne. Ibid. Thus we have seen by what means God did revive the Gospell in France; to wit, by men of low condition at the first, who suffered slaunders, proscription, stripes, burning and every kind of vexation; and when it pleased Him, he joined unto the Church the Princes and Peers, and He opened a wide doore unto the preaching of the Worde, when the greatest enemies of the Trueth had the supreme power of government, and yet seemed to be brought on their knies. The University of Paris in proceedings ages had stood for the trueth, and resisted errours creeping-in: but at that time be∣came most gross enemies. And then Antony King of Navar not only resi∣gned his part of the government unto the Queen, and so unto the Guises,

but was also allured by fair promises of the Pope, that he should have all his kingdom of Navar restored unto him, and should have divorcement from his present wife, and shall, have the Queen of Scotland in marriage, by whom he may be King of Scotland and England. By such persuasions he left the Reformation, and became a bitter enemy, and seemed most of any to bring ruine unto the Church. The Guises then and the Prelates lift up their heads again, and used cruel butchery against the Reformed: for in the year 1562. in the town Vassi the Reformed were assembled in a large Barn to heare the Word: the Duke of Guise came upon them una∣wares, and instantly killed 24. of them, 45. were wounded so that with∣in few dayes they died, and the Minister with many others were carryed into prison. At the same time by means of the Cardinal of Lorrain and the Marshall of Santandrae, many of the common people in the town of See∣nes, and some of the Kings Counsellors were cruelly murdered. It was done in like manner in many other places of France. Osiander ex Beuther.

XLVII. About the yeare 1540. sundry youngmen in Hungaria hea∣ring * 2.68 of Luther and Melanthon, went unto Witteberg, to wit, Steven Galssetsi, Matthias Devai, Andrew Batizi, Steven Kis (better known by the name Szegedin, from his native town) Benedict Abadi, Emerik Ozorai, and some others. These being informed in the trueth, return into their Country, and preached the Gospell with happy success, but not without persecution: for the Monks stirred up the Civil power against them: namely, Devai was imprisoned at Cassow, where a smith was also in the same prison for laiming the Kings horse in the shoeing: there De∣vai informeth the smith in Religion: afterwards the Kings horse amendes, and the King commandeth to dismisse the smith, and to burn Devai as an heretick. The smith answereth, I am of the same Religion with Devai, and I will live or dy with him: for I never knew what Religion or piety was, untill I have learned it now from him. When this was reported unto the King, they were both set free. The greatest enemy of those Teachers, was George the Treasurer, who had been a Monk of S. Pauls at Buda: and among them all the most usefull in promoting the Truth was zegedin, a learned man, as his Works do shew: he was persecuted from City to City: where he came, he had many hearers, not only in the Schools, but pulpits also: and the more he was persecuted, the more hearers flocked unto him, and the Gospell was the more spread. Amongst all those Students who went to Witteberg, none maintained the opinion of Brentius concerning the Ubiquity, but only Peter Melius, and in the end he was convinced by Szegedin, and did subscribe unto the truth. Mi∣chael Starin a Baron became a preacher and Bishop of his own Barony near unto Tolna Mat. Scaric. in vita Szegedini. At Varadin, a learned Mahu∣metan * 2.69 Deruis Gsielebi did provoke all the Franciscans unto disputation in matter of Religion. Neither their Prelate George, nor any of the Con∣vent durst answer him: wherefore the man like another Goliah did bragg against all Christians, untill Bar. Georgieviz (who had been a pilgrim, and knew the Turkish language) undertook the dispute. The 29 day of May (being the Pentecost) in the year 1••47. was appointed, and many both Papists and Turcks assembled in the Monastery. The Turk first asks, where was God before the making of heaven and earth and other things? This question seemed unto the Pilgrim, to be impertinent as to the differences of Religion, but lest the other might impute it unto his ignorance, if he had declined it; he said, Before the creation God was in his own nature. The

Turk replieth, This answer is dark, and can not be understood. Geor∣gieviz said, God was where He is now. Deruis; That could not be, but He was in a cloud. Georgieviz; He could not be in a cloud: for so a cloud had been before the heaven and the earth: but this is contrary unto the words of Genesis. (The Turks read the books of Moses.) After more words on both sides, Dervis bids the other propound: then Geor∣gieviz writeth out of the Alcoran these words in the Arabick language Bisem Allahe, El rahmanne, El ruoahim, that is, In the Name of God, and of Mercy, and of the Spirit: and he bids the Turk expound those words. Deruis said, Whence have Christians those words? we use them in the be∣ginning of all our works, and they are prefixed before every chapter of the Alcoran. But what mean they, said Georgieviz. He answered. We understand them no otherwise, but according to the Letter. Geor∣gieviz; They have another, even a mystical signification: they signify the three Persons of the Deity, the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost: and they are borrowed from the Hebrew language, Beshem El Abba, u Ben veRuach elchutz that is, In name of God the Father, and the Son, and the holy, Ghost. Deruis said, How can God have a Son, seeing both we and ye hold that God hath no spouse nor children? Georgieviz; We call God the Fa∣ther, because he is the first cause of all things, creating & conserving them; he was evermore in the same essence wherein he is now, and shall be for ever; he is also the first Person of the Deity: We believe also, rhat He hath a Son, (whom Mahumet called Rachman or Mercy) not begotten of a woman, nor according to the lust of the flesh, but begotten of the Essence or substance of the Father; and He, for taking away our sin, took upon him the humane nature of the Virgin Mary; he suffered and died for us, and was buried, and as the Prophets foretold, he rose from the dead, he ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of the Fa∣ther: he will come again, and judge both quick and dead, and then he will give the blessedness of immortality unto them who believe in him, and everlasting punishment unto them that believe not; and (pointing unto the image of Christ crucified) behold, whether Mahumet hath justly called the Son of God Mercy! seeing with outstretched arms he calleth upon us, to accept of mercy, saying, Come unto mee, all that are weary and laden with sin, and I will refresh you; And that thou mayst the better understand the Mystery of the Trinity, behold the Sunne: as that one Sunne hath beawty, heat and splendor; so there is one God, even the Father, who hath a Son and the Holy Ghost, whom we call Ruah: and God consists in those three Persons, who all are of the same substance equally from all eternity without any Creator. Then Derviscried, Allah, Allah, that is, o God, ô God! neither I, nor any of us did ever believe, that yee think so well of God: we thought, that yee were lying in darknes: but by thy words I understand, that ye think very well of God, except that yee con∣temn Mahomet the great Prophet of God. Georgieviz said, What have we to do with the toies of Mahomet? who (except baptisme, and the mystery of the Trinity, which he had learned from us Christians) hath nothing true: for example, What a fable is that of two Angels Aroth and Maroth, who (as Mahomet saith) were sent from heaven unto the earth, to give lawes unto men, and they commanded to abstain from wine and women: neither did they shew the way to heaven, but they trans∣gressed the commandement of God, and were deceived by a woman, and

they shew her the way to heaven; and when God saw her in heaven, he said unto the Angels standing about him, Who is this come into heaven in such a forme? When the Angels told him, she was turned into a starr, and the two Angels were tied with chains, and cast into a ditch, to be tormented for ever. And what a fable is that of the beast, El Barahil, which carried Mahomet into heaven, where Mahomet (saith he) saw the An∣gels with many heads &c. When Dervis heard these words, he was asha∣med, and would not answer. Then he went into the Church, and said, What mean those images? do ye not worship those? Georgieviz answered, Think not, that we worship stocks or stones, but we have those, not to worship them, but for representation of Christ and the holy Virgin, and of other holy men: we worship only the true God, and we honour the Saints, even as ye do your Kings; and God hath said, Blessed are they, who dy in the Lord; VVee also hae these images to praise God for his gifts bestowed on them, and that we may learn and endeavour to follow their holiness, charity and devotion. In the mean while some dogs were in the Church, and the Turk said, Is it lawfull, that dogs be in your Churches? Georgieviz said, This is the sloth of them who keep the doors. Then Dervis a••ked, VVat form of prayer do ye Christians use? Georgie∣viz turned the Lords prayer into the Turkish language, and gave it unto him. Dervis commended it, and took his leave. Bar. Georgieviz in dis∣putat. cum Turca printed at Wittemb. Anno 1560.

XLVIII. Howbeit there was no publick Reformation in Italy, yet * 2.70 they were not only sensible of their bondage and darknes, but the light of the Gospell did shine upon them, and they, partly for fear, and partly through wilfulness did shut their eies against it. I will shew some instances. About the year 1530 Peter Martyr (who was born at Vermile in Florence) Governor of a Colledge at Napels, by his study of the sacred Scriptures, and knowledge of the Hebrew and Greek languages, and through the il∣lumination of the Holy Ghost, did observe the errours and abuses in the Church: thereupon (hearing what business was in Germany) he sought and gote Bucers Commentaries upon the Evangels, and his Annotations on the Psalms, and some books of Zuingsius: by those (as he afterwards confessed) he profited much. He dayly conferred with some others whom he knew to be desirous of Reformation, to their mutuall edification, to∣wit, Benedict Cusanus, Anto. Flaminus, and John Valdesius, a noble Spaniard (made a Knight by Charles V.) who spent his life in Italy, by his life and teaching gaining many unto Christ, especially of the learned men and Nobility, as the Noble Galleacius Caracciolus, Marques of Vico, and the Lady Isobella Manricha, who was afterward banished for Christs cause &c. So a Church being thus, by Gods providence, gathered at Naples, Peter Martyr began to expound unto them the first Epistle to the Corinthians. Not only the Fellows of the Colledge resorted unto him, but some Bishops and Noble men. When he came to the words in Ch. 3. Every mans works shall be made manifest.....he interpreted them contrary to the received opinion. This stirred up many enemies against him: for it was thought commonly, that these words imply a Purgatory, but he shew'd out of the Fathers, that these words can not be so understood. But many knowing, that if Purgatory were overthrown, their gain by Mas∣ses, indulgences &c. would eftsoon cease. Therefore they accused Mar∣tyr, and prevailed so far, that his Lecture was forbidden: but he refused to obey the Sentence as unjust; and trusting to the goodness of the cause,

he appealed to the Pope: at Rome he overcame his adversaries by the assistance of some potent friends, as Cardinals Gonzaga, Caspar Conta∣ren, Reynold Poole, Peter Bembus, and Frederik Fregosius, who all were sensible that the Church needed some Reformation. Then Martyr was restored to his liberty of preaching, but could not enjoy it long time: for he became dangerously sick, and by the advice of Physicians, the Supe∣riors of his order seeing that the air of that City did not agree with him, made him General Visitor of the Order. In that Office he so demeaned himself, that good men much commended his integrity, constancy and gravity, and others feared him, yet durst not discover their malice. Not long after in a publick Convention of that Order, he was made Prior of a Monastery in Luca: some consented unto this promotion out of love; o∣thers thinking, it would be his ruine, because of an enmity between Flo∣rence and Luca. But he engaged the hearts of the people there, that he was no less beloved then if he had been born among them. In that Colledge were many learned men, and hopefull youths; and he took care, that the younger sort were instructed in the three languages: for which end he had Paul Lacisius of Verona to read Latine; Celsus Martinengus to read Greek, and Immanuel Tremellius, the Hebrew; and for Divinity he himself daily expounded the Epistles of Paul; and every night before sup∣per he expounded a part of the Psalms. Very many of the City, of the Senators and Nobility resorted unto his Lecturs, and he preached publick∣ly every Lords day. The enemies of the trueth could not endure him, and laid snares for him, nor could conceil their malice. When he was admo∣nished by his friends, he chused to leave them, and went to Strawsburgh. What fruit his teaching brought forth, may be known by this, that in one years space after his departure, eighteen Fellowes of that Colledge left it, and went into the Reformed places: among whom was Celsus Martinengus (afterwards Minister of the Italian Church in Geneva) Hieron. Zanchius, Im. Tremellius &c. Many Citizens also went into exile voluntarily, that they might enjoy the trueth in safety. Ex Vita ••e Martyris. Another instance was in Bonnonia: in the year 1554. the Popes Governours attemp∣ted to make innovations there, which the people would not receive contra∣ry to their former Lawes. The Innovators said, They were not tied to former Lawes, but had authority from the Pope, who is King of the Countrey, and may change statutes and ordinances without consent of the people. Against this tyranny both the learned men and the people oppo∣sed themselves; and in the Monastry of the black Friers was a generall Con∣vention, where Thomas de Finola Rector of the University set forth this Position, All Rulers, whether Supreme or Inferiour, may and should be reformed or bridled (to speak moderatly) by them by whom they are chosen, confirmed or admitted to their Office, so oft as they break that promise made by oath unto their subjects; Because the Prince is no less bound by oath unto their subjects, then are the subjects unto their Prince: and it should be kept and reformed equally, according to Law and condi∣tion of the oath that is made by either party. Vicen••ius de Placentia su∣stained this Position. And when all reasons, that the Popes Governors could alledge, were heard, the Pope was fain to take up the matter, and did promise not only to keep the liberty of the people, but that he should neither abrogate any antient Statute, nor make any new one without their consent. The Histor of the Reformation of Scotland Pag 399 edit Edinburgh 1644. which was writen by Jo. Knox, albeit somesentences have been ad∣ded

by another after him. At that time John Craig (a Scotish man, who afterwards was Minister of Edinburgh, of whom mention is made here∣after) was a Monk, and considering the common doctrin of justification by works, did not approve it, and shewed unto an old Monk his argu∣ments in the contrary. The old man said, It is true, as you say: but be silent, lest you fall into danger: for the dayes are evill. But such was the mans zeal unto trueth, that he could not contain himself: and for this and other things that he taught, he was carried to Rome, and cast into prison with many hundreds more in the time of Paul 3: but they all escaped that night of the Popes death, when the Citizens broke up the prisons.

XLIX. John a Lasco a Noble man of Poland intending to see other Nations, went to Zurik: there he was easily perswaded by Zuinglius to betake him∣self * 2.71 to the studie of Divinity, and where as he might have been advanced unto honour in his native Countrey, yet such was his love to Christ, and hatred to Popery, that he choosed to embrace that Religion, which hath it's soundation upon the Word of God. In the year 1542. he was called to be Pastor at Embden: the next year Anna the widow Countess of Oldenburgh invites him to reforme the Churches there: which he endea∣voured with great diligence. Afterwards Edward King of England sent (by information of Cranmer) for him, to be Preacher unto a Dutch Church at London. In the first year of Queen Mary he obtained leave to return beyond sea: a great part of his Congregation went with him and Martin Micron another Preacher, to Copenhagen: but the King would not suffer them to stay within his kingdoms, unless they would embrace the doctrine of Luther concerning the local presence of Christs body, and use the cere∣monies ordained by him. For the same cause they were refused by the Hans-towns and Churches of Saxony. At last that vexed congregation was received at Embden. Then he would visite his own Countrey after twenty years absence: there he found many affecting a Reformation, but few Prea∣chers. The Popish clergy sought by all means to destroy him, or to have him bannished, and they accused him unto the King for an heretick. The King said, Though they called him an heretick, yet the States had not decerned so, and he was ready to cleare himself from such imputations. In the year 1557. a Parliament was assembled at Warsaw: there was great con∣tention for Religion. The Princes (whom they call Vaivodes) crave that the Augustan Confession should be established. The Bishops strove against it, so that the Princes could not obtain any liberty. Nevertheless after the Parliament they caused the Gospel to be preached in their own Pro∣vinces without the Kings permission. John á Las••o impugned the doctrine of the local presence, and caused the trueth (which the adversaries called Calvinisme) to be received by many: and unto this day that Church is misera∣bly rent: the King and most part are Popish; many are Anabaptists, few are Ubiquitaries, yet a great many hold constantly the sounder Trueth.

L. When the Kings of Spain had subdued the Sarracens (who had con∣tinued * 2.72 there some hundred years) and expelled them out of the realm, many of them not willing to leave the countrey, fained themselves to be Christians, and afterwards they were convinced to despise and scorn Reli∣gion. VVherefore the Kings, namely, Ferdinand and I••obella did ordain a strict Inquisition, that the Monks should search and severely punish all Sarracens and Jewes (all whom by one common name they called Mara¦nites) who profess Christianism, and yet do scorn it. When all those were out of the way, the blood-thirsty Friers ceased not, untill they obtained be

the same power of Inquisition against the Believers of the Gospel, whom they called Lutherans. That censure proceeds in this manner; If any man be accused of heresy (as they call it) by one witnes, he is apprehended: if he confess not, he is tortured, untill he confess: who confesses, and recants, he is deprived of all his goods, and must at all time wear a Sam∣bieta, that is, a yellow garment with a red cross and some devils painted upon it; and some are condemned to perpetual prison; Who will not re∣pent, are burnt; And if they be bold to profess, and speak of their faith, while they be in prison, their tongues are cutt-out, before they be brought forth. In the year 1559. King Philip II. returning from Flan∣ders, was beaten with a fearfull storm; all his ships were lost, and he scarcely arrived on land, when he said, He was delivered from that danger, to root Lutheranism out of his Kingdom. He came to Hispalis September 24. and immediatly to take away all hope of immunity, he causeth to burn Don John Pontius Comes Bailenius, and John Consalua a Preacher, with some Friers of the Monastry of S. Isidor. Then he went to Pincia (Pe. Soave in Hist. conc. Trid. Lib. 5. seemes to call it Vaglia-dolid): there he caused burn 28 of the chief Nobility in his own sight, and imprisoned Barthol. Caranza archb. of Toledo; and many others of lower condition were burnt, as may be seen Loc. cit. and in Thuan. yea Charles Prince of Spain was imprisoned, and (as was reported) was poisoned by the Inqui∣sitors at his fathers command An. 1568, because he favoured them of the Low-Countreys, a••d was suspect of Lutheranism. Many Spainjards for love of the Gospel went into Germany, Geneve, and some into England, especially all the Monks of S. Isiodore nigh unto Sivile. This Inquisition was not only in Spain, but in others of that Kings Dominions, as fol∣loweth.

LI. Albert of Hardenberg writing the life of Wesselus, saith, The * 2.73 Lord Cornelius Honius, the Emperours Counseller in the Court of Hol∣land in Hague, and some other learned men in the kingdom of God had found a book Of the Lords supper, which seemes to condemn the gross and Capernaitish eating of the Lords body, and to teach a spiritual, which is also a true and real eating, though only by faith. They had found this book among the papers of Jacob Hoeckius a Deacon of Naeldwyk, as also some other VVritings of Jo. VVesselus, concerning purgatory and other purposes: and because that book Of the Lords supper was found amongst those of VVesselus, they took it to be his: which I will not affirm nor deny: for it is certain, that he had written in the same manner of the Sup∣per. Nevertheless I have heard that that written book of Hoeckius was very old, and that it had been delivered from hand to hand for the space of two hundred years, and that they had kept it as a golden treasure, as whereby they understood, that the idolatry of worshipping the bread should be ex∣tinguisht. But these treatises of Wesselus and other books of Hoek coming into the Cloister of Saint Agnes-hill, where VVesselus had often resorted (as we have heard) had given light unto many, especially unto Henry Rhodius the father of a Monastry at Urrecht, who went to Luther in Wittembergh, and shewed him the books of VVesselus, and that book Of the Lords supper, and entreated him in the name of others also, that he would give his judgement of it: but Luther fearing that the Lords Supper might be vilified, would not approve it: whereupon followed some diffe∣rence between Luther and Carolstad. Afterward Luther did writ unto Rhodius a Letter, which is printed wich the works of VVesselus; and

there also is another Letter directed unto Oecolampad, craving his judge∣ment of that book Of the Lords Supper, and that the books of Wesselus might be printed at Basile: but Oecolampad being a modest and peaceable man, would not give his judgement of it, because he knew, that Luther had not approved it: but he sent Rhodius unto Zurik, and Zuinglius ap∣proved it: for before that time he was enclining that way; and then began to maintain that doctrine; yet having heard the judgement of sundry other learned men: and after that, Oecolampad began to speak more freely &c. William Gnapheus Rector in Hague in an epistle dedicatory before his book writes thus; The Archbishop remembreth well, with what diligence I did teach the young scholars from my youth, and how great persecution Satan by his souldiers hath raised up at the first, so that I and the honorable Cornelius Honius [above named] without hearing of our cause in the year 1523. were imprisoned, and there we lay together three months, and then were confined within the Hague upon Baile for two years; in which time the Honorable Honius departed this life. But when I after those two years confinement was upon security set at liberty, and my adversa∣ries had seen a consolatory Letter, which I at the request of some good men had written unto a poor grieved widow woman, they caused me to be put in prison again: and when the Sophisters of Lovan with their Commissioners had examined mee long enough upon that Letter, they put mee into a cloister, to suffer pennance for three months upon bread and bier, because I had despised that Cloister-life: for I had exhorted that widow, that she should not be dejected, because her son had forsaken his Coul, seeing the kingdom of God consists not (as Paul teaches Rom. 14) in cloaths or places (whereupon the life of cloisterers is principally grounded) but ra∣ther in constant faith in God, and unfained love to our neighbour, which faith and love, her son might have, after he hath gone away as well as when he had his gray Coul. When I was in that cloister (saith he) in the year 1525, how grievous were those times, because of the grievous persecu∣tion in the Netherlands, and the miserable blood-shedding of the boors in the Upper-land! and then I enlarged my little book out of the holy Scriptures for my own consolation, and the destruction of the Devils kingdom, who had so persecuted mee for a consolatory Letter. That this book was printed, it was without my knowledge: for I had not written it for that end: nevertheless it hath done good unto many, and brought them to the knowledge of some truth: which I understand by that, it hath been oft reprinted, and one of the Printers hath been beheaded for it: so hardly can Satan suffer the publishing of the truth, and he hath persued mee, untill I must leave my native countrey, &c. He had gone into Embden, and lived there untill the year 1557, when he sent the book with the dedi∣cation unto the States of Holland. That book was written in way of a dialogue between Theophilus and Lazarus: of which I add a passage or two. Lazarus asketh,

Whereunto doth the Spirit lead the children of God?

Thophilus answereth,

Vnto the love of holiness, and hatred of sin: they are also said to have a delyting and resting heart upon the bounti∣fulness of our heavenly Father in all their necessities, sufferings and adver∣sities: for the power of Christian faith is of such virtue, that it drives through all persecution and suffering, unto the acknowledging and feeling of the good will of God toward us, with which will of God a Christian believer is so well satisfied, that he strives no way against it, that the vile flesh of old Adam should suffer here, and the wicked will should not have

always the dominion,

Lazarus.

Whence comes that Christian faith?

Theophi.

The knowledge of faith comes by hearing Gods word: but the lively feeling and the delight, which we get by hearing, reading and thinking-upon that word, is the gift of God, which is powred and in∣grafted by the Holy Ghost into the hearts of believers: Paul teaches this clearly, saying, I have planted, Apollos watered, but God hath given the increase.

Laza.

What is that faith?

Theoph.

Christian faith is a lively fast feeling and trust into the love and mercy of God our heavenly Father, manifested unto us in his only begotten Son Jesus Christ.

Laza.

I confesse, that I should have my refuge unto the Lord God, as the Apostles did; but I can not believe, that God is so neer us, as he was with them in the ship.

Theoph.

Albeit God is not with us visibly, as he was with them, nevertheless he is with us and in us, by his Divine power, mercy and anointing of the Holy Ghost; especially God is very neer unto them that are grieved in heart: the whole Scripture declares in many places, that the Lord God holdes us in the hand of his counsell, and keeps us under the protection of his wings, as a henn keeps her chickens: yea can a mother forget her child, and not have pitty on the son of her wom∣be? and albeit she should forget him, yet I will not forget you. Is not this a great comfort, that God pittieth us as a mother doth her children? Saith not God unto his chosen people, He that touches you, touches the apple of mine ey.......

Laza.

Can we not deserve the kingdom of hea∣ven? how comes that?

Theoph.

It is, because by nature we are altogether the children of wrath; in ourselves we are unclean, and begotten of them that were unclean, so that the Prophet said truly, All our best works and righteousnesses is as a filthy cloath; where of we may be ashamed to come into the presence of God, and far less can we deserve any good for them. If we could satisfy the wrath of God by our good works, then Christ had died in vain, and we were Saviours of ourselves, nor had we need to give God thanks for his mercy to wards us in Christ. The kingly Prophet confesses this, when he saith,

Lord enter not into judgement with thy servant, for in thy sight can none that lives be justified.

And that we may do any thing acceptable unto God, we must be born again by the quickning water of the Holy Ghost, who translates us from the kingdom of deceiving Satan, into the kingdom and government of our Lord Iesus Christ. So long as we are not by the Spirit of faith purged from our in-bred infidelity, and grafted into Iesus Christ as our true Vine, to bring forth by him the fruit of life, we continue like to bad and unprofitable trees. &c,

Lavater Minister of Zurik shewes (in a Narration of the Sacramentary strife) that in the year 1524. John Rhodius and George Sagan two learned men coming to Zurik, conferred with Zuinglius concerning the Sacrament, and hearing that he was of the same judgement with them in that question, did thank God, that they were delivered from the contrary error; and as yet they had not shewd the Letter of Honius, in which the word Is in the institution of the Supper is ex∣pounded, Signifieth: which exposition Zuinglius did think most convenient. That Letter of Honius is large, but there he saith, Our Lord Iesus had many a time promised remission of sin unto believers, and at his last Supper he willing to confirm their hearts; added a pawn unto his promise, that they might be in no more doubt; as a Bridegrom, who would assure his Bride, that she doubt no more of his love, gives her a ring, saying, Take this, there give I thee myself: She receiving this ring, believes that the Bridegom is her's, turns away her heart from all other wooers, and thinks

how she may please that her spouse. So is it with them, who receive the Eucharist, as a pawn from their Bridegrom, &c. At that time lived. John Pistorius or Baker of Woerden: he was a Priest, and had been instructed by Io. Rhodius in S. Jerom's School in Utrecht: because he married a wife, he was accused by the Inquisitors, imprisoned and burnt, An. 1525. He was a learned man, as appeares by his books printed lately. These few particulares shew how the light of the Gospel began to breake out in the Netherlands, so that even before Luther arose, God had preserved from time to time ••ome few believers in the midst of the grossest darkness; as also we may under stand, how the truth was hated and persecuted, as I touched before in the life of Charles V. and more may be seen in the book of Mar∣tyrs in the Netherlands: about the year 1540. the persecution was hott; and then many went from Flanders and other Provinces into England. Trigland. in his Church histo. against V••enbog. par. 3. King Henry accepted them, and placed them in several towns, not only for enuy against the Pope, but because many of them were wool-weavers, and by them he brought that trade into his kingdom. In the year 1550. they obtained liberty under the Kings seal, that the Dutch and French Churches should continue in their Church-Discipline and order, as they were then begun, (though not conform unto the Disciplin and ceremonies of the English Church) and to hold Synods by themselves; and that was; in every congregation to chuse their own Ministers, ruling Elders and deacons, but with this condition, that when they had chosen a Minister, they should crave and obtain the consent of the King or of his heirs or ••uccessors; as also when in their Sy∣node they shall chuse a new Superintendent. John Lasco was Superintendent at that time; and Minister of a Congregation in London: by advice of other Ministers Gualter Delen, Martin Flandrus, Francis Riverius and others, he drew-up a book of Discipline, prescribing the form of election of Ministers, Elders and deacons; directions concerning prayers before and after Sermon, administration of baptism and the Lords Supper; the man∣ner of catechising; the manner of censuring scandalous persons either re∣penting or obstinat, and prayers belonging to ••ach one of those; as also con∣cerning the Visitation of the sick. Those who suffered in these Provinces, were for the most part accused concerning the Masse, prayer to Saints, wor¦ship of images, purgatory, the merite of works, the supremacy of the Pope, and the lyke: all which they denied, upon grounds of the Scripture. King Philip II. went about to turne the Civil gouvernment into a Monarchy, and was advised by the Cardinal of Lorrain, to separate such parts of these Provinces, as in former times were subiect unto the Bishops of Germany and France, and erect new Bishopriks in them: then he erected three archbishopriks and twelve bishopriks (whereas before they had but one Bis∣hoprik in Vtrech••) that by them as so many Overseers the office of Inqui∣sition might be the more strictly executed. This was not darkly made known by the Popes Bull granted to the same effect; and Henry the Ambassador of Spain declared the same plainly unto William Count of Nassaw. Where∣upon the States began to consult how to defend themselves against the cruel∣ty of Inquisition. Thuan. hist. Lib. 22. But first they wrote a Confession of their faith in the year 1561. and sent it unto the King with a Supplication, protesting that it was great cruelty and iniquity, to punish them as hereticks so horribly, because they forsook the traditions of men, which had no warrant in Gods Word. The Confession was at the first written by Guido de Bres (who afterwards sealed it with his blood, and Gode••rid

Wingius (who was sent by the Church of Embden to gather the first Re∣formed Church in Flanders) and other Fellow-labourers in Flanders, Bra∣bant, Holland, &c. and it was communicated unto Cornelius Coolthu∣nius and Nicolaus Carenaeus Ministers at Embden, unto Pe. Dathen, & Caspar Heidan at Frankendal, and others in other parts. It was presented unto the King in the year 1562: but he was so far from yielding unto their Supplication, that they were the more grievously oppressed. In the midst of their cruell persecution the number of true professors increased won∣derfully, and by example of the French Church (which in the beginning of King Charles IX. had purchased some liberty) they avowed the Religion openly. Cardinal Granvellan on the other side went about (contrary to the mindes of the Noble men, who were appointed by the King unto the government) to afflict Antwerp, though having a particular exemption from the Inquifition. The noble men sent their complaint against him; and he was deprived of his authority by Letters from the King: but before his departure he had provided so, and the King was so affected toward the Inquisitors, that their Inquisition went on the more cruelly: among others great severity was used in Antwerp against the believers of the Gospel in the year 1564. Many Noble Men, who before were enemies of the truth, began to hate such cruelties, and embraced the Gospel; and albeit they saw themselves in danger of the Inquisition, yet they determine to make a league of mutuall defence, namely, that they would endeavour to help one another for avoiding pe••ill, and to certify one another of the attempts and plots of their enemies. When they had made this agreement, they sought to gain the favour of others most bitter against them. At that time Margarit the Dutchess of Par∣ma, and the Kings Sister had the government of the seventien Pro∣vinces: by the advice of other Rulers foreseeing the imminent dan∣ger, she sent Count d' Egmont (a Papist, but a good Patriot) un∣to the King, to certify him, that great trouble was like to ensue, which could not be prevented, if the severity of those Edicts, and the boldness of some men abusing them, were not restrained. Then the King ordered the Dutchess to mollify the edicts, as necessity required with the advice of prudent men, for preventing the dangers which she feared, yet so that the Romane Religion be kept in safety. She calleth a solemn Counsel, in which twelve men were appointed to rectify the busi∣ness. They call the odious Inquisition, a Visitation; and for burning they ordain hanging, but the Inquisition was confirmed, and continued still. This petty change did not please Granvellan nor the Pop's Legate in Spain; nor did they cease, untill the King discharged that order again: so by a new edict he established the Inquisition, and commanded, that the former edicts should be every where put into execution; Dated in De∣cember An. 1565.

LII. Often mention hath been made of the controversy concerning the * 2.74 presence of Christs body in the Lords Supper: here by way of corollary, for clearing both the history and the state of that question, I add the words of Martin Bucer in his Enarrations on Matth. 26. in his second edition. When he comes to the Institution of that Sacrament, he saith; It seemes good to treat of this text, as of new, because in my former edition are some words, whereby, it may seem, both that I have not sufficiently de∣clared the Matter, and that I have been too little dutifull toward those, unto whom wee all who worship Christ, do owe very much. For by our in∣gratitude

toward the most large gift of God, the revelation of the Gospell, which hath been in our time, and by our sloth in all the work of Christ our Saviour, we have deserved, that God hath suffered Satan to raise a strife (certainly a very unhappy one) amongst the Ministers of the revived Gos∣pell, concerning the sacred mystery of the Lords table. Into this conten∣tien I also was drawn, while (I know not with what Zeal) I did endeavour to defend some men, against whom others seemed to deal too harshly, and to eschue on the one hand the impanation of Christ, or the local inclosing of him in the bread, and on the other, the preposterous confidence on the outward action in the sacraments. I confesse ingenuously, that this Zeal was immoderate, and that I did not honour enough the authority of those, whom I saw to be first promoters of the Gospell unto us all, tow••, Martin Luther and some others; neither did I consider rightly the dammages, which the Church hath suffered by that difference: for else I might have taken another way both to defend the innocent, and to wave the fond opinions, neither should I have taken exception against the words that are agreeable unto Scripture, and may bevsed piously, which M. Luther and they who are with him do use. For because I thought, that by those phrases the people were made to believe the impanation of Christ, or certainly was a locall inclosing in the bread, and that the sacraments by themselves, after whatsoever manner they be taken, do bring salvation, I thought, that I should not only impugne those phrases, but that they should be waved, and others used; that thereupon Luther and others did judge, that I acknowledge nothing in the Supper but bread and wine, and ascribe nothing unto the sacraments, but that they be badges of Christian profession. But now I affi••e before the Lord unto his Church, as my diu••lged books can testify, that I was never of that mind or did think, that in the holy Supper nothing •••• given or distributed, but bread and wine as empty signes of the Lords body and blood, and not also the body and blood of the Lord. Likewise albeit in the sacraments, I did speak of that as a main thing, that they are the badges of our profession, yet I never denied, that the Lord gives those also for recommending his mercy, and ex∣hibiting the gi••ts of life, yea and the same gift, not in one place only. The only thing that I did impugne, was that the sacraments do of themselves confirm faith, seing that is the work of the Holy Ghost. But when the dispute continued, and Luther had declared all the matter of the sacrament more fully, I saw, that he neither did unite the Lords body and blood by any naturall ty unto the bread and wine, nor did inclose them locally in the bread and wine, nor did ascribe unto the sacra∣ments the proper virtue, whereby they of themselves can bring salvation unto the receivers, but he did assert only a sacramental union between the Lords body and the bread, and between his blood and the wine; and that he did teach, that the confirmation of faith, which is asscribed unto the sacraments, is by virtue, not which cleaveth unto the external things by themselves, but which belongs unto Christ, and is dispensed by his Spirit by means of the Word and the holy Sacraments. So soon as I did obser∣ve this, it was my serious purpose, to shew and recommend it unto o∣thers: and so I desire to testify in this place unto all men who shall read this, that Luther and others who are truly with him, and follow his teaching rightly, doth not hold any impanation in the holy supper, nor any local inclosing of Christs body in the bread, or of the blood in the wine; nei∣ther attributeth any saving power unto the external actions of the sacra∣ments

of themselves; But they hold a substantiall presence and exhibition of the Lords body and blood with the bread and wine in the holy supper; and the reby they declare plainly the words of the Lord and the testimony of the Apostle, which presence and exhibition is certain by the Lords word and institution, without any natural union of the Lords body and blood with the elements: for the Lord doth not come down again from the hea∣venly glory into the condition of this corruptible life. They do also ac∣knowledge and preach the saving presence and exhibition, but by virtue of the Lords, and no•• of the external action, and that the communicants enjoy it, when with true faith they partake of the sacraments. Certainly our Saviour did intend, as in all his actions, so especially in the sacraments, to advanoe our salvation, which if wee enioy not, it must be through our own fau••••. For the bread, which wee break, is the communication of the Lords body, and the cup of thankes-giving is the communication of his blood; and unboubtedly unto the end, that both the communion of Christ may growe••h us, and all salvation may be perfected. Therefore who knowing this mystery can doubt, that all who are religiously parta∣kers of the Lords table, by the same partaking have their ••aith into Christ more confirmed; that is, more full salvation, not indeed by the benefit of the external action of itself, but through the good pleasure of our heavenly Father, and power of our Lord Jesus Christ, which he shewes toward us in the ministry of the holy Church. For the more gravely and with the more religious ceremony the redemption of Christ and the communion is set forth in the holy table, pious hearts that believe the promises of the Lord, are the more commoved, and do the more earnestly embrace the tende∣red communion of Christ, and afterwards are the more zealous in confi∣dence and duty unto Christ. And therefore what either I in my former En••••rations, or others have written against the natural union of the bread and Christs body, or that local inclosing, think not, godly reader, that those were against Luther and them that stand rightly with him: for those neyther hold nor teach any such thing, neither do the words which they do use, carry such an opinion by themselves, as even I thought some time: for which only cause I did carpe at their words, and I doubted not that their mind was any way more sound. Huldric Zuinglius whom all that knew him, know to have been Zealous and of admirable dexterity in windica∣ting the Church unto Christ, from the tyranny and superstition of the Pope; when M. Luther and others contended that the bread is the body of the Lord, or that the Lords body is in the bread, did persuade himself that they thought the Lords body either to be turned into the same substance with the bread, or to be inclosed locally in the bread: and therefore he did alwayes alledge against the first; If the bread be the Lords body, the bread was crucified for us; and against the other, those passages, which ••estify that the Lord left the earth, and went into the heaven, and sits at the right hand of the Father; out of those he began to expound, Is, in the words of the Lord, This is my body, for, signifieth; and by the heat of contention he was so carryed, that when he would impugne only the impanation and local inclosing or presence of Christ after the manner of this world, and said that the Lord is more absent then present in the holy supper, and that the signes are rather given here then the body and blood of the Lord; and yet it was not his judgement, that the Lord is simply or wholly absent from the supper, or that the symboles are given without or altogether empty of the Lord body and blood, as he himselfs professed afterwards, when he

was here treating about the agreement of the Churches in this particular; and so did he write in the Apology unto the Princes of Germany: for he there did maintain the presence of the Lord, by the words of Augustine. So sometimes, when he would beware, that men sought salvation by the external work of the ••acraments, he averred plainly, that the sacraments are but badges of Christian society, and conferre nothing unto salvation. But in other places, he writes plainly, that the sacraments do help faith. Whence it it clea••e, that when he writes, Sacraments do confer nothing unto salvation, nor confirm faith, thereby he understood, that the sacra∣ments, that is, the outward actions of the sacraments have of themselves no power to strenghthen the conscience with encrease of faith: for when he intended to prove that his saying, The sacraments give not salvation nor confirm faith; he alledgeth, that to confirm or encrease faith is the work of Christ by the Holy Ghost. Which argument is like unto this, God healeth by the power of nature, therefore a Physician o•• medicin help nothing there∣unto. Certainly only Christ worketh whole salvation in us; and that not by the power of any other thing, but by his only Spirit; and nevertheless for the same effect in us he useth his word, both visible in the s••craments, and audible in the gospell; and by them exhibiteth and bringeth remission of sins, communion of himself, and eternal life. Zuingli••s did acknow∣ledge this: therefore when he denied, that the sacraments give grace, he understood the outward action of itself can do nothing to this purpose, but all thing belonging to salvation is from the inward action of Christ, and the sacraments are his instruments in some manner, And it was Luther, who first of all men did impugne this tenent of the School-men, that the sacraments of themselves conferr grace without any good motion of our∣selves, and wihtou faith. And so in this question Zuinglius did impugne what Luther taught not. The same happened unto Oecolampade, whom none doubteth to have been an excellent Divine, if they read his works, as he did read the Scriptures with singular modesty and reverence, and was well acquainted with the fathers, and did much esteem of them, so he wrote very reverently and religiously of the sacraments, howbeit he thought, that Luther's wordes did import an impanation or local inclosing of Christs body▪ and upon this account did impugne them: for he writes so in his last dialogue, when he would declare the difference. The difference, saith he, is rather in the manner of the presence and absence, then in the very presence and absence: for none is so blunt, to affirm that Christs body is every way absent or present. Some hold that the Lords bread is the very body of Christ, so that whosoever, whether godly or ungodly, do eat it, they eat not only the bread and the sacrament, but also the body of Christ bodily, and let it down into the stomack. But we speak against this, and affirm that the element is not so honoured, as that the most ex∣cellent of all creatures would unite himself into the same and natural substan∣ce of it, or that he is so naturally contained in it, that by it, as a midle pipe, grace is conveyed, (which the Holy Ghost gives unto believers) and by the touch and tast of it, even the ungodly do touch and eat the very body of Christ, and are partakers of grace. From those his words who may not see that Oecolampad impugneth three things only, that the body of Christ is united with the bread into one and the same natural substance, contained naturally in it, and that by the touch or tast of bread, all, both godly and ungodly are partakers of grace. But Luther did never affirm any of these, albeit not a few did judge that those things were in the words, which he

did use in this purpose, especially when he did deny any trope in the words, This is my body. I will also adioyn a whole epistle of Oecolampad, where in he plainly avouches his faith concerning this point. It is thus; John Oe∣colampade unto N. a brother in Christ. Grace and peace from God the Father. I have need to be informed by thee, my brother, and thou comest unto mee, and violently pressest mee unwilling to answer. Is this thy tyranny tolerable? and yet in Christ it is to be comported, for it is friendly and brotherly, and yet upon this condition, that I may have the same power over thee, and thou shalt impart unto mee thy judge∣ment mutually, when thou shalt receive mine. Receive then plainly, what I believe. The sacramentall signes, whereby the sacramentall promise con∣cerning the remission of my sins, that it may be more believed by my in∣firm conscience, are not unto mee bread and wine: for I who seek higher things, make no reckoning, what sort of bread and wine be given, but I desire more admirable things and powerful to streng then my weak soul: and those are no other, but the very body and the very blood; not the figure of the body and blood but the body that was given and suffered for my sins; and which the Angels of heaven do enioy deliciously, which Christ promised to give, and did give to be meat, not carnal, but spiritual; and the blood which flowed out of his body, and was shed for my sins: for that doth powerfully seal the promise of purging mee from all mine iniquity: and for this I believe simply the words of Christ, saying, This is my body, which shall be given for you, and, This is my blood of the new testament, which is shed for you. Whereby he testifieth, that that body is a seal, that sins are forgiuen unto him who believes and eates spiritually, seing he suffered for this cause. The word of Christ went first, which the effect hath sealed by the holy seal. I hunger and thirst for this bread and drink, not that it, as bodily meat, may be converted into mee, but that I may be turned into it, and may become spiritual by spiritual meat; that when I shall be in Christ, Christ also abiding in mee (to wit, being received in the sacrament) may by his grace work his own works; that so I may be ready to obey all the members of Christ, albeit it were to die for them, as he died for mee, and so I may be a true member in that his mysticall body; not in the body of Antichrist, because I desire not a portion with him; but I desire to be a member of Christ, though the lowest. I can not speak more plainly: take this in good part: do with courage, and trust in the Lord. Basile. Aprile 19. By the providence of God (saith Bucer.) this epistle is amongst the epistles of Zuinglius and Oecolampad, which other ways were not happily published: for in that book some epistles, that were published in the first heat of the disputation, came abroad again, which annoy not so much the concorde of the Churches, which the Lord gives at this time, as the sincere and solid knowledge of those mysteries, amongst not a few. More∣over when I heard that those epistles were a printing, and intended in a preface, (which might have been prefixed unto the work in name of some man in Basile) to supply some things (that were written in these epistles slenderly concerning the sacraments, and therefore might offend many) that the readers might understand, how even that Church approves the right faith of the sacraments, even as they had embraced it long ago, and doth profess it soundly; Some man (the Lord forgive him) caused the preface be published in my name. And so, when it is said in the beginning of the epistle, When wee set forth those epis••les, many did judge, that I had caused these epistles to be divulged; and thence did inferr, that I do

not intend the agreement of the Churches in the doctrine of the sacrament. And because at this time I can not do it by another writing, I protest unto hee••, Christian reader, my very great grief, that those epistles are not blotted out of that works, as also in that too large preface, which also with∣out my knowledge is prefixed unto that work. I allow not whatsoever things may seem to maintain strife, or unjust explication or commendation of the sacrament, or may seem to advance any man with the disparagement or imputation of others: but of this at another time: only I would now purge myself from that edition. But whereas I have alledged the writings of M. Luther, Zuinglius, Oecolampad and mine own, concerning the presence of the Lord in the holy Supper, godly reader, doubt not but I have done so, to advance the true doctrine of the sacraments, and the a∣greement of the Churches, and not for the pleasuring or contemning of any man, or of a mind to offend any, or to commend any without cause or desert: I know by the Lords grace, that Luther thinks well of this my∣stery, as of all things, whereof true knowledge is necessary unto Religi∣on. Therefore seing in the former editions of my Enarrations, I have spo∣ken against the natural either union of the body of Christ with the bread, or its circumscriptive incl••sing in the bread, as also of the comforting of consciences by the only outward receiving of the sacrament, and against such other fictions, as if they had followed upon the words of Luther, which he had used, when he was speaking of the sacraments; it is my part both for Luthers cause who hath deserved well of the Church, and for the Church of God, and for Christ himself, to testify unto the world, that I acknowledge him to be free from such devices, not only in his judgement, but in his words; lest any one upon occasion of my writing, which may seem to fight with Luthers writings, shall think, that either Lu••h•••• main∣taines any presence of the Lord in the Supper, unworthy of the Lord, or that I maintain no presence. The judgement of Zuinglius and Oecolam∣pad (so far as I could understand it) therefore have I mentioned, that those who reverence these mens works, now knowing that these did not maintain naked seals in the Supper without Christ, may the more willingly receive the truth of the sacrament, if they have missed it; and cleave fa∣ster unto it, if they continued in it; and such who make no account of those mens writings, should no way reject the gifts of God, which were bestowed on those in no small measure, specially on Oecolampa••, as his elaboured works shew abundantly....God remove all contention from his people, and all proposterous affectation and contempt of men, and give us grace to embrace his trueth truly, and to p••omote it happily. Amen. So far Bucer. This was written in the year 1536: what may be gathered out of it, I leave unto the judicious reader, as also how it agreeth with the practise and doctrine of Luther and them who have followed him after that year.

CAP. IV. Of BRITANNE.

1. William tindall is reckoned among the Englishes, to have been next * 2.75 unto John wickliff for knowledge of the faith, and innocency of life: he instructed the people in true faith toward Christ, as his books (yet extant) do shew clearly, and none did reveale Antichrist more plainly.

John Fisher Bishop of Rochester did provoke King Henry VIII. against him, and called him a rebell and contemner of the Kings lawes. Therefore he wrote a book with this title. The obedience of a Christian man, and how Christian rulers ought to governe, wherein also (if thou marke diligently) thou shalt find eyes to perceive the crafty conveyance of all jugglers. In his epistle to the reader, he saith, The word of God is ever hated of the world, neither was ever without persecution (as thou mayst see in all the histories of the Bible both of the New and Old Testament) neither can be; no more than the sun can be without his light: And forsomuch as contrarily thou art sure, that the * 2.76 Popes doctrin is not of God, which (as thou seest) is so agreeable unto the world, and is so received of the world, or rather which receives the world and the pleasures of the world, and seekes nothing but the possessions of the world, and autority in the world, and persecutes the word of God, and with all wilies drives the people of God from it, and with false & so∣phisticall reasons makes them afrayd of it, yea cur••eth them, & excommu∣nicates them, and brings them in belief, that they be damned, if they look on it, and that it is but doctrin to deceive men; and move the blind powers of the world, to slay with fire, water and sword all that cleave unto it. Fol. 6. God promised to David a kingdom, and immediatly stirred up King Saul against him, to persecute and hunt him, as men do hares with gre∣hounds, and to feret him out of every hole, and that for the space of many years, to tame and meeken him, to kill his lusts, and make him feel other mens diseases, to make him mercifull, and to make him understand that he was made King to minister and serve his brethren, and that he should not think, that his subjects were made to serve unto his lusts, & that it were lawfull for him to take away from them life & goods at his pleasure. O that our Kings were so nurtured now a dayes, which our holy bb. teach in a far other manner; saying your grace shall take his pleasure: take what pleasure yee lust: spare nothing: wee shall dispence with you: wee have power, wee are Gods vicares: and let us alone with the realme; wee shall take pains for you: your Grace shall but defend the faith only. Fol. 13. he saith unto the Curates, Wherefore were the holy dayes appointed, but that the people should come and learne? are yee not abominable Schoolmasters, in that ye take so great wages, if ye will not teach? if yee would teach, how can ye do it so well and with so great profit, as when the lay people have the Scripture before them in their mother tongue? for then they should see by order of the text, whether thou juglest or not....but alas! the Cu∣rates themselves (for the most part) wote no more, what the new or old testament meaneth, than the Turks do: neither know they any more than * 2.77 that they read at masse, matens & eevensong, which yet they understand not: nor care they but even to mumble up so much every day, as the pye & popingay speak they wote not what, to fill their bellies. If they will not let the lay man have the word of God in his mothers tongue, yet let the priests have it, which for the most part of them understand no Latine at all....A thousand things forbid ye, which Christ made free, and dis∣pence with them again for money: neither is there any exception at all, but lacke of money. Yee have a secret counsell by yourselves: All other mens counsel•• & secrets know ye, and no man yours: ye seek but honours, riches, promotion, authority, and reigne over all, and will obey no man...when a parish hyreth a schole master to teach our children, what reason is it, that wee should be compelled to pay this schoolmaster his wages, if he take licence to go where he will, and to dwell in another countrey, and

leave our children untaught? Doeth not the Pope so; have we not given up our tyths of courtesy unto one to teach us Gods word, and comes not the Pope and compelleth us to pay it violently to them that never teach? makes he not a Parson, which comes never at us? yea one shall have 5. or 6. or as many as he can get, and woteth oftymes where never one of them stands. Another is made Vicar, to whom he gives a dispensation, to go where he will, and to set in a parish-priest, which can but minister a sort of dumb ceremonies: and because he hath most labour, and least profite, he polleth on his part, and fetcheth here a masse-penny, there a trentall, yonder dirige-money, and for his bead-role with a confession peny, and such lyke. Fol. 31. he saith. Why did not David slay Saul, seing he was * 2.78 so wicked, not in persecuting David only, but in disobeying Gods com∣mandements, and in that he had slayn 85. of Gods priests wrongfully? verily because it was not lawfull: for if he had done it, he must have sin∣ned against God: for God hath made the King in every realm judge over all, and over him is no judge: he that judgeth the King, judgeth God: and he that layth hands on the King, layth hands on God; and he that resistes the King, resists God, and damneth Gods law & ordinance. If the subjects sin, they must be brought to the Kings judgement. If the King sinne, he must be reserved unto the judgement, wrath and venge∣ance of God. And as it is, to resist the King, so it is to resist his officer, which is sent or set to execute the Kings commandement.....they asked Christ Mat. 22, whether it were lawfull to give tribute unto Coesar? for they thought, it was not sin to resist an heathen Prince; as few of us would think (if we were under the Turk) that it were sin to rise against him, and to rid ourselves from under his dominion: so sore have our bishops robbed us of the true doctrine of Christ. But Christ condemned their deeds and also the secret thoughts of all other, that consented thereunto, saying, Except ye repent, ye shall lykewise perish, as if he had said, I know that ye are within your hearts such as they were in their deeds, and ye are under the same damnation: except therefore ye repent betimes, ye shall break out at the last into the like deeds, and likewise perish; as it came afterward to passe....Another conclusion is, No person nor any degree may be exempt from this ordinance of God. Neither can the pro∣fession of monks or friers, or any thing that the Pope or bb. can say for themselves except them from the sword of the Emperour ot kings, if they break the law: for it is written, Let every soul submitt himself unto the autho∣rity of the higher powers. The higher powers are the temporal kings & Princes, unto whom God hath given the sword to punish whosoever sin∣neth. God hath not given the sword to punish one, and to let another go free, and to sin unpunished. Moreover with what face durst the spiritual∣ty which ought to have been the light & example of good living unto all others, desire to sin unpunished? Fol. 41, They have robbed all realmes * 2.79 not of Gods word only, but of all wealth and prosperity. and have dri∣ven peace out of all landes, and withdrawen themselves from all obedience to princes, and have s••parated themselves from lay men, counting them vi∣ler than dogs, and have set up that great idole the whore of Babylon, An∣tichrist of Rome, whom they call Pope, and have conspired against all commonwealths, and have made them a severall kingdom, wherein it is lawfull and unpunished to work all abomination: in every parish they have spies, and in every great mans house, and in every tavern and ailhouse: and by confessions they know all secrets, so that no man may open his mouth

to rebuke whatsoever they do, but he shall be shortly made an heretick. In all Counsels is one of them: yea the most part and chief rulers of the Counsels are of them: but of their Counsell is no man. Fol. 55, Let Kings * 2.80 rule their realmes themselves with the help of lay men that are sage, wise, learned & expert. Is it not a shame above all shames, and a monstrous thing, that no man should be found to governe a worldly kingdom, but Bishops and prelates, that have forsaken the world, and are taken out of the world, and appointed to preach the kingdom of God?......To preach Gods word is too much for half a man: and to minister a temporall king∣dom is too much for half a man also: each of them requires a whole man: therefore one can not well do both. He that avengeth himself on every trifle is not meet to preach the patience of Christ, that a man should forgive and suffer wrongs. He that is overwhelmed with all manner of riches, and doth but seek more daily, is not meet to preach poverty. He that will obey no man, it not meet to preach how wee should obey all men.....Paul saith, God sent mee but to preach; A terrible saying verily for Popes, Cardinals & Bishops. If he had said, W•• unto mee, if I fight not, and move not Princes unto warre, or, If I increase not S. Peters patrimony (as they call it) it had been a more easie saying for them. Christ forbidds his disciples to climbe above Lords, Kings and Emperours in worldly government, but also to exalt themselves one a bove another in the kingdom of God. But in vain: for the Pope would not hear it, though he had commanded it ten thousand times. Gods word should rule only, and not Bishops decrees, or the Popes pleasure He hath many such passages against the governement of the Pope and prelates. And also of the doctrine of faith he speakes well; as Fol. 43. he saith. Thou wilt say, If love fulfill the law, then it justifieth. I say, That, wherewith a man fulfilleth the law, ••declares him justified: but that, which gives him, wherewith to fulfill the law, justifieth him. By justifying understand the forgiveness of sin, and the favour of God. Now (saith the text Rom. 10.) the end of the law or the cause wherefore the law was made, is Christ to justifie all that believe, that is, the law is given to utter sin, to kill the consciences, to damn our deeds, to bring unto repentance, and so to drive unto Christ, in whom God hath promised his favour and for∣giveness of sin unto all that repent and consent to the law, that it is good. If thou believe the promises, then doth Gods truth justify thee, that is, for∣gives thee, and receives thee to favour for Christs sake. In assurance where of, and to certify thy heart, he sealeth thee with the Spirit Eph. 1. &. Fol. 54. Peter in Act. 2. practiseth his keyes, and by preaching the law brought the people to the knowledge of themselves, and bindeth their consciences, so that they were pricked in their hearts, and said What shall wee do? Then brought he forth the keye of the sweet promises, saying, Repent, and be baptized every one of you in the name of Jesus Christ for the remission of sinnes......As Christ compares the understanding of the Scripture unto keyes, so com∣pares he it to a nett and unto leaven and many other things for certain pro∣perties. I marvell therefore, that they boast not of their nett & leaven, aswell as of their keyes: But as Christ biddeth us bewar of the leven of the Pharisees, so beware of their counterfited keyes. Fol. 56. The Bishop of Rochester would prove by Moses & Aaron, that Satan and Antichrist our most holy father the Pope is Christs Vicar, and head of Christs Church: Moses (saith he) signifieth Christ, and Aaron the Pope. And yet the epistle unto the Hebr. proves, that the high priest of the old law signifieth Christ, and his offering and his going once in the year into the inner temple, signify the

offring wherewith Christ offered himself, and Christs going-in to the Fa∣ther to be an everlasting Mediatour or intercessour for us......If the Pope be signified by Aaron, and Christ by Moses; why is not the Pope as well content with Christs law & doctrin, as Aaron was with Moses? why do our bb. preach the Pope and no•• Christ, seing the Apostles preached not Peter but Christ? Paul speaking of himself and of his fellow apostles saith, Wee preach not ourselves, but Christ Jesus the Lord, and, Wee preach ourselves your servants for Christs sake, &c. For such doctrin Tindall was persecuted: and when he escaped out of their hands into Germany, they burnt the New Testament, that he had translated into English, and they caused the Masters of Lovan to burne his body An. 1535.

II. It is not necessary to speak more of the grosse ignorance and wicked∣ness * 2.81 of the clergy & people at that time (unless i•• fall in by the by): but be∣hold how God brought the light of the Gospell into this Island (I may say) wonderfully. First Patrik Hamilton a young gentleman was made Abbot of Ferne; and then he would go and see other countries: and in his trauels he visites Witemberg, and there he heard Luther, Melanthon & others: he had litle or no understanding before, and hearkned unto them, and took it to heart. He returnes ••ome in the 23. year of his age in the end of the year 1526. In what companie he came, he spared not to speak against the corruptions of the Church, and to declare the truth as he had learned it. The clergy could not endure this, and under colour of conference they entice him unto Santan drews. They had persuaded the young King James 5. to go in pilgrimage to S. Duthess in Rosse, lest he sould hinder their proceeding. In the night time Patrik Hamilton was taken out of the cham∣ber (where he was lodged) and carried into the castle: the next day he was presented before the arch Bishop James be••on, and accused upon these ar∣ticles; The corruption of nature remains in children after baptisme. 2. No * 2.82 man by the power of free will can do any good. 3. No man is without sin so long as he liveth. 4. Every true Christian may know himself to be in the estate of grace. 5. A man is not justified by works, but by faith only. 6. Good works make not a good man, but a good man doth good works, and an ill man doth ill works; yet the same ill, if truly repented, make not an ill man. 7. Faith, hope & charity are so linked together, that he who hath one of them, hath all; and who lacketh one of them, lacketh all. 8. God is the cause of sin, in this sense, that he withdrawes his grace from man, and grace being withdrawn he can not but sin. 9. It is a devilish doctrine, to teach that by any actuall penn••nce remission of sin is purchased. 10 Auricular confession it not necessary to salvation. 11. There is no purgatory. 12. The holy Patriarchs were in heaven before Christ•• passion 13. The Pope is Antichrist, and every priest hath as much power as the Pope. He is de∣manded, What he thinks of these articles? He answereth. •• hold the first seven to be undoubtedly true, and the other are disputable points, nor can I condemne them, unless I see better reason than as yet I have heard. After some conference with him, these articles were delivered unto the Rectour of the University, who with other twelve (as they were called, Divines & Lawyers having censured and condemned them as hereticall, redelivereth them within two dayes in a solemne meeting (March 2. year 1527.) of the two archbb. three bb. sixe Abbots and Priours, and eight Divines. These all set their hands unto the sentence; and the ••ame day Pa. Hamilton was condemned by the Secular Judge, and burnt in the afternoon. When this execution was reported, many in all parts of the kingdom do enquire,

why was such a man burnt? and when they heard of the articles, they talk of the truth of them, and many do apprehend otherwise then was judged. * 2.83 In the University these articles took a deep impression; yea and many Friers beg••n in their Sermons to comdemn the errours and abuses of the Clergy. Thus God made the martyrdom of one man to be the meanes of spreading the trueth unto many. In time of that Lent Alex. Seton (a Dominican) preached oft in Santandrewes: the substance of his Sermons was; The law of God is the only rule of righteousnes: If Gods law be not violated, no sin is committed: It is not in mans power to satisfie for sin: The forgiveness of sin is no way purchased, but by unfained repentance, and true faith apprehending the mercy of God in Christ. He spoke not of purgatory, pilgrimage, prayer to Saints, merits nor miracles, as the Friers were wont: therefore he was suspected of heresy. Before the Lent was finished, he went to Dundy, and there he was advertised, that another Dominican had pu∣blickly contradicted his former doctrine: without delay he returnes, and in a Sermon confirmes what he had taught before, and moreover he speaks of the vertues, that are required of a faithfull Bishop: and made this Use of them; Within Scotland are no true Bishops, if they be examined by those notes, which the Scripture requires. This was by and by re∣ported to the Bishop, in words varying a little, that a Bishop must be a prea∣cher, or els he is a dumbe dog. He is sent for, and said, The reporters are manifest liars. The reporters are called, and they affirm that he had said so; and they profer to bring more witnesses. He still saith, They are ly∣a••••. More witnesses are brought, and many come to heare. Then said Seton, My Lord, you may consider, what eares these asses have: they can not discern betwixt Paul, Esaie, Zacharie and Malachie, and Frier Alex. Seton: I said indeed, Paul saith, A Bishop should be a teacher; E∣sa••e saith, shepherds not feeding their flocks are dumbe•• oggs; Zacharie saith, they are idle pastours; and I declared what those have said: and, my Lord, if you be not offended at them, you can not be offended at mee: therefore I say again, these men are manifest lya••s, which have reported, that I called you or any other Bishop, no Bishops but belly gods. The Bishop was offended: but durst not at that time proceed against him, be∣cause he was learned, bold, and in favour with the King, and his Confes∣sour. But he and his complices did judge it not expedient, such a man to bee with the King: and so they endeavoure to make him odious unto the King, and call him an heretick. The King did remember, how in private con∣fession the Frier had admonished him for his lusts of the flesh, and loved no•• such advice, and said, He knew more of that man, than any of them; and then subscribes their accusation, and promiseth to follow their advice in pu∣nishing him and all of that sect. Seton is informed of these things, and fleeth to Berwick, whence he wrote unto the King in this manner,

Most Gracious Soverain Lord, under the Lord and King of all, of whom only thy Highness and Majesty hath power and authority to exercize justice with∣in thy realme, under God, who is King & Lord of all realms, and thy * 3.1 Ma. and all mortall Kings are but servants unto that only immortall Prince, Chr. Jesus

....It's not unknown to thy gracious Highness, how thy Mas. somtime servant & Oratour (and ever shall be to my lifes end) is departed out of thy realme.....but I believe, the cause of my departing is un∣known, which only is, Because the bb. and churchmen of thy realme have heertofore had such authority over thy subjects, that apparently they were rather King, and thou, the Subject: which unjust regiment is of it self false

and contrary to holy Scripture: Thou art the King & Master, and they are thy subjects, which is true, and testified by the word of God. And also because they will give no man of whatsoever degree (whom they once call hereticks) audience, time nor place to speak, and use defence, which is against all lawe....So that if I might have had audience, and shewd my just defence....I should never have fled....albeit it had cost mee my life: But because I believed, that I could have no audience (they are so great with thy Ma.) I have departed, not doubting, but moved of God, untill a better time, that God illuminate thy Ma., even to give every man audience (as thou shouldst & mayst, and art bound by the law of God) who are accused to death. And to certify thy Highness, that these are not vain words, here I offer me to come into thy realm again, if thy Ma. will give mee audience, and hear what I have for mee according to the word of God; and cause any Bishop, abbot, frier or Secular; which is most cunning (some of them can not read their Matins, who are made Judges of heresy) to impugne mee by the law of God; and if my part be found wrong, thy Ma. being present and judge, I refuse no pain....and if I convince them by the law of God, and that they have nothing to lay to my charge, but the law of man, and their own inuentions to uphold their own glory and pridefull life, and dayly scourging thy poor subjects; I refer myself unto thy Ma. as judge, Whether he hath the victory, that holds him at the law of God, which can not fail nor be false, or they that hold themselves at the law of man, which is very oft plain contrary, and therefore of necessity false: for all thing contrary to verity (which is Christ and his law) is of necessity a ly. And to witness that this comes of all my heart, I shall remain at Berwick, whil I shall have thy Mas. answer, and shall without fail return, having thy hand writing, that I shall have audience and place to speak, I desire no more, whereof if I had been sure, I should never have departed....Pardon mee to say that, which lieth to thy Mas. charge. Thou art bound by the law of God (albeit they ly, and say, It ap∣pertaines not to thy Ma. to intermedle with such matters) to cause every man, who in any case is accused of his life, to have their just defense, and their accusers produced, according to their own law. They do blinde thy Ma. eies, that knowest nothing of thy law: but if I prove not this out of their own law, I offer mee to the death. Thy Ma. therefore may learn by dayly experience (seing they neither feare the King of heaven, as their lives testifie; neither Thee their natural Prince, as their vsurped power in their actions shewes) why thy Highness should be no longer blinded. Thou mayst consider that they intend nothing else, but only the upholding of their barded mules, augmenting their insatiable avarice, and continually overthrowing & swallowing up thy poore subiects; never preaching nor teaching out of the law of God (as they should) the ignorant people; but contend, who may be most high, most rich, and nearest thy Ma; to put thy temporall Lords and Lieges out of thy Counsell & favour, who should bee and are most tender servants to thy Ma. in all time of need, to the defense of Thee and thy Crown......Let thy Ma. take boldness and authority, which thou hast of God, and suffer not their cruell persecution to proceed, without audience given to him, who is accused...and then no doubt, thou shalt have thy subiects hearts and all that they can do in time of need, tranquillity, justice and policy, and finally the kingdom of heaven. May it please you, to give a copy of this to the Clergy, and keep the originall, and thy Ma. shall have experience, if I go against one word, that I have

spoken, &c.

This Letter was delivered unto the King and it was read by many: but no answer was returned; and the man went into England, and preached (some years) the gospell to the comfort of his hearers. The histo. of Reformat. Others spoke also against the licenciousness of the Clergy, that a new resolution was taken to burne moe. A frier John forrest was brought to Santandrews for saying, Pa. Hamilton died a Martyr: because they had not clear proof against him, another frier Walter Laign was sent to confesse him: he askes him in way of confession, What is his judgement concer∣ning Pa Hamilton? Forrest answereth, I think, he was a good man, and the articles might be well defended, for which he was condemned. This is sufficient evidence to condemn him unto the fire. When they lead him out to be degraded, he cried among the people, Fie on falshood, fie on false friers, revealers of confession: let never a man trust them after mee: they are despisers of God, and deceivers of men. While they consult upon the manner and place of his execution, John lindsay a gentle man (waiting upon the Bishop) said, If yee will burn any more, do it in a hollow cellar: for the smoke of Mr Pa. hamilton hath infected all these on whom it blew. Ne∣vertheless he was burnt at the north side of the abbey, that the hereticks of Anguise might see the fire. The persecution goeth-on: James Hamilton of Livinston brother of the Martyr, and his sister Ca••herin were summoned to compear at Halirudhouse before the Bishop of Ross. The King adviseth the gentleman not to appear: he was condemned for not obeying. Cathe∣rin was asked, whither she believes to be justified by works? She answered, I believe no person can be justified by their own works. John spence a Lawyer had a long discourse of the diversity of works of congruitie and of con∣dignity, &c. The young woman saith, Worke here, work there: what kinde of work is all this? I know perfitly, that, no work can save mee, but the works of Christ my Saviour. The King laugheth at the answer; and taking her aside, persuades her to recant her opinion: and by her example sundry others at the same time were moved to abiure their profession; as Wi. kirk a priest, Adam daes, &c. So soon as these were dismissed, Normand gourley and David straton were brought to tryall. Norman was charged for denying * 3.2 purgatory, and that the Pope had any jurisdiction in Scotland. David had been turbulent, and was by conference with John Erskin of Dun becom another man, and God had kindled in his heart such love to the knowledge of trueth, that he oft prayd for spirituall courage, if he shall be brought to suffer for Christ. He was charged for maintaining, that tyths were not due to Church-men. He denied that he had said so: but said he, I send a fish-boat to the sea, and they are so rigorous in craving the tenth fish, that they can not be contented, and I said, If they will not believe, how many fishes are taken, go and see where they are taken; yea and I gave order to my servants to cast the tenth fish into the sea. And ••e was further accused of the same points wich Norman. He was condemned with him, and was offered to be spared, if he would burne his bill, which was then vsed as the signe of recanting: but he would not. So they were burnt together August XXVII. year 1534: At the same time were summoned Alex Alesse, Jo. Fife, John macbee, and one Macdowall: they fled into England, and thereafter into Germany the first two were Professours of Divinity in Lipsia: the thrid was called Maccabeus, and was Chaplain to Christian King of Denmark. As the history of the Reformation shewes, there were civil broils in the countrey, and the persecution was interrupted untill the year 1538. and in the mean while the knowledge of the truth increaseth, partly

by conference of men about what had been done, and partly by reading the New testament in English, and partly by report of merchants and ••ea∣men; telling what was a doing in other countries in the cause of religion. The bb and their officialls accurse many for triffles and pecuniall causes: the people contemn their excommunications: therefore the bb. would streng∣then their sentences by civill autority, and procure an act of Parliament a∣gainst such, who lay 40 daies under excommunication James 5. Parl. 4. Act. 8.

III. The heat of persecution in England seemed but to begin in year 1527. * 3.3 those who before were called Lollards, were then called Lutherans: great numbers were burnt: whereby the King thought to promerite the Popes favour. Behold how God brings light out of darknes! When King Hen∣ry had been 20 years married, he falles into the scruple, whither his mar∣riage was lawfull? but who can tell, whither he was so touched indeed, or * 3.4 but a pretext, in respect he had not a son, or that he loved another woman? Yet so it was; he abstaines from her company, and speakes of divorcement: The Queen sendeth unto the Pope and complaines: the King also sendeth, and craves, that the Pope would justify by the sacred word the former dis∣pensation to marry, or dissolve the marriage. How this was carried in the Popes court, none can declare better than an Italian: and so Pe. Soave in Histor. Conc. Triden. hath it thus; Pope Clemens in time of his distress had * 3.5 good hope, if the Kings of France & England shall continue in his grace, and make disturbance unto Cesar in the Kingdom of Naples: there∣fore he dispatches Card. Campegius into England, and commits the cause unto him and the Card. of York. The King was certified by letters from Rome, that the cause shall be discerned speedily in his favours: this was in the year 1528. But when Clemens considereth, that the Emperours favour was more usefull unto him in recovering the City Florence; in the year 159. he sent Francis Campana unto Campegius, ordering him to burne his former Bull, and proceed warily in that cause. Campegius devi∣seth pretexts of delay, and pretends difficulties. The King observes his jugling, and askes the advice of the Universities in Italy, Germany & France. Some were against his mind, and some for him, especially the Pa∣risians, and many thought, that they were moved by his gifts more than by weight of reason. But the Pope whether willing to gratifie Caesar, or fearing, that by means of the Card. of York some what might happen con∣trary to his mind, drawes back the cause unto himself. The King being * 3.6 impatient, and smelling the fraud, forsakes Catharin, and marrieth Anna Bolen in the year 1533. Nevertheless the plea is continued, but slowly; that, if the Pope can., he may both satisfie the Emperour, and decline the offense of the King. And then he touches not the point, but some acces∣sory articles: especially he decerneth against the King, that it was not law∣full for him by his own authority and without the Sentence of the Church, to forsake the company of his wife. When the king understood this, in the beginning of the year 1534 he denieth obedience unto the Pope, and chargeth all his subjects, that they send no mony unto Rome, nor pay Peter-pence unto any of the Collectors. This vexeth the Romane Court, and all their thoughts were upon remedies. Many would proceed with cen∣sures against the king and interdict all Nations to have commerce with Eng∣land: but they took a more moderate course to serve the time, and by intercession of France to compose the business. And Francis undertooke it, and sent the Bishop of Parise unto Rome with tolerable propositions;

and in the mean while they went on slowly at Rome, that they would de∣cern nothing, unless Cesar would either first, ot at the same time revenge by the sword his cousin's wrong. The plea was branched into 23 articles, as 1. whether Prince Arthur had carnall copulation with Catherin? The half of Lent was spent on this question: then March 19 Newes were brought to Rome, that a famous libell was published in England against the Pope and all his Court; and that before the king was a com••dy to the great re∣proach of the Pope and the Cardinals. Then all were in a rage; and March 24 they pronounce sentence, that the marriage betwixt Henry & Catharin was lawfull, and unless he hold her for hi•• wife, he shall he reputed as excommunicated. This praecipitation pleaseth not the Pope: for within sixe dayes Letters come from France, shewing that Henry is content to sub∣mitt unto their judgement, and obey the Pope, if such Cardinals were se∣cluded of whom he was jealous; and such as were free of suspicion, were sent to Camerac, and there determine the plea: and Francis sent Oratours for t••is effect. Th••n Clemens adviseth on pretenses, to suspend the Sen∣tence, and recover a lost cause, But Henry said, Their Sentence was no∣thing unto him: he is the only Lord of his own kingdom, as the Pope is the only Bishop of Rome; and he will do as the Easterne Church did of old, * 3.7 to wit, he will keep the Christian faith, and cast-off the Popes autho∣rity; nor will he suffer that the Lutheran or any other heresy have place in his ••ealm. And so he did: for he publisheth an Edict, whereby he decla∣res himself The head of the Church of England, and chargeth upon pain of death, that no man ass••ribe any power unto the Pope within Engl••nd, and commandeth all the Collectors of Peter-pence to be gone. All those were confirmed by ordinance of the Estates, which they call the Parliament. And it was also Acted, that the archb. of Canterburry shall invest all the bb. of England. and that the Churchmen shall pay yearly unto the King 150000 pounds, for defence of the kingdom against whatever enemy, Various were the judgements of men concerning this action of the King: some said, it was done prudently, that he had cast of the Romane See with∣out any alteration of religion, without any sedition among his subjects, and without appeal of his cause unto a Councel: for if he had permitted it unto the judgement of a Councel, he saw, that he could not carry it with∣out difficulty, and the issue might have been dangerous: for a Councel consisting of Church-men would without doubt have maintained the Pa∣pal power, seing, albeit they be in some respect obnoxious unto Emper. and Princes, yet they do prefer the eminency of the Pope, nor among the Churchmen is any but the Pope that carrieth sway, having no Super∣our in degree of honour. But the Roman Court argueth, it could not be affirmed, that he had made no change in religion, ••hen the chief and first article of their faith, concerning the Primacy of the Pope, was chan∣ged: for which alone they should have kindled the fire of sedition, as if all had been changed: and the event did confirm this, seing the King was driven by necessity of maintaining this edict, to punish severely his former∣ly dearest minions Nor can it be easily told, how great offense and sadness not only at Rome, but every where, this departure of so great a Prince from the obedience of the Pope, wrought in the ••earts of Churchmen. Cer∣tainly ••t was a cleare document of humane frailty: whereby it often hap∣neth, that what things were most advantagious, turn at last to the greatest * 3.8 loss and harm. For the Romish PP. by dispensations of marriages, and sen∣tences of divorces either granted or denied, were wont to make great ad∣vantages,

under the name of Christs Vicar as under a shadow covering those Princes, which thought it expedient, (either by some incestuous marriage, or by violating one, and contracting another) to make new purchase of other Landes, or to cut away the rights and titles of diverse competitours; and that made sure friendship among them [The Pope and the Princes] when his authority did serve to maintain their power, without which the actions of Princes, being unlawfull, had been clearly condem∣ned & hindered; nor only unto these Princes, but unto all their children, which might have been called, to prove the lawfulness of their birth. So far Pe. Soave in hist Con••. Trid. Lib. 1. Others shew what was done in England: Card. Wolsey archb. of York had advised the King unto that divorcement: but when he understood of his affection toward Anna Bolen, he changeth his mind, because she was infected (so he spoke) with Lutheranisme; and he wrote unto the Pope that for this cause he would not consent unto the divorce. Thus we see, that in all these variations both at Rome and in England, the Pope and his Cardinals look not to any Rule, either of Gods word or of reason, but are moved by the Spring of their own interest. When the King understood of these Letters by his Agent lying at Rome, he was highly displeased, and displaceth Wolsey of his office of Chanceller in France, and of two bishopricks (for he had three, York, Duresme & Winchester) and at last ••e sent the Captain of his Gaird to bring him to London: but he died by the way, of a flixe. When the king was mar∣ried with Queen Anna, he entangleth all the Clergy by the law Praemunire, for assisting the Popes Legate. They submitt themselves: namely, the Prelates profer for discharge of that law, to give unto the king 100000 pounds out of Canterburry, and 18840 pounds out of York; and in their submission they call the King the head of the Church. In the Parliament An. 24. of his reigne, in January following, he annulleth some former Acts, that were made against hereticks, and ordaineth, that none shall be in danger for speaking against the Popes pretented authority or his Decrees or lawes, which are not grounded on the holy Scriptures. Item An. 25 ch. 39 he appointed 32 judges out of the higher & lower houses (whereof 16 should be of the clergy, and 16 of the temporality, and all at his own no∣mination) to examine the Synodal Canons, and to determine of them, either to stand in strength, or to abrogat them at their discretions. Item the Clergy should promise on the word of a priest, never to assemble with∣out the Kings licence, nor enact constitutions without his consent. Item that all cases, that were (before) reserved from the power of the bb. unto the Pope, were declared to appertain unto the King and his commissioners; as to dispense with Canons, to divide or unite bishopricks. Item all an∣nats or first year's fruits, and tyths of Benefices were forbidden to be car∣ried out of the Country; and An. 26 c. 3. they were ordained to be payd unto the King as before unto the Pope. Item no appellation should be made to Rome. Item Peter-pence, pensions & all such exactions shall cease; With express provision, that the King nor his subjects shall not intend to vary from the articles of the Catholick faith of Christendom. Item the degrees of consanguinity & affinity that are prohibited by the law of God, were explained & published. The Kings marriage with Catherin was de∣clared unlawfull, and his marriage with Anna daughter to the Earle of Wiltshire was approved. The excommunication of the King was affixed on the church-doors of Dunkirk, because the Nuntio durst not come into England. But the King proceeds in parliament An. 26. c. 1. renouncing and

causing the subjects to renounce the Pope, and establishing the Papal au∣thority in his own person. The oath of the clergy unto the Pope is made void, and they are ordained to give their oath unto the king. The bb. and Doctours of Divinity and of both lawes do both by word & write, and in their Convocations confirme all that the king had done in Parliament. Jo Fisher Bishop of Rochester and Thomas Moore refuse to subscribe: there∣fore they were committed. Pope Paul hearing of Fisher's constancy (as they called it there) creates him a Cardinall: for he said, The King will not put hands in a Cardinal: but ere the Bull came, the king had intelli∣gence of it, and caused to execute the Bishop and Thomas Moore An. 1535. It was the just judgement of God on them: for they had incensed the king against many Martyrs; namely, Fisher caused his Dean Do. Parker to take up and burn the body of William Tracy an Esquire in Rochester-shire, after it had lyen in the grave three years, because he said in his latter Will, he would have no pompe at his buriall, and he trusted in Christ only, ho∣ping to be saved by Him, and by no Saint. Tho cooper at An. 1532. Like∣wise lest the Pope did provoke other Princes against king Henry, he sent Ambassadors with Letters and informations unto the Emperour, the kk. of France....entreating them to keep amity. The summe of his Letter unto James V. king of Scotland was; Forasmuch as the Pope without the know∣ledge of the Emperour or French king or Germane Princes hath excommu∣nicated * 3.9 mee, and now the Popes N••ntio the Cardinal of Scotland is arrived with commission (as I hear it brooted, but have no intelligence) to pra∣ct••ze some anoisance by his pretended censures against mee thy uncle; There∣fore I premonish and require thy Grace, and most heartily pray thee, to consider 1. the Supremacy of Princes granted by the holy Scriptures unto mee and other Princes in their Churches 2. to weigh what Gods word calleth a Church 3. what superstitions, idolatries and blind abuses have crept into all realmes to the high displeasure of God. 4. what is to be understood by the censure & excommunication of the Church, and how no such censure can be in the power of the Bishop of Rome or of any other man against mee or any other Prince, having so just ground to avoide from the root, and to abolish so execrable authority which the Bishop of Rome hath vsurped and vsurpes upon all Princes to their great dammage; My request therefore to my nephew is to consider, of what moment it should bee unto yourself (having your subiects evill instructed in the premisses) if you agree unto such censures, and by such example give upper-hand over yourself and other Princes unto that vsurper of Rome, as is like to happen in other places of Christendom, (where the true declaration of the word of God shall have free course) to scourge them unless they will adore and ki••••e the foot of that corrupt holiness, which desireth no∣thing but pride and the vniversall thrall of Christendom under Rome's yoke; I a••so premonish your Grace, that you would not receive the Popes Car∣dinal into your Countrie: for he will not be content to be next unto you, but assuredly he will be equall, yea and usurp over you, and be a heavie burden unto your conntrie, as experience teaches in England, &c. After this, Henry enioyeth peace, notwitstanding all that the Pope wrought against him. Jo. Fox Act. & moni. But upon this occasion the King of France was persuaded by the Pope not to pay (as he was wont) yearly 95000▪ Crowns, and other 10000. crowns, as a Treatie of peace betwixt the king∣doms did specifie. In the year 1536. Q. Catherin died; Q. Anna and her brother were beheaded, with Henry Norreys and Francis Weston and

other two gentle men of the bedchamber; for what cause, it is not known, ••aith Jo. Foxe: but within three Dayes the king married Lady Jane Seimer. First by a Convocation, and then by Parlament An. 32. Henry VIII. his marriage with Lady Anna was declared unlawfull (no reason is alledged in the Act) and he excludes his daughters Mary and Elisabet from succession, and declareth the Crown to appertain u••to the heirs to be begotten. In the next year prince Edward was borne, and within 12. dayes his mother died. Then by determination of Synods and Sentence of both Universities it was acknowledged, that unto the king did belong the title The Supream head of the Church, that is, (as they expounded it) under Christ the Supream mem∣ber of the Church within his own dominions, to commande for trueth, and not against trueth. Fran. Mason lib. 3. c. 3. According to this title he be∣gan * 3.10 to consider the estate of the Church: by advice and prudence of the godly Lord Cromwell and others of his Counsell he understood, that the corrupt estate of the Church had need of Reformation in many things; yet because so many superstitious persons were to be turned from their olde customs; he procures an Act of Parlament (An. 32. of his reigne) that what∣soever article of faith and declaration of other expedient points, the Archbb. Bishops and a great number of the learned Doctors with consent of the King shall think needfull & expedient, together with their determination of other points and ceremonies in Divine Service, shall have the strength of an Act of pa••liament. Then he would not Reforme all at once, but purposing to lead them softly, he intendeth to proceed by degrees. First he publisheth a litle book, bearing the inscription, Articles deuised by his Highness to estable Christian quietnes & vnity. In this were 1. the articles of the Creed necessary to be believed by all men. 2. the doctrine of baptisme, pennance and sacra∣ment of the altar, little or nothing differing from the Church of Rome. 3. he declareth, that the cause of our justification is the only mercy of the Father promised freely unto us for his son Christs sake, and for the merit of his passion; yet good works are necessary with inward contrition, charity and other spirituall graces and good motions, that is, when wee have received remission of our sins, or are justified, we must give obedience unto God, in observing his Law. 4. he commandeth pastors to teach their people, that ima∣ges should not be worshipped, and are but representers of vertue and good example; and therefore no incence, knieling, nor offering should be done un∣to them. 5. Saints are to be praised, or Christ is to be praised in them, for their graces and good example, that they have left unto us; but wee obtain all grace by the only Mediation of Jesus Christ, and of none other. 6. concerning ceremonies, as holy vestures, holy water, bearing candles on Candlemes-day, and some such others, he admits them to be good, so far as they put men in remembrance of spirituall things, but so that they contain in them no power to remit or take a way sin, &c. There he addeth other iniunctions: spe∣cially he causethto translate the Bible, and commandeth all priests to have a Latine and English Bible lying open in their parish-churches, that whosoever pleaseth, may read them. Then diverse images were demolished An. 1538, especially the most notable stocks of idolatry at Walsingham, Worchester...which had devices to role their ••ies, and to stirre other parts of their body, and many other false juglings; wherewith simple people had been decei∣ved: all which was then made known, and destroyed. Jo. Foxe in Acts. In the same year followeth the ruine of all religious (as they had been called) houses, by advice of the same L-Cromwell Lord of the privy seale; So that all friers, Nuns and sects of religion were rooted out of England, to

the number of 645. Abbeys, priories and Nuneries, and by Act of Parlia∣ment their lands did return to the heirs of the first Donours. All that time Steeven Gardener Bishop of Winchester so dealt with the king by represen∣ting unto him the grudge of his subjects for rejecting the pope and for his dealing toward his wifes (he had then married Anna Sister to the Duke of Cleve An. 1539.) and for these his late doings; that he persuadeth him (for taking away suspicion of heresy) to consent unto the burning of John Lambert: yea Gardener prevaileth so, that the king hearkned no more unto L. Cromwell, but contrariwise he beheaded him and Walter. L. Hungerford, July 28 An. 1540. Tho. Cooper. He made an Act discharging the Translation of the Bible made by W. Tindall, and restraining the au∣thorized Translation with many limitations, An. 34. Henr. VIII. It came then to passe, that the estate of Religion seemed more and more to de∣cay, and popish injunctions were authorized, establishing Transubstanti∣ation, vowes of chastity, private Masses and auricular confession; and forbidding communion in both kinds and marriage of priests (wherefore some said, Henry had forsaken the Pope, but not popery) and he an∣nulled not those former Statutes. Such was the craft of the vene∣mous serpent! But God raiseth up some good instruments: for Thomas Cranmer archb. of Canterburry resists Gardener; and the Counsel of Eng∣land was divided: some were for the old Religion, and some for the Re∣formed; and Statutes of both sorts were in force. So in one day at Smith field An. 1541. Gardener with his faction, for refusing his articles caused burn three godly men, Do. Robert Barnes, Tho. Garret & Will. Jerom priests; and Tho Cranmer with his side, caused hang, drawe and quarter other three, Ed. Powell, Ric. Fetherston & Tho. Abell, for denying the kings Supremacy, and maintaining the Bishop of Rome's authority. Jo. Foxe in Acts. A stranger beholding these, said, Good God. how can men live here? on the one side Papists are hanged, and on the other anti-pa∣pists are burnt. The people were brought marvelously into doubt of Re∣ligion. All the number of them, which suffered in England for maintai∣ning Papacy (which was called Treason) wer 24 persons: but of the o∣ther sort many were burnt, and so many were imprisoned the same year, that room could not be found in the prisons of London, and many were kept in other houses: by intercession of the L. Chanceller Audley, many of them were given to the custody of Noble men. where they were used favourably. In that year Henry was divorced from his fourth wife by Sen∣tence of his Clergy, which did hate her for Lutheranisme (as they spoke) yet with her own consent, and within a month he married Catherin Ho∣ward a brothers daughter of the house of Norfolk: the next year she was accused of adultery with Tho. Culpeper, and beheaded in the Tower with Jane Lady Rocheford as accessory unto her deeds. After that, Henry began to misse his good Counseller L. Cromwell, and to perceive the scope of Gardener: he wrote unto Archbisbop. Cran∣mer, to reforme pilgrimages and idolatry; and he permits to eat flesh in Lent, pretending a civill respect and the ben••fite of the people. But bloodie Gardener ••easeth not from persecution, and burnt in one fire Ro. Testwood, Ja. Filmer, Jo. Marbeck and Antonie pierson, at Winchester An. 1543; and great numbers at Calice; amongst whom was the abovena∣med Alex. Seton. The Commissioners of this bloody Inquisition were restrained by the Lords of parliament An. 1545, that no inditements should be received against any person, but by the oaths of 12. men (at least) of

honesty & credite, and free of malice. Item, that no person should be put in ward before his enditement were heard & judged except at the Kings speciall command. Item An. 35. Henr. VIII. c. 16. it was enacted, that the king should have full authority to appoint 16. of the clergy, and 16 of the Temporalty, to peruse and examine the canons, constitutions and ordinances Provincial and Synodal, and according to their discretions with his Royall consent, to setle and establish an order of Ecclesiasticall lawes, to be observed in time coming in all spirituall courts. As these Acts did in some measure shew the mind of the King, so Gardener ceaseth not; yea he spareth not the godly Lady the Kings sixth wife, and sent to apprehend her: but by her wisedom and submission unto the King she was saved out of the butchers handes. In a word, Henry was much led by his Counsellers: he died in January 1547. When he saw death approaching, he nameth his son Edward to be his heire; and failing him, he appointeth the Crown unto Mary; and failing her, unto Elisabeth. he appointeth 16. Counsellours, as Gover∣nours of his son: amongst whom were Th. Cranmer, and Gardener: but afterward he caused to blott out Gardeners name, because (said he) he would trouble all the rest, he is of so turbulent a spirit. The chieff of these Counsellers was Edward Seymer Earle of Herford uncle to king Edward, and Zealous of the Reformed religion. Henry would not suffer Gardener to come into his presence in time of his sicknes, but called oft for Cran∣mer, to receive spirituall confort. Jo. Foxin Acts. Great joy was among the Fathers at Trent and Rome, when they heard of his death. Pe. Soave. But they where disapointed, as followes.

IV. Pope Paul seeing that England had left him, and fearing the like de∣parture * 3.11 of Scotland, creates David beton (one, which was not entred into the order of priesthood) Cardinal S. Stephani de Mon••e Coelio, and sent him as his Legat to prevent defection. Strict inquisition was made at his command in the year 1538. many both in Edinburgh and Sant An∣drewes for fear did abjure the reformed Religion. Notwithstanding his opposition, the light of the Trueth spreads in the cloisters, and the Friers preach against the ignorance and malice of the Bishops. In Fe∣bruary 1538. the bishops held a meeting at Edinburgh: There two Friers Killore and Beverage, two priests Duncan Simson and Thomas Forrest, and a gentle man Tho. Forrester were condemned and burnt upon the Castle-hill. Thomas Forrest had been Vicar of Dolor, and was dela∣ted unto the Bishop of Dunkell for preaching every sunday to his parisho∣ners upon the Epistles & Gospels of the day: the Bishop desireth him to forbear, seing that diligence brought him into suspicion of heresy: but (said he) if you can find a good Gospell or a good epistle, that makes for the liberty of the holy Church, teach that, and leave the rest. Thomas answereth, I have read both the New testament and the old, and I never found an ill epistle or an ill gospell in any of them. The Bishop replieth, I thank God, I have lived well these many years, and never knew the old nor new: I content mee with my Portuise and Pontificall; and if you leave not those fantasies, you will repent, when you can not mende it. He answered, he thought it his duty to do as he did, and had layd his ac∣count with any danger, that may follow. The sommer following, Jer. Russell a gray frier and Thomas Kennedy a young man of Aire not above 18 years of age were at Glascow accused of heresy: because the Bishop Gawin Dumbar was thought cold in the business, M^rs John Lawder & And. Oliphant, and frier Maltman were sent from Edinburgh, to assist

him. The young man would have saved his life by denying the point•• layd to his charge: but when he heard Russel's answers, he falls upon his knees, and saith, Wonderfull, o Lord, is thy love and mercy towards mee a miserable wretch! for even now I would have denied thee and thy son the Lord Jesus Christ my only Saviour, and so have thrown myself into everlasting condemnation: thou by thy own hand hast pulled mee back from the bottom of hell, and given mee to feell most heavenly com∣fort, which hath removed the ungodly fear, that before oppressed my mind: now I defy death: do what yee please: I praise God, I am rea∣dy. The Frier reasoneth a long time with his accusers, and when he heard nothing from them, but bitter and menacing speeches, he said, This is your houre and power of darknes: now yee sit as Judges, and we stand, and wrongfully are condemned: but the day comes, which will shew our innocency, and yee shall see your own blindness, to your everlasting confusion: go on, and fulfill the measure of your iniquity. At these words the Bishop was moved, and said, These rigorous executions hurt the cause of the Church more than wee think of: and therefore in may opinion, it were better to spare the mens lives, and take some other course with them. These which were sent to assist, said, If he will follow any other course, than which had been kept at Edinburgh, he could not be esteemed a friend of the Church. So he consentes to their cruelty. All the time the fire was a preparing, Rusell comforts the young man, and useth such speeches, Fear not brother: for he is more mighty which is in us, than he who is in the world: the pain which wee shall suffer is short, and light, but our joy & consolation shall never have an end: death can not destroy us: for it is destroyed already by him, for whose sake wee suffer: let us strive to enter by the same straite way, which our Saviour hath taken before us. The hearers were wonderfully moved with these and such words, and seeing their constancy. Spotswo. in the Histo. Lib. 2. At that time Geo. Buchanan was imprisoned for his poësie written against the Franciscans: but he esca∣ped out of prison. The Bishops intend to use the like cruelty in all parts of the realme: nevertheless day by day not only the learned, but even those of whom such gifts could scarcely have been expected, began plainly to paint forth the hypocrisy of friers, and ignorance of priests. Bishop Beaton becomes sick, and commits his charge to his nephew the Cardinal which did succeed him. At his first entring, to shew his grandure, he calleth to Sant Andrews in Maje 1540. eight Earls & Lords, 5 Bishops, * 3.12 4 Abbots with a great number of Barons, Priours, Deans and Doctours; and sitting in a chaire somewhat above them all (because he was a Cardi∣nal) he speaks of the danger of the Catholick Church by the increase of hereticks, and their boldnesse even in the Kings Court, where they finde too great countenance. He named Sir John Borthwick (commonly called Captain Borthwick; and some call him Provest of Lithgow) whom he had caused to be summoned for dispersing the English New Testament and books of Jo. Oecolampade, Melanthon and Erasmus; and for maintaining diverse heresies: and the Cardinal craves their assistance in proceeding in justice against him. Among other articles these were read; 1. The Pope hath no greater authority over Christians, then any other Bishop hath. 2. Indulgences granted by the Pope are but to deceive poor souls. 3. bb. priests and other clerks may lawfully marry 4. the heresies commonly called the heresies of England, and their new liturgy is commendable, and should be embraced &c. He appeares not, and is condemned for these particulars as

an heresiarch, and is ordained to be burnt in effigie, if he can not be appre∣hended. He sled into England, and King Henry imploieth him in a commis∣sion to the Protestant Princes in Germany for a confoederation in defense of their common profession. Some years preceeding, King Henry had sent the Bishop of S. Davids with some English books unto his nephew K. James, aiming to induce him unto the like Reformation: and in that year he craves a meeting at York, to treat of the common good of both kingdoms. The King was advised by the Nobility, to prepare for that journy: and he re∣turnes answer, that he will come. But the Cardinal and clergy fearing the effects of that Conference, set themselves against it: they cast the seed of discord among the Counsellers, and propound unto the King the in∣constancy of promises from an hostile king: he needs not go into England for any benefite, seing he hath enough at home: they promise to give him yearly 30000 crowns from the Church; and of them, which are re∣bellious against the holy Father the Pope, and his lawes, he may make unto the Crown yearly above 100000 Crouns, if he will authorize such a Judge as they would name, to proceed against them. Nor can there be any danger in arraigning them, seing it is known, that they do use the Bible in English, they talk commonly of the Popes power; they despise the Service of the Church; they deny obedience unto sacred persons, and are not worthy to live under a king. By these persuasions the king gives-over his journey to York. Wherefore king Henry was offended, and pre∣pares an Army against Scotland: and James prepares another to inuade Eng∣land. In time of these levies, the Cardinal gives unto the king a catalogue of above 300 persons, whom in his inquisition he had appointed unto death: but this bloody designe was stayd by that preparation, and taken a∣way by the death of the king. For the sum of the warrs is; when the Scots were past Solvay, a gentle man Oliver Sinclare shewes his Commis∣sion, to be Commander in chieff: the Noble men refuse to fight un∣der his command, and were taken captives (the water flowing, they could not return) and King James hearing of their overthrow, died in sorow within 3. dayes, on December 13. year 1542; leaving a Daugh∣ter Mary five dayes old, to be his heire. Then were various discour∣ses, what might be the issue of those warrs: Every one talkes as he wisheth or feareth. Henry calleth for the captives unto White-hall, and shewes them, how God had offered them a most fit occasion of firme concord, if their Queen were contracted with his son. They do promise to use their diligence, so far as they could, without prejudice of the kingdom and their own infamy: and so were dismissed in Janua∣ry. Buchan. Histor. Libr. 14. & 15. Then the Cardinall had more than hope, to be Regent: he causeth a Priest Hen. Balfour to write (as the Kings last will) that he and some others should be Governours; and the Queen Dowager favoureth him. But these who loved not his Inquisition, and others calling to mind the former difficulties of the kingdom in the like case, chuseth and declareth February 10. James hamilton Earle of Arran (who was one of these, whom the Cardinal had appointed unto death, and next heire of the ••rown) to be Regent, during the minori∣ty of the infant Queen. He had two preachers Thomas Guilliam and John rough sound in religion according to these times. The Card. was not content with the Regent, nor his preachers: he endeavoureth to molest him, and to stay the preaching of the Word. In March a Parliament was assembled: thither Ralph Sadler Ambassadour from England comes

for common peace; and by the way to put in mind the former captives of their promises. The Contract of promise was once concluded: but the Qu. Dowager, the Card. and the Prelates do so wilfully oppose it, that with common voice of the most part, the Cardinal was removed, and shut up strait in a chamber, untill the votes were asked: then the marriage was concluded; other conditions of peace were penned, and pledges were ordained to be sent into England. The Cardinal was convoied to Palkeith, and there kept as in firme warde: by intercession of the Queen he obtaines liberty to go unto Seton, and afterwards was set at full liberty. In the same * 3.13 Parliament the rigour of Acts against them, who have English Bibles was taken off. The Prelates did obiect, that the Church had forbidden all languages in religion but three, Hebrew, Greek and Latine. The Lords demande, When was that inhibition made, seing Chrysostom com∣plaines, that men will not use the sacred books in their own language. The Bishops answer, These were Greeks. The Lords reply, Christ com∣mandeth, that his Word be preached unto all Nations, and there∣fore it should be preached in every language, which the Nation under∣stands best: and if it should he preached in all tongues, why should it not be read in all tongues? In the end the best part prevailes, and liberty was granted to read the Bible, and to say prayers in the vulgar language. This was not a small victory of the trueth, and thereby many simple ones receive infor∣mation. Sundry treatises went abroad against the tyranny and abuses of the Church of Rome, and many in forrein Nations praise God for the Regent. At that time the New Testament was so unknowen unto the multitude of priests, that they were not ashamed to say in their preachings, That book was written by Luther. Not long after, the Abbot of Pasley comes out of France, and prevailes so with his brother the Regent, that Frier Guil∣liam * 3.14 was put from preaching, and went into England; and John rogh went to Kyle; and all godly men were terrified from Court. Likewise the Card. hindereth the sending of the pledges into England, and by his meanes and of his complices, the Regent was persuaded to alliance with France. Yea the craftly insinuations of the Card. and Abbot move the Regent, to ren ounce the profession of the Gospell, and submit himself unto the Pope. Then every thing was done at the nod of the Cardinal: many were persecuted: of whom some fled, and some were burnt, as An. 1546. in February Ja. huncer, Will. lambe, Witanderson and Ja. rannelt burgesses of Sant Iohn stoun, because they had eaten a goose on a fryday; and a woman, be∣cause in her travelling she would not call upon Mary. John rogers a black ••rier (who had faithfully preached the gospell unto many in Anguise and Merns) was murdered in the sea-tower of Santandrews, and then was thrown over the wall, and a report was spred, that he had broken his own * 3.15 neck. In the year 1544. came home that blessed servant of Christ, George wishart, one of great learning, Zeal and modesty: as I being young have heard of very antient men, he had been Schoolemaster of Montros, and there did teach his disciples the new testament in Greek: for this fault he was delated unto the Bishop of Brechen in time of the persecution An. 1538. when he was summoned to appear, he fled; and after sixe years returnes with more knowledge of the trueth and with more Zeall: He preached first in Montros within a private house next unto the church, except one; then in Dundie, where by authority of the Card. he was prohibited to preach: because the town was so ready to forsake the Word of God for boast of a man, he foretold that a scourge was coming shortly upon them.

From thence he went to Aire, and preached in the open fields at the church of Gastoun: for he was hindered by the Bishop of Glasgow to preach in a Church. There he is informed, that within four dayes after his coming from Dundie, that town was infected with the pest. Upon this occasion he leaves Kyle with the grief of many, and returnes to Dundy, being confident, that in that visitation they would hearken unto the com∣fort of the Word. Because some were sick, and some were clean, he stood upon the east port, and preached both in the hearing of the sick with∣out, and of the cleane within. They hearken then unto him with such comfort, that they wish to dy rather than live, thinking that possibly they could not have such comfort afterwards. He spareth not to visite the sick both with bodily and spirituall refreshment. The Cardinal was enraged at this preaching, and hireth a frier to kill him: but Cod made his servant to espy the weapon under the friers goun, and to gripe his hand. The people would have used violence against the frier: but he stayd them, saying, He hath done mee no wrong, but rather good; and shewes, that I have need to take heed unto myself. The frier declares, who had sent him, and was let go. When the plague ceaseth in Dundy, he returnes to Mon∣tros, to visite the Church there, and ministreth the Communion with both elements in Dun. From thence he was called by the gentle men of the West, to meet them at Edinburgh, because they intend to seek a dis∣pute with the Bishops. In the way he lodged at Innergoury in the house of James watson, there it was revealed unto him, that he was to glorify God shortly by martyrdom; and not many shall suffer after him. When he told these things unto others in that house, he said also, The glory of God shall triumph clearly in this realme, in spite of Satan but alas! if the peo∣ple shall become unthankfull, fearfull shall their plagues bee. When he came to Edinburg; these of Kyle came not: he preaches sometimes there, and some times in Lieth within privat houses: at the entreaty of some he preached now in Brounstoun, then in Ormestoun, and somtimes in Ha∣dingtoun: in that town for feare of the Earle Bothuell few did hear him, and he foretold the desolation, that came on that town. When he retur∣ned to Ormestoun, he told that he was to be apprehended shortly: the same night Bothuell comes with a number of armed men at the instigation of the Cardinal. Wishart yeelds himself, and is convoyd to Edinburgh, and then to Santandrews. There he was accused upon the doctrin of ju∣stifi••ation: he defends himself by the Scriptures. Neverthelesss he is con∣demned, and burnt March 1. year 1546. When he was in the fire, the Captain of the castle went near him, and in few words exhorts him to be of good courage, and crave pardon of his sins from God. He ansvereth. This fire is grievous to my body, but touches not my soule: yet (said he, pointing at the Card.) he who so proudly lookes out of his window, shall be shortly layd forth ignominiously. Many of the Nobility were rather provoked than afrayd with such cruelty; and they began to think, Some thing must de attempted with hazert, rather than always suffer shamefully. So Normand Lesley (the eldest son to the Earle of Rothes, whom the Card. had much respected) and other 16 persones conspire his death. Bu∣chanan (Lib. 15 Histor.) saith, a private quarrel moved them. May 7. in the morning, when the masons were wont to be let in to work, they kil the porter at the gate, and then (having locked the gate) they kill the Carl¦dinal in his bedchamber. A noise ariseth in the City; some would climb the walls: then the murderers lay the corps forth at the window, (whence

he had beheld the burning of Mr Wishart) to shew, that their business was too late. The report is quickly spred: some said, God had done justly, albeit the attempt was wicked. I passe over what was done by the Regent, to punish the fact, and how they keep the castle. If we will judge of the fact by the event, some of these murderers died in prison, some in the galeys, some escaped, but all died miserably. Nor did the posterity of the Cardinal enjoy long prosperity: for his three daughters were Ladies of Crawford, Vain and Kelly in Anguise; and all these families are now ruined. He gave good estates unto his three sons, but none of their po∣sterity have any heritage that he gave them: but I return to the history. Because the Scots were intending a match with France, a fleet of ships sent from England, arrive at Lieth unaworse: they spoile Edinburgh and the country thereabout, and sent their ships loadned with spoile again in the same year. The Regent and Queen bring some aid from France: but the country was a common prey to both the Nations; and they were divided among themselves, some adhering unto England and their first Contract, and others pretending the old league with France, but indeed cleaving to idolatry: whereupon followed that infortunat battell at Pinky on the tenth of September An. 1547. The warrs continue some years betwixt the two Nations, and the Queen was sent to France in April An. 1548. John Knox hapned to be within the castle of Saintandrews, when the last siege began; and was carried away to France with the others: because it was made cleare, that he was not at the murder, nor did consent unto the other crimes, he was set at liberty, and went to Geneva: thence he was called to the Mini∣stry of Englishes at Frankeford. In the year 1553. Mary being Queen of England, peace was concluded with France, England & Scotland. The next year the Queen Dowager went to France, and procureth, that the Regent was moved to dimit his office: they terrify him, that within a few years he may be called to account of his intromission; and in present con∣tentation the King of France gave him the Dukedom of Chatterault. So he resigneth his office in Parliament unto the Ambassadour Mons. d'Osell in favours of Q. Mary and her Curatours King of France and Duke of Guise. The Ambassadour delivereth instantly the same office unto the Q. Dowager. Then the Prelates thought, that none durst open a mouth against them: but the provident eie of God brought from England in time of persecution under Mary some learned men, as Wi: harlaw, John willock, &c. and Jo. Knox returnes in the end of the year 1555. Before his coming the best * 3.16 men thought it not a sin, to be present at Masse: he by authority of Gods word persuades them to abhor it. He abode at Dun, and was exercised dayly in preaching: then he went unto Calder, where the Lord Erskin, L. Lorn and James Priour of Sant Andrews son of James V. and sundry other Noble men were his hearers. He went to Finlastoun, and preaches before the Zea∣lous Earle of Glencairn: he ministreth the Lords supper wherever he prea∣cheth. When the Bishops heard of this, they summon him to appear at Edinburg May 15. An. 1556. The Bishops assemble not, and he preaches in the Bishop of Dunkells loding with greater audience than ever he had before. There the Earles Marshall, Glencairn and others advise him to write unto the Regent an exhortation unto the hearing of Gods word. He obe••et•• them: but it was in vain. He is called by his flock at Frankford to return: he goeth against the mind of many, but promiseth to return, if they abide constant in the trueth. Then the Bishops summon him again: for no-compearance they burn him in effigie at the cross of Edinburgh in

July An. 1556. He wrote his appeal, and caused it to be printed, and di∣rected it unto the Nobility and Commons of Scotland. William harlaw preaches publickly in Edinburgh: so did John Douglas a Carmelite, and sometimes in Lieth. Paul meffin preacheth ordinarily in Dundy; and many leaving the Cloisters preach in all parts of the Country; and the number of professors of Reformation was multiplied. When the priests saw, that they were much deserted, they complain unto the Bishops; and the Bishops judge it vain to summon these Preachers for heresy: therefore they complain unto the Regent, and accuse the Preachers of mutiny and sedi∣tion. The Regent knew that the multitude of all sorts were earnest that way, and saith, It is safer to delay for a time all contrary course: let the hereticks have some way, and wee shall wait our opportunity. Buchan. Hist. Lib. 16.

V. After the death of King Henry, followes a blessed Reformation in * 3.17 England: for he had caused his young son Edward to be well instructed by Do. Cox; and Edward L. Herford (who then was called Protectour of Eng∣land, and Duke of Somerset) both loved the Reformation, and did his endeavour that the true light of the Gospell might shine everywhere. He had a good helper Tho. Cranmer archb. of Canterbury. The King also was of singulare gifts above his age; one of the rarest Princes, that had been in many ages; yea it is doubted, if ever he had an equall in prudence, be∣sides his knowledge of Sciences and languages, Greek, Latine and French. So he as another Josias purgeth the temple of the Lord from Popish idola∣try and false invocation, and would have brought it to greater perfection, if time and life had answered unto his godly purpose. It may be easily con∣ceived, how difficult it was to Reform all things at the first, when the great∣est part of the Privy Counsell, of the Bishops and Nobility were open or close Papists: but his purpose was not to leave one hoo••e of the Romish Beast, and did forbid, that the Masse should be permitted unto his sister. In ••. is first year; by authority of Parliament the sacrament of the Lords supper was administred unto the people with both elements; and Cranmer did translate and in some measure purge the Missal and Breviary. In the second year that book under the name The book of common prayer and administration of Sacraments was by act of Parliament, to be used in all churches and chap∣pells; and that none practize, nor speak against it, nor any part of it, Pro∣viding also, that they who are acquainted with other languages, may use that which they understand best, in chappells, but not in parish-church∣es. In this third year an Act was made against all books called Antiphoners, Missals, grailes, processionals, manuals, legends, pies, portuisses, paimers and other books whatsoever used before, for service in the Church of England in English or Latine, other than were then, or after shal be set forth by the King. Item, against all images of stone, timber, alaba∣ster or earth; graven, carved or painted in any church or chappell, ex∣cept only images or pictures upon any tombe for monument only of any person, which had been of good reputation. The book of Common pray∣er was some what amended in the year 1552. He put the Popish Bishops and priests to silence, and removed them from their Benefices. Bo••er Bishop of London was removed, and for contumacy was condemned to perpetuall prison in the Tower, and Do. Ridley became Bishop of Lon∣don. Gardener was deposed from Winchester &c. But he killed none; yea when the Counsell would persuade him, to burn a woman Joan but∣••her, he said, What? will yee send her quick to the Devill in her errours?

When the Reformation was first intended, a generall Visitation of the Bishopricks was made by certaine prudent and learned men, which were appointed Commissioners, for severall Diocies; and unto every Com∣pany two or three preachers were adjoined. to preach at every Session, and dehort the people from their wonted superstition, and inform them in the trueth. And that they might proceed the more orderly in their Comm••ssions or visitations, 32 persons (as in the time of King Henry VIII) were appointed to prescribe certain instructions and orders of Visi∣tation. The troubles in Germany at that time did contribute (by the gracious providence of God) to the furtherance of the Gospell in Eng∣land, Tho. Cranmer by Letters brought Martin Bucer, Paul Fagius, Pe∣ter Martyr and other learned men in the year 1548 and 1549: their coming was most acceptable unto the King & country. Fagius an expert Hebri∣cian, and Bucer were sent to be Doctors in Cambridge, and Martyr was designed Reader of Divinity in Oxford. But (as Theod. Beza in ••esp. ad. Fr. Balduin. Vol. 1. Tractat. Pag. 322 edit An. 1570. hath observed in epist. Buceri da••ed Cantabrig. Januar. 12 An. 1550) concerning the purity of rites, the advice of no forreiner was sought: what they could do, they did not fail both by word and write, to advise the people to chuse good Pa∣stours, and to endeavour more purity both in doctrine and rites: but some through mans wisdom and vanishing thoughts would glue God and Belial with the leaven of Antichrist. And John à Lasco a Polonian was then a preacher of a Dutch congregation in London: he in his preface before his book de Ecclesiastico ordine, saith, That most holy King was desirous to have the whole Religion so reformed throughout a•••• the king ••om, that he was carefull of no other thing almost: but because some Lawes of the country were in the way; that the publick rites of Divine worship especi∣ally, which had been in use under Popery, could not be purged out as the King himself would; and I was instant for the forrein Churches; it plea∣sed them at last, that the publick rites should be purged out of the English churches by degrees, so soon as they could by the lawes; and in the mean time forreiners (which in this respect were not so tied unto these lawes of the Country) should order their churches freely, and without any res∣pect unto the rites of t••e Country, if their doctrin were only Apostoli∣call: for so it may come to passe, that the English churches also might be mo∣ved by unanimous consent of the Estates; to embrace the Apostolical purity: and some tooke t•• is so ill, that they did strive against the K•• purpose. So far he. yea they did so strive, and were so malicious, that they did accuse the Duke of Somerset, that he had changed the lawes of the realme, and had secret intelli∣gence with forrein Ambassadours, without their knowledge, &c. And for these causes he was beheaded in the Tower An. 1552. So variance entereth among them, and coldness of Religion repossesseth many; and some have written, that the King was poisoned. Certainly for a clearer manifestation of mens hearts, the King was visited with long sicknes, and died July 6. An. 1553. In time of his sicknes he aduised with his Privie Counsell, who should have the government after him: for albeit his Father had appointed Mary to succeed, yet seing she is of a contrary religion, and it is doubted of the lawfulnes of her birth; and himself is of lawfull years, he accounts it proper unto him, to name his heire; and the rather, that it is to be feared, that she will not only sub••ert religion, but the realm shall be thral∣led to a stranger, as Scotland is unto France. After deliberation it was de∣creed, to chuse Lady Jane daughter of the Earle of Suffolk and of Mary

daughter of King Henry. 7. So foure dayes after Edwards death, Lady Jane was proclamed Queen, by authority of the Counsel. Many of the Nobility and people were much displeased, not so much for love of Mary, as for hatred to the Duke of Northumberland, because Lady Jane was mar∣ried unto his fourth son. At this time Mary goeth into Norfolk and Suffolk and promiseth unto them of the Reformation, that she shall change no∣thing in Religion as it was established by her brother. They take her part; She writes abroad for aid, and carryeth her self as Queen. The Counsell c••••v••e••ing at London, sendeth som•• forces under the conduct of Nor∣thumberland, to apprehend her. But then the Counsell perceiving the * 3.18 inclination of the people, and hearing that the Reformed of Norfolk and S••••folk were for her, change their Sentence; they cause proclaime Mary Queen, and keep La. Jane in the Tower: When these newes were brought into the Campe, all men forsook the Duke: but when they receive Letters from the Counsell in name of Queen Mary, they take him, and bring him to London. Then he made open profession of Popery, under hope to gaine the Queen's favour and liberty: but was beheaded. Ja. Thuan lib. 13. ad An. 1553. Cardinal Reginald Pool hearing at Rome, that King Edward was dead, hasteneth towards England, hoping to have the Crown by r••g••t (for he had pretensions) or by marriage with Mary. The Emperour inuites him to come into Germany by his way; and entertaines him with great shew of honour, untill by his Ambassadour he had finished a Contract of marriage betwixt his son Philip & Mary: and by the Queens patent he became archbishop of Canterbury. Then another world was to be seen: pro∣cessions of joy were in Italy for regaining England u••to the Romane Se••. Pe Soave in Co••••. Trud. Gardener, Tonstall and other Popish Bishops were a••vance••: Cranmer, Latimer, Ridley and other Reformed Bishops were committed to prison, and burnt: reading and printing of English Bibles and of late book•• were discharged: the Supremacy of the Pope was ploclaimed: the Latine ••as•••• was u••ed: the clause of prayer, that God would deliver the kingdom from sedition and tyranny of the ••ishop of Rome, was blotted out of the L••ta••••: the Queen would not suffer her fathers name in publick prayers, because he ••ad made aposta••y from the Church. Ja. Thua. lo. cit All tempo∣raries tur•• their clock••, wicked men reioice: good men are oppressed: some fi••d: ma••y were imprisoned: some sterve in prison: many hundreds were b••rn••: in a word, in no Kings time (beeing free from wa••••e) were so many killed as in the five years reigne of Q. Mary by beheading, hanging, burning, racking and s••erving. That cruel Bishop Bonner beholding how joyfully the Martyrs suffered, said to one of them, They call mee, bloody Bon∣ner: a vengeance on you all: I would fain be rid of you: but yee have a delight in burning: if I might have my will, I would sew your mo••ths, put you in sacks, and drown you all. Gods revenging hand was ••pon these p••rsecuters: Gardener the archpersecuter, being at dinner with the Duke of Norfolk, and hearing that Bishop Ridley and Mr. Latimer were burnt at Oxford, shewes no litle joy, and by and by was so smitten (none knowing how) that he was carryed from table to a bed: where he lay 15. dayes in such intolerable torments, that in all that space he could voide neither by urine nor otherwise, his tongue hangeth out, and so died. Do. Morgon, who condem••ed Ferrare Bishop of S. Davies, and vsurped his place, was s••itten, that when he would eat, nothing went down, but it bursted out again, somtime at his mo••th, and somtime at ••is nose. Do Dunning the bloody Chanceller at Norwich was taken away suddenly: the like befell B••rrie

Commissarie of Norfolk, &c. Mary had her kingdom diminished by losse of Cales, which eleven English kings had kept, and the countrie was plagued with famine, that the subiects were glad to eat ackorns: she was never able to put the Crown on her husbands head: of all things both he and shee was most desirous to have children, but she had none: once she was thought to be bigg with child; but of what she was de∣livered, it was known to few: then Philip left her; and she had nei∣ther the love of h••r subiects, nor his company, nor could marry another: at last she was diseased; some called it a tympany; others call it melancholy, because of her deep and continuall groanes: she died November 17. An. 1558. and her cousine the Card. died within sixteen hours after her. Jo. Foxe in Acts. Enduring her reigne; La. Elisabeth was kept in the Tower: Gar∣dener and others sought her death often; they accuse her of treason, and would have stirred up King Phillip against her: but he preserveth her, not for any love to her person or religion, but for reason of State, lest she being taken out of the way, and the Queen dying without children, the kingdoms of Scotland, England and Irland might be annexed unto the Crown of France, by means of Mary Qu of Scotland, next heire of ••ngland, and at that time affianced to the Daulphin of France: than which the Spaniard thought no thing could happen more adverse to his affectation of greatnes. At first when She was locked up, she was much daunted: but being com∣forted afterwards she said, The skill of a Pilot is not known but in a tem∣pest. and a true Christian appeares best in time of tentation. In the year 1558. they condemne her to be beheaded, and went to bring her to exe∣cution: by miraculous providence she was preserved. The lieutenant of the Tower will not give them credite, and goeth to ask the Queen, whe∣ther it was her will? Mary saith, Not: and commandeth to set her at li∣berty. * 3.19 On the very day of Marie's death, Elisabeth was proclamed Queen, and so of a prisoner was acknowledged by Counsell, Nobility and Com∣mons to be the only Heire, and was crowned January 15, with many glad hearts: all the Bishops except Owen Bishop of Carlile, refuse to perform the solemnities of the Coronation, because of her Religion. At her coronation she did secure the kingdom by oath, that she shall not mar∣ry a stranger: nor would she make open declaration, what doctrine she would follow: only she set free all the prisoners for Religion (many hundreds) and promiseth, that when she shall be established in her governe∣ment, to establish religion by advice of Parliament and of learned & godly men: and causeth it be proclaimed, that in the mean time none shall alter any ceremonies, unless it be according to the rites of her own chappel: and these were as it was ordered in her fathers time. Speed & Cambden. She sendeth to make account unto the Pope of her assumption. He answereth, That kingdom was held in fee of the Apostolick See, and it was her pre∣sumption to vsurp the name of Queen. without his knowledge: therefore she deserveth not to be heard, unless she renounce her pretensions, and submit herself unto his free disposition. This soundeth harsh both to her and to the counsel, therefore she will treat no more with him PeSoave in conc. Tride. Then knowing the difference of opinions in religion among her ••ubiects, and willing to satisfie both parties according to reason, she calleth a Parliament, and by common aduice appointeth a Conference of eight persons on either side, that after debating of reasons they might come to an happy agreement. The persons were named; the day appointed; the questions were (for the first) concerning the vulgare tongue in Divine

Service, and the communion under both kindes; order was prescribed, that for avoiding heat of contention. they shall not dispute by word, but both parties shall write their reasons, and give them in the first day; and answers shall be prepared against the next day; and all to be in English, that every one may receive information. Both parties were content. But when the day was come, the Papists alledge, they understood not the or∣dinance concerning the disputation in write, and they will dispute by voice only. The second day they were pressed more instantly: but as despi∣sing authority, nor regarding their own credite, or rather being convinced in their consciences, they still refuse. The third day both parties were required ••o produce their books and opinions. All the Popish party (ex∣cep the Bishop of Westminster) plainly deny to let their books be read: some spake unreverently. even of excommunicating the Queen. Sir Ni∣colas Bacon Lord Keeper, and Nicolas archb. of York were named by the Parliament, to be Iudges of the Conference: they take this carriage as a contempt both of Nobility and Commons, as also of her Roiall Majesty. Then the Bishops were required to give their oath of allegiance and Supre∣macy, as in King Henry VIII. time. They refuse this also. Where∣fore the Bishop of Winchester, who had shewed more folly than others, was committed to the Tower (afterwards he was set at liberty). Boner Bishop of London (who was the chief butcher in Mary's time) was com∣mitted to the Marshall-sea: some fled out of the Country; and others were charged to answer before the Counsell: some were confined; not one more imprisoned: and all the exiled bb. and others in Q. Mary's time were recal∣led. Franc. Mason. Lib. 3. c. 1. A Parliament was held at Westminster: where was much debate in matter of Religion, and hote study on both sides. In the goodness of God, the Gospell had the upper hand: the hope of the Popish falleth: their rage is abated: the supremacy of the Pope is denied: the bloody Statutes of Q. Mary are repealed: popish bb. were deposed, and good men put in their rooms: the Masse is abolished; altars are ap∣pointed to be removed, and tables set for them: the zeal of many (pul∣ling down the altars, before that Act) was approved. Jo. Foxe in Acts. In a brief view behold the hand of God toward her afterwards, 1. The king of France pretending right by his Queen Mary, intended to inuade Eng∣land, but he was taken away. II. Philip king of Spain sought her in marriage: she abhorred that, because he had married her Sister. Therefore he sought to match her with Charles son of the Emperour Ferdinand; but to the end he might bring the Nation to the house of Austria: and because She refused, he became her utter enemy, yet to her greater glory. 3. An. 1562. Arthur Pool of the house of York, intended to bring an Army from France into Wales: but he and his confederates were discovered before the executi∣on of the plot, and were condemned. 4. As before, the French king, so a∣gain Philip sought ••ft, that the Popes would accurse her, that so he might have pretext to inuade her kingdom. God hindered Paul 4. and Pius 4. from decerning it; and more followes.

VI. In Aprile An. 1558. Walter mill priest of Lunan in Anguise was * 3.20 accused by the Bishop of Santan drews for leaving the Masse, and that there∣fore he and John petrie priest at Innerkilor were condemned by the late Cardinal to be burnt, wherever they should be apprehended. Walter answe∣red, I served the Cure there before the Cardinals time 20. years, with the approbation of all the parishoners: but when the furious Cardinal persecu∣ted mee and many more for the preaching of Godsword, I was constrained

to keep myself quiet, and I went about reproving vices, and instructing people in the grounds of Religion, for which cause now I am taken. When he was brought to triall in the Church before the Bishops of Santandrews, Murray, Briechin, Caitnes, the Abbots of Dumfermlin, Lundors, Balme∣rino, and Couper, and many Doctors of the University, he looked so feeble partly by age, and partly by hard usage, that it was feared, none could hear, what he would answer; yet he delivered his mind with such courage, that his enemies were amased. At first he kneeled to pray. Andrew oliphant a priest said, Sir Walter mill, get up and answer, for you keep my Lord here too long. He continued yet praying, and when he arose, he said, I should obey God more than man; I serve a mighter Lord then your Lord is: and whereas you call mee, Sir Walter, they call mee Walter, and not, Sir Walter, I have been too long one of the Popes Knights: now say what you have to say. Oliphant asked, What thinkest thou of priests marriage? He answered; I think it a blessed bond, ordained by God, approved by Christ, and free to all sorts of men: but yee abhor it, and in the mean while yee take other mens wives and daughters: yee vowe chastity, and keep it not. Oli∣phant sayd, Thou sayst; that there are not seven sacraments. He answered, Give us baptisme and the Lords Supper, take yee the rest, and part them among you. Oliphant, Thou saist, the Masse is idolatry. He answeres, A Lord sends and calleth many to a dinner, and when it is ready, he tolleth the bell, and they come into the hall, but he turnes his back upon his guests and eates all himself, giving them no part; even so do yee. Olip. Thou deniest the sacrament of the altar to be the body of Christ really in flesh and blood. Mill. The Scripture is not understood carnally but spiritually, and your Masse is wrong: for Christ was once offered on the cross for mans sin, and will never be offered again: for at that time he put an end to all sacrifices. Oliph. Thou denyest the office of a Bishop. Mill. I affirm, they whom yee call Bishops, do not Bishops works, nor exercise the office of Bishops, but live after their sensuall pleasures, taking no care for Christs flock, nor regar∣ding His word. Oliph. Thou speakest against pilgrimage, and callest it pil∣grimage to whoordom. Mill. I say, pilgrimage is not commanded in Scrip∣tures, and there is no greater whoordom in any place, than at your pilgri∣mages, except it be in the common brothels. Olip. Thou preachest privat∣ly in houses, and somtimes in the fields. Mill. yea man, and upon the sea too, when I was sailing. Olip. If thou will not recant thy opinions, I will pronounce sentence against thee. Mill; I know, I must die once: there∣fore as Christ said to Judas, Quod facis, fac cito: yee shall know that I will not recant the trueth: I am corn, and not chaff: I will neither be blown away with the wind, nor burst with the flaile, but will abide both. Then he was condemned of heresy, and was kept two dayes, because the Bishop could not find a Judge to condemne him to death. The Bish. sent for Patrick Lermond of Dairsie Provost of the city, and willed him to condemne him, as being now condemned of heresy. The Provost answered, I will do a∣ny thing at your Lordships. command, that belongs to my office according to justice: but I will not medle with the innocent servants of God, and preach∣ers. The Bishop said, Provost, you are Bailive of my Regality, and ought to judge all such as transgresse within my bounds. He answered. Yes, and if your Lo. please, I will take him, and give him a faire assise of tempo∣rall men, who perhaps will absolve him. I am conte••t, said the Bishop, make mee quite of him any way you please. But some said unto the Pro∣vost, It is dangerous to absolve a man, who is already by the clergy con∣demned

of heresy: wherefore the Provost desired ••im to advise till the morne; and ere then he went out of the town, Wherefore the Bishop sought this man and that, to be Judge; and at last set. Alexander Somervail one of his domestick servants, to supply the place of a Judge for the time, and he condemned him to the fire: and because no••e in the town would sell ropes for that use, the ropes of the Bishops pavilion were taken. When they brought him nigh the fire, they said unto him in derision, Recant. He answered, I marvell at your rage, yee hypocrites, who so cruelly do persecute the servants of God: as for mee, I am 82 years old, and can not live long by course of nature: but an hundred better than I, shall arise out of the ashes of my bones. which shall scatter the proud pack of you hy∣pocrites and persecuters of God's servants, and who of you thinkes yourself worthyest, shall not dy so honest a death, as I dy now: I trust in God, I shall be the last, that shall suffer death in this Land for this cause. Out of a manuscript History writen by Lindsay, in the Bibliothek of the Colledge of Edinburgh. Oliphant commandeth him to go unto the stake. Mill said, I will not go, unless thou put mee up with thy hand: for by the law of God, I am forbidden to put hand in myself: but will thou put∣to thy hand, and thou shall see mee go up gladly. Oliphant put him fore¦ward: and he went with a chearfull countenance, saying, Introibo ad a••tare dei. then he craved liberty to speak unto the people. Oliphant said, You have spoken too much, and the Bishops are offended with so long delay Some youths standing-by, willed him to speak, and accursed the Bishops. and all the executioners. He first prayed, and spake unto the people to this purpose, Deare friends▪ the cause, why I suffer tooday, is not for any crime layd to my charge: I acknowledge myself a miserable sinner be∣fore God: but I suffer for the defence of the truth of Jesus Christ, set forth in the old and new Testaments: for which as many Martyres have of∣fred their lives most gladly, being assured after their death to enjoy endless felicity, so this day I praise God, that he hath called mee of his mercy a∣mong others his servants, to seal up his truth with my life: which as I have received of him, so willingly I offer it to his glory: And as yee would es∣cape eternall death, be no more deluded with the lies of the priests, monks, friers, Priors, Abbots, Bishops and others of the sect of Antichrist: but depend only upon Jesus Christ and his mercy, that yee may be delivered from condemnation. The people made great lamentation, and were ex∣ceedingly moved with his words. When the fire was kindled, he cried, Lord have mercy on mee: pray, good people, while ther is time. And thus he de∣parted, shewing a wonderfull courage. His death was the very death of Popery in this realme: for the minds of men were so greatly enflamed, that resolving openly to professe the truth, ••hey did bind themselves by promise a••d subscription of oaths, if any shall be called into question for Religion hereafter, they shall take arms, and joyn in defense of their bre∣thren against the tyrannous and persecuting Bishops.

VII. Immediately some Noble men and Barons did present unto the * 3.21 Queen Regent this supplication, the copy whereof I found in fair write (as sundri••e other papers concerning these times, among the papers of John erski•• Superintendent; in the hands of his great grand-child Alexander enskin of Dun) with this Inscription, The subiects of this rea••m of Scot and wish unto the most Excellent Princess Mary Queen dovrier and Regent, all fe••icity, Most Noble Princess, It is not unknown, unto your Maiesty, our ard••ent desire, to see the name of God glorified in this our native Countrie, and

wee have often made humble suit unto your Grace, to have your good will and protection, to live quietly in free conscience without oppression of ty∣rany, according to the will of our God made manifest to us in his holy Scriptures: And because some men, which most minustly have entred themselves by title and name, as Ministers of Gods Kirk, are conspired together against the Lord and his anointed, to put down his name and honour, and to maintain most odious abominations, wee have forsaken them and their detestable ministry, knowing them to be accursed of God; And according to the Scripture wee have received such Ministers as with humble mindes submit themselves, their doctrine and ministry unto the word of God and triall thereof, of whom wee have experience, that they do minister truly according to the institution of our Saviour; And now, Madam, the Bishop of Santandrews by the corrupt Counsell of most wicked and ungodly persons, hath given forth his letters of summons against our Ministers to compear in Santandrews or otherwhere, such day as he hath appointed in his letters (the copy whereof being required, was refused) to underly the most corrupt ••udgement of them, whose Coun∣sell in this cause he doth most follow, And knowing how dangerous a thing it is, to enter under the judgement of enemies, wee can not suffer them to enter under their hands, nor to compeare before them, unless they be accompanied with such as, may be able to defend them from the violence and tyranny, where of wee have now experience: But to stop all tumults and other inconvenients, that may thereby occurre, wee most humbly offer ourselves and Ministers to come before your Grace and Counsell, to abide tryall in all things, that they have to lay unto the charge of us and our ministers, according to the word of God; Beseeching your Grace as you ought of duty, and as you are placed of God above his people, take our cause, or rather the cause of God, to be tryed most justly according to the holy Scriptures, before yourself; and put inhibition to the said Bishop to proceed further. untill tryall be taken, as said is: Unto the which, your Gr. shall find us at all times ready, as shall please you to command: and your Gr. good answer wee most humbly be∣seech. * 3.22 This supplication had no answer, as they did expect. Then the Counsell conveening, they did agree to hazard their lives and estates, in advancing the cause of Religion: and after deliberation what were fittest first to do, they conclude these articles, 1. that in all parishes the Curate should be caused to read the prayers and Lessons of the old and new Testam. on sundays and festivall days, conform to the book of Common prayers; and if the Curate be not qualified or refuse, another shall be chosen to do the same. 2. preaching and interpretation of Scriptures shall be used only in private houses after a quiet manner, untill God shall move the Queen, to grant further liberty. It was performed accordingly in many towns and parishes, to the great offense of the clergy, who complain unto the Re∣gent, and were answered, that it is no fit time to enter into these matters, but ere long she wil find occasion to put order unto them. Archbald Earle of Argile had been in the Councell at the making of these Acts; and the Bishop of Santandrews sent a letter unto him, shewing the perill, whereinto he casts himself by that open defection from the Church; willing him to rid himself of that defamed and perjured Apostat John douglas (whom the Earle had chosen to be his Minister) and offering to provide unto him a learned and wise Preacher, for whom he would lay his soule in pawne, that he shall teach no other but true doctrine and agreeable to the Catholick faith.

The Earle answered; he feared no perill to himself nor his house, having resolved to live in obedience to his Prince, and to serve God al••well as he could according to his word: as for the alledged defection, seing it hath pleased God to open his eies, and give him the knowledge of his truth, which he takes as a token of his favour, he will not forsake it for fear of any inconvenients: and that man he had named, he had heard him teach the doctrin of Christ, condemne idolatry, adultery, fornication and the like vices, as he is ready to give account, whensoever he shal he cited: but to call him defamed and perjured, there was no reason, seing he was not declared to be such by any Sentence; and if formerly he had taken any un∣lawfull oath, he had done much better in forsaking it, than if he had ob∣served it: and whereas he had profered unto him some learned man, he gave him thanks, seing, is so great necessity of labourers in the Lord's harvest: but he understood his meaning, and minded not to be led with such tea∣chers: In end he wished, he would not beginne the battell with him, where∣of the event may be doubtfull, but that he knew, God is God, and shall bee still, whatsoever the craft of man can work or devise. The Bi∣shop receiving this answer, communicates it unto the chief of the clergy, who began to think upon other defenses; and they summon some Ministers to compear at Edinburgh the 20 of July, especially Paul meffan Preacher 〈…〉〈…〉. So many people did conveen, that the Bishops thought best ••••••delay all process, except that they condemned the absents, and sum∣moned them to compear on September 1. with promise of pardon, if they will recant their errours. Buchan. hist. lib. 16. The feast of S. Giles was then approaching: for the custom was on Septemb. 1. to carry the image of their Pa••••••••-Saint through the town with drums, trumpets and other musicall instruments, and to envite nighbours unto feasting and great drinking. At that time the Clergy did entreat the Regent, to honour the solemnity with her presence; and she fearing some tumult consents to accompany the procession: but when the time of solemnity was come, the image could not be found. This made a stay, till another little image was brought from the Gray Fri••rs: the people in mockery called it, young S. Giles. They go-on with this, and the Regent went with them till the pro∣cession was nigh ended. So soon as she went to dinner, some young men drew neer, making shew to help the bearers, and perceiving by the motion, the image was fixed to the Fertor, they threw all to the ground: then taking the image by the heels, they dash it against the stones, untill they break it into pieces: the priests and friers runne away, to make shew of violence: but when no danger did appeare, they come to the striet again. And albeit the clergy were out of all hope to stand; yet to put the fairest face on their condition, they conveen, and delay their censuring, untill No∣vember 7. In the mean time, who were most foreward for Reformation, went through out the Shires, exhorting all men to take the Reformation to heart, and that they would not suffer themselves nor friends to be oppressed by a few priests, and assuring them of victory, if the cause be handled legally; or if violence be vsed, they shall not be inferiour. Vnto so many who were willing, they offered a bonde to subscribe, which they had drawn up conforme to the act of the Councell. The subscribers were called The Con∣gregation: which name became more famous. In November a Parliament for articles of the marriage betwixt Francis Daulphin of France and Queen Mary, was to be conveened: then they knowing by the return of the subscriptions, that the Countrie for the most part was enclined that way,

resolve to make an end of the work, and draw up a supplication unto the Queen and Parliament, for promoting the Reformation. The Prelats hearing of it, were highly enraged, that any man durst presume to appear in so great a crime, and said, They would not depart a jote from the decrees of Trent. But a little afterwards they made offer to commit the cause to dis∣pute; trusting to carry it, because they were to be the Judges. The Con∣gregation accepts the disputation with two conditions, 1. the controversies in debate shall be decided by Scripture. 2. such of the brethren, who were exiled or condemned, might savely bee at the dispute. Both these were refused: they would admit no other Canon, but the canon-law, nor would they dispence with any Sentence, that they had pronounced. Then the priests propound other articles, but so unworthy (saith Buchan.) that they are unworthy of an answer, to wit, if the Congregation would conti∣nue in former reverence, acknowledge purgatory, prayers to Saints, and prayers for the dead, they shall be permitted to use the common language in prayers and administration of the Sacraments. They therefore did entreat the Queen, to present their Supplication unto the Parliament publickly. She answered, I think it not expedient at this time: for it will make the Ecclesiasticall persons adverse unto the main business in hand: but how soon order shall be taken heerin, yee shall know my good mind. They were content to give place for a time: but withall they thought good to make protestation, ere the Parliament were dissolued, in this manner; IT IS not unknown unto this Honourable Parliament, what controversy is * 3.23 lately risen betwixt those that will be called the Prelats and Rulers of the Church, and a great number of us the Nobility and Commonalt•• of the Realme, for the true worship of God, for the duty of Ministers, and the right administration of Christ Jesus his holy sacraments; How wee have complained by our supplication unto the Queen Regent, that our conscien∣ces are burdened with unprofitable ceremonies; that wee are compelled to adhere unto idolatry; That such as take upon them the ecclesiasticall office, discharge no part thereof, as becomes true Ministers to do; And finally that wee and our brethren are most jujuriously oppressed by their usurped authority: And wee suppose it is sufficiently known, that wee were of mind to seek redresse of these enormities at this present Parliament. But considering that the troubles of the time do not suffer such Reformation as wee do by Gods plain word require, wee are enforced to delay that which wee most earnestly desire: And yet lest our silence may give occasion unto our adversaries, to think, that wee repent of our former enterprises, wee can not cease, to protest for remedy against that most uniust tyranny, which heretofore wee have most patiently sustained. And so I. wee protest, that seing wee can not obtain a just Reformation according to Gods word, that it be lawfull unto us, to use ourselves in matters of Religion and conscience, as wee must answer unto God, untill such time our adverfariers be able to prove themselves the true Ministers of Christs Church, and to purge them∣selves of such crimes as wee have already layd unto their charge; offering ourselves, to prove the same, whensoever the Sacred Authority shall please to give us andience. II. Wee protest, that neither wee, nor any other of the godly, that list to join with us in the true faith, which is grounded upon the inuincible word of God, shall in cur any danger of life or lands or any politicall pain, for not observing such Acts, as heretofore have passed in favours of our adversaries, nor for violating such rites, as man without Gods commandement or word hath commanded. III. Wee protest, that

if any tumult or uprore shall arise among the members of this realme, for the diversity of Religion; and if it shall chance, that abuses be violently Reformed, that the crime thereof be not imputed unto us, who now do most humbly seek all to be reformed by Order: but rather whatsoever incon∣venient shall happen to follow, for lack of Order taken, it may be imputed unto those, that do refuse the same. IV. and lastly wee protest, that these our requests proceeding from conscience, do tend to none other end, but to the Reformation of abuses in Religion only; Most humbly beseeching the sacred Authority, to take us faithfull and obedient subiects into prote∣ction against our adversaries, and to shew unto us such indifferency in our most just petition, as it becometh Gods Lieutenant to do unto those who in his name do call for defense against cruell oppressors and blood-thristy tyrants. This Protestation was publickly read: and they craved to have it inserted in the common Register: but that was denied by the adver∣saries: nevertless the Q. Regent said, VVee will remember, what is pro∣tested, and wee shall put good Order after this to all things, that now be in controversy. With this answere they depart in good hope of her favour, and praising God, that she was so well enclined. But when the Parliament was closed, and a generall Peace was concluded betwixt Spain, France, England and Scotland, the Regents countenance was altered against these, which were for the Reformation. and she said, Seing now wee are free from these vexations, which most troubled my mind, wee will labour to restore the Authority by some notable example unto that reverend esteem, which it hath lately lost. Then she takes the names of all the M••nisters, and caused summon them to compear at Sterlin May 10. 1559, and the Pre∣lates become more insolent, And they devised to send the Earle of Argile and L. James Stuart Priour of Santandrews into France with the matrimo∣niall Diademe. But these considering, how all the Comissioners were cut off or returned not, which were sent unto the solemnization of the marriage, and what mightfall out at home in time of their absence, de∣laid to take voiage from time to time.

VIII. In the next Spring, the Earle of Glencairn and Sir Hugh Cambell * 3.24 Shireff of Aire weresent unto the Regent, to enquire the reason of that summons, and to entreat her, not to molest the Ministers, unless they could be charged of false doctrine, or behaving themselves disorderly. The Regent said with vehemency of passion, Maugre your hearrs and all that will take part with them, these Ministers shall be banished Scotland, though they preached als soundly as ever S. Paul did. The Noble men besought her in a humble manner, to think of the promises, Shee had made from time to time. In greater choler She saith, Promises of Princes should be no further strained, than it seemes unto them convenient to performe. Then said they, If this be your resolution to keep no promises unto the subjects, wee can not any more acknowledge your authority, and will henceforth re∣nounce all obedience unto you; and what inconveniences may arise of this, you may bethink yourself. This answer was unexpected, and calming her∣self a litle, she said, Wee will think, how to remedy these evils in the best and quiet way. The same day report was brought, that a Minister had preached publickly in the Church of Perth: this did provoke her yet more, and calling the Lord Ruthuen Provost of the town, She comman∣deth him to go and suppresse these of the new Religion. He answered, that he would make their bodies and goods subject, but he had no power over their consciences. She was more eommoved, and vowed, that she

would make him and them repent of their stoutness. When the day ap∣pointed for appearing of the Ministers, drew neer, the Professours went with them from all parts of the country: in Anguise and Merns such was their zeal, that scarcely any man abode at home, all crying, that they would go and give confession of their faith with their Ministers. So many came before the day, that the Regent was agast, albeit they came without weapons. Then She calleth for John Erskin of Dun, and employeth him, to dismisse that needless multitude, and promiseth to do nothing a∣gainst any of that sect. Nevertheless in the Counsell all the Ministers were condemned and outlawed, which had not answered. John erskin seeing, how none can trust her promises, did hasten unto the Gentlemen at Perth from Strathiern, Anguise & Merns, not as yet being severed; and excused himself of the advice he had given. Then they understood cer∣tainly, that no favour was to be expected from the Regent. VVhill they are in perplexity, John knox newly being returned into the country, comes to Perth, and in a Sermon takes occasion to speak against the wor∣ship of images, and exhorted the people unto constancy. After Sermon (this was May 11.) some people abode in the church, and then a priest, not so much for devotion, as for to try men's affection. would say Masse: he openeth a glorious case standing by the high altar, wherin were many brave pictures. A young man said, This is intolerable: the word of God con∣demnes it as idolatrie, and wee stand and see it used in despite. The priest gives the young man a blow: the young man goeth, and finding aston, casts it at the priest, and therewith breakes one of the images: whereupon a stur is raised, some fall upon the priest, and others unto the images, so that on a sudden all was pulled down that had any mark of idolatry. Upon this noise in the church, the people of the town gather in great numbers, and run into the cloisters of the Dominicans, Franciscans and Carthusians; where they saw by experience, that these were not poor men, as they had profes∣sed: the plunder was left to poor people, the richer sort abstaining from a∣ny part of it: they demolished these glorious edifices with such speed, that within two dayes all the stones were removed. They of Couper in Fife hearing of this, did the like in their town, and defaced all the instruments of idolatry: which the Curate took so heavily, that the night following, he put violent hands in himself. When this was re∣ported unto the Regent, She dispatches Letters to the Duke, and others, Earls of Argile and Athol, willing them to come unto her with speed; and she calleth for the French souldiers, entending to surprise Perth una∣worse; and vowed to destroy man, woman and child, and turne the town into dust, and salt it with salt, as she was stirred up by the Prelats and priests crying in her ears, Foreward, foreward upon these hereticks, and once rid the kingdom of them. When they of Perth had intelligence hereof, they assembl•• to publick prayers, and resolue to send a Supplication in this man∣ner; To the Queens Maiesty regent, all humble obedience and duty premised, As heertofore with ieopardy of our lifes, and yet with willing hearts; * 3.25 wee have served the Authority of Scotland, and your Majesty now Regent in this realm, in service to our bodies dangerous and painfull, So now with most dolorous mindes wee are constrained by uniust tyranny purpo∣sed against us, To declare unto your Majesty, that excep this cruelty be stayd by your wisdom, wee shall be compelled to take the sword of just defense against all that shall persue us for the matter of Religion, and for our con∣science sake: which ought not, nor may bee subiect to mortall creatures

further than by Gods word man is able to prove, that he hath power to command us: Wee signify more over unto your Ma. that if by rigour wee be compelled, to seek the extream defense, that wee will not only notify our innocency and petition to the King of France, to our Mistress and to her Husband, but also to the Princes and Counsell of every Christian Re∣alm, Declaring unto them, that this cruell, unjust and most tyrannicall murder intended against Towns and Multitudes, was and is the only cause of our revolt from our accustomed obedience, which in Gods presence wee faithfully promise to our Soverain Mistresse, to her Husband and unto your Majesty, Regent; Provided, that our consciences may live in that peace and liberty, which Christ Jesus hath purchased unto us by his blood, and that wee may have his word truly preached, and holy Sacraments rightly administred unto us, without which wee firmly purpose never to be subject to mortall man. For better wee think to expose our bodies to a thousand deaths, than to hazard our souls to perpetuall damnation, by denying Christ Jesus and his manifast verity: which thing not only do they who commit open idolatry, but also such as seeing their brethren persued, for the cause of Religion, and having sufficient means to confort and assist them, do nevertheless withdraw from them their comfortable support; Wee would not, your Ma. should be deceived by the false persuasions of these cruell beasts the Church-men, who affirm that your Ma. needeth not greatly to regard the losse of us, who professe Christ Jesus in this realme; If (as God forbid) yee give eare to their pestilent counsell, and so use a∣gainst us this extremity intended, it is to be feared, that neither yee nor your Posterity shall at any time after this find that obedience and faithfull ser∣vice within this realme, which at all time yee have found in us. Wee de∣clare our judgements freely, as true and faithfull subjects. God move your Princely heart, favourably to interpret our faithfull meaning; Fur∣ther advertising your Ma. that the self samething, together with all things that wee have done, or yet intend to do, wee will notify by our letters to the King of France; Asking you in the name of the Eternall God, and as your Ma. tenders the peace and quietnes of this realme, That yee inuade us not with any violence; untill wee receive answer from our Mistress and her Husband and from their advised Counsell there. And thus wee commit your Majesty to the protection of the Om∣nipotent. From Santiohnstoun May 22. 1559: and it was subscribed thus; your Majesties obedient subiects in all things not repugnant to God, The faithfull Congregation in Christ Jesus, in Scotland. They wrote also to Monsieur Dosell, entreating him, to mitigate the Queen's wrath, and the rage of the Prelats, or els that flam which then began to burn, might kindle so, that when some men would, it could not be slackned; and they add, that he declared himself no faithfull servant unto his Master the King of France, if for the pleasure of priests he did persecute the subiects. Likewise they wrot unto Captain Le Bourse and to all French souldiers in generall, that their earand was not, to fight against naturall Scots men, nor had they such command from their Master, and besought them, that they would not provoke such whom they had found favourable in their great extremities. The priests did suppress these Letters, so far as they could; and yet they were delivered unto the chief persons, and came to the knowledge of many moe. But the wrarh of the Queen was not appeased, and the Priests push her forward against Perth, where were but a few gen∣tle men for the time: they hearing of the intended extremity, did writte

unto all their brethren to come unto their aid. Many were so readie, that the work of God was evidently seen. And because they would omit no d••ligence to declare their innocency unto all men, they sent a Letter unto such of the Nobility, who at that time were their adversaries, in this man∣ner; * 3.26 To the Nobility of Scotland, The Congregation of Christ Jesus with∣in the same, desire the Spirit of righteous judgement; Because wee are not ignorant, that yee the Nobility of this realm, who now persecute us, employing your whol studie and force, to maintain the kingdom of Satan, of superstition and idolatry, are yet divided in opinion, Wee the Congre∣gation of Christ Jesus, by you uniustly persecuted, have thought good, in one Letter to writ unto you severally. Yee are divided, wee say, in opinion: for some of you think, that wee who have taken this enterprise to remove idolatry and the monuments of the same, to erect the true preaching of Christ Iesus, in the bounds committed to our charge, are hereticks, seditious men and troublers of the commonwealth, and therefore no punishment is sufficient for us; and so blinded are yee with this rage, and under pretence to serve the Authority, yee proclame warr and desttuction without all order of Law against us. Vnto you wee say, that neither your blind Zeal, nor the colour of Authority shall excuse you in Gods presence, who commandeth none to suffer death, till he bee openly convinced in judgement, to have offended against God and his written Law: which no mortall is able to prove against us: for whatsoever wee have done, the same have wee done at Gods commandement, who plainly commands to destroy and abolish idolatry and all moniments of the same. Our earnest and ••••ng request hath been and is, That in open Assembly it may be dispu∣ted, in presence of indifferent Auditors, Whether these abominations, named by the pestilent Papists, Religion, which they by fire and sword defend, be the true Religion of Jesus Christ, or not? When t••is humble request is denied unto us, our lifes are sought in most cruell manner. And the Nobility, whose d••ty is to defend innocents, and to bridle the fury and rage o•• wicked men, were it of Princes or Emperours, do notwith∣standing follow their appetites, and arm yourselves against us your bre∣thren and naturall country men; yea against us that be innocent and just, as concerning all such crimes, as belayd unto our charges. If yee think, that wee be criminall, because wee dissent from your opinion, consider, wee beseech you, that the Prophets under the Law, the Apostles of Christ Jesus after his ascension, his primitive Church and holy Martyrs, did disagree from all the world in their daies: and will yee deny but their action was just, and all who persecuted them were murderers before God? May not the lyke be true this day? What assurance have yee this day of your Religion, which the world that day had not of theirs? yee have a m••••titude that agree with you, and so had they: yee have antiquity of time, and that they lacked not [nor have yee so much as they had] yee have councells, laws and men of reputation, that have established all things, as yee suppose: but none of all these can make any Religion acceptable unt•• God, which only dependeth upon his own will, reveeled to men in his most sacred word. Is it not then a wonder, that yee sleep in so dead∣ly a security in the matter of your own salvation, considering, that God gives unto you so manifest tokens, that yee and your leaders are both decli••ed from God? For if the tree shall be judged by the frute (as Christ affirmes, it must bee) then of necessity it is, That your Prelates and the wholl rabble of their clergy be evill trees: for if adultery, pride, ambi∣tion,

drunkenness, covetousness, incest, unthankfulness, oppression, murder, idolatry and blasphemy, be evill fruits, there can none of that generation, which claim to themselves the tittle of Churchmen, be jud∣ged to be good trees: for all these pestilent and wicked fruits do they bring forth in greatest abudance. And if they be evill trees (as yee yourselves must be compelled to confesse, they are) advise prudently with what consciences yee can maintain them to occupie the room and place in the Lords vineyaird. Do yee not consider, that in so doing yee labour to maintain the servants of sin in their filthy corruption, and so yee strive that the devill may reigne, and still abuse this realm by all iniquity and tyranny, and that Christ Iesus and his blessed gospell be suppressed and extinguished, The name and cloke of authority which yee pretend, will nothing excuse you in Gods presence, but rather shall yee bear double condemnation, for that yee burden God, as if his good ordinances were the cause of your iniquity. All authority, which God hath established, is good and perfect, and is to be ob••jed of all men, yea under pain of damnation: B••t do yee not understand, that there is a great difference betwixt the Authority which * 3.27 is of Gods ordinance, and the persons of these who are placed in authority? The authority and Gods Ordinancss can never do wrong: for it com∣mands that vice and wicked men be punished, and vertue with vertuous and just men be maintained: but the corrupt person placed in this authority may offend, and most commonly doth contrary to this Authority. And is then the corruption of man to be followed, because it is clothed with the name of Authority? Or shall those which obey the wicked commandement of these that are placed in Authority, be excusable before God? Not so; not so, but the plagues and vengeance of God taken upon Kings, their servants and subiects do witnes unto us the plain contrary. Pharao was a King, and had his authority of God, who commanded his subiects to murder and torment the Israelites, and most cruelly to persecute their lifes: but was their obedience (blind rage it ••hould be called) excusable before God? The vniversall plague doth plainly declare, that the wicked Commander, and they which obeyed, were a like guilty before God. And if the exemple of Pharao shall be reiected, because he was an ethnick, then consider the facts of Saul: he was a King a••ointed of God, appointed to reigne over his people: he commanded to persecute David, because (as he alledged) David was a traitour and usuper of the Crown; and also commanded Abime∣lech the hiepriest and his fellowes to be slain: but did God approve any part of this obedience? evident it is, he did not. And think yee, that God will approve in you, that which he did condem in others? be not deceived. with God is not such partiality. If yee obey the uniust commands of wicked rulers, yee shall suffer Gods vengeance and just punishment with them. And therefore as yee tender your own salvation, wee most earnestly require of you moderation, and that yee stay yourselves, and the fury of others, from persecuting us, till our cause be tried in open and lawfull Judge∣ment. And now to you, which are persuaded of the justice of our cause, who somtimes have professed Christ Jesus with us, and also have exhorted us unto this enterprise, and yet have left us in our extream necessity, at least look thorow your fingers in this our trouble, as if the matter appertained not unto you, wee say, that unless (all fear and wordly respect set aside) yee join yourselves with us, that as of God yee are reputed Traitours, so yee shall yee be excommunicated from our society, and from all participation with us in the administration of sacraments: the

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glory of this Victory which God shall give to his Church, yea even in the eies of men, shall not be appertain unto you, but the fearfull judgement that apprehended Ananias and his wife Saphira shall apprehend you and your posterity. Yee may perchance contemn and despise the excommuni∣cation of the Church now by Gods mighty power erected among us, as a thing of no force: yet wee doubt nothing, but that our Church and the true Ministers of the same, have the same power, which our Master Christ Jesus granted unto his Apostles in these words, Whose sins yee forgive, shall be forgiven; and whose yee retain, shall be retained; and that because they preach, and we believe the same doctrine which is contained in his most blessed Worde: and therefore, excep yee will contem Christ Jesus, yee neither can despise our threatning, nor refuse us calling for our just defence. By your fainting, and by retracting your support, the enemies are encou∣raged, and think that they shall find no resistance: in which point, God willing, they shall be deceived: for if they were ten thousand, and wee bu one thousand, they shall not murder the least of our brethren, but wee, God assisting us, shall first commit our lifes into the hands of God for their defense. But that shall aggravate your condemnation: for yee de∣clare yourselves tratiors to the truth once professed, and murderers of us and of our brethren, from whom yee withdraw your dutifull and promi∣sed support, whom your only presence (in mans judgement) might pre∣serve from this danger. For our enemies look not to the power of God, but to the power and strength of man; when the number is mean to resist them, then rage they as bloody wolves, but a party equall or able to resist them by appearance, doth bridle their fury. Examin your own conscien∣ces, and weigh that sentence of our Master Christ Jesus, saying, Whosoever denieth mee or is ashamed of mee before men, I shall deny him before my Father. Now is the day of his Battell in this realm: if yee deny us your brethren, suffering for his Name sake, yee do also deny Him, as he witnesseth in these words, Whatsoever yee did to any of these little ones, yee did that to mee: and what yee did not to one of these litle ones, that yee did not to mee. If these sen∣tences be true, as concerning meat, drink, cloathes, and such things appertaining unto the body, shall they not also be true in the things apper∣taining to the preservation of the lifes of thousands, whose blood is now sought for profession of Christ Jesus? And thus shortly wee leave you, who som••imes have professed Christ Jesus with us, to the examination of your own consciences. And yet once again of you, who being blinded by superstition, do persecute us, Wee require modetation, till our cause may be tried: which if yee will not grant unto us for Gods cause, yet wee d••sire you, to have respect to the preservation of our common country, which wee can not sooner betray into the hands of stran∣gers, than that one of us destroy and murder another. Consider our petitions, and call for the Spirit of righteous judgement. When these Letters were divulged, some began to aske, Whether they might in conscience fight against such as offered due obedience unto Authority, and required nothing but liberty of conscience; and that their Religion and facts be tryed by the Word of God? The Letters were carried quickly unto Kyle and Cuningham, where the professours did conveen at Craiggy, and af∣ter some dubious reasonings, Alexander Earle of Glencairn said, Let every man serve his conscience, I wil by Gods grace, see my brethren at Perth; yea albeit never a man will accompany mee, I will go; albeit I had but a Pik upon my shoul∣der: for I had rather die with that companie, then live after them. Then others

were so encouraged, that all went with him: and when the Lion-herault in his coat of armes commanded all men under pain of treason to return to their own houses, By publick sound of trumpet at Glascow, not one man obeyed the charge. Because it was known, that the Prelats and their party d••d suppress their petitions so far as they could, and did kindle the rage of al men against them, it was thought expedient to write a Declaration unto them in this form; To the generation of Antichrist, the pestilent Prelats and their shavelings within Scotland, The congregation of Christ Jesus, saith, To the end, that yee shall not be abused, thinking to escape just punishment, after * 3.28 that yee in your blind fury have caused the blood of many to be shed; This wee notify and declare unto you, that if yee proceed in your malicious cruelty, yee shall be dealt with all, wheresoever yee shall be apprehended, as murderers and open enimies to God and unto mankind: and therefore betimes cease from your blind rage: Remove first from yourselves, your bands of bloody men of warr, and reform yourselves to a more quiet life; and then mitigate yee the Authority, which without crime committed on our part, yee have enflammed against us; Or els be yee assured, that with the same measure, that yee have measured against us, and yet intend to measure unto others, it shall be measured unto you, that is, as yee intend not only by tyranny to destroy our bodies, but also by the same to hold our souls in the bondage of the devill, and subiect to idolatry, So shall wee with all force and power, which God shall grant unto us, execute just vengeance and punishment upon you, yea, wee shall begin the same war which God commanded Israel to execute against the Cananites, that is, contract of peace shall never be made, till yee desist from your open idolatry and cruell persecution of Gods children: And this wee signify unto you in the name of the eternall God and of his Sone Christ Jesus, whose verity wee professe, and Gospell wee have preached, and holy Sacraments rightly ministred, so long as God will assist us to gainstand your idolatry. Take this for advertisement. This advertisment did not stay them and their bands of souldiers with Mon. Dosell and his French men: they came within ten myles unto the Town: and brethren made hast from all quarters for its relieff. The first that did hazard to resist were the Gentle men of Fife, An∣guise, Merns and the burgesses of Dundy: they made choise of a place of ground within a myle or more from the town. The same day May 24 the Lord Ruthuen lest them, and went to the Regent, to the great discou∣ragement of many: but they did comfort themselves in God, and some said, The hope of victory is not in their own strength, but in his power whose verity they professe. The next day came the Earle of Argile. L. James Priour of Santandrews and the Lo. Semple, from the Queen, to enquire the cause * 3.29 of their meeting there. It was answered, Only to resist the cruelty threat∣ned against that poor town. They ask, Whether they intend to hold that town against the Regent? They answer, If the Queen will suffer the Religion there begun to proceed, and not trouble the town, that have professed with them, the town, themselves and whatsoever they have, are at her Majesties commandement. They say, We were otherwise in∣formed by the Queen, that yee intend not Religion, but a plain rebellion. It was answered, We have conveened for no other purpose, but only to assist our brethren, who now are unjustly persecuted: and herefore we desire you, to report our answer faithfully, and to be intercessours, that such cruelty be not used against us, seing we have offered in our former Letters, alsweell unto her Majesty, as unto the Nobility, that our cause may

bet tried in lawfull judgement. They do promise their fidelity. The next day, when these were returning, John Knox said unto them, Honoura∣ble Lords, the present troubles should move the hearts, not only of the true servants of God, but also of all such as bear any favour unto the Country and naturall Country-men, to descend within them∣selves, and deeply to consider, what shall be the end of this intended tyranny: The rage of Satan seeks the destruction of all those, who with∣in the realme professe Christ Jesus; and they that enflamme the Queen and you the Nobles against us, regard not who prevail, if they may abuse the world and live at their pleasure, as they have done: yea I fear, that some seek nothing more than the effusion of Scots bloud, to the end, that their possessions may be the more patent unto others: but because this is not the principall which I intend to speak, omitting this to be considered by the wisdom of these, to whom the care of the Commonwealth appertaines; 1. I most humbly require of you, my Lords, in my name to say unto the Queen Regent, that we whom she in her blind rage doth persecute, are Gods servants, faithfull and obedient subiects unto the Authority of this Realm; and that religion which she pretends to maintain by fire and sword, is not the true religion of Christ Jesus, but is expressely contrary to the same, a superstition devised by the brain of men, which I offer myself to prove against all that within Scotland will maintain the contrary, liberty of tongue being granted unto mee, and Gods written word being admitted for Judge. 2. I further require your Honours, i•• my name, to say unto the Queen, that as I have often written, so now I say, that this her enterprice shall not prosperously succeed in the end; and albeit for a time She trouble the Saints of God (for she fights not against man only, but against the eternall God and his invincible verity) and therefore the end shall be to her confusion, unless betimes she repent and desist. These things I require of you in the name of the eternall God, as from my mo••th, to say unto Her Majesty; adding, that I have been, and am a more assured friend unto her Ma. than they, who either flattering her as servants to her corrupt appetites, or else enflam her against us, who seek nothing but Gods glory to be advanced; vice to be suppressed, and Verity to be maintained in this poore realme. All the three Noble men did promise to report his words so well as they could. They did so: yea the L. Sempill (though an enemy to the Reformation) made such report, that the Queen was offended at such liberty, Immedi∣atly She sent the Lion-herault to charge all men to avoide the town under pain of treason. He did so May. 27. being sunday. And the same day the Regent is informed, that the Earle of Glencairn was marched through the hills with twelve hundred horsemen and moe foot men (notwithstanding her men had stopped the passages of Forth, Guide and Teith) towards Perth. Their coming was confortable unto the one party; and moved the other to send and require some discreet men, to come and speak with Duke Hamil∣ton and Mon. Dosel (lying with their army at Ouchterardor) that some reasonable appointment might be had. The Lairds of Dun, Innerquharity and Abbots-hall were sent, the town not as yet knowing of the West-coun∣trie men. The Duke and Dosell require, that the town should be patent, and all things be submitted unto the Queens pleasure. They answer, they had not such commission, nor could they undertake in conscience to advise their brethren to do so: but if the Queen would be pleased, that none should be accused for change of religion, or for casting down the places of the Friers, and suffer the begun Religion to continue, and leave the town

free of French souldiers at her departing, they would endeavoure that the Queen shall be obeied in all things. Dosell perceiving, that they could not by violence attain their designes, dismisseth the gentle men which faire words, and exhorts them to persuade their brethren unto submission. They were all so glad, that with one voice t••ey cried, Cursed be they, that seek effusion of bloud: let us professe Christ Jesus, and have the benefite of the Gospell, and none of Scotland shall be more obedient subiects than we shall bee. That day the Companies of the West came to Perth, and all men began to praise God, that he had so mercifully heard them in their extremity, and had sent such support, that without effusion of blood the rage of their enemies might be stayd. The same night the Earle of Argile and L. James were sent from Sterlin, and coming the next day began to advise unto agreement: of which they were all willing, but some were suspicious, that promises would not be keeped longer then their adversaries saw their advantage. John willock came with them of the West country: then he and Iohn knox went to the Earle of Argile and L. Iames, accusing them, that they had de∣ftauded the brethren of their dutifull assistance in such necessity. They both answered, Their heart was constant with their brethren, and they would defend that cause to the uttermost of their power: but because they had promised to endeavoure a concorde, and to assist the Queen, if yee shall refuse reasonable offers, in conscience and honour we could do no less than be faithfull in our promise made; and therefore we yet require, that the brethren may be persuaded to consent unto a reasonable appointment; and we promise in Gods presence, that if the Queen shall break in any jote thereof, we with our whole power will concurre with the brethren in all time coming. So Maie 28. the appointment containing the forenamed conditions was concluded; and free entry was made unto the Queen, the Duke and the French men. Before the departing of the Congregation, * 3.30 Iohn knox had a Sermon, exhorting them all unto constancy, and unfain∣edly to thank God, for that it had pleased his mercy, to stay the malice of the enemy, without effusion of blood; and that none should be weary to support such as shall hereafter be persecuted: for (said he) I am assured, that no part of this promise shall be longer keeped, than the Queen and the French men have the upper hand. Many of the adversaries were at the Sermon. And before the Lords went away, this bond was drawn-up; At Perth the last day of May, in the year 1559. the Congregations of the West Country, with the Congregations of Fife, Perth, Dundy, Anguise, Merns and Montrose, being conveened in the town of Terth in the name of Jesus Christ, * 3.31 for setting forth his glory, understanding nothing more necessary for the same, than to keep constant amity, unity and fellowship together, according as they are com∣manded by God, Are confederated and become bounden and obliged in the presence of God, to concur and assist together in doing all things required of God in his Scrip∣ture, that may be to his glory; And at their whol powers to destroy and put away all things, that do dishonour to his name, so that God may be truly and purely wor∣shipped. And incase any trouble be intended against the said Congregation, or any part or member thereof, the whole congregation shall concur, assist and conveen together to the defense of the same congregation or person troubled: And shall not spare labours, goods, substance, bodies and lifes, in maintaining the liberty of the whole congregation and every member thereof, against whatsoever person shall intend the said trouble, for cause of Religion, or any other cause depending there∣upon, or lay to their charge under pretense thereof, although it happen to be colou∣red with any other outward cause. In witnessing and testimony of the which, the

whole congregation fore said have ordained and appointed the Noble men and per∣sons underwritten, to subscribe these presents. It was subscribed by the Earls Argile and Glencairn, and by the Lords James Stuart, Boyd, Uchiltry, and Mathew cambell of Tarmganart. The hist. of refor. li. 2 Immediatly after their departing, all the heads of the Capitu•••• ••on were broken: some citizens were exiled, o∣thers were fined in great sums, the Magistrats thrust out of their office, new ones against the usuall manner intruded; and four companies left for a garri∣son; and these were charged to permit no other Service but of the Roman Church. Some desiring matters to be carried more peaceably, told her these things would be interpreted a breach of the Articles. She answered, The pro∣mise was to leave no French Souldiers in the town, which she had done: for those were al Scots men. It was replied, that all who took wages of the French King, would be called French Souldiers. She said, Promises are not to be kept to hereticks, and if she could make an honest excuse after the fact committed, she would take upon her conscience, to kill and undo all that Sect: And Princes should not be so strictly urged to keep promises. These speeches, beeing divulged, did procure to her much ill: nor did she after that time see a good day, but was despised and misregarded by all sorts of people. The Earle of Argile and L. James, thinking their honour touch∣ed by the breach of the peace, did forsake her, and went to the Con∣gregation. Therefore they were charged to appear before Her Coun∣sell: but they answer, Seing the Queen had broken conditions, which by warrant from herself they had made with the Lords of the Congrega∣tion, they would medle no more in such dishonest courses, and do their best to repair things. Thè Noble men were gone to Santandrews, and because they feared some sudden attempt; (for the Queen and the Fren∣ches lay at Faulkland) they sent to the Lairds of Dun & Pittarrow, and entreated them of Angulse & Merns to meet at Santandrews Juny 4; and they went to Creil, whither all that had warning, came with great fore∣wardness; and were not a little encouraged by John Knox: in a Sermon he told them, that then they saw it true, what he had said at Perth concer∣ning the Queens sincerity, and exhorted them to be no longer deluded with fair promises of them, who had no regard of contracts, covenants nor oaths: and because there will be no quietnes, till one of the parties were Masters, he wished them to prepare themselves, to dy as men, or to live victorious. By this exhortation the hearers were so moved, that im∣mediatly they pull down altars, images and all the moniments of idolatry within the town; and the next day they did the like in Anstruther: from thence they hasten to S. Andrews. The Bishop hearing what they had done, and thinking they would attempt the same reformation in the City, came to it well accompanied, to withstand them: but when he had tried the af∣fections of the people, he goeth the next morning unto the Queen. That day being sunday John Knox preached in the Parish-church: he compa∣red the estate of the Church which was at Jerusalem, when Christ purged the temple unto the estate of the present Church, and declared what was the duty of these to whom God had given authority and power. He did so incite the hearers, that after Sermon they went and made spoil of the Churches, and rased the monasteries of the black and gray Friers. I will not scan, whither the acts of such zeal was according to Gods law: but (to speak historically) in such paroxisms and great revolutions the like practise is scarcely evitable, and certainly is contrary unto the Standing law of the Land, and is condemned by the adverse party; and yet mantained,

or at least the Actors have been cleared by their own party having the Su∣pream power, whether the practise was in good or evill; as appeareth by the Parliament of England in that same year justifying or absolving all them who had done the like against the lawes made under Q. Mary, and Stan∣ding for the time un-repealed (as I hinted before); and also by the Parlia∣ment of England absolving them, who had torn and burnt the English Bibles and Service-books, and had killed the Ministers, &c. in the year 1553. which was contrary unto the Law of the Land made in time of King Edward 6. and Standing at that time unrepealed. The Regent hearing of those things, gave presently order unto the French Companies, to march toward Sant Andrews, and sent proclamation to all the parts about, to meet her in armes the next morning at Couper. The Lords went thither the same night accompanied with a hundred horse only, and so many foot: but such was the readiness of men, that before ten of the clock the next day they grew to 3000. Rothes and Ruthuen brought many Gentle men with them; some came from Lothian, and the towns shew great resolution. The next day was foggy: about noon the aire began to clear: then the Frenches sent some to view the fields; and these returning began to ••aint of their courage: wherefore a Post was sent to Falkland, to shew the Regent, that the Lords were stronger than was supposed, as also that there was mutiny in their own army, some openly professing, that they would not fight against their Country-men for pleasure of strangers. These newes moved her to yeeld unto a treaty of peace: so Lindsay and Waugh∣ton were employed by the Duke (who commanded the Scots in the Re∣gents army) to confer with the Lords: they would not suffer the two to * 3.32 come neer their army and said, They knew, the Regent had sent these forces against them, and if they will invade, they shall find them ready to defend: but they professing their purpose of peace, and that they were sent for that effect, were admitted: the Lords say, They had been so oft abused by the Regent's promises, that they can not trust her words any more: But if She will send away the French men, and give suretie, that no violence shall be used against them of the true Religion, they shall not be unreasonable. They reply, The Frenches can not be sent away, untill the French King were advertised; and She can give no other security but her own word, nor stands it with her honour, to do other∣wise. Because peace could not be concluded, truce was made for 8. dayes, upon condition, that the Frenches shall be removed into Lothian; and before the expiring of that time some shall be sent to Santandrews with authorised power to make a firm peace. This truce was signed in name of the Queen by the Duke and Dosell Junie 13. So the Lords of the Congrega∣tion did first remove, and at Couper they had a publick thankesgiving unto God, that their enemies were disappointed: and the next day the Armie was dismissed, and the Lords went to Santandrews, waiting (but in vain) for the makers of the peace: and in the mean time complaints were brought dayly from Perth, against him, whom the Regent had set in the Provosts place, and did oppresse them. The Earle of Argile and Lord James did advertise the Regent, and craved that the town may be restored to their former liberty. No answer was returned: wherefore the Lords went and sumoned the Provost, Captains and souldiers to render the town, assuring * 3.33 them, if they will hold out, and any one of them be killed in the assault, all their lifes shall pay for it. The Provost answered at first, they had pro∣mised to keep the town, and they will defend it to the last drop of their

blood. So they answered the second summons, being confident, that the Regent would send relieff. But when the besiegers began to play upon the west and east parts of the town at once, they within profered to depart, if relief came not within twelve hours. Thus the town was yielded, and resto∣red to their liberties Junie 26, The next day they consult what to do with the Bishop of Murray, who was then dwelling in Scone, and having many * 3.34 souldiers there about, had despitefully threatned the town: The Lords wrot unto him, that unless he come and assist them, they could not save his Palace. But these of Dundie considering his pride, and especially how violent he had been against Walter mill, would march to Scone: some per∣sons were sent to hinder them: but because they had found in the Church a great parcell of his goods hid, to preserve them, the multitude could not be stayd till the ornaments (as they terme them) of the Church were destroyed. The Lords did so prevaile, that for that night the Church and place were spared, and they brought away the multitude. The same night the Bishops servants began to fortify again, and to do violence unto some carrying away what baggage they had gote: and the next day some few persons went again, to behold what they were a doing: the Bishops servants were offen∣ded, and began to speak proudly, and as it was affirmed, one of the Bishops sons with a rapier thrust thorow one of Dundy, because he looked in at the Girnell-door. When this was reported, the towns men of Dundie were enraged, and sent word to the inhabitants of Perth, that unless they would support them to avenge that iniurie, they would never concur with them in any action. The multitude was easily enflammed, and quickly set all the palace in a fire. Many were offended, and an antient woman hearing them take it so ill, said, Now I see, Gods judgements are just, and that no man can save, where God will punish: since I can remember, this place hath been nothing els, but a den of whoremongers: it is incredible how many wifes have been abused, and young women de flowred by these filthy beasts, which have been fostered in this Den: and especially by that wicked man who is called The Bishop: if every one knew alswell as I, they would praise God, and no man would be offended. With these words many were pacified. Histo. of Reforma. The day preceeding, news was brought, that the Regent had ordered a garri∣son to lye in Sterlin, to seclude the Congregation of the one side of Forth from the other: the Lords made hast to prevent that, and riding all night came early in the morning, where the altars and images, and abbey of Cambuskenneth were thrown down: and on the fourth day marched toward Edinburgh, doing the like at Lithgow. The Lord Seton being Provest of Edinburgh had undertaken the protection of the black and gray Friers: but hearing of the sudden coming of the Lords, he fled, and the Mo∣nasteries were plundered before they came, and God put such a fear into the adversaries hearts, that they did all flee to Dumbar. Then the Regent gave forth a Proclamation, declaring, that where as a seditious ••umult was raised by some of the Lieges under pretense of Religion, she had made offer to call a Parliament in January next or sooner, for establishing an universall Order, and in the mean time to suffer every man to live at liberty of con∣science. But they reiecting all reasonable offers, had by their actions clearly shewd; that it is not Religion they seek, but the vsurpation of the Crown, as appeares by that they had received and sent messages from and into England, and now have possessed the palace of Halirudhouse, and the Mint-house: Wherefore She commanded all persons to forsake them, and live obedient unto authority, or els they shall be reputed traitours to

the Crown, As also that party caused it be rumored, that these Lords had conspired to deprive the Queen Regent, of her authority. and the Duke of his tittle of succession unto the Crown. These rumors prevailed so, that many began to shrink away. Therefore they did clear themselves by their Letters unto the Regent, and open proclamation unto the people, declaring, that these misreports had flowed from their enemies, and were most false, seing their intentions were no other, but to abolish supersti∣tion which is contrary unto the Word of God, and to maintain the P••ea∣chers of the truth from the violence of wicked men: And if She would use her authority to that effect, they shall continue als obedient subjects as any within the realme. Then the Regent trusting to gain some what by conference, did offer a safe-conduct to any they pleased to send. Two * 3.35 were sent to petition liberty of their consciences, the removing of unable Ministers, licence of publick preaching without molestation, un∣till by a general Councell lawfully conv••••ned, or by a Parliament within the realm all controversies of Religion shall be decided; and to re∣move the French Souldiers. These propositions were not pleasing, yet made She no shew of dislike, but using gracious words, she craved to speak with some of greater authority, and namely the Earle of Argile and Lord James: For (said She) I still suspect, there is some higher purpose amongst them than religion. The Lords would not consent, that these two should go unto her, because one of her chief attendants, was said to have bragged, that before Michaelmes these two Noble men shall lose their heads. This not succeeding, it was agreed, that sixe persons on each side should meet at Preston. The first day nothing was concluded: for the Queen seeming to yeeld unto the free exercise of Religion, would have it provided, that where she hapned to come, the Ministers should cease, and the Masse only be used. It was answered, This were to leave them no Church: for the Queen might change the place of her residence, and so could there not be any certain exercise of Religion. The next day the Lord Ruthven and Pittarrow were sent with this answer, As they could not impede her to use what Religion she pleased, so could they not consent, that the Ministers of Christ should be silenced upon any occasion, much less that the true service should give place to idolatry: wherefore they humbly crave (as they had oft) liberty to serve God according to their conscience, and to remove the French Souldiers; or els there can be no solide peace. The Queen said, She wished peace, but gave a direct answer to none of the points. At this time the Commons were scattered for want of victualls; and Gentle men being constrained by lack of furni∣shing, and partly hoping for a finall agreement, had returned after so many months unto their dwellings: but the Noble men resolved to abide at E∣dinburgh, till matters were fully composed. Now newes came that Hen∣ry II. King of France was dead. This put the Lords in better ••••pe, but made them more careless: for as if there were no fear, many w••nt home, and they who remained, lived secure without any watch. But the Queen became more watchfull, observing al occasions of advantage: and hearing of the solitude in Edinburgh, hasteth thither with her companies. The Lords hearing thereof, are doubtfull: if they leave the town, the Church, which was then established in some measure, would be cast down: there∣fore with the small number they had; they put themselves in order at Craigingat, to impede the Frenches. The Duke and Earle of Morton were conveying the Queen, and would have composed things: only that

day they kept the parties from an open conflict. The next day the Queen (having lodged in Lieth) prepared to enter the town at the West port, and the Lord ••rskin (who till then had been neuter, and had the Castle) threatned to play upon them, unless they suffer the Queen to enter without trouble. Hereupon after consultation it was thought safer to take an appoint∣ment, albeit the conditions were not such as were wished, than to hazard battell betwixt two such enemies. After long talking, five articles were penned, which they craved; 1. No member of the Congregation should * 3.36 be troubled in life, lands, or possessions, by the Queen's authority no•• any Judge, for any thing done in the late Innovation, till a Parliament (which shall begin January 10.) had decreed things in controversy. 2. ido∣latry shall not be erected, where it is at this day suppressed. 3. Preachers shall not be troubled in their Ministry, where they are already established, nor stopped to preach, wheresoever they shall chance to come. 4. No bands of men of warr shall be layd in garrison within Edinburgh. 5. French men shall be sent away at a convenient day, and none other shall be brought without consent of the Nobility and Parliament. These articles were granted: and the Queen addeth, 1. the members of the congregation (excepting the indwellers of Edinburgh) shall leave it the next day before ten a clock. 2. they shall render the Mint-house at that time. 3. the Church-men shall take up and freely dispose of the tyths and other profits of their Bene∣fices until January the tenth. The next day July 25. the Lords went to Ster∣lin: The Duke and Earle of Huntley met with them at th•• Querry-hols, promising if any part of the appointment shall be violated, they shall join * 3.37 all their forces for expelling the Frenches. The Queen was thereafter more carefull then formerly, to observe the conditions; but went about many wayes to re••stablish the Masse, and bring the favourers of Religion into contempt. In Edinburgh she employeth the Duke and Huntley and Se∣toun to deal with the Magistrates, to appoint some other Church for their preaching, and let the Church of S. Giles be for the Masse. They answer That were a violation of the articles. The others reply, The Queen will keep all the conditions, but craves this as a favour only; or at least, that they will permit the Masse there before or after noon. They answer, They will never yeeld, that the Masse enter there again; or if violence shall be used, they must suffer, and use the next remedy. Then another device was invented: the French Captains and Souldiers made their walks in time of prayer and preaching, and did laugh and talk all the time, that the preachers could not be heard. This was patiently disgested, knowing that they sought an occasion of trouble. In Lieth they cut the pulpite into pieces, and set up the Masse; and in the Abbey-church by force they hin∣dred the Common prayers, and wheresoever they came, they made di∣sturbance: and withall they dispersed a rumor both in France and in the Country, that the Congregation intends an open rebellion, and to set up Lord James in place of the lawfull Queen. At the same time letters were brought from the King and Queen unto L. James, full of exprobrations and menacings. Ere the Letters were delivered, the Lords had drawn up a third band at Sterlin August 1. in this manner; Wee foreseeing the craft * 3.38 and slight of our adversaries, who try all wayes to circumveen us, and by privy means intend to assault every one of us particularly, by fair heights and pro••••ses, thereby to separate us one from another, to our utter ruin and destruction: For remedy thereof, wee faithfully and truly binde us in the presence of God, and as wee tender the maintaining of true Religion,

that none of us shall in time coming pass to the Queen Dowager, to talk or commune with her, for any Letter or message sent by her unto us, or yet to be sent, without consent of the rest or common consultation thereupon: and how soon either Writing or message shall come from her unto us, with all diligence wee shall notify the same one to another, so that nothing shall proceed there in without common consent of us all. And because they had observed, that the Regent and Bishops intend nothing but deceit, they resolve to seek the aid of Christian Princes, if they shall be any more p••r∣sued; and first they would begin with Queen Elisabet as nearest and of the same Religion: and sent two Messengers into England. They appoint the next meeting at Sterlin September 10. and go to their own houses for the most part. Now what were the contents of the Kings Letters (which for brevity I omit) may appear from the answer of Lord James, which is * 3.39 thus; SIR, my most humble duty remembred, Your Majesties Letters I received from Parise July 17. importing in effect, that your Ma. doth marvell, that I being forgetfull of the graces and favours shewed mee by the King of bl. memory, your Ma. self, and the Queen my Soverain, have declared myself head and one of the principall beginners of these alledged tumults and seditions in these parts, deceiving heerby your Ma. expecta∣tion in all times had of mee; with assurance, that if I do not declare by contrary effect my repentance, I with the rest that have put, or yet put hand to this Work, shall receive that reward, which wee have deserved Sir, It grieves mee very heavily, that the crime of ingratitude is laid to my charge, by your Ma. and the rather, that I perceive the same to have proceeded of sinister information of them (whose part it was not to have reported so, if true service past had been regarded) and as for repentance and declaration of the same, by certain effects, that your Ma. desireth I shew; my conscience persuades mee, in these proceedings to have done nothing against God, nor the dutifull obedience toward your Ma. nor the Queen my Soverain: Otherwise it should not have been to be repented, and also it should have been repented already, according to your Majesties expectation of mee: But your Ma. being truly informed and persuaded, that the thing, which wee have done, makes for the advancement of Gods glory, without any manner of derogation to your Majes. due obedience; Wee doubt not but your Ma. shall be well contented with our proceedings: which being grounded upon the commandement of the eternall God, wee dare not leave the same unaccomplished, only wishing and desiring, your Ma. might know the same and the trueth thereof, as wee are persuaded in our consciences, and all them, that are truly instructed in the eternall word of our God, upon whom wee cast our care from all dangers, that may follow the accomplishment of his eternall will, and to whom wee com∣mend your Ma., beseeching him to illuminate your heart with the gospell of his eternall truth, to know your Majes. duty toward your poor subiects, Gods chosen people, and what you ought to crave justly of them again: for then wee should have no occasion to fear your Majes. wrath and indigna∣tion, nor your Majes. have suspicion of our obedience. The same God have your Ma. in his eternall safeguard. At Dumbartan August 12. 1559. This Letter was delivered unto the Regent: she opened it, and having read it, said, So proud an answer was never given to King nor Princesse. and Buchanan saith, but contrarily, many did judge it within the bounds of modesty, especialy where he was upbraided with graces and favours, whereof he had not received any, but such as were common unto all strangers. At that time

came a thousand souldiers from France to Lieth, and reporte, that moe were coming; and the Earle of Arran eldest son to Duke hamilton came thorough England; having heard in France, that the Cardinall of Lorrain the Qeen Regents brother had said in the Parliament of Paris, (as he was inveying against the Protestants) that they shall shortly see punishment executed on some, who is in honour equal to Princes; and calling to minde, that lately he had spoken freely with the Duke of Guise in the cause of Re∣ligion; came away privately, and after his departure his younger brother was apprehended and imprisoned. And he dealeth with his father to forget old quarrells, and joyn with the Lords of the Congregation. and so both came to the meeting at Sterlin. Where the Lords understand, that the Queen was fortifying Lieth for a Magazin and a safe haven for receiving French ships, as again 2000. men were landed under the command of Mon. de la Bross, and with him the Bishop of Amiens under the colour of Ambas∣sadours. When these were come, the Regent was heard say, Now shall I be avenged on the enemies of the Saints and of Authority. And the French men began to brag, as if all were their own; one was called Monsieur de Argile, another, Monsieur Le Prior, &c. and the indwellers of Lieth were put forth, both Protestants and Papists. And nevertheless the Regent cau∣sed to make a proclamation, that she intendes not to violate the Appointment in the least point, but only to preserve peace and dutifull obedience, if the Congregation will likewise keep their part. These which were called Ambassadours, kept up their commission, saith the historie of Reforma. but Buchanan saith, they craved from twelve Lords, which were at Edin∣burgh, a day to be appointed for hearing their commission: and it was answered unto them, They sought not peace, but war: for what els did so many armed men declare? nor could they be so simple, as to come into Con••erence, where they might be forced to accept conditions at the plea∣sure of their enemies: but if peace was their aime, they should dismiss their banded companies, that so it may appear, they y••eld unto equity, and not forced by the sword; and on the other side they would use the like diligence. No more was heard of their commission. The Regent sent many letters both unto them which were indifferent, and to these which were for the Reformation, solliciting them severally to come unto her: the one sort would not receive her Letters, according to their bond: and from their meeting they sent the reasons of their refusing, and declared their intentions, and complained of the violation of the appointment, especially in bringing so many Frenches, fortifying of Lieth, and putting out the Indwellrs. Many Declarations and proclamations did passe on both sides untill Octob. 21. when the Noble men and others after warning being frequently conveened in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh, the question was propounded, Whither she that contemptuously refuseth the most humble requests of the borne Councellers of the realme, being also but a Regent, whosepretenses threa∣ten the bon••age of the whole common wealth, ought to be suffered so tyrannically to do∣mineer * 3.40 over them? After deliberation it was concluded without any contrary vote in this manner: At Edinburgh October 21. 1559. The Nobility, Barons and Burgesses conveened to advise upon the affaires of the Commonwealth, and to aide and support the same, perceiving and lamenting the enterprised destruction of their said Common wealth, and overthrow of the Liberties of their native Countrie, by the means of the Queen Regent and certain strangers her privy Counsellers, plain contrary unto our Souverain Lord and Ladies mind, and direct against the Counsell of the Nobility, to pro∣ceed

by little and little even to the uttermost ruin; So that the urgent ne∣cessity of the Commonwealth may no longer suffer delay, and earnestly craves our support. Seing therefore that the said Queen Regent (abusing and overpassing our Soverain Lord and Ladyes commission given and granted unto her) hath in all her proceedings pursued the Barons and Bur∣gesses within this realme, with weapons and armour of strangers, without any process and order of Law, they being our Soverain Lord and Ladies true Lieges, and never called nor convinced of any crime by any judge∣ment lawfull; as ••. at Santiohnstoun in the month of May she assembled * 3.41 her armie against the town and inhabitants thereof, never called nor con∣vinced of any crime, only because they professed the true worship of God, conform to his sacred word. 2. in the moneth of Ju••y last, without any order or calling going before, invaded the persons of sundrie Noble men and Barons with force of arms, conveened at Saintandrews, only for the cause of Religion, as is notoriously known, they never being cal∣led nor convinced of any crime. 3. again layd garrisons the same moneth upon the inhabitants of the said town, oppre••sing the Liberties of the Queens true Lieges: for fear of which her garrisons, a great part of the inhabitants thereof fled from the town, and durst not resort again unto their houses & heritages, untill they were restored by a••ms; they not¦withstanding not being called nor convinced of any crime. 4 further at the same time did thrust-in upon the in habitants of the said town, Provest and Bailifs against all order of election, as lately in this month of September she hath done in other towns of Edinburgh and Jedburgh and d••verse other places, in manifest oppression of our Liberties. 5. Declaring herevill mind to∣ward the Nobility, Commonalty and wholle nation, she hath brought-in strangers, and dayly pretends to bring greater force of the same, pretending a manifest conquest of our native rooms and Countrie, as the deed itself declares; in so far, as she having brought-in the said strangers without any advice of Councell & Nobility, and contrary to their expresse minde sent to her in Writing, hath placed and planted her said strangers in one of the principall towns and parts of the realm, sending continually for greater forces, willing thereby to suppresse the Common wealth and liberty of our native countrie, to make us and our posterity slaves to strangers for ever: which, as it is intolerable to Commonwealths and free Countries, so it is very preiudiciall to ou•• Soverain Lady and her Heirs whatsoever, in case our Souverain Ladie decease without Heirs of her person. And to perform these her wicked enterprises conceived (as appeares) of inveterate malice against our whole countrie and nation, caused (without any consent or advice of the Councell or Nobility) to coin lead money, so base and of such quantity, that the whole realm shal be depauperated, and all traffique with forrein Nations everted thereby. 6. She placeth and maintaineth against the pleasure of the Counsell of this realme, a stranger in one of the greatest Offices of credite in this realm, that is, in keeping the great Seal thereof, wherein great perils may be engendred to the Common weale and Liberty thereof. 7. Further, sent the great Seal forth of this real••e by t••e said stran∣ger, against the advise of the said Counsell, to what effect, God knoweth 8. And hath also by this mean, altered the old Law and custom of this our realm, ever observed in the Graces and pardons granted by our Sove∣raines to all their Lieges, being repentant of their offences committed against their Majesties; or the Lieges of the Realm; And hath introduced a new captious stile and forme of the said pardons and Remissions, con∣form

to the practises of France, tending thereby to draw the said Lieges of this realm, by processe of time, into a deceivable snare, and further shall creep-in the whole subuersion and alteration of the remanent Lawes of this realme, contrary to the Contents of the Appointment of marriage 9. And also Peace being accorded among the Princes, retaineth the great Army of strangers, after commandement sent by the King of France to retier the same, making excuse that they were retained for suppressing the attempts of the Lieges of this realm; albeit the whole subjects thereof of all estates, is and ever have been ready to give all dutifull obedience to their Soverains and their lawfull ministers proceeding by Gods Ordinance; And the same Army of strangers not being paied their wages, was layd by her upon the necks of the poor Commonalty of our native Country, who were com∣pelled by force to defraud themselves, their wives and children, of that poor substance which they might purchase with the sweat of their brows, to satisfiy their hunger and necessities, and quit the same to sustain the idle bellies of her strangers; through the which, in all parts rose such heavy lamentation and complaint of the Commonalty, accusing the Counsell and Nobility of their sloth, that as the same oppression wee doubt not, hath entred in before the Justice Seat of God, so it hath moved our hearts with pitty and compassion. And for redress of the same with great offenses com∣mitted against the publik weell of this Realm, wee have conveened here, as said is; and as often before, have most humbly and with all reverence desired and required the said Queen Regent, to redress these enormities, and especially to remove her strangers from the necks of the poore com∣monalty, and to desist from enterprising of fortification of Strengths within this realm, against the expresse will of the Nobility and Counsell of the same; yet wee beeing conveened the more strong for fear of her strangers, who, wee sawe, presume no other thing, but with Arms to pursue our lifes and possessions, Besought her to remove our fear of the same, and make the town patent to all our Soverain Lord and Ladies Lieges▪ The same would she no way grant unto: but when some of our companie in peaceable manner went to viewe the town, there was great and small munition shot forth at them. And seing that neither accesse was granted unto us by her, nor yet she would joyn herself unto us, to consult upon the affairs of our Commonwealth, as wee be borne Counsellors to the same, by the antient Lawes of the Realm: but fearing that the judgements of the Counsell would reform, as necessity required, the foresaid enormities, she refuseth all manner of assistance with us, and by force and violence intends to suppresse the Liberties of our Commonweall, and of us the favourers of the same. Wee therefore, so many of the Nobility, Barons, and Provests of our Boroughs, as are touched with the care of the Commonweale (unto the which wee acknowledge ourselves, not only born but also sworn prote∣ctours and Defenders, against all and whatsoever inuaders of the same) and moved by the foresaid proceedings notorious, and with the lamentable complaint of oppression of our Commonalty, our fellow-members of the same; Perceiving farther, that the present necessity of our Common∣weal may suffer no delay, being conveened (as said is) presently in Edin∣burgh, for support of our Commonweal, and ripely consulted and advi∣sed, taking the fear of God before our eies, for the causes foresaid, which are notorious, with one consent and common vote, every man in order, his judgement being required, in the name and authority of our Soverain Lord and Lady, suspend the said Commission granted by our Sòverain to

the said Queen Dowager, discharging her of all administration or authority she hath or may have thereby, untill the next Parliament, to be set by our advice and consent: And that because the said Queen, by the foresaid faults notorious, declares herself enemy to our Commonwell, abusing the po∣wer of the said authority, to the destruction of the same: And likewise wee discharge all members, of her said authority from henceforth; and that no Coin be coined from henceforth, without expresse consent of the sayd Coun∣sell and Nobility, conform to the Lawes of this realm, which wee maintain▪ And ordain this to be notified and proclaimed by officers of Arms in all head-Boroughs within the realm of Scotland. In witnes of which our com∣mon consent and free Vote, Wee have subscribed this present Act of sus∣pension with our hands, day, year and place aforesaid. And it was sub∣scribed in this manner, By us the Nobility and Commons of the Protestants of the Church of Scotland. The next day this Act was proclaimed with sound of Trumpet: and then they sent a Letter unto the Regent, shewing her, what they had done, and they add, And how beit wee have deter∣mined with the hazard of our lifes, to set that Town at liberty, wherein you have most uniustly planted your mercenary souldiers and strangers, yet for the reverence wee bear unto you, as being the mother of our Queen, wee earnestly beseech you to depart thence at this time, when wee (con∣strained by publick necessity) are by force of arms to recover it. Wee fur∣ther request you to bring forth of the Town with your self, all that carry themselves as Ambassadours, and are come into the Countrey, either for taking up of controversies, or assisting the government of publick affairs, within the space of 24. hours, And to cause the Captains & Lieutenants and souldiers (whose blood wee would gladly spare, because of the old amity and friendship betwixt us and the Realm of France, which the marriage of our Soverain Lady to that King, ought rather to increase than diminish) to remove themselves within the same space. This Letter was subscribed by the Nobil••••y and Barons October 23. After defiance on both sides, Octob. 25. the town was summoned, and all the Scots and French men of what∣soever degree were commanded to leave it within the space of twelve hours. * 3.42 But God would not as yet put an end to these troubles untill mens hearts were more discovered, and his Hand were more seen and acknowledged. The people were earnest to invade; many were but too forward, and for hast to make their scalads, they made choise of St Giles church, and would not give place to publick Prayers nor preaching; which and other disorders gave occasion unto the Preachers, to affirm, that God would not suffer such contempt of his word and abuses of his Grace, to be long unpunished. Their most secret determinations were revealed, and overthrown. The Duke's friends did terrifie him, and by his fear many others were troubled. The hired souldiers made a mutiny, because they wanted a part of their wa∣ges. Whosoever had any silvervessell, did profer to give it unto the Mint∣house, but John hart and others of that faction stole away the instruments. They sent to Berwick, to borrow money: instantly 4000 Crowns was lent and delivered to Sir John Cocburn of Ormston: the Regent had notice of it, and sent the Earle of Bothvel to intercept it. He had promised before to be for the Country: but then he goeth, wounded the gentle man, took him prisoner and all that he had. The Earle of Arran and a grea•• party of the horsemen went forth to recover the prisoner: they took the Earle's house: but himself was gone. In absence of the Horsemen, these of Dundie and foot men went with some Ordance to shoot at Lieth. The French men

knew, that they were but few, and that the Horsemen were gone another way, and with expedition came forth upon them. The souldiers fled with∣out stroke of sword, and left the Ordinance to their enemies, who followed unto Lieth-winde. Upon the first alarm all men in Edinburgh made hast for relieff: but then was a shout, All the Frenches are entred. This crie did amase many, and they fled to the west port. The Earle of Argile and his men did stay them fleeing, and Lord Robert Stewart Abbot of Halirud∣house issued forth upon the Frenches, and caused them to turn and flee. At that time the cruelty of the French men began to discover it self: for they spared not the aged, maimed, women, nor Papist; and of the souldiers ten only were killed. Then many were deiected: and with great difficulty were moved to abide in the town. October 31. Wiliam Maitlane of Lethington Secretary to the Regent, perceiving that the Frenches sought his life (for somtimes he had freely opposed their cruelty) conveyed himself away, and coming to Edinburgh, exhorted the Lords and others unto constancy, and most prudently layd before them the dangers ensuing, if they shall depart from that Town. They stayd untill November 5: then was another skirmish: but the souldiers could scarcely be moved to go forth; and they went disor∣derly, and were repulsed with the loss of 25. or 30. of their number: and then such dolour and fear overtook the hearts of the most part, that they could admit of no consolation: only they appoint to meet the next day at Sterlin, and there to take consultation. On wednesday November 7. they * 3.43 meet in the Church of Sterlin: John Knox had a Sermon on Psa. 80. v. 5. 6. 7. In his exposition he declared, wherefore God in wisdom suffers sometims his chosen people to be exposed to mockage and danger, even to appearing distruction, to wit, that they may feel the vehemency of his in∣dignation; that they may know, how little strength is in themselves; they may leave unto the following generations a testimony both of the wicked's malice, and of the maruellous work of God in perserving His little Flock by other means than man can espy: he sheweth how fearfull a tentation it is, when God heares not the prayers of his people; and a difference betwixt the elect and reprobats under such a tentation: and in the end he did exhort them all to amendement of life and to carnestness of praying. The mindes of the hearers were wonderously erected. After dinner the Lords conveen in Counsell; where (after invocation of Gods name) it was concluded 1. that William Maitlan shall go to London, and declare their condition unto the Queen and Counsell) and the Noble men should have their next pu∣blick meeting at Sterlin December. 16. In the mean time the French men domineer in Edinburgh: the Regent gave the houses of the honestest Bur∣gesses unto them as a part of their reward▪ the Earle of Arran was procla∣med Traitour: great practises were used against the Castle: but the Cap∣tain (as he had refused to be for the Lords and country, so) would not give over unto the Regent. Advertisement was dispatched to the Duke of Guise, desiring him to make expedition, if he would have the full con∣quest of Scotland. He had at that time greatest power to command in France, (the King Francis being but 15 years of age) and without delay sent another Army of horse and foot with the Marques D'Elbeuf and Count Martiques: they embarked at Diep, and were dispersed by tempest: 18 En∣signes were cast away upon the coast of Holland; and only the ship where∣in were the two principalls with their Ladies was violently driven back to Diep, confessing, that God fought for the defense of Scotland. After the meeting at Sterl in, the Duke, the Earle of Glencairn, and other no∣ble

men went to Glascow, and caused all the images and altars to be pulled down: and conveening in Counsell gave forth this Proclamation* 3.44:

FRAN∣CIS and MARIE King and Queen of Scots, Daulphin and Daulphiness of Viennoys,

to our lovets 〈1 span left blank〉〈1 span left blank〉messengers or sherifs in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute, greeting.

For so much as it is understood by the Lords of our Privy Councell that be reformed, of the suspension of the Queen Dowrier's autority, the samine is by consent of the Nobility and Barons of our realm, now by Gods providence devol∣ved unto them: And their chieff and first charge and study is, and should bee, to advance the glory of God, by maintaining and upsetting true preach∣ers of the Word, Reforming of Religion, and subversion of idola∣try; And there are diverse of the clergy, who have not as yet adioined themselves unto the Congregation, nor made open testification of their faith, and renunciation of idolatry; Our will is heerfore and we charge you straitly, and command that incontinently, these Our letters seen, yee pass and in our name and authority command and charge all and sundry of the clergy, who have not as yet adioined themselves to the Congregation as said is, by open proclamation at all places needfull, That they compear before the saids Lords of Counsell in Santandrews the 〈1 span left blank〉〈1 span left blank〉 day of 〈1 span left blank〉〈1 span left blank〉 and there give open testification of their conversion with plain con∣fession of their faith, and renunciation of all manner of superstition and idolatry; With certification unto them, if they fail, they shal be reputed and holden as enemies to God and true Religion, and the fruits of their Benifices shall be taken away, one part thereof to the true preachers who ministrate truly the word, and the remanent to be applied to the forthsetting of the Common well of our realm. The which to do we commit to you conjunctly and severally Our full power by these our letters delivering them by you duly execute and indorsed again unto the bearer.

Given under our signet at Glasgow the penult day of November and of our reignes the first & seventienth years.

Nevertheless some Bishops intend a new persecution whereupon the Counsell send forth another proclamation in this manner:

FRANCIS and MARIE by the Grace of God King and Queen of Scots, Daulphin and Daulphiness of Viennois,

To our lovets 〈1 span left blank〉〈1 span left blank〉 our shirefs in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting.

For so much as the Lords of our Counsell understanding the great hurt and iniquity, that in times past hath proceeded to the mem∣bers of Christs Church by maintaining and upholding of the Antichrists lawes and his consistory, boasting and fearing the simple and ignorant peo∣ple with their cursings; gravatures and such like others their threatnings, whereby they sate on the consciences of men, of long time by gone, Or∣dained that no consistory should be afterward holden, hanted nor used, Having respect that there be enough of Civil ordinary Judges, to the which our Lieges may have recourse in all their actions & causes; And not the less the said Lords are informed, that certain wicked persons within the City of Brechin, malevolent members of the said Antichrist, contemptuously disobey the said ordinance, and cease not stil to hold consistory, and exe∣cute his pestilent lawes within the said City in contempt of Vs and our authority; Our will is therefore and wee charge you strairly, and command, that incontinent these our letters seen, yee pass and in our name and au∣thority, command and charge the Commissary and Scribe of Brechin, and all other members of the said Consistory, and others our Lieges whatsoe∣ver having interess, That none of them take in hand, to hold any consi∣story

for administration of the said wicked lawes, or assist there to in any way from thence forth, Vnder the pain of death, As yee will answer to us there∣upon. The which to do we commit to you conjunctly and severally our full power 〈1 span left blank〉〈1 span left blank〉

Given under our signet at Dundy the 14 day of December, and of our reignes the second and 18 years.

These two Proclamations are not (that I have seen) in print: but I have them by mee, as yet with the Signet whole and entire; which I received (as I have hinted before) a∣mong the papers of John erskin of Dun. The difference of the time in the Date is clear, for the Queen was marryed in the beginning of Decemb. An. 1558..And I make use of them here against the impudent slaunders of * 5.1 that malevolent Author who in that Latin History (lately printed) calleth the Reformation of the Church of Scotland, a tumultuous and Vandal Reformation; howbeit out of these Proclamations and all other procee∣dings heertofore, it appeares clearly, that whatsoever was done, had the authority of the Publick Convention of the Estates, and lesser things were done by the Counsell; but the Queen being a Minor and not in the Coun∣try ftom her infancy, and being under the tutory of her Vncle a stranger and an enemy of Religion, who had given his power unto strangers for opposing Religion. And all the antient Churches as yet standing both in burroughs and country do bear witnes, that they did not at that time throw down any necessary church, but only the abbeyes and monasteries and their churches.

IX. About the 20. of December Robert Meluill of Raith (who was sent with Lethintoun into England) returnes, and shewes, that the Queen of England had granted a supply, and appointed the Duke of Nor∣folk * 5.2 to treat at Berwick with the Commissioners of the Scotish Nobility. When the Regent was advertised of this conclusion, she with her Coun∣sell resolves to make an end of the warre before the English support could be in readiness, and to begin at Fife. Thereupon the French men take their journy by Sterlin, and spoil where they come: when they had passed the bridge, the storm was so bitter, and the snow had fallen so deep, that they could not passe thorough the midle of the country, but resolve to march by the coast, and so unto Santandrewes, and to have fortified the castle and City. The Lord James stuart and others hearing that they were passed Sterlin, sent some Forces with the Lord Ruthuen to withstand them; and in his company was the Earle of Sutherland, being directed (as he profes∣sed) by the Earle of Huntly, to offer his assistance, but his principall com∣mission was for the Regent, as afterward was made known. But he was not long time in their company: for in the first rancounter of the Scots and French men at Kingorn, Sutherland was hurt in the arme, and went back to Couper. The French men being the greater number, took Kingorn, and the Scots return to Dysert, where they continued skirmishing for three weeks, that the enemies could not march further, and the country was preserved from the spoil, so soon as the Regent heard, that Kingorn was taken, she sent post to France, shewing, that thousands of the hereticks were slain, and the rest were fled, and requiring that some of her friends would come and take the glory of that Victory. So Martiques was sent a∣gain with two ships. A day was appointed by the Noble men to meet at Couper for sending Commissioners, to treat with the Duke of Norfolk: unto this meeting went the Noble men that were at Dysert: and sixe were sent to Berwick: both parties did quickly agree upon a league for defense of both kingdoms, whosoever shall inuade either of them. The contract

was dated Fabruat. 27. The capacity of a Treaty with England shewes what a considerable part of the kingdom the Congregation was at that time. The Frenchmen at Kingorn, hearing that the Noble men were gone from Dysert, march a long the coast, and at Kincraig they see a fleet of ships: they apprehend them a supply from France: but they were by and by informed, that it was a fleet of Englishes, and also that an Army was coming by land. Wherefore they fearing to be severed from their fellowes at Lieth, made the greater hast by night and day, and came to Lieth on the third day, lo∣sing more of their company by the way than they had killed of their adver∣saries; as they had done more evill to their friends: for of all that were pro∣fessed enemies unto them, only the Laird of Grange had his house blown up with powder: but others of their faction were forced to furnish them; or the souldiers took the readiest they could apprehend. When complaints were made to the French Captaines, they scornfully answered, These were the Congregation-mens goods. Or if they made faith, that these were their own goods; they were railed upon, as unworthy and niggard cow∣ards, that made more account of their goods than of their friends. And the professours of religion had put their goods out of the way. But this spoil made that faction joyn the more willingly with the defenders of their liberty. At that time the Barons of the Merns were busy in the Reforma∣tion of Aberdien. The Earle of Huntly withstood: but when he heard of the advancing of the Englishes, he sent unto the Lords, craving to be admitted among them: as also he heard, that Proclamations were sent through all the country, charging all the subjects to meet in arms at Lithgow the last day of March, and thence to passe in persuite of the French ene∣mies. At that time the English forces consisting of two thousand horse and 600 foot entred into Scotland, and the Scots army joyned with them A∣pril 4. An. 1660. The same day the Regent removes her family to the castle of Edinburgh, the Lord Erskin knowing, that she was of intention to have the Frenches Masters of that strength, would not deny her entry, but he was so circumspect, that both she and the castle were still in his power.

X. The Noble men then wrote unto her humbly again and again entrea∣ting * 5.3 that she would dismiss the French souldiers, and profering that they shall be safely conveyed into France; and promising never to forsake duti∣full obedience unto their Queen, nor resist the King her husband, in any thing that shall not tend to the subversion of the liberties of the Kingdom; and beseeching her, to weigh the equity of their petition and the inconve∣niences of warre. The English Generall did in like manner direct two gentle men unto the French men, in Lieth for the same purpose. Both were answered with delayes; but would not be delayed; and assault the town, and were repulsed twice with the losse of two men. The King of France hearing, what they were doing in Scotland, sent unto Queen E∣lisabet, requiring to bring back her Forces, and he would render Calais, which was taken in her sisters time. The Queen answereth, That fisher town is not to be weighed with the hazard of Britanne. Then the Kings Counsellers were desirous of peace; but thought it disgracefull to treat with his subjects. Wherefore he entreats the Queen to mediate a peace: so the English Secretary, and a Doctour Wotton Dean of Canterburry were sent with the French Ambassadours into Scotland. While these were upon * 5.4 their journy, the Queen Regent dieth through displeasure and sicknes, in the castle of Edinburgh Juny 10 An. 1560. Before her death she desired to

speak with the Duke, the Earls of Argile, Glencairn, Marshall and Lord James: unto them she bemoaned the troubls of the realm, and entreated them to study peace, and to perform these particulars, that were lately written in that Letter unto her: then bursting forth into tears, she asked pardon of them all: and disposing herself for another world she sent for John willock the Preacher of the town, and conferring with him a pretty space, she professed, that she did trust to be saved by the death and merites of Jesus Christ only. Shortly after her death, truce was made for hear∣ing the Ambassadours, and peace was concluded at Edinburg: among other articles the 8^th was, that the King nor Queen shall depute no stran∣gers in the administration of Civil and common Justice, nor bestow the publick Offices upon any, but born subjects of the realm. 9. that a Parlia∣ment shall be held in the month of August next: for which a commission shall be sent, and it shall be as lawfull in all respects, as if it had been or∣dained by expresse command of their Majesties; providing all tumults of warre be discharged, and they who ought by their places to be present, may come without fear. So on July 16. both Frenches and Englishes did return home, and a solemne thankesgiving that day was in the Church of S. Gil∣es, by the Lords and others professing true Religion.

XI. In the midst of these broyls the Counsell did nor forget the condition of the Church, and (as it is said expressely in the beginning of the first * 5.5 book of Discipline) on the 29 day of Aprile in that year 1660. they gave Order unto the Ministers, to conveen, and draw up in writing and in a book, a common order for reformation and uniformity to be observed in the discipline and policy of the Church. This they did as they could for the time, before the 20 day of May: but it was not allowed by the Coun∣sell untill January 17. following. After the solemn thankesgiving in July the Commissioners of Borroughs with some Nobles and Barons were ap∣pointed * 5.6 to see the equall distribution of Ministers, as the most part shall think expedient: so one was appointed unto every chief burgh and City: they appointed five, whom they called Superintendents. What was their office, appeares by the first book of Discipline, wherein it is written thus; Wee consider, that if the Ministers, whom God hath endowed with his sin∣gular graces among us, should be appointed to severall places, there to make their continuall residence, that then the greatest part of the realm should be destitute of all doctrine, which should be not only the occasion of great murmur, but also be dangerous to the salvation of many: and therefore wee have thought it a thing expedient at this time, that from the whole number of godly and learned men, now presently in this realm, be selected ten or twelve (for in so many Provinces we have divided the whole) to whom charge and commandement should be given, to plant and erect Kirks, to set, order and appoint Ministers (as the former prescribes) to the countries, that shal be appointed to their care, where none are now. And by their means your love and common care over all inhabitants of this realm, to whom you are equally debtors, shall evidently appear: as also the simple & ignorant, who perchance have never heard Iesus Christ truly preached, shall come to some knowledge: by the which many that are dead in superstition and ignorance, shall attain to some feeling of godliness, by the which they shall be provoked to seek farther knowledge of God and his true Religion and worship: where by the contrary if they shall be ne∣glected, then shall they not only grudge, but also seek the means where by they may continue in their blindnes, or return to their accustomed idolatry:

and therefore we desire nothing more earnestly, than that Christ Jesus be once vniversally preached throughout this realm; which shall not suddenly bee, unless that by you, men be appointed and compelled, faithfully to travell in such Provinces as to them shal be assigned. Here they designe the boun∣des for ten Superintendents, and then it is added, These men must not be suf∣fered to live as your idle Bishops have done heretofore: neither must they remain, where they gladly would, but they must be preachers themsel∣ves, and such as may not make long residence in any place, till their Kirks be planted and provided of Ministers, or at least of Readers. Charge must be given to them, that they remain in no place above twenty dayes in their visitation, till they have passed through their whole bounds: They must preach thrice at the least every week; and when they return to their prin∣cipall Town and residence, they must be exercised likewise in preaching and edification of the Kirk: and yet they must not be suffered to continue there so long, that they may seem to neglect their other Kirks: but after they have remained in their chief town three or four months at most, they shal be compelled (unless by sicknes they be retained) to re-enter in visita∣tion: In which they shall not only preach, but also examine the life, deli∣gence and behaviour of the Ministers, as also the order of their kirks, and manners of the people: They must further consider how the poor be pro∣vided, how the youth be instructed: They must admonish, where admo∣nition needeth, and redresse such things as by good counsell they may ap∣pease: And finally they must note such crimes as be hainous, that by censure of the Kirk the same may be corrected. If the Superintendent be found negligent in any the chief points of his office, and specially if he be negligent in preaching of the word, and visitation of the kirks, or if he be conuicted of such crimes, as in common ministers are damned, he must be deposed without respect of his person or office. Though Bishop Spotswood professe to set down all the book of Discipline, yet of all this that I have written, he hath but foure lines, but he omits not the bounds of each Superintendent. Then after the manner of the election of the Superintendent, it followes in the book thus; the Superintendent being elected and appointed unto his charge, must be subiect to the censure and correction of Ministers and Elders not of his chief town only, but also of the whole Province of which he is appoin∣ted overseer. If his offence be known, and the Ministers and Elders of the town and province be negligent, then the next one or two Superinten∣dents with their ministers and elders may conveen him, and the Ministers and Elders of his chief town (provided it be within his own province or chief town) may accuse or correct aswell the Superintendent in these things that are worthy of correction, as the ministers and elders, of their negligence and ungodly toleration of his offence. Whatsoever crime deserves deposition or correction of any other minister, deserves the same in the Superintendent, without exception of persons. He hath also curtailed these rules: for what cause he hath so done, he who pleaseth to confer the two, may guesse.

XII. The Parliament (as was appointed in the Treaty) sate down in * 5.7 August at Edinburgh: there were present sixe Bishops, twelve Abbots and Priors, nineteen Earls and Lords with many Barons, and of Commissioners of Burghs none were absent. Many Lords both of the one and other Estates did absent themselves contemptuously, saith the author of the History of Re∣formation. The first thing they treat was a supplication of the Barons, gentlemen, burgesses and other true subiects of the realm, professing the Lord Jesus, for a Reformation of Religion. So soon as it was read, the

Barons and Ministers were called, and command given unto them, to draw into plain and severall heads the sum of the doctrine, which they would maintain, and desire to be established, as wholesom, true, and only neces∣sary to be believed. This they willingly accept and on the fourth day, to wit, August 17. they present the Confession, which afterward was registred in the first Parliament of King James 6. and is commonly seen also in the Har∣mony of Confessions. When the Confession was read first by the Lords of the articles, and then in audience of the whole Parliament, all were bidden in Gods name, to obiect, if they could say any thing against that doctrine; some Ministers standing-by ready to answer, if any would defend Papistry, or impugne any article. No obiection was made: then a day was appointed for concurrence in that and other heads: that day the Confession was read again, each article severally, and the votes were asked accordingly. The Papisticall Bishops said nothing. Three Lords Athol, Sommerwell and Bortwick said, Wee will believe, as our fathers believed. The Earle Marshall said, It is long since I had some favour unto the Trueth, and since I had a suspicion of the papisticall Religion: but I praise my God, who this day hath fully resolved mee in the one and the other: for seeing the Bishops, who for their learning can, and for their zeal that they should bear unto the verity, would, as I suppose, have gain∣said any thing, that directly repugneth unto the verity of God: Seing, I say, the Bishops here present speake nothing against the doctrine proposed, I can not but hold it for the very truth of God, and the contrary to be deceivable doctrine: and therefore so far as in melyeth, •• approve the one, and condemne the other: And yet more I must vote by way of Protestation, that if any person Ecclesiasticall shall after this oppose themselves to this our Confession, that they have no place nor credite; considering that they having long advertisment and full knowledge of this our Confession, none is now found in lawfull free and open Parliament, to oppose themselves to that which we pro∣fess: and therefore if any of this Generation pretend to do it after this, I protest, that he be reputed one that loveth his own commodity and the glory of the world, more than the Trueth of God, and the salvation of mens souls. After the voting and establishing of the Confession by the whole Body of the Parliament, there were also read two particular Acts, one against the exercise of the Masse, and the abuse of the sacraments, and the other against the supremacy of the Pope: these were severally voted and concluded then; and renued in the Parliament An. 1567. With these Acts Sir James Sandelanes Knight of the Rhodes (who had been neutrall hetherto) was sent into France for obtaining ratification; and was ordered to clear the Noble men and others from the imputations of dissoyalty, and to pacifie the mindes of their Soveraines. But he found his ambassage and himself contemned, the Guisians checking him bitterly at his first audience, that he being a Knight of the holy Order, had taken a Commission from rebells to sollicite ratification of execrable heresies. I will not stay here upon the reasonableness of this answer, nor to consider who gave it; only this is added by my author, that more care was given unto three persons, the Bishop of Glasgow, the Abbot of Dumfernlin and the Lord Seton, who went away with the French Army. The Coun∣trie then was greatly troubled for this cold entertainment of their Commis∣sioner: for they were sensible of their own weakness, if France would in∣vade again, and they were doubtfull of England, because their last support was with so great charges and hazard; and the Earls of Morton and Glencairn (who after the Parliament were sent to give thanks unto the Queen Elisabet, and to entreat the continuance of her love) had given no advertisement: In time of this doubtfulness, newes was brought that young King Francis

was dead: then sorowfull were the hearts of the Popish faction, and the Countrie were confident to have their Queen at home again; as God brought it to pass in despite of all the attempts, that that faction did use in the contrary. After the death of the King, a Convention of the Estates was called to meet in January 1561. then was Lord James Stuart appointed to go in their names unto the Queen: Commission was given to severall Noblemen and Barons in severall parts to pull down the abbeys and cloisters that were yet standing, and to demolish all moniments of idolatry through∣out the Country. Then also the book of Discipline was presented, and the Ministers supplicate the Convention to establish it. Alexander an∣derson Subprincipall of the Vniversity at Aberdeen was called to obiect against it. He refuseth to dispute there, in matters of faith, pretending (for excuse) a sentence of Tertullian. The Ministers reply. The autho∣rity of Tertullian can not preiudge the authority of the Holy Ghost, com∣manding to give a reason of our faith, to every one that requires it: and for the present it is not required of him, nor of any man to dispute in any point of our faith, which is fully grounded upon Gods word, and all that wee believe, is without controversy contained in the holy Scriptures: But it is required of him as of other Papists, that they will suffer their doctrin, con∣stitutions and cermonies come to a tryall; and especially that the Masse and the opinions, which they teach the people concerning it, be laid to the square of the first institution, that the world may know, whither their teachers had offended or not, in that which they have affirmed; whither the action of the Masse be not expressely repugnant unto the last Supper of the Lord Jesus? whither the sayer of it commit not horrible blasphemy in vsurping * 5.8 upon the offices of Christ? Al. Anderson denied, that the Priest takes upon him Christs office. A masse-book was brought, and it wat read out of the beginning of the Canon, Suscipe Sancta Trinitas hanc oblationem, quam ego indignus peccator offero tibi vivo Deo et vero, pro peccatis to••ius Ecclesiae, vivorum et mortuorum. Then said the Minister, If to offer for the sins of the whole Church, be not the proper office of Christ only, let the Scripture judge: and if a vile man, whom ye call priest, proudly takes the same upon him, let your own books witnes. Al. Anderson said, Christ offered the propiti∣atory, and none can do that; but we offer the remembrance. It was answered, We praise God, that yee deny a sacrifice propitiatory in the Masse; and we offer to prove, that in moe than an hundred places of your Papisticall Doctors, it is affirmed, that the Masse is a sacrifice propitiatory. But whereas ye alledge that yee offer Christ in remembrance; we aske first, Unto whom do yee offer him? and next, By what authority are ye assured of well-doing? In God the Father falleth no oblivion: and if ye will shift and say, that ye offer, not as if God were forgetfull, but as willing to apply Christs merits to his Church; we demand of you, What power and com∣mandement have ye to do so? We know, that our Master commanded his Apostles to do what He did, in remembrance of him: and plain it is, that Christ took bread, gave thanks, brak the bread, and gave it to his disciples, saying, Take, eat.....here is a command to take and eat, to take and to drink: but to offer Christs body either for remembrance or application, we find not: and therefore we say, To take upon you an office, which is not given unto you, is uniust vsurpation, and not lawfull power. Then Alexander vseth some words of shifting: but the Lords require him to an∣swer directly. Then said he, I am better acquainted with philosophy than with Theology. Then John Lesley, (then Parson of Vne, and immediatly

was sent by the Bishops and their faction to be agent in their business with the Queen, and thereafter was called Bishop of Rosse) was demanded to answer unto that argument. After some litle pause, he said, If our Master hath nothing to say unto it, I have nothing: for I know nothing but the Canon∣law: and the greatest reason, that ever I could find there, is, Volumus, and Nolumus. The Nobility seeing, that neither the one nor the other would answer directly, say, Wee have been miserably deceived; for if the Masse may not obtain remission of sin to the quick and to the dead, wherefore were all the Abbeys so richly doted and endowed with our lands? Hereby it is clear, (as also by what is written of the Parliament) that the Papists had liberty to plead for their Religion; and were required to say what they could, not only with safety and assurance of protection; but they did appeare, and shew their weakness. At that time the book of Discipline was not allowed nor reiected, but delayd; and thereafter it was approved by the Counsell for their own part, but not authorised; and some additions were noted, and this provision expressely added, That the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other Beneficed men, who had already adioined them unto the Religion, shall enioy their benefices during their lives, they upholding and sustaining the Ministery and Ministers for their part. The issue of this provision was; many Church-men gave away and sold their Manses, gleebs, tyths and other things, to the prejudice of the Church; so that the entertainment of Ministers was very small; in many places nothing at all; and the gleebs could hardly be recovered.

XIII. At Edinburgh December 20. An. 1560. was the first Nationall assembly: where conveened the Ministers and Commissionares from Shires * 5.9 and Burghs about the number of 44. persons. 1. They designe Ministers and Readers unto severall parishes throughout the Countrie. 2. It was appoin∣ted, that in time coming the election of Minister, Elders and deacons shall be in the publick church, and premonition to be on the sunday preceeding. 3. It is found by the law of God, marriages may be solemnized betwixt parties of the second or third degrees of consanguinity, and others that are not prohibited by the word of God: and therefore to desire the Lords and Estates to interpose their authority, and make lawes thereupon. 4. It is appointed that for punishment of fornication the law of God be observed▪ and these shall make publick repentance, which vse carnall copulation be∣twixt the promise and solemnization of their marriage 5. that earnest suppli∣cation be made unto the Estates of the realm, and to the Lords of Secret counsell, that all Judges ordinary and Judiciall Officers, as Lords of the Session, Shireffs, Stewarts, Balives and other ordinary Judges be profes∣sours of the trueth according to the word of God; and all Ministers of the word to be removed from such Offices, according to the Civill law. 6. To supplicate the Parliament and Secret Counsell, that, for eschuing the wrath of the Eternall, and removing the plagues threatned in His law, Sharp punishment be ordained against idolaters and mantainers thereof, in contempt of Gods true Religion and Acts of Parliament, namely, which say Masse, or cause it to be said, or are present thereat. And a catalogue of their names is writen. They appoint Comissioners to attend the Parliament (if any shall be called) with these supplications. It is to be observed from the fift Act, that Ministers of the word were forbbidden to be Judges in Civil causes: which is against the former practise, when Bishops and other prelats were Lords of Parliament and sat in Civill Courts. No Parliament was called, as was expected: but a Convention of Estates was appointed to

be in May before which time Papists resort to Edinburgh in great numbers, and began to brag of their power. The Commissioners which were ap∣pointed * 5.10 by the Assembly of the Church, conveen May 17. An 1561. and draw up these articles to be presented unto the Convention; that idolatry and all monuments thereof should be suppressed throughout the realm; that the sayers, maintainers and heare••s of the Masse should be punished accor∣ding to the Act of Parliament. 2. That c••rtain provision be made for mainte∣nance of the Superintendents, Ministers and Readers; that Superintendents be planted where none are; That punishment be appointed for such as disobeied or contemned the Superintendents in their function. 3. That punishment be appointed for the abusers and contemners of the Sa∣craments. 4. That no Letters of Session, or warrant from any Judge be given, to answer or pay tythes unto any person, without speciall provision, that the parishoners retain so much in their hands as is ap∣pointed for maintenance of the Ministry; And that all such as are gi∣ven heretofore, be called in and discharged. 5. That the Lords of the Session or any other Judges proceed not upon such Precepts or warnings past at the instance of them, which lately have obtained fues of Vicara∣ges and Manses and Churchyards; and that sixe a kers (if so much there be of the Gleeb) be always reserved to the Minister, according to the ap∣pointement of the book of Discipline. 6. That no Letters of Session nor other Warrants take place, untill the stipends contained in the book of Disciplin for maintenance of the Ministers be first consigned in the hands at least of the principalls of the parishioners. 7. That punishment be appoin∣ted against all such as purchase, bring home or execute within this realm, the Popes Bulls. The Tenour of the Supplication was this▪ Please your Honours, and the Wisdoms of such as are presently conveened with you * 5.11 in Counsell, to understand, that by many arguments we perceive, what the pestilent generation of that Roman Antichrist within this realm pre∣tends, to wit, that they would erect their idolatry, take upon them Empire above our consciences, and so to command us the true subjects of this realm, and such as God of his mercy hath (under our Soveraine) made subject unto us, in all things to obey their appetites. Honesty craveth, and conscience moveth us, to make the very secrets of our hearts patent to your Honours in that behalf, whichs is this, That before ever these tyrants and dumb dogs empire above us, and above such as God hath subjected unto us, that wee the Barons and Gentle men professing Christ Jesus within this realm are fully de∣termined to hazard life and whatsoever we have received from God in temporall things; Most humbly therefore beseeching your Honours, that such order may be taken that we have not occasion to take again the sword of just defence unto our hands, which we have willingly (after God had given Victory both to your Honours and us) resigned over into your hands; to the end, that Gods gospell may be publickly preached within this realm, the true Mi∣nisters thereof reasonably maintained, idolatry suppressed, and the com∣mitters there of punished, according to the lawes of God and men. In doeing whereof your Honours shall finde us not only obedient in all things lawfull, but also ready at all times, to bring under order and obedience such as would rebell against your just authority, which in absence of our Soverain wee acknowledge to be in your hands, bes••eching your Honours with upright judgement and indifferency to look upon these few ar••icles, and by these our Brethren to signifie unto us such answer again, as may declare your Honours worthy of that place, whereunto God (after

some danger sustained) in his mercy hath called you. And let these enemies assure themselves, that if your Honours put not order unto them, that we shall shortly take such order, that they shall neither be able to do what they list, nor to live upon the sweat of the browes of such as are not deb∣ters unto them. Let your Honours conceive nothing of us, but all hum∣ble obedience in God. But let the Papists be yet once again assured, that their pride and idolatry we will not suffer. This Supplication was sent by the Master of Lindsay, the Lords of Lochinvar, Pharniherst and Whit∣tengham, Tho. Menzies Provest of Aberdien and Ge. Lovell burgess of Dundy. The Lords and Counsell made an Act & ordinance answering to every head of these articles, and commanded Letters to be answered there∣upon. At this time Lord James Stuard had returned from France, and brought Letters from the Queen, praying them to entertain quietnes, and to suffer nothing to be attempted against the Contract of peace which was made at Lieth, till her own coming home, and to suffer the Religion publickly established to go forward, &c. This second fall got Satan, after he had begun to trouble the Religion once established by Law. The Histor. of Reformat. Lib. 3. That book closeth with these words, The books of discipline have been of late so often published, that we shall forbear to print them at this time, hoping that no good man will ref••se to follow the same, till God in a greater light establish a more perfite. By these and many passages of the book it is cleare, that at that time they did not judge it to be the constant rule of Disciplin in all time coming: and so we will find, that within few years, the Assembly thought upon another Order.

XIV. August 19. An. 1561. The Queen arrives at Lieth: very many * 5.12 of all ranks come to congratulate her safe return: much mirth was that week in Halirudhouse and Edinburgh. On Sunday August 24. when pre∣paration was for the Masse in the Chappell-Royal, the hearts of the godly were stirred, and some said openly, Shall that Idol be suffered to take place again within this realm▪ It shall not. One carrying the candle was sore af∣frighted. No Papist durst speak against them: but Lord James took upon him, to keep the Chappell-door: when the Masse was ended, the Priest was convoied betwixt the Lords of Coldingham & Halirudhouse unto his chamber. The next day the Queen comes into Privy Counsell: Some were sent unto the Noblemen severally with these or such persuasions; Alas, will you chase our soverain from us? She will incontinently return to her Galeys, and then what will all Nations say of us? may we not suf∣fer her a litle while? I doubt not, but she will leave it: if we were not as∣sured, that She may be won, we should be as great enemies to the Masse, as ye can bee: her Uncles will go away, and then we shall rule all at our pleasure: would not we be as sorry to hurt the Religion as any of you would bee? With these persuasions the fervency of many was abated: and * 5.13 an Act was made wherein her Majesty ordaines Letters to be directed and proclaimed, that all the subjects should keep peace and Civil society, while the Estates of the realme may be assembled, and her Majesty shall have ••a∣ken a finall order by their advice, which her Majesty hopeth, shall be to the contentment of all, the Law bidding that none should take in hand privately or openly any alteration of the State of Religion, or attempt any thing against the same, which She hath found publickly & universally stan∣ding at her arrivall, under pain of death; With certification, that if any subjects shall come in the contrary, he shall be held for a seditious person and raiser of tumults; and her Majesty commandes with advice of her Secret

Counsell, that none of the Lieges take in hand to molest or trouble any of her domestik servants, or persons whatsoever come out of France in her Company at this time, in word, deed or countenance, for any cause whatsoever, either within her palace or without, under the said pain of death. This Act was proclaimed the same day; and immediatly the Earle * 5.14 of Arran makes publick protestation, thus; In so far as by this Procla∣mation it is made known unto the Church of God and members thereof that the Queen is minded, that the true Religion and worship of God al∣ready established, proceed forward, that it may dayly increase, Untill the Parliament, that order may be taken then for extirpation of all idolatry out of this realm; We render most hearty thinks to the Lord our God for her Majesties good mind, earnestly praying, that it may be increased in her Majesty, to the honour & glory of his Name, and good of his Church within this realm; And as touching the molestation of her Highness ser∣vants, we suppose, that none dare be so bold as once to move their finger at them, in doeing their lawfull business: and we have learned at our Master Christ's School, to keep peace with all men: And therefore for our part we will promise that obedience unto her Majesty (as is our duty) that none of her servants shall be troubled, molested or once touched by the Church or any member thereof, in doing their lawfull busines: But seeing God hath said, The idolater shall die the death, Wee protest solemnly in the presence of God, and in the eares of all people, that heare this Proclamation, and especially in the presence of you, Lion herauld and the rest of your Col∣leagues, maker of the proclamation, that if any of her servants shall com∣mit idolatry, shall say Masse, participate therewith, or take the defence thereof (which, we are loath, should be in her Highness company) in that case, that this proclamation is not extended to them, in that behalf, nor be a savegard nor girth to them in that behalf, no more than if they commit slaughter or murder, seing the one is much more abominable & odious in the sight of God, than is the other; but that it may be lawfull to inflict upon them the pains contained in Gods Word against idolaters, wher∣ever they may be apprehended without favour. And this our protesta∣tion we desire you to notify unto her, and give Her the copy hereof, lest her Higness may suspect an uproar, if wee all shall come and present the same. At Edinburgh day & year foresaid. This Protestation did some what exasperate the Queen and others following her in that point. When the Lords (of the Congregation, as they were called) came to the Town, at * 5.15 the first they were much offended that the Masse was permitted, and each did accuse these, that were before him: but when they tarried a short space, they were as quiet as others. Wherupon Robert campbell of Kings-cleugh said unto the Lord Ochiltry, My Lord, you are come now, and almost the last of all the rest, and I perceive by your anger that the fire∣edge is not off you yet: but I fear, that when the holy water of the Court shall be sprinkled upon you, you shall become as temperate as others: for I have been here now five dayes, and at the first, I heard every man say, Let us hang the priest: But after that they had been twice or thrice in the Abby, all that fervency was past: I thinke, there is some inchantment where with men are bewitched. And it was so: for on the one part the Queen's fair words still crying, Conscience, it is a sore thing to constrain Conscience; and on the other part the persuasions of others blinded them all, and put them in opinion; that the Queen will be content to hear the Preaching, and so she may be won: and so all were content to suffer her

for a time. The next sunday John Knox in Sermon shewes what terrible plagues God had sent upon Nations for idolatry; and one Masse is more fearfull unto him, than if ten thousand enemies were landed in any part of the realm: for in our God is strength to resist and confound multitudes, if we unfainedly depend upon Him, as we have experience heretofore: but when we join hands with idolatry, it's no doubt, but both Gods amiable presence, and comfortable defence will leave us: and what shall then become of us, &c. Some said, Such fear was no point of their faith: it was besides his text, and a very untimely admonition. The Writer of The history of Reformation addeth by way of anticipation, that in December An. 1565. when they which at the Queens arrivall maintained the toleration of the Masse, were summoned upon trea∣son, exiled, and a decriet of forfeture was intended against them, the same Knoxe recited these words in the audience of many, and besought Gods mercy, that he was not more vehement and upright in suppressing that idol: for (said he) albeit I spake what was offensive unto some (which this day they feel to be true) yet I did not what I might have done; for God hath not only given mee knowledge and tongue, to make the impietie of that idol knowen, but he had given mee credite with many, who would have put in execution Gods judgements, if I would have only consented thereunto: But so carefull was I of common tranquillity, and so loath to offend those, of whom I had conceived a good opinion, that in private conference with dearest and Zealous men, I travelled rather to mitigate, yea to slacken that fervency, that God had kindled in them, than to encourage them to put their hands unto the Lords work; wherein I confesse unfain∣edly, that I have done most wickedly, and from the bottom of my heart do ask of my God grace & pardon: for I did not what in mee lay, to have suppressed that idoll at the beginning. After that Sermon, the Queen sent for I. Knox, and (none being present, except the Lord James, and two gentle men in the end of the room) said unto him; That he had raised * 5.16 a part of her subiects against her mother & herself: that he had written a book against her just authority [she meaneth the treatise against the Regiment of women] which she had, and would cause the most learned in Europe to write against it; That he was the cause of sedition and great slaughter in Eng∣land; and that is was said to her, All that he did was by necromancy. John answereth, Madam, it may please your Majesty to heare my simple an∣swers: and first, if to teach the word of God in sincerity, or to rebuke i∣dolatry, and to presse a people to worship God according to his word, be to raise subjects against their Princes, then I can not be excused: for it hath pleased God of his mercy, to make mee (among many) to disclose unto this realm the vanity of the Papisticall religion, and the deceit, pride and tyranny of that Roman Antichrist: But Madam, if the true knowledge of God and his right worshipping be the chief cause, which must move men to obey their just Princes from their heart (as it is most certain; they are) where in can I be reprehended? I think, and am surely persuaded, that your Ma. hath had, and presently hath as unfained obedience of such as professe Christ Jesus within this realm, as ever your Father or your pro∣genitours had of those, that were called Bishops. As for that book, that seemeth so highly to offend your Ma. (it is most certain) I am content, that all the learned of the world judge of it: I hear, that an English man hath written against it, but I have not read him: if he hath sufficiently confuted my reasons, and established his contrary propositions with as evident te∣stimonies,

as I have done mine, I shall not be obstinat, but confess my errour & ignorance: but to this houre I have thought, and yet thinks my self alone more able to sustain the things affirmed in that my work, than any ten in Europe shall be able to confute it. The Queen said, you think, that I have not just authority. John ansuereth, Please your Ma. learned men in all ages have had their judgement free, and disagreeing from the common judgement of the world: and such have they published both by pen & tongue; and not withstanding they have lived in the common society with others, and have born patiently with the errours and imperfections, which they could not amend. Plato the Philosopher wrote his book of the commonwealth, in which he condemnes many things that were main∣tained in the world, and required many things to have been reformed: and yet he lived under such Politicks, as then were universally received, with∣out further troubling any State: So, Madam, am I content to do, in uprightnes of heart, and with the testimony of a good conscience have I communicated my judgement unto the world: if the realm finds no incon∣veniences in the regiment of a woman, that which they approve, I shall not further disallow than within my own brest, but shall be aswell content to live under your Majesty, as Paul was to live under the Roman Emperour: and my hope is, that so long as yee defile not your hands with the blood of the Saints of God, that neither I nor that book shall either hurt you nor your authority: for in very deed Madam; that book was written most especially against that wicked Mary of England. But, said the Queen, you speak of women in generall. John ansuereth, Most true it is, Madam: and yet plainly appeares to mee, that wisdom should persuad your. Ma. never to raise trou∣ble for that which to this day hath not troubled your Ma. neither in person nor in anxiety: for of late years many things which before were holden Stable, have been called in doubt; yea they have been plainly impugned: But yet, Madam, I am assured, that neither Protestant nor Papist shall be able to prove, that any such question was at any time moved in publick or pri∣vate: and if I had intended to trouble your State, Madam, because you are a woman, I might have chosen a time more convenient for that purpose, than I can do now, when your presence is within the realm. But now, Madam, to answer shortly unto the other two accusations, I heartily praise my God through Jesus Christ, that Satan and the wicked of the world have no other crimes to lay to my charge, than such as the very world knowes to be most false and vain: for in England I was resident the space of five years on∣ly; two years at Berwick, so long in New-castle, and a year in London. If in any place, during the time I was there, any man shall be able to prove, that there was battell, sedition or mutiny, I shall confesse, that I was the ma∣lefactor, and shedder of the blood. I am not ashamed further to affirm, that God so blessed my weake labours then in Berwick (where then com∣monly was wont to be slaughter, by occasion of quarrells among souldiers) there was as great quietnes all the time that I remained there, as there is this day in Edinburgh. Where they slaunder mee of Magick, or any o∣ther art forbidden of God, I have witnes (besides my own conscience) all the Congregations, that ever heard me, what I speake both against such acts, and against these that use such impiety: but seing the wicked said, that our Master the Lord Jesus was possessed with Beelzebub, I must pa∣tiently beare, albeit that I a wretched sinner be unjustly accused by these, that never delighted in the verity. The Queen said, you have taught the people to receive another Religion than their Prince can allow: and how

can that doctrin be of God, seing God commandeth subjects to obey their-Princes? * 5.17 Madam, said he, as right Religion took neither originall nor antiquity from worldly Princes, but from the Eternall God alone; so are not subjects bound to frame their Religion according to the appetite of their Princes: for often Princes are the most ignorant of all others, in Gods true Religion, as we read in the histories, both before the death of Christ Jesus, and after: if all the seed of Abraham had been of the Religion of Pharaoh, unto whom they were a long time subject, what Religion had there been in the world? If all men in the dayes of the Apostles had been of the Religion of the Roman Emperours, what Religion had there been upon the face of the earth? Daniel and his fellowed were subjects to Nebuchadnezzar and Darius, and yet they would not be of the Religion of the one nor of the other: for the three children said, Wee make it known to thee, o King, that we will not worship thy Gods: and Daniel did pray publickly unto his God, a∣gainst the expresse commandement of the King: and so Madam, you may perceive that subjects are not bound to the Religion of their Princes, albeit they are commanded to give them obedience. Yet, said the Queen, none of these lifted their sword against their Princes. John answereth, Yet, Madam, it can not be denied, but they resisted: for who obey not the command, do in some sort resist. But they resisted not by the sword, saith the Queen. John said. God had not given them power nor means. The Queen saith, Think you, that subjects having power, may resist their Princes? John answereth, If Princes exceed their bounds, and do against that, for which they should be obeied, there is no doubt but they may be resisted, even by Power: for there is no greater honour nor greater obedience to be given to Kings, than God hath commanded to be given to father & mother: but so it is, that the father may be stricken with a phrenesy, in which he would slay his own children: now Madam, if the children joyn themselves together, apprehend the father, take the sword or what other weapon from him, and finally bind his hands, and keep him in prison, till that his phrenzy be overpast; thinke yee, Madam, that the children do any wrong? or that God will be offended with them, that have stayd their father from committing wickednes; It is so with Princes, that would murther the children of God, that are subiect unto them. Their blind Zeal is but a mad phrenzy: therefore to take the sword from them, to bind their hands, and to cast them into prison, till they be brought to a more sober mind, is no disobedience against Princes, but just obedience, because it agreeth with the word of God. At these words the Queen stood as it were amazed, more than a quarter of an hour and then said, Well, I perceive, that my subiects shall only obey you, and not mee; they shall do what they list, and not what I command; and so I must be subject unto them, and not they unto mee. Knox answereth, God forbid, that ever I take upon mee, to command any to obey mee, or yet to set subiects at liberty, to do what pleaseth them: but my travell is, that both Princes & subiects obey God: and think not; Madam, that wrong is done unto you, when you are willed to be subject unto God: for it is He, that subiecteth people under Princes, and causeth obedience to be given unto them: yea God craves of Kings, that they be as nursing▪fathers to the Church, and commands Queens to be Nurses unto his people: and this subiecton unto God. and nourishing his troubled Church, is the greatest dignity tht flesh can have upon the face of the earth; for it shall carry them to everlasting glory. The Queen said, Yea, but yee dre not

the Church, that I will nourish: I will defend the Church of Rome: for I think, it is the true Church of God. Knox ans. your will, Madam, is not reason, nor doth your thought make that Roman harlot to be the immaculate spouse of Jesus Christ: and wonder not, Madam, that I call Rome an harlot: for that Church is altogether polluted with all kind of spirituall fornication both in doctrine and in manners: yea, I offer myself further to prove that the Church of the Jewes, when they manifestly denied the Son of God, was not so far degenerated from the ordinances and statu∣tes, which God gave by Moses & Aaron unto his people, as the Church of Rome is declined, and more than 500. years hath declined from that purity of Religion which the Apostles taught and planted. The Queen said, My conscience is not so. Knox ans. Madam, conscience requires knowledge, and I feare, of right knowledge you have but little. The Queen saith, I have both heard and read. Knox saith, Madam, so did the Jewes, which crucified Christ Jesus, read both the Law and the prophets, and heard the same interpreted, after their manner. Have yee heard any teach but such as the Pope and his Cardinals have allowed? and you may be assured, they will speak nothing to offend their own State. The Queen said, yee inter∣pret the Scriptures in one manner, and they in another: whom shall I be∣lieve? who shall be Judge? Knox ans. Believe God, that speakes plainly in his word; and further than the word teaches you, yee shall neither be∣lieve the one nor the other. The word of God is plain in itself: and if there appeare any obscurity in one place, the Holy Ghost, who never is con∣trary to himselfe, explaines the same more clearly in others places; So that there can remain no doubt, but unto such as obstinatly will remain ignorant. And now Madam, to take one of the chief points, which this day is in controversy betwixt the Papists and us, for example. They alleadge and boldy have affirmed, that the Masse is the ordinance of God, and the institution of Jesus Christ, and a sacrifice for the quick and the dead. Wee deny both the one and the other, and affirm, that the Masse, as it is now used, is nothing but the invention of man: and therefore it is abomination before God, and no sacrifice that God ever commanded. Now, Ma∣dam, who shall judge betwixt us two thus contending? it is not reason, that either of us be further believed, than we are able to prove by unsuspect witnessing. Let them lay down the book of God, and by plain words prove their affirmatives, and we shall give unto them the plea granted. But so long as they are bold to affirm, and prove nothing, we must say, al∣beit all the world believe them, yet they believe not God, but do receive the lies of men for the trueth of God. What our Master Christ Jesus did, we know by his Evangelists: what the Priests do at the Masse, the world seeth. Now doth not the Word of God plainly assure us, that Christ Jesus neither said Masse, nor commanded to say it at his last Supper, seing no such thing as the Masse is mentioned in the wholl Scriptures. The Queen said, You are too hard for mee: but if they were here, whom I have heard, they would answer you. Knox ans. Would God the learnedst Papist in Europe, and he that you would best believe, were present with your Ma∣jesty, to sustain the argument, and that you would abide patiently to hear the argument reasoned to the end: for then I doubt not, but you should hear the vanity of the Papisticall Religion, and how small ground it hath within the word of God. The Queen said, Well, you may perchance get that sooner than you believe. Knox said, Assuredly if ever I get that, I get it sooner than I believe: for the ignorant Papist can not patiently

reason, and the learned and erafty Papist will never come in your audience, Madam, to have the ground of their Religion searched out: for they know, they are not able to maintain any argument, except by fire & sword, and their own Lawes be judges. The Queen said, So say you; and I believe, it hath been to this day. John ans. How oft have the Papists in this and other realms, been required to conference, and yet could it never be ob∣tained, unless themselves were admitted for Judges: and therefore I must say again, that they dare never dispute, but where themselves are both Jud∣ges and party: and when you shall let mee see the contrary, I shall grant my self deceived in that point. At departing, Iohn said, I pray God, Ma∣dam, that you may be as blessed within the Commonwealth of Scotland (if it be the pleasure of God) as ever Debora was in the Common wealth of Israel. Of this long conference, whereof we only touch a part, were diverse opinions: the Papists grudged, and feared what they needed not. The godly reioiced, thinking that at least She would have heard the prea∣ching: but they were utterly deceived: for She continued in her Massing, and quickly mocked all exhortation, The Histo. of Reforma. lib 4.

XIIII. In Edinburgh it was the custom, that when the annuall Magi∣strats were chosen at Michalmes, they caused to publish the statutes & ordi∣nancies of the town: and so in that year one of the statutes was, No adulte∣rer, fornicator, no noted drunkard, no masse-monger, no obstinate Papist, that corrupteth the people, such as priests & Friers and others of that sort, should be found within the town after 41. Hours under pains contained in the Statutes. When this was reported unto the Queen, She caused without any examination of the matter, to charge the Provost and Bailiffs to ward in the castle; and immediatly commandement was sent to chuse other Magistrates. The electors at first did refuse: but when charge was sent after charge, at last they obey; and a contrary proclamation was made at the queen's command, that the town should be patent to all the Queen's lieges. So murderers, adulterers, and all profain persons got pro∣tection by the Queen, under colour, that they were of her Religion, where∣as before they durst not be seen in day light upon the streets. The Queen's command being thus obeied, the priests took more boldness, and No∣vember 1. They go to Masse with all their pompe. The Ministers in Ser∣mons declare the inconveniences, that were to follow that coleration. The Nobility through affection unto their Soverain move the question, Whether Subjects may suppresse the idolatry of the Prince? Some Noble men and Officers of State conveen with some Ministers, and argue together. The conclu∣sion was, because the one would not yeeld unto the other, that the Ques∣tion should be formed, and Letters directed to Geneva for the judgement of that Church. The Ministers offered to undertake the labour: but the Nobles layd it upon Secretary Lethington, but it was to drive time, as the event declared. The Queen's party do urge, that Shee and her houshold should have her Religion free in her own chappell. The Ministers sayd, Such liberty shall be their thraldom, ere it be long. But neither could reason nor danger move the affections of such as were ambitious of credite, * 5.18 In December the Superintendents and Ministers do conveen unto the Na∣tionall assembly, as it was appointed; and the Nobility will not conveen: Some Ministers were sent unto them: some of them made one excuse, and some another; and some call it into doubt, Whither it be expedient to hold such assemblies. For gladly would the Queen and the Secret Counsell had all the assemblies discharged. The one party say, It is suspicious to Prin∣ces,

that subiects keep conventions without their knowledge. It was an∣swered, Without the knowledge of the Prince the Church does nothing: for She perfitely understands, that there is a Reformed Religion within the realm, and that they have their order and appointed times of meeting. Yea (saith Lethington) the Queen knowes that wel enough, but the que∣stion is, Whither the Queen allowes such conventions. It was answered, If the liberty of the Church shall stand upon the Queen's allowance or dis-al∣lowance, we are sure, not only to be deprived of assemblies, but of the pu∣blick preaching of the Gospell. This was mocked, and the contrary * 5.19 affirmed. Well (said the other) time will try the trueth: but this I will ad∣de, Take from us the freedom of assemblies, and take from us the Evangel: for without assemblies, how sbal good order and vnity of doctrin bee kept? It can not be supposed, that all Ministers shall be so perfect, but some shall have need of admonition, both for manners & doctrine, as some may be so stiff▪necked, that they will not admit the admonition of the simple; and some may be blamed without offence committed: and if there be no order in these cases, it can not be avoided, but grievous offenses shall arise: and for remedy it is necessary, to have generall assemblies, in which the judgement and gra∣vity of many may correct & represse the follie & errous of a few. The most part both of the Nobility and Barons consent heere unto, and con∣clude, that the Reasoners for the Queen shall shew unto her Ma. that if She was suspicious of any thing handled in the Assemblies, it would please her Ma. to send whom she would appoint, to hear what was propounded or reasoned. The Queen sent none. In time of this as∣sembly the Earle Bothwell, the Marques d'albuff the Queen's uncle and John Lord of Coldingham brake up Cutbert Ramsay a Burgess's doors in the night time, and searched the house for his daughter-in-law. The Nobility and Assembly were offended, and sent unto the Queen this Iupplication; To the Queens Majesty, to her Secret Counsell, Her Highness faith∣full and obedient subjests, The professours of Christ Jesus, his holy Evangell, wish the Spirit of righteous judgement. The fear of God contained in his holy word; the natural and unfained love we bear unto your Majesty; the duty which we owe to the quietnes of our Country, and the terrible threat∣nings, which our God pronounces against every realm and city, in which horrible crimes are openly committed, Compell us a great part of your subjects, humbly to crave of your Ma. upright and true judgement, against such persons as have done, what in them lyeth, to kindle God's wrath a∣gainst this whole realm: the impiety by them committed is so hainous and horrible, that as it is a fact most vile and rare to be heard in this realme, and principally within the bowels of the city, So should we think our∣selves guilty of the same, if negligently or for worldly fear wee put it over with silence: and therefore your Ma. may not think, that we crave any thing, when wee crave that open malefactours may condignly be punished; but that God hath commanded us to crave, and also hath commanded your Ma. to give unto every one of your subjects: for by this linke hath God knit together the Prince and people, that as he commands honour, fear & obedience to be given to the powers established by Him, so doth he in express words command & declare what the Prince oweth unto the subjects, to wit, that as he is the Minister of God, bearing the sword for vengeance to be taken on evill doers, and for defence of peaceable and quiet men, So ought he to draw the sword without partiality, so oft as in Gods name he is required thereto. Seing it is so, Madam, that this crime

so recently committed, and that in the eyes of all the Realm now publickly assembled, is so hainous: for who heertofore hath heard within the bowells of Edinburgh, gates and doors under silence of night broken, houses ripped or searched, and that with hostility, seeking a woman, as appea∣res to oppresse her; Seing (we say) this crime is so hainous, that all godly men fear not only Gods displeasure, to fall upon you and your whole realm, but also that such licenciousness breed contempt, and in the end sedition, if remedy in time be not provided: which in our judgement is impossible, if severe punishment be not executed for the crime committed. Therefore we most humbly beseech your Ma. that all affection set aside, you declare yourself so upright in this case, that ye may give evident demonstration to all your subjects, that the fear of God, joyned with the love of common tranquillity hath the principall seat in your Majestics heart. This further Ma∣dam, in conscience we speak, that as your Ma. in Gods name doth crave of us obedience, which to render in all things lawfull we are most willing, So in the same name do we the wholl professors of Christs Evangell within this your Mas. realm, crave of you and of your Counsell sharp punishment of this crime. And for performance thereof, that without delay the principal actors of this hainous crime and the persuaders of this publick vil∣lany, may be called before the Chief Justice of this realm to suffer an assise, and to be punished according to the lawes of the same: and your Majesties answer most humbly we beseech. This supplication was presented by sun∣dry Gentle-men. Some Courtiers ask, Who dare avowe this? The Lord Lindsay answered, A thousand Gentlemen within Edinburgh. Others advise the Queen, to give a gentle answer, till the Convention were dissolved. And so the Queen said, Her uncle is a stranger, and hath a young com∣pany with him: but she shall put such order unto him and all others, that heereafter they shall have no occasion to complain. The Histor. of the Refor∣mat. libr. 4. * 5.20

XV. In Juny 1562. The assembly gives order to draw up a Supplication unto the Queen, for abolishing the Masse and other superstitious rites of the Roman Religion; for inflicting punishment against blasphemy, con∣tempt of the word, profanation of the sacraments, the violation of the sabbath, adultery, fornication, and such other vices, that are condemned by Gods word, and the lawes of the countrey have not taken notice of: And it was petitioned, that the actions of divorcement should either be re∣mitted to the judgement of the Church, or trusted to men of good know∣ledge and conversation; And that Papists be excluded from places in Coun∣sell and Session. The draught of this Supplication was judged by the Cour∣tiers to be tarte in some expressions: and they took upon them to write another, containing the same things, but in a more acceptable phrase. It was presented by the Superintendents of Lothian and Fife; and when the Queen had read some of it, she said, Here are many faire words, I can not tell what the hearts are. And so for our painted oratory we were termed flatterers and dissemblers: but we received no other answer. Ibid. Spots∣wood saith, Her answer was, that she would do nothing in prejudice of the Religion she professed, and hoped, before a year were expired, to have the Masse and Catholick profession restored through the whole King∣dom: And thus she parted from them in choler. In this assembly was ap∣pointed an Order of Visitation, for regulating the Superintendents, to wit, for examination of Ministers lives and doctrine, then of the elders. And some were appointed to visite the Churches in the Shires, where were

no Superintendents, as George Hay to Visite Carrick and Cunningham, John Knox to visite Kile and Galloway, &c. Alexander Gordon Bishop of Galloway did professe the Reformed Religion, and in this assembly pe∣titioneth the Superintendency of Galloway: It was denied unto him. At that time the Abbot of Corsrainell sought disputation with John Knox: it continued three daies at Maiboll: the Abbot made choise of the matter, to prove the sacrifice of the Masse, especially from Melchisedek's offering (as he alledged) bread and wine unto God. The Papists looked for a re∣volt in Religion, and they would have had some occasion to brag of their disputation. According to the appointment of the preceeding assembly, the next conveenes at Edinburgh December 25. John Knox made the prayer for assistance of Gods Spirit. In the 2. and 3. Sessions Superintendents and then Ministers were removed and censured severally. Complaints were made; that Churches want Ministers; Ministers had not stipends; wic∣ked men were permitted to be Schoolmasters; idolatry was erected in sun∣dry parts of the Nation. For redress of this last, some said, A new Sup∣plication should be presented unto the Queen. Others said, What answer was given to the former? One in name of the Queen said, It is well knowen, what troubles have occurred since the last Assembly, [The Queen visiting the North was troubled by the Gordons, and the Earle was killed at Coriechy] and therefore it is no wonder, though the Queen hath not answered; but be∣fore the Parliament in May they doubt not, but such order shall be taken as they all shall have occasion of contentement. This satisfied the assembly for that time. The Lord Controller required the Commissioners of Burghs to declare by word or writ, what course they would take for entertaiment of their Ministers. Decemb. 29. inhibition is made to all serving in the Ministry, which have entred being slaunderous before in doctrine, and have not satisfied the Church; and which have not been presented by the people unto the Superintendent, and he after tryall had not appointed them unto their charge; And this Act to have strength aswell against them, that are called Bishops, as others pretending to any Ministry within the Church. Decemb. 30. the assembly gives power to every Superintendent within his own bounds, in their Synodall assembly and with consent of the greater part of Ministers and elders, to transport Ministers from one Church to another; and ordaines the Minister so decerned, to obey. And ordaines the Superintendents to hold their Synods twice in the year, to wit, in Aprile and October. Commission is given to the Superintendents of Anguise, Lothian, Glascow and Fife with Da. forrest to travell with the Lords of Secret Counsell concerning the causes, that should come in judge∣ment of the Church, and what order of execution shall be taken therein. Ordaines the communion to be ministred four times in the year within burghes, and twice yearly in the Landward. Also that uniformity shall bee kept in the ministration of the Sacraments, and solemnisation of marriage, and burialls according to the book of Geneva. By this book is meaned that book called The common order; which was conform to the English Church in Geneve, and was usually printed before the Psalmes in Meeter. Likewise a slaunder was raised upon Paul Meffan Minister at Jedburgh; com∣mission was given to John Knox and certain Elders of Edinburgh, to go into that town, and try the slaunder, and report the truth unto the Ses∣sion of the Church of Edinburgh, to whom with the assistance of the Su∣perintendent of Lothian commission is given to decern therein. His wo∣man-servant had brought forth a child, and would not tell, who was the

father of it; but said, She was forced in an eevening, and knew not by whom. The Matter could hardly be tryed: but at last the womans brother was brought to examination; and Paul seeing that, though before he had alwayes denied the fact, yet then fled, so taking the crime upon him; and the man made the matter so plain, that all doubt was removed. Then those Judges, for this odious crime, did deprive him of all function within the Church of Scotland, and for his contumacy in not appearing before them, did excommunicat him. The author of the The Histor. of Reformat. saith, this is recorded, not only for a warning & example unto others; but likewise that the world may see, what difference is betwixt the Church of God, and the Romish Church, seeing many of their Bishops and Priests, yea and Popes are known to be guilty in such crimes, and no way censured.

XVI. The Papists at Easter An. 1563. began to say Masse more boldly than before, namely, John Hamilton Bishop of Santandrews, the Prior * 5.21 of Whithern, and many other priests & monks. This was offensive to many: and therefore the Shirefs and others, which had civill power (es∣pecially in the West parts) resolve, that they will not complain to the Queen nor Counsell, but execute former proclamations against the sayers of Masse and so some priests in the West were apprehended. The Queen * 5.22 was offended, and sent for John Knox to come to her in Lochlevin, and dealt with him, that he would persuad the people, and especially the Gentle men of the West Country, not to punish any man for using what Reli∣gion they please. John answereth: If her Ma. would punish malefactors according to the lawes, he could promise quietness upon the part of all, which professe the Lord Jesus within Scotland: but if she thought to delude the lawes, he feareth, some will let the Papists understand, that they shall not be suffered to offend Gods Majesty without punishment. When ••he Queen heard these and other words to this purpose, she takes another course, and directes summons against Masse-mongers in the straitest form with expedition, to compeare on May 19; one day before the Parliament. The Bishop of Santandrews, the before named Prior, the Parson of Sau∣cher, and others do compear. At first the Bishop refuseth to answer be∣fore Civill Judges; yet in end they all come into the Queens will: and She designes them to severall prisons. Then said some, See what the Queen hath done: the like was never done within this realm: we doubt not but all shall be well. Others fore spake things, as it came to passe; that it was but deceit, and so soon as the Parliament is ended, the Papists will be set at liberty: and therefore advised the Nobility, that they be not abused. Many had their private business to procure in the Parliament, especially the Act of oblivion, and they said, They might not urge the Queen at that time: for if they did so, she will hold no Parliament, and what then may become of them and their friends? but let this Parliament passe over, whensoever the Queen craves any thing (as She must do before her marriage) Religi∣on shall be the first thing, that shall be established. Much was spoken a∣gainst * 5.23 that politicall delay: but in vain. An act of oblivion was past of all things done in the publick cause from the year 1558. till September 1. in the year 1561; Manses and gliebs were appointed for Ministers; adultery to be punished with death of both persons: but nothing for establishing of * 5.24 Religion. In time of this Parliament, John Knox said in a Sermon before ma••y of the Nobility and other members, My Lords, I praise my God throgh Jesus Christ, that in your presence I may powr forth the sorow of

my heart, yea, yourselves shall be witnesses, if I make any ly in things by past from the beginning of Gods mighty works within this realm: I have been with you in your most desperat tentations: ask your own consciences, and let them answer before God, if that I (not I, but Gods Spirit by mee) in your greatest extremity willed you not, ever to depend upon your God, and in his name promised unto you victory & preservation from your enemies, if yee would depend upon his protection, and prefer his glory before your lives and wordly commodities: in your most extreme dangers I have been with you: Santiohnston, Couper-moore, and the charges of Edinburgh are yet recent in my heart: yea that dark and dolo∣rous night, when all you, my Lords with shame & fear left this town, is yet in my mind, and God forbid, that ever I forget it: What was my exhortation unto you? and what is fallen in vain of all that ever God pro∣mised unto you by my mouth, yee yourselves live, and testify. There is not one of you, against whom death & destruction was threatned, pe∣rished in that danger; and how many of your enemies hath God plagued before your eies? shall this be the thankfulness, that yee shall render unto your God? to betray his cause, when yee have it in your hands to esta∣blish it, as you please? Yee say, The Queen will not agree with us. Ask yee of her, what by Gods word yee may justly require; and if She will not agree with you in God, you are not bound to agree with her in the devill. Let her plainly understand so far of your mindes, and steal not from your former stoutnes in God, and he will prosper you in your enter∣prises. But I can see nothing, but a recooling from Christ Jesus, that the man that first and most speedily fleeth from Christs Ensigne, holdes him∣self most happy. Yea, I hear some say, that we have nothing of our Re∣ligion established, by law nor Parliament: albeit the malicious words of such can neither hurt, he trueth of God, nor yet us, that thereupon de∣pend; yet the speaker of this treason committed against God, and against this poor common wealth, deserves the gallowes: for our Religion being commanded, and so established by God, is received within this realm in publick Parliament. And if they will say, It was no Parliament, we must and will say, and also prove, that Parliament was als lawfull a Parliament, as ever any that passed before it in this realm. I say, If the King then living was King, and the Queen now in this realm be law∣full Queen, that Parliament can not be denied. And now, my Lords, to put an end to all, I hear of the Queens marriage: Dukes, Brethren to Em∣perours, and Kings strive all for the best gain. But this, my Lords, will I say; note the day, and beare witnes hereafter; Whensoever the Nobi∣lity of Scotland, who professe the Lord Jesus, consents, that an infidell (and all Papists are infidels) shall be Head to our Soverain, ye do so far as in you lieth, to banish Christ Iesus from this realm; yea, to bring Gods vengeance upon the Country, a plague upon yourselves, and possibly yee shall do small confort to your Soveraigne. This manner of speaking (saith the History of Reformation) was judged intolerable: both Papists and Pro∣testants were offended at it, and some posted to give the Queen advertise∣ment, that Knox had spoken against her marriage. Immediatly he was sent for: he goeth, and none was suffered to enter into the Cabinet, but * 5.25 Io. Ersk in the Superintendent of Anguise. The Queen in vehemency of passion and with teares, said, Never Prince was so used: I have born with you in all your rigorous manner of speaking; both against myself and a∣gainst my Uncles: yea, I have sought your favour by all possible means:

I offered you presence, whensoever it pleased you to admonish mee; and yet I can not be quite of you: I vowe to God, I shall be once revenged. Her passion and tears stayeth her speach. When opportunity serves, he answereth; It is true, Madam, your Majesty and I have been at diverse controversies, in which I never perceived your Ma. to be offended at mee: but when it shall please God to deliver you from that bondage of darknes and errour, wherein you have been nurished for lack of true doctrine, your Ma. will find the liberty of my tongue nothing offensive: without the preaching place (Madam) I think few have any occasion to be offen∣ded at mee: and there (Madam) I am not master of myself, but must obey him, who commandes mee to speak plain, and flatter no flesh upon the face of the earth. But, saith the Queen, what have yee to do with my marriage? Iohn saith, If it please your Ma. to hear mee, I shall shew the trueth in plain words. I grant, your Ma. hath offered unto mee more than I required: but my answer was then as it is now, that God hath not sent mee to wait upon the Courts of Princes, nor upon the chambres of Ladies, but I am sent to preach the Evangell of Jesus Christ to such as please to hear: it hath two points, repentance and faith: now, Madam, •••• preaching repentance, of necessity it is, that the sins of men be noted, that they may know, wherein they offend: But so it is, that the most part of your Nobility are so addicted to your affection, that neither Gods Word, nor their Common wealth are right••y regarded: and therefore it beco∣mes mee to speak, that they may know their duty. The Queen saith, What have you to do with my marriage? Or what are you within the Common wealth? Iohn answereth, I am a subject born within the same, Madam: and albeit I be neither Earle, Lord nor Baron, yet God hath made mee (how abject soever I be in your eies) a profitable and usefull member within it: Yea, Madam, to mee it appertaines to forewarn of such things, as may hurt it, if I foresee them, noless than it doth any one of the Nobility: for both may vocation and office crave plainness of mee: and therfore Madam, to yourselfe I say, what I spake in publick, Whensoever the Nobility of this realm shall be content, and consent, that you bee sub∣ject to an unlawfull husband, they do as much as in them lieth, to renounce Christ, to banish the truth, to betray the freedom of this realm, and possibly shall in end do small comfort unto yourselfe. Then was the Queen more grieved. The Superintendent spoke what he could, to mitigate her passion, but all was but casting of oile into the fire. The next day the Queen requires the judgement of the Lords of the Articles, whither that Manner of speaking deserves not punishment. But they advise her to desist. After the Parliament, the Bishop of Santandrews and the other Papists that were imprisoned, were set at liberty. The Queen went to see the West-country and Argile, and used the Masse wheresoever she was on sunday. In the mean time the Nationall assembly was held at Perth Iuny 25: there were Superintendents, Ministers and commissioners of the Churches. Prayer * 5.26 was made by Io. willock Superintendent of the West. Superintendents and Ministers were censured. Io. Knox and his Colleagues gave account con∣cerning Paul Meffan; and their ptoceedings were approved. The same day Da. ferguson Minister at Dunfernlin deelares, that he had spoken with Paul Meffan, and that he was sorowfull for his grievous offense, and that he not only acknowledgeth the equity of the Sentence pronounced against him, but was willing to underly whatsoever punishment the Church would lay upon him, &c. After long debate, the Assembly condescen∣des,

that a confortable answer shall be directed unto him; and in the meantime they vill solicite the Lords of the privy Counsell for him. 3. It was decerned, that no privat contract of marriage, though carnall copu∣lation follow, shall have faith in judgement, untill the contracters shall sa∣tisfy as scandalizers of the Church, and untill famous & unsuspect withnes∣ses testify of the Marriage, or it be confessed by both patties; and if neither probation be brought, nor both parties confesse; they shal be censured as fornicatours. 4. If any person find himself hurt by any Sentence given by Minister, elders and Deacons of any Church, he may within ten dayes ap∣peal unto the Superintendent and his Synod; and there the Superintendent shall cognosce, whither it was well appealed; And if the party yet alledges, that he is wronged by the Superintendent & Synod, he shal within ten dayes make appellation to the National Assembly; and from thence no appellation is to be made: And if he justify not his appeale before the Provinciall Synode, they shall impute a fine upon the appellant besides the expences of the Party, and that fine shall be delivered unto the deacons of the Church for use of the poor, where the first sentence was given; And so in the Nationall assembly. 5. Supplication is to be made unto the Queens Maj. and Secret Counsell for union of Churches two or thry, if they be but two or thry myles distant, and cause the in habitants resort unto one of them, because of the Scarcety of Mi∣nisters, and the small number of parishoners. 6. The instruction of youth shal be committed to none in Universities nor in any other place, but such as pro∣fesse the true Religion; and if any now occupy such a place, they shall be re∣moved. 7. No work shall be printed nor published in write, concerning the doctrin of Religion; untill it be presented unto the Superintendent of the boundes, and approved by him or such of the most learned, that he shal appoint: and if any of them doubt of any point, the work shall be pro∣duced before the Nationall assembly. 8. Every Superintendent shall cause warn the Shires and towns within his Jurisdiction, to send their Commis∣sioners unto the Assembly, declaring unto them the day and place; and that they shall conveen on the first day of every assembly. 9. Commissions are given to the Bishops of Galloway, Caitnes & Orknay, for one year, to visite and plant Churches within their own bounds severally. That year was a great noise of business for a Letter, which John Knox wrote and directed throughout the country, in this manner; The superscription was, Whersoever two or three are gathered in my name, there am I in the mist of them. It is not unknown unto you, Dear Brethren, what confort and tranquility God gave unto us in times most dangerous, by our Christian assemblies & godly conference, so oft as any danger appeared unto any member or members of our own body. And how that since wee have neglected, or at least not frequented our Con∣ventions and Assemblies, the adversaries of Christ Jesus his holy Evangell, have enterprised and boldned themselves, publickly & secretly to do many things odious in Gods presence, and most hurtfull to the true Religion, now of Gods great favour granted unto us. The holy sacraments are abused by profain Papists; Masses have been and yet are said openly, and maintained: The blood of some of our dearest Ministers hath been shed without fear of punishment, or correction craved by us. [Robert Pont a Minister was struc∣ken in the head with a weapon by Captan Lawder] And now two of our dear brethren, Patrik craunston and Andrew armstrong are summoned to un∣derly the law in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh the 24 day of this instant Octo∣ber as for a forethought fellony; pretended murther, and for invading the Queens Majesties palace of Halyrud-house, with unlawfull convocation,

&c. These terrible summons are directed against our brethren, because that they with two or more, passed to the Abbey upon sunday August 25. to behold and note, what persons repaired to the Masse. And because upon the sunday before (the Queen being absent) there resorted to that idol a rascall multitude, having openly all, even to the least divelish cere∣monies (yea, even the conjuring of their accursed water) that ever they had in the time of their greatest blindnes; But because (I say) our said Brethren past (and in that most quiet manner) to note such abusers, these fearfull summons are directed against them, to make (no doubt) a prepa∣ration upon a few, that a door may be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multitude▪ And if so it come to passe, God (no doubt) hath just∣ly recompenced our former negligence & ingratitude towards him & his be∣nefits, in our own bosoms. God gave us a most notable victory of his & our enemies; he brak their strength, and confounded their counsells; he left us at freedom, and purged the realm, for the most part from open idolatry. But we (alas!) preferring▪ the pleasure of flesh & blood, to the pleasure & commandement of God, have suffered that idol the Masse publickly to be erected again: and therefore justly suffers he us now to fall in that danger, That to look to an Idolater going to his idolatry shall be reputed a crime little inferiour to treason. God grant, that we fall not further. And now I, whom God of his mercy, hath made one among many, to travell in setting forward his true Religion within this realm, seeing the same in danger of ruine, can not but in conscience crave of you, my Brethren of all states, that have professed the trueth, your pr••sence, confort and assistence at the said day in the town of Edinburgh, even as yee tender the advancement of Gods glory, the savety of your Brethren, and your own assurance; together with the perservation of the Church, in these appearing dangers. It may be (perchance) that persuasions be made to the contrary, and that yee be informed, that either your assembly is not necessary, or that it will offend the upper powers, and my good hope is, that neither flattery nor fear shall make you, so far to decline from Christ Jesus, as that against your publick promise, and solemne band, yee will leave your Brethren in so just a cause; and albeit there were no great danger, yet can not our assembly be unprofitable, for many things requiring consultation, which can not be had, unless the wisest and god∣lyest conveen. And thus doubting nothing of the assistance of our God, if we uniformly seek his glory, I cease farther to trouble you, commit∣ting you heartily to the protection of the Eternall. From Edinburgh Octo∣ber 8 1563. This Letter was directed, and many prepared themselves to conveen. One copy came into the hands of Henry Sinclare (then enti∣tuled Bishop of Rosse, and) President of the Colledge of justice: he being a Papist sent it unto the Queen at Sterlin: who shewes it to the Counsell of the Cabinet; and they conclude, that it imports treason: wherefore the Queen thought to be avenged of that her great enemy. Some Courtiers endeavoure to persuade Jo. Knox to confesse a fault, and satisfy the Queen at her own will. He denieth a fault. In the midst of December the Queen comes to Edinburgh. John Knox was sent for, to appear before the Coun∣sell: many went with him, so that the staires and inner-closs was full of people, Secretary Lethingtoun saith unto J. Knox, The Queen's Maje∣sty is informed, that you have travelled to raise a tumult of her subjects a∣gainst her: and for certification, there is presented unto her your Letter: yet because her Ma. will do nothing, without good advertisement, She

hath conveened you before this part of the Nobility, that they may wit∣nesse betwixt her and you. The Queen saith, Let him acknowledge his handwriting, and then shall we judge of the contents. He owneth the Letter. Then saith the Secretary, you have done more than I would have done. John answereth, Charity is not suspicious. He is commanded to read the Letter: he doth read it with a loud voice. The Queen's Advo∣cate is commanded to accuse him; and the Queen said, Heard ye ever my Lords, a more despitefull and treasonable Letter? None did answer, un∣till the Secretary said to J. Knox, Art you not sory from your heart, and do you not repent, that such a Letter hath passed your pen? John answe∣reth, My Lord Secretary, before I repent, I must know my offense. Secretary, Offense? if ther were no more, but the convocation of the Queens lieges, the offense can not be denied. Knox, Remember yourself my Lord, there is difference betwixt a lawfull & an unlawfull convocation: if I be guilty in this, I have oft offended, since I came last into Scotland: for what convocation of Brethren hath been untill this day, unto which my pen hath not served? and before this, no man laid it to my charge. Secretary. Then was then, and now is now: we have no need of such convocation, as then. Knox, The time that hath been, is even now before my eies: for I see the poor flock in no less danger, than it hath been at any time before, excep that the devill hath got a vizard upon his face: be∣fore he came in his own face, discovered by open tyranny seeking the de∣struction of all, who refused idolatry; and then, I think, you will con∣fess, the Brethren lawfully conveened themselves for defense of their lifes▪ And now the devill comes under the cloke of justice, to do that, which God would not suffer him to do by strength. The Queen, What is this? mee thinks, you triffle with him. Who gave you autority to make con∣vocation of my lieges? is not that treason? The Lo. Ruthuen, No, Madam: for he makes convocation of the people, to hear praier and Sermon, al∣most dayly: and whatever your Ma. or others think of it, we think it no treason. The Queen, Hold your peace, let him answer for himself. Knox, I began to reason with the Secretary (whom I take to be a better Logician than your Ma. is) that all convocation is not unlawfull; and now my Lord Ruthuen hath given the instance: which if your Ma. will deny, I shall make myself ready to prove. The Queen, I will say nothing against your Religion, nor conveening to your Sermons: but what authority have you, to convocate my subjects, when you will, without my commandement? Knox, I have no pleasure to decline from my former purpose: but to satis∣fy your two questions, Madam, I answer, that at my will I never con∣veened four persons in Scotland; but at the Order, that the Brethren had appointed, I have given diverse advertisements, and great multituds have assembled thereupon. And if your Ma. complaines, that this was done without your Ma. command, So hath all that God hath blessed within this realm, from the beginning of this action: and therefore I must be con∣vinced by a just law, that I have done against the duty of Gods Messinger, in writing this Letter, before that I be either sory, or repent for the doing of it, as my Lord Secretary would persuade mee: for what I have done, it is at the commandement of the Generall Church within this re∣alm: and therefore, I think, I have done no wrong. The Queen, you shall not escape so: is it not treason, my Lords, to accuse a Prince of cruelty? I think, Acts of Parliament may be found against such whifpe∣rers. Many do grant, that this is true. Knox, But wherein can I be ac∣cused?

The Queen, Read this part of your Letter, This fearfull summons is, directed against them, to make (no doubt) a preparation upon a few, that a door may be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multitude. What say you to that? Knox, is it lawfull, Madam, to answer for myself? or shall I be con∣demned before I be heard? The Queen, Say what you can: I think, you have enough a do. Knox, I will first desire of your Ma. and of this honou∣rable audience, Whither your Ma. Knoweth not, that the obstinate Pa∣pists are deadly enemies to all, that professe the Evangell of Jesus Christ, and that they most earnestly desire the extirpation of them all, and of the true doctrine, which is taught within this realme? The Queen held her peace: but all the Lords with common voice said, God forbid, that ei∣ther the life of the faithfull, or the staying of the doctrine stood in the po∣wer of the Papists: for experience hath taught us, what cruelty is in their hearts. Knox, I proceed then, seing I perceive, that all will grant, that it were a barbarous cruelty, to destroy such a multitude as professe the E∣vangell of Jesus Christ within this realm, which they have attempted to do by force once or twice, as things done of late dayes do testify: whereof they being (by Gods providence) disapointed, have invented more crafty & dangerous practises, to wit, to make the Prince pa••ty, under colour of law; and so, what they could not do by open force, they shall perform by crafty deceit: for who thinks, my Lords, that the insatiable cruelty of the Papistes (within this realm, I meane) shall end in the mur∣thering of these two, now unjustly summoned, and more unjustly to be accused? I think, no man of judgement can so esteem, but rather the di∣rect contrary, that is, by this few number they intend to prepare a way to their bloody enterprise against all: and therefore, Madam, cast up when you list the Acts of your Parliaments, I have offended nothing against them: for in my Letter I accuse not your Majesty, nor yet your nature of cruelty; but I affirm yet again, thas the pestilent Papists, which have enflammed your Ma. without cause against these poor men, are the sones of the devill, and therefore must obey the desires of their father, who hath been a murtherer from the beginning. Onesaid, you forget yourself; you are not in the pulpit. Knox, I am in the place, where I am commanded in my conscience to speak the truth: and the truth I speak; impugne it who so listeth: And heer unto I add, Madam, that honest, meek & gent∣le natures (in appearance) may be by wicked & corrupt counselers, chan∣ged & altered to the direct contrary: exempls wee have, of Nero, whom in the beginning of his empire, we find having naturall shame; but after his flatterers had incouraged him in all impiety, alledging that nothing was either unhonest or unlawfull in his person, who was Emperour above others; when he had drunk of this cup (I say) to what enormites he fell, the histories bear witnes. And now, Madam, to speak plain, Pa∣pists have your ears patent all times: assure your Ma. they are dangerous counselers, and that your Mother did find. The Queen. Well, you speak fair heer, before my Lords, but the last time I spake with you Se∣cretly, you caused mee to weep many tears. And so was a rehearsing of what was spoken in the Cabinet, when John Erskin was present. After the Secretary had conferred with the Queen, he said, Mr. Knox, you may return to your house for this night: Knox, I thank God, and the Queen's Majesty: and, Madam, I pray God, to purge your heart from Papistry, and to preserve you from the Counsell of flatterers: for howsoever they seem pleasant to your ears and corrupt affections for the time, experience

hath taught into what perplexity they have brought famous Princes. The Queen reteereth to her cabinet. John Knox went home. The Counsell voteth uniformly, that they could find no offense. The Queen is brought again, and commandeth to vote over again. All did refuse, to vote over again. The next day a new assault was made on J. Knox, to confesse an offence, and put himself in the Queen's will; with this assurance, that his greatest punishment should be, but to go within the castle of Edin∣burgh, and immediatly he shall return to his house. He said, God for∣bid, that by my confession I condemn these Noble men, who in their conscience, and in displeasure of their Queen have absolved mee: and fur∣ther I am assured, ye will not in earnest desire mee, to confesse an offense, unless thereby ye would desire mee to cease from preaching: for how, can I exhort others to peace, if I confesse myself an authour of sedition. Histo. of Reformation Lib. 4. On December 25. the sixth Nationall Assembly con∣veenes * 5.27 in Edinburgh, where were many Noble men, the Superintendents &c. John Willock Superintendent of the West is ••hosen Moderator. The petitions of the Ministers and Commissioners were despised by some Coun∣selers with these words, As Ministers will not follow our counsell; so will we suffer Ministers to labour for themselves, and see what speed they come. The Noble men said, if the Queen will not, wee must: for both thirds and two parts are rigorously taken from us a••d our tenants. One said, if others will follow my Counsell, the Guard and the Papists shall complain als long as the Ministers have done. Then the former sharpness was colou∣red, and the speaker alledgeth, that he meaneth not of all Ministers. Chri∣stopher goodman [an English] answereth, My Lord Secretary, if you can shew, what just tittle either the Queen hath to the third, or the Papists to the two parts, then I think, I could resolve, whither she be debtour to Ministers within burgh, or not. The Secretary replieth, Ne sit peregrinus curiosus in aliena Republica. Goodman answereth, Albeit I be a stranger in your policy, yet I am not so in the Church of God: and therefore the care doth no less appertain unto mee here, than if I were in the midst of England. The Hist. of Reformation Lib. cit. This debate was because the Popish prelates were permitted to enjoy their tyths enduring their life, so that a competent stipend were provided unto the Ministers: and when the Queen returned home, at the demand of the Counsell the Prelats conde∣scended to quite the third part of the tyths for entertainment of the Queen's family, and the provision of Ministers: but the Guard received the thirds, and gave nothing or little unto Ministers: and they had oft complained of their want. In all these quick reasonings I. Knox spoke not a word: but thereafter he said, I have traveled, Right honourable, and beloved Bre∣thren, since my last returning into this realm, in an upright conscience before my God, seeking nothing more (as he is witnes) than the advan∣cement of his glory, and the stabillty of his Church within this realm; and of late dayes I have been accused as a seditious man, and as one that usur∣pes to myself power that becomes mee not: true it is, I have given adver∣tisement to the Brethren in diverse quarters, of the extremity intended a∣gainst the faithfull, for looking to a priest going to Masse, and for obser∣ving those that transgresse against just laws: but that here in I have usurped further power than was given mee, till that by you I be condemned, I utte••ly deny: for I say, by you, that is, by the Generall Assembly I have all just power to advertise the brethren from time totime, of dangers appear∣ing, as I have powr to preach the word of God in the pulpit of Edin∣burgh:

for by you was I appointed unto the one as unto the other: and there∣fore in the name of God I crave your judgements: the danger that appea∣red unto mee in my accusation was not so fearfull, as the words that came to my ears were dolorous to my heart: for these words were plainly spo∣ken, and that by some Protestants, What can the Pope do more, than to send forth his letters, and require them to be obeied? Let mee have your judgements therefore, whither I have usurped any power to myself, or If I have obeied your commandement. Ibid. John Knox is removed: and then the Lord Lindsay, the Lairds of Kilwood, Abbotshall, Cuning∣hamheed, the Superintendents of Anguise, Fife, Lothian, West and Galloway, M^rs John Row, W. Christeson, Ro. Hamilton, Chri. good∣man with the most part of the assembly did declare, that they remember very well, that Jo. Knox would have had himselfe exonered of the foresaid charge, and that the Church at that time would not suffer him to refuse it, but that he should continue, as before, to advertise from time to time, as occasion shall be given. An extract of the Acts of tbe nationall assemblies. 3. The Noble men and Barons present, do finally consent, that for their own parts, the tenants or labourers of the ground shall have their own tyths upon composition. 4▪ It was thought needfull for confirmation of the book of discipline, that certain commissioners or any three or four of them▪ shall revise it, and consider diligently the contents thereof, no∣ting their judgements in write, and reporte the same unto the next assem∣bly, or if any Parliament shall interveen, they shall report their judge∣ments unto the Lords of the Articles. 5. All Ministers and Readers ha∣ving Manses at their Churches shall make residence there. 6. Concerning Thomas duncanson, who was Schoolmaster and Reader in Sterlin, and having committed fornication, had made publick repentance, it was or∣dained, that he shall abstain from that office in the Church, untill the Church of Sterlin make request for him unto the Superintendents, and he shall marry the woman, if she require it. 7. Alexander Jardin Minister at Kilspindy having committed fornication, and therefore suspended by the Superintendent of Fife; and thereafter had made publick repentance, and married the same woman, Is again suspended from all function in the Mi∣nistery untill the next Assembly, and then to receive his answere. 8. Com∣mission was given unto five Ministers to take cognition of a complaint given by the Superintendent of Fife against Ge. Lesly Minister at Stramig∣lo, and to decide therein, and to notify their Sentence unto the Su∣perintendent of Anguise. In this year by past was great death and dearth through all the Country, that the prices of corne and flesh was triple above the custom. The writer of The Histo. of Reformotion saith, God did so according to the threatning in the law, punish our ingratitude, that suffered them to defile the Land with that abomination, that he had so po∣tently purged by the power of his word; and for the riotous feasting both in City and country: but alas! who lookes to the true cause of our cala∣mity! Likewise in the winter following fell great rain, which in the falling freezed so vehemently, that the earth was but a shot of ice; the fowls both great & small could not flee, but freezed and died; and some were layd by the fire that their feathers might dissolve. This frost is said to have been in January An. 1563. to wit, according to the old account, which was not changed in Scotland, untill the year 1600. and then was changed; but continueth in England untill the year 1660.

CHAP. •• Of COVNCELS.

I. IT hath been shewd with what difficulty the Councel was called to Trents the History of it is most exquisitly penned by Petro Soave a Ve∣netian * 5.28 and translated into sundry languages: here I add a compend faith∣fully and plainly in so far as concerneth the mannaging the Articles of do∣ctrin for the most part. When Pope Paul could no longer decline the cal∣ling of this councel, (as is before) in the beginning of the year 1545. he sent three Legats, John Maria de Monte a Card. Bishop of Palestina, Mar∣cellus Cervinus a priest Cardinall de Sancta Cruce, and Reginald Pool a deacon Cardinal of S. Mary in Cosmedin; with a Breve of legation, but no particular instruction, being as yet uncertain, what commission to give them, and intending to dispose, as occasions, namely, the affairs of the Emperour shall require. When the Legates were gone, he consults the Cardinals, what faculty is expedient unto his See, to send unto the Legats: they consider the precedents of other faculties, and dare fallow none of them: at last a Bull was framed with this clause, He sends them as Angels of peace unto the councel, and gives them full authority to preside there, to ordain whatsoever Decrees, to hear, propound, conclude and to ex∣ecute whatsoever were necessary for the honor of God, and increase of the Catholick faith; to REFORM the estate of the Catholick Church in ALL her members ecclesiastical and Secular, of whatsoever preheminence though graced with Pontifical or Royal dignity; and to do any thing fit for extirpation of heresies, and for reducing them who have departed from obedience of the Apostolicall See; for preservation and restoration of ecclesiastical liberty; with condition, that in all thing they proceed with consent of the Councel. Then calling to mind, what encounters befell unto Pope John in Constance, when he sent his Nuntij unto the councel of Pavia, he sent unto the Legats a privat Breve with authority to prolong, dissolve or transfer the councel unto what place they shall please. This was a designe to cut off all contrary purposes unto him. The Legats arrive at Trent March 13. but found no Prelats there, excep the Cardinal of Trent: after ten dayes Orators came from the Emperour and Venice, to assist the Synod: then came the Cardinal of Madruccio and three Bi∣shops. On the first day of their arriving the Legats granted indulgence unto all there present, for three years and so many fourty dayes. Then they consider their Bull of faculties, and with resolution to keep it secret, they sent advice unto Rome, that the condition annexed in the end of it, did ty their hands, and made every petty Prelat equal unto them. Their reason is thought good, and another was sent giving them absolute autho∣rity. After this was seen, they profess to communicat their most inward thoughts unto the Ambassadors and Prelats: wherefore when Letters came from Germany or Rome, they all assembled together in the lodging of one. But the Legats advise the Pope, that upon every occasion one Let∣ter should be written for common view, and the secret designes should be written apart. T••e first doubt was for precedency, whether Don Diego the Emperours Ambassador, or the Cardinal of Trent should have the first place? at last it was agreed, that their chaires be set so, that none may know, which of the two were preferred. The next scruple was for ope∣ning

the Councel: on the one side it moved them, that no Prelats were come but four; and on the other side the fear of the Turkish warrs required hast. The Pope sent resolution to open the councel on the first day of May with∣out longer delay: on that day the Legats shew that they had received commission to open, but shew not the particular day: only They held a congregation, which was spent on ceremonies, that the three Legats should have a like apparel and ornaments; that the place of Session should be adorned wich hangings of Arras; whether seats should be prepared for the Pope and the Emperour; whether Don Diego should have more hono∣rable place then other Ambassadors; whether the Elector-Bishops (being Princes) should sit before other Bishops and archbishops; and it should prejudge no man, if they have not their own place at this time. Before May was ended, twenty Bishops were come, and five Generals of Monks: they were also soon wearied with expectation, and would have returned, but were entertained by the Legats with hope of opening the Counsel shortly. Don Diego would not stay longer, and upon pretence of ••ndis∣position he went to Venice. In the end of Juny some Prelats complained grievously, untill a supply of 40. Ducats was promised unto them. Some obiected, that their staying was like to have no effect, because the Empe∣rour was medling with Religion, and to that end had appointed Colloquies: therefore sundryes withdrew themselves pretending several causes. The Pope considering that the Emperour held things in suspence, and affected not the councel, if he might atchieve his own designements in Germany, began to condem himself, that he had proceeded so far; and yet it seemed scandalous to dissolve so small a convention; and on the other side he jud∣ged it clear, that a Synod was a fit remedy against the heresies (as he spake) and he feared that the Emperour would crave an halfyears fruits and vassala∣ges of the monasteries in Spain, as also what might be the event of that Colloquy in time of the Counsel. While he thus is wavering, he resolves, and sends unto the Legats a Bull of faculty, to transfer the councel; to the effect, he may drive off time at least; And also he sent the Bishop of Caserta unto the Emperour, craving either to begin the councel; or suspend it, or to transfer it into Italy. The Emperour would yeeld to none of the three. In the end of October he yeelds to open the councel, but so that they begin with Reformation of the Clergy, and medle not with points of doctrin, lest the Protestants be incensed. This course was thought at Rome to fa∣vour the hereticks, and to curb the Papal power. Nevertheless they will not seem to take it ill, and ordaines the first Session to be held December 13. and to handle principally matters of doctrin; and if a reason must be rendered, it should be answered, To entreat of Reformation of manners only, were contrary unto all former examples. On December 12. a con∣gregation was held and the Prelats consulted, what is to be done in the Session, The Bishop of Estorga said, The Legats should read their Bull; and all the others consented. The Legat De Sant Cross considering that the publishing of their large authority; might breed danger of limitation; answered, In the Councel all are one body, and therefore it were necessary to read the Bull of every bishop, to shew their institution from the Aposto∣lick See; and this were tedious, seing more are coming. So that motion was put off. When the. 13. Day was come, the Pope published at Rome a B••ll of Jubilee, declaring that the opening of the councell was to cure the wounds of the Church done by hereticks; and exhorting every one to assist the assembled Fathers with their prayers; and for this effect they should

confess themselves, and fast three dayes, in which time they should go in processions, and receive the blessed sacrament; and he granted pardon of all sin, unto all that did so. The same day at Trent the Legats caused a large admonition to be read, shewing that it is the duty of every one, du∣ring the councel, to advertise the Prelats, of all occurrents, and decla∣ring the three ends of the councell, to wit, extirpation of heresy, reforma∣tion of Ecclesiastical disciplin, and regaining of common peace; where∣of the first and last inconvenients were the effects of the second: for it can not be denyed, that the people (as saith the Prophet) have committed two evils; they have forsaken the fountain of living water, and have dig∣ged cisterns....even such cisterns are all the counsels, that proceed from our wisdom, and not from the Spirit of God; justice requires of us Pastors, that we acknowledge ourselves guilty of all those evils, with which the flock of Christ is opprest, and not only holily but justly transfer all their sins up∣on ourselves, because indeed we are for the most part the cause of all those evils; And it is the just judgement of God to visit the Church with Tur∣kish and intestin warrs: and therefore unless we acknowledge our sins, the Holy Ghost, on whom we call, will not come; And they shew, it is a happy occasion of Reformation, which God hath now offered in his sin∣gular mercy: And albeit calumniators will not be wanting, yet we must go-on constantly, and as upright Judges avoid all passion, aiming only at the glory of God, seing we are now upon this work before Him and his Angels and the whol Church; Lastly advising the Prelats who were sent by Princes, to do their Masters service faithfully and diligently, yet so that principally they look unto the honor of God. Then the Bull of inti∣mation of the Councel, and another of the free deputation of the Legats were read, and a third of opening the councel. The commission of Don Diego was read, and his absence was excused by his Secretary Zorilla. O∣ther ceremonies being ended, the next Session was appointed to be on January 7. 1546.

II. Now neither the Legats nor the Prelats knew what to do, or what order to observe. The Legats advertise the Pope, that the Synod * 5.29 is opened, and they crave a light, how to order themselves, and as particular instructions as may be; namely, whether they should treat first of heresies; whether they should speak generally only, or particularly, whether they should first condem the false doctrin, or the persons of the principal hereticks, or both together; If the Prelats shall propound articles of Reformation, whether those should be handled be∣fore or after or with the articles of doctrin; Whether they shall speak of the Conference in Germany, or neglect it; Whether they should proceed slowly or swiftly; Whether the suffrages should be reckoned according to the Nations, or persons. They sent their advice in this article, that it seemes most expedient unto the Apostolical See, to reckon them by persons, be∣cause the Italians may be more in number than all the other members. They crave also information, whether they should entreat of the papal authority and of the councell, as some do intend. They represent also that the Prelats have demanded their commission: which they had artificially avoided. They advise to take order for the high-wayes, that upon all occasions Letters may pass safely: they crave information concerning the order of Ambassadors, and provision for money, because that which was received, was spent upon poor Bishops. In the mean while the Prelats at Trent would proceed, and two congregation were employd about the habite of Bishops,

and the age and habite and diet of their domesticks: much was spoken, and the result was, A good reformation of the mind is necessary, and let each one redress his own family. The Pope assembled the colledge of Cardinals, to Superintend the affaires of the Synod, and by their advice he writes unto the Legats, approving their opinion concerning the voices; as for matters to be propounded either by them, or unto them, things are not as yet ripe enough: for the present, be doing with preambulary things; aboue all, let not the Prelats exceed the bounds of reverence unto the Apostolical See; For relief and sustentation of the Bishops in the Councel, a Breve was sent exeeming them from payment of tythes, and letting them enjoy all their fruits, notwithstanding their no-residence; and for the meaner sort he sent 2000. Crouns, which he would to be expounded as a loving courtsy of the Head of the Councel toward his members; The title of the Councel should be, The most holy O••cumenical and gene∣ral Councel of Trent, the Apostolical Legats being Presidents. In a congregation January 5. the Breve of exemption was read, and a General of Monks craved the like, and he was appeased with fair words. The Legats propounded, that the matters to be handled should be distin∣guished, and particular congregations should be deputed to frame distinct articles, and after disputation, deputies shall frame decrees, to be pro∣pounded in a general congregation, where every Prelate may deliver his opinion; And to the end, the general congregations may be free, it seems expedient, that only the Legats should propound the matters, and not give suffrage but in S••ssion. Then they propound unto consideration, whether the former Decree concerning their conversation, during the Synod, should be published in the Session. A difficulty arose concerning the Title of the Councel. Three French Prelats [no more was of that Nation] craved this addition unto the former words, Representing the Church vniversal. The Legats considering that this title had been used only at Constance and Basile; and fearing that others would demand the addition of the words following, which hath power immediatly from Christ; and that were derogatory unto the Pop's aut••ority; did oppose this motion, and dissembling their motives, they said, Those were but froathy words, and hereticks may make a bad construction of them. The Frenches and some others did press the addition: but the Legats would not, and fall upon another purpose. The second Session was held January 7: 300. Armed men were set to guard the fathers, who were three Legats, two titular archbishops, 28. Bishops, 3 abbots and 4. Generals of orders: this was all the number of the general Councell: the abovenamed Decree was read, and the next Session was appointed to be on February 4. the Frenches still pressing the addition.

III. In the congregation January 13. the Legats after new mention of * 5.30 that addition, complain, that any controversy should be heard in the Ses∣sion, seing the fame of union was most fit to encourage the Catholiks, and to daunt the hereticks. The Prelats crave to handle more substantial parti∣culars, and the Legats demand, Of which principal Head will they handle first, tow it, Heresy, Reformation, or Peace. Some prelats were de∣puted to view the excuses of the absents, and no more was done untill the 18 day▪ Then opinions were heard: some would begin at Reformation; some, at doctrin; some at both together, and some would begin at Peace. The Legats say, The matter was weighty, the opinions are various, and it is needfull to weigh what hath been spoken. In the next congregati∣on

it was ordered that two congregations shall be weekly on moonday and friday without warning. Now the Legats sent unto their Head, shewing how they had dri••ted the time, and craving particular instructions, for the importunity and necessity of the Prelats will not admit longer delay. But because the Emperour looked not on the Synod, the Pope could not re∣solve what to do. The Prelats were instant to begin, and the most part condescend to treat of doctrin and Reformation jointly, so that also a Let∣ter was sent unto the Pope, craving to further the Synod, and to solicite the Princes for continuing peace among themselves; as also other Letters were written unto the Emperour, unto the French, Roman & Portugal Kings and other Princes, requiring them to conserve peace, to send Am∣bassadors, to secure the high-wayes; and to cause their Prelats resort unto the Synod. Those Letters should have been read and sealed in the ensuing congregation, but they could not agree what seal to use. In a word, be∣fore the next Session they could agree only, that they should begin with heresy; and because they were informed of more prelats a coming, they delay the next Session untill Aprile 8. Again the Legats send for their oft demanded instructions, and they advise to begin at the controversies be∣tween them and the Lutherans concerning the holy Scriptures, and the ab∣uses brought into the Church in that matter. About that time the Con∣ference in Germany was dissolved: and the Pope thought it scandalous to delay any more: so he gave information to begin according to the ad∣vice, but so that they be slow in the Reformation. Accordingly on Fe∣bruary 22. 1546. it was ordained to read Luthers books, and frame ar∣ticles concerning the Scripture, to be censured by the Divines, and so mat∣ter to be prepared for Decrees. As for abuses, every one should call to mind, what he thought needfull to be Reformed, and what remedy is fittest. The articles of doctrine were propounded, of the sufficiency of the Scriptures. 2. Of the number of the books. 3. of the Latin Translation. 4. Of the per∣spicuity of the Scriptures. In the first article all did agree to make Tradi∣tions * 5.31 equal with the Scriptures, excep Antonius Marinarus a Carmelite, whose discourse was called Lutheran. They all agree to canonize the Apocrypha: on these two they spend sixe congregations, In the third ar∣ticle was difference between them who were ignorant of the languages, and a few having a taste of Greek. Frier Aloisius de Catanea did prove by au∣thority of Jerom and Cardi. Caietan, that the Hebrew edition of the old Test. and the Greek of the New are the pure fountains; and all Latine translations are but impure brooks, and so have been accounted in all time by past. The greater number said, This opinion openeth a door unto Lutherans: the doctrin of the Roman Church is by Popes and Divines founded upon the Latine Bible, and if it be lawfull to scan, whether it be rightly translated, the base Grammarians shall be preferred unto the Bishops and Cardinals; and the Inquisitors shall have no place, if they be ignorant of Hebrew and Greek. Do Isidorus Clarus a Brescian, and Be∣nedict an Abbot discourse historically of the old and later Translations, and of their account at the first, and how at last that which is called vulgata was patched of them both. Andreas Vega a Franciscan commends that Latine, but preferreth the Hebrew and Greek. In the end sixe Divines were deputed to correct the Vulgata, to be printed by auhority of the Coun∣cel. There was no less difference concerning the expounding of Scripture: some alledging the authority of Car. Caietan, said, The Spirit of God is tied to no age, and all men should be encouraged unto the diligent and

sober study of Gods Worde. Others said, Vnbridled spirits must be cur∣bed, or else can be no hope to see an end of the late pretences; neither do the Lutherans gain upon any but such who study the Scriptures: the study of Aristotle is safer, and the Word of God should be kept in due reverence: from it is much derogated, when it is too common. Dominicus Soto a Dominican said, In matter of faith every one should be tied to the expo∣sition of the Church, but in manners let every one abound in his own sense, so that piety and charity be preserved; otherwise men may fall into inconveni∣ents by contrariety of expositions among the antient Fathers, who never re∣quired, that they should be absolutely followed. The opinion prevailed, which held that the Scriptures are already so well expounded, that there is not hope of any more good: and if any man will not be content with the Antients, let him not trouble the world with his whimsies. The Divines had discoursed so irresolutely, that the Prelats (who scarcely understood the discourses, and yet have the power of suffrage) doubted what to say in the canons and anathema's: therefore overture was found to add anathema unto the Decree concerning the number and species of the books, but the other canons should have no anathema, lest they accuse their own Divines. They talk of many abuses, and a Decree was made against the pettiest, for hast, because the Session was approaching. There the Decrees were read, and the fifth Session was appointed to be Juny. 17. Five Cardinals were present, and 48 Bishops, and none of them (saith my author) remarka∣ble for learning. The canons were sent to Rome. The Court after infor∣mation how particulares were debated, began to think, they must attend the Synod more narrowly: therefore the Pope sendeth moe Cardinals, and admonishes the Legats, that the Decrees should not be published, before they be advised at Rome: he admonishes also to avoid too much flowness, but bewar of celerity, lest there be not time to receive order from him what to propound, deliberat and conclude; and spend not time in points not controverted, as they had done now in some undoubted points; finally take heed that the Papl authority be not permitted unto disputation. At that time the Pope had deposed Herman Bishop of Colein for heresy (as was pretended) and ordained Adolph Count of Scavenburgh into his place; and he wrote unto the Emperour for this effect. Charles loved not Herman for the same heresy, yet fearing that he would joyn with the ptotes••ants, would not consent. Hence arose a new jealousy between the Pope and the Empetour. The Protestants complain, that they were condemned not only being not heard, but without the Councel, by the Pope alone: and therefore it is needless for them to go unto Trent.

IV. In the first congregation the Prelats urge two points of Reformati∣on, * 5.32 that were propounded and left-of in the former Session. The Legats would treat of original sin. Because they could not agree, Letters were sent to Rome; and in the mean while another order was prescribed for dispatching affaires, to wit, there must be a congregation of Divines to treat of doctrin, and Canonists must be joyned with them, when they come to Reformation; yet so that Prelats might be present, if they please; And another Congregation of Prelats, to frame the Heads of doctrin and Reformation; which being examined and digested according to the most common opinion, should be brought unto the generall congregation, and there the voice of every one being known, decrees may be framed by the determination of the greater part, and then established in the Session. In this manner they debate of Lectures and Sermons: but no draught of ar∣ticle

could be devised to please them all: for the Prelats would curb the li∣berty of Friets, and have them to depend on the Bishops; but the Legats * 5.33 stood for the liberties granted by the Popes, especially unto the Mendicants. In this contention the Legats sent complaint unto Rome, namely, against Bracius Marcellus Bishop of Fisole, and against the Bishop of Chioza, craving that those two should be removed from Trent. The Pope answe∣red, He will send order in convenient time concerning these two; as for matters, if they regard the petitions of Princes, the Synod shal be confused, and the resolutions shall be hard: therefore they should proceed in orginal sin: he forbids the Deputies to proceed in correcting the Vulgar Translation, untill those in Rome had determined of their course. The Legats obey the last point, but fearing that the Imperialists would leave the Synod, they treat in two congregations concerning the reforming of Sermons, and the philosophical part of them: decrees were framed, as giving way unto the Bishosps, yet so cunningly that the Friers had liberty still. Then they come * 5.34 to original sin. The Imperialists said, The Synod was assembled princi∣paly to reduce Germany, and the articles of difference can not be known, but only unto him that sits at the stern of Germany: therefore it were expe∣dient to crave by Letters the opinion of the principal Prelats of that Na∣tion, or the Pop••s Nuntio should speak of this with the Emperour. The Legats commend the advice, but intending to follow their instruction, say, They will inform the Nuntio, and in the mean while articles may be gathered out of their books, and debated, for gain of time. The Impe∣rialists were ••atiffied hoping to put off the Sommer, ere any thing were concluded. So new articles were propounded, as drawn out of Lutheran books, but for the most part they were calumnies, as the contradictory canons do shew. The Divines would not speak of them in that order as they were propounded: but spake first of Adams transgression, what sin it was: here how many heads, so many opinions. Then they enquired what is that sin derived from Adam? Some alledging the authority of Au∣gustin, said, It is concupiscence: others following Anselm, said, It is the want of orginal righteousnes: others conioyned them both: and those were again divided, some following Bonaventura, gave the first place to concupiscence, because it is positive: others after Aquinas held that con∣cupiscence is but the material part. And because John Scotus had followed Anselm, the Franciscans stood for his opinion. They were more troubled about the propagation of it: but all agreed, that it is not by imitation only. In the fourth place they all held, that inclination to ill is not a sin▪ Yet here the Franciscans fell upon their cardinal controversy with the Do∣minicans: the Franciscans would have the blessed Virgin excepted expressly, and the Dominicans would not. Cardinal de Monte had much adoe to divert them from this point. They all agree, in the remission of original sin, that it is taken away by baptism, and that the soul is restored into the estate of innocency by an infused quality (which they called original grace) albeit the punishment do remain for exercise of the just. Only Antonius Marinarus did oppose, saying, Concupiscence remaining in them who are baptized, is verily a sin in itself, but it is not accounted sin in them, because it is covered with the righteousnes of Christ. Soto joyned with him: therefore others calling to minde, that lately in a Ser∣mon he had condemned all trust in works, and had called the best works of the famous heathens, splendida peccata, he was suspected to be a Prote∣stant. They held the punishment of this sin to be only the want of blessed∣nes,

excep Gregorius Ariminensis; he alledged the authority of Augustin, and therefore was called a Tormenter of children. When the Bishops heard so many controversies among the Divines, they knew not what to decern: only they would condem the articles as they were propounded. Marcus Viguerius Bishop of Sinigaglia, Jerom General of the Augustinians, and Vega a Franciscan said, They can not condem an opinion as heretical, un∣less they first declare what is trueth. But the Prelats made no account of their words, and were out of all hope to determin those school-points to the contentmen of all parties. So they frame five canons and so many anathema's: but the Dominicans and Franciscans could not be satisfied in the point of excepting the blessed Virgin, untill direction was brought from Rome, that they should not touch doctrines, which may foster schism amongst themselves. Then they were both stilled, so that opinions be not preiudged. Therefore it was added in the Decree, They have no mind to comprehend the blessed Virgine; and the Pope added, The con∣stitution of Sixtus 4. should be observed. So whether, the Imperialists would or not, the fifth Session was held Iuny 17: the five decrees of doctrin, and one having two parts concerning the reforming of Lectures and Ser∣mons, were read, and the sixth Session was appointed to July 29.

V. In the congregation it was propounded to speak first of justification. * 5.35 The Imperialists would delay it for the above named reasons: but three Bishops and three Divines were named to frame articles. In the congre∣gation for reformation, the residence of Pastors and Prelats was set a soot. Concerning justification. 25. Articles were brought, some of works done before justification, some of works after it, and some of the essence of * 5.36 grace. At the first, none of the Divines knew what to say (because the School-men had not handled that matter, as the other of original sin) untill they had ghessed about; and then the Franciscans following Scotus, said, Works done by power of nature only, deserve before God by way of con∣gruity, and God were uniust, if he give not grace to the man who doth what he can. The Dominicans following Thomas, say, No kind of merit goeth before grace, and the very beginning of good works should be ascribed unto God, as indeed congruous merite was never heard in the Church, even when they had most to do against the Pelagians. Concer∣ning the works of grace all held, that these are perfect, and do merite sal∣vation. In the point of the essence of grace, it was a common considera∣tion, that the word Grace in the first signification signifieth benevolence: which in him who hath power, brings forth necessarily a good effect, and that is the gift, which is also called grace. They say; The Protestants think so meanly of Gods Majesty, that they restrain the word Grace unto the first signification. And because some might say, God can bestow no gift greater then his Son, they said, That benefit is common unto all men, and it is fit, he should bestow a particular benefite on severall persons; and this is habituall grace or a spiritual quality created by God, and infused into the soul, whereby that man is made acceptable unto him. Here a new controversy is started, about the word Justificare: some said, It must be taken effectivè, to make just, and not declarativè. Amongst those was Soto: but the Ca••melite Marinarus would prove from. Rom. 8. by the judiciall process of accusing and condemning, that justification must also be a judicialact. Hereupon was another sharp dispute, Whether the habite of grace be the same with the habite of charity, or a distinct one? The Scotists held the first part, and the Thomists the later. In this neither par∣ty

would yeeld into the other. Then they dispute, Whether beside that inhe∣rent justice the justice of Christ be imputed unto the justified person, as his own? All said, Christ dd merite for us, and we are made partakers of his righte∣ousnes, but some loved not the word Imputed, because it is not among the Fathers, and for the bad consequences, which Lutherans draw from it, to wit, this only is sufficient without inherent righteousnes; the sacra∣ments confer not grace; punishment is abolished with the guilt; there re∣maines no place for satisfaction, &c. These contentions were fostered by sundry persons upon several interests: the Imperialists would had them leave the doctrin, and the Pa palines sought a way to divide the Councel, and so a void the apparent or aimed-at reformation: others sought to deliver themselves from appearing and heavier incommodities in Germany, and they feared dearth, and others had little hope to do good. At that time the Emperour sent Letters unto the Pope, and unto the Councel, representing a necessity of holding the Councel on foot, for avoiding mis-reports, if it be dissolved; and he promised to bend up all his wit, to keep Trent secure; he earnestly entreated, that they would not handle controversies, lest the Protestants be provoked with contrary decrees: and therefore to treat of reformation only, or at most medle with points of lesser weight. The Pope was desirous to be freed of the Synod; but to gratify the Emperour (in respect of the present confederacy) he wrote unto the Lega••s, to hold the Councel a foot, but without any Session untill he give new advertisment, and to entertain the Prelats and Divines with congrega∣tions and such exercise, as seemed best. July. 25. a Jubilee was publish∣ed at Trent, to pray for good success unto the German warrs, and the Session was adjournied untill a new intimation, and the congre∣gations were discharged for 15. dayes, nor did they sit untill the 20. day of August. Then the Legat de Monte judged it inconvenient, to sus∣pend the Fathers any longer: but De Sancta Cruce a man of melancholy nature took it upon him. When they came to the congregation, this Le∣gate and three Bishops and three Generals were deputed to frame the De∣crees and anathematisms. So he set on edge the heads of the former opi∣nions, shewing that the points were weighty; and should be sifted; and he gave place to other controversies, as, whether a man can be assured of grace? Some said, It is presumption, pufts up, and makes a man negli∣gent * 5.37 in doing good; and to doubt is more profitable and meritorious: to this purpose they cited Eccles. 9. 1. and 1. Pet. 1. 17. and some testimonies of the Fathers. Those were Vega, Soto, &c. On the other side Ca∣tharinus, Marinarus and others alledged other passages of the same Fa∣thers; and they said, The Fathers had spoken occasionally, somtimes to comfort, and at other times to repress: but if we hold close to the Scrip∣ture, it shall be more certain, seing Christ said often, Believe that thy sins are forgiven: but He would not give occasion of pride nor drowsiness, neither would he deprive men of merite, if doubting were usefull; The Scripture bids give God thanks for our justification, which we can not do, unless we know that we have obtained it; St. Paul confirmes this, when he willeth the Corinthians to know that they are in Christ, except they be re∣probats; The Holy Spirit beares witnes with our Spirit that we are the children of God; and to deny his testimony is no less then to accuse them of temerity, who believe the Holy Ghost speaking with them: for S. Ambrose saith, The Holy Ghost never speaks to us, but when he makes known that he speakes; then they added the words of Christ, The world can not

receive the holy Ghost, because it knowes him not, but the disciples know him, because he dwelles in them; It is like a dream to say, A man hath received grace, and can not know whether he hath received or not. The other party shrunk a little with the force of these reasons, some granting a coniecture, and some confessing a certainty in the Apostles and Martyres, and them who have been lately baptized, and some by extraordinary re∣velation. Vega fearing conformity with the Lutherans, said, Certainty is not Divine faith, but humane and experimental, as he who is hote, is sure by sense, that he is hote. Then the defenders of certainty ask, Whether the testimony of the Holy Ghost can be called Divine? and whether every one be tied to believe what God reveeles? They went so far in sifting this question, (as who listeth may see in the large history) that the Legate willed them make an end of it. It was twice commanded to leave it as doubtfuli, but their affections led them to it again. Then the Legate propounded to speak again of preparatory works, and the obser∣vation of the law, whereupon depends the question of free-will. So sixe * 5.38 articles were framed as maintained by the Protestants. Of the first, God is the total cause of our works both good and bad; Some said, It was a fanatik doctrine, condemned antiently in the Manichees, Abelhard and Wicklif, and deserves not dispute but punishment. Marinarus said, As it is foolish to say, No action is in our power, so it is absurd to say, Every action is in our power, seing every man findes that he hath not his affections in his power. Catharinus said, A man hath no power to do moral good works without Gods special assistance. Vega spake a while with ambigui∣ty, and concluded, there is no difference in this point. But it seemed unto some to be a prejudice, to reconcile different opinions, and composition is for Colloquies. Here arose that question, Whether it be in mans pow∣er to believe or not to believe? The Franciscans said, As knowledge ne∣cessarily followes demonstrations, so faith followes persuasions; and it is the understanding, which is naturally moved by the object, and expe∣rience teaches that no man believes what he willeth but what seemes true; and none could feel any displeasure, if he could believe what he pleases. The Dominicans said, Nothing is more in the power of the will then to believe and by the determination of the will only, a man may believe that the number of the starrs is even. The second article was to the same purpose. On the third, Whether free-will be loosed by sin, many passa∣ges were brought from Augustin to the affirmative. So to answered, There is a liberty of necessity, and another from servitude; and Augustin speak∣es. of this This difference was not understood, and so Luther was said not worthy of blame, in the tittle of his book, Of servile will. Many thought the fourth article absurd, Man hath free-will to do ill only: for (said they) free-will is a power to both contraries. But they were made to acknowledge their error, when they heard, that the good Angels have power to do good only. In examining the 5. and 6. articles, concerning the consent of the free-will unto Divine inspirations or preventing grace; the Franciscans strove, that the will is able to prepare itself, and hath more power to accept the Divine prevention, when God gives assistance, then before when it acteth by strength of nature. The Dominicans denyed▪ that works preceeding our calling are truly preparatory; and they gave the first place unto God. But these were at variance among themselves: So to held, Albeit a man can not obtain grace without the special prevention of God, yet the will may ever some way refuse; and when the will accepts,

it is because it gives assent; and if our assent were not required, there were no cause why we are not all converted: for God stands ever at the door, and gives grace unto every one who will have it: to say otherwise, were to take away the liberty of the will, and as if one would say, God useth vio∣lence. Aloisius a Catanea said, God worketh two sorts of preventing grace (as Aquinas teaches) one sufficient, and the other effectual: the will may refuse the first, but not the other: for it is a contradiction to say, Efficacy can be resisted. And he answered unto the contrary reasons; All are not converted, because they are not efficaciously prevented; The fear of ever∣ting free-will is removed, because things are violently moved by a contrary cause, but not by their own cause: but seing God is the cause of the will, to say, The will is moved by God, is to say, The will is moved by itself; And God converts, albeit man will not, or spurn at him; and it is a contradiction, to say, The effect spurneth against the cause; It may happen, that God effectually converts one, who before had spurned against sufficient prevention, but afterwards he can not, because when gentleness is in the will, the efficacy of Divine motion must nieds follow, yet so that the will followes not as a dead or unreasonable creature, but it is moved by its own cause as reasonable. and followes as reasonable. Soto replied, Every Divine inspiration is only sufficient, and that whereunto free-will hath assented, obtaines efficiency by that consent, without which it is not effectual, not by defect of itself, but by defect of the man; or else it would follow, that the separation of the elect from the reprobate were from man, and this is contrary unto the perpetual doctrine of the Church, that vessels of mercy are separated by grace from them of wrath. Each party thought their own reasons invincible, and admoni∣shed the other to take heed that they leap not beyond the mark, by too earnest desire to condem Luther. Here the Legate had occasion to wave any conclusion by propounding the question, Whether Divine election bee by foreseen works? So it was ordained to collect articles of this matter. * 5.39 In the books of Luther they found nothing worthy of censure: out of the books of Zuinglius they drew 8. articles; 1. Predestination and reproba∣tion are only in the will of God. The most part judge this to be Catholik, and agreeing with Thomas and Scotus; because before the creation God of his meer mercy hath out of the common masse elected some unto glory, for whom he hath prepared effectual means of obtaining it: their number is certain; and others, who are not chosen, can not complain: for God hath prepared for them sufficient means, albeit only the elect can or shall be saved: to this purpose they cited the examples of Jacob and Esau, and the similitude of the potter Rom. 9, and the conclusory words of the Apo∣stle there, and 1. Cor. 3: 5, & 4, 7, & 2. Tim. 2: 19, &c. Others, called this hard and inhumane, as if God were partial, if without any mo∣tive he choose one and not another; or he were unjust, if of his only will, and not for mens fault, he created so great a multitude unto damnation; and it destroyes free-will, because the elect can not finally do evill, nor can the reprobate do good; it casts a man into dispair; it gives occasion of bad thoughts, in not caring for pennance: for men think, if they be ele∣cted, they can not perish. They confessed, not only that works are not the cause of Gods election, because it is before them, but also that works foreseen can not move God to predestinat, because he is willing in his infi∣nit mercy, that all should be saved, and for this cause he prepares sufficient assistance for all, and this grace man acceptes or refuses as he listeth▪ but

God in his eternity foreseeth both who will accept this help, and who will reject it, and He rejectes these, and chooseth those. The first opinion keeps the mind humble, and not relying on itself, but on God; and the o∣ther is more plausible, and being grounded on humane reason, prevailed more: but when the testimonies of Scripture were weighed, it was ma∣nifestly overcom. For resolving the passages of Scripture, Catarinus pro∣pounded a midle course; God of his goodnes hath elected some few, whom he will save absolutly, and unto them he hath prepared infallible and effectu∣al means: he also desireth for his part that all others be saved, and hath pro∣vided sufficient means for all, leaving it to their choice to accept or refuse: amongst those some few accept, and are saved, albeit they were not elect∣ed; and others will not cooperate with God, and are damned: it is the only good will of God, that the first are saved; and that the second sort are saved, it is their acceptation and cooperation with Divine assistance, as God has foreseen; and that the last sort are reprobated, it is their foreseen perverse will: the number of the first is determined, but not the second: and according to this distinction, the different places of Scripture are un∣derstood diversly, He said, he wondered at the stupidity of them, who think the number to be certain, and yet others may be saved; and also of them, who say, Reprobates have sufficient assistance for salvation, and yet a greater assistance is necessary to him who is saved: then (said he) the first is a sufficient insufficient, or an insufficient sufficiency. The second article was, The elect can not be condemned, nor the reprobate be saved. The different opinions of the first caused diverse censures of this. Cathari∣nus held the first part true in respect of his first sort of men, and the other part false in regard of the second sort. Others ascribing predestination in all unto mans consent, condemned both parts. Who adhered unto Au∣gustin, said, it was true in a compound sense, but damnable in a divided sense. This distinction was called dark, though it was declared thus, As he who moves, can not stand still, when he moves, but he may at another time. The 3 article, The elect only are justified: and the 6 article, Those who are called, and are not of the number of the elect, never receive grace. In these was admirable concorde, saying, It hath been alwayes the opinion of the Church, that many receive grace, and afterward loose it, and are damned, as Saul, Salomon, Luther. As for the 6. that calling were an ungodly derision, when those who are called, and nothing wan∣ting on their side, are not admitted: Against the 5, The justified can not fall from grace; they brought the words of Ezekiel, If the just leave his righ∣teousnes, &c. and the example of David falling into adultery, and of Peter denying Christ: and they derided the foly of Zuinglius, who said, A just man can not fall from grace, and yet sinneth in every work. The other articles concerning the certainty of grace, were condemned of temerity, excepting extraordinary revelation. When they came to frame decrees of those three particulares, justification, free-will and predestination, it was hard to please all parties: from the beginning of September untill the end of November, scarcely passed one day, in which the Legate took not some paines in changing some words, as he was advised now by one party, and then by another, untill they were couched in this frame as ••hey are, and then because of their ambiguity they pleased them all, and the Superinten∣dent Court of Rome also. As for the Reformation, the residence of Bi∣shops was the only purpose, and after much jangling an article was framed, as the prelats would, yet derogating nothing from no-residents, except the inferior sort.

V, In time of those disputes, the Emperour prevailed in his warrs: then the Pope being jealous thought to provide for himself, before all Ger∣many * 5.40 were subdued: he considered, the Emperour might be along time busied there, and so not able to vexe him with forces, unless he could ju∣duce the Protestants to come unto the Councel: To dissolve the Councel, it seemed too scandalous a remedy, seing they had treated seven months, and nothing was done or published: Therefore he intends to publish the ••hings that were already digested, and then the Protestants either will not come, or shall be forced to accept, and the chief controversies consisting in those points, The victory were his own; And it were sufficient to prove good for him, that the Emperour would have had no controversies decided. So as he directed, at Trenta congregation was held January 3. 1547: the Im∣perialists oppose the holding of a Session: nevertheless on the 13 day in the Session the Decrees were published, and the next Session is to be held March 3. The same year So to the Dominican wrote three books de Natura et gratia, as a Commentary on these Decrees of doctrine. When these came abroad, Vega a Franciscan set forth 15 greater books as a Commen∣tary on the same Decrees. They both allowed the anathematismes, but in expounding the canons they were directly contradictory: who reades them, will marvell, how those two leading men did not understand the sense of the Synod: and Catharinus writing differently from them both, gave (at least, occasionally) all men to understand, that the Synod a∣greed in words, but never in sense. Each party dedicates their books unto the Synod, and printed apologies and antapologies, making complaints that the adverse party did impute unto the Synod that which they never said, and bringing testimonies of the Fathers to confirm their own opinion. The Prelats were divided: some neutrals said, They knew no difference, but allow the Decrees. De Santa Cruce went with Vega and Catharinus; De Monte was for the third party. The Bishop of Biponto said in a Sermon, The Synod was a congregated body, and the Holy Ghost assisting them made them determin the truth, though not understood by them, as Ca∣japhas prophecied. Others said, God makes reprobates to prophecy without understanding, but believers prophecy by illumination of their mind. Others said, Divines say uniformly, Synodes do not deliberat of faith by Divine inspiration, but by humane disquisition, which the Spirit doth assist to keep them from errors, so that they can not determine with∣out understanding of the matter. But truly they debating the contrary opinions, when they were framing the decrees, every one refused the words that were contrary unto his own mind, and were all contented with the words, which they thought appliable to his own opinion; and they were not so curious in condemning the Protestants, (where-in they all did a∣gree) as what were said against themselves. But in all these broils behold the hand of God! The Pope and the Emperour had contrary interests; so had the Legates and the Prelats; and so had the Dominicans and Franciscans (even from their first beginning, and could never agree, so that the old phrase, vatinianum odium, was turned into, Theologorum bellum, when men would express an irreconcilable difference). At that time all those parties professed an unity, and yet were cla∣shing one against another like flint-stones, and God made the trueth to spark out from among them, even against all their wills; yea and to flash upon them, when they were busiest to smother it.

VI. After that Session, a general congregation was assembled the * 5.41 next day to advise of the matter for the 7 Session. In doctrine they resolve

to follow the order of the Augustan Confession, where the next point is of Ecclesiastical Ministery, containing the authority of preaching and ad∣ministring the sacraments. Hence arises a controversy, which of the two to debate first, or both jointly. The Legates fearing that in speaking of the first, they might fall upon the authority of Councels and of the Pope, enclined unto the reasons for beginning with the sacraments. Concerning Reformation, the chief points of not-residence were yet remaining, here the Spanish Bishops and some others hoping to recover episcopal authority in their own Diocies, as when the reservation of Benefices, of Cases, absolutions, dispensations and the like were not known; these (I say) brought many reasons to prove that residence of Bishops is de jure Divino: and therefote the Pope can not call them from their charge, neither dispence nor restrain their authority. On the other side the Legates and others did cunningly shun that purpose, and said, His Holiness understanding to his great grief their former debates, craves this question to be handled be∣fore himself at Rome, and to assist the Synod with his counsel: and be∣cause such is the Popes will, no more speach should be of that particular, but look to the Reformation of inconvenients, which have caused the ab∣uses of not-residence, especially the plurality of Benefices, seing it is im∣possible to reside in many places. Concerning the sacraments generally, 14 articles were given, 17. of baptisme, and 4 of confirmation. On the number of sacraments all agree, that they be seven: but to say, There be * 5.42 neither moe nor fewer, it was questioned. Some said, It is sufficient to determine the general, but to decide the proper saeraments, presupponeth the definition and essence of a sacrament, which is difficult, seing nether the Scholasticks, nor the Fathers can be reconciled among themselves: for some take the word largely, and make moe; and some take it strictly, and make fewer; and Augustin somtimes calleth every rite whereby God is ho∣nouted, a sacrament, and in other places he taking the word strictly, rec∣koneth but two sacraments of the New Test. Others said, It is necessa∣ry to say, There are neither moe nor fewer, because some hereticks rec∣kon moe, and some fewer; and if they be not named particularly, some may thrust out a true sacrament, and put in a false one. And here hold your laughter at their reasons for the number, to wit, There be 7 natural things whereby mans life is preserved, 7 vertues, 7 capital vices, 7 defects coming from original sin, 7 dayes of the week, 7 regions of Egypt, 7 Planets, &c. Then they talk of the Author of the sacraments: Some said, The Lutherans hold, that only Christ is the author of them under * 5.43 the New Testament. Others said, They should not go so far on; for the Master of Sentences gives sundry authors unto sundry sacraments, as un∣ction unto S. James; confirmation is of a later invention, and many attri∣bute marriage unto God in paradise, &c. The Dominicans said, The Fa∣thers may be saved by distinctions, especially, they would have submitted unto the Church, but rhe Lutherans will not. The second article, of the necessity of the sacraments, Some thought it not to be condemned, because all sacraments are not absolutly necessary. Others said, The ne∣cessity * 5.44 of one infringes the general article, Sacraments are not absolutly necessary. Others said, All the sacraments are necessary, some absolutly, some by conveniency, and some for utility. In the last words of the 2 ar∣ticle it was said, Men may attain grace without sacraments. Some approve these words by examples of Cornelius. the saved thief, and many Marty∣res. Others said. These received the sacrament voto. Others said, Sub∣tile

distinctions should not be brought into articles of faith, neither can it be known but by divination, whether many Martyres had a desire of a sa∣crament, or knew of them. It was replied, There is a twofold desire, habitual, and actual, that is, howbeit they had it not actually, yet they would have had it, if they had been informed. The difficulties were re∣ferred unto the general congregation. The 3 article, One sacrament is not of more worth then another; all did condem, because some do ex∣cell in utility, some in signification, and some in regarde of the Minister. Some would have thoseniceties and school-fooleries (as they spake) omit∣ted; others said, The particulare respects must be expressed; and others said, It is enough to say generally, For diverse respects. The 4 article, The sacraments of the New Testament do not confer grace unto those who * 5.45 do not resist. This was universaly condemned; as also they agreed in the manner how sacraments confer grace; to wit, grace (said they) is gained by all actions that excite devotion; and this proceeds not from the work itself, but from the virtue of devotion in the worker, or ex opere operantis, whereas some other actions work grace not by devotion of the doer no•• receiver, but by vertue of the work itself, or ex opere operato: and of this kind are Christian sacraments, seing by them grace is conferred, thogh no devotion be in the persons, if there be not a bar of mortal sin either habi∣tual or actualy persevering; and such men can not receive grace, not be∣cause the sacrament hath not vertue to produce it, but because the receiver is not capable, being possessed with a contrary quality. Though they all did agree so far, yet the Dominicans said, Albeit grace be a spiritual qua∣lity created immediatly by God, yet it is an affective and instrumental vertue or work of the sacraments; which causeth a disposition in the soul to re∣ceive it; not that grace is in them as in a vessel, but as a chissel is active in giving form unto a statue or stone, and not only in scabling the stone. The Franciscans said, It can not be conceived, how God (being a spiritual cause) doth use a bodily instrument for a spiritual effect: and therefore the sacra∣ments have no effective or dispositive virtue, but only by the promise of God: when they are administred, he gives grace unto them, as signes; and therefore they contain grace as an efficacious signe, not by any vi••••ue in them, but by Divine promise of infallible assistance unto the Ministry; and that ministry is a cause of grace, because the effect followes by the pro∣mise of God to give grace at that time, as a merite is a cause of a rewarde without any activity of the merite. They confirmed this by the authority of Scotus, Bonaventura and Bernard, who all say, that grace is received by a sacrament, as a Chanon is invested by a book, and a Bishop by a ring. The Dominicans reply, This opinion is neer unto Lutheranism. The Franciscans answer, The other opinion being impossible gave occasion unto hereticks, to calumniat the Church. Some (as neutrals) said, It is sufficient, if all agree in the general, that sacraments contain grace. The Legats considering the multiplication of controversies, called for the Generals of the Orders, and entreated them to cause their Friers speak with more modesty and charity, seing their purpose is to condem heresies; and not to multiply controversies. And they wrote again unto the Pope, that more moderation is necessary. It was thought fit, to omit the 5 arti∣cle, Not the sacraments, but faith of the sacrament hath grace or remission of sins: But Frier Barth. Miranda said, By this paradoxe Luther drew another conclusion, that the sacraments of the old and new law are of e∣qual virtue; and now it is granted, that the sacraments of the New law

confer grace; but those of the old law were only signes. None contra∣dictes him; but the Franciscans said, In place of the old law, it should be said, the law of Moses, in respect of circumcision, which wrought grace, albeit Paul call it a signe. Then said Frier Gregory de Padua, It is a clear rule in Logik, Things of the same kind have both difference and identity among themselves: If the old sacraments and ours had difference only, they were not sacraments but equivocally; and if they had only identity, they were the same things: therefore put not difficulty in plain things for diversity in words; and S. Austin saith, These are different in signe, but equal in the thing signified, or diverse in visible signes, and the same in the intelligible signification: those were promissory, and these are demon∣strative; or as others speak, the old were prenuntiative, and the new are contestative. Therefore it is not expedient to put that in a Decree. Others said, The opinion of the Lutherans and Zuinglians must be condemned without descending into particulares, seing they say, there is no difference but in rites, and no other difference hath been shewed. Article 6; Immediatly after the sin of Adam the sacraments were instituted by God, and by means of them grace was given. The Dominicans would have this absolutly condemned. The Scotists said, It is probable, because of the sacrifices and circumcision: and if (as Thomas saith) children were saved before Christ by faith of their parents, children now are in a worse estate, seing the faith of parents availes not their children without baptism: for Augustin holds, if a parent were carrying his child to be baptised, and the infant to die on the way, this infant were condemned. They all condemned the 7. and 8. articles; In the sacrament grace is given unto him only who believes that his sins are remit∣ted▪ Grace is not alwayes given in the sacraments, nor unto all, in respect of the sacrament itself, but when and where and to whom it pleaseth God. The 9. article denying a character in a sacrament, gave occasion of more tal∣king. Soto said, It is grounded on holy Scripture, and was ever held as an A∣postolical * 5.46 tradition, albeit the word character was not vsed by the Fathers. Others said, Gratian makes no mention of it, and Scotus saith, It is not neces∣sary by the words of Scripture nor Fathers, but only by authority of the Church: this is vsual unto that Doctor by a kind of courtsy. Then it was que∣stioned, What is a character? where is it? Some called it a quality: and those were of four several opinions, as there be so many sorts of qualities. Some cal∣led it a spiritual power, some, an habite; others, a spiritual figure; and others called it a metaphorical quality. Others called it a relation: Some said, It is ensrationis. No less variety was for the subiect of it: some pla∣ced it in the essence of the soul; some in the understanding; some in the will; and some in the tongue or hands. Then how many sacraments have a character? Some said, Only three, which are not iterated. Others said, That is probable, but not necessary. Others said, It is a necessary article of faith, because Innocentius 3. mentioneth it, and it was so defined by the councell of Florence. Article 10. All Christians of what soever sexe have equal power in the ministration of word and sacraments. Albeit none * 5.47 hold this article so much as the Romish Church doth, especially in baptism, yet they condemned it as contrary unto Scripture, to tradition, and the use of the Church. As also they condemned article 11. A bad Minister conferreth not a sacrament. Article 10. Every pastor hath power at his plea∣sure to protract or contract or change the forms of the sacraments. It was distinguished as having a double sense: by formes may be understood

the essential words, as it is said, A sacrament hath a sensible element for the matter, and a word for form; or may be understood the rites, which include some things not necessary, but decent. In the first sense they made a canon, condemning the article; and for the other they made another canon, that albeit accidental things admit mutation, yet when a rite is re∣ceived by publick authority, or confirmed by common custom, it should not be in every mans power to change it, excep the Pope only. Concer∣ning article. 3. of the Minister's intention, they would not change from the councel of Florence, holding the Minister's intention necessary. But what * 5.48 intention? The common opinion was, Intention to do as the Church doth, is sufficient. Here arose a difficulty; Because mens opinions are different in that, What the Church is, their intention to do as the Church doth, might also be different. Some said, It might rather be said, It is not different, when one hath the same aime to do what was instituted by Christ, and observed by the Church, though a false Church be taken for the true, if the rite be the same. The Bishop of Minori said, It is no dif∣ficulty among the Lutherans for the Minister's intention; but it is other∣wise amongst us, holding that the sacrament gives grace, and it seldom happeneth that grace is obtained by any other means: surely little babes and many having but small understanding are saved no other way; If a priest having the charge of 4. or 5000. souls, were an infidel or hid hypocrite, and had intention not to do as the Church doth, it must follow, that the children are damned, and all penitents and communicants were with∣out fruit; Neither is it sufficient to say, Faith suppleeth the defect: because faith suppleeth nothing to the children according to our doctrine; neither availeth it unto others so much as the sacrament: and to attribute so much unto faith, were to take it from the sacraments, as the Lutherans do. He nameth other in convenients, and then said, He who saith, God suppleeth by his omnipotency, will sooner make one believe, that God hath pro∣vided, that such accidents should not happen, by ordaining that to be a sacrament, which is administred according to the instituted rite, albeit the Minister hath another intention; This doth not cross the common doctrine or Florentin counsel, because that intention is only to be understood which is manifested by external work, tho inwardly it may be contrary. He confirmed this by example of Athanasius being a child, and the censure of his fact by the famous Alexander Bishop of Alexandria. The Divines, abode still for the intention either actual or virtual, as if without it a sacra∣ment can be of no force. And (to speak by anticipation) this Bishop wrote a little book of this question the year following, and said, The de∣termination of the Synod is understood, and should be expounded in this his sense. The 14 article was readily condemned, Sacraments were or∣dained only to cherish faith. There was not much debate of baptism, or confirmation: some of them were calumnies, and others were contra∣dictory to all their Divines. They agreed ••asily in framing the anathema∣tismes; * 5.49 but no way could they agree in the positives of doctrine nor of re∣formation. In the doctrine every sect was stieve for their own opinions▪ wherefore some said, Positive articles are not necessary, lest one party be condemned. Others said, The order that is begun, can not be left, and diligence may be used to satisfy all parties. Some said, Albeit the factions were contentious in delivering their opinions, yet all submit unto the determination of the Synod. Others said, Such protestations of submis∣sion are terms of reverence, and should be ansvered with no less respect.

Here was mentioned the example of Luther, who having to do with the German Friers, and Doctors of Rome, did submit himself unto the Pope, and when Leo took the words as real, and did against the mans mind, Luther was more invective against the Pope, then he was before against the pardon-mongers. Neither could the Legats and the Italian Prelats accord with the Imperialist and Spanish Bishops in the articles of Refor∣mation, the one party striving to recover their antient liberty, and to crub the Roman Cardinals; and the other being zealous of the preroga∣tives of the Court. The Pope is advertised of all these, and by advice of * 5.50 the Super-Synod framed the articles of doctrine: and judged it hard to deny all the articles of reformation, or to grant them all: at last he directed the Legats to yeeld in some, and to cause so many as they could, to be delayd unto the next Session. In the mean while he consulteth, what may ensue upon such difficulties, both from the Prelats and Divines: he feareth worse a coming: he knew, the Emperour had temporized with him, and now when he prevailes in Germany, he will by all meanes use the Councel for subduing Italy, and Rome. The nearest remedy (thinks the Pope) is to secure himself against the Synod. But how? to dissolve it, is not seasonable, so many things being as yet not spoken of; To suspend it, will require some weighty cause, and were to little purpose: for they would immediatly remove that cause; To transfer it into another place, where himself had absolute power, seemes fittest. He could not judge Rome a fit place, because the Germans would talk of it: Bolonia seemes fittest, because it is nigh the Alpes, and in a fertile soil. Then for the manner, he will not be named in it, but let the Legats do it by authority of their former Bull of the date Febr. 22. 1545: in so doing, the blame might be imputed unto them, and yet he uphold them; or if by any emergent occasion he shall change his mind, he may do it without dishonour. This he directeth a cousin of Car. De Monte unto the Legats with Letters of credit. At the first, the Legats were amazed, not knowing what shew to pretend: but then they talk of the intemperatnes of the aire, as appear∣es (said they) by the infirmity of some Prelats, and the ••estimony of Fracastorius Physicion of the Synod (and the Pop's pensionary). So the Session VII. was held on March. 3. An. 1547.

VII. The next day in a General congregation they begin to talk of re∣moving the Councel. The Imperialists said, There is not so epidemik a * 5.51 disease, as was pretended. Nevertheless the Legats will have it voiced, and by degrees prevailed to leap into Bolonia. A Session was held March 13: a decree was read for removing, and to keep the ninth Session at Bo∣lonia Aprile 21. Thirty and five Bishops, and three Generals did assent: Card. Pacceco and 17 Bishops were for the negative. The Imperial Am∣bassadour required that these remove not, untill his Ma. were informed, and gave order. Those Newes were offensive unto the Emperour, tak∣ing it as a contempt of him, and judging that a weapon was wrested from him, by managing of which he had the fairer opportunity to have brought all Germany into obedience. He wrote unto the Fathers at Trent, commending their constancy, and requiring that they remove not. Those consult, Whether they should do any Synodal Act: but all did judge, it would turn to a schism. Letters were sent mutually between them at Trent and them at Bolonia, and both vsed the name of the Synod. The Pope sent more Prelats unto Bolonia: where in many congregations no∣thing was handled, but how their removing might be defended. The

Emperour directeth his Letters unto Bolonia and unto Rome, represen∣ting some inconvenients of removing the Synod, and profering some advantages, if it be set on foot at Treat again. The Bolonians answer, They can do nothing without order from the Head of the Church. The Pope answered, He had already committed his full power unto the Coun∣cel. The Ambassadors called those answers ascoffing of their Master, and according to their Order they made Protestation, that the Translation is unlawfull, and that all things are void, which have followed or shall follow thereupon, seing the authority of those few can not give lawes unto all Chistendom; and because the Pope and those Fathers are deficient, the Emperour will not fail to provide for the Church, as it becomes unto him by antient lawes, and consent both of holy Fathers and of the whole world. Nevertheless the Councel was not restored, untill Car. De Monte became P. Julius February 2. in the year 1551. The Emperour sent to congratulate his coronation, and to reduce the Synod. This P. is now put to his thoughts: on the one side he considereth, that he was not only called the chief Agent of Transsering it, but he had also hitherto mantained it; and the same motives of Pope Paul were as yet pressing, to wit, the designes of the Emperour, and of the Prelats, aiming at their own interests, to the preiudice of the Papal See. On the other hand, if he called not the Councel again, it were scandalous to the world, and beget a bad conceit * 5.52 of him in the beginning of his Papacy, it would provoke the Emperour, to vse National Councels, yea and forces against him. As for the dissuading reasons, he thought, It could not be called levity in him, because before he was a Servant, and obedient unto his Lord, but now he is Lord; and the present dangers must be shunned. So he calleth a Congregation of the Cardinals, especially the Imperialists, that they may fall upon that advice, where unto he was inclining. They judge it fittest to restore the Councel, because before the election in the Conclave he had sworn to do it, and again at his coronation, besides other reasons. He obiecteth principaly the danger of the Papal authority. Some answered, God, who had founded the Roman Church, and avanced it above others, will dissipate all contrary counsel. Some in simplicity think so, and others knew not what to say. Car. Crescentius said, Greatest exploits are difficult, because of some causes unknown or lightly accounted of: for the present, there is more fear, that the Princes and world will depart de facto, than in the Synod by disputs or decrees: there is danger both wayes, but the most honourable and least dangero••s must be chosen; The appearing dangers in the Synod may be preveened, by holding the Fathers upon other purposes; many, especially the Italians may be persuaded with hope; Princes may be counterpoised; differences may be fomented, and a wise man will find remedies upon emergent occasions. This opinion was embraced, and Nuntij were dispatched into Germany and France, to represent the inge∣nuous applause of the Pope unto their common desire. Vnto the Empe∣rour it was propounded, that in respect of the vast charges of the Papal Chamber upon the Legats, the poor Italian Bishops, and other extraor∣dinaries, it were expedient to calculat the time of beginning and proceed∣ing, and that no hour be spentidly; As also it is necessary, that before hand his. Ma. were assured of the Germans, both Catholiks and Protestants, and bind themselves unto the Decrees; especially what things are already established should not be called into question; As he had condescended to further the affairs of his Ma. by holding the Synod in that place, so he cra∣ves

that his sincerity be not abused unto a burdening of himself; and hop∣eth, if any shall attempt against him by caviliations or calumnies, his Ma. will not marvel, if he use the remedies, that shall occur for defense of the authority which he hath received immediatly from God. The Emperour returns answer, extolling his wisdom both in remitting the Synod and in his considerations; As for himself and Germany, in a Decree at Ausburgh a yeare ago they all, even Protestants had submitted themselves, as the Copy (which he sent) shewes: but of the particulars that are determined, it will be expedient to speak of them, when parties are brought together; And he promiseth to be a Protector of his Holiness and of his life, if occa∣sion require. About that time the Emperour propounded in another Diet at Ausburgh, that now the Synod was to be opened at Trent. It pleased the Popish; but the Reformed submitted themselves conditionally, 1. that the Pope should not preside, but himself be subiect unto the Synod. 2. the things that were acted against them should be rëexamined. 3. The Di∣vines of the Augustan Confession should have decisive voices. Now the Emperour gives unto the Pope account of the absolute submission of the one party, and of the conditions required by the other; and he deman∣deth a copy of the Bull of convocation, before it be published, to the end, he may make a Decree concerning it in the Diet, and cause it be received by them all. Those things did not please the Court of Rome; and a Bull was sent conform to the late one: for the Pope said, If the Germans will refuse, he is delivered from his fears of the Synod, as also from the scandal for the want of it; or if they accept it, they shall not be able to practize any thing against him. All both Papists and Protestants spoke against the Pop's pride appearing in that Bull: but the Emperour calmed their animosities by fair promises. He sent unto the Pope for more smooth words in the Bull; but all in vain. The opening of the Synod was appoin∣ted to be May. 1. An. 1551. In the beginning of the year the Pope con∣sulteth, how to have trusty Presidents, and to save great charges: many Legats must have much moneys, and he dareth not trust one alone: where∣fore he sent Marcellus Crescentius Car. de S. Marcello Legat, and two Nuntij Sebastianus Pighinus arch Bishop of Siponto, and Aloi••us Lipomanus Bishop of Verona, all of equal authority, and as large as the Letters of his predecessor did bear: he commanded them to open the Synod at the day appointed, even though there were no other Prelats present.

VIII. Very few Prelats came: nevertheles a Session was held, and a * 5.53 Decree was published, to wit, The Synod is open, and the next Session shall be September 1. At that day another Decree was made, The third Session shall be October 2. In this second Session Letters were presented from Henry King of France: the Inscription was offensive, because he cal∣led * 5.54 them not a Synod, but a Convent: they refuse to open the Letter, as not directed unto them. Then said the Bishop of Mentz, If yee will not receive Letters from the King of France, calling you a holy Convent, how will yee he arken unto the Protestants calling you a malignant Con∣vent? Then the Legate said, The word may be taken in good part, and otherwise wee protest, that it shall not be prejudiciall. The Contens of the Letter was, to shew the equity (on his part) of the present warrs against the Emperour and Pope, in protecting Octavius Farnes. Duke of Parma; he was devote unto the Apostolical See, albeit he be compelled to take Arms agaigst Pope Julius; he had sent unto Rome, and there had prote∣sted, that if the Pope do judge the protection of Parma (which he had so

lawfully undertaken, even by the Pop's permission) to be a just cause of stirring up all Europ into warr, he was sory, but it can not be imputed unto him, who is most willing to accept the Decrees, if due order be ob∣served in making them: If the Pope will continue in warring, he can not send his Prelats unto Trent, where they have not secure access; nor can France be tied unto their Decrees; but he will use the remedies of his Ance∣stors by National Councels. When the Letters were read, the Orator makes protestation to the same purpose. The Speaker of the Synod; af∣ter some private conference with the Legate, said, The Kings modesty is acceptable, but they can not accept the person of the French Abbot, who had made the protestation, and according to Law they summon him apud acta to be present October 2, to receive answer and they forbid to make any note of these actions. There was variety of opinions concerning this protestation. The Imperialists said, It is null, because an Act of the greater part of any Vniversality is esteemed lawfull, when the lesser, being called, will not be present, and the French Bishops might have come without passing thorow any of the Pop's territories. Others said, To cal in word, and exclude indeed, is not to envite; and albeit one may come from France to Trent, not passing thorow the Pop's territo••ies, yet he must come through the Emperours La••••s, which is all one in respect of the time; The Major part hath full authority, when the lesser part can not or will not appear, and is silent, because silence presupposeth consent: but when it protests, it hath it's place, especially if the hinderance be from him who calleth. The French Orator said, This can not be a lawfull Synod, because the Presidents confer privatly with the Emperours Embassador, nor communicat with any other, and yet the Speaker saith, The holy Synod receives the Letters: and when the Letters were read, the answer of the Presidents only was gi∣ven in name of the Synod: They can not say, these are matters of smal importance, seing it is a matter of dividing the Church. But truly those and other delaying answers were devised, untill they were informed from Rome. In the mean while the French King was the more bitter against the Refor∣med, lest he be suspected of Lutheranism. The Prelats at trent held con∣gregations now, and treated of the E••charist, but after another manner * 5.55 than they had done before: because the Prelats understood not the sub∣tilities of the Divines, the Presidents gave articles collected (as they said) out of the books of Zuinglius and Luther, and they commanded the Di∣vines to confirm their opinions by holy Scripture, by Apostolicall traditi∣ons and approved Councels, by authorities of the holy Fathers; to use brevity, and avoid superfluous questions; they who were sent by the Pope should speak first, then they who were sent by the Emperour, and in the third place the Secular Divines after the order of their promotion, and lastly the Regulars after the precedence of their Orders. This method pleased not the Italian Divines, and they said, It is a novelty, condemning all School-Divinity, which in all difficuities vseth reasouning in the first place, as Thomas and others have done; and the collecting of Sentences out of the Fathers and Scriptures, is a faculty of the memory, and full of toil in writ∣ting: it was used in old times, but it is known to be insufficient and unpro∣fitable, as appeares by those Doctors, who in these 350. years have defen∣ded the Church; yea it is to grant the victory unto the Lutherans, who do alwayes overcom by those weapons: for they know many tongues, and read many Authors. But those reasons had no place.

IX. In sundry congregations they censured ten articles of the E••charist:

little is noted worthy of memory, untill they came to the framing of the Decrees. Some would had anathematisms only, condemning the con∣trary doctrine, as they had done in the other sacraments. Others said, The first order was better, decerning the positiues with the anathematisms, as was done in Justification. The Italians cherished this opinion, because they thought it to be some mean of regaining their former reputation. The Cownt of Montfort Ambassade of the Emperour, and the Orator of King Ferdinand dissuade to make any Decree concerning the communion with both kindes, because it would offend the Protestants, who certainly shall not be brought unto the Synod, if that be put in Decree, and so both the Emperour and Councel have laboured in vain. These shew also that the * 5.56 Emperour had given a safe-conduct unto the Protestants, and they are not content with it, alledging that it was decreed in the Councel at Constance, and also executed, that a Councel is not tied to the Safe-conduct of any man: and therefore they demand a Safe-conduct from the Synod, and the Emperour hath promised it unto them, as also he hath commanded them to crave and purchase it. The Presidents referred the answer unto the next Session [or rather unto the Pope] and the Ambassade said, It is not fit, that the points of the Eucharist be debated before their coming, especially seing they want not matter of reformation, where is no con∣troversy. The Legate answered, This method is already decerned. An account of all those is sent to Rome, where the Safe-conduct found variety of opinions. Some said, It should not be granted, because the like was never done but at Basile, and that should not be followed, because it is a prejudice unto the Synod, to tie themselves unto rebels, especially when there is no hope to gain them. Others said, Not for hope to gain them, but to take from them all excuse, it were not amiss to give them all probable satisfaction, seing the Emperour is so earnest for it: As for prejudices, it may be so framed, that it shall tie little or nothing: for if it be conceived generally of Ecclesiastical and Secular persons in the German Nation, and of every condition; it may be said afterward, that the Protestants are not comprehended, or that it is meaned only of the Catholiks, and a special mention is necessary for the Protestants; Or the Synod may give a Safe-conduct, and the Pop's authority shall be safe. According to this opinion a form of a Safe-conduct was sent to Trent, and a direction to omit the ques∣tion of the cup, and to expect the Protestants, but not beyond three months; neither to be idle in the mean while, but hold a Session within 40. dayes, and treat of pennance. While this consulation was a Rome, they were procee∣ding at Trent, as is before: but when they came to declare the manner, how Christ is in the sacrament, and of transsubstantiation, a contention arose between the Dominicans and Franciscans. The Dominicans said, All the * 5.57 substance of the bread is turned into Christs body, and the body is in the place, where the bread was: and because the whole bread is turned, that is, the matter of the bread is turned into the matter of his body, and the form of the bread into the form of his body, therefore it is called transsub∣stantiation: and so there be two sorts of Christ's existence, both real and substantial; the one natural, as he conversed on earth, or is now in hea∣ven; and the other as he is in the sacrament, which is a proper manner of his existence, and can not be called natural nor sacramental, as if yee would say, He is not there really but as in a signe, seing a sacrament is but a signe; Vnless by sacramental, yee understand a real existence proper unto this sa∣crament. The Franciscans would have it said, One body by Gods omni∣potency

may be truly and substantially in many places at once, and when it comes into a new place, it is in it, because it goeth thether, not by a suc∣cessive mutation, a••leaving the first place, but in an instant it getreth the second without losing the first; and God hath so ordained, that where the body of Christ is, no other substance ••hall abide there, but by annihila∣tion, because the body of Christ succeeds in steed of it: so it is truly cal∣led transsubstantiation, not because the one substance is made of the other, but because the one succeeds unto the other; The manner of Christs being in heaven and i•• the sacrament, differ not in substance, but in quantity only, because in heaven the magnitude of the body possesseth a place pro∣portionable unto it, and it is substantially in the sacrament, not possessing a place: therefore both sorts are substantial and natural in regard of the sub∣stance, but in respect of the quantity, the existence in heaven is natural, and in the sacrament is miraculous, differing only in that in heaven the quan∣tity is truly a quantity, and in the sacrament it hath the condition of sub∣stance. Much dispute was for hearing and understanding this matter, but none could give satisfaction, namely, unto the Nuntio de Verona, who for the time had the place of moderating. October 11. was the Session: the decrees of faith with the anathematisms, and of reformation were read; with express reserving some points of faith untill the coming of the Protestants; and the Safe-conduct was framed according to the direction from Rome; yet so that the Presidents caused all the same things be first concluded in the congregations. The French Orators appeared not to receive answer to their protestation: for they had received order, not to contest: nevertheless the Councel framed an answer, denying that they were assembled for private ends; beseeching the King, to send his Prelats unto the Synod, where they shall have all liberty: adding, albeit those shall not come, the Synod shall not want it's own reputation: and requi∣ring that he assemble not Nationall Synods, which his Ancestors have ab∣rogated, and that he be not unthankfull unto God and the Church his mother, but rather he should pardon personal offences for the pu∣blick good. When the Protestants received that Safe-conduct (to speak by anticipation) they perceived ••he meaning of the Court, and deman∣ded one conforme to that which was granted at Basile unto the Bohemians, without alteration of any word, excep persons, place and time. The Pope would never grant that: therefore the Protestants would never come unto the Synod, excep some few, as followes. After the Session was a publick congregation: it was resolved to treat of pennance and extrem unction, and to proceed in the Reformation. The former Act of their manner in discussing the articles was confirmed, because the Divines had contenti∣ously transgressed it. Order is taken to hold congregations twice a day, that the moe things may be dispatched before the coming of the Protestants. Before, the School-men were curious, and scarcely intel∣ligible; * 5.58 but then they becam inpertinent and ridiculous: for they speaking of pennance, for confirming their opinions brought all the places of Scrip∣ture, where the Latine Translation hath confiteor or confessi••: they alledge, it was prefigured in the old Testament, and he was called the most learned, who brought manyest types of it: they alledge all the signes of humility, and out of the Fathers they report many miracles, and the prosperous successes of them who were given much unto confession, and the bad suc∣cess of them who had despised it &c. After such discourses the Presidents with such Deputies, as they pleased to name, framed the Decrees, and

sent them to Rome; and when they were canvassed there, they were propou••ded in the general congregation. Sundry Divines spake against sundry parts of them, as for example, The Divines of Lovan and Colein spake against the reservation of some sins unto the Pope. Those of Colein said, The words, Whose sins yee forgive, &c. are not meaned of the sa∣crament: and they were not sati••fied, that publick confession was omitted, * 5.59 albeit so much mentioned by the Antients, and so necessary. The Fran∣ciscans said, Contrition, confession and satisfaction are not the parts of the sacrament, because they are the acts of the receiver, and not applied by the Minister: They complained also, that it is called heresy, to say, Sa∣cramental absolution is declarative, seeing Jerom, Gratian and all the School-Divines have taught, absolution is a declaration. Many Fathers judged those remostrances considerable. But Car. Crescentius said, Those things were maturely established, and may not be altered for satisfying the fancies of particular persons: but if all be not satisfied, it may be propoun∣ded generally in the congregation, Whether the Decrees may be altered? and then they may come to particulares. And in privat he shew his mind unto some friends, that they should not suffer men to speak so freely, which were dangerous, if the Protestants were come: It is sufficient for the liber∣ty of the Synod, that men deliver their opinions, when the articles are disputed, but when all men are heard, and the decrees are framed by the Deputies, allowed by the Presidents, examined and authorized at Rome, it is too great licence to call them into question. In the article of Reformation concerning episcopal jurisdiction, the old contention was re∣newed, the Prelats still aiming to recover their antient power, and the Pre∣sidents striving to yeeld as little as they could: but one thing moved them give way to many articles, to wit, the Canonists have a law, Whatsoe∣ver is spoken generally, touches not the Pope nor his Court, unless they * 5.60 be named. Therefore the Presidents would never suffer the Pop's name be expressed; and the prelates were satisfied, hoping that the decrees being framed generally, might (at least) make way for after-times. So the Session was held November 25, and the next appointed to January 25.

X. November 26. a general congregation gave order to discuss the Masse, * 5.61 and the communication of the cup, as if nothing had been spoken thereof: nevertheless in the ensuing Session nothing was spoken of that matter. At Christmes the pope hearing that the Orators of the Duke of Witteberg and of Strawsburg were suiting at Trent for a Safe-conduct, and the Emperour was soliciting the Councel for the same; created 14. Cardinals, un∣der pretence of enemity of the French King, and so he might counter∣poise the French Cardinals, who were many; but truly it was to streng∣then his own party in the Synod, as he wrote unto the Legate: he sent thanks unto the Nuntij for their former fidelity, and promises if they shall continue: for he feared, they would take it ill, that they had not also re∣ceived red hats. Much adoe was at Trent for purchasing the Safe-conduct: but the Pope wrote unto the Presidents, to entertain the Protestants with all possible courtesy, knowing that it is necessary at some times to suffer indignity, and patience brings honor in the end; They should abstain from all publick colloquie in matters of Religion either by writ or mouth; that they should endeavour to gain some Protestant Doctors, and spare no cost. But the Pope being peremptory, whatsoever might happen, not to yeeld; and hearing that the Emperour had promised unto the Prote∣stants, that he will endeavour to attemper the papal autho••ity, and that

he sought to advance his own honor by debasing Papacy; Vpon those mo∣tives the Pope enclineth unto the French King, and hearkned unto Car. Tournon dealing for a Treaty with him; and he considered, that if that Treaty shall hold, the dissolution of the Synod may follow without any shew of his desire. In the mean while the Session was held January. 2••. An. 1552: but the decrees were deferred untill the next Session March 6. and they determined to treat of Marriage, and prosecute the re∣formation, and publish the definitions of both Sessions together. Con∣cerning matrimony, 34. articles were propounded in a congregation, and after sundry debatings, 6 canons were framed. Wherefore the protestant Orators complained: but the papalins would proceed the faster; Vntill the Emperour gave command unto his followers that they proceed not, but rather protest against the Papalins, if persuasions can not prevail. When those things were known at Trent, in a generall congregation it was resol∣ved to surcease from all Synodal act, during the pleasure of the Synod. This was displeasing unto the Pope, and he wrote unto the Presidents, to suspend the Synod as few dayes as they could, and for reputation of the Councel, they should resume their Actions without all other respect. At this time the Elector Bishop left Trent, fearing what was like to befall: so did the Orator of Ma••rice Duke of Saxony. But four Divines of Witte∣berg, and two of Strawsburgh came to Trent: they would not address themselves unto the Legat (as others had done before) lest it were called an acknowledging of the Pop's Presidency: but they went unto the Em∣perours Ambassador, and craved to begin the Conference. He persuades the Divines to yield in some niceties. Nevertheless nothing could be done; the Legate opposing alwayes, either concerning the manner of the Trea∣ty, or the matter at which to begin, ot pretending his own infirmity of body; and at last he was so passionat, that many thought, he was not right in his wits, and departed (as also the Protestants) pretending diffi∣culty of abiding because of new warrs in Germany. Then the Nuntij fearing to be left alone, sent to Rome, for information in those straits. After advice from Court, a Session was held Aprile 28, and the Synod was suspended for two years. The Spainish Prelats being 12. in number, * 5.62 protested against this decree: but the Pope had now accorded with France, and therefore he made no account of the Imperialists.

XI. The suspension for two years continued ten, because the motives were changed. The Pope was out of all hope to regain Germany. And Ce••ar was so earnest before for the Synod, because he intended to erect a fifth Monarchy, and by means of Religion to immortalize his fame: for he thought to subdue all Germany by treaties or Arms, and then to make a new purchase of Italy; and perhaps of France. But when he ••aw Gods hand for the Protestants, and a division of his own family, he layd aside * 5.63 all thought of the Councel, and the Romans cared as little for it. But after the death of Pope Marcel An. 1555. it was one of the Capitulations in the Conclave, that the future Pope should by advice of the colledge call a Synod within two years, to finish the begun Reformation, to determin the other controversies of Religion, and to endeavour the acceptation of the Tridentin Canons in Germany. But when this was motioned unto Pope Paul IIII. he said with much indignation, I have no need of a Syn∣od; I am above all. Cardinall Bellai replied, A Councel is necessary, not to addauthority unto the Pope, but to find meanes of procuring an uni∣formity in all places. He answered, If it were necessary, it must be held

at Rome, and nowhere else: I never consented to hold a Synod at Trent, because it is among the Lutherans: and a Synod should consist of Bishops only, and no others should be admitted, no not for advice, unless Turks * 5.64 also be admitted: it is a foolish thing, to send unto the mountains 60 of the least able Bishops, and 40 of the most insufficient Divines (as hath been done twice) and to believe that the world can be regulated by such, better then by the Vicar of Christ and the colledge of Cardinals, who are the pil∣lares of Christendom, and by the counsel of Prelars and Divines, who are more in number at Rome then can be brought to Trent. Nevertheless An. 1557. when he heard, that the King of France had made Acts in Parlia∣ment concerning Religion, he would have called a Synod: but he was so perplexed with difficulties in Rome, that he could not. After his death the same Capitulation was renewed in the Conclave An. 1559, to restore a Synod upon account of the necessity in France and Belgio, and the open defection of Germany and England. So Pius 4. began to advise privatly with his trustiest friends, whether a Synod were expedient for the Aposto∣lical See? if not, whether it be safer to deny it absolutly, or to make shew of readiness, and to hinder it by impediments? Or if it be expedient, whe∣ther he shall wait, untill he be entreated, or call it as by his own motion? It was resolved, Because he can not eschue it, he should prevent the peti∣ons of others, and so he might have the fairer occasion to cover his own purpose in crossing the designes of others. So far he goeth, and no more: he shewes unto the Cardinals and All Ambassadors, that he is desirous of a Synod, and he willeth them to advise what things have need to be reformed, and of the place and time, and of other preparations: but he intended it not, untill the Parliament of France had decreed to hold a Nationall Syn∣od. Then the Pope was advised by the Cardinals, that it is safer to hasten the Generall then to permit a National Synod. But then comes into consi∣deration, Where it must be, seing a Synod is much after the mind of him who is strongest in the place. Bolonia was named, but Trent was judged fittest. Both the Emperour, and Francis King of France except against the place; and they craved also that the former canons be reexamined; and moreover the Emperour demanded other things to be granted, to wit, the communion of the cup, the marriage of the clergy, &c. The Pope answered, he was content where it may be, if the Italians shall have free access and recess: he will sooner quite his life, then grant the second; and the third can not be granted but in the Councel. In his heart he was glad of those difficulties, except that the affaires of France require hast: for he had hope of France, but despared of the others. The mean while was the Counsel at Fountainbleaw, [as is above Pag. 154. When the Pope understood of the discourses there, he resolves to call a generall Councell: but then he questioneth, Whether it shall be termed a new Councel, or a resumption of the former? The Emperour and Frances will have it cal∣led a new one, because the Protestants will not accept that which hath condemned them. The Pope and Philip King of Spain will not have the canons to be called into question, that have been decided. The Cardinals propound a midle course, to terme it neither a new one, nor a resumption; and November 24. it was decreed in consistory to call it, Indictio Concily Tridentini, and to begin at Easter next. But the words of the Bull gave sati••faction to no party. The Pope said, None should except against the word Continuare in the Bull, because it hindereth not to examine former decrees. And he sent his Breves to all the Princes of Germany as∣sembled

then in the Diet at Neumburgh, with this inscription, Vnto his beloved son, the Duke, or Count &c. None of those Princes would open any of them, but sent them back unto the Legat's lodging. On the last day of their assembly this answer was given unto the Legates; The most honourable Electors, Princes, Ambassadorsand Counselors of the most sacred Empire of Rome, acknowledge, that the Church hath need of Reformation: and for this cause many godly, learned and wise men of all ages and conditions have for a long time wished that the Church may be in a better estate; and have prayd that the pure doctrine of the Gospell might be restored, and impious errors be put away: of which matter the Bishops of Rome should have a special care, because of a long time they have assumed the title, Pastor of the Church: but experience shewes, that they have more care in establishing their tyranny, and introducing errors, then of seeking the glory of God: this is so notoriously manifest, that the Pop's dearest friends can not but confess it, if there be any shame in them. Also they said, They marveled, what moved the Pope, and what hope hath he, in calling them to his Synod, seing he can not be ignorant, that they do not acknowledge his jurisdiction; neither is it needfull to shew, that (according to their mind) he hath no power by law of God or man to call a Synod; and the rather that he is the author of the dissensions in the Church, and most tyrannously warreth against the Trueth; We ac∣knowledge no other jurisdiction, but of the most renoumed the Emperour Ferdinand; As for them who are Legates, they would honour them as Noble men, and would have shewd them more honor, if they had not come in name of the Pope. Thus the Legates with their Interpreter Gas∣par Schoneich a Noble Silesian went to Lubek and sent to Frederik King of Denmark, craving access to shew him their commission. He returned answer, that neither his father nor himself had any medling with the Popes, nor now will he accept any mandats from him. The Pope sent also Jerom Martineng unto Elisabeth Queen of England: when she understood of it, she sent into Flanders, and discharged him. All these Commissions were especially, that those Princes would send unto the Synod: but experience had taught them, that no good did accompany Papal Synods. In his Breve unto the King of France he demanded also his consent unto a league, which the Pope intended, but never was publickly propounded in Trent, to wit, for taking Arms against the Turk and all hereticks: meaning, the Prote∣stants.

XI. At Easter the Pope sent unto Trent two Legats Hercules Gonzaga Car. of Mantua and Frier Jerulam Car. Seripando: they arrived on the third * 5.65 day of the feast of the resurrection, and found none but nine Bishops before them. Wherefore the Pope dispatches moe Italians; and they all thought their journey vain, because the Emperour had not as yet sent his Commis∣sions. When those were brought, the Pope sent three Legats more, Stanislaus Osius Car. of Varnia, Lewes Simoneta a Canonist who had passed thorow all the Offices of the Court, and Mark de Altemps his sisters∣son. The first was sent in July An. 1561. and Simoneta was commanded in September to go quickly, and at his first arriving, to cause say the Masse of the holy Ghost for opening the Synod, and delay no time with suspensions nor translations as they had done before, but to bring it to an end quickly, because they had not need to spend many months, seeing the weightiest points were already defined, and others were disputed and set in order, that little was remaining, but the publication. Simoneta

arrived at Trent December 6: besides the Cardinals were present 92 Bish∣ops in all, and before him was a Letter from Rome, directing him, to * 5.66 wait another Commission to open the Synod, because the Emperours Ambassadors were not come. The Pope is informed, that the Spanish Bishops, and more eagerly those of France aimed to retrench the Papal authority. Then he sent De Altempts in the end of December with com∣mission to open the Synod January 15. without any delay. On that day a Congregation sate: after arguing on both sides, whether it should be cal∣led a new Synod, or continuation of the former, a decree was framed, The Councel beginneth to be celebrated in January, all suspensions being removed. It was also decreed, that no Sermon should be delivered, be∣fore it be censured by Egidius Foscarar Bishop of Modena as Master of the holy palace of Rome; and that none should propound any purpose, ex∣cept the Legates. These last words were added under pretext of keeping order, and they carried them so artificially, that few espied the craft, and only four did oppose, Peter Guerrero Archb. of Granata, Francis Bion∣co Bishop Orensis, Andrew de la questa Bishop of Leon, and Antonio Collermero Bishop of Almeria. Those decrees were read, and the next Session appointed to February 26. In the congregation January 27. the Le∣gats propound three things, 1. to examin the books written since the he∣resies began, and the censures of the Romanists against them; to the end, the Synod may make a decree concerning them both. 2. All having interest in them should be cited, lest they say, that they are condemned, before they be heard. 3. A Safe-conduct should be granted unto all them that are fallen into heresy, with a liberal promise of singular clemency, if they will repent and acknowledge the authority of the Catholik Church. Af••er reasoning to and fro in sundry congregations, concerning the books, it see∣med sufficient for t••e present to depute some few for reading the Index of Paul 4, and to let them that are interessed, understand by some little part of the decree, that they shall be heard, if they come; and to envite all * 5.67 men unto the Synod: But they would not grant a Safe-conduct (lest it were prejudicial to the Inquisi••ions, sei••g every man might say, I am a Prote∣stant, and upon my journy) but referred it unto more consideration. Fe∣bruary 13. the Emperours Ambassadors went to the Legates; and petiti∣oned five things▪ 1 that the word Continuare should not be used, because it makes the Protestant refuse the Synod. 2. The Session might be adjour∣nied, or matters of less importance be handled. 3 That the Confessionists be not exasperated in the b••g••nning, by condemning their books. 4. That an ample Safe-conduct b•• granted unto the Protestants. 5. Whatsoever was handeled in the congreg••ti••ns should be conceiled. The Legats answer February 17, Seing it is necessary to give satisfaction unto all (as they may) as they will not name the word Continuation, so it is necessary to abstain from the contrary, lest they provoke the Spaniards; they promise to spend the ensuing Session on light matters, and to give a large time for others; they will not condem the Confession of Ausburgh; they will speak of the In∣dex in the end of the Synod; a Safe-conduct can not be penned before this Session, but in the decree they will add a clause granting power unto the Congregation to give a Safe-conduct. The Pope was offended, that they had granted so much: nevertheless they proceed (but slowly) because it was so determined in the congregation. In the Session February 26. a de∣cree was read according to these premisses, and the next Session was appoin∣ted to May 14.

XII. March 2. information came from Rome unto the Legats, that * 5.68 hereti••ks should not be envited unto repentance with promise of pardon, because when it was done by Paul and Julius, no good came of it: here∣ticks in a place of liberty will not accept it; and who are under fear of In∣quisition, will accept it feinedly, to secure them of what hath past, and intend to do worse more warily; The Pope is content to give a Safe-con∣duct unto all who are not under Inquisition, but so that this exception be not expressed, because the like in the pardon of Julius passed with smal re∣p••tation, as if the Pope had not power over the Inquisition, as over o∣thers: b••t he referred the manner of expressing it, unto the Synod; The manner of the Safe-conducts should be like to that of the year 1552; He or∣dereth that the Deputies shall not touch the Index, untill occasion be offe∣red to make a publick decree without opposition by any Prince. March. 3. the congregations began to be held, and the Legats propound things ac∣cording to their commission: as they saw amongst the variety of opinions any man enclining unto the Pop's mind (and some Italians were informed how to speak) the Legats took the opportunity, and bring that to a de∣cree, never mentioning any direction from Rome. March 11. they pro∣po••nded 12 articles to be studied and disputed, concerning the residence of Bishops and Curats, concerning ordination unto titles, receiving of mo∣ney or gift for ordination either by Ordinaries or their servants and Notaries in way of gratitude; concerning prices of writting, distribution of the re∣venues of Chanons, prebends, commenda's, distinction of parishes, plurality of Benefices, &c. The same Letters were brought unto the Councell, and unto the Pope from the Emperour, willling that the Coun∣cel might surcease, because the German Protestants were treating of a lea∣gue, and levying souldiers. Nevertheless after Aprile 7. they treared of these articles. They all spake partialy, regarding their own interest, and not the publick good▪ some pretending to speak according to conscience, did presse residence, but intending to empair the grandure of the Roman Court, and to advance their liberties or jurisdictions; and others eying their own preferment in the Court. So they could agree in little or no∣thing. The Lega••s gave account of these things by Post. Then the Spa∣niards complained, that they saw a beginning of intolerable grievance, seeing every particulare was not only sent unto, but consulted and decreed at Rome; The Synod had been dissolved twice without fruit, yea with scandall: for nothing was resolved by the Synod, but all at Rome, so that a Blasphemous proverb is generally talked, The Synod of Trent is ruled by the Holy Ghost sent thether from time to time in a clok-bagg from Rome. All hope of good by a Synod is extinguisht, if it be subservient only unto the interest of that Court, and move or stand at their pleasure. Wherefore the Lega••s were necessitated to let them speak of residence; but they would not permit any conclusion. The Pope and his Court knew not what to do: for they knew certainly, that the V••tramontanes envied the prosperity of Italy and of the Apostolical See; and seeing they are so tenacious of directions from their Princes, he will have recourse unto heaven: he hath a million of gold, and knowes whence to have another, to employ in this cause. Also the Court was sensible, that these novelties of the Prelats aimed to make many Popes, or none at all, and to stop the gain of the Chancery: they complain, that the Legats suffered such things to be propounded, and they advise the Pope to send other Legats, in whom he may confide more, and who should do as other Prelats that stick fast unto the commissions from

their Princes, and the Amhassadors by missives and persuasives com∣pell the Prelats to follow the dictats of their Masters. About May 9. plausible missives were directed unto Trent; and the Pope dealt with the Orators (lying at Rome) of Venice and Florence, that their Masters would command that the Prelats of their Iurisdiction should not countenance the discourses against the Apostolical See, nor be so eager in the point of residence. He sent moe Court-bishops, to augment his number at Trent, and loaded them with money and promises, because moe French Bishops were expected, and he feared those. And to the effect, the King of France be not his opposite, he resolved to give him 10000 crouns, and to lend him as many, upon assurance that he will undertake warrs for Reli∣gion, and with this money hyre Swisers and Germans under the conduct of an Apostolical Legat and colors of the Church; and upon condition, that no Hugonote shall be pardoned without Apostolical consent, and such shall be imprisoned whom the Pope will name, namely, the Chancelor, the Bishop of Valentia, &c. And that in the Synod nothing shall be treat∣ed against the Apostolical authority. But the opposition waxed still, and May 14 the Session sate, and a decree was read, that the promulgation of the decrees is adjournied unto Juny 14. Then the Fathers at Trent receive Letters from Rome, every one from his patron-Cardinal, full of expostu∣lations, and exhortations; and they return their complaints mutually. So complaints are multiplied. The Pope was full of wrath against the Cardi∣nal of Mantua, that when the Spaniard pressed, that the Synod should be termed a Continuation, he had let that occasion slipp, seing this would have caused the Emperour and Germans to forsake the Synod, and so it might have been dissolved. On the other side the Prelats, especially of Spain did complain, that nothing was propounded but what pleased the Legates, and these do nothing but as they are commanded from Rome: when any thing is propounded, though 70 Bishops agree, yet no conclu∣sion followes; There be above 40 stipendiaries of the Pope, some recei∣ving 30 Crouns a month, and some, 60; and others are terrified by Let∣ters of Courtiers; The Court of Rome not enduring reformation, hold it lawfull to calumniate, reprove and condem what is intended for the ser∣vice of God; Seeing so necessary Reformation in lighter things is so taken, what commotion may be expected, when they shall touch to the quick? The contention waxed yet hoter, when the French Ambassadors arriving, did demand a declaration that the Councel is a new one, and the Spaniards fell a fresh upon the point of residence, The Session was held Juny 4. with one decree, that the next Session should be July 10. Reserving power unto a general congregation, to prolong or abbreviat the time.

XIII. After this, the French Ambassadors according to their instru∣ctions did present 20 articles unto the Legates, 1. that the Pope would be * 5.69 content to make just Reformation of himself and Court of Rome. 2. the number of Cardinals should be reduced to the number of 12, or not ex∣ceed 26. 3. no scandalous dispensation should be granted. The others were concerning plurality of Benefices; residence of Prelats, yearly Synods; excom∣munication should not be used but for mortal sin; against simony; for Divin Seruice in the vulgar language; the correcting of Breviaries and Missals by taking away what is not warranted by Scripture, &c. The Legats answer, Those things can not be propounded in a Session; and they advertise the Pope by Post. Then the Pope was In a fury: but returning to himself, he began to consider the present difficulties of all the Popish Princes; and to

the end, he might engage them all, he resolves to propound a League * 5.70 defensive of all the Catholiks against the plots of Protestants in every place; and he judgeth it easy, to make them to condescend, if for no other cause, yet to free themselves of suspicion. He thought the Duke of Florence is wholly his own; the Duke of Savoy is in danger, and hath received subsidy from him; the Venetians were desirous to hold the Ultramontanes out of Italy; Spain had need of him for defending Millan and Naples; France had present necessity, and the Emperour had more them his hands full in Ger∣many. But his hope failed him: for the Emperour would in no way con∣descend to any thing, that might give suspicion unto the Protestants. The French Counsel was so far from hindering the Protestants to make incursion into Italy, that they wished the kingdom rid of them all. Spain was more afrayd of an vnion of the Italiaus, then of any harm the Protestants could do unto him. Venice and Florence thought that such an vnion might disturb their present peace in Italy. And they all did alledge one common reason, that this league would hinder the progress of the Synod. The pope being so far disappointed bended all his wits to shift the final conclu∣ding of any thing in the Councel, as he brought it to pass untill February 27. in the year 1563. Then the Car. of Mantua wrote a Letter (for secrecy with his own hand) that he had not a face to appear any more in a congre∣gation, nor can he give them words as he had done those two years: all the Ministers of Princes say, How beit his Holines promiseth reformation, yet because they see no action, they can not think, that he hath any inclination thereunto; and if he had performed his promises, the Legats could not be so deficient to satisfy the instant petitions of so many princes. And within five dayes this Cardinal died. Then Seripando sent speedily unto the Pope; and with the common Letter he wrote a privy one, that he would be glad, if his Holiness would send another supream Legate, or remove him: but if would have him to be prime Legat, he told him, be will proceed as God shall inspire him. The Bishop of Varnia craved licence to go home, for his Church had need of his presence. The third Legate was more ambitious, and wrote, that there is no need of mo Legats, and promised a good issue with satisfactiō. The Pope after privy consultation with his dearest friends, thought it neces∣sary to send moe Cardinals, who being engaged with gifts and promises, wold follow his instructions closse. So in a consistory (not being intimated, as he was wont, but) when the Card. were assembled on a Sunday in a chamber, where they put on their Robes before their going to chappell, consulteth them not (lest he were solicited with more requests) but abruptly he createth Legats the Card. John Moron and Bernard Navagger. At that time he recei∣ved Letters from the Emperour, shewing that now having dispatched his * 5.71 weighty affaires with the Electors and States of Germany, nothing was so dear unto him the Aduocat of the Church, then to promote the affaires of the Synod; he hath come to Isprue within thee dayes journy to Trent for that end; he had heard with much grief, that the affairs proceed not there as he had expected, and as the publick tranquillity requires, and that there is a fame, his holiness intendeth to suspend or dissolve the Synod; which if it be done, will be scandalous to the whole world, and laughter unto them who have forsaken obedience unto the Roman See, and will hold their opinions with more obstinacy; it will redound to the contempt of his Holiness, and of the Clergy, and of all Councels hereafter; He obiecteth also; that the Synod is not free, because every thing is first consulted at Rome, and nothing can be propounded, but as it pleaseth the

Legats; and the Prelats who have interest in that Court, can not be impe∣ded from their practises; he craves that the demands that were exhibited by his Ambassador and other Princes, concerning the Reformation, espe∣cially of the Roman Court, may have place of hearing; lastly he profereth to assist the Councel personaly, and entreates his Holiness, to do the like. It seemed unto the Pope, that the Emperour had gone beyond his sphere; and it was offensive, that he had sent coppies of this Letter unto Trent and other Princes: the Pope thought, this could be done for no other end, but to justify himself, and provoke them against Rome. For this cause the Pope sent about also to justify himself: and he wrote unto the Emperour, that he had called the Synod with his advice and of other Princes, not that the Apostolical See had need of any authority from them, seeing he hath fulness of power from Christ; All antient Councels were called by the Bishop of Rome, and the Princes were executers of his will; he had al∣wise intended a compleet end of the Synod for the service of God; The consulting at Rome is not prejudicial unto the liberty of the Synod, because none was ever celebrated in absence of the Pope, but have ever received instructions from Rome, and followed them, as he alledged some instan∣ces: And when the Pope was present, he only did propound the particu∣lars, yea he only did conclude, and the Synod did only approve, &c. Finally he was desirous to assist the Synod for rectifying the dis-orders there∣of, but in respect of his old age and weighty affaires it is impossible, that he can go unto Trent. Likewise the Pope considered that the Emperour and King of France did not mind the Synod, but upon account of their seve∣ral interests and the satisfaction of their subjects; and thought that those could not unite; but Spain were all catholiks: wherefore he resolves to deal with that King by promises. Mean while Seripando dieth March 17, and the two Legats were sent away with a common Letter of fair words unto the Synod, and a commission to bring nothing unto a conclusion: And Moron had his instructions apart.

XIV. In all those sixe or seven months the difficulties at Trent were seven principally; 1. that decree of propounding matters by the Legats only. 2. whether the residence of Prelats be de jure Divino? 3. whether Bi∣shops * 5.72 were instituted by Christ? 4. concerning the authority of the Pope. 5. to augment the number of the Synod's Secretaries, and keeping an exact account of the suffrages. 6. concerning the general Reformation. 7. and the communion of both kinds. When the Pope and Princes saw, that they could not compass their particular designes by this Councel, each one be∣gan to search other means. And first the Pope sent Cardinal Moron unto Ispruc with propositions, that the Emperour would not go unto Trent, and consent to transfer the Synod unto Bolonia, &c. And he promised concurrence in effectuating his designes. But Ferdinand trusting to obtain his desites in the Councel in respect of his vicinity, and partly hoping to prevail with other Princes, would not consent, and yet refused not abso∣lutly. Charles King of France sent one Ambassador to Spain, another to Trent, a third to Germany, and fourth unto the Pope, to make propo∣sition of removing the Councel unto Constance, or Worms; or some other place of Germany, because respect must be had unto the Germans, England, Scotland and a part of France, and other Nations, who will never accept that of Trent. The Legates permitted many Prelats to de∣part, especially them who were for residence, and all the Frenches went away, excep one or two Benedictines, who lived (for the time) in the

Monastry of Trent. Charles Cardinal of Lorrain shew unto Ferdinand and his Son King of the Romans, that seing the Princes and Prelats had different designes, it is impossible, the Synod can satisfy all their desires; in matters of the Chalice, use of the vulgare language, marriage of priests and such propounded by his Majesty and the French King, the King of Spain nor the Princes of Italy will never consent; in the Reformation, e∣very * 5.73 one would reform others, and himself be untouched; and each would have the glory of Reformation, and continue in the abuses, lay∣ing the blame upon the Pope alone: Therefore seing the Synod can do no good, it is necessary to dissolve it the best way they can. Thus the Prin∣ces layd aside all hope, and they resolve, not to oppose the dissolution, yet so that they will not make a suddain retrait. The Cardinal of Lorrain was the chief Actor in all that followes. The Pope hearing how so many Princes and Bishops hearkened unto his words, envited him to come unto * 5.74 Rome, and made liberal promises unto him. After the 19 day of May all doctrines were slipped-over lightly with little or no resistance, except that the Venetians strove for, and obtained a correction of a decree, that was framed against the lawfulness of marriage after divorce, because their Re∣publick hath the Isles of Cyprus, Candy, Corfu, Zante and Cephalonia, where the inhabitants are Greeks, and from all antiquity have put away their wifes for fornication, and taken another wife, neither were ever condemned for this cause by any Synod. Some difficulty was for reforma∣tion: for the Ambassadors urge the Reformation of the clergy, because their corruptions had been the fountain of all the heresies. The Vltra∣montans imputed all the corruptions unto the Roman Court. The Cour∣tiers willing to satisfy the Pope, and do no prejudice to themselves, did consult how to divert that purpose: and to this end they propound the Re∣formation of Princes. The Orators give notice of this unto the Princes; and in the Synod they say; The Fathers were assembled at first for extirpa∣tion of heresies, and Reformation of the clergy, and not for any Secu∣lar cause. The Legats reply, The Reformation of the Church in all her members, appertaines unto the Synod: And they advertise the Pope. Then the Pope hastened to finish more then ever before; and of this he wrote unto his Nu••tij in Germany, Spain and France; and spake of it unto the Ambassadors lying at Rome. With the Oratours of the Italians he used this conceit: he said, he would think him more obliged unto them in this particular, then if they had aided him with Arms in a great necessity. Then he instructeth the Legats, that they should aim at the finishing of the Synod, and grant whatsoever is necessary thereunto, yet admitting so few things prejudicial, as is possible: all which he referres un∣to their prudence. They did so; gaining prelats by private colloquies; satisfying Orators with promises according to their several interests, and making shew to please all parties by plausible and ambiguous canons. These were amassed privatly, and (the prelats being preoccupied) were pro∣pounded publickly for consent only. But the most prudent did sufficiently understand, that there was no purpose to remove nor moderate the for∣mer abuses: some smal errors of the remote Churches were noted only, so that it was verified, They strain out gnats, and remove not beams. Some shewes were made of reforming some greater abuses, but with reser∣vation of the Pop's interest. Before the Cardinal of Lorrain returned from Rome, De Ferriers the French Ambassador (according to his in∣structions) protested against their proceeding in Reformation of Princes:

and so did the Spaniard. But Ferdinand was fully persuaded by his Son to give way of finishing the Synod, because there is no hope of any quietnes unto Germany by it, and it hindereth other courses, that may be had at home. The Pope was glad of his consent, but those protestations vexed him, untill the Car. of Lorrain said, De Ferriers had done so, not by new instruction from the King Charles, but an older from the King of Navar; and he undertook to procure the Kings consent. Then the Pope sent this Cardinall with order to finish, albeit with distast of the Spaniard: for he knew how to appease him. As for Reformation of princes in patronages, presentations, power over the clergy and subiects....They should not descend to any particulare, but renew the antient canons without anathe∣matism; If any difficulty shall arise in other particulars, reserve that unto him, and he will provide ••ufficiently. When he was gone, the pope sent a form of finishing the Councel; to wit, All things that were defined under Paul and Julius should be confirmed, and it should be declared that all those were done in this one Councel; and in all thing the authority of the Apostolical See should be preserved; confirmation of the decrees should be demanded of the pope; All the Fathers should subscribe, and after them the Ambassadors; and leaving in the power of the Legats and the Car. of Lorrain, to ad, diminish or change according to opportunity. All those were done so: but this information was kept secret, untill the Councel was dismissed.

XV. In Session 24. November 11. the decrees were read, of marriage, * 5.75 and of Reformation. Because some opposition was made, some canons of marriage were omitted, and some of Reformation, as if these had been precipited: it was appointed to correct them in the congregation; and the next Session was appointed to December 9. with power of anticipation. November 14. Lorrain in a privat conference with the Legats; and some Bishop of every Nation, propounded the ending of the Councel: they all (excep the Spaniards) upon the above-named motives do consent. Then the matter of indulgences, purgatory, images, and Reformation of Monasteries was quickly dispatched, with out debating or dispute, but only by suffrages. The Index, the Missall, Ritual, Breviary and Agends were reserved unto the Pope; and the Session by anticipation was held Decem∣ber 3. and 4. When the decrees from the beginning untill this time were read, a Secretary going in the midst, asked, Whether the Fathers were pleased to make an end of the Synod? and, Whether the Presidents in name of the Councel should crave confirmation of the decrees from the Pope? They answered not one by one, but all together, placet. Then the prime Legate gave unto every one there present, and who had•• assisted in the Councel, a plenary indulgence: then blessing the Councel, he dismissed the Fathers. Car. Lorrain (as if he had been a deacon) roaring, and the Fathers answering, wished eternal felicity unto the PP. Paul and Julius, all happiness unto Pius 4; eternal memory unto Charles 5. Empe∣rour, and long life unto Ferdinand and all Princes and protectors of the Councel: then they gave thanks unto the Legats and Cardinals; they wis∣hed long life and safe return unto the Bishops; they commended the faith of this Synod as the faith of Saint Peter; they denounced anathema against all hereticks, without particular mention of any; and they commanded the Fathers to subscribe the decrees.

XVI. The Legats return to Rome before Christmes. There was a * 5.76 dispute about the confirmation of the decrees. The Pope would have

subscribed simply: but some Courtiers said, It hath been decreed against plurality of Benefices, and against No-residence of prelats; and if they * 5.77 shall henceforth practize contrarily, the people, who are not capable of ex∣pressed exceptions and reservations, will be ready to calumniat. For this reason some who had bought their places, and feared the losse of them, demanded restitution. Some advised to confirm the decrees of faith pre∣sently, and to proceed in maturity with the others; for some of them de∣serve consideration in respect of their confusion, and the impossibility of some that have need of dispensation; It is better to moderate them in time, then first to strengthen them by confirmation, and afterwards to mode∣rate them. Car. Amulius said, Those fourty years by past the world was crying for a general Councel, as the only and soverain remedy of the pre∣sent maladies of Christendom; but if so soon as it is ended, question be made of moderating, correcting or leaving it in suspense without confir∣mation, it will be a manifestation, that necessary provision hath not been found at Trent; and then other means will be sought by National Synods or other wayes: but if the decrees be approved as a perfect Reformation, and giving as far execution as is possible, many will believe that nothing is wanting; and nothing is more necessary, then to spread a fame of the Councel, that it hath prescribed a perfect Reformation; not suffering it to be known, that any Cardinal doubteth, but that it hath performed all, for which it was called; By so doing, the humours of men will be quieted by degrees, and his Holiness may provide for his Ministers by dispensa∣tions: for his Apostolical authority is reserved in the decrees; and in time things will insensibly (the world not observing it) return to their own po∣sture: yea, and if this course be not taken, the world (which alwayes makes the worst interpretation) will nullify all the decrees, if there be any alteration, or the confirmation be delayd; yea, they will say, The Le∣gates approve this oration: but it was opposed by all the Offices of Court almost, representing their own losses, and that it will turn to the diminu∣tion of his Holiness revenues. Hugo Boncompagne Bishop of Vesta (after∣wards a Cardinal) said, He could not but marvel at their vain fears, seeing greater authority can not be given unto these decrees, then unto former Councels and Decretals, and nevertheless the Pope may dispence with them: and a law consists not in words, but in the sense, neither in that which the vulgares and Grammarians give unto it, but which custom and authority do confirm; Lawes have not power but what is given them by him who governeth and hath the charge to execute them: he may give them a more ample or stricter sense, yea and contrary unto that which they do import; and to withstand the temerity of Doctors, who, the more ignorant they are of government, presume the more to interpret lawes, whereby au∣thority is confounded; therefore all men should be forbidden to write upon the decrees; And if his Holiness would ordain, that Judges in all their doubts should resort unto the Apostolical See, ••one shall be able to make use of the Councel in prejudice of the Court, And as there is a Congrega∣tion, that with good fruit is set over the Inquisition, so his Holiness may appoint another for expounding the decrees of this Councel, unto whom all doubts may be referred from all parts of the world; This being done, (said he) he foresawe, that by the decrees of the Councel, the authority of the Apostolical See, the prerogatives and liberties of the Roman Church, will not only not be diminished, but enlarged, if they know how to make use of those means. All were persuaded with those reasons, and this Over∣ture

was followed. January 26. An. 1564. a decree was enacted, conform to this oration in all points, to wit, confirmation, monition, inhibition and reservation: and the Acts of the Councel were published with a Bull containg this decree.

XVII. Behold now, how those decrees were accepted by others. * 5.78 It was said every where, One party had taken notice of the cause, and another had pronounced the Sentence, seing the decrees had not authority from the Synod, but from the confirmation of the Pope, who in his decree saith, that he had seen the decree of craving his confirmation, and speakes not of his seeing any other decree; but it is more reasonable, that the decrees should have their authority from such who had examined and voiced unto them, then from him, who had not seen them. Vnto this it was replied, It was not necessary, the Pope should read them, seeing nothing was concluded at Trent, but what he had defined before. More particularly; the King of Spain dissembled not, that the Councel did not please him; and he called the Bishops and clergy together, to consider what was to be done with the decrees: and at command of the King and his Counsell, Synods were that year, and Presidents were sent to every one of them, and these did propound what decrees seemed good unto the King. This was offensive unto the Pope, but he dissembled for a time. In France many particulares were obiected by the Parliament against the Car. of Lorrain as permitting them to pass in prejudice of that kingdom; namely, those words, The Pope hath the care of the whole Church, by which he had forsaken a main Fort, for which both the King and the French Bishops had foughten a long time, The Councel's authority is above the Pope; and he might have helped it easily, if he had vsed the phrase of the Apostle, The care of all the Churches, 2 in prejudice of the Councels authority he had permitted in all the decrees a reservation of the authority of the Apostolical See, and the craving of confirmation of the decrees; And sundry other parti∣culares; As also the Centumviral Court of Paris obiected other particulares; but all concerning those which were called The articles of Reformation. His defense was, What could he and sixe Prelats do against 200. and there was a special Act, that nothing was done in prejudice of the liberties of France. Vidus Faber replied, that he and his Colleague had diligently sought that Act, but could not find it; and in humane affaires not to appear is not to bee. But all those obiections were nothing to what the Bishops and Divines and their servants told scurrilously, of the contentions and factions of the Fathers, and their particular designes; and generally, This Councel was of more authority then the Councel of the Apostles, seing these defined nothing but what seemed good unto the Holy Ghost; and this Synod layd the foun∣dation of their decrees, visum est nobis. In Germany both Papists and Pro∣testants obiected more against the canons of doctrine; as, they command the Bishop to teach wholesom doctrine of purgatory; without any declaration what that doctrine is; The Councel was assembled especially for the grievances against indulgences, and they had defined nothing, but wish moderation according to the antient and approved custom of the Church; albeit in the Eastern Churches was never use of those indulgences, nor in the Western before Vrban 2. or the year 1095. so far as any man can find; and after that untill the year 1300. was litle use of them, or but for freedom of the Confessar's iniunctions. Likewise the Emperour and the Duke of Bavier sent Letters severally unto Rome, craving liberty of the cup, and of marriage unto the Priests. And the clergy of Germany sent

third remonstrance, shewing a necessity of granting liberty of marriage, by authority of the old and new Testament, and the practise of the primitive Church, and of the Eastern Church unto this day; as it was never more necessary then at this time, when amongst fifty priests one scarcely can be found, who is not a notorious whoor-monger; and it is absurd to permitt whoorish priests, and exclude the marryed; and to exclude them both were as if you would have none. The Pope referred these Letters unto the consideration of the Cardinals: and they would not ••eeld. March 12. the Pope promoted 19 Cardinals in reward of their service in the Councel unto the Apostolicall See; and he would not promote any who had spo∣ken for residence of Bishops, or that their institution is De Jure Divino. So far. Pe. Soave in Hist. Conti. Trident. Likewise Ge. Abbot writting against Hill. in Reas. 9. shewes out of Declarat. du Roy de Navarr. that Charles IX. sent his Ambassadors and Bishops unto Trent with large instructions for re∣formation of the clergy; but when nothing could be obtained, he caused his Ambassadors protest against the Councel, and return home. So they did, and those Bishops came also away; and nevertheless amongst the sub∣scribers is mention of 26 French Prelats, as if they had subscribed: There it is also, that after the Massacre in the year 1572. some thinking that to be an opportunity of seeking confirmation of the Synod, did propound it: but it was refused in all the Chambers. The like motion was made An. 1585. and with the same happ. The Reformed wrot against the de∣crees, namely, Calvin wrote his Antidotum against the Acts under Pope Paul; and Chemnitius wrote against them all, and calleth them a horrible chaos of monstrous errors. Here by anticipation it may be added, that the Jesuits were employd [as stout champions] at Rhems, Doway and Lovan, to maintain the decrees; who carried themselves so happely, that for defense of these errors they vented many others, that were scarcely heard before: lastly Card. Bellarmin as the chief champion, and others of that colledge at Rome were commanded by Pope Gregory XIII. to bring all the controversies into one body or system. That work brought forth (by the providence of God) a threefold benefit unto posterity; 1. A more perfect body of Popish errors then ever was published before. 2. A manifest proof of the jarrings and divisions of the Doctors in the Roman Church: for albeit they glory of Unity among themselves, yet in every controversy (almost, yea very few excepted) the contrary judgement of their Doctors is brought expressely. 3. Albeit all the errors of Trent are maintained there exprofesso; and many errors are falsly imputed unto Lu∣ther, Calvin and others, yet there the reformed Church is fairly cleared from many errors, which other Papists impute falsly unto us: and more over somtimes in sifting and stating a question, he maintaines what we hold and refutes another, and maintaines what he denied in the proper place, and by those two meanes he gives testimony unto the truth in all the chief controversies, as Jo. Ernest Gerhard hath collected in his Book Bellarminus ORTHODOXIAS testis And about that time came forth another edition of the Decrees at Trent with references upon the margine of each canon unto other books of the Schoolmen, where to find those points handled: and those references being published by authority of the Court, might serve for a commentary, without any change of the decrees; if it should be challen∣ged, even though the reference be contrary to the decree.

PART IIJ.

CHAP. J. Of POPES.

J. PIVS 5. Was not inferiour unto any Pope in dissembling, in some outward things he made a shew of godliness. When he was crouned, he said unto the Cardd. that they should ask nothing from him, that were contrary to equity, or to the Councel of Trent. He brought some of the Court, namely, the Peni∣tentiaries and procurators of the Chancelery (but not the Cardd.) into some moderation: he most severly discharged all selling of Benefices: he restrai∣ned the wickednes of priests some what: he would have all the Jewes dwell at Rome or Ancona: he would have expelled all the professed whoores out of Rome, but when the Romanes shew him, what a part of his revenues he would want, he suffered them in a corner by themselves, and appointed unto them their own preachers, and thereafter some bordellers were mar∣ried. But in the articles of Religion and idolatrous worship, he made no Reformation. He gave licence unto Charles an archduke of Austria to mary his sisters-daughter: and when Joachim-Frederik son of the Electour of Brandeburg married the daughter of his uncle, the Pope rageth, partly because he was (in the Popes judgement) an heretick, and partly because he was chosen Primate of Germany and administrator of the episcopall Colled∣ge of Magdeburg, without licence of the Pope and then had married his own cousine without dispensation: therefore he consulted, how to de∣throne him: but the puissance of his father and father in law seemed to with stand all the power, that the Pope could make against him. Osian. cent. 16. Lib. 3. c. 62. 66. 67. ex Beuth. & Nigrin. In his Bull against Queen Elisabet he saith, Christ hath made the Pope the only Prince over all Nations and kingdoms, and applieth unto himselfe properly, what was said figuratiuely to the prophet, Jere. 1. I have set the over nations, &c. In his bull before the Breviary he complaines of the multitude of Missales and Breviaries vsed in his time, and he commandeth that one for all, excep those that had been in use above 200 years. So that as yet there is not an uniformity among them, as some would make the simple folk believe. He did confirm all the liberties that were granted by any of his predecessours unto all and eve∣ry sort of begging friers, and did discharge all Bishops from restraining them in any way. Before his time were some footsteps of antient truth to be seen in the Canon-law; but this Pope commanded Thomas Manrig. Master of the Apostolicall palace, to review both the decrees and the de∣cretales, and blot out of them what was offensive (as they spoke) and so in the year 1572. the Canon-law came forth with many defects, as I did touch before, when I spoke of Gratian: here I add one or two exem∣ples. Dist. 1. C. 1. the glosse saith, Apocrypha, that is, without a cer∣tain authour, as, the Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobit and the book of Maccabees: these are called apocryphi, and yet are read,

but perhaps not generally. De poenit. dist. in princi. utrum, the glosse saith, Sines are forgiven neither by contrition of the heart, nor by confession of the mouth, but only by the grace of God. Ibid dist. 3. c. 25. the glosse saith, in baptisme originall sin is washed away, that it shall not hurt, but not, that it is not: He did the like with many others Writers, namely, with the work of Cardinal Cajetan, as appeares by comparing the lately printed Commentary on Tho. Aquin. with the edition at Venice An. 1523. This Impius was a most cruell enemy of them, who would not embrace the Canons at Trent: and therefore he caused burn many at Rome, as Ju∣lius Zoanetus, Pet. Carnesius, Bart. Bartoccius, Aonius Palearius, &c. He attempted many things against Elisabeth Queen of England (whom he did excommunicate) and against the Neither-Landes: he stirred up the civill wars of France, and was the prime plotter of the massacre An. 1572, but sawe it not, for he died in May preceeding. In the election of the Pope it was then an appointment of the Colledge, that none should be chosen without consent of the two parts: the King of Spain knowing this ap∣pointment, hath by pensions and preferments assured a third part of them, to be at his devotion in the election: and so he hath exclusive power, that without him a Pope can not be chosen. He proceeds also by his Oratout, to propound and name four or five, of whom if they chuse one, he is sa∣tisfied. The colledge distastes this course: but there is no remedy: there∣fore next discretion is to chuse one whom they do judge least able or wil∣ling to follow him. At that time they were mightily enflammed, and ban∣ded themselves against him: nevertheless in end the publick necessity and their own particulares made them yeeld unto one of his nomination. But because the means of attaining and maintaining the Papall crown are clean contrary (in the one fashioning themselves unto all mens humours, and in the other, looking that all men should accommodate themselves unto the Papall honor) the King is often disappointed of his aim. Sande's Relation.

II. GREGORY XIII. did use many meanes to restore Popery, and to confirm the power of the Pope every where: for this cause he e∣rected two colledges of Jesuits or Seminaries at Rome in favours of Ger∣mane▪ and Englishes, and gave unto them large revenues, but such as had before appertained unto other Societies, as the English Jesuites in their apologie ch. 2. sect. 6. (which was answered by Tho. Bilson) say, that the foundation of their colledge was instituted long before to an hospitall of their Nation. The Popes aim was, that so many Germanes and Englishes being Jesuited there, might be employed to bring back Germany and Eng∣land under the yoke of Rome: and the Jesuites did vant, that this Pope had gifted them with large revenues. He also did ••oment the wars in France and Low- Countries; and he pressed the Emperour to expell all Prote∣stants out of his own inheritance, if not out of the Empire. By his Bull An. 1572. he did annull all power given by other▪ Popes concerning the Index expurgatorius and forbidden books, as not being done sufficiently, and gave another order with command to be only acknowledged. Where as Pope Pius V. had ordained many passages to be blotted out of the Ca∣non-law, Gregory caused restore some of these passages, but added ano∣ther glosse contrary unto the text. He keeped the Jubilee An▪ 1575, and on March 31. he caused publish his Bull, excommunicating all Hussites, Wick••levests, Lutheranes, Zuinglians, Caluinists, Hugonots, Ana∣baptists, Trinitarianes, and all others dissenting from the Church of

Rome, and all their abettours, and all that have or print or sell any of their books....and ordaining that this Bull shall be published by all Pa∣triarches & Ordinaries in every place, at least once every year in all Chur∣ches, After that year he sent Indulgences unto the Bishops of Germany without money, but only for saying so many Paternosters, and so many Ave Maryas and for so many almes. In the year 1577. he confirmed the Fratermity of the Virgine Mary, and by Bull he gave Indulgences for a year unto all who would say a Rosen crown unto the Virgine, that is, if they would say five Paternosters, and fifty Ave Maryas. Under pretence of planting Christian Religion, he planted the Jesuits in Poland, Transsyl∣vania, Livonia, East and West Indies, &c. Whence it is, that the Jesu∣ites do write so much of their miracles in remote Countries, and that they have baptised so many thousands, which were paganes: but they may the more boldly say so, because few in Europe can controle them in the parti∣culares. He made his base son Charles boncompagno Marques of Vine∣ola, and then Duke of Sora; and he was so liberall of Peters revenues unto his friends, that Papirius Masson the writer of his life is fain to apologize him for it. He published a Bull dated Tusculi An. 1581. 6. cal. Mart. where∣in he writs thus; Seing the Fathers of the Councell at Trent were in∣terrupted by time, that they could not finish the Breviary as they intended, and they had by decree referred all that matter unto the judgement and au∣thority of the Romane Pope; and in the Breviary are two things principal∣ly, to wit, one containes prayers & hymnes, that should be said on holy and unholy daies; and the other belongeth unto the yearly recourses of Easter and other movable feasts; and Pope Pius had perfected and published the former; and the other had been oft attempted by Pope Pius but could not be effectuat, untill Anton. Lilius a Doctor of Medecin brought now unto the Pope a book written by his brother Aloisius, wherein is a new Calendary, which the Pope had caused to examin, and found it to be per∣fect; Therefore the Pope by his authority dischargeth all men from using the old calendare any more, Under pain of Gods indignation, and of bl. Peter and Paul, &c. This Bull is prefixed unto that Calendare. Hence began the difference of Stylo vetere & novo or Gregoriano, which do dif∣fer in this age in ten daies; for exemple, the elleventh day of January in stylo novo, is the first day in the old style; and so forth of all other dayes; and ther is more uncertain difference in the movable feasts. Hence many contentions arose, and different opinions: for some find faults in both: Some said, The Pope had no warrant from God, to charge men to forsake the old, and accept the new, Vnder pain of Gods wrath: some said, the change would make many confusions in civill contracts and negotiatiōs. Especially when the Emperour Rodulph at command of the Pope did commend this calendare unto the Princes and Estates of the Empire, they of the Refor∣med Church refused it, not that they would disobey Caesar, but be∣cause of the Popes Bull, which they would not acknowledge. He died Anno 1585.

III. SIXTUS V, as if he had a purpose to reform the Romane Church, enjoynes residence to Bishops, and he ordaines that adulterers shall be beheaded, and gave hope in other particulares, to reduce the Church into antient purity. But he had been Generall of the Francisca∣nes, and Head of the Inquisition in Spain: and in the year 1587. he cau∣sed renue the Ligasancta or ungodly and bloudy league, wherein he and his confoederates did engage themselves to destroy all Protestants. VVhere∣upon

the King of Spain by aid of the Pope made that attempt aga••nst England & Scotland in the year 1588. The Pope did blesse that Navy, and God did curse it. The Councell of Trent had declared the old Tran∣slation of the Bible to be only authenticall; and albeit there were many different editions of it, yet it was not declared what edition they did approve. Before the Councell many had published the old Latine with severall alterations: after the Councell the Vniversity of Lovan corrected it, by adding many words on the margine, whereof some are noted by W. Whitaker, de Scriptura, controver, 1. qu. 2. c. 10, and he calleth that the latest edition of the Bible. Then Pope Sixtus taking into consideration, that there were abroad above 60 sundry editiones of it, each differing from other, therefore by advice of his Colledge he causeth compare severall co∣pies, and out of them publisheth one, which he straitly commandeth to be received as the only true Vulgare Translation, and by his bull abolishes all others, that did not exactly agree with that Edition ad literam, Under pain of his curse. He died An. 1590. August 26.

IV. URBAN VII. was elected Septemb. 15, and died on ••he 27 day of the same month.

V. GREGORIE XIV. was crowned Decemb. 5, and died Octo∣ber 15 in the year 1591.

VI. INNOCENTIUS IX. Sate two months, and died De∣cemb. 29. These were so soon taken away not without suspicion of poi∣son: for many were ambitious of the triple mitre.

VIII. CLEMENS VIII. Observes many defects and faults in the Edition of the Bible, that was authorized by Sixtus V: therefore he pu∣blisheth another edition with a new declaration, whereby he authorizeth his own edition. So that now all Papists ly under the curse of the one Pope or the other, and are involued into a pitifull necessity, either to use no Bible, or then to ly under one Popes curse. I have seen an edition at Antwerp whereunto is added a catalogue of the differences betwixt these editions of the two Popes to the number of some hundreds: the author professes to have collected them for the use of Printers; and to discern what books shall afterward be corrupt: but he clearly demonstrats the opposi¦tion of the two Popes, and how they both condemned the canon of Trēt in establishing the edition that was then in use. In clemens time Alfonso Count d'Este died without Children, and left the Dutchy of Ferraria unto his brothers bastard sonne Caesar a Cardinall: but clemens (as supreme Lord of the fue) would not consent: wherefore these two took armes An. 1598: but the Cardinal was fain to yeeld and a peace was concluded, that the Pope shall have Ferraria, and give the other the lands of Mutina, Regium Lepidi, &c. With the tittle Duke of Mutina. About Marsiles great whal∣es troubled the sailers, that they durst not go to the sea: the Chanons of that City sent unto Clemens, and craved, that all the whailes may be ex∣communicated. The Pope grants the petition, and sendeth unto the Bishop of Marsiles a power to excommunicate the whales: but whither the fishes understood of this overture, it is not great matter: yet they were seen no more. In the beginning of the year 1660. Tibris did over∣flow, and did much harm unto the City: wherefore the Pope sent Mon∣sorius a priest, to say some prayers, and cast a hostie into the river; but the inundation was not so obedient. He keeped the Jubilee the same year, and received into the hospitall of Rome 1400. men and women coming to buy indulgences: some Cardinals and others of good quality, and no∣ble

matrones served the strangers: but they excommunicate all which will not worship the Beast. Among others Pet. Mendoza Master of Malta come to kisse the Popes foot. When the year was ended, the Pope com∣manded to shut the golden porte, where he had given the Indulgences: he said the last Masse of that yeare, and layd the first stone at the shutting of the porte; and die Concordiae he gave his blessing unto all who sought the grace of the Jubilee: many came from that place creeping on their knees. Hee sate 13 years.

CHAP. IJ. Of EMPEROVRS.

••. MAXIMILIAN II. before his election was thought to be alienated from the See of Rome: therefore Cardinal Mar∣cus altemps Pope Pauls nephew was directed to persuade him unto obedi∣ence with tender of honor, especially of the Empire after his father, which else he could not attain. He answered, His souls savety was dearer unto him than all the world. This was called a Lutheran answer. Pe Soav•• in hist. Conc. Tride. Lib. 5. Again when he was crowned King of the Roman∣es An. 1563, the Pope demanded, that he should swear obedience, as other Emperours had done before. He answered, other Emperours had their own difficulties, for which they did swear what the Popes did require; but he would consent to nothing in prejudice of his successours, and to swear obedience were to confesse himself a vassall. This treaty conti∣nued a year, and in end it was concluded, that the Pope shall confirm the election, without saying, that obedience was demanded or not deman∣ded, promised or not promised. Ibid. He lamented, when he con∣sidered the renting of the Church with so many different opinions: ne∣vertheless he maintained peace, and no way hindered the gospell, and he maintained a Protestant Minister Phauserus in his Court for a space: he was oft at Masse, nor did abrogate papistry. He said once to William Bishop Olovincensis, There is no greater sin, than to domineer over mens consciences. At another time he said, Who take on them to command mens consciences, they climbe into the castle of heaven. In the begin∣ning of his reigne he refused to pay unto Solyman the acknowledgement which his father had covenanted to pay for the peaceable possession of his part of Hungary: and in the year 1566. he had his first Diet at Ausburgh, where he sought subsidy against the Turk. The Protestants sought a con∣firmation of the peace in the cause of Religion, and then it was establi∣shed not only by universal consent, but confirmed also by oath, that the Catholicks should not trouble the Protestants in the exercise of their Reli∣gion, nor in the possession of their goods moveable nor vnmoveable; and that the Protestants should permit the like liberty unto the Papists within their dominions; Under pain of Outlawry to the transgressors, on both sides; As also it should be free unto any person to turn from the one Reli∣gion unto the other, if they do hold their lands of the Emperour imme∣diatly, but if any Archb. or other Prelat will embrace the Reformed Religion, he should renounce his Benefice with all its revenues to be con∣ferred on a Papist; excepting those goods or Monasteries, which belon∣ged

not unto them that are immediatly subject unto the Emperour, and have been possessed by the Reformed since the year 1552, so that no plea of law should have any power against them, &c. This agreement is word for word in Geo. Schonbor. Politic. Lib. 4. c. 6. After this Diet Maximilian inuaded Transsylvania, and took Wesperin and Dodis. Wherefore So∣lyman came with a hudge army to aid John Vaivoda Prince of Transsylva∣nia, and took some towns from the Emperour. In the mean time Soly∣man dieth: but his Captain Mahumet a Bassa conceiled his death, untill Selim was created successor unto his father: then they took mo towns, that Maximilian sought peace, and obtained it upon harder conditions than be∣fore. The same year 1567. William à Grumbach a Noble man, but a vas∣sall of the Bishop of Wirtzburg took armes with the aid of the Marques of Brandeburg, against his superior: wherefore the Bishop outlawed him, and brought him to poverty: yet he found favour with John-Frederik Duke of Saxony and some others: he with some horsemen inuades Writz∣burg, and supriseth it: ere the Bishop raised an army, the surprisers were gone hither and thither. They began another plot: the Emperour sent Augustus Elector of Saxony against them: he prevailed: John-Frederik was sent prisoner into lower Austria: Grumbach and his Chancelorr Duke Bruck were quartered: Baron Baumgartner and some others were behead∣ed, and the castle of Grimmenstain was made levell with the ground. Such was the end of proud rebells. Maximilian lived the rest of his dayes in peace. An. 1470. the Turks wanne Nicosia a chief town of Cyprus, and Famaugusta or Salamys, after a years seege, and contrary to the con∣ditions of rendring, Bragadin Governour of the town was excoriat quick, at command of the Bassa, Mustapha; and others were most cruelly mur∣dered. So all Cyprus was taken from Crhistians. Then the Venetians (who had possessed it 200 years) made a league with the Pope and King of Spain; John Duke of Austria a sone of Charles V. was Generall of the Navy: the battell was fought in the firth of Corinth, aliàs, Golfo de Lepanto: 25000. Turks were slain, 4000. captive, and almost all their Navy with rich spoile came into the handes of Christans: 14000. captive Christians were delivered. An. 1575. Maximilian sought by many meanes to have been chosen King of Poland, and when Steven Prince of Transsylvania was preferred, he was never seen to be jovaill again. He caused his son Rodulph be chosen King of the Romanes in a Diet at Ratisbon, and died in time of the Diet in Octob. 1576. Pet. Mexia.

II RODULPH II. immediatly after his coronation sent to Rome, and sought not only confirmation, but to be declared the eldest sonne of the Church. He held his first Diet at Ausburg, An 1582; where was no talk of Religion, but only he urged the Gregorian Calendare, and sought aid against the Turks. He took armes against Gebhard Bishop of Colein, because he forsook the Pope as followes. An. 1584. Rodolph and Amu∣rath III. Emperour of Turks made truce for 93 years: but the same year in October 10000 Turks inuade the landes of Carniola: they burnt and wa∣sted sundry towns and villages, and carried away Christians of both sex∣es in eaptivity: within two dayes a company of Christians meet them in Croatia: they deliver the Christians, and routed the Turks. Osiand. In the year 1592. Amurath thought to have made conquest of all Hungary, and entred into Croatia: then followed continuall wars untill the year 1606, victory enclining now to the one hand▪ and then to the other. Rodulph had a league with the Duke of Muscove, and received

supplied both of men and money against Amurath. Rodulph reigned 36. years.

CHAP. IIJ. Of Diverse COVNTRIES.

J. BY the preambulatory pieces before Ge. Cassanders consultation, * 5.79 it is cleare, 1. from the testimony of Ja. Thuan, that the Empe∣rour Ferdi••and was not satisfied with the Councel of Trent, and though too late, he perceived, that he was deceived by Cardinal Moron: where∣fore he took another course, to compose the controversies in Religion: when he could not find remedy abroad, he would do his best at home. So with the advice of his son Maximilian, he sent for George Cassander (li∣ving then in Duisburg) to shew some way of conciliating the controver∣sies of the Augustan Confession. His Letters were dated May 22. 1564. 2. The Emperours purpose, was that if by the advice of prudent men he could effectuat no more, yet he might have a setled form of Religion in Hungary, Bohem and his other hereditary Dominions. Cassander was not able to make travell, because he was goutish. But after another Let∣ter from the Emperour, and from King Ferdinand, he wrot his Consulta∣tion for that effect: before he sent it, Ferdinand was gone, and it was de∣livered unto Maximilian. None hath written against the Consultatio: it seem∣es, Papists would not write against it, because he holdeth that the Ro∣man Church is a true Church, albeit corrupt, and it is a schism to depart from it. The Reformed writ not against it, because he maintaines the most and main articles of their doctrine. The book is scarce to be had but in a big volume with other his works: I therefore subjoyn a taste of it: and because some poison is in it, I add a litle antidot, which may be usefull unto some. In his preface unto the Emperour he shewes his Rule of jud∣ging; the evangelical and Apostolical Scripture, which being Divine and a most sure rule, the antients had used in judging of controversies after the departure of the Apostles: and because in such contentions ariseth contro∣versy about the interpretation and sense of some passages of the Scriptures, it is necessary to have recourse unto the Universall consent of Writers, chiefly of those who lived in the time of the Emperour Constantin untill the time of Leo I. or of Gregory; yet so that it is not necessary, to pro∣duce the testimonies of them all, nor of the most part (which were an infinite work) but it is sufficient to bring one or two, by whom the judge∣ment of the whol Church may be known; and with this caution, that every testimony of those Fathers may not be rashly received, seing in many places they speak according to their privat judgement, and wherein even the most learned and best maintainers of the Apostolical and Catholick doctrine have not agreed with the safe unity of faith, but only such things as belong unto the confirmation of the Apostolical and Catholick tradition and have the weight of irrefragable and undoubted testimony, wherein they declare constantly the publick and common faith of the whole Church. His method is conform unto the Articles of the Augustan Confession. His principal scope seemes to be contained in the seventh Article de vera Ecclesia, where he holdes, that the true Church is always manifest; and though the

present Roman Church hath departed from the primitive not a little in in∣tegrity of manners and discipline, yea and in sincerity of doctrine, yet she standes on the same foundation, and professeth communion with the antient Church, and therefore is one and the same, albeit different in ma∣ny particulares; Neither should we separate from her, as Christ did not separat from the Jewish Church, albeit corrupt, neither did the Prophets nor Apostles violate the union, but only spake against her, and came out of her but by dissenting from the errors; neither did Cyprian and some o∣thers violat the union with the Roman Church, how beit they did com∣plain of the envy of the Roman clergy, and the pride of the Pope. This may be called his privat judgement, as he spake of others in his preface▪ and not the constant faith of the whole Church: that the Church should be manifest always, was not the judgement of Eliah 1. King. 19. 14.; nor of John, who prophecied of the woman fleeing into the wilderness Revel. 12; and it is without all doubt in the general, that in the dayes of the An∣tichrist the Church shall not be manifest. 2. he grantes that the Roman Church hath departed not a litle in manners and doctrine; but how far she hath departed, may be in some measure known by the history. 3. his advice, that we should not have departed from her, is a main question; but certainly his reason is not sufficient: for though our Saviour made not separation from the Jewish Church, yet he foretold, that when these labourers of the vine-yard shall have killed the heir, the vineyard shal be taken from them, and not a stone of their temple should be left upon another: Where was their Church then, if they had no place for their Religion? As for the Pophets and Apostles, distinguish the times: before the time was come, which God had appointed, they had no reason to depart: but when the appointed time was come, then they departed, and for this very point Steeven was Martyred Act. 6. 14. The same distinction serveth for the Roman Church: Cyprian and Paulin had no reason to violat the vnion, when she had not departed from the true faith; but when she became the whoore, and all nations had drunk of the wine of the wrath of her fornication, then was the time to obey the commande, Come out of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues. Gods people was with her and in her; and they must not only protest against their adulterous mother, but come out from her. Then for reconciliation of the Church, he seemes to despair, that ever they will accept of his Overture, to wit, that those, who have given the cause of distraction; that is (saith he) the governors of the Church, would remit some what of their too much rigor, and yeeld a little for the peace of the Church, and following the wishes and admonitions of many good people, would reform the manifest abuses, according to the rule of Divine Scripture, and of the antient Church, from which they have departed; And next, that those who eschuing those vices, have fal∣len into the other extremity, would confess their faults, and return into the right way. In other Articles that differ from the Popish Church, he puts often a blame upon the Reformed; if not for their Tenet, yet for their practise. For example, of justification he saith, What is said in the fourth article, that men can not be justified before God by their own strength, merits or works, but are justified freely by faith, it was evermore allowed by the Church, and untill this day it is approved by all the writers of the Church; So that I wonder, why the Apology saith, that they are con∣demned in this article, as if it were taught, that men obtain remission of

sins for their own merits, and not freely for Christ's sake. Afterwards he cites the testimony of Bernard, saying, I consider three things, where∣upon all my hope stands, the love of adoption, the truth of the promise, and the power of performing: And (saith he) the Doctors of this age say not, that they teach doubting, whereby men should doubt of Gods mercy, and mistrust, but such fear of God, whereby a diligence of li∣ving well, and of keeping the received grace, may be stirred up and in∣creased in us, as the Apostle saith, Work forth your salvation with fear and trembling: And they call this sear chast and filial, which perfect love casts not forth, but retaines and cherishes: Which fear hath always adjoyned confidence and hope of Gods fatherly good-pleasure; And seing those things are taught tooday in the Catholick Church, the Protestants do not rightly in accusing the present Church, that she bidds and teaches to doubt of Gods favor, and of eternal life, and put this blasphemous doctrin (as they speak) among the chief causes, for which they should depart from her. Of free will he saith on the 18. Artick, The sum of this contro∣versy, which had been formerly and now is, consists in this, What the will of man can do to attain righteousness by which we are justified before God, is not to be asscribed unto the power of free-will corrupted by sin, but unto the singular grace of God; which we have not by nature, wherein we were created, and which is common unto us with the unbelievers and ungodly; but that grace which is by faith in JESUS CHRIST, which is given unto those only who have faith, by which grace a new will is not created, nor is will compelled unwillingly, but being infirm, it is healed; being corrupt, it is amended; and of bad is turned into good, and is drawn by a certain internal motion, that of unwilling it is made willing, and gladly consents unto the Divine call.....If any of the Schoolmen hath spoken inconveniently of this liberty of will, that should be recko∣ned among the opinions of privat persons, and the more wholesom writ∣tings of others should be opposed unto them, &c. It is to be marked, that he wrote this Consultation after the Councel at Trent; and yet he tak∣es not notice of their decrees, but accounteth them as the opinions of private persons, and under that name would bury them all; and as if the Reformed speaking against those errors did unjustly accuse the Church of Rome. On the 22. Article he saith, Concerning the administration of the Holy Eucharist, it is most sure, that the universal Church untill this day, and the Western or Romance for a thousand years, or more [Marke, heer he distinguisheth between Vniversal and the Roman Church] in the solem dispensation of this Sacrament did give unto all members of Christ both the Kinds of bread and wine: which is manifest by innumera∣ble testimonies of antient both Greek and Latine Authors; and this they did because Christ had so ordained, and practized, in giving both unto his Disciples representing the person of believing communicants.........But those antients thought it not so necessary, as if upon necessity or any weighry cause the one could not be give•• without the other, or that it was not a true Sacrament, if the one only were taken.....and therefore they call not the dispensation of one Kind, wicked and sacrilegious for what∣soever cause it be done.....Nevertheless I think, there is none, if he consider this more diligently, but if the antient custom of the Church were restored...he would rather have the vvhole and entire Sacrament, then one part only. And on the 10. Article he saith, This article of the Lords Supper, is set down severall wayes in the confession: for in the first Latine

edition it's written thus, In the Supper of the Lord they teach, that the body and blood of Christ are verily there, and given unto them who eat in the Lords Supper: But the Dutch edition being translated word for word saith thus, Concerning the Lords supper it is taught so, that the very body and blood of Christ is verily present in the Supper under the kinds of bread & wine, and is given and taken there. But in another edition this way, Of the Lords supper they teach, that with the bread and wine the body & blood of Christ are truly given unto them who eat in the Lords Supper. In the Apology this article is expressed in those words, They teach that in the Lords supper the body and blood of Christ are truly and substantially present, and truly given with those things that are seen, the bread and wine, unto those who receive the sacrament; and the Apology witnesseth that this Article, being propounded in this manner, was not disproved by his Caesarean Majesty. But although they who follow the opinion different from the followers of this confession, and is set up by Calvin, do contend that they agree well with this expression, because they think, that thereby no carnal or substantial presence of Christs body & blood with the signes of bread & wine (which may be received equaly by the bad & good men) is concluded, yet afterwards the followers of this confession have in their writtings declared their mind plainly enough, to wit, the body and blood of Christ in the bread & wine are received, not by faith only, but even by the mouth of the Body, by the unworthy as wel as by the worthy. But in all these expressions of that Augustan confession, the controversy yet re∣maines, Whether the body and blood of Christ be present in the very eating only? This is now taught plainly by them all, and expressly de∣clared in the confession of Saxony, where they say, Men are taught, that the Sacraments are actions instituted by God, and without the the appointed use those things have not the nature of a sacrament, but in the appointed use in this communion Christ is truly and substantially pre∣sent, and truly tendered unto the receivers of the body & blood of Christ, seing not only the present Church, but also the antient and Catholick did everthink and reach, that this sacrament stands not in the action and use only, but after the consecration (which is done by the Lords words, and invocation of the Divine name) the body and blood of Christ is made of the substances of the bread & wine, and the virtue of the blessing is not losed; especially if it be reserved for the use of the sick: to which purpose are many testimonies...................Those are madd therefore, who say, that the mystical benediction ceaseth after the sanctification, if any part remain untill the next day: for the holy body of Christ is not changed, &c. The faithfulness of the author in this article, will be best known by inspection of the quoted places. Certainly there were alterations of this article in sundry editions of the Augustan confession: but who will read the Saxons confession, will soon find, that he wrongeth them; for they say expressly, Without the use whereunto they were or∣dained, the things themselves are not to be accounted for a sacrament, but in the use appointed, &c. Neither do they add one word of the remaining of Christs body after the use, as neither do they alledge any testimony to that purpose. So that his weakness appeares in nothing more than in this article, and specially in that madd conclusion, which followes no way upon those testimonies: for though Irenaeus saith, That which is from earth, after it hath received the calling of God, is not now common bread, but the Eucha∣rist consisting of two things, an earthly, and a heavenly; and others speak in

that manner, will it therefore follow, that they are mad, who say, that the Elements are not the Sacrament without the use? And again that the doctrine of Calvin concerning the Sacrament was set up or begun by him; the author shewes his weakness, seing an egg is not liker unto another, than that which Calvin taught, is like unto those testimonies of the antients quoted in the same place. Of the Roman Highpriest, he saith on the 7. Article, Whereas for unity of the Church they require the obedience unto a chief Rector, who hath succeeded to Peter in ruling the Church of Christ, and in feeding his sheep, it is not different from the consent of the antient Church: Truly Ambrose calleth the Roman Bishop in his time the Rector of the whole Church of Christ: it is also certain, that of old, so far as the memory of the Church is extant, that the chief authority in the whole Church was gi∣ven unto the Roman Bishop as the Successor of Peter and possessing of his chaire; which may be demonstred by innumerable testimonies of the most antient and grave men both Greek and Latine; as Irenaeus, Tertullian, Optatus, Jerom, Ambrose, Basile, Chrysostom, Augustin, unto whom the Ecclesiastical Histories and Decrees of Councels agree: and I think, there had never been controversy among us for this point, unless the Ro∣mane Highpriests had abused this authority unto some kind of domineer∣ing, and had stretched it through ambition and covetousness, beyond the bounds, that were prescribed by Christ and the Church: but this abuse of the Pontifician power, which the flatterers did at first enlarge beyond measure, gave occasion to think amiss of, yea and to fall off altogether from that Pontifician power, which he had by universal consent of the whole church; which I think, may be recovered if he would return unto the bounds, that were prescribed by Christ and the antient church, &c. Here are fair pretences, but no less untrue: for the Augustan Confession requires no such obedience, nor did Christ prescribe it, no nor the vniversal Church, as the preceeding part of this history shew clearly: was not this the main strife betwixt the Greek and the Latines? and did not the African church oppose it? neither do any of those named antients avouch it, as is cleared in many polemicall treatises. In some articles he neither blameth the Confession, nor can excuse the Roman Church; as on the 12. article he saith, From the custom of canonical punishments, which were publickly enioyned unto the penitents for a prescribed time, indulgences were hat∣ched: for when the Bishops saw the diligence or weakness of repentants, they might deal the more courteously & meekly with them, and diminish some thing of the time, or of the rigor of the punishments: which abaiting of the canonical punishments, was called Indulgence, and now it is brought into privat satisfactions, and from the Bishops it is turned unto the Roman highpriest only, that he hath the full power of indulgences: concerning the use and exercise of which, every one of the best sort hath wished that there were a moderation and correction, because they have been the main cause of this renting of the Church: here (saith he) it were to be wished, that the Roman highpriests would yeeld somewhat for common peace. On the 16 article he saith, What is spoken of the Magistrat and civill things, is every way to be allowed; that lawfull civil ordinances are the good works of God; that it is lawfull unto Ch••istians to be Magistrats, to or∣dain punishment by law, to warre righteously; &c. The doubt only remaines, of the Office & power of the Magistrat in Ecclesiastical things: here is excess on both hands, some asscribing too little, and some too much unto Civil power: for some exclude Princes and Magistrats from all med∣ling

with Ecclesiastical things, and others make all ecclesiastical administra∣tion subject unto the power of the Magistrat. But in this question that should be without controversy, that the power of the Emperour and other Chri∣stian Princes is no less or inferior in a Christian Republick, then was in old times the power of Kings in the commonwealth of Israel: and it is mani∣fest by the Divine Scriptures, what was their Office in preserving the Divine law, and promoving the Divine worship: for by a Divine law the rea∣ding of Deuteronomy is commended unto them, not only that thereby they should order their privat life rightly and holily, but likewise to pre∣serve the Divine lawes in vigor and without violation; and the exam∣ples of the godly Kings, who are commended in the Scriptures de∣clare this clearly, who finding the will of God in his law, comman∣ded the priests and Levites to restore Divine worship as it is prescribed in Divine law, &c. Of the processions (as they are called) on the 22 arti∣cle he saith. The custom of carrying the bread of the Eucharist conspicu∣ously in publick pompe, is besides the mind and manner of the antients, and seemes to have been begun but lately: for those had this mystery in such Religion, that they would admit none either to the receiving, or beholding it, but the believers, whom they judged to be members of Christ and worthy of the partaking so great a mystery: therefore before the con∣secration, Catechumeni, energumeni, the penitents and all who did not com∣municate, were set forth by the voice of a deacon, and ministry of the door-keepers. Wherefore it seemes, the custom of Circumgestation may well be omitted, &c. On the 24 article he saith, Whereas they complain of privy Masses, it is not without reason, if thereby they understand, the Masses, wherein the priest only takes the sacrament, and there is no distribution of the mysteries; which when it began in some monasteries, was forbidden, as is clear in a canon of the Nanneten. councel, &c. The Belgick Index expurgatorius hath not spared other of this mans works; as his Scholia on the hymns: on that which beginneth, Nocte surgentes, in the edition at Colen An. 1556. it is in page 48, and in the edition at Paris 1616. in Fol. it is Page 179, it is said, Cumsuis sanctis mereamur aulam Ingredi coeli: the Scholia say, The word mereri is one almost among the Ecclesiasti∣cal Writers, with consequi seu aptum idoneumve fieri ad consequendum: which * 5.80 appeares by one passage of Cyprian, besides many more: for where Paul saith 1. Tim. 1. I have obtained mercy, and it is usually read, misericordiam consecutus sum, or as Erasmus translates it, misericordiam adeptus sum, Cy∣prian in epist. ad Iuiaban. reades it, misericordiam merui: and there be many passages in the Offices and prayers of the Church, where this word should be taken in this sense: if this notion of that word were held, many pla∣ces, which seem harsh, would appeare more pleasant and usefull. In the next Scholi. or anotation he saith, These words, super hanc petram, we should understand Peters confession, saying, Thou art Christ the sonne of the living God. This was the exposition of Augustin, and Ambrose followes it elsewhere, confessing that it is not the person of Peter, but his faith on which the Church is builded, and against which the gates of hell shall not prevail: sor faith (saith he) is the foundation of the Church, seing it is said not of the flesh of Peter, but of his faith, The gates of death shall not prevail against it: but his confession overcomes hell. Hereunto a∣greeth that of Cyrill, I think that the Rock is no other but the unmova∣ble and most sure faith of the disciple, on which the Church of Christ is so founded and fastened, that it can not fail, and abides for ever unvincible

by the gates of hell. And therefore when Ambrose calles Peter the rock of the Church, it may be understood to be spoken figuratively, that the name, which is proper unto the faith and confession of Peter, is spoken of Peter for his faith and confession: truly the same Ambrose Lib. de incar∣nation. sacramento calleth Peter the foundation, but instantly he addeth, The faith and confession of Peter is the foundation of the Church. Among the Ecclesiast. Hymni. he hath one de circumcisione Christi, which saith.

Hoc nomen est potentiae, Novaeque signum gloriae Et per quodunum caelitus Datur salus mortalibus. Tu Cbriste non effabilis Imago caelestis Patris, Danil colatur quàm tuum In omne nomen seculum.

Those and many other passages are ordained to be blotted out by the Belgick Index expurgatorius, as also it prohibites to print his books de baptis∣mo infantium, his Liturgica, and preces Ecclesiasticae. It is observable, that in a hymne de beata virgine which is now usually song in the Romish Officia where it is sadi,

Maria mater gratiae, Mater misericordiae, Tu nos ab hoste protege, Et hora mortissuscipe.

Ge. Cassander, page 255 edit. in Fol addeth on the magine, This clause is not in the old books. By those passages and many more, which might be added, it appeares, that some continue in the Romane Church, who know the errors thereof: as I could bring such passages from Johannes Ferus about that time preacher in the cathedral of Mentz, and others▪ and else where I have hinted at others. * 5.81

II. When the Nether-landers saw, that their Supplication unto the King, had no place, and so the Reformation going to ruin: their goods layd open as a prey unto the Inquisitors, and their persons in danger; they con∣sulted to defend themselves against the Inquisitors, so far as the dignity and authority of the King and antient lawes could permit them. They entred into a league, and confirmed it by oath, and sought what way to resist that calamity: three hundred Noble men consented unto this league of defence, at Brussels Aprile 3. An. 1566. and by a Noble man Brederod they tendred a Supplication unto the Dutchess: wherein they protest their reverence, obedience and love unto the King and Her his Vicegerent: then they made their petition to take off the Inquisition, and that the Kings edicts concerning Religion might besuspended, untill the king and States of the Provinces had determined of them; or else great inconvenients may follow. French Comment Lib. 7. Briefly so long as that Dutchess was Gover∣nor, the Reformed were somtimes persecuted, when She was pressed by autority of Edicts; somtimes they had intermissions for five or sixe months by the ardent supplications of the Nobles: at such times they had their open meetings and preachings: they threw down images and ornaments of the Masse out of the churches, and they were multiplied exceedingly. Wherefore the Bishops raged, and raised persecution again: especially in the end of the same year many of the Reformed were burnt and slain. Nor∣cam Marques of Berga in name of the Dutchess raised an Army, took the town Santman, and committed most cruel tyrany, rapine, murther, defiling of women, and most horrible kinds of torment. He beseeged Valencia three months: though the Reformed were many in number, and the Noble men favoured the good cause, yet they stood as beholders, neither defending nor resisting; yea few of them went to the preachings: sundry companies lyke scattered men went to Valencia, but without Com∣manders,

and returned to their houses. In the end of March. An. 1567▪ upon assurance of the Dutchess's Letters promising all favor and clemency the town was rendred: but it can not be shewd what cruelty was done against those people. By those cruelties the people were warned to provid for themselves. Ibid. At the report of Ferdinand Alvares Duke d'Alva's coming into the Netherlands many fled, some into England, some to Wesel, Frankford, Heidelberg, and Frankendal. Whethersoever they went, they followed (as they could) one and the same order in the Churches, which is named before. In those sad times they were confident, that God would pity his afflicted people, to the glory of His name; and because they could not have a Synode in their native land, they assembled in Wesel An. 1568. where the Ministers and some others agreed, that wheresoever they were scattered for a time, they should hold fast the confession of faith that was published An. 1563. and the Church-order of Catechism, administration of Sacraments, and disciplin by Ministers, Elders and Deacons. This agreement was subscribed by fifty Ministers, and others. Triglandius con∣tra Vyttenbog. Part. 3. hath their names out of an authentick Copy. In the year 1571. they having more esperance of liberty, did assemble at Emb∣den from the Provinces and other parts in a greater number: There they did resume the Confession of faith, and ordain that in all time coming eve∣ry Minister at his admission should subscribe it and the French Confession for observing Unity of Doctrine; and trusting that the Ministers of France would mutualy subscribe their Confession. There also it was ordained, that no Church shall have dominion over another Church, nor any prea∣cher of the Word should have power over another preacher, nor any El∣der over another, nor any Deacon over another. They did ordain thus, because experience had taught, how out of this humane invention of the Superiority of Bishops over Bishops and Preachers, had sprong the pride and power of the Romane Pope, and the cruelty of other Bishops for maintaining their own interests; and to declare how solicitous they were to eschue all thing, that might tend thereunto afterwards. It's worthy the marking that they ordered and entreated the Lord of S. Altegonde, to writ the History of what had been done in those by past years, in the forsaking of idolatry, the beginning of Reformation, the persecutions and constan∣cy of the Martyres, the visible judgements of God upon the persecutors, the alteration of the Civill Government, &c. And they appointed cer∣tain persons in severall towns to gather all Notes and memorials of those things, and send them unto him. This assembly was called, and afterwards reputed the first Nationall Synod of the Netherlands. Duke d'Alba dis∣sembled his cruelty at his first coming into Belgio, and made the people believe, that whatever was done for religion, should be pardoned: and to this effect an edict was proclaimed: but shorthly after, without respect of former government he appoints a new Counsel, consisting of twelve Persons, (commonly called The bloody Senate) to sit on all causes of life and death. Unto them who had fled, he appointed a certain day to return, and before that day he decerned all their goods to be confiscated▪ He called a Parliament of all the Provinces, and promised safety unto all who had interest. The Count of Nassaw or Prince of Orange suspecting deceitfulness fled into high Germany: so did many others. Lamoral Count of Egmont (who was a Papist, but serious for their antient liber∣ties, and therefore was hated by the Duke) and Philip Montmerency Count of Horn (a zealous Reformer) compeared in the Parliament, trusting to the proclamed safeconduct, and both were beheaded at Brussels,

without any regard of their former services to the King. French. Common. Lib. 7. It were longsom to repeat what cruelties d'Alva shewd in spoiling, burning, hanging, heading, hacking, racking, and most horribly tor∣turing without respect of age, sexe or condition. In the space of sixe years he is said to have put to death 18600. persons by the hands of hangmen; besides all other his Barbarity: He despised all ordinary Judges and juris∣dictions, even howbeit many and earnest sollicitations were put up in that behalf: He and his Spanish Shouldiers abused women young and old, some to death: He pulled the skins off some being alive, and headed the drums with them: He caused some bodies be taken out of their graves, and caused bury them under gibets, because (as he said) they had died with∣out shriving; to the end, he might pretend rig••t unto their goods: he compelled the wifes of them who were fled, to marry his Souldiers: In a word, what is there under heaven so holy or honest, which he defiled not? what barbarous cruelty practized he not? as afterwards was publi∣shed in a Supplication unto the King, and is extant, being printed at Lon∣don An. 157••. with the French Commentaries. For those causes the Stat∣es of the Netherlands began to take Arms against that Duke in the year 1568. and they choosed William Prince of Orange to be their General: he levied an Army of Germanes and Netherlanders: Mons. Genly brought unto him some Companies of Frenches out of Picardy: then passing the River at Mentz, he lingred some months, only skirmishing now and then with the Duk's souldiers, yet taking some s••al towns: In November he passed by the way of Liege to join with the Prince of Condee in Picardy, with litle success. Ibid. Lib. 8. Then d'Alva raised a great Army, boasting to extinguish all the Reformed. Lewes Count of Nassaw and Brother of William gaue battell unto the Spanjards near Groning in Friseland; disper∣sed them, and slew their Commander John Count o•• Arnebergh. Adolph a third Brother died in another fight. Then d'Alva raged the more against the Reformers, and most cruelly put to deat•• Gisebert and Theodor Battemburges two Brothers of an antient family, and other sixtien Gentle men with them: he layd new tributes on the people: he devised new tor∣ments, and every where horrible murders were seen, especially at Torna and Valentia. Wherefore the people did flock unto the Prince of Orange: Albeit at the first he had hard luck; yet when d'Alva required of every Master of a family within the Provinces the tenth penny, from each mer∣chant the twenty penny, and of all the landes and houses (when they were sold) the hundred penny, to wit, in the year 1570. the warrs seemed but to begin, and more people joyned with the Prince, especially all Hol∣land and Zeeland; and the F••ssiners took the Spainish Navy coming from the West-Indies in the year 1572. d'Alva accuseth them of rebellion against the King, and of blasphemy against God, and did write so unto the King. VVhen the Reformed knew of that Letter, they wrote the Supplication (whereof I spake before) An. 1573. wherein they protest, that whatsoe∣ver was done, they had not attempted it for any disloyalty unto the King their lawfull Superior, but to defend themselves against the cruell oppres∣sion of the bloody Tyrant d'Alva; and they humbly beseech the King, to call to minde, how those Countries were formerly divided among so many Lords and Rulers, and afterwards by marriages, mutuall treaties, and lawfull successions they came under one house of Burgundy, and now they are come under Spain; yet always with express condition, that each of those Provinces and Republicks should still enjoy their former liberties,

and none of them should be burdened with the dominion of another; but live joyntly together under one Prince, as so many children in their fathers house under one father: for verification of this, they put him in mind of his own entrance (among others) how his Father Charles V. caused him (according to the accustomed solemnization) repeat and confirm by oath the same priviledges: which he had also renewed in a common As∣sembly, when he received the government: but now (say they) they are robbed of their rights and liberties, yea horribly oppressed by a stran∣ger, a Tyrant, an Herod, a Nero, &c. and they name many of his op∣pressions: in the end they humbly beseech him for Gods sake to bowe his ears unto their just complaint, and they profess that they desire not to be dissolved from the obedience of his Majesty, but only that they may have consciences free unto God, to hear his worde, as they must give accounpt at the day of judgement; and to suffer the Countries enjoy their former liberties & customs, as he had promised by oath: and if he will be so gra∣cious unto them, they promise to lay down their weapons, and to hazard their lifes and goods in his service by sea or lande, &c. This their Sup∣plication they caused to be printed in Latine, Dutch and English. The same year Philip called home Duke d'Alva, either because he did not allow his cruelty, or because he did not prosper in the warres; but he despised their supplication, and made no accounpt of their power nor confederat help, saying, VVhat can those mice do? So the States obtaining neither civil liberty, nor of Religion, did refuse all obedience unto the King of Spain: they put down all the power of the Bishops, and resolve to defend themselves. At the first they stamped their coin with a leash about a lions neck, and a mouse between his feet, with this circumscription, Rosis leonem loris mus liberat, meaning, that their poor power would set religion of the Tribe of Judah at liberty; and alluding unto that contemptuous word of King Philip. The first Union of the Provinces for government, was between Holland and Zeeland in the year 1576. Aprile 15. and concer∣ning Religion the Article was thus; His Excellence shall admit and main∣tain the exercise of the Reformed Euangelical Religion; and shal cause the exercise of all other Religions, that are contrary unto the Gospell, to sur∣cease and leave off; excep that his Excellency should not permit any in∣quisition upon any mans belieff or conscience, or that therefore any trou∣ble, injury or impediment should be done unto any. Afterwards five other Provinces joyned with them, and in the year 1579. at Utrecht was the Generall Union of the seven, in which the Article concerning Religion is thus; As for the permitting or not permitting the exercise of Religion unto them, who are different from the Reformed, let every Jurisdiction decern according to their own pleasure and custom; but all should grant liberty of Religion and of conscience unto every man, and for that cause persecute and trouble none. So the Reformed Religion only hath place in the Churches. The Provinces of Holland and Zeeland held their first Syn∣od at Dort An. 1574. and all the seven had their first Synod at Middel∣burgh An. 1578. in which they did agree on the order in the Churches: Concerning which two Synods I shall subjoyn the words of the Provincial Synod of South and North Holland, held at Harlem in the year 1582. as a summary of them both and of other particulares. These are; The al∣mighty and mercifull God had in the year 1566. under the sad affliction, which was then prepared for the Netherlands, graciously shew'd a blink of the truth of his Gospell untill this time here and there in privat preaching:

but the world's unthankfulness and sin did thē turn away that grace of God; and many honest persons when others fled the Land, did readily suffer the Spainish tyranny over the Land through the just judgement of God, whereby not only the publick exercise of ••he true Religion was no way permitted, but also it was most strictly forbidden in privat, and punished with intolerable edicts and torments; Nevertheless our good God, accor∣ding to his wisdom and goodness, hath contrary to all the power of Satan and his instruments, in the time of that cruell persecution, discovered (by many) more and more, the idolatry, superstitions and errors of Popery, and did enlighthen them with the knowledge of his trueth, with great hazart of their goods, bodies and lifes, and they prayd zealously un∣to God, that he would look upon their affliction, and deliver them, as at last it is come to pass without the Counsel and wit of any men: for when the persecution was come to the highest, those who had seen with their eyes the persecution of the Christian Church and truth of the Holy Gospell, yea who in their ignorance (as we many certainly think, at least, of many) had willingly suffered themselves to be abused as instruments there∣unto; that those (I say) have resisted the Spainish government, and re∣fusing those unreasonable exactions, have begun to consider of their pri∣viledges and former liberties, seeing it was intended not only to root out the true Religion, but likewise to bring into perpetuall slavery all the in∣dwellers of the Netherlands, both spirituall (as they were wont to speak) and Politicks, of high and low degree, citizens and merchants, trades∣men and others with wifes and children; And the matter was so far brought, after that our just supplications were not accept nor heard, that some both without and within the Land, though with a smal begin∣ning, did gainstand the tyranny; By those hath the Lord God, who heard the prayers of the faithfull, and in this age of the world, of his mercy gathered unto himself a Church within these Lands, and wrought another work, in setting up by them in the midst of those troubles his Gospell, and causing it to be preached again first in Holland and Zeeland; Which when many, who hethertils knew nothing of the Gospell, saw with pleasure, and untill that time had been silent (for they were slack in the just cause, to fight for the priviledges and freedom of the Land, and to defend them, and did find themselves unable to resist them who loved the Gospell) for this cause those people were willing to apply themselves with all faithfulness to defend the liberties of their native Land, seeing that also they might serve God with a pure conscience, when God had opened a way there∣unto. What other motives were to joyn unto this cause, is needless to repeat; Yea God hath given the grace, that by those foresaid meanes, he hath not only made a beginning of maintaining our Civil liberty against the Spanish goverment over all the Netherlands (howbeit the matter was weak and miserable, to the end, the glory of our deliverance should be given unto God only) but he hath also more and more promoted the preaching of the Gospell in Holland and Zeeland, by adjoyning the Lords the States of the Land, and his Princely Excellency, to delight therein; and as some had adjoyned themselves unto the Christian Church, so have they also (seeing that the Land might heerby by the better defended from the enemy) received and sufficiently established the publick exercise of the Reformed religion, by publick edicts and other furtherances; and so Popery is set off here and there by degrees, and at last the exercise thereof is forbidden; Therefore necessarily the ordinances of the Church, that were privatly

used under the persecution, must be made known unto other preachers, who are accepted out of Popery or otherwise, because the Churches are numerous; to the end, there may be an unity in pure doctrine: and uni∣formity of Service; and the Church and their leaders may increase and be perfited in godliness of conversation; For which end a Synod or assembly of Ministers and Elders out of all the Churches in the Provinces of Holland and Zeeland, by the knowledge and approbation of his Princely Excellen∣cy, and of the high States of Holland & Zeeland was called to Dort: Where after conference in the affaires of the Church, and amending of some enormities that had fallen out, a form of administration and govern∣ment of the Churches was appointed, so far as they could in time of the grievous warrs, where with these Lands were then burdened; But after that it is remarkable, that some persons being driven either through their weakness or through dregs of Popery or of any other sect, which have retar∣ded the Gospell, thought it not good, that in the Church should be such ordinances, and a Consistory, that is, an assembly of Ministers, Elders and deacons, but would rather, that Ministers should only preach, and administrat the sacraments, admitting every man without difference, &c. and that the Magistrats should set off and on the Ministers, and rule the Churches, as they shall find usefull & expedient; And this was done un∣der the shew of liberty of conscience; And it was also said, that the Mi∣nisters were beginning a new Monkery, whereby in progress of time they would become Masters over the Magistrats, as it was in Popery; By these words plausible and acceptable unto the world, other thoughts were brought upon the Gospell, and the advancement of it was hindred; But these had not considered that the offices of the Magistrats and of the Mini∣sters were distinct; and as unto the Magistracy, which is a service of God, belongs the government of life, and the protection of both the Tables of Gods law; under which is comprehended, that they should advance Gods trueth by their defence and maintainance, So unto the Ministers, who in other causes are subject with body and goods unto the Magistrats, belongeth their proper office, which they have from God, to inform, teach, stirr up, exhort and move the consciences of men unto holiness, not according to the mind or will of any men, but after the direction of the Gospell, to do their best endeavours; And that the Church of Jesus Christ, in the administration of the worde and sacraments and other things belonging thereunto, doth acknowledge neither Pope, nor any humane Magistracy, nor the Preachers themselves, for Head and Lord, but only Jesus Christ, after whose lawes, will and commandements the Church should be ruled, and unto whom both Preachers and Elders and deacons, and also the whol Christian Church of whatever rank, should be obedient; But it were longsom now to declare this: it is sufficient to hint it in a worde; If the liberty and ministry of the Churches should absolutely, depend upon the Magistrats and their commandes, a great confusion would follow, the purity of doctrin might soon decay, all enormities abound, and piety would fail; as by the grace of God the greatest part of the Magistrats do well understand, and may know yet better, when they shall duly hear the answer of the Churches against the unjust complaint of some who seem to stand for Libertinisme more then for Christian liberty: for when there is no end of their complaints, and (as it shall be found true) they with their written and printed Remonstrances will not be directed by the High States themselves, so the Church must apologize for the cause of

Christ and his Gospell, howbeit wee do it not unwillingly, and would rather plead it by word of mouth, But to return unto the purpose, it hath so far come, that it hath been propounded unto his Princely Excellency and the high States, as reasonable, that in no town or willage should be any convention or consistory, but with advice of the Magistrats of the towns, or of the States, by which the meetings and Ministry of the Church should be brought into great danger: but his Excellency and the States un∣derstanding the cause better, have established the former ordinances and administration, whereby it may be seen, that the Churches have increased and multiplied; Afterwards by the pacification of Ghent, and by the death of those great Commanders, then Governors of the other Nether∣lands, it came to pass, that not only in Holland and Zeeland was Popery forsaken, and the preaching of the Gospell accept, but also the good sub∣jects in Brabant, Flanders, Gelderland, Friseland, the bishoprik of U∣trecht, the land of Overisel &c. have begun to embrace the trueth: where∣by in some places publickly, in other places howbeit privily in houses, yet in great assemblies of people, and also with the knowledge and con∣sent of the Magistrats Gods worde is preached, &c. So far there. Before that time Gaspar Colhaes a Minister at Leiden (who had been a priest in time of Popery, and yet had professed the Reformed Religion in time of the persecution) had made no small sturre for the government of the Church, as he had also retained other dregs of Popery, and other preachers like∣wise; So that the Churches of the Netherlands was seldom free of one stichler or other; yet alwise maintained and keept pure by the vigilancy of Synods, and by protection of Magistrats, from the corruption of such subdolous Ministers. In time of the troubls moved by Colhaes, the Stat∣es of Holland called for one Minister out of each Classis, and sent two Commissioners Gerhard van Wingaerd and Leonard Caesenbrood unto them, requiring them to shew the form of the Church-government, and to shew the distinction between the Civil and ecclesiastical government. Those answered, The Church-discipline was considered and penned by the Synod at Dort in the year 1578. which was authorized by the High * 5.82 States; And they had been traduced unjustly, that they would have usur∣ped dominion over the Magistrates: for they acknowledge themselves to be subject unto the Magistrats, as any other subjects are, both for body and goods, except only that according to Gods worde, they may exercize the Office committed by God unto them, conform unto the writings of the Prophets & Apostles; As for the distinction of the Offices, they gave it in write; whereof the authentick copy Triglandius Lib. cit. saith, he hath not seen; but he gives the summa of it from another, to wit, Both Offices are ordained by God: both are preservers of godly righteousness: both should be reverenced for conscience sake; The Magistrate should not only preserve godly righteousness, but provide for the commonweel-fare, in which respect Church-men as well as others are subject unto them in body & goods; the Magistrat's Office is to establish and promote by their authority and example, so far as concerneth the outward man, that Gods Worde be obey'd: but the Office of Ministers is, to set that Worde before the people, with faithfull teaching and godly conversation; The Office of the Magistrat is to compell the despisers and falsefiers of Gods word, that they hinder not the outward peace of the Church, and if any do disturbe it, to punish them with imprisonment or other punishment in hody or goods; And the ministers should exhort the people in Christ's name, to

serve God peaceably, and to shew forth their dutifull regarde of Gods worde, and should call unto repentance the inward man, that is, the spi∣rit or soul, with spirituall weapens, that is, by preaching eternall life, and threatning everlasting death; The Magistrats office is to ordain punish∣ment in body and goods, and according to circumstances of oceasions, to mitigate or straiten them; And the Ministers should prudently exercize the exhortations and menaces that are prescribed in Gods Word, and the excommunication. The Magistrate should provide, that the external peace of the Church [as the Civil peace] be keept safe, and as occasion requires to punish the transgressions of the disturbers; And Ministers should endeavour out of love, that according to the rule of discipline in Gods Worde the souls of offenders may be brought unto salvation; The Magi∣strate should preside when punishments of life or goods are handled: And Ministers govern in the Church-counsell when matters of conscience are judged; The Ministers and Church-counsel should appoint the discipline of the Church, according to the rule of Gods Worde: and the Magistrate hath power by himself, whether present or absent, to examine it; and if he dissallow any thing therein, he may commande the Church-men to re∣form it according to Gods Worde; The Magistrate (as also the Church) hath power to seek, and to use their authority, if need shall be, that Mi∣nisters of the Worde be called, and the Church be provided with them; and also to punish the faults even in the pulpit, that deserve Civil punishment, and it is the office of Ministers and Elders to choose persons sufficient for the of∣fice, and then to present those before the Magistrate, that he may ap∣prove them, if there no be lawfull impediment, which then should be confirmed by the Ministers, When the Church shall be troubled with any division, it is the office of the Magistrate, to call together a Church-assem∣bly, and to rule it as concerning the external action: But when the Church is in peace, it belongs unto the Ministers, to call the Ecclesiasticall assem∣blies, and to preside in them; Seeing Ministers have no commandes of their own, but only the commandes of Christ, they may not domineer over the consciences of the people: but the Magistrates have power to commande the Bodyes and goods of their subjects; The Church-ministry is more like a fatherly, then a Kingly power, and therefore their esti∣mation is preserved according to their reverent teaching, and by honest entertaiment which the Magistrate procures & provides. But the Magi∣strate hath Civil compulsion ••ver all his subjects, as well Ministers as others, and must be honoured by them all with obedience, subjection, and paiment of tribute So far he.

III. When the Queen-mother had gotten the whole government of * 5.83 France, then her rage and the pride of the Guises was not against particulare assemblies & persons only, but they sought the destruction of all the Nobility and people, who followed not the superstition of Rome: whence arose intestin warrs in France once and again and the third time within nine years: for when the Queen sawe the loss of her excellentest Captains, or that faction sawe no appearance to prevail, they could fein peace, to the end, the reformed may lay their weapons aside, and then be taken unaworse. The Apostate King of Navar was killed by a small pellet at the seege of Roan: he being deadly wounded, was carryed to Paris, and through vehemency of pain died desperatly. French. Commentar. Lib 5. The Reformed had but a few Cities; Lions fell from them by the craft of their Governor, and the Reformed within it were robbed and murde∣red,

their churches were burnt, but some escaped into the castle of S. Sebastian, and from thence took their refuge into other places, namely unto Geneve. In Dolfeny the Cities Valentia, Vienna, Roman and Mantill took part with the Nobles of the Reformed Religion: So in Lan∣guedoc did Nemeaux, Montpelier, Caster-albien, and some cities of the Rhodes, of Sevenas, and of Vivaretz: they had also Montalban, and all the circumiacent places; Orleance and the cities there adioyning, and Rochell. In all parts of the realm were some Protestants, but they were exiled out of the Popish towns: whereby the Army of the Prince of Condee was the greater. The cruelty used in Lions moved the Protestants to arise in others places: so many were slain in every Province: for the Papists burnt the Reformed Churches, and on the other side they cried, Places of idolatry should be demolished. So they burnt the Popish churches. Ibid. Lib. 8. In the second warrs Pultrotz Merae (a souldier of Lions being sent with Letters of Mons. Soubize unto the Admiral Caspar Coligny warring for the Reformed in Normandy) did insinuat himself into credite with the Duke of Guise, and killed him with a pistoll. Whereupon the Queen consented into a peace, and Pultrotz was drawn a sunder by four horses at Paris. This peace continued in some manner, for five years: but hote was the persecution in the year. 1570: the persecutors russhing into the houses of the Reformed, and without pitty murdered man, wife and children: they choaked some with smoke, and threw others unto doggs. They did easily obtain edicts from the King, and dispensations from the Bishops, against the Hugonots, as they contemptu∣ously called them. But the most horrible murthering was in the year 1572 for that barbarous and infamous massacre. When the King and his mother could not prevail by open violence, they went about by slight and falshood; to wit, they contracted Margarit the Kings Sister unto Henry King of Na∣var, being scarcely twenty years old: the marriage was solemnized Au∣gust 17. by the Cardinal of Bourbon: hether were all the chief Protestants of France invited by the Kings Letters full of love. Before the appointed day, Joanna the widow Queen of Navar had a paire of gloves sent unto her from the Court at Paris, wherewith she was killed. On the 24 day of August certain souldiers were appointed in sundry places of the city to be ready at a watch-word: and when the Reformed were secure, they were barbarously murdered in their chambers: when they had killed the Admiral, they threw him out at a window: then they cutted off his head, and sent it unto the Pope: they cutted off his hands & privy members, and rolled his body three dayes from street to street and at last drew it into the place of execution without the city, and hang'd it by the feet. this bloody execution continued many dayes: how many were murdered within that City, may be guessed by what Ja. Thuan Lib. 52. writs, that he heard a goldsmith Cruciarius (very worthy of the gallows) vaunt, that at that time he had slain with his own hand 400. persons: and afterwards being troubled in conscience, removed himself from the company of men and became an Anachorite. When the hottest of theirfury was over, the King commanded the King of Navar and Prince of Condee to come unto him: he told them, that now he had attained sure remedy of setling the warrs, and he had spared them in respect of their consanguinity, and will yet spare them on condition, that within three dayes they will renounce their heresy, and return into the bosom of the Roman Church. The King of Navar was dashed at such hard words, and answered with fear, He will

obey the commands whatever, if his body and conscience be permitted free. The Prince spake more confidently, urging the Kings oath, that he had given unto the Protestants, and professing all obedience, excepting Religion. The King Charles 9. calleth him obstinat and seditious, and threatned him with death within three dayes. Thuan. Lib. 52. On thurseday following (which was Aug. 28) Charles commandeth a procession through Paris (wherein he went personally) to give God thanks publickly for the hap∣py success of his enterprice. And the same day he published an edict, shewing that he was the author of the Admiral's death, and of those his adherents, not for Religion (said he) nor of purpose to violat the edict of pacifica∣tion, but to prevent their conspiracy against his person and his mother, and the King of Navar and other Nobles standing in his favor; and he comman∣ded, that none of the Reformed Religion should have any privat or pu∣blick assemblies under pain of losing both goods and lifes, untill he be fur∣ther advised. Additions to the 10 book of Comment. The reader may judge, how the first and last part of this edict do agree: he professes, that he in∣tendes not to violat the act of pacification, in which he had granted liberty of Religion, in August. 1571. and in the last words he discharges their as∣semblies: as for the conspiracy, even the Papists believed it nor, saith O∣siander ex Nigri. His dissimulation appeares yet more, that in the same edict he commanded all the Protestants to abide at their own houses under his protection; and in the mean while he had sent commande unto the go∣vernors of Provinces and cities, to practize the like cruelty every where; and so 500 were killed at Tolouse; 800. at Lions, at Roan, Diep, Me∣ausia, Orleans, and other parts within one month 30000, Thuan Li. ci••. and in that year above 100000 Protestants were massacred, Th. Rogers in the preface of The Catholick doctrine. Not only were the Protestants murdered that way, but many others for privat malice or avarice of the executioners. Some of the Governors refused to obey that command; as, Claudius Count de Tende, when he had read it, said, He would obey the former edict, but he doubted that this other was only coloured with the Kings name: Therefore at the Kings command he was poisoned at Avenion within few dayes. Mons. Sautheram Governor of Auvergne refused, saying, He was the Kings Lieutenant for execution of justice, and not to be a hang-man. Additions to the 10 book of French Commen. Great mirth, and processions were at Rome, when the Pope heard of those massacres. By the Kings commande horsemen were dispatched into all parts, that no Go∣vernor be absent from his charge, and to watche and warde diligently, and to search narrowly all the assemblies of the Reformed, and to punish them without exception. In all parts of the realm they were apprehended, who keept their houses upon trust of the Kings protection: many were mur∣dered, and all almost were robbed, as if they had been vanquish'd ene∣mies; so that nothing seemed to remain unto them, but utter confusion. On the 10 day of September Charles sent for the Prince of Condee, and willed him to choose one of three, either Masse, or death, or perpetual prison. He answered, He would never choose the first, and he left the o∣ther two unto the Kings pleasure Thuan. lib. 53. Before he obtained liberty, he was induced to subscribe that abjuration, whereof a copy is in the 10 Book of the French Comment. So did Henry King of Navarsway with the times. These two easily without petitioning received pardon from Pope Gregory XIII. by intercession of King Charles. In the dayes of the late Queen of Navar, had been an assembly in Bearn, and by free consent

of the States, the Masse was discharged throughout all that realm: but then in the year 1572 October 15 king Henry published a contrary edict, for∣bidding the Reformed Religion, and he sent Mons. Grammount granting leave unto the Reformed, to sell their lands within a year, and then remove, or to conform themselves. The people were not moved by these Letters, and said, These letters were extorted from the king in his captivity. Thuan-ibi. Nevertheless those examples moved many, who were thought to love the Religion, to profess the contrary. The cities Rochell, Mon∣tauban, Sanser, Anduz, and other towns in Vivaretz and Sevenatz con∣tinued constant: but it seemed unto many of themselves great folly joyned with madness, after so great overthrow of all the Nobility and so many others, to think upon any defence, when scarce any Noble man durst owne the Religion: and not a few said, It is not lawfull, that subjects should bear arms against their king, albeit he be wicked, as it had appea∣red by the success. ••n a word, all of them were uncertain, what to do, and inevitable destruction seemed to be brought on the Church in France: the chief men were gone; they had no help from Germany nor England as before: yet the helping hand of God appeared in due time. French Comment lib. 11. The king sent Noble men unto those Cities, comman∣ding them to receive garrisons and a Lieutenant. They were all perplexed: on both sides death seemed to be at hand: they were resolved to yeeld, but fear made the•• to delay. The citizens of Castre received a garrison upon trust of the kings promise: they were all put to the edge of the sword with no less cruelty then others before. Rochell was ready to have given obedi∣ence: but when they were informed of that false cruelty or cruell deceit, they refused to render: and so began the fourth warrs in France with the seege of Rochell, and other parts were invaded with hudge violence. It was the Divine providence, that the Nobility failing, he alone might be known the author of the work. The particulars are described in the book last mentioned, and would go beyond my purpose to repeat them: I will only touch the seege of Rochell, and the end of those warres. The seege continued seven months: in it two things are very remarkable: first, notwithstanding all the Ordinance and battering picces that were dischar∣ged against them to the number of 6000. shot, only 25. Rochellers were slain; and how many of the beseegers were slain, it is uncertain: but it may be coniectured, that 132. Commanders were killed: of whom the chief was Claude Duke d' Aumale uncle of the Duke of Guise March. 3. 1573. The greatest assaults were seven. The other remarkable thing is; the poorest sort of the town began to want bread, and a new sort of supply was furnished unto them; to wit, every day in the river they had plenty of fishes [Surdones], which they had never seen before; and the same day that the seege was raised, those wereseen no more. So both rich and poor had plenty within, and the Kings Army without was grieved with famine. Wherefore Charles sent word unto his Brother Henry, commanding him either to take-in the town instantly, if it be possible, or to leave it in Aprile. He continued two months longer, untill word was brought, that he was chosen king of Poland. In the mean while Sanserre suffered a hard seege, that parents did eat their own little ones. A general peace was proclamed, and liberty of Religion was granted in July An. 1573. Thuan. Lib. 54. The edict of pacification was conceived in generall terms, without naming any city: those of Nismes and Languedoc took exception at that: thereupon all the Protestant towns wrote unto the Duke of Aniow, giving him

thanks for the peace, and beseeching him to procure unto them leave to assemble in a fit place, to the end, they may know the particulares of the pacification in convenient time; and that he would grant them his Letters patent for their assurance. Then many conveened from all parts of the realm, as the time would suffer, and so they provided for themselves. Fre. Commen. Lib. 12. The next year Charles died: in that book it is written of his death, thus; Certain it is, that he died of a bloody flixe, and it is reported for truth by the greater part, that the blood is hued out of sun∣dry parts of his body, and in his bed he could have litle rest, but horribly blasphemed the name of God, which he was wont to do even from his childhood. Thuan Lib. 57. witnesseth of his unrest and affrighments in the night, and that heendeavoured to setle it by musick. And because it was suspected that he had been poisoned, to the end, he might vomit the blood with the more ease, he was bolstered up with pillowes, that his feet lay higher then his head. Another hath comprised the cause and man∣ner of his death in those verses.

Naribus, ore, oculis, atque auribus, undique et ano, Etpene erupit, qui tibi, Carle, cruor, Non tuus iste cruor, sanctorum at caede cruorem, Quem ferus hausisti, concoquere haud poteras.

III. So soon as Henry king of Poland heard of his Brothers death, he * 5.84 returned privily and quickly, and was crowned King of France. He renewed the warres against the Reformed Church: he took Mons. Mon∣morancy, and quartered him for Religion. Nevertheless they increased in number: for the Duke Alanchon the Kings Brother, and the Duke of Condee joyned with them; so that a peace was granted and proclamed, with liberty of Religion in the year 1576: but that peace endured not long. Then Henry king of Navar joyned with the Reformed again: yet they were all in great danger in the year. 1586. The Pope Sixtus 5. excommu∣nicated the King of Navar, and the Prince of Condee, and declared them uncapable of the crown of France, and ordered King Henry 3. to persue them with arms. The King of Navar sent unto Frederik king of Denmark, and unto the Princes of Germany for aid. They sent their Ambassadors unto the King of France, to interceed for the Protestants. He returned answer, that they should medle with his subiects no more then he did with theirs. Wherefore those Princes assembled at Luneburgh: where were also the Ambassadors of Navar, England, Scotland, of the Duke of Pomer, &c. They concluded, that the King of Navar should not be forsaken Chytrae Lib. 28. So they sent 5000. horse-men and 20000. foot, but unhappily: for the Guises and other confoederats in Liga aurea, gave them the foil in Lorrain An. 1587. The next year Henry III. understood of the presumption and intention of the Guises, and he called a Parliament, pro∣fessing that he would give the chief Commande of his Army against the Hugonots unto Henry Duke of Guise. The man doubted of the Kings favor, and yet upon those fair words he went unto the Parliament: he was killed in his bedchamber, and his body was first burnt, then his asshes were thrown into Ligeris; His brother Lewes a Cardinal was hang'd; and his son with some Bishops were imprisoned. Within twelve dayes the Queen-mother died through sorow for the death of the Guises Ibid. Behold how God then brought peace unto his Church. They who before favoured the Guises secretly, do then profess open rebellion against the King: the Parisians create Charles Duke of Mayen and Brother of the Duke

of Guise, to be Governor of Paris and of the Isle of Francia: the Sorbonists deny the kings authority, and absolve all men from the oath of allegiance. Many cities joyn themselves unto Duke Charles, to wit, Lions, Roan, Orleance, Ambian, &c. The King assembleth the Nobility: he pro∣clames unto all his subiects pardon of all former trespasses, if now they shall return into obedience, and he threatneth loss of Goods and life, if they return not. Henry king of Navar craves pardon; obtaines it, and is made General of the Army against the traitors, the Dukes of Mayen and Aumale, in Aprile, An. 1589. And the same sommer he granted by edict at Nantes * 5.85 liberty unto the Reformed to assemble not only for exercise of their Religion in their churches; but also for holding their Synods yearly; and so to be free from the jurisdiction of Bishops (Which liberty no king of France hath impeded untill this present time) and unto all who were under the former Edicts of exile he restored their honors and goods upon their submission. Then the followers of Duke Charles called the king an enemy of the Apostolical Roman Church; and August 1. (new style) a Jacobin Monk having purchased leave to deliver a Letter unto the king, stabbed him (as he was reading the Letter) in the belly with a poisoned knife: the villan said, he was commanded by an Angel to kill the tyrant; and his death would bring peace into France. The king feared not death at the first, and imme∣diatly dispatched Posts to all the chief parts of the realm, giving them notice of what was done, and exhorting them to constancy and loyalty as is due unto their Soverain. Before midnight he apprehendes death, and the next day he caused proclaim Henry king of Navar to be his heir. After the * 5.86 kings death the Peers of the realm (then in the lieger) require an oath of the king of Navar to defend the Roman Religion; and he swore to maintain even to hazert of his life the Catholick, Apostolical and Roman Religion within the kingdom of France, and that he will make no change in the ex∣ercise thereof, and for his own person he will obey the decrees of a godly and lawfull general or National Councel; and promiseth to procure it with all diligence; and he swear to permit no other Religion but what is already allowed, untill peace being restored, it shall be otherwise provided; and he confirmed all the Officers of State. On the other side these and the Ptinces of the blood, the other Peers and many others acknowledge Henry 4. king of France and Navar, and swear lojalty and fidelity unto him. Then both he and they swear that they shall revenge the villanous murder of the late king, and the disturbance of the realm against all the rebels. Then the Duke Mayen (being at that time called Duke of Guise) and the king of Spain dealt with the Pope, that the king of Navar should not be absolved from the former Sentence; and that faction declares Charles Duke de Mayen king of France: but the Senat of Paris not admitting, that any should be king, who were not of the blood royal, he was not proclamed there. In the year 1593. Henry 4. took his oath to defend the Roman Religion: he wrot an abiuration of the doctrine of the Reformed Church, and sent it unto the Pope: then he received a pardon and the Popes blessing, and was absolved in the Church of S. Denis by the arch Bishop of Bour∣ges, upon condition, to embrace the Acts of the Councel of Trent, and to cause them to be observed within his realms; to hear Masse; to choose Mary for his advocate before God; to breed the young Prince of Condee in the Romish religion, &c. But though for earthly peace he professed Popery, yet in the Parliament at Roan An. 1597. he gave liberty of Religion within his dominions. One day he said unto a Noble man, I saw you tooday at

the Masse. Yes, said the other, I will follow your Majesty. The King replied, But you shall not have the Crown of France for it.

IV. Some variances arose amongst them of the Augustan Confession, * 5.87 1. Whereas in the year 1547. the•• were pressed by the book called Interim, to accept that article, Good works are necessary unto salvation, the Divines of ••itteberg for peace sake did yeeld unto it: but those of Iena (as being more wary (thought good to wave that phrase, because the Popish Party understood it, that works are necessary to make up justification, and to promerite salvation. At last in a Conference at Altemburgh in the year 1568. the question was debated, and they agreed in these terms, New obedience and good works both external and internal are necessary unto believers and such who turn unto God. But they could not condescend to use the words necessary unto salvation. The Wittebergers said, Works are necessary not indeed by necessity of efficiency, but of presence: and those of Jena denyed not the necessity of presence, but they said, Such a phrase should be shunned because of scandal, and for fear of error or mistaking: for why should we use dangerous words with the erroneous sophisters, and then parget or plaster them with glosses, when we have safer words? 2. A more grie∣vous contention was renewed for the Vbiquity of Christs body: here I wil use the words of George Calixtus Professor in Julia, in his Consultatio de Tolerantia, Certainly, seing the omnipresence of Christs flesh was not known nor heard in the vniversal Church, even untill Stapulensis & Lu∣ther, it might yet have been not known (albeit it were built upon a solide foundation) and a necessity of believing it might have not been layd upon the vulgare or the learned: And indeed but two passages, one out of the book PERI TOU RETÒU, and another ex Majore Confessione, are the only, at least the main, whereupon Luther buildes the Vbiquity; and that was done by him, when he was earnest against his adversaries, to establish any way the presence of the Lords body in the Eucharist: the former book was published in the year 1527. and the other in the next year: in the year 1529 by procurement of Philip the illustrious Landgrave of Hass was the Confe∣rence at Marburgh: there Luther and Zuinglius agreed in all articles excep the Eucharist....And Luther neither did judge nor press the omnipresence as a point of doctrin wherein he craved assent In the Confession of Aus∣burgh the third article is of those mysteries, but with no or very slender touch of omnipresence. Neither at that time nor any time following in the disputations between the Reformed and the Popish came the omnipre∣sence into question or controversy, therefore Luther suffered it to be buried in silence. Yea and in the year 1537. when he wrote the articles of Smalcald, he averred expressly. that there was no controversy between him and the adversaries (the Papists) concerning the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Person of Christ, seing (said he) we confesse the articles on both sides. But what the Papists have taught or do teach concerning those articles, may be known by their writings, especially the vnanimous consent of the School∣men: and seing in all these is not a jota concerning the omnipresence, it is manifest also that Luther did leave it, and prosess agreement in the doctrin of the Person of Christ, with them who did not acknowledge vbuiquity........And so while Luther lived, that question was asleep, which some men did waken up again about the year 1562. of whom the principals were John Br••ntius and Jacob Andreae. Neither have I pleasure, nor is it necessary to repeat all the history: but it is certain, this later man spared no travell untill he persuaded some to embrace Vbiquity, and forced it upon others: and

nevertheless the could not persuad all that embrace the Augustan Confes∣sion, or (as they speak) the Lutherans; not the Danes, not the Holsa∣tians, nor those of Norinberg, Helmstad, and many more. Therefore some of those who are called Lutherans are at this day for Vbiquity, and against them are all other Christians, both Greeks or of the East part of the world, and Papists and Calvinians. So far Calixtus. For justifying his words concerning the Danes, I add the testimony of Nic. Hemingius Professor of Divinity and Preacher in Coppenhaghen at that time: In his Catechism, he expounding the Article of Christs ascension, saith, This Article must be understood of Christs true body, and the bo∣dily placing thereof in heaven, lest we think either that the humane nature in Christ is swallowd up by the Divine, or that it is diffused into the whole world with the Divine; seing both these do most openly deny Christs man∣hood. Is not Christ every where? Yes truly by communication of pro∣perties, according to that Joh. 3. None ascends into heaven, but he who came from heaven: But it's certain, that when the Lord spake these words with Nicodemus, his body was circumscribed on the earth; wherefore the saying of Christ must be understood by communication of properties. So Cyprian, He ascended into heaven, not where the Word God was not before, but where the Word made flesh sat not before, to wit; by bodi∣ly placing. Again he speaking against the errors concerning the Lords Supper, saith, What say you of them, who say that the manhood is every where with the Godhead? These, for eschuing the error of them who deny that we receive the flesh and blood of the Lord in the Supper, fall into this horrible error, that they assert, the manhood of Christ to be every where with the Godhead, whose opinion is above in the Article of ascension clearly confu∣ted; and the Angel said plainly unto the women, He is risen, he is not here. Here truly either the Angel lied, which is horrible to think, or they are deceived, who say, that the humanity of Christ is everywhere with the Divinity, by which he filleth all things, or is every where. Also Paul saith Phil. 3. that our bodies shall be made like unto the glorious body of Christ. But who daraver, that our bodies shall be infinite, that they may be every where? Truly thus the trueth of humane nature should be destroyed: Therefore neither was Christs body made infinite after his re∣surrection. Moreover the Holy Fathers confess that Christs body is circum∣scribed: For Nazianzen saith that the same Christ is circumscribed and un∣circumscribed, earthy and heavenly, comprehensible and incomprehensi∣ble: for that is the diversity of the two natures humane and Divine, which [Diversity] because the Eutychians denyed, they were justly condemned of heresy. How then say the Catholicks, that Christs body and blood is truly in the Supper? The true body and blood of Christ are in the Supper together with the bread and wine, not by conjunction of nature, but Sa∣cramental: For Luther and the Holy Fathers testify, that it is not carnal, nor an including of the body in the bread, or of the blood in the wine, so that place and body: touch one another, and the place yields unto the body. Wherefore unto this true presence of Christs body and blood in the Supper, it is no way necessary, that his manhood be every∣where with the Godhead; but it is enough to believe, tha•• as at the institu∣tion of the Supper the Lord sat with a circumscribed body, and neverthe∣less he gave unto his disciples his body to be eaten, and his blood to be drun∣ken, and that ••ruly, according to his words, This is my body, This is my blood; So now sitting in the glory of Majesty, he reaches by the hands

of Ministers (Such is his Divine virtue and power) unto communicants his body and blood; Therefore the Latine Church was wont to pray before the communion, Let us lift up our hearts unto the Lord; For as in the first institution of the Supper the Disciples had their eies fixed on the Lord, who sitting at table reached unto them the Holy Supper, So we should lift up our hearts unto the heavens unto him, who sitting in the glory of Ma∣jesty, reaches in the Supper by the hands of Ministers unto communicants his true body and blood, that it may be the meat & drink of the inward man, who thereby is fed, nurished and groweth unto everlasting life; Whence Bernard speaking of the Supper, saith, This is the food not of the belly, but of the soul: for it is not given to repair the ruin of this life, which is a vapor for a litle time, but to confer eternal life unto the soul: And as the water being sprinkled in Baptism, hath done it's part, so the bread eaten, and the wine being drunken in the H. Supper, have done their part: but the spiritu∣all virtue is possessed by faith, and the verity of Christs body and blood is also maintained. So Heming. About the year 1571. this controversy waxed hote: for in Witteberg Cas. Cruciger the later, Chr. Pezelius, Fr. Widebram, Henry Moller and others were against the Vbiquity: and for it were these of Iena chiefly, and with them were sundry other towns, as Brunswic, Lune∣burg, &c. In the same year Augustus the Elector of Saxony conveeneth the Divines of Witteberg and Leipsich into Dresda: there they declared, that they held no other doctrin, but what was in the Confession of Aus∣burgh, and agreeth with Luther and Melanthon's writings; and they published their consent. Against this consent Lucas Osiander and Selneccer, and Jacob Andreiae did publish other books. The Wittebergers wrote their Apology. This contention waxeth hoter and hoter untill the year 1577. when George Count of Henneberg in a private conference said unto the Elector, The Divines of Witteberg do foster some errors, which can not be dissembled, nor approved by the sincere Ministers of the Church, neither is there hope of true peace among the followers of the Augustan Con∣fession, until these errours be noted and condemned. The Elector answered, I wish an harmony, and that the corruptions were marked, and that there were some beginning of so necessary and profitable a work: I for my part will further it according to my power. George undertook it. At that time the Papists did upbraid them with their divisions, and said, There be so many parties among them of the Augustan Confession, that if any would leave Papistry, they know not unto what sect they shall cleave▪ Osiandet histo. Lib. 4. c. 2. shewes another ground of their variance; that since the time of that unhappy Interim the corruptions and errors (which began at that time) could not be amended. And it may be added, that in all the periods of attempting reconciliations some did hold the points where-in they did agree at those several times, and others would not accept them: And Melanthon (whose authority was much respected) did (for peace) smooth his Common places in the year 1546. and again in the year 1558. for which cause the rigider sort called him a temporizer; as also in the year 1552. he wrote a Confession of faith, to have bin presented unto the the Councel at Trent. This was and yet is called The Confession of Saxony, and was subscribed also by the Ministers of Misnia. In the year 1578. the Elector and the Count of Henneberg meet again at the marriage of Lewes Duke of Wurtembergh: After the solemnity these three being together, the Count shewes the Duke, what conference had been before for removing the scandal of division: then by common

advice Lucas Osiander and Balthasar Bidembachius two Divines of Wur∣tembergh were appointed to pen some Overtures for removing those con∣troversies. * 5.88 This was done so privily, that no other knew it, but those Princes, yea their Secretaries heard not of it. When those two had writ∣ten their judgement, were assembled at Maulbron two Divines of Wur∣tembergh, two of Hennebergh, and one of Bada: They examin and change, as they thought expedient. Osiand. Lib. Cit. Cap. 3. Then their work was sent unto the Elector of Saxony, and he cailed for Jacob Andreae, Chemnitius and Selneccer, and gave them the book: they judge it too brief, and enlarge it with other arguments, and other questions. This book was sent then unto sundry Vniversities and towns, to be freely cen∣sured, that if any thing were to be amended, added or empaired, they should admonish ingenvously. Ibid. Cap. 4. The Electors of Saxony and Brandeburgh caused it to be subscribed by 8000. to wit, by sundry Princes, Imperial Towns and their Ministers; and it was printed in the year 1580. with the title Liber Concordiae. It was not examined in a publick Synod, and was still conceiled from those Churches which did oppose Vbiquity, and some within these Princes Dominions were displaced for refusing to sub∣scribe it, and without any reasoning. So it turned into the Book of discord, and made the greatest rent of all. The book contained elleven Heads; having first layd this ground, that the books of the old and new Testament are the only rule, whereby the doctrine of faith is to be judged; and all other writtings may be vsed as witnesses only. The first Head is of original sin; where they teach, that it is neither the nature, nor any part of the nature of man, but a corruption of nature, leaving in man nothing sound or uncorrupt, and can be known by the revealed word of God only. II. of the free-will in the first act of regeneration; that God worketh the con∣version by the means of the word preached, and by opening the heart to hearken, so that it is the work of God only, making man, who is ignorant and unwilling, to see and will. III. Of righteousnes before God, they declare it to be the righteousnes of Christ God-man, for which God absolves us from our sins, without any respect of the merite of our good works, either by past, present or to come; And faith (trusting in Christ, and working by love) is the only instrument, whereby we apprehend the same; Neither should a true believer doubt of the remission of his sins, notwithstanding his sins of infirmity. IV. Concerning good works, they hold that these are not the cause of justification, nor of eternall life; but all men especially the regenerat are debters of good works; yet so that they condem those positions, Good works are necessary to salvation; No man was ever saved without good works; and, it is impossible to be saved without good works; And faith in Christ can not be lost; and the elect do retain the Holy Ghost, even though they fall into adultery or other crimes, and continue in them. V. Of the law and the gospell, they say, Whatsoever in the holy Scripture is against sin, belongs unto the law; and the gospell properly is the doctrine teaching, what man, who hath not satisfied the law, should believe, to wit, that Christ hath satisfied for all our sins, and hath obtained remission; but in a large sense the doctrine of repentance may be called the gospell; And they condem it as pernicious and false, to say, The gospell properly is the doctrine of repentance; or, that it is not the only preaching of Gods grace, VI. concerning the use of the law; Albeit believers be free from the curse and coaction of the law, yet they are not lawless, but the law must be preached both unto the

unconverted and converted; yet with this different issue, that those who obey for fear of the curse, are said to do the works of the law; and who being regenerat, do obey willingly as if there were no curse nor reward, are said to obey the law of Christ, and the law of the mind; neither are they under the law but under grace. VII. concerning the Lord's Supper, they first condem those as crafty and deceiving Sacramentarians, who be∣lieve the true presence of the very, substantial and lively body and blood of Christ, and that the presence and eating of it is spiritual by faith; next they hold, that the body and blood of Christ is truly and substantially there, and is truly distributed with the bread and wine, and received not only by them who come worthily, but by the unworthy, albeit by the one sort unto their confort, and the other to their judgement and damnation, unless they repent; And the grounds of this their faith are 1. Jesus Christ is very God and man in one person, undivided and inseparable. 2. the right hand is every where, and Christ in his manhood is set at the right hand of God. 3. the words of the institution are not false. 4. God knowes many wayes, and can be present as he pleaseth, neither is he tied to that only way, which the philosophers call Local; And so the body of Christ is present not only spiritually, but also bodily, yet not Capernaiticaly, but in a spirituall and heavenly manner, in respect of the sacramental union, Thirdly they condem Popish transsubstantiation, the sacrifice, the refusing of the cup, &c. VIII. of the person of Christ; they say, albeit the God∣head and manhood of Christ retain their several properties, yet they are vnited personaly, not as two planks conioined, but as iron and fire, or he soul and the body: Wherefore among other articles they condem them who hold, that only the manhood suffered; and, only the Godhead is present with us in the sacrament and in all our crosses, or that this presence is not in respect of his manhood; and, the Sone of God doth not all the works of his omnipotency in, and with, and by his manhood; and, Christ in respect of his manhood, is not capable of omnipotency and other Divine properties. IX. Concerning Christ's descending into hell; they say, It should not be curiously disputed, but be believed simply, that he de∣scended into hell, and overcame the power of death and Satan; but when and how, it can not be known in this life. X. concerning Eclesiastical ce∣remonies which are not commanded nor forbidden in the Worde; they say, those are not any part of Divine worship, and may be changed, as the edification of the Church in several times and places shall require; yet without levity and scandal; and in time of persecution, when a constant confession is required, nothing should be yielded unto the enemies of the gospell, or for their sake. XI. Concerning eternal predestination; first they distinguish between prescience and predestination; prescience (say they) is common to the estate of the godly and ungodly, and is not the cause of sin in any man; but predestination or election concerneth the godly only: this can not be searched among the hid decrees of God, but in the reveeled word, which teaches, that God hath shut up all men under unbelief, that he might have mercy on all; and willeth not that any man should perish, but rather that all men should repent and believe in Christ, neither is any saved, but who believe in him, And where it is said, Many are called, but few chosen; it is not to be so understood, as if God would not have allmen to be saved, but to shew, that the cause of the damnation of the wicked is their not-hearing or contempt of Gods word. [And they have no mention of reprobation] They have a twelth Head against the here∣sies

of Anabaptists, Arians and Antitrinitarians. This book was the oc∣casion of an open separation. The next year the Divines of the Palatinate reply under the name of Admonitio Neostadiana, confirming the ortho doxe doctrine concerning the Person of Christ, and the Supper; shewing the false imputations of errors; examining the authority and true sense of the Augustan Confession; discovering the indirect means of penning, and seeking subscriptions of that book; and demonstrating the uniust condem∣nation of the true doctrine. When this book was published, some that had subscribed the former book, declared, that they had subscribed with limitations, and not absolutely, as the book was published; and they recalled their subscriptions; and the contrivers of that book replied under the title Apologia Erfurtensis. So, much was written pro and con. The points wherein they insist most, were the question of the Lord's Supper, the communication of the Divine attributes unto the manhood, and vni∣versal grace. Unto those of the Palatinate were joyned the Princes and Ministers of Anhalt and Nassaw, the Helvetians, and many Cities of Ger∣many, besides those of other Nations. Untill this day it is cleare, that those Vbiquitaries inveigh most bitterly against their adversaries, and impute many errors unto them falsely: by which two means they a lienate the simpler sort from all reconciliation. This difference occasioned the compacting of the Harmony of Confessions. After that time there were other Conferences between these parties: but all in vain.

V. In Constantinople the Muffti or highpriest of the Turks dealt with * 5.89 Amurathes to take all the churches of the city from the Christians. The Greeks, Armenians and other Christian Nations did interceed in the contrary, alledging the liberty that was granted by Mahomet 2. and others his successors. The Muffti answered, That liberty was granted, when few Turks were in the city; but now when there be so many of their own Religion, Christians should have no place within the walls. Two churches were taken from them, and Amurathes turned all his wrath against the Patriarch, and caused lead him in an iron-chain through the city, and then banished him unto Rhodes. Sundry causes were alledged; as that he had caused the Christians receive the new Calendare of Rome, to the scandal of many; he had pronounced a Sentence of divorcement against a Noble Greek, who had made apostacy and turned to Mahumet; and when Amurathes was sending a multitude of Greeks as a Colony unto some desert places, the Patriarch called ••t an uniust thing. One Pacho∣mius reported this unto Amurathes, and he was made Patriach Da. Chytrae in Saxon. Lib. 27. The Christians at mount Libanus were subdued by the Turk in the year. 1585. whereas before they had preserved their liberty. Cas. Consaluus a Lusitanian writes, that the Island of Iapan in the Indian sea is divided into 60. Princedoms; of which Francis of Bungo, Brotasius of Arimo, Bartholemew of Omuran were becom Christians, and sent their Ambassadors, who after three years journying arrived at Rome, to acknowledge the Pope Gregory 13. a litle before his death. But I will believe it (saith Osiander) when Iesuits shall leave off to ly.

VI. The year 1584. was sad unto Belgio. They looked for the re∣turning * 5.90 of Francis Duke of Anjow their Governor from France: But he fell into a dangerous sicknes: yet in May he recovered so far that he went to tilting; and the next day he took a potion, to purge away the dregs of his malady, and died on the morrow. When he saw the danger of death, he confessed that nothing did more grieve him, as that he had followed

the bad Counsel of wicked men in the administration of Belgio, and now he could not amend his former errors, as he had intended: But by writing, and by his Counsellers he advised his Brother the King to be a Protector of those Lands. He would not admit his Confessor, but professed sorow for his miscariages, and his faith in the mercy of God throgh JESUS CHRIST the only Mediator; and altogether rejected the Romish rites, as extream unction, &c. Within a month after his death William Prince of Orange was traiterously killed in Delff by a Burgundian; who was immediatly ap∣prehended and punished. The same year Ghent and Yper and some other towns in Flanders (which before were Reformed) were necessitat to make agreement with the Duke of Parma; and so was Antwerp in Brabant the next year.

VII. In these two (now named) years were many sturres for the * 5.91 New Calender: I will name one in Riga of Livonia. Steven King of Pole had erected a colledge of Jesuits there in the year 1581. and he commanded that they should keep Christmes according to the new Style. The people would not be present: But when the 24 day of the old Style was come, they entreated the Senate, that they might have Sermon the next day, as before. It was refused. Nevertheless they assembled in the Churches about 8. of the cloke in the morning, and praised God, with their psalms, and the Rector preached in the school unto his Scholares, many people hearing. George Neuner the Minister stirred up the Burghgrave Nicolaus Eik against the Rector, and he sent for him to come into the court. When the Rector appeared, he was detained there. The word is spread through the town, that the Rector and some citizens were to be beheaded that night for that preaching. The Conrector Valentin Rascius and some others did supplicat the Burghgrave to dismiss the Rector, and would have engaged themselves for his compearance again, when it should be requi∣red; and if this be denied, they told, that the people could not be stayd from a tumult. Because the Burgrave would not yield, the scholares and people break up the court-doores, and took out the Rector whether he would or not: Then they pulled down the houses first of Neuner, then of Eik, and of a Syndic Gothard Welling. The next day they gather again, and complain among themselves openly what before they had endured with silence; that Jesuits were brought in, the Popish Religion was resto∣red, their liberties were taken from them, &c. They shut the gates of the town, and call the Senate, to shew whether those things were done by their consent: and then understood, that all those things had been done by a few seeking the Kings favor and for their privat interest. This broil continued fourtien dayes; in the end they agreed to restore unto the Burgrave and others all their damages; that there should be an Act of oblivion, and the new Style should cease, &c. When the gates were opened, Eik, Neuner and the others went unto the King with their complaints. He sent a Cardinal to be Governour of the town, annulled all the Treaty consisting of 68. articles, and caused a greater sum of money to be payd unto the plaintifs Chrytrae. ibid.

VIII. The Frenches, who had left their native Land, and dwelt at * 5.92 Monpelgart in the Dutchy of Wortembergh, did in the year 1586. soli∣cite the Divines there, and then the Duke Frederik, that there might be a publick Conference of the German and French Divines, hoping for some union of the above named controversies. They assemble in March: the Duke was present all the time. On the one side was Iacob Andreae Chan∣celar

of Tubing, Lucas Osiander Chappellan of Wurtembergh, and two Civilians from Duke Lewes; and on the other side were Theo. Beza and Anton. Fajus from Geneve, Abra. Musculus and two Civilians from Bern, and Claud. Alberius from Lausan. Many others were hearers. The Theses or propositions are long and many and the Disputation was lon∣ger; I give the sum briefly and faithfully. The first day, to wit, Marc. 21. the Wurtembergers (according to the order prescribed) give (in write) Theses of the Lords Supper, shewing; that all do agree, that all believers eat Christs flesh, and drink his blood spiritually; all condem the renting of Christs flesh with mens teeth; as also transsubstantiation, and physical or local presence: So that the only question is, Whether in the Supper the very body and blood of Christ be verily and substantially present, and be distributed, and be received with the bread and wine by the mouth of all them who receive the Sacrament, whether worthy or unworthy, believers or not believers; yet so that the believers only receive confort, and the unbelievers do eat to their own condemnation? We hold the affirmative (say they) that is, By those words, IN, with and under the bread, we understand nothing, but that they who eat that bread, and drink that wine, do receive Christs body and blood with the bread and wine. 2. By the words, Substantially, Essentially, Really and Orally, we mean no other, but the very eating and presence of his body and blood. 3. They argue from the trueth of Christs words, This is my body, and the almighty power of Christ; seing his words declare his will, and by his power he can give his body unto all receivers. 4. The manner, how the worthy and unworthy receive Christs body, is not expressed in the Scripture, and we say, It is supernaturall and incomprehensible by the wit of men, and should not be disputed nor searched curiously. These theses were given unto Beza, as it was appointed; and the next day he brought his answer, and propositions: The sum is; A Sacrament in the strict sense, is a sensible thing appointed (by Divine institution) to be separated from common use to signify spiritual and holy things; and this signification consists not in a bare representation, whereby the mind is admonish'd to conceive the thing signified (this is the use of pictures) but on Gods part, with the signs is also a very giving of those things, which are signified and offered unto our souls, 2. We teach, that according to Christ's institution, by the bread is signified Christs body; by the wine, his blood; by breaking the bread and powring out of the wine are signified those grievous tor∣ments, which He suffered for us in his body and soul: by outward giving the bread and wine, the spiritual giving the things signified, by Christ unto our souls; by outward taking the signes is signified the spiritual receiving of Christ by faith Sacramentaly and truly: For He hath commanded not only what things are to be used, but also what we should do. 3. The Sacramental union of the signes and things signified consists in a mutual relation, as is now said: for the verity of Christs body (which is local and circumscri∣bed both before and after his glorification) can not consist otherwise: Again many passages of Scripture, that shew the true and physical ascen∣ding of Christ from the earth, and his returning from heaven unto judge∣ment, do confute the doctrine of consubstantiation; Thirdly that Paul saith, We are absent from the Lord, and, We desire to be with him; Lastly, this was the continual consent of the Church, concerning the true absence of Christs flesh from us, and the continual circumscription of his body, not on the earth, but in heaven: which can not consist with any

other conjunction but this relative. 4. When the word Sacrament is taken in a more large sense, it consists of two things, one earthly, and another heavenly: We teach that earthly things are received by earthly instruments, to wit, the hand and mouth; but the heavenly things are appre∣hended only spiritually by faith: because albeit Christs body is a truly organical body, yet analogy requires, that such as the nurishment and end thereof is, such also must be the manner of receiving it: but the nurishment and end thereof is spiritual, that is, they concern our spiritual union with Christ, and eternal life through him: therefore the manner of receiving those must also be spiritual, by the proper instrument of the soul, which is faith: and therefore seing the bodily receiving of the signes is a pledge of the spiritual receiving, these words, eat, and drink, as they are properly spo∣ken of receiving the signes, so are they spoken figuratively of the thing sig∣nified, to wit, by asacramental metony my, whereby that which agreeth unto the signes, is spoken of the things signified; and so both those recei∣vings can not be by the mouth. Again if the substance of Christs body were received bodily, it should remain in the faithfull at least, and they should become the substantial or bodily members of Christ, and so the Church were not his mystical body, but a body verily and substantialy consisting of the substance of His body, and of the bodies of all believers. 5. The proper effect of the Supper is the saluation of the worthy communcants by confirming their spiritual vnion in Christ; and another effect (but by acci∣dent) is the condemnation of them who come unworthily, that is, ig∣norant of this mystery, or meerly incredulous and without repentance; and this condemnation proceeds not from the Supper, but from the unworthy vsing of it. Then unto the question, as it was propounded, Beza answered negatiuely; not denying that the body of Christ is truly offered unto all that come, but to be received by faith, and not by the mouth: and therefore albeit the wholl sacrament be tendered unto all that come, yet unbelievers receive only the signes, and they are guilty of Christs body and blood, not which they have received, but which they contemned. Unto the two arguments he answered, We deny not the truth of Christs words, but we expound them according to the analogy of faith contained in the Creed: unto which faith consubstantiation is contrary; and albeit Christ, as he is God, is almighty, yet his manhood is not almighty; and as he is God, he can not do what he hath not decreed to do, or what is contrary unto his decree; not because he is not almighty, but because to change his will, and so to be mutable, is not a power, but an infirmity: But God hath ordained, that Christs body should be local and circumscri∣bed &c. On this article the disputation continued three dayes, the one pressing the truth of the words, This is my body; and Beza urging the analogy of the faith, and the like phrase of other sacraments. Neither of the two would yield: and then they passed unto the article of the person of Christ. First the Wurtembergers say, both agree, that the Sone of God hath assumed the nature of man, and became like unto us in all things, excep sin; that he hath assumed this nature into the unity of his person; and he is one person, so that the two natures are most strictly united, not by confusion or commistion, or absorption or transmutatio•• of either of these natures before nor after his ascension: for unto the perfect person of the Mediator both natures are required; neither can the properties of the one nature be the properties of the other: for then would follow an abolition of one of these natures: also the properties of the humane nature are the

gifts that were given unto him without measure, by which he excelleth all men and Angels; In the person of Christ is a communication of proper∣ties whereby the properties of both natures are spoken of his person, and the properties of the one nature are given unto the other, by that docttine which is called doctrina idiomatum; and so when it is said. The Son of God communicates his properties unto the assumed nature, to wit, his omni∣potence or omnipresence, it is not understood as if he powred into the assumed nature (as a thing is powred from a vessell into another) his proper∣ties, as if humane nature by itseif, or of itself or considered in abstracto without his person, had proper omnipotency; neither may we think that his humane nature is made an infinite substance or uncircumscribed, or extended unto all places, or is every where in such a manner, as God is every where; When we speak of the real communication of properties, we mean not that one nature passeth into another, but we oppose real unto verbal com∣munication, which makes only names common unto the natures; Then the question is, Whether for the personal vnion there be a real or a very and true communication of properties between the two natures in his per∣son, or that the one nature communicates its properties unto the other? and how far this communication is extended? We believe, that upon the personal vnion followes so reall a communication of properties, whereby the Son of God communicates unto the assumed nature his omni∣potence, omnipresence, omniscience, power of quickning, &c. by which communication the Godhead becomes not weaker, but his hu∣mane nature is exalted; and not abolished; as is the union of the body and soul, and of the fire and iron: the body lives verily, but by vertue of the soul, and the iron burneth but by vertue of the fire, neither is any of them turned into another; therefore we believe that because of this perso∣nal union, Christ according to his manhood is almighty, or (which is all one) the humane nature of Christ is almighty: For the Scripture gives unto him, even as he is man, all power, which is no other thing but om∣nipotency, and in testimony of this he gave sight unto the blind........We believe that Christ in his manhood (now in the estate of glory and Majesty) perfectly knowes all things that have been or shall bee: For the Spirit was given him not in measure.....but where it is said, he knew not the day of judgement, it is not meant simply of his manhood, but of the form of a servant, which afterwards he layd aside; The Scriptures also bear witnes that Christ in his humanity is present with all creatures, espe∣cially with his Church, Beloved, I am with yow untill....but the manner of this presence is not exprest: and so we believe not that he is locally or physically, but supernaturaly with all his creatures: how this is, in true humility we confess that we are ignorant; We believe also, that in his flesh he hath the power of quickening, as he said I am the bread of life, and he had this majesty of omnipotency, and of.....as he is man (because of the personal vnion) even in the wombe of his mother, but he shew it not then: after he was born, he shew it in miracles so oft as it was needfull, and so far as the respect of his office and calling did require: for he was then in form of a servant, and had abased himself, that he might suffer: But the exinanition, or form of a servant, which was but for a time, dero∣gates nothing from his Majesty, into which he entred fully, when he went up to heaven, and sate at the right hand of God: this right hand is the Majesty of Christ reigning praesenter according to both natures both in hea∣ven and earth: this is to sit at the right hand of God; And this our Mediator

is to be adored with all religious worship according to both natures: for we have not two Christs, whereof the one should be worshipped, and not the other: but of wholl Christ it is said, Let all the Angels worship him. On the morow Beza answered thus▪ There is ambiguity in the word communication: it signifieth the personal union, and also the effects of it; We believe a real communication, that is, an union of natures: in which union both natures remain distinct, both in their own properties: and therefore that communication, whereby his humane nature is said to be every where and almighty, is not so much as verbal, but is as false, as if yow would say, His humanity is become his Deity; Although all the properties of the Deity may be attributed unto Christ-man, that is, unto his person even named by his manhood, or in concreto, as we say, The man Christ is almighty and eternal; but neither may the natures be spoken one of another, neither the properties of the one be given unto the other: for this is a sure rule, In the personal vnion both natures remain distinct, and they both distinctly do what is proper unto them: So the Word is distinctly that which the worde is, as the flesh remaines distinctly the flesh; Briefly as are two natures in Christ, distinct in number, and not separated one from the other, so there are two wills, and two workings or operations, but one work, as there is but one person: Neither can that saying of Athana∣sius be otherwise understood, It pleased the Worde to shew his Divine na∣ture by that flesh, in it, and with it; As for the alledged places of Scripture, those concerning the power and authority of Christ, are impertinent∣ly brought, because his power or authority should be reckoned amongst the gifts bestowed on his flesh: And so those places concerning his omnipotency and omnipresence, must be understood of his person or Dei∣ty, and not of his manhood. To this purpose he cited some testimonies, as of Tertullian, Wee see a twofold estate, not confounded but united in one person God-man, and the properties of both natures are so safe, that the Spirit or Deity shewes his own things in him, that is, his virtue, works and signes; and the flesh exerciseth its passions, being hungry when with Satan, and thirsty with the woman of Samaria: As for that power of vini∣fication; we deny not, that the flesh of Christ hath that power, but not in that sense, as yee take it: for the flesh is vivificative, not with that vir∣tue, which is proper unto the Deity (that is not communicable) but first because in this flesh Christ hath abolish'd death for us, having fulfilled all things that were required to acquire eternal life unto us; and then because by means of this flesh being communicated spiritually unto us by faith, we receive life from Christ God-man: It's manifest, that those gifts which were powred on the flesh of Christ were not at one instant perfectly bestow'd on his soul and body, because he is said, to have grown as in stature, so in knowledge and grace, and he was verily subject unto all our infirmities (excep sin) in time of his humiliation: and so after his ascension he began not the use and declaration, but the consummation of his power and glory: The form of a servant, and the exinanition signify not both one thing, as yee suppose; but by the form of a servant, we understand his very hu∣manity, according to which he ever was, is and shall be inferior to him∣self the Word, and by which he is of the same nature with us, though he hath laid aside all our infirmities, when the work of our redemption was finished: but among those infirmities circumscription is not to be numbred; or else when he shall come in a bodily circumscribed substance, he were not then most glorious, but base having resumed that infirmity: We pro∣fess

also that Christ reigneth now, and hath all power both in heaven and earth according to both natures; but not praesenter in respect of his flesh: for now (as the Apostle saith) we are strangers from Christ; and he de∣sired to be out of the body, that he might be with Christ; And it is said, He will come again, to wit, visibly and bodily. Lastly in that one adora∣tion of our one and only Mediator according to both natures, we divide not the person, but we distinguish the natures: for the Worde is the true and absolute object of our adoration, and adoration is due unto God only: but we exclude not that flesh from our adoration, lest we divid his person with Nestorius; yet so that we worship that flesh not in itself, but respecti∣vely as it is the flesh of the Sone of God: to this purpose he brought a testimony of Cyrill, and the eight anathematism of the Councell at Chal∣cedon. They disputed on this article other three dayes: but no agree∣ment. March. 27. the Wurtembergers gave their propositions of Popish churches; images, and organes in churches. They agreed, that these are in themselves indifferent, if the abuses be shunned. Then they gave theses of baptism, where the question was, Whether baptism is the laver of regeneration in the holy▪ Spirit? or whether it be only a signe signifying and sealing adoption? The VVurtembergers said; It not only signifieth and sealeth adoption, but is the very laver of regeneration, because it is said, He washes his Church by the laver of water, and, Unless a man be born again....and they condem these propositions, The grace of the holy Ghost is not tied unto the sacraments; The sacraments are appoin∣ted only to confirm Gods favor toward us; Regeneration or salvation depends not absolutly on baptism: It is an improper speech, Baptism washes away sin; In the elect only is the virtue of baptism; All infants that are baptized, are not partakers of the grace of Christ, or regenerated; It is unlawfull, that women do baptize, even in case of necessity. Beza gave his answer in writ: the sum is, The sacraments are not bare signes, but the efficacy of the Holy Spirit should be distinguished from the power of the water, as they are distinguished by John in Matth. 3. and by Pet. 1. Ep. 3. and of the whole ministery it is said, He who planteth or wa∣tereth is nothing: And he declares the words of the institution, and the effects of baptism. In the dispute Jacob Andreae held that there is but one washing, because Paul saith, one baptism. Beza said, There is an out∣ward, and an inward washing; and he rebuked the Wurtembergers, that they do not call the blood of Christ the thing signified in baptism. Do. Jacob answered, A sacrament is such as the word describes it: but neither Christ nor Paul speaking of baptism, make any mention of blood. They asked, Whether infants have faith? Beza denied, and the other affirmed it. They questioned, Whether the elect being sanctified may lose faith? Beza denyed; and the other put it off unto the article of predestination. They asked▪ What hope may parents have of their baptised children? Beza said, All should hope well, but we are not Prophets, to foretell, that this or that child shall be a good or bad man. Concerning women's baptism Th. Beza said, There can be no such necessity, for which the Divine ordinance of the Ministry should be trangressed. Iacob said, As a woman may confort a man in time of necessity. Beza replied, There is another consideration of exhorting and conforting one another; and, not the want, but the contempt of the sacrament doth condemn. Neither in this point did they agree. Concerning predestination the Wurtembergers said, God from all eternity not only foresaw the fall of man, but hath also

foreknown and chosen them that shall be saved, and hath appointed them unto salvation, that is that they should be saved by Christ: for the election was made in Christ; The number of them who shall be safed, is certain with God; So the question remains (say they) whether God hath prede∣stinate his elect unto life, so that he in his hid and absolut judgement hath appointed certain men, yea the most part of men unto eternal damnation, that he will not have them to repent nor be converted and saved? We believe that such decree can not be shewd by Scripture, that without respect of their unworthiness, but at the meer pleasure of his will he hath appointed any man, far less the greatest part of men unto everlasting dam∣nation, or that he will not have them to repent: Because whatsoe∣ver is written is written....that we through patience and consolation might have hope; and, God will have all men to be saved......They reiect these propositions, Reprobation is the most wise purpose of God, whereby from all eternity he hath constantly decreed without all unrighte∣ousness, not to shew love on them whom he hath not loved, that in justly condemning them he might declare his wrath against sin, and shew his glory; The cause of the decree of election or reprobation, is his eternal favour toward them who at his pleasure are appointed unto salvation, and his eternal hatred of ill, ordaining whom he pleased unto damnation: but wherefore he hath appointed these men rather then those unto salvation or damnation, there is no other impulsive cause but his will; God willeth not that those who are appointed to damnation should be saved, or that the death of his Sone be available unto them. Beza answered thus; What yee deny, that the vessels of wraith, alswel as the vessels of mercy were ordai∣ned from eternity, Wee do affirm; not only because there is alike reason of contraries, and the very word Election proveth it, but also it is decla∣red by the express word of God Rom. 9. 11. And this is so far from any ground, that man can challenge God of unrighteousness, that He were not unjust though he had condemned all men, seeing we all are the children of wraith, and he is debter to none; Wee say further, that their condem∣nation, who in the eternall decree are left in their corruption, is not rightly attributed unto this decree: For albeit that which God hath decreed, can not miss; but shall come to pass, and so they who perish do not perish without this decree, yet the cause of the execution or of their condem∣nation, is not that decree of God, but their natural corruption and the fruits of it, from which it pleased God to exeem them only, whom he hath chosen to salvation; That there ever was and is a great number of them who perish, the matter it self shewes, and Christ saith, Many are called; and few chosen; and, Few enter in at the strait gate; Lastly that God will not have them to be converted and saved, it's not to be understood, as if they were willing, and God resisteth their desire; but that they will not be converted, nor can they will, being forsaken of God, and left in impenitency. He answered also to the obiections: but I will not repeat them here. In this dispute they come to that question, Whether Christ died for all men? even for the sins of the damned? Iacob held the affirma∣tive, and Beza the negative. When th••y both repeated the same argu∣ments and answers, Prince Frederik thought it expedient to close, seeing no appearance of agreement: he exhorted them to give one to another the hand of fraternity, and to abstain from bitter writings, untill God shall give them more cause of peace. Jacob answered, Seeing those have accused us of horrible errors, we can not conceive, how we can acknowledge them

as brethren; as for invectives, we approve them not, but we will oppugne their errors. Beza said, Seeing yee refuse us, to give us the right hand of fraternity, neither acknowledge us as brethren, wee do not regard your hand of friendship. So the Conference was ended March. 29. Lu. Osian. Cent. 16. lib. 4.

IX. In February An. 1589. Pistorius a Papist in Baden vanted, that he * 5.93 would confound all the Lutheran Divines and convince them by the Scrip∣tures only, and by the same ground maintain the Roman Religion. No other Papist had attempted so much before. But when James Mar∣ques of Baden had obtained from Lewes Duke of Wurtembergh, some of the Divines there, should come unto a Conference, Pisto∣rius shifted from day to day untill November. Then the Marques, and Frederik Duke of Mompelgart with consent of both parties set down the order and conditions of the dispute, and especially to handle in the first place the question, Whether the Lutheran or the Roman be the Catholik Church? Both parties gave their Theses concerning that: but in all the four Sessions Pistorius brought not one argument from the Scriptures: he insisted only in discussing the ambiguity of words, and sought to find captious sophisms: at last against the will of the Noble men and of his adversary party he break off the Conference: neither was any thing remarkable in that dispute, saith Osiander Lib. Cit. but their Theses may be desired. Pistorius said, The Church ever was, is, and shall be conspicuous, so that it can never be extinguisht, nor obscured, nor lurk, nor be silent. Though the notes of the Church be four, to wit, unity, holiness, perpetuity and universality; yet all may be reduced into one: for vniver sality is the absolute note of the Church; As error can not be the signe of the false Church, so purity of the word and sacraments whether in whole or in part can not be the mark of the true Church, be∣cause purity depends on the Church, rather then it upon purity, and purity is known better by the Scripture. On the other side the above named Iacob Andreae said, The Church on earth is one in all times and places; and the Scripture shewes clearly, that the Church hath not one and alike face in all ages and places: for it had one face in the dayes of the Apostles, when she was most pure, because by faith she kept the doctrine of Christ, albeit her chastity was even then tempted by false teachers: and she had another face, when she was governed by the Fathers the successors of the Apostles: for by lapse of time some errors creept-in, as the Apostl∣es had foretold. The third and most miserable face was under Antichrist: of which estate Christ and his Apostles had forewarned diligently: then was the Church so deformed, that she could scarcely be known, as the Prophet said of the Jewish Church, How is the faithfull city become an harlot...neuertheless even then the Lord had his 7000. who had not defiled them selves with idolatry; And because before the glorious coming of the Lord, the Holy Ghost hath foretold, that the man of sin shall be reveeled, and killed in the hearts of many men, he foretelleth another and a fourth face of the Church, which is answerable unto the first in time of the Apostles; And albeit Satan will by fanaticall spirits defile her no less them he did at the first, and the number of the elect shall be small, as Christ saith, When the son of man shall come, shall he find faith on the earth? nevertheless the true Church shall continue in despite of al the craft of Satan untill the last judgement-day; It is sufficient to prove the true Church to be Catholik now (whether a particulare or uniuersal) if it be demonstred oy the

Prophets and Apostles or by their writings, that she is conform in doctrine unto her which was in the dayes of the Apostles; Neither is the purity of do∣ctrine and Sacraments better known by the Church, then the Church is known by the doctrin and sacraments: for the Church depends on the word and Sacraments, but the purity of doctrin and Sacraments depends on God only and his reveeled will, even albeit all the world forsakeit & & speak against it, as it is written, All men are liars, but God is true, &c.

X. At Kracow An 1591. on the Ascension-day, the Popish party, especial∣the * 5.94 Students being stirred up by their Masters the Iesuits, began with a huge tumult to pull down the houses, wherein the reformed were wont to assem∣ble. The King Sigismund and the Nobility being in the town, sent some of the Guard to hinder them, and stayd them for a time: nevertheless at mid∣night those did gather again, and burnt the houses wholly. The Nobility of the nearest Provinces called this a beginning of the Massacre of Paris, and fearing greater danger, did meet in Chimiolinscia: they resolve first to send unto the king, and excuse them selves, that they had assembled without his knowledge; and to shew, that their main b••siness was to Provide for his safty and honor agnaist the like tumults; and that they in∣tend to have a more frequent meeting September 23. in Radom where the Nobility of Lithvania professing the gospell will be present; and to suppli∣cat that the churches might be restored unto the Reformed in Cracow; and that a Parliament might be called, to establish peace of religion: The King shew his displeasure, for that they had assembled without his know∣ledge; seing he had al ready promised unto the Messingers of Sendomiria and Cracow, that he would vse all the means of Peace, and to punish the authors and chief actors of that tumult. and he dischargeth that other meeting: he gave them liberty to rebuild the churches. In the year 1595. was a more frequent covenntion of the Reformed (or Euangelici, as they * 5.95 called them selves) at Torun in August: there were two Palatini, the De∣puties of five others, two Castellani, and many Nobles of Poland and Lithuania, and fourty four Divines. After prayer they choosed Swieto∣slaus Otzelsci to be president, a Marshal and Scribes. Otzelsci declared the causes of their assembly, 1. to advise how to preserve a consent in doctrine, as it had been agreed by their fathers in Sendemiria: And 2. because they are obnoxious unto the malice and violence of adversaries, to consult how to preserve peace of religion, as both present King and the former Kings havesworn to continue it. When this was propounded, the Deputies of the absent Palatini, as also of the Senators of Volhinia, Russia, Podolia and Podlassia declared the excuses of their Authors, and their desire of the same particulares. A Messinger in the Kings name forbids them to sit any more. They answer, They intend nothing against the King nor Kingdom nor the lawes or constitutions there of, but only to advise upon their own grievances, and to maketheir addresses unto his Ma••. to supplicat his protection. Then the Messinger threatned the town, that they had received these men. It was answered, The town is patent unto Jewes and heathens, and far less could those noble men he hindered to enter. But a Messinger of the b. of Cujaw spoke more menacingly, and said, It was his Priviledge, to preserve Religion, to call and moderate Synods. They answerd, Albeit the bishop hath no jurisdiction over them, neither are they obliged to giue him account of their actions; nevertheless to satisfy his curiosity, they declare this to be the cause of their meeting, 1. that if any difference were among those of their Confession, either in doctrine

or in disorderliness of manners, it may be composed orderly, and so they might continue peace among themselves, as we find in the Acts that the Apostles had their meetings upon the like occasions. 2. Because they had suffered most grievous injuries from their adversaries, by burning their churches, killing some, and most shamefully drawing others out of their graves, they had assembled to bewail their calamities and to advise upon a way of peace and savety hereafter: but it seemes, that the priests would not suffer them to bemoan their miseries: And if the Bishop pleaseth, he may come into the town with as many as he willeth, as for them: they will not medle with his consulations. When these Messages were done, they consulted upon these propositions: and first they all did subscribe the consent of doctrine, as it was done at Sendomiria: and because heretofore they had followed different forms of confession, some the Augustan, some the Bohemian, and others the Helvetian, now to remove all differences, and namely, that of the sacrament, they vnanimously agree to teach heer∣afteraccording to the Augustan confession, which was written in the year 1552. and if any manshall write, teach or speak other wise, or accuse any or embracing this consent, he shall not be accounted as a brother of the Polonian Church. Then they did accorde upon some articles of Church∣discipline, and to erect a publick School by contribution of the Nobi∣lity. 2. They sent two Palatini of Minsk and Leszink with others, to represent unto the King, how their churches were demolished in Cracow, Posnania and Vilna: many dead were pulled out of their graves, and some Noble men were shutt at posts: they name Bonar, and a Lady Zeczulmuz∣ka: and that the Jesuits do instruct the people in the villages to kill their Masters of the Evangelical profession, promising unto them not only im∣munity: but large rewards: yea, they entice the women to murder their own husbands: and to supplicat his Majesty, that he would protect his faithfull servants and subjects; provide for common peace of religion accor∣ding to his coronation-oath, and not suffer himself to be deceived by those strangers (the Iesuits) who are banished out of France, and disturb other Nations. Dau. Chytrae. in Chronic. Saxonic. Osiander addeth, These Messingers received not a gracious answer. This King Sigismund mar∣ried the sister of Ferdinand Duke of Austria, and after her death he mar∣ried her sister, by dispensation of the Pope.

XII. Here is a Letter sent by the Emperour Rodolph unto Theodor * 5.96 geat Duke of Moscove in the year 1595. hinting at the estate of the most part of Europe at that time. His preface is that he had heard read unto him with great joy the Duk's Letters sent by his Embassador Michael Juvanou∣viz by which as also by the report of his Ambassador he understood his good will, in sending with a Christian and laudable zeal his gifts and aid against the Turk the common enemy of Christian name and blood, and in promising unto him (the Emp.) and the Christian world his best furthe∣rance and offices: Which is not only acceptable unto himself, but shall also be unto his honor and praise through the Christian world, and a lau∣dable precedent unto other Princes; as also himself and all the house of Austria shall declare their offices of thankfulnes and courtesy unto him and his friends upon all occasions, that the brotherly alliance continued from their fore fathers may be known unto all Nations; As for the confederacion amongst the chief Princes of the Christian world, he hath not failed in his diligence to the uttermost: but hithertills he could prevail nothing with the Pope and King of Spain, because they are far distant, and the Pope

being but lately advanced, is taken up with manifold cares for the distressed Church; and in the mean while doth aid Cesar wi••h men and money and declares a great zeal against the common enemy, as also he hath sent a Legate into Moscove for that effect: but the King of Spain being antient and infirm, hath such business not only with his rebellious subjects, but with France and England, in every place; that he must be spared, and never∣theless he hath declared heretofore his good will unto us, and hath hel∣ped with a great sum of money; And when I shall understand, that he reco∣vereth health, I shall not be slack to plead this cause by our Ambassadors both there and at Rome, untill we obtain some assurance from them both: Of which we have resolved to acquaint your Brotherhood by our Ambassa∣dor, as also of the success of the Christian Army, especially when the Lord of hosts shall give us more victories. In the mean while we think it necessary to know of the condition of the King of Persia, and how we may deal with him, before we send any unto him; howbeit it is most certain that it greatly concerneth all Christendom, to have the Persians our friends: wherefore we entreat friendly, that your Brotherh. would continue mutuall friendship with them, and cherish their affection towards us; Whereas your Brotherh. hath endeavoured to raise the Tatars against the Turks how∣beit you have not prevailed, yet we thank you kindely, entreating also brotherly, to persevere in that good purpose with them so far as you can: yet we have heard, that many Tatars are entred into Valachia, whom we must do what we can, to resist. As for the Treaty of peace begun with the Swede, we have our Ambassador Mincowitz there of a long time, untill it be brought to an end, as also we have commanded Warkutzy to repair thether, when he shall expede his business: By whom your Brotherh. may understande; that we have done diligently in that cause, as also we promise with a brotherly mind unto your Brotherhood that we shall do our endeavour at all occasions and times, and in whatsoever other affaires; and whatsoeveur can be sought of us as a faithfull brother, you may expect. Wee pray God to keep your Brotherh. in ••avety unto us and all Christendom; whom we love with all brotherly faithfulnes and loving-kindness. Given at Pragve Septemb. 22. 1595. At that time the Emperour intending to send Maxinilian Duke of Austria General of his Army against the Turk, did consult of an expert Lieutennant to go with him: he was advised to em∣ploy Alfonso Duke of Ferraria, who thretty years before had been a Commander in Hungary under Maximilian, and then (notwithstanding his old age) was willing to aid Christendom in so great necessity and be∣cause he had no children, he would provide his inheritance unto his cousin Caesar Estensis, and besought the Pope to declare him his heir, if it shall happen that he shall not return; and for this he profered unto the Pope some thousand Ducats of gould. But pope Clemens VIII. could not be moved by prayer nor reward, to grant this, and so through his fault the old Duke left that expedition. Da. Chytra. in Chron. Saxon. par. 5. Nevertheless the Emperour sent his Army against the Turk in Hungary: they did not good neither that year nor the next. and in the year 1598. by means of the Cham of Tatary was a Treaty of peace between the Empe∣rour and the Turks: the articles that were demanded were so high on both sides, that their treating was in vain. Then was great fear amongst the Christians, untill God gave then some space of breathing, by raising up some Bassa's against their own Master, and (as somtimes amongst the Midianites Iudg. 7.) the Tatars in the Turkish Army fell into variance

with their confederats, and fought most cruelly one against another in the year 1599.

XII. In year 1600. Tiber overflowed his banks to the great damage of Rome in time of the Iubilee: the Pope sent a priest Mon••orius to say some prayers, and to give an Hosty (called) Agnus Dei unto the River: but the river would not accept such sacrifices. The same year the Jesuits persuaded Ferdinand Duke of Austria, to expell all the Ministers out of Styria: and the people that would not return to their old idolatry were persecuted, some were imprisoned, and some leaving their lands went away with their families into other contreyes. Then all the churches were thrown down, that the Protestants had built, and many graves were opened in dispite of the dead people. Before that time had been peace among the Germans; notwithstanding the difference of religion: but these firebrands kindled a new persecution, and persuaded the Magi∣strats to oppress their subiects. But God made the Turks to punish the Duke Ferdinand, so that he losed more another way. Osiand. Cent. 16. Lib. 4. Cap. 54.

XIII. It may please some to read a story which Nic. Hemingius hath in * 5.97 the end of his catechism: his last question is, If we should think so of the Popish Masse, it seems that for many years the Lords Supper hath not been rightly administred in the world, Ans. So do the Papists obiect, but they are deceived, whill they say that the Supper was not used, if not with them: for they shut up the Church in too narrow bounds, seeing it is spread through, as Christ witnesseth, and I oppose his alone testimony unto all Priests and devils. But if you ask, Where was the Church with∣out the jurisdiction of the Pope? I answer, There were many godly peo∣ple in the outward society of the Romanists, who albeit they were de∣prived of the use of the Supper, yet they under stood rightly the foundations of religion, and the articles of faith (here he might have said that they recei∣ved the sacrament with a true faith, as he had spoken before of Bernard, and certain∣ly many were such.) Likewise in Turcia, Arabia, Persia, and in Egypt * 5.98 there were even from the time of the Apostles, and tooday are Churches, albeit under grievous tyranny, as Gods people sometime were in Egypt. But lest you think, that I speak amiss, I will shew you the description of the Supper and liturgy, as it is tooday in Arabia and Egypt, where Chri∣stians are. Three years agoe (The book was written, Hafniae December 4. 1560. in Praefat. an antient and grave man, Demetrius by name, and Thes∣salonian by nation, being sent by the Patriarch of Constantinople, told me many things of the religion of the Christians liuing among the Turks, and because he had lived ten years in Cairo that famous city of Egypt, which is also called Misrim, he declared unto mee the rites of the Church there, being translated out of the Arabik: the narration whereof I have di∣stinguished thus: 1. The Christians in Cairo have many churches (all mar∣ked with a half moon which is the Turkish badge) but without bells [they are called by the cry of a man unto their religion] and without idols, excep that they have historical pictures out of the old and new Testament upon the wals of the churches. 2. The Pastor of Antioch is their Patri∣arch, who, that he may be known to be Patriarch, hath a broad bonnet [with a red cross in the midst] on his head, as the badge of his office. 3. Four times yearly, to wit, the day of the Lords nativity, the day of resurrection, the day of Pentecost, and August 15,. all Christians, that are there, do communicat of both elements: there is no difference of laiks

and priests, but the same mysteries are given unto them both. 4. The cele∣bration of the Masse is in this manner; The priest puts-on alba & pallium, after our manner almost, excep that he had four red crosses upon his priest∣ly vesture, one on his right arm, another upon his left arm, a third upon his brest, and the fourth upon his back, that howsoever he turn, the badge of Christ the high priest may be seen. 5. The priest being so cloathed in the vestiary, comes forth, and turning unto the people, he saith with a lowd voice, that he may be heard by all that are present, Blessed be the Kingdom of the Father, and of the Sone, and of the holy Ghost, both ever and unto all ages of ages: and all the people answereth, Amen. 6. After this confession he subjoineth a prayer unto the holy Trinity and all the people answereth, Amen. 7. When the prayer is ended, the the people sing, Holy Father, holy Mighty, holy Immortal; have mer∣cy on us, 8. After this song they read out of the writings of the Apostles, first in Greek, then in Arabik, because many Christians, that are there, have come from Arabia. 9. They sing, Hallelujah. 10. The Gospel is read in Greek, and then in Arabik. 11. When the Gospel is ended, all the people sing the song, which they call Cherubim. 12. When that song is ended, the chief Minister hath a Sermon, for an hour almost: for the Sermon is never beyond one hour. 13. When the Sermon is ended, the words of the Supper are rehearsed out of the pulpit, and that upon the four festivals as I said before at the third number. 14. Then coming from the pulpite unto the table, which is placed in the mist of the Church, the priest directing his face toward the people saith, Every good gift and perfect donation descends from above, from the Father of lights. 15. The priest distributing the Sacrament of the Supper, speaketh unto every one of the communicants in these words, Receive thou grace from the Lord, and mercy from God our Saviour. 16. Unto these words, he who re∣ceives the mysteries of the holy Supper, answereth, Son of God, make me partaker to day of thy mystical Supper: I shall never deny thee: I shall not kiss thee as Judas did, but as the thief I will confess thee: remember mee, Lord, in thy Kingdom. 17. They sing not in time of communi∣cating, but al the spectators do meditate on these holy mysteries with singu∣lar devotion. 18. When the communion is finished, is a thanksgiving and a prayer: then the priest turning toward the people, blesseth them in this manner, The blessing of the Lord be upon you. And all the people say, Amen. Demetrius told mee those things concerning the Masse, which is celebrated four times a year, as I have said. But in their dayly meetings the same Demetrius told mee, the Christians have this custom. 1. The priest beginneth with a blessing, as in the Masse. 2. Publick prayers are made; a lesson is rehearsed out of the holy Scriptures, and there is a short Sermon. 3. When the prayer is finished, bread is distri∣buted without wine: they call not this bread the body of the Lord, but it is given in token of mutuall brotherly-love, that their mindes being admo∣nished by this sign, may be united, who eat of the same bread. 4. When they have eaten that bread, they are dismissed with this blessing, The bles∣sing of the Lord be upon you. So Heming.

XIV. It may be required here, why is not mention made of the tares which the ill man did sowe among the wheat in this Century? I intended indeed to have marked those heresies; but partly because these are colle∣cted already, and partly that this Compend hath swelled bigger then I in∣tended, I leave them▪ and only will writ a little of a late kind of Monks

in the Roman Church: these are the Jesuits. They had their first hat∣ching * 5.99 from Johannes Petrus Carafa a Venetian, who became Pope Paul IIII. But because he brought not that Order to an establishment, his name is forgot in their genealogy, and Ignatius Loyola is called their first father. This was a Spanjard and a Captain: When the Frenches beseeged Pom∣pejopolis, his one leg was broken, and the other was wounded with a b••l∣let: when his wounds were cured so as might be, he saw that he could not follow the warrs (as he intended:) thereupon he took himself unto a reteered life, and reades the Legend's of Saints (as they are called) and went to Jerusalem for devotion: after his returning he began to studie in Compluto, Salamantica, and then at Paris, where he became Master of Arts An. 1536. Then he intends to begin a new order, and hearing what Carapha had intended, he will prosecute that project: for upon occasion he lived at Venice. He takes with him ten fellowes of his minde, and go togeher for confirmation of their Order. The Cardinals opposed him, because the world was complaining of the multitude of Orders and Monks, and indeed there was more need to restrain the number, then add new. But Loyola said, The Franciscans and Dominicans, who were wont to be stout Champions for the Apostolical See, had failed of their duty, but if his Order were confirmed, he and all his fellowes will oblige themseves to do what they can, for confirming the Papal power. Upon this motive Pope Paul III. confirms the Order with this limitation, that their number should not exceed sixty: but in the year 1543. the Pope understanding of their diligence, takes off that restraint of the number. What sort of men those are may, be wel known by two litle books, one under the name Apho∣rismi Doctrinae Jesuitarum, printed An. 1608. another called Anatomia Societatis Jesu printed An. 1643. The first saith, They maintain all thearticles determi∣ned by the councel at Trent, and namely these; 1. The Pope hath spiritual and temporal power to command, forbid, to excommunicat and escheat, to set up and cast down Emperours, Kings, and Princes; and who believe not this, is an heretick. 2. All clergy-men, Monks and Nonns, and all their priviledges are al together free from obedience, censures and taxations of Magistrats; all Princes should commit their chief castls and fortresses unto church-men rather then to laicks. 3. Unto the pleasure of the Pope belongeth the authority of the Scripture, the interpretation and power of changing it; and the Pop's Decrees are absolutly necessary unto salva∣tion, and they are firm and obligatory. 4. Albeit the Pope be a man, yet seing he is the Vicar of God on earth, and therefore Divin honor should be given unto him, he cannot err in matter of faith, albeit all other men, yea and councels may erre; and for this cause appeals may be from Councels unto the Pope, but not contra. 5. All capitulations, constitu∣tions, leagues, fraternities, priviledges of Emperours, Kings, Princes and States, whereby any other religion is permitted, excep the Romish religion, are of no validity, although they had been ratified by solem oaths. 6. All Papists every where should endeavour to oppress by fire, sword, poison, powder, warre and whatsoever engines, all hereticks, especially Lutherans and their abbetors, even these Politick Catholicks who would rather observe peace, then contribute to oppress hereticks. 7. But if Papists do fear, that enterprices shall be in vain, and dammage may befall the Romish religion, in this case may be a toleration, and they may wait for better occasion. 8. When Popish subiects have in an assembly judged an Emperour, King or Prince, to bea tyrant, then they may

cast him off, and deliver themselfs from all obligation: but if they can not assemble, then any subject taking the advice of a Jesuit or any such Divine, may, yea he doth meritoriously, to kill that King or Prince. 9. If subjects have a Lutheran or Calvinian Prince, who would compell them into heresy, those subjects are free from all homage and fealty; and they may expell or kill him. 10. Yea Emperours, Kings and Princes may be killed, if Jesuites or other grave Divines judge them tyrants. 11. The Pope may give unto Catholiks the Kingdoms, dominions and territories of all hereticks and infidels; and such donations are valid••. 12. Jesuites and other Catholick priests, when examined by heretical Magistrats, may use equivocations, fained names and cloaths; and they may deny the truth, for insinuating themselves abroad, or for bringing their designe∣ments to pass. 13. Jesuites and other Papists may use equivocations, when he who is demanded, thinks that that Judge hath not lawfull power to que∣stion him, or his adversary hath not just cause to plead. 14. Neither is every catholick tied to answer according to his mind, unto privat catho∣licks, but he may equivocat, and deceive his demanders: 15. This equi∣vocation is a profitable Art, and a new prudence. These Aphorisms are proved particularly by their books and practises. The other book is writ∣ten by one of that Society, bewailing the corruptions thereof, as appeares by his epistle unto the Reader, and in Pag. 37. he hath the words of Claud. Aquaviva their General complaining thus, Secularity and Aulicism insinua∣ting into the familiarity and favor of strangers, is a disease of our Society, dangerous both within and without, unto them that are infected, and Us (the Superiors) who almost know nothing of it; Under a fair shew (indeed) of gaining Princes, Prelats and potent Men, of concil••ating such persons unto the Society for divine obedience, of helping others, but in truth wee seek ourselves, and by degrees we decline into secular affaires. And in Pag. 43. are these words of Joh. Mariana a Jesuit in his book. De Morbis Societatis, Cap. 19. Our rules have been oftymes changed: the body of the Society is altogether contrary unto that which our Fundator Ignatius conceived and framed; men are scandalized, grumble and hate us for no other cause, but that they see us so singular and interessed or seeking our own gain.....None can deny, that our society hath departed from right reason. And in Pag. 49. he shewes that by the first foundation and also by later constitutions under Aquaviva, they should follow the doctrin of S. Thomas [Aquinas] but because many questions are started up that were not known by him, they follow no precedent. He speaks of their prudence Pag. 12. as of men desirous to serve God and Mammon, who because they have gone unto the world, and hate God, as Christ teaches, Matt. 6. all good men should hate them, and follow David, who said, Do I not hate them, who hate thee, o Lord? Their last aim or end, which they profess and fain, is the glory of God, and salvation of their own soul; The middle and remoter end is the spiritual salvation of their nighbours; and the nearest is the honor of the Apostolical See; But really the end aimed-at, and the rule of all things done by the Society according to the mind of their Superiors, is the last, the proper good of each one, gain, pleasure and glory; And the middle; remoter is the glory and vast dominion of their Generall; And the nearest is the Monopoly of things that are of greatest necessity and worth; as 1. of grace with God; that none should be in favour with God, nor obtain remission or absolution of sins but by Jesuites; and that none should attain to honor, Offices and wealth

from Princes but by Jesuites. 2. Of faith, that none should be turned from paganism to Christianity, nor from heresy to the catholick faith, but by means of Jesuites. 3. Of perfection, that none should be held perfect or a Saint, but by Jesuites, that is, unless he be of the Iesuites. 4. Of lear∣ning, that now none may learn Divin or humane Letters but under a Je∣suite. 5. Of vertue or good manners, that none should be instructed but by the admonitions and example of Jesuits. 6. Of fame or good name, that none should be thought good or learned, but by the suffrage of the Jesuites, at least these not resisting. In Pag. 28. he speakes of the fruits of this depraved Society, and distinguishes them into inward and outward; The inward are special, or general; The special are 1. in Superiors, the ambition of the general affecting a Monarchy and vast Empire; Courtliness, secularity, and Polypragmosyne or medling with many affaires; and tyran∣nicall manner of domineering, that is, deceitfulness and violence. 2. in the subjects, effeminate and dainty breeding of Novices: a great number and great licence of laiks, Mangonia, or a divelish way of alluring men into their society; an unwillingness of mind, or a desire to forsake the Socie∣ty: aloss of goods brought into the Society, and beggery: a hunting of in∣heritances: flattering of Superiors and potent strangers: quadruplies or de∣laying of pleas from time to time: envy against the learned and famous without their Society: contumacy against Superiors: courtliness and secula∣rity. The general fruits are the multiplication of Colledges contrary unto the ordinances: multitude of but half-learned Masters: a sophistical way of teaching, not for advancing of learning, but serving unto the ambi∣tion of the General, who would have many colledges, and many Masters to be planted in new Schools: paucity of men eminent in learning........hypocrisy, doubleness, simulation and dissimulation as of men living spa∣ringly and disclosing themselves simply unto none: a shameless denying of the things that are done by catholicks, especially by the clergy, though these things are known certainly: a contumelious way of contending and disputing with the heterodoxe, and stirring up of Princes into violence against them. The external fruits are privat or publick: the private are, many children and young men do unwarily by impulsion of Jesuites••ty themselves with the vow of chastity, that they must be Jesuites: many hate learning and forsake it, being terrified by the multitude of Grammare rules: many are craftily cheated of their patrimony; many indigent are deprived of godly mens alms; many are through envy so diffamed, that they can do no good in publick, especially if the Pharisees conspire with the Hero∣dians.....The publick fruits are the first or secondary: the first are ec∣clesiastical or Politicall. The ecclesiastical are 1. rarity of Councels: for they persuade men that Councels are not necessary, seeing they can per∣form all thing concerning the preservation of faith and discipline; 2. the unfitness of Bishops, seeing by the teaching and example of their Masters the Jesuits, they know not a contemplative life nor Apostolical patience...Epicurism of the Sadducees or clerks who live so as if they believed neither resurrection, nor that there is a soul and spirit....the infamy of the antient sort of Monks, as if they had been the broachers of all heresies; some scan∣dalous, wicked and heretical opinions, which they have hid for a long time, and now having power dar vent them, as may be seen in Apologia Perfectionis Mic. à Jesus Maria, printed twice at Rome, and again at Ravens∣burg, &c. The Political fruits are in respect of Princes, or subjects; through the flattering and indulgence of Confessary Iesuits is the tyranny of some Prin∣ces,

who account their will a law, and their proper interest to be the end of their power, seeing the Superiors of the Society commanding the same way, and not only absolve Princes their imitators, but also pronounce them blest, &c. In subjects, the corruption of faith and manners, ignorance, imprudence: for Jesuits partly by their traditions, and partly by exemple persuad the people that God and Mammon may be both served, and he may enter into the Kingdom of heaven who puts his hand to the plough and looks back again.....as may be seen more fully in that Apologia. The secundary fruits are the offense of God by profaning ecclesiastical goods...civil wars arising from that warre that sinners have against God, and from the bloody doctrin of Jesuites, who teach that the erroneous should be forced to return unto the Church, albeit the antient scandals be not remo∣ved, and new ones are multiplied, &c. He speaks also of their means of alluring men, of their policies and corruptions more particularly. Another saith, The four wings of these locusts are arrogancy of learning, their flat∣tering of Princes and wealthy persons, impudence in denying, and the great power that they have purchased.

CHAP. IV. Of BRITANNE.

1. I Left at the gracious providence of God towards Queen Elisabet: in * 5.100 continuance thereof is here to be remembred, 1. that Pope Pius V. did accurse her An. 1569. and caused the Breve to be affixed on the Bishop of London's palace An. 1570. by John Felton; yet neither did her subjects love her the less, nor other Princes leave off correspondence with her: and the worst effect was; Felton was hanged; and. 2. The Earls of Northhumberland and Westmerland hearing of the curse, and trusting to the promises of aid from the Pope and from Spain, raised a rebellion in the North: the one was taken and beheaded; and Westmerland escaped into Flanders, and died in a poor condition. 3. The next year Leonard Da∣cres began to revive the rebellion in the same Shiers, and was soon defea∣ted. 4. About the same time Iohn Story a Doctor of law, and one Pre∣stol were apprehended and convinced of treason, for giving information unto Duke d'Alva, how he might invade England, and cause Irland revolt. 5. John ••esley bishop of Ross plotted with sundry Englishes, to intercept the Queen, and set Queen Mary at liberty An. 1571. God turned their plots to their dammage. 6. John Duke of Austria aiming at that kingdom, sought Queen Mary in marriage: in the midst of his projected plots he died suddenly An. 1567. 7. Thomas stuckly plotted first with Pius V. and then with Gregory XV. to conquer Irland unto the Pope's son: he was made General, and sent away with 800. Italians: but God disposed so, that Stukly was first employd to aid Sebastian King of Portugal against the Mauritanians, and died there. 8. Nicolas Sanders a priest entred into Irland with an Army of Spaniards An 1580. and ioyning with other rebellious Papists, made a great insurrection: they were soon quas∣shed. 9. The next year numbers of Seminaries and Jesuits came from Rome, to prepare the subiects unto a change, and to take part with forrein powers when they shall come into the Land: for this cause greater restraint was layd upon Papists: of those incendiaries some were executed for

treason, and many were sent out of the kingdom. 10. In the year 1583. John Somerwill was taken, when he was going to kill the Queen: he con∣fessed, that he was persvaded to do so byreading books written by the Seminaries: he was condemned; and strangled himself in New-gate. 11. An. 1585. William Parry having an absolution from the Pope, vowed to kill her: but God struck him with such terror, that having opportunity he could not do it: his purpose was discovered, and he received the reward of a traitor. 12. An. 1586. John Ballard a priest stirred up some gentle men to kill Her, when she went abroad to take the air: this was discovered before they had opportunity: they confessed their plot to bring-in forrein forces: fourteen was executed as tra••tors. 13. William Stafford a young gentle man and one Moody were persvaded by a forrein Ambassador lying in England An 1587 to kill Her: this was discovered. 14. An. 1588. Philip King of Spain sent an hudge navy, which he supposed [as it was called] invincible: the Lord of land and sea heard the prayers of both kingdoms England and Scotland, and dissipated that na••y by stormy winds. 15. An. 1593. Lopez a Iew and the Queen's ordinary Physician undertook to poison her upon promise of 50000. crouns from King Philip: but before the hyre came, the traitor was punished. 16. The next year Patrik Cullen an Irish fencer was hired by English fugitives in Flanders, to kill Her: intelligence was given, and he was apprehended. 17. The same year other two undertook the ••ame fact, as also to set her Navy on fire with bals of wild-fire, and recei∣ved the like reward. 18. An. 1598. Edward Squire was suborned in Spain by a Iesuit to poison Her, by laying strong poison on the pommel of the sadle, whereon she was wont to ride, that she laying her hand on it, might carry the sent of it unto her nose. Squire followed direction, and did the deed on a day, when she was going to ride; and if She had touched the pommel, it had been her death: but Divine providence so ruled, that she touched it not: the treason was discovered and rewarded. 19. The Earle of Tyron came from Spain An 1599. and raised the greatest rebellion in Irland, that was in her time; yet he was overthrown. 20 An. 1600. a plot was layd to remove some chief Officers and Counselors from her: and then the Papists thought to find their opportunity: this project was discovered and prevented. 20. Henry Garnet Superior of the Seminaries in England, and others had another plot, and sent Thomas winter into Spain An. 1601. King Philip embraced the motion, and pro∣mised to help them: but before it came, the Queen ended her dayes in peace. Seing so many plots were discovered, it may (not improbably) be iudged, that moe were intended: but she was so safe under the wings of the Almighty, that neither open hostility nor privy conspiracy could annoy her. The remembrance hereof may teach others to trust in God, as the safest policy. I return unto Church-affaires. First we may profi∣tably observe the cause of the difference in the Reformation of the Churches in those two Kingdoms. It is true, both looked unto the Worde as the rule of Reformation, but they varied in the manner of application: for England held, that whatsoever in discipline and rites is not contrary unto Gods word should be retained: for in the twentieth article of the Convocation An. 1563. it is said, The Church hath power to decree rites or ceremonies, and authority in matters of faith: and yet it is not lawfull for the Church to ordain any thing that is contrary unto Gods word: nei∣ther may it so expound one place that it be contrary unto another: where∣fore although the Church be a witness and keeper of holy Writ, yet as it not

ought not decree any thing against the same, so besides the same ought it not to enforce any thing to be believed for necessity of salvation. But Scot∣land applied the Rule more closs, in this manner, What soever hath not a warrant in the Word, should be abolished; as in the fourtienth article of Confession they say, Evill works are not only those that are done expres∣ly against Gods commandement, but those also that in matters of religion, and inworshipping of God, have no other assurance, but the invention and opinion of man: which God hath ever from the beginning rejected, as by the prophet Isaiah and by our Master Christ Jesus we are taught in these words, In vain Do they worship mee, teaching for Doctrines the precepts of men. So without respect of men those did cleave unto the Word of God, and did iudge, What soever is without the Word, either in doctrine, or religious worship or in Ecclesiastical discipline, can not be accepted of God as service, when he requires it not. But England upon account, that those who had been enured with Popish doctrine and superstitions, might be the more easily allured to forsake that doctrine, if the rites and discipline were retained, and hoping (as is hinted in the former part) that by time a more perfect Reformation might be attained, took this prudential course, as it is called; trusting especially that bishops and priests might be the more easily enduced to joyn with the Reformation. So both in the Confes∣sion in King Edwards time, and in the articles of the Convocation An. 1564. (or according to the English Style. 1563.) they allowed li∣berty unto dissenting judgements, and made large expressions and capa∣cious words, being loath to drive off from the communion any who diffe∣ring in the branches, meet in the main grounds of religion. Those things that were retained upon such plausible motives, had a twofold influence, (Such is the nature of humane corruption.) to wit. 1. one superstition draweth-on another, as a link of a chain; If this may be used, why not that▪ 2. what was at first retained by way of toleration & condescension, was after∣wards pressed upon mens consciences by authority, that men must con∣form in practise of rites, and to the opinion of Superiors, or suffer punish∣ment. The first particular exception was made by the Papists against the * 5.101 title, The Head of the Church, which was given unto King Henry; and The Supream Iudge in causes Ecelesiastical; which was given unto Queen Elisabet. They excepted against this alwayes: but the first that hath written of it, was Harding in his pretended refutation of Englands Confession. Bi∣shop Jewell answereth him in his Defence of the Apolog. part. 6. cap. 11. divis. 1. saying, Concerning the title, The supream head of the Church, wee need not search the Scriptures to excuse it. For 1. We devised it not. 2. We use it not. 3. our Princes at this time claim it not. Your Fathers first enrituled that noble Prince King Henry VIII. with that unused and strange Style, as it may wel be thought, the rather to bring him into the talk and slander of the world. Howbeit that the Prince is the highest Iudge and Governor over all his subjects whatsoever, alswel priests as laymen without excep∣tion, &c. He insists at length upon this purpose; as also Doct. Fulk a∣gainst the Rhemists Annotations on Matth. 22. and others: I shall add the Answer of Thom. Bilson, sometime Warden of Wincester unto the Jesuits Apolog. Lib. 2. where the Iesuit or Philander saith, You would have our faith and salvation so to hang on the Princes will and lawes, as if there could be no nearer way to religion, then to believe what our temporal Lord and Master list. He answereth, It is a cunning, when you can not confute your adversaries, at least to belie them, that you may seem at least to say

somwhat against them: indeed your fourth chapter is wholly spent in re∣felling this position, which we detest as much as you. Philander replieth, You begin to shrink from your former teaching. He answereth in name of Theophilus, You will never shrink from your former facing: Did ever any man on our side affirm the Princes will to be the rule of faith? have we not earnestly written, and openly taught that religion must not depend on the pleasure of men? Have not thousands here in England and elsewhere given our lifes for the witnes and confession of Gods Truth, against Prin∣ces, Lawes and Popes decrees? In Spain, France and Italy and other pla∣ces at this day do we not endure all the torments you can devise, because we will not believe what temporal Lords and Masters will? your conscience knowes, it is ttue, that we say: Why do you then charge us with this wicked assertion, from which we be farther off, then you? For you hold opinion of Popes, they can not err: we do not of Princes. Why do you Father your fancies upon us? why do you purposely pervert the que∣stion, heaping absurdities, and alledging authorities against that which we do not defend? Philander, The oath which yee take yourselves, and ex∣act of others, induces us thus to think of you: for there you make Princes the only supream Governors of all persons in all causes aswell spiritual as temporall, utterly renouncing all forrain jurisdictions and Superiority: Upon which word mark what an horrible confusion followes: If Princes be the only Governors in ecclesiasticall matters, then in vain did the Holy Ghost appoint Pastors and Bishops to govern the Church; If they be Su∣pream, then are they Superior to Christ himself, and in effect Christs Masters; If in all things and causes spiritual, then they may prescribe unto the Priests and Bishops, what to preach, and which way to worship and serve God, how and in what form to Minister, the Sacraments, and ge∣nerally how men shall be governed in soul. If all forrain jurisdiction be re∣nounced, then Christ and his Apostles (because they were and are for∣rainers) have no jurisdiction nor authority over England. Theophilus, VVake you, or dream you? That in matters of no less weight, then your duty to God and the Prince, you fall to these childish and pelting so∣phisms? VVhat kind of concluding call you this? Princes only bear the sword to command and punish: Ergo Bishops may not teach and ex∣hort: Princes are not subject unto the Pope; Ergo Superiors to Christ: They may by their laws establish what Christ hath commanded; Ergo they may change both Scripture and Sacraments: No forrainer at this this day hath jurisdiction over this Land; ergo Christ and his Apostles 1500. years ago might not preach the gospell. Philand. We make no such rea∣sons. T••eop. The former propositions are the true contents of the oath, we take; the later are the very absurdities which you infer upon us fortaking the oath.....Philan. Do you not make Princes supream Governors of all spiritual things? Theoph. you reason as if we did: but ourwords, since you will rest upon words, are not so. Philan. What are they then? Theoph. We confess them to be supream governors of their realms and dominions. Philan. And that in all spiritual things and causes. Philan. Not of all spiri∣tual things and causes. Philan. What difference between those two spee∣ches? Theoph. Just as much as excludes your wrangling: we make them not governors of the things them selves but of their subiects; which, I trust, you dar notwithstand. Philan. I grant, they be Governors of their subjects, bur not in ecclesiastical things or causes.....Theoph. Where we profess that her highness is the only Governor of this realm, the word

Governor doth sever the Magistrat from the Minister, and shewes a manifest difference between their offices: for bishops be not Governor of the coun∣tries; Princes bee: that is, Bishops bear not the sword to reward or revenge; Princes do: bishops have no power to command or punish; Princes have. After two leafes he saith, We teach, that God in delivering the sword to Princes, hath given them this direct charge, to provide that aswell the true Religion be maintained in their realms, as civil justice ministred; and hath to this end allowed Princes full the power to for∣bid, prevent and punish in all their subjects be they lay men, Clercks and Bishops, not only murders, thefts........And the like brea∣ches of the second table; but also schisms, heresies, idolatries and all other offences, against the first table pertaining only to the service of God and matters of religion. And page 202. Philander saith, I will never con∣fess Princes to be supream: for he that judgeth on earth in Christs steed is above them all. Theoph. Now you come to the quick: this very claim was the cause, why the word Supream was added to the oath: for that the bishop of Rome takes upon him to command and depose Princes, as their lawfull and superior Iudge. To exclude this wicked presumption, we teach that Princes be supream rulers: we mean, subject to no superior Iudge, to give a reason of their doings, but only to God, &c. Most clearly hath Iames Usher Archbishop of Armagh opened this oath in a Speach in the Star-chamber of Irland, when he was bishop of Meath: there he saith, Concerning the positive part of the oath, we are taught from 1. Pet. 2. 13. 14. to respect the King not as the only governor of his dominions simply (for we see, there be other governors placed under him) but Hoos HUPERECHONTA, that is, (according to the tenure of the oath) as him who is the only supreme governor of his realms. Upon which ground we may safely build this conclusion, Whatsoever power is incident to the King by vertue of his place, must be acknowledged to be in him Suppream, there being nothing so contrary to the nature of Soveranity, as to have an∣other superior power, to overrule it. 2. Consider that for the better establishing of piety and honesty among men, and the repressing of pro∣fanness and other vices, God hath established two distinct powers upon earth; one of the keies, committed unto the Church, the other of the sword committed unto the Civil Magistrat. That of the keies is ordained to work upon the inner man, having immediat relation to the retaining or remitting of sins, Johan. 20. vers. 23. That of the sword is appointed to work upon the outward man, yeelding protection unto the obedient, and inflicting external punishment upon the rebellious and diso∣bedient. By the former the spiritual officers of the Church are enabled to govern well, to speak, and exhort, and rebuke with all authority, to loose such as are penitent, to commit others unto the Lords prison. untill their amendement, or to bind them over unto the judgement of the great day, if they shall persist in their wilfulness and obstinacy. By the other, Princes have an Imperious power assigned by God unto them, for the defence of such as do well, and executing wrath upon such as do evill, whether by death, banishment....When Peter, who had the keies com∣mitted unto him, made bold to draw the sword, he was commanded to put it up, as a weapon, that he had no authority to medle with. And on the other side when Uzziah the K. would venture ••pon the execution of the Priests office, it was said unto him, It apperiaines not unto thee, Vzziah, to burn incense unto the Lord but unto the priests...2. Chr. 26. Let this therefore be our second

conclusion, The power of the sword, and of the keies are two distinct ordi∣nances of God; and that the Prince hath no more authority to enter upon any part of the execution of the priests function, then a priest hath to intrude upon any part of the office of the Prince. In the third place observe, that the power of the Civil sword (the supream mannaging where of belongs unto the King alone) is not to be restrained to temporal causes only, but by Gods ordinance is to be extended likewayes unto all spiritual things and causes; That as the spiritual rulers do exercize their kind of government in bringing men into obedience, not of the duties of the first table only, but also of the second; So the Civil Magistrat is to use his authority also in re∣dressing the abuses committed against the first table, as against the second, that is, alswell in punishing an heretick, an idolater as a thief and traitor; and in providing. by all good means, that such as living under his govern∣ment, may lead a quiet and peaceable life in godliness and honesty. And howsoever by this mean we make both Prince and Priest to be in their seve∣rall places Custodes vtriusque tabulae, yet we do not confound their offices: for albeit the matter, where in their government is exercised, may be the same, yet the manner of government is different; the one reaching to the outward man only, and the other to the inward; the one binding or loo∣sing the soul, and the other laying hold on the body and things belon∣ging thereunto; the one having speciall reference to the judgement of the world to come: and the other respecting the present: retaining or loosing of some of the comforts of life....But here it will be said, The words of the oath being generall, that the King is the only Supream governor of this realm and of all other his Dominions, how can it appeare that the power of the civil sword only, is meant by that Government, and that the power of the keies is not comprehended therein? I answer. 1. that where a Civil Magi∣strat is affirmed to be Governor of his dominions; by common intendment this must be understood of a Civil Government, and may not be extended to that which is of another kind. 2. where an ambiguity is concieved in any part of an oath, it ought to be taken according to the understanding of him, for whose satisfaction the oath was ministred. But in this case it hath been suf∣ficiently declared by authority, that no other thing is meant: for in the book of articles agreed upon by the bishops and clergy in the convocation holden at London An. 1563. thus we read, Where we attribute to the Queens Majesty the chief Government (by which title, we understand, the min∣des of some slanderous folks to be offended) we giue not to our Prince, the ministring either of Gods word, or of the sacraments (the which thing the Iniunctions lately set forth by Elisabet our Queen do also most plainly testify) but that only prerogative, which we see to have been given alway∣es to all godly Princes in the holy Scriptures by God himself, that is, that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by God, whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal, and restrain with the civil sword the stubborn and ill doers. So far they. If it be here obiected, that the autority of the Convocation is not a sufficient ground for that which was enacted in Parliament: I answer, These articles stand confirmed by Royal assent of the Prince (for the establishing of whose supremacy the oath was framed) and also by a special Act of Parliament in the 13. year of Queen Elisabet ch. 12. Seing therefore the makers of the law have full authority to expound the law; and they have sufficiently manifested, that by Supream Government given unto the Prince, they understand that Government only which is exercised with the Civil sword, I couclude, that nothing can be more

plain then this, That without all scruple, the Kings Majesty may be acknow∣ledged in this sense, to be the supream Governor of all his dominions and Countries aswell in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things as temporall. And so I have cleared the first main branch of the oath. So far In Vsher. And be∣cause this oath was so understood, excluding all forrain power, I have not found, that any man excep the Papists, did object against it. And albeit Scotland used not this title in formality of words, yet they did ever ac∣knowledge the same power in their Soveraigne, as is clear in the Confession of faith, which was presented unto the Parliament An. 1567. where in Article 24. it is said, We confess and acknowledge, that such persons as are placed in authority are to be beloved, honored, feared and holden in most reverent estimation, because they are the Lieutenents of God, in whose seats God himself doth sit and judge; yea, even the Judges and Princes themselves, to whom by God is given the sword, to the praise and defence of good men, and to revenge and punish all malefactors. Moreover to Kings, Princes, Rulers and Magistrats, we affirm that chief∣ly and most principally the conservation and purgation of religion appertai∣neth, so that not only they are appointed for Civil policy, but also for mainteinance of true religion, and suppressing of idolatry and superstition whatsoever; As in David, Josaphat, Ezechias, Josias and others highly commended for their zeal in that case, may be espied. And therefore we confess and avow, that such as resist the Supream power, doing that thing which appertaines to his charge, do resist Gods ordinance; and therefore can not be guiltless, &c. Next it is remarkable, that howbeit the Missal * 5.102 was abolished, and the Service-book was authorized in England, yet the the Ministers were not astricted unto the full prosecution of it from the be∣ginning: the one might not be used, and the other might be used; yet they were not tiedunto it: for many were for that Principle of Scotland, whereof mention is made before, and would have put away all ceremonies that had no warrant from the word of God, and they did forsake them. Neither did Mathew Parker Archbishop of Canterburry press any of his diocie to use those rites; It is true, he required them to use the Service book, as we find, he required John Fox to subscribe: the old man produced the new Testament in Greek, and said, To this I will subscribe. But when the subscription of the Canons was required, he refused, and said, I have nothing in the Church, but a prebend at Salisbury, and much good may it do you if you, will take it from mee. So he was dismissed, and continued in his Ministry till the day of his death. And Ed. Grindal succeeding in that See, was so far from pressing any unto Conformity (as it was then called) that he incurred the Queen displeasure for his connivence; yea he not only connived, but he was a favourer of the Not-conformists, and when they began to use prophecying (which in Scotland is called The. Exercise) he resorted with them, and commended them, as appea∣res by that his Letter, which he (being under restraint) wrote and sent unto the Queen in the year 1580. of which I have transcribed a part from Thom. Fuller's Church-Histor. Lib. 9. he beginneth thus; With most humble * 5.103 remembrance of bounden duty unto your Majesty, It may please the same to be advertised, that the speeches which it pleased you to deliver unto mee, when I last attended on your Highness, concerning the number of preachers and the utter snbuersion of all learned Exercises and conferences amongst the Ministers of the Church, allowed by the bishops and Ordina∣ries, have exceedingly dismayd and disconforted mee, not so much for

that, the said speeches sounded very hardly against my own person, being but one particular man, and not so much to be accounted of; but most of all for that the same might tend to the publick harm of Gods Church, whereof your Majesty by office ought to be Nutricia, and also the heavy burden of your conscience before God, if they should be put to execu∣tion.......I thought it my duty by writing to declare some part of my mind unto your Highness, beseeching the same with patience to read over this........If I should use dissembling silence, I should very ill requite so many your Majesties, and so great benefits: for in so doing both you might fall into perrill towards God, and I my self into endless damna∣tion......I beseech your Majesty thus to think of mee, that I do not conceive any ill opinion of you, although I can not assent unto those two Articles then expounded. I do with all the rest of your good subjects ac∣knowledge, that we have received by your government, many and most excellent benefits, as amongst others, freedom of conscience, suppression of Idolatry......I am also persuaded, that ever in those matters, which you seem to urge, your meaning and zeal is for the best: the like hath hap∣ned to many the best Princes that ever were; yet have not refused after∣wards to be better informed......David hath not evill meaning, when he commanded to number the people......Yet saith the Scripture, his own heart stroke him, and God by the Prophet reprehended him........And so to come to the present case,.....Surely I can not maruell enough, how this strange opinion should once enter into your minde, that it should be good for the Church to have few preachers. Alas, Madam, is the Scripture more plain in any thing, then that the Gospel of Christ should be plentifully preached; and that plenty of laborers should be sent into the Lords harvest? which being great and large, stands in need not of a few, but of many workmen. There was appointed to Solomons material temple artificers and laborers, besids 3000. overseers: and shall we think, that a few preachers may suffice to the building of the spiritual temple of Christ......I beseech your Majesty to note one thing necessary; If the Holy Ghost prescribeth expressly, that preachers should be placed oppida∣tim, how can it well be thought, that three or four preachers may suffice for a shire?......Some there be, that are mislikers of the godly Refor∣mation in Religion once established, wishing indeed that there were no preachers at all, and so by depriving of Ministers, impugne Religion, Non aperto Marte, sed in cuniculis, much like the Bishops in your Fathers time, who would have had the English translation of the Bible called-in, as evill translated, and the new translation to be committed unto them, which they never intended to perform. A number there is, and that ex∣ceeding great, altogether worldly-minded......And because the prea∣ching of Gods Word (which to all Christians conscience is sweet and dele∣ctable) to them, having Cauterizatas conscientias, is bitter and grievous.....they wish that there were no preachers at all: but they dare not directly condem the office of preaching so expresly commanded by Gods Word (for that were open blasphemy) they turn themselves altogether, and with the same meaning as others do, against the persons of them that are ad∣mitted to preach. But God forbid, Madam, that you should open your ears unto any of these wicked persuasions. Cum defecerit Propheta, dissipa∣bitur Populus, saith Salomon, Prov. 27. Where it is thought, that the reading of godly Homilies set forth by publick authority may suffice, the reading of these hath it's commodities, but it is nothing comparable to the

office of preaching......These were devised by godly Bishops in your * 5.104 brothers dayes, only to supply necessite, by want of preachers, and are by the statute, not to be preferred, but to give place to Sermons, where∣soever they may be had, and were never thought in themselves to contain alone sufficient instruction for the Church of England: For it was found then (as it is now) that this Church had been by appropriations, not without sacriledge, spoiled of the livings, which at the first were appoin∣ted to the office of preaching or teaching, which appropriations were first annexed to Abayes, and after came to the crown, and now are disposed to privat mens possessions, without hope to reduce the same to the origi∣nal institution.....Concerning the second point, which is of the lear∣ned exercises and conferences amongst the Ministers of the Church, I have * 5.105 consulted with diverse of my brethren the Bishops, who think of the same as I do, a thing profitable to the Church: And therefore expedient to be continued; and I trust, your Majesty will think the like, when you shall be informed of the matter and order thereof, what authority it hath of the Scriptures, what commodity it bringeth with it, and what discom∣modities will follow, if it be clean taken away. The authors of this ex∣ercise are the Bishops of the Diocess, where it is used, who by the law of God, and by the canons and constitutions of the Church now in force have authority to appoint exercise to their inferior Ministers for encrease of lear∣ning and knowledge of the Scriptures, as to them seemes expedient: for that pertaines ad disciplinam Clericalem. So after he hath spoken of the matter and order of that Exercise, and the ground of it from. 1. Sam. 10. and 1. Cor. 14. he addeth, This gift of interpreting the Scriptures in S. Pauls time was gi∣ven to many by a special miracle without study......but now miracles ceasing, men must attain to the Hebrew, Greek and Latin tongues......by travel and study, God gives the increase: So must men attain by the like means to the gifts of expounding and interpreting the Scriptures, and amongst other helps nothing is so necessary as these above named exercises and conferences amongst the Ministers of the Church; which in effect are all one with the exercises of Students in Divinity in the Universities, saving, that the first is done in a tongue understanded, to the more edifying of the unlearned hearers. Howsoever report hath been to your Majesty con∣cerning these exercises, yet I and others of York, whose names are noted as followes, 1. Cantuariensis, 2. London, 3. Winch, 4. Bathon, 5. Lich∣field, 6. Glocester, 7. Lincoln, 8. Chester, 9. Exon, 10. Meneven. aliàs Davids, as they have testified unto mee by their Letters, have found by experience, that these profits and commodities following have ensued of them; 1. The Ministers of the Church are more skilfull, and more ready in the Scriptures, and more Apt to teach their flocks. 2. It withdrawes them from idleness, wandring, gaming, &c. 3. Some afore suspected in doctrine, are brought to the knowledge of the truth. 4. Ignorant Ministers are driven to study, if not for conscience, yet for shame and fear of discipline. 5. The opinion of lay men touching the ableness of the Clergy is hereby removed. 6. Nothing by experience beats down Popery more then that. 7. Ministers, as some of my brethren do confess, grow to such knowledge by means of those exercises, that where a fore were not able Ministers, not three, now are thretty able and meet to preach at Pauls cross, and 40 or 50 besids able to instruct their own Cures; so as it is found by experience the best means to increase knowledge in the simple, and to continue it in the learned: Only backward men in religion, and contem∣ners

of learning in the countries abroad do fret against it: which in truth doth the more commend it. The dissolution of it would b••eed triumph in the Adversary, and great sorow and grief unto the favorers of Religion, contrary to the Counsel of Ezek. 13. 18. Cor justi non est contristandum. Although some have abused this good and necessary exercise, there is no reason, that the malice of a few should prejudice all: abuses may be refor∣med, and that which is good may remain: Neither is there any just cause of offences to be taken, if diverse men make diverse senses of one sentence of Scripture, so that all the senses be good and agreable to the analogy and proportion of faith: for otherwise we must condemn all the antient Fathers, and diverse of the Church, who most commonly expound one and the same text of Scripture diversely, and yet all to the good of the Church....Because I am well assured.....that these exercises for the interpretation of the Scriptures, and for exhortation and confort, are profitable.........I am inforced with all humility, and yet plainly to profess, that I can not with safe conscience, and without the offence of the Majesty of God, give my assent to the suppressing of these exercises, much less can I send out any Injunction for the utter and universal subversion of the same. I say with Paul, I have no power to destroy, but only to edify; and I can do nothing against the truth, but with the truth. If it be your Majesties pleasure or for any other cause to remove me, I consider with myself, Quod horrendum est incidere in manus Dei viventis, and also, Quod qui facit contra conscientiam [Divinis in rebus] aedificat ad gehennam......Beare with me Madam, I beseech you, if I chuse rather to offend your earthly Majesty, then to of∣fend the heavenly Majesty of God......I will draw to an end, most * 5.106 [ 1] humbly praying that you will consider these short petitions; I. that you would referr all these ecclesiasticall matters unto the Bishops and Divines of the Church of your realm, according to the exemple of all Christian Em∣perours and Princes of all ages: for indeed they are to be judged as an An∣tient writes, in Ecclesia seu Synodo, non in Palatio. When your Majesty hath questions of the laws of your realm, you do not decide them in your Court or palace, but send them to your Judges to be determined.........Ambrose to Theodosius used these words, Si de caus••s pecuniariis Comites tuos consulis, quanto magis in causa Religionis Sacerdotes Domini aequum est con∣sulas......My second petition is that when you deal in matters of faith [ 2] and religion, or matters that touch the Church of Christ, which is the Spouse bought with so dear a price, you would not pronounce so reso∣lutely and peremptorily, quasi ex authoritat••, as you may do in civil and external matters; but alwayes remember that in Gods cause, the will of God, and not the will of any creature is to take place. It is the Anti∣christian voice, Sic volo, sic jubeo, s••et pro ratione voluntas. In Gods mat∣ters, all Princes ought to bow their Scepters to the Son of God, and to ask counsell at his mouth, what they ought to do. David exhorts all Kings and rulers to serve God with fear and trembling. Remember, Madam, that you are a mortal creature: look not only (as was said to Theodosius) upon the people and princely array, wherewith you are ap∣parelled, but consider also, what it is that is covered there with..........Must you not one day appear ante terrendum tribunal Crucifixi, ut recipias ibi prout gesseris in corpore, sive bonum, sive malum. And although you are a mighty Prince, yet remember......As the Psalmist saith, 76. Terribi∣lis est is qui aufert Spiritum principum, terribilis super omnes Reges terrae. Where∣fore I beseech you, Madam, in visceribus Christi, when you deal in these

religious causes, set the Majesty of God before your eies, laying aside all earthly Majesty, determin with yourself to obey his voice, and with all humility say unto him, Non mea, sed tua voluntas fiat. God hath bles∣sed you with great felicity now many years: beware, you do not impute it to your deserts or policy, but give God the glory......Take heed, you never think of declining from God, lest it be verified of you, which is written of Joash, Cum corroboratus esset, elevatum est cor ejus in interitum suum, & neglexit Deum. He concludes, trusting better of her, and praying for her. What could be written (saith Fuller) with more spirit and less animosity? More humility, and less dejection? I see, a lambe in his own, can be a Lion in God, and his Churches cause. Say not that Orbitas & senectus only encouraged Grindall in this his writing, whose ne∣cessary boldness did arise, partly from his confidence in the goodness of the cause for which, partly from the gratiousnes of the Queen to whom he made his adress. But alas! all in vain: Leicester had so filled her eares with complaints against him, there was no room to receive this petition. But to return to the former purpose, we see from this Letter, that the form of Exercise was allowed by ten Bishops; and the history shewes, that the Ministers who used that exercise were not conformists unto the rites. But * 5.107 some Bishops of that age were so zealous of their authority, and jealous of the prophecyings, that diligent Ministers must needs conform, or then the flocks shall want teaching; and the Queen must bear the blam of all. More of these trouble followers: here I add, that ••. Whitgift succeeding to Grindal, was the first Reformed Bishop, that was Counselor of State, and most vehement in pressing conformity, yet not without many checks and lets. For not only did the Counsell sent Letters unto that Archbishop, willing him to relent of his severity, but (as the same author writes) in the Parliament A••. 1587. the House of Commons presented unto the House of Lords a petition com∣plaining that many parishes were destitute of preachers; and craving [a∣mongst other things] that no oath nor subscription might be tendered to any at their enterance into the Ministery, but such as is expressly prescribed by the statutes of the realm, excep the oath against corrupt entring; That they may not be troubled for omission of some rites or portions prescribed in the book of Common prayer; That such as had been suspended or depri∣ved for no other offence, but only for not subscribing, might be restored; and that the Bishops would forbear their excommunication, exofficio mero, of godly and learned preachers not detected for open offence of life or appa∣rent error in doctrine, &c. And the Lords rancountred the Bishops so hardly, especially against plurality of Benefices; that matters flying so high, the Archbishop conceived it the safest way to apply himself by petition un∣to the Queen in this manner; The wofull and distressed estate, whereinto we are like to fall forceth us with grief of heart in most humble manner to crave your Majesties soveraign protection: For the pretence being made of the maintenance and increase of learned ministry, when it is throughly weighed, decrieth learning, spoileth their livings, takes away the set form of prayer in the Church, and it is the means to bring in confusion and bar∣barisme. How dangerous innovations are in a setled Estate, whosoever hath judgement perceiveth. Set dangers apart, yet such great inconve∣niences may ensue as will make an estate lamentable and miserable. Our nighbours miseries may make us fearfull, but that we know, who ruleth the same. All the Churches in Europe can not compare with England in the number of learned Ministers. These benefits of your Majesties most

sacred and carefull government with hearty joy we feel, and humbly ac∣knowledge: senseless are they that repine at it. The respect hereof made the Prophet to say, Dij estis; All the faithfull and discreet clergy say, O Deacertè. Nothing is impossible with God. Requests without grounded reasons are lightly to be rejected. We therefore not as Directors, but as humble Remembrancers beseech your Highness favourable beholding of our estate present; and what it will be in time to come, if the Bill against plu∣ralities should take any place, &c. With this petition was annexed a catalo∣gue of pretended inconveniences. So that in effect no thing was enacted in relation to this matter, but at the dissolution of the Parliament the Bishops were more ••evere then before, as followes: But mark the different spirits and Genius of these two Archbishops, Grindal and Whitgift, appearing in their Letters, that were directed unto one and the same person. This is that Do. Whitgift, who bandied and rebandied with Thomas Carthwright, The Supplication or Admonition unto the Parliament in the year 1571. (whereof hereafter) and in defence of Episcopacy and al the other enormities made use of that invincible cannon, The Royall power and pleasure. And for his arguing thus, it was the Royall power and pleasure to make him Archbishop of Canterburry, even when Grindal was alive: but such was his modesty, that he would not accept it, untill the old man under restraint was dead. Observe then, Some Ministers will be ambitious and supersti∣tious, and impute all the disorders of the Church unto Royall power and pleasure. Pause a little, and we will heare another song. When men are obstupefied with this Medusa's head, the Prelats will chant; Episcopacy is De Jure Divino, and, No Bishop, no King: and authority may be en∣chanted to believe it. And then the old common tune may be heard a∣gain, Ego & Rex meus; as Wolsey Archbishop of York sang in former times; or the tune of Canterburry, You may not meddle with churchmen, how ever they live, or whatsoever they do; as Thomas Becket said to King Henry II. or the tune of Whinchester, I summon you to appear and answer in our Synode; as Bishop Henry of Bloys said unto his Brother King Steven. Who desireth to know those more particularly, may find them and more in the Antipathy of English Lordly prelacie both to Regal Monar∣chy and Civill unity written by William Prynne, Part. 1. & 2. Ann. 1641. Neither will they rest here, but they will averr, If no Bishop, then no Presbyter, and no Sacrament, and consequently no Church. And so both King and Church are established upon Episcopacy. What loyal heart, or who fearing God will not oppose such birds in the shell? What remai∣nes, but to say plainly, Episcopacy is the Rock, on which State & Church are built? Certainly a ground-stone, that beares so vast a burden (as the security, or rather the Beeing of both State and Church) must have a fast and sure foundation. But where shall we find that foundation? Not in the Scripture, unless we admit Popish miss-interpretations. And if these be admitted, we may not stay there, but foreward another step: and that is known, to wit, The Pope is the Rock. Pope Gregory I. did not su∣spect what mischief was to follow upon his Masse: nor did Hazael know what he was himself to do: but let every man look to the tendency of such Tenets.

11. The Nationall assembly of Scotland conveens at Edinburgh Juny 25 * 5.108 An. 1564. By voices John Willock is continued Moderator. Many Noble men were in the town, but very few came the first day; wherefore many said, they wondered, why it was so. Lundy (of that ilk) said, I wonder not

at their absence, but rather, that at the last assembly they drew themselves apart, and drew away some Ministers, and would had them to conclude things, that was never propounded to the publick assembly, which is pre∣judiciall to the liberty of the Church: therefore my judgement is, that they be informed of this offense, which many have conceived of their former acting; and that they be humbly required, that if they be Brethren, they would assist their brethren with their presence and Counsell, for wee had never greater need: Or if they be minded to fall back from us, it were bet∣ter, wee knew it now than afterwards. All the assembly agreed, and gave commission to certain brethren, to signify the mind of the assembly unto the Lords: which was done the same day. The next day came the Duke, Earles Argyle, Murray, Morton, Gleincairn, Marshall, the Officers of State, But they drew themselves apart, as before, and sent M. Geo. Hay Minister of the Court, to require the Superintendents and some other Mi∣nisters, to come and confer with them. The Assembly answereth, They are now conveened, to deliberate on the common affaires of the Church, and they could not spare such men, whose judgement is necessary, nor was is it expedient••, that others should sit without them, as it were idle; and therefore (as they have told them before) if they acknowledge them∣selves members of the Church, they should joyn with others, and pro∣pound in publick, what they thought good, and shall have the assistance of all: but to send a part, more hurte and scandall might arise, than profit or confort unto the Church, seing it is to be feared, that all will not be con∣tent with the reasonings and conclusions of a few. They gave this answer, because the Courtiers had endeavoured to draw some Ministers into their faction, and to have sustained their opinions & arguments. When the Lords perceived, that they could not prevail by that means, they return and purge themselves, that they never meant to divide themselves from the Church, but only because they had certain Heads or articles, wherein they crave some conference, yet so, that no conclusion shall be taken, nor vote required, till the propositions and reasonings were heard and considered by the whole Body. Upon that condition three Superintendents and four Ministers were directed unto them: and because their questions did espe∣cially concern John Knox, they called for him: and they had long debates upon these points: 1. That subjects have delivered an innocent from the hands of their King, and therein had not offended God. 2. Subjects have refused to smite innocents, when the King had commanded; and in so doing denied not just obedience. 3. Subjects stricking an innocent at the command of their King, are murtherers before God. 4. God hath not only of a subject made a King, but had armed subjects against their King, and commanded them, to take vengeance upon him according to His Law. 5. Gods people have execute Gods law, against their King, having no more regarde unto him in that behalfe, than if the had been a subject. They could not agree in these points, nor was any of them propounded in publike. In Sess. 3. Commissioners were appointed to present unto the Lords of the Secret Counsell, the articles following, and report answer unto the present Assembly; and if need shall bee, to reason with the Lords upon these articles: 1. That according to the Acts of Parliament before her Majesties return, as also conform to her Majesties promise after her ar∣rivall, Christs true Religion be de novo approved, ratified and established throughout all the realm; and that all idolatry, especially the Masse, be abolished over all, so that no other face of religion be permitted; And for

the same effect, that the Ministers be provided by a sure appointment, where they shall receive their livings, alswell for the time by past as for the time to come, and not to live as beggars, as presently they live. 2. To desire and with all humility to require, that transgressors of the ordinances alswell in time past as henceforth, may be punished according to these lawes, especially the contemners of the lawes, in Aberdien, Cars of Gourie, and other places as shall be specified. When the Noble men heard these articles, they said, they thought it not convenient, to propound them in that manner, but rather they would collect them into two heads, thus, First they would de∣clare unto her Majesty the good mindes and obedience of them there as∣sembled; and as for religion, seing it concerneth the said Lords most espe∣cially being members of the Church, they would deale with her Majesty that the same may be observed according to the Order established at her Highness arrivall; And they say, they doubt not, but they shall obtain so gracious answer from her Majesty, as may satisfy the assembly; And con∣cerning the sustentation of the Ministers, they will likewise deale for it, and they hope, that they shall be reasonably satisfied. Thereafter the same Lords declare, how they were not only accepted by her Majesty in good part, but that shee had accorded to the performance of the petitions; and they promise in her Majesties name unto the assembly the accomplishment: For [said they] if they were not persuaded in their hearts, that her Majesty meant sinceerly, they would not have been messingers of her answer. On the other side all the assembly thank God and her Majesty, that their reaso∣nable petitions were so graciously answered; and they desire the same Lords reciprocally, to promise unto her Majesty in their behalfe all dutifull obe∣dience, love and submission, which can be expected by any Christian Prince, of most faithfull and humble subjects; Promising also, that, if any of their number shall happen to forget the duty of a good subject, in offending against her Majesties lawes, they all shall concurr ingenuously to the punition of the offender according to the quality of the trespasse, and as they shall be required. Item concerning the jurisdiction of the Church, the assembly nameth four Superintendents, Elleven Ministers, and four Gentle men, to conveen the morn, and conferr on the causes and jurisdi∣ction pertaining unto the Church, and report their opinions. Item it is concluded, that a Minister being once placed, may not leave that congre∣gation without the knowledge of the flock, and consent of the Superin∣tendent or wholl Church, and his cause be considered, whither lawfull or not. Item it is decerned, that Pa. Cowston shall not leave his congre∣gation nor go out of the country, even albeit he petitioneth it for a time, to augment his knowledge. Item whereas the Commissioner of Murray had complained on Wi. Sutherland parson of Moy, that he had committed for∣nication, and when he was charged to marry the woman, he had despitefully torn the Commissioners letters; whereupon he was charged, to compear be∣fore this assembly and hath not come; the Assemblie deprives him of all ec∣clesiasticall function, and ordaines the Commissioner, to proceed, with cen∣sures against him for his contempt. On Decemb. 13. was a Parliam. at Edinb. But (saith the Hist. of Refor.) the Queen would not cause proclame the Parlia∣ment, untill she had desired the Earle of Murray (by whose means chiefly the Earle of Lennox came into Scotland, and was then to be restored) that there shall no word be spoken in the Parliament, or at least nothing con∣cluded concerning Religion. But he answered, He could not promise it. Some articles were then presented by the Commissioners of the Church,

especially for abolishing the Masse, and punishment of vice: but nothing was granted, excep, that it was statute, a hat scandalous livers shall be punished first by prison, and then publickly shewed unto the people with ignominy. But this was not put in execution. The Nationall assembly * 5.109 conveenes at Edinburgh Decemb. 25. Jo. Erskin Superintendent is chosen Moderator. It is ordained, that the publick affairs shall first in order be treated; and then particulars shal be propounded in writ; and if any per∣sons cause requires hasty resolution, it shall be dispatched in this assembly; or els it shall be referred unto the Superintendent of the bounds and certain Ministers, to examine it, and put their judgement in writ, which shall be reported unto the next assemblie. 2. The assemblie causeth propounde unto the Lords of Secret Counsell, the articles following and humbly re∣quire their H. H. to solicite the Queens Majesty for answer; 1. To signifie that the transgressors of the proclamations, (that have been against the sayers and hearers of Masse, and the abusers of the sacraments) are so common, that it may be greatly feared, that judgements shall shortly follow unless remedy be provided in time. 2. To require the paiment of Ministers stipends. 3. That Superintedents may be placed in such parts, where none are. 4. That these be punished, who do shut the church-doors against the preachers coming to preach the word. 5. humbly to require of her Majesty what the Church can expect of Benefices vaking or that shall vake. 6. By what means Ministers shall come to the possession of Manses & glebs, whither they be set in fue or not. 7. That the Act, concerning the reparing of churches, be put into execution. III. Because there is a com∣mon report, that many ignorants and of leud conversation, are admitted to be Ministers and exhorters and Readers, the Superintendents of Anguise, Lothian and the West, were ordained to visite certain bounds alloted now unto them, and John Knox is to visite the Churches of Fife and Perth: and others to visite other parts, with power to trie, suspend, depose, as they shall finde cause. IV. Unto a supplication of Paull Meffan containing sundrie particulars, it is answered, that the assemblie is ready to accept him, if he shall present himselfe before them, shewing signes of unfained repen∣tance, and be willing to obey, as the Church shall appoint unto him: But to delete his processe, the Church can no way condescend: nor think they, that petition to proceed from the Holy Ghost, seeing David was not asha∣med to write his own offense, for glorifying God: And to admitt him into the Ministry within the realm, it is judged no way tollerable, untill the memory of his crime be more deeply buried, and some Church make re∣quest for him: And it is signified unto him, that the Church is grievously offended, that he being excommunicat in Scotland, hath taken upon him a Ministry in England. I omitt the censures of Superintendents and Com∣missioners of visiting, because it was ordinary. Here also is mention of exhorters: these were men not furnished with sufficient gifts for the Mini∣stry, and because of the scarcety of Ministers, were permitted not only to read in a Church, but to exercize also their talent in exhorting the people: and if they did increase in gifts, were admitted into the Ministry.

III. February following, the Queen was in Fife, and the Pa∣pists waxing more bold, went to Masse, and uttered words of blasphe∣mie: Which was delated to the Lords of Counsell; As also some Po∣pish Bishops & Priests did brag, that they would say Masse at Easter. The Earle of Murray lamented this unto the Queen, and shew what inconveniences shall follow, if this be permitted. After sharp reasoning

it was promised, that the like shall not be done again: and for the same purpose order was sent to such places, as were delated, especially to the b. b. of Sant Andrews and Aberdeen, that they should not say any Masse. At that time, the Queen was upon a purpose of mariage (as in two years space she was twice married) and thogh she never changed her mind to love religion, yet (upon many changes of her passions in that space of time) she gave more way unto the petitions of the Church; thereby to gain the affections of the subjects: And though there were frequent altera∣tions in the countrie, somtrmes one partie prevailing in Court, and som∣times another, so that it came to lifting armes; nevertheless the Church-men did still keep their assemblies. Juny 25. An. 1565. conveen the Super∣intendents, * 5.110 Ministers and Commissioners of Shyres &. burghs. John willock is chosen Moderator. 1. The Assembly humbly requires the No∣bility here present, to solicite the Queen, for execution of the lawes & Acts lately made against the violators of the sabboth, adulterers and forni∣cators; And ordeines every Superintendent to supplicat for Cemmissions unto the Judges within their severall bounds, giving them charge and power to execute punishment against the committers of these crimes. 2. Others were sent unto the Queen, to humbly supplicate (as in former assemblies) for abolishing the Masse, for establishing the true religion......and to complain that some vaking Benefices have lately been bestowed by her Maj. on Noble men and Barons, as a Benefice in Carrick was given to the Laird of Skeldrom; And to supplicate that none be permitted to have office in schools Colledges nor Universities, nor privatly or publickly to teach the youths, but such as shall be tryed by the Superintendents and Visitors of Churches, to be sound in the faith, and able to teach; Also for sustenta∣tion of the poore, that all lands, which in former times were doted unto hospitalls, be restored to the same use; and that all lands, annuall rents and other emoluments pertaining any way to the friers of whatsoever order and annualrents, altarages, obites belonging then to priests, be applied to the sustentation of the poor and of schools in the towns or other places, where these things are to be payd; And that such horrible crimes now abounding in the realm without any correction, as idolatry, blasphemy, manifest breaking of the sabboth-day, witchcraft and inchantments, adul∣tery, incest, maintaining of bordels, murder, reiff, and other detestable crimes may be severely punished, and Judges be appointed in every Provin∣ce for execution there of; and that by Act of Pa, liament; Lastly that some order be devised and established for ease of the poore laborers of the ground concerning their tyths, which are oppressed by the Leasers of the tyths. 3. Some gentle men in Kile crave that Ministers be sent unto them, and they will provide them sufficiently, as the Assembly shall ordain them. 4. It is ordained that children shall not contract marriage without consent of their parents or in case of the parents unreasonably denying consent, they shall make suite unto the Church, to concurre with them in their lawfull pro∣ceedings. 5. Whereas some Beneficed men in time of Papistry were permit∣ted to keep their Benefice, and now being converted, take upon them the ministry in another congregation: it is concluded generally, that none should have two benefices or livings. 6. It is ordained, that Io. Knox shall receive the answers from the Commissioners, which are now sent unto the Queen, and he shall send these answers unto the Superintendents; as also he shall advertise the faithfull of things necessa••y that shall happen before the next assembly: which now is appointed to conveen Septemb. 25. at Edinburgh.

The four Gentle men and one Burgher, that were appointed by the Assemb∣ly, to present thir petitions unto the Queen, went to Sainiohnstoun, and delivered them. The next day the Queen went to Dunkell, and they fol∣low: when they had audience, they humbly crave her answer. She said, Her Counsell was not there, but she intends to be in Edinburgh within eight days, and then they shall have an answer. When these Commissio∣ners had waited five dayes after the Queen came to Edinburgh, the matter was proposed in Councell, and at last it was answered by the Secretary, The Queen's Majesties command is, that the matter shall be reasoned in her presence, which for the gravity there of can not be now concluded, albeit her Majesties hath now heard more here of, than ever before: but with in eight dayes a great part of the Nobility is to be here, and then they shall have a finall answer. August 21. they receive this answer in writ: To the first, desiring the Masse to be abolished in the head & members, with punishment against the controveeners: and the professed Religion to be established by Act of Parliament, It is answered for her Majestes part, That her Highness is no way yet persvaded in that religion, nor yet that any im∣piety is in the Masse: and therefore believes, that her loving subjects wi••l not presse her, to receive any religion against her conscience, which shall be unto her a continuall trouble by remorse of conscience, and there with a perpetuall unquietnes. And to deale plainly with her subjects, her Ma. neither will nor may leave the religion, wherein she hath been brought up, and believes the same to be well grounded: Knowing, that besids the grudge of conscience, that she shall receive upon the change of religion, that she shall lose the friendship of the K. of France, the married Allya of this realm, and of other great Princes her friends and confederats, who take it ill, and of whom she may look for their great support in all her necessities, and having no as∣sured consideration that may countervail the same, she will beloath to put in hazard all her friends at one instant; prayinig all her loving subjects, seing they have had experience of her goodnes, that she hath not in timepast, nor intends hereafter to presse the conscience of any, but that they may worship God in such sort, as they are persuaded in their conscience to be best, that they also will not presse her conscience. As for establishing religion in the Body of the realm, they themselves know, as appeares by their Articles that the same can not be done by consent of her Majesty only, but requires necessarily the consent of the States in Parliament: and therefore so soon as the Parliament holds, these things, which the States agree upon among themselves, her Majesty shall consent unto: and in the mean time shall make sure, that none be troubled for using Religion according to consci∣ence: So that none shall have cause to doubt that for religions sake mens lifes and heritages shall be in any hazard. To the second article, it is an∣swered, that her Ma. thinks it no way reasonable, that she should defraud herselfe of so great a part of the patrimony of the Crown, as to put the patro∣nage of Benefices forth of her hands: for her necessity in bearing her Port & common charges, will require the retention thereof, and that in a good part, in her own hands; Nevertheless her Majesty is well plea∣sed, that consideration being had of her own necessi••y, and what may be sufficient for the reasonable sustentation of the Ministry, a speciall assigna∣tion be made to them in places most commodious: With which her Ma∣jesty shall not medle, but suffer it come to them. To the third article, it's answered, that her Majesty shall do therein, as shall be agreed by the States in Parliament. To the fourth, Her Majesties liberality to the poore

shall always be so far extended, as can be reasonably required at her hands. To the fifth and sixth articles, her Majesty referreth the taking order therein, unto the States assembled in Parliament. The Nationall assembly convee∣nes * 5.111 in Edinburgh Septemb. 25. Jo. Erskin is chosen Moderator. The answers of the Queen weregiven unto the Assembly and ordained to be registred And they return this answer: First where her Majesty sayth, that she is not persuaded in religion, nor that she understands any impiety in the Masse......It is no small grieff to the Christian hearts of her godly subjects, considering that the Trumpet of Christs evangell hath blown so long in this Countrie, and his mercy so plainly offered in the same; that her Maj. remaines yet unpersuaded of the truth of this our religion: for our religion is nothing els, but the same Religion, which Jesus Christ hath in the last dayes re∣veeled from the bosom of his Father, where of he made his Apostls Messin∣gers, and which they have preached & established among his faithfull, untill his coming again: and this differeth from the impiety of the Turks, the blaspheny of the Jewes, and the vain superstition of the Papists, in this, that only our Religion hath God the Father, his only Sone Jesus Christ our Lord, and the Holy Ghost, speaking in his Prophets & Apostls, for the Authours thereof; and their doctrine & promise for the ground of it: The which no other religion upon the earth can justly alledge or plainly proove: yea whatsoever assurance Papists have for their religion, the same have the Turks for maintaining their Alcoran, and the Jewes far greater for the defence of their ceremonies, whither it be antiquity of time, con∣sent of people, authority of promises, great number or multitude con∣senting together, or any other the like cloakes, that they can pretend: And therefore as wee are dolorous, that her Majesty in this our religion is not persuaded, so most humbly wee require in the name of the Eternall God, that her Highness would embrace the means, whereby she may be persuaded of the truth, which presently wee offer unto her Grace, als∣weell by preaching his word (which is the chief means appointed by God to persvade all his chosen children the infallible truth) as by publick disputa∣tion against the adversaries of this our religion, and the deceivers of her Majesty whensoever it shall be thought expedient unto her Grace. As for the impiety of the Masse, wee are bold to affirm that in that idoll is great impiety from the beginning to the end: it is nothing els but a mass of im∣piety; the author or Father thereof is but man; the action itself, the opi∣nion thereof, the hearets and gazers upon it, do avow sacriledge, pro∣nounce blasphemy, and commit most abominable idolatry, as wee have ever offered, and now offer ourselves to prove most manifestly. And where her Majesty esteems, that the change of religion shall dissolve the confederacy and alliance that she hath with the King of France and other Princes; assuredly Christs true religion is the undoubted bond to knit up perfect and sure confederacy & friendship with Him, who is King of all Kings, and hath the hearts of all Princes in his hand: which should be more precious unto her Majesty than the confoederacy of all the Princes of the earth, and without which neither confoederacy, love nor kindeness can endure. Concerning her Majesties answer unto the second article, where she thinks it not reasonable to defraude herfelve of the patronage of Be∣nefices, and that She is minded to retain a good part of the Benefi∣ces in her hand, for support..........Our mind is not that her Majesty, or any other patron should be defrauded of their just patronages, but wee mean, whensoever her Majesty or any other patron do present

any person unto a Benefice, that the person presented should be tryed & examined by the judgement of learned men of the Church, such as are for the present the Superintendents; and as the presentation unto the Benefice appertaines to the Patron, so the Collation by law and reason be∣longs unto the Church; and the Church should not be defrauded of the Col∣lation, no more than the Patrons of their presentation: for otherwise if it bee lawfull to the Patrons, to present whom they please without tryall or examination, what can abide in the Church of God, but meer ignorance? As for retention of a good part of the Benefices, this point abhorreth so far from good conscience of Gods law, as from the publick order of all common lawes, that wee are loath to open up the ground of the matter by many words: but wee most reverently wish, that her Majesty would con∣sider the matter with herselfe and her wise Counfell, that howbeit the patronage of Benefices may appertain unto herselfe, yet the retention thereof in her own hands, undisponed to qualified persons, is both ungodly and contrary to all publick order, and brings finall confusion to the souls of poor people, who upon those means should be instructed in their salvation. And where her Majesty concludes, that she is content, a sufficient & reaso∣nable sustentation of ministers be provided by assignations to them, conside∣ration being had of her necessity; as wee are altogether desirous, that her Grace's necessity be considered, so our duty craves that we should notify to her Majesty the true order that should be observed to her in this behalf; which is, The tiths are properly to be reputed the patrimony of the Church, out of which, before all things, they that travell in the Ministry and the poor indigent members of Christs body should be sustained, the churches repaired and the youth broughtup in good letters: which things being done, then other reasonable necessity might be supported, as her Majesty & godly Coun∣sell can think expedient. And wee can not but thank her Majesty most reve∣rently for her liberall offer of her assignation to be made unto the Ministers: which as yet is so generally conceived, that without more speciall condescen∣ding upon the particulars, no execution can follow: and therefore wee most humbly crave of her Majesty that these articles may be reformed.....Beseeching God, that as they are reasonable & godly, so her Majesties heart and the States presently conveened may be inclined and persuaded, to the performance thereof. The next Session of that assembly was adiour∣nied untill December 25. At that time was on the one hand so great jovi∣alty about the Queens marriage with King Henry, and on the other so great stur among the Nobility, because the marriage and title of King was given without advise of the Parliament; that in such business nothing could be done. When the assembly conveen in December, another supplication was sent by the Lord Lindsay and another Elder, unto the Queen and the Counsell, complaining, that some had put violent hands on Ministers, and petitioning that they may live without molestation of wicked men. 2. Persons revolting from the profession of the gospell by offering their chil∣dren to be baptised by priests, or themselves receiving the Sacrament of the altar; if they repent not after admonition, should bee excommunicated. 3. No Minister should confirm the marriage of another parishon, with∣out a sufficient testmoniall of the Minister of their own parishon that their bans have been proclamed, and no impediment objected, Under the pain of deprivation from his Ministry, and other punishment, as the Church shall enjoyn. 4. The Superintendent of Fife gives a complaint against the Minister of Creill for going-on in proclaming the bans of some persons, notwithstan∣ding

woman's claim: The assemblie referres this complaint unto the another Rector of the University, and a Regent, to heare the Superintendent's com∣plaint, or of any other, and gives them power to give sentence according to Gods word, and use the censures of the Church against the disobeiers. 5. No Minister may with safe conscience leave his flock and place appoin∣ted for his ordinarie residence, whatsoever patrociny or oversight hath been by corruption of times, or negligence of rulers. 6. In the question Whither known murderers, convict adulterers and committers of such crimes, may upon the notoriety of their fault be excommunicated for de∣claration, that the Church abhorreth such impiety, the Church may & should purge herselfe of all such crimes, Providing that the offender be lawfully called and convicted, either by confession or witnesses. And the order to call them for the slander (Civill punishment wee remitt to the Civill Magistrate) is; whensoever such fearfull crimes are committed, if it be in the countrie [or land ward] the Minister, exhorter or Reader of the parishon, or if ther be none, the Minister next adiacent, should shew the fact unto the Superintendent, who without delay shall direct his summons, charging the slanderd persons to compear before him. But if it be done in a town, where order is established, the church-Session thereof shall call the offenders: where if they compear, and alledge just defence, or shew themselves penitent vnfainedly, then may the Superintendent, or Reformed Church without the Superintendent, dispense somwhat of the rigor of the censure, Secluding the offender only from participation of the Sacrament, untill further tryall of his repentance; And that both their dili∣gence and sentence shall be publickly declared in the churches, where the of∣fense is known; But if the offender be stubborn, as if he compear not, or shew himselfe litle moved for his offence, then should the Superintendent with the advice of the next reformed Church, decern him or them to be secluded from all participation of communion with the faithfull members of Jesus Christ, and to be given to Sathan for destruction of the flesh, whose flaves (by impiety committed, and manifest inpenitence) they declare themselves to bee; And their sentence shall be published in all places, where the offense is known. 7. Whither baptism being administred by a Papist∣priest or in the papisticall manner, should be iterated? When such child∣ren come to years of understanding, they should be instructed in the do∣ctrine of saluation: the corruption of Papistry must be declared unto them: which they must publickly renounce, before they be admitted unto the Lords table: If this they do, the externall sign needeth not to be iterated, seing no Papist baptizeth without water and the form of words, which are the principall externalls: wee ourselves were baptized by Papists, whose corruptions and abuses now wee damn, cleaving only to the simple ordi∣nance of J. Christ and the verity of the H. Ghost which makes baptisme to work in us the proper effects thereof, without iteration of the externall sign. And if such children come never to the knowledge of the true doctrine, they are to be left unto the judgement of God. In these acts wee may see Superin∣tendents had not the power of B^s. 2. Where they speak of a Reform. Church, it is to be understood of a Church, wherein is a Church-counsell consti∣tuted of Minister, Elders and Deacons, seing at that time many Churches were not so well formed. After this Assembly the Superintendents of Lo∣thian and Fife, and two Ministers went in name of the Assembly unto the King & Queen, shewing that in all their Supplications the Church had most earnestly desired, that all idolatry and superstition, especially the Masse,

should be quite rooted out of the realm; And their answer was, that they know no impediment in the Masse; therefore the Assembly desireth, that it may please their Highnesses, to hear disputation, to the end, that these who pretend to preach in the Chappell Royall, the Truth being tryed by disputation, may be known to be deceivers; providing, that they sub∣mitt themselves to the word of God, written in the Scriptures. And next they did lament the miserable estate of poor Ministers. To this it was ans∣wered by the Queen, That shee was alwayes minded, that Ministers sti∣pends should be payd, and whatsoever fault was therein, came by some of their own sort: But hereafter by advice of the Counsell such order shall be taken, that none shall have cause to complain. As for the first, shee could not jeopard her Religion upon such as are here now: for she knew well enough, that the Protestants are more learned. Upon the 28. day of January following, was an Act of Counsell proclamed in name of the King & Queen, Ordaining that in time coming all small Benefices, Par∣sonages, Vicarages and others extending in yearly rentall to the sum of 300. pound or within, as they shall happen to vaike, shall be always disponed to such persons, as the Superintendents and assembly after due examination shall find qualified; And if any bishoprick or other prelacy, as hath the patronage of such Benefices, shall happen to va••k, as also of all that are presently vaking, they shall retain in their hands the disposition of such small Benefices to the effect abovewritten; And if any of them shall be ignorantly disponed otherwise, by this same, that disposi••ion is declared null, that the keepers of the Seals should not admit them, but repute them as privie writings purchased in defraud; As also they give and grant unto all burghs and every one of them within themselves, all the annualls of altarages, chaplanries and obites for entertainment of their Ministers; and the ••uperplus thereof, if any shall by to bee, distribute unto the poore and hospitalls within the burgh, as the almes of Minister and elders thereof. * 5.112

IV. In Marth An. 1566. arose more strife twixt the King and Queen, for killing David Rizio her Secretary; and Juny 19. she was deliver of a sone. Juny 25. the Nationall assembly conveenes in Edinburg: by plurality of voices, J. Erskine is continued Moderator. A supplication was sent unto the Lords of Counsell and Session, that no excommunicate person have process before them, untill they be reconciled unto the Church, especial∣ly when excommunication is notorious, and objected against them. II. Paul Meffan came, and openly with great expression of grieff for his adultery, craves to be absolved from the sentence of excommunication▪ he is conforted, and ordained to declare his repentance in some churches; and the next assembly shall decerne. III. In respect of the dangers where * 5.113 with this Church is assaulted by mighty enemies, the Assembly ordaines a publick fast in all the Churches. Some mo particulares were handled. The Churches of Helvetia, Geneva and other Reformed Churches in France and Germany sent unto the Church of Scotland the sum or Confession of faith, desiring to know, if wee agree in uniformity of Doctrin. Where∣fore the Superintendents together with many other most qualified Mini∣sters, conveen in September at Santandrews, and having read the Letters and Confession, sent answer, that wee agree in all points with these Churches and differ in nothing from them, except that wee assent not in keeping fe∣stival days, seing the Sabbothday only is keeped in Scotland. Decemb. 17. Prince James was baptized in Sterlin: in time of the solemnity, the Queen subscribe a writing for mantenance of the Ministers, by assignation of a part

of the thirds of Benefices. The Nationall assembly conveened Decemb. 25. at Edinburgh: John Erskin is continued Moderator. 1. The assigna∣tion * 5.114 granted by the Queen, is delivered by Alexander (called Bishop of of Galloway, and at that time Lord of the privy Counsell) The answer of the assembly is, They having just title to crave their bodily sustentation at the hands of the people, which heare the doctrine of salvation from them, they are content with what it will please them to give for their sustentation, thogh it were but bread and water, nor will refuse nor desist from their vocation; but to take from others against their will, whom they serve not, they judge it not their duty, nor reasonable: And the assembly pro∣tests, that the acceptation of that assignation shall not prejudge the liberty of the Church, to suit the patrimony thereof in time and place convenient. Then it was demanded, Whither the tiths appertaine properly unto the Church, and should only be employd to the sustentation of the Ministers, of the poore, mantaining of schools, repairing of churches and other godly uses at the discretion of the Church? Answered, affirmativè without con∣tradiction. Then it was demanded, Whither Ministers may with safe conscience keep silence, when the patrimony of the Church is most unjustly taken up, and wasted on vain things, by these that have no office in the Church, and in the mean time the ministry failing for necessity, the poor perishing for hunger, and churches falling to the ground? Answered, they should not be silent, but earnestly admonish every man of his duty. Thirdly, Whither the Church men may require all possessors to pay tiths unto the Church only, and inhibite all others to intromet therewith? Answered, After due admonitions used, and no obedience following, they should use the censure of the Church. 2. Albeit the Church wanted not their own troubls, yet they were not unmindfull of the affliction of Jacob elswhere, and especially their afflicted Brethren in England, as witnesseth this Letter sent by this Assembly with Jo. Knox; The Super∣intendents with other Ministers and Commissioners of the Churches of God in the Kingdom of Scotland, unto their brethren the Bishops & Pastors of Gods Church, who have renounced the Roman Antichrist and do professe with them the Lord Jesus Christ in syncerity desire the perpetuall increase of the Holy Spirit. By word and writ it is come to our knowledge, Reverend Pastors, that diverse of our deare Brethren (of whom some are the best learned within that realm) are deprived from ecclesiasticall function, and forbidden to preach, and so are hindred by you, to promote the kingdom of Jesus Christ, because their conscience will not suffer them, to take upon them, at command of authority, such garments as idolaters in time of blindenss have vsed in their idolatry, which bruit can not but be dolorous unto our hearts, minde∣full of that sentence of the Apostle, If yee bite and devour one another, take heed lest yee be consumed one of another. Wee intend not at this time to enter into the ground of that question, which, wee hear, is agitated with greater vehemency by either partie, than well lyketh us, to be accounted among things, tha are simply indefferent. But in the bowells of Christ Jesus wee crave, that Christian charity may prevail in you, wee say the Pastors and leaders of Christ's flock in that realm, that yee do not to others, what yee would not have others do unto you: yee can not be ignorant, how tender a thing the conscience of men is: all that have knowledge, are not alike persuaded: your conscience reclaimes not at the wearing of such garments: but many thousands both godly & learned are otherwise persuaded, whose consciences are continually strucken with these sentences, What hath Christ

to do with Belial? what fellowship hathlight with darknes? If Surplice, corner∣cape and tippet have been badges of idolaters in the very act of idolatry, what hath the preacher of Christian liberty, and the rebuker of all super∣stition to do with these dregs of that Romish beast? yea, who should not fear, either to take in his hands or forehead the print and marke of that odious beast? Our brethren that of conscience refuse that unprofitable apparel, do neither condem nor molest you, that use such vaine triffls: If yee shall do the like to them, wee doubt not, but yee shall please God, and con∣fort the hearts of many who are wounded by the extremities used against these godly & welbeloved brethren Colour of rhetorick or humane persua∣sion wee will use none, but charitably wee desire you, to call that sentence of Peter to minde, Feed the flock of God which is committed to your charge, caring for it, not by constraint but willingly; not as if yee were Lords over Gods heritage, but that yee may be exempls unto the flock. And moreover wee desire you to meditate on that saying of the Apostle, Give no offence neither to the Jewes nor Greeks, nor to the Church of God. In what condition of time yee and wee both travell in the promoting of Christs Kingdom, wee suppose, yee are not ignorant: and therefore wee are the more bold to exhort you, to walk more circumspectly, than for such vanities to trouble the godly. For all things, that may seem law••ull, edifie not. If the commandement of Authority urge the conscience of you and our brethren more than they can beare, wee unfainedly crave of you, that yee remember, yee are called The light of the world and the salt of the earth. All civill authority hath not the light of God shining always before their eies in their statuts and commande∣ments, but their affections favour too much of the earth and of worldly wis∣dom: and therefore wee think, yee should boldly oppose yourselves not only unto all that power, that will or dar extoll the selfe against God but also against all such as dar burden the consciences of the faithfull further than God hath burdened them by his own word. But here in wee hope, yee will excuse our freedom in that wee have entred further in reasoning, than wee intended and promised in the beginning: therefore wee briefly return to our former supplication, which is, that our brethren, who among you refuse the Romish rags, may find of you the Prelates such favor, as our Head & Master commandeth every one of his members to shew one to another: this wee expect to receive of your courtesie, not only because yee fear to offend Gods Majesty in troubling your brethren for such triffles, but also because yee will not refuse the humble request of us, your brethren and follow-preachers, in whom albeit appear no worldly pomp, yet wee suppose, that yee will not so far despise us but that yee will esteem us to be of the number of them, that fight against the Romane Antichrist, and travell that the Kingdom of Christ Jesus may be universally advanced. The dayes are evill; iniquity aboundes; Christian charity (alas) waxeth cold: therefore wee should the more diligently watch: the hour is uncertain, when the Lord Jesus shall appeare, before whom yee must give account of your administration; In conclusion, once again wee crave favors to our brethren: which being granted, yee in the Lord may command us things of double more importance. The Lord Jesus rule your hearts in true feare unto the end, and give unto you and us victory over that conju∣red enemy of all true relgion, ouer that Roman Antichrist, whose woun∣ded head Sathan by all means strives to cure again: but to destruction shall hee and all his members go, by the power of our Lord Jesus: to whose mighty protection wee commit you. From Edinburg out of the generall assembly

and third Session thereof Decemb. 17. 1566. by your loving brethren and fellow preachers in Christ Jesus. 3. The same day this Supplication was * 5.115 ordained to be penned, and then sent unto the Lords of the Secret Counsell The Generall assembly of the Church....Unto the Nobility of this realm, which professe the Lord Jesus with them, and have renounced the Roman Antichrist; wish constancy in the Spirit of righteous judgement. Seeing Sathan by all our negligences, Right Honorable, hath so far prevailed within this realm of late dayes, that wee stand in extream danger, not only to lose our temporall possessions, but to be also deprived of the glorious Evangell of Jesus Christ, and so our posterity to be left in damnable darknes; wee can not longer contain ourselves, nor keep silence, lest in so doing wee might be accused, as guilty of the blood of such, who shall perish for lack of admonition, as the prophet threatneth. Wee therefore in the fear of our God, and with grieff and anguish of heart complain unto your Honors; (yea wee must complain unto God, and all his obedient creatu∣res) that that coniured enemy of Jesus Christ and cruell murderer of our dear brethren, most falsly styled Archbishop of Santandrews, is reponed and restored to his former tyranny: for not only are his former iurisdictions (as they are termed) of the wholl bishoprick of Santandrews granted unto him, but also the execution of judgement, confirmation of testaments, and donation of his Benefices, as more amply in his Signature is exprest. If this be not to ••ure the head of that venemous Beast, which once within this realm by the potent hand of God, was so banished and broken down, that by tyranny it could not hurt the faithfull, judge yee. His antient ••uris∣diction was that he with certain his colleagues collaterall, might have dam∣ned of heresy upon probation as pleased him; and then to take all that were suspect of heresy (what they have judged heresy heretofore, yee can not be ignorant) and whither they remain in their former malice, their facts & travells declare openly. The danger may be feared, say yee: but what remedy? It is easy, and at hand, richt Honorable, if yee will not betray the cause of God, and leave your brethren, which never will be more subject to that usurped tyranny, than they will unto the devill himselfe. Our Queen (by lyke) is not well informed: She ought not, nor iustly may break the lawes of this realm; and consequently she may not set up against us without our consents that Roman Antichrist again: for in a lawfull and most free Parliament that ever was in this realm, was that odious beast deprived of all jurisdiction, office and authority within this realm: Her Majesty at her first arrivall and by diverse her proclamations afterwards hath expressly forbidden all other form and face of religion, than that which she found published at her arrivall: therefore she may not bring us the greatest part of the subjects of this realm back again to bondage, till that als real a Parliament, as justly damned that Antichrist and his usurped tyranny, have given decision betwixt us and him. If heer of and of other things, which no less concern yourselves than us, yee will plainly admonish our Soveraigne, and without tumult crave justice only, the tyrants dar not more be seen in lawfull judgement than the Owles in the day light. Weigh this matter, as it is, and ye shall finde it more weighty, than to many it appeares, Further at this present wee complain not, but humbly crave of your Honors a reasonable answer, what yee will do if such tyrants & devouring wolves begin to invade the flock of Jesus Christ within this realm, under whatsoever title that bee: for wee boldly professe that wee will never acknowledge other Pastors to our souls, nor Judges to our causes. And if for denyall thereof, wee either suffer

in body or goods, wee doubt not but we have one Judge to punish them, that uniustly trouble us, but also an Advocate and strong champion in heaven to recompence them, who for his names sake suffer persecution, whose holy Spirit rule your hearts unto the end. your L. L. answer yet again wee crave &c. 4. Questions were proponed. I a marryed man went to the wars in Denmark: four years thereafter his wife joyneth herself in whoor∣dom to another man; and now these two desire to be marryed, because they have attestation of two insuspect witnesses, which testify that they heard the first mans Captain declare, that he was slain in Denmark on such a day of Aprile last; Whither may these parties be married? In respect they are guilty of adultery, and so had sinned before they knew of the mans death, they should not be marryed. II. A. man being forewarned, that he should not marry his uncl's wife, was marryed in the Cha∣pell-Royall; What order should now be taken with them? Their names should be delated unto the Migistrate, that they may be punished as in∣cestuous. III. Severall persons are divorced for adultery, and the offen∣ding parties seek marriage. Ans. All Ministers should be admonished, that they marrie none such, under pain of deprivation. 5. It is ordained, that every Superintendent shall cause summon all bishops, abbots or what∣soever Benefi••••d persons (being of the Church) who receive tiths, and feed not a flock as their charge; and where no Superintendent is, that the nearest Superintendent shall send his letter to the Minister next adiacent, To summon such persons to compear at the next generall assembly, to hear and know the ordinance of the Church in that case. By the first particular of this assembly, and the Supplication, it appears, that the Queen would yeeld somewhat to Protestants and Papists for her own ends: and The history of Reformat. shewes that the arch b. went to Edinburg in January following, having the company of 100. horsemen or more, intending to take possession, according to his late gift: but when three or four of the Counsell went to him, and told him, if he attempt to do it, trouble may arise; he was persuaded to desist. Next from that Letter unto the Bis∣hops of England, it appeares what sturre was there at that time: as also the same year 5. cal. Jul. Beza wrote his eight epistle unto the Bishop of Lon∣don: * 5.116 it is long, but I shall only touch some passages of it. I think [saith he] that men should not desert their churches for such vestures: but first I do judge, that many things in themselves indifferent, are to be reckoned among superstitions, or certainly among these things, that tend to super∣stition, because of the opinion of worship, which can not be eschued. Next it is to observed, that some things may be suffered for the infirm, * 5.117 which when they are once removed, should not be restored at all, be∣cause thus were not to trke away weakness, but rather to increase it, when it is in some measure taken away; and as it were to recall it, when it is away: and therefore I marvell not, that some are more nice to restore things, than they were before these were removed. And further it is a vainthing, to pretend infirmity in that Kingdom, where the Gospell had been preached and received so many years, and confirmed with the blood of so ma∣ny excellent Martyres: for if the Apostle did justly rebuke the Galatians, that when they had begun in the Spirit, they would return to the flesh; how much tather might that be said of you Englishes, if when yee have begun in the Spirit, yee would fall back, not as they unto flesh, that is, the rites of Moses, whereof God was the Author, but unto [nugas & quisquilias] the trifles of humane traditions, which God forbids. And this

I will not say, that if these do sin, which chuse to leave their churches, rather than suffer such things to be thrust upon them against their conscien∣ces; these are far more guilty before God and his Angels, who will have flocks deprived of their Pastors, and the foundation of horrible dissipa∣tion laid in the Churches being deprived of their Pastors, rather than see ministers (otherwise blameless) cloathed in this habite rather than that, and hungrie sheep shall have no food, if they will not take it with genicula∣tion or bowing of knees, Beza speakes there, [as also in his twelth epistle] more largely, and of other particulares: but all such writing was in vain: for some bishops continued in their wilfulness, as appeares by an epistle of Zanchius written from Heidlberg Septemb. 10, 1571. (at the order of that religious Prince Palatine, as he writes) unto Queen Elisabeth, where he saith, To bring back these rotten raggs and other rubbish of the Popish Church at this time into the Church, what is it els, but to give a fair occasion unto the Papists, to harden themselves and their followers in their supersti∣tions? and truly as it were to push them thereunto? let us then hearken what the Prophet said unto Josaphat aiding A chab, Dar thou help the wicked, and love them which hate the Lord? therefore wrath from the Lord shall be upon thee. And what other is this, but to call back the weak from the studie of pure reli∣gion, and privily bid them return into Egypt? for infirm persons are easily brought back into impiety; seing naturally wee are inclined unto supersti∣tion, &c.

V. Before I goe fore ward, let us mark the speciall providence of God in * 5.118 Reforming the Church of Scotland as hath been declared; and that in two particulares. I. the Ministers were wrestling in zeal of the Reformation both of Doctrine and manners; wrestling [I say] with pouerty, and against wordly power, yet not by violence, but by clea••ing fast to Gods word, by supplications both unto God, and to the aduerse power: for [excepting John Erskin, who was an antient Baron] all or most part of these Ministers were of no patrimony. John Knox had waited on George wishart the Martyre. John rowe was a Frier at Rome, and was sent An. 1559. as Nuntio into Scotland; and when he sawe the differences in the country, in steed of agenting the Pope's business, he turned preacher. John Craig was a Dominican at Bononia, where finding the Institutions of John Caluin, he embraces the truth in them, and one day conferring with an old man in the Monastery, he was confirmed by him in the same truth, but withall was warned, that he make not his mind known; because the times were perilous: nevertheless he would not dissemble, and was as an heretick sent to Rome, and after examination was imprisoned, and lay there in great misery the space of nine months: then▪ giving a clear confes∣sion of his faith before the Inquisitors, he was condemned to be burnt August. 19. The same night Pope Paul IV. dieth, and in a tumult of the people, all the prisons were broken up, and the prisoners set free: a∣mong others this man escapes, and at last comes home. Iohn Willock and Christopher Goodman had been preachers in England, and in Queen Ma∣rie's persecution fled into Scotland. Iohn Dury had been a Monk in Dumfernlin; and so many others were Monks in severall parts of the Na∣tion. So they had no earthly riches nor authority: and yet it pleased God by such weak instruments to make his glory so sensibly appear in the Land, that I may boldly say, Mercy and trueth, righteousness and peace had ne∣ver since Christs coming in the flesh a more glorious meeting and amiable embracing on earth; even so, that the Church of Scotland justly obtained

a name among the chief Churches and Kingdoms of the world. A people sitting in darknes hath seen a great light, and unto them who sate in the re∣gion of death light did spring up. As the darknes evanishes at the rising of the Sun, so God made all adverse power give way unto these weake instru∣ments by degrees, as followes more clearly. To what Nation under hea∣ven, since the Sunne of righteousness had shined upon the most part of Eu∣rope, hath the Lord communicated the Gospell for so large a time with such purity, prosperity, power, liberty and peace? The hottest perse∣cutions had not greater purity; the most halcion times had not more pro∣sperity and peace: the best reformed churches in other places scarcely pa∣rallelled their liberty and unity. And all these with such continuance, that not only hath He made the trueth to stay there, as He made the Sun to stay in the dayes of Josua; But when the cloud of iniquities did threaten a going down, in his mercy he hath brought back the glorious sunne by in a∣ny degrees. Christ not hath only been one, and his name made known in respect of his propheticall office for information: of his priesthood for the expiation of sins, and for intercession: But also had displayd his ban∣ner, and hath shewd himself (few can say the like) a Soveraigne King in the Land, to govern with his own Scepter of the Word, to cutt off with the Civill sword all moniments of idolatry, and superfluity of vain rites, and to restore all the meanes of his Worship in doctrine, Sacraments and discipline, to the holy simplicity and integrity of the first pattern shewed in the mount: from which by that wisdom of man (which ever is foolish∣ness with God) they were fearfully and shamefully swerving. II. Ano∣ther particulare is; Some Noble men, namely, Lord James Steward and others were very zealous for the Reformation at the first; but when they were accustomed with the aire of the Court, they cooled, were for tolera∣tion of the Masse, and relented, for their preferment; as hee was made Earle of Morray, and others became officers of State. The Ministers ad∣monished them, and threatned them for their lukewarmness. They despised admonitions, and would not use the preachers so familiarly, as before they were wont; though none of them turned Papist, (excep the Earle of Both∣well) and they heard the preachings. When the Queen intended to mar∣ry Henry Stuard sone to the Earle of Lennox, and sought not the consent of the Parliament, they oppose her marriage: and therefore were all exi∣led, and fled into England. Thus God made the threatnings true: but in mercy to the Land he wondrously brought them back: when variance fell betwixt the King and Queen, the King recalleth the exiled Noble men, of purpose to make himselfe the stronger by them. And when the King * 5.119 was murthered on February 9. by the Earle of Bothwel, and the Queen married that Earle; these same Noble men with other stood in defence of the young Prince, that he came not into the hands of him, who had kil∣led his father. They went to the fields with armies on both sides, and the Queen's Army was the stronger: but they were strucken with such feare, that without stroak of sword the Earle fled away into Denmark, and the Queen went to the Lords Juny 11. and renounced the Crown in favors of her sone, and did chuse the Earle of Murray to be Regent of the * 5.120 Kingdom, enduring her Sone's minority. And then the Religion was established, as followes. So it pleased God to change things beyond the expectation of men.

VI. Soon after the Queens marriage, a proclamation was made, wherein the Queen declares, that She will confirm all that She had promi∣sed

(at her arrivall) concerning the Reformed Religion. This was to stop the peoples mouths: But all in vain: For the people universally were against Bothwell: For some declared openly against him; some were Neuters; and a few of the Nobility did join unto him, especially the Bishop of Santandrews and the Earle of Huntly, who had been lately resto∣red by the Queen. Within few dayes after the Queen came unto the Lords, she would have gone from them: but they fearing what she might attempt, convoy her into the Castle of Lochlevin: then the Earle of Glen∣carn with his domesticks went to the Chappell-Royall, and break down the Altars & Images. This fact did content the zealous Protestants, but did offend the Popish party. The Histor of Reformat. Lib. 5. On Juny 25. The Nationall Assembly conveenes at Edinburgh: George Buchanan then * 5.121 Principall of S. Leonards Colledge was chosen Moderator. 1. The Su∣perintendent of Anguise, and Bergany were sent unto the Lords of the Secret Counsell, to request their L. L. to conveen with the Assembly, and give their assistance in such things as shall be thought good, for establishing true Religion and supporting the Ministry. 2. It is thought good by all that are conveened, that this assembly shall conveen Iuly 20. next to come for setting foreward such things, as shall then be propounded: and for that purpose ordaines to write Missives to all and sundry Earles, Lords and Barons, requiring them to conveen at that day; And to this effect appoints Commissioners, to deliver the Missives, and to require answer according to their Commission••. The tenor of the Commissions given to every one followes; For so much as Satan this long time in his member•• had so raged, and perturbed the good success & proceedings of Christs Religion within this realm by crafty meanes & subtile co••spiracyes, that the same from time to time doth decay, and in hazard to be altogether subverted, un∣les•• God of his mercy find hasty remedy, and that mainly through extream poverty of the Ministers, who should preach the word of life unto the people, and are compelled thereby some to leave that Vocation alluterly, some others so abstracted, that they can not insist so diligently in the exer∣cise of the word as they would: Therefore the Church presently con∣veened in this generall Assembly, hath thought it most necessary, by these presents to request & admonish most brotherly all such persons as do truly professe the Lord JESUS within this realm, of whatsoever estate or degree, either of the Nobility, Barons and Gentle men, and all others true professours, to conveen in Edinburgh July 21. next, in their personall presence, to assist with their counsell & power, for order to be ta∣ken alswell toward•• the establishing of Christs religion universally through∣out the realm, and abolishing the contrary, which is Papistry; as the sustentation of the Ministers, not only for the present time and instant necessity, but also for a perfect order to be taken and established in all time coming concerning the wholl liberty of the patrimony of the Church, and the due restoring of it unto the just owners, according to the Word of God; With certification to all and sundry of what estate or degree soever they bee, that compeares not, due advertisement being made unto them, that they shall be repute heerafter as hinderers of this most godly purpose and as dissimulate brethren, unworthy to be esteemed heerafter of Christs, flock, Seing God of his mercy at this present hath offered some better occasion, than in time by past, and hath begun to tread Sathan under foot: And for the due requisition & admonition in name of the eternall God, to the effect foresaid, of all and sundry the Brethren alswell in Burgh as Land,

the Church presently conveened in this Generall Assembly Giveth their full power & commission unto their beloveds N. & N. for the bounds of 〈1 span left blank〉〈1 span left blank〉 In verification heerof these are subscribed by the common Clerk of the Church in the Generall Assembly and second Session thereof at Edinburgh Juny 26. An. 1567. The Histor. of Reformat. Shewes, that the Assembly wa•• induced to write these Missives and Commissions, by the Noble men, who had risen in defence of the young Prince, because the Hamiltons and others had declared themselves for the Queen, and many were Neuters. The assembly continued two days, especially, for their ordinary particu∣lares. 3. It is ordained, that it is not lawfull, that a man should marry her, whom before in his wife's time he had polluted with adultery. 4. A publick fast is appointed, namely in Edinburgh, July 13. & 20. The As∣sembly conveens again Iuly 21. where were four Earls, seven Lords, many Barons and Commissioners of Burghs, besids Superintendents and Ministers. Many Noble men, which by Missives were required to come, would not, but sent excuses, that they could not repair to Edinburgh, because there was so strong a garrison there; but for the Church affaires, they would not be any way deficient. One of their Letters I transcribe, be∣cause it coutaines not only their purpose in time coming, but the sum of the other Missives; Wee have received your writing dated at Edinburgh, Iuny 26. shewing, that albeit God of his goodnes hath sent the light of the Euangell of salvation within this realm, to the great confort & prosperity of all the faithfull and their posterity, nevertheless Sathan with his Mini∣sters at every light occasion hath frustrate in times bypast the Ministers of their life and sustentation, the lame and impotent members of Christ also ftustrat of their livings, lying in the streets both hungry and cold; And the wholl flock of Christ Iesus within this realm continually threatned to be made sacrifices by the practises of the enemies, as your writing containes at length: for remedying the which; yee desire us to be in Edinburgh the 21. of this instant at the Assembly of the Church, where a perpetuall order may be taken for the liberty of the Church of God, the sustentation of the Mi∣nistry and failed members thereof, so that all the members of the Church might by sure union and conjunction be more able to gainstand the violence of the foresaid enemies; for answer it is not unknown unto you how the No∣bility of the realm are divided, because the Queen's Maj. is holden where she is; and that the town of Edinburgh, where yee disire us to conveen, is keept straitly by one part of the Nobility and men of warr of their retinue, to whose opinion wee are not adjoyned as yet. And therefore wee can not think ourselves sure to conveen the said day and place, yee desire us to keep; And also think maruell, that the whole multitude of Protestants have been desired to conveen in such a place, the matter standing as it doth; Never∣theless wee, shall be well willing for our own part to set forward at all times the light of Christs Euangell to be truly preached, the Ministers thereof to be sustained; and the surth setting of the policy of the Church in all sorts, so far as it may stand by law even as wee have been in all times by past, since it plea∣sed God, to open our eies and shew the light of his blessed word; and thus we will comber you with no longer letter, prayes God to have you in his eternal protection &c. The Lords that were in Edinburgh, hearing these answers, gave upon July 23. unto the Assembly these articles, where upon they had agreed; 1. that the Acts of Parliament holden at Edinburgh August 14. An. 1560. concerning Religion, and abolishing the Popes authority should have the force of a publick law, and that Parliament be defended

as a lawfull parliament, and be confirmed by the first Parliament, that shall conveen. 2. That thirds or any more reasonable portion of Benefices shall be allowed for mantenance of the Ministry; and that there shall be a chari∣table course taken concerning exaction of tiths from the poore Labourers; moreover that nothing shall passe in Parliament, till the affaires of the Church be first considered, approved & established. 3. that none should be received in the Universities, Colledges or Schools, for instruction of the youth, but after due tryall of capacity and hability. 4. that all crimes and offenses against God, should be punished according to His word; and that there shall a law be made there upon, at the first Parliament. 5. As for the horrible murder of the late King, husband to the Queen, which was so hainous before God & man, all true Professors in whatsoeuer rank or condition do promise to striue, that all persons should be brought to con∣digne punishment, who shall be found guilty of that crime. 6. They all promise to protect the young Prince against all violence, lest he be murde∣red as his father was; and that the Prince should be committed to the care of foure wise and godly men that by good education hee might be fitted for that High calling. 7. They promise to beat down and abolish Popery, idolatry and superstition, with any thing that may contribute unto it. As also to set up and further the true worship of God, his governement, the Church and all that may concerne the purity of Religion and life; And for this end to conveen and take Armes, if need require. 8. And that all Princes and Kings heerafter in this realm, before their Coronation, shall take oath to maintain the true Religion now professed in the Church of Scotland, and suppresse all things contrary unto it, and that are not agreeing with it. These articles were subscribed by all the Earles and Lords, and many Barons and Commissioners of Burghs, At the same time Commissioners were appointed to conveen and advise upon the assignation of the stipends of the Ministry lately assigned by the Queens Majesty, and the payment thereof. The next Assenbly is appointed to conveen Decemb. 25. at Edinburgh. The renunciation of the Crown and Royall power, by the Q••een in favor of the Prince her son, with a commission to invest him in the kingdom, and procuration given to the Lords Lindsay and Ruthuen, to give up and re∣signe the rule of the realm in presence of the States; together with another Commission ordaining the Earle of Murray Regent, during Prince's minority, if he will accept the Charge; Or if he refuse to accept it upon his single person, that he with the Duke, the Earles of of Lennox, Argyle, Athol, Morton, Glencairn and Marre should Govern conjunctly; These writes were published July 29. at the Market-cross of Edinburgh. Then the Prince was crowned at Sterlin. These two months the Earle of Mortay was not in the Country, and being recalled, returns in the beginning of August: he visites the Queen, and endeavors to joyn the Lords, which had taken part with the Hamiltons, or Neuters: join them, I say, with these who had bound themselves for the Kings preservation: but his travell was to litle purpose. August 20. he accepteth the Regency, and was proclamed Regent. The other Lords seeing, that all things grew strong on the Regents side, sent unto the Counsell: and by common advice it was decreed, that a Parliament be called for setling the affaires of the realm, at Edinburgh Decemb. 15. This Parliament was keept with such frequency, as the like * 5.122 was not remembred to have been seen. Beginning was made (after the approbation of the Queens renunciation, and Commission of Regency) at the affaires of the Church; and sundry Acts were unanimously concluded;

one, abolishing the Popes jurisdiction; another, repealing all statutes made in former times, for mantenance of idolatry and superstition: contrary to the confession of faith, that was approved in the Parliament 1560. and now again ratified. 3. The Masse is abolished, and punishment appointed against all hea∣rers and sayers of it. 4. Those are not to be esteemed members of the Church who refuse the participation of the sacraments, as they are now ministrat. 5. The examination and admission of Minist^s is only in power of the Church now openly professed, and presentations should be directed unto the Super∣tendents or commissioners of the Church within sixe months or els the Church shall have power to dispone the same to a qualified person, for that time. 6. An oath to be given by the King at his coronation. 7. None may be a Judge, proctor, notary nor member of a Court, who professeth no•• the true religion. 8. The thirds of all Benefices shall now instantly and in all time coming be first payd to the Ministers, ay and whill the Church come to the full possession of their proper patrimony, which is the tyths; providing that the Collectors make yearly account in the Checker, so that Ministers being first answered, the superplus be applied unto the Kings use. 9. All teachers of the youth should be tryed by the Superintendents or Uisitors of the Church. 10. Provestries, prebendaries and chaplanries are appoin∣ted * 5.123 for entertaining Students in Colledges. Jem, Acts were made for punishing fornication, incest and marriages within degrees forbidden, by Gods word. Item that the Queen should be detained in perpetuall pri∣son within the castle of Lochleuin. The Assemblie conveeneth Decemb. 25. John row Ministers at Santiohnstoun is chosen Moderator. 1. Com∣missioners are appointed to concurre at all times with such persons of Parlia∣ment or Secret Counsell, as have been named by the Regent, to confer concerning the offenses, that appertain to the jurisdiction of the Church; as also for decision of questions, that may occurre; these were two Superinten∣dents and seven other Ministers. 2. Whereas the Earle of Argyle had gi∣ven offense in putting away his wife, and some other particulares: he submits himselfe to the discipline of the Church: and the Assembly ordaines the Superintendent of Argyle to try these slanders, and cause satisfaction b•• made, as Gods word appoints, and report his diligence to the next As∣sembly. 3. Because Adam (called Bishop of Orknay) had married the Quee•• with the Earle of Bothuell, and so had transgressed an Act, in marrying Both well a divorced adulterer; the Assembly deprives hin from all fun••••ion in the Ministry. 4. John craig is accused for proclaming the bans twixt the Queen and the Earle of Both••ell. He gives his purgation in write, after this manner: To the end that they who fear God, may under∣stand my proceeding in this matter, I shall shortly declare, what I did, and what moved mee to do it, leaving the judgement of all unto the Church: first at the request of Mr Thomas Hepburn in the Queen's name, to proclame her with the Lord Bothuel, I plainly refused, because he had not her hand writ, and because the constant bruit was, that he had rauished her, and keeped her in captivity. On wednesday next the Justice-Clerk brought mee a writing subscribed with her hand, bearing that she was neither ravished nor detained in captivity: and therefore he charged mee, to proclame. My an∣swer was, I durst proclame no bans (and chiefly such) without consent of the Church. On thurseday next the Church after long reasoning with the Ju∣stice Clerk, concluded, that the Q^s mind should be published to her subjects three next preaching dayes: but because the Gen. Assembly had prohibite all such marriages, wee protested, that they would neither solemnize nor approve that marriage, but only would declaire the Queen's mind, leaving

all doubts & dangers to the counsellers, approvers and performers of the marriage. Upon fridday next I declared the wholl progress and mind of the Church [here he understands the Church-Session of Edinburgh] desiring every man in Gods name, to discharge his conscience before the Secret Counsell; and to give boldness unto others, I craved of the Lords there present, time, leave, and place, to speak my judgement before the parties; Protesting, if I were not heard, I either would desist from proclaming, or declare my mind publickly before the Church: Therefore being ad∣mitted after noone before my L. in the Counsell, I layd to his charge, the law of adultery, the ordinance of the Church, the law of ravishing, the suspicion of collusion betwixt him and his wife, the suddain divorcement, and proclaming within the space of four dayes, and last the suspicion of the Kings death, which his marriage would confirm. But he answered nothing to my satisfaction. Wherefore after many exhortations, I pro∣tested, that I could not but declare my mind publickly to the Church. So on sunday, after that I had declared what they had done, and how they would proceed, whither wee would or not, I took heaven and earth to witnes, that I abhorred and detested that marriage, because it is odious and slanderous to the world; and seeing the greatest part of the realm do approve it either by flattery or by silence, I craved the faithfull to pray earnestly, that God wold turn to the confort of this realm, that which they intend against reason and good conscience. Because I heard some per∣sons grudging against mee, I used these reasons for my defences; first I had broken no law by proclaming these persons at their request. 2. If their marriage were slanderons and hurtfull, I did well to warn all men of it in time. 3. as I had of duty declared unto them the Princes will, so did I faithfully teach them by word & exemple, what God craved of them. But on tuysday next I was called before the Counsell, and accused, that I had passed the bounds of my commission, in calling the Queens marria∣ge odious & scandalous before the world. I answered, The bounds of my commission, which is the Word of God, good lawes & naturall reason, was able to prove whatsoever I spake: yea that their own consciences could not but bear witnes, that such a marriage could not but be odious and scandalous to all that shall heare of it, if all the circumstances be rightly considered: But when I was coming to my probation, my Lord put mee to silence, and sent mee away. Upon wednesday I repeated all things before spoken, and exhorted the Brethren not to accuse mee, if that marriage proceed, but rather themselves, who for fear would not ap∣pose it, but sharpned their tongues against mee, because I admonished them of their duty, and suffered not the cankred consciences of hypocri∣tes to sliep in rest, Protesting at all times to them, that it was not my proclaming, but rather their silence, that gave any lewfulnes unto that marriage: for as the proclaming. Did take all excuse from them, so my privat and publick impugnation did save my conscience sufficiently. And so far I proceeded in this marriage, as the Church of Edinburgh, Earls, Lords and Barons, that heard, will bear witnes: Now seing I have been shamefully slandered both in England and Scotland by wrong information & false report of them, that hated my Ministrie, I desire first the judgement of the Church, and next the same to be published, that all men may under∣stand, whither I be worthy of such imputation or not. 5. A complaint is given against the Countess of Argile, that she being a prosessor of the Euangell, and having been admitted to the Lords Table, had revolted, in

giving her assistance & presence at the baptizing of the King in a Popish manner. This Lady compeares, and confesses her fault, and submitts herselfe unto the discipline of the Church. They ordain her to declare her repentance in the Chappell-Rojal of Sterlin upon a sunday and this to be don at such time as the Superintedent of Lothian shall appoint, Providing it be before the next assembly. 6. Ministers John. Craig. David Lindsay and Ge. Buchan. or any two of them are ordained to send edicts, not only throgh Fife but to the adiacent parts, that Ministers and Elders might compear in Couper January 22. with their complaints against the Superintendent of Fife: and to try them, and to repo••t unto the next Assemybl. 7. Alex∣ander gordon called b. of Galloway, and Commissioner is accused, that he hath not visited the Churches these three years or there by; that he doth altogether hant the Court, and hath procured to be one of the Priuy Counsell, and of the Session, which can not stand with the office of a Pastor; and also hath resigned the Abbey of Inchaffray in fauors of a young child, and hath set lands in fue. He personally confesseth his fault in al these, that they had layd to his charge. Upon some considerations the Assembly continueth him untill the next Assembly, upon condition of his diligence in his Visitation.

VII. In the Spring the Q. escapes out of Lochlevin; and soght to repos∣sess * 5.124 the Governement. An Army flocketh unto her, and was routed by the Regents Army at Langside May 13. Then she fled into England. The As∣sembly conveenes at Edinb. July 1. J. Willock is chosen Moderator. Because heertofore all Ministers that would come, were admitted to have vote; and now the number is increased; and Commissioners of Shyres were chosen in the Shiref-Court; this Assembly makes an Act of three parts, concerning the admission of members: 1. That none shall have place to vote, but Superin∣tendents, Commissioners for visiting Churches, Min. and Commiss. of Shy∣res and burghs chosen as followes, together with Commissioners of Univer∣sities. 2. Ministers and Commissioners of Shyres shall be chosen at the Synode of the boundes by the Ministers and gentle men conveening there; and the Commissioners of Burghes shall be chosen by the Counsell and church-session of each town. 3. None to be received without com∣mission in write: and lest this turn to a monopoly and perpetuall election of a few, it is prouided that the persons be changen at every Assembly. Wee will bear that this act and some other concerning the satisfaction of delinquents were afterwards changed again. 2. It was delated, that Thomas Bassenden Printer in Edinburgh had printed a booke entituled The fall of the Roman Church, naming the King The Supream Head of the Church: And he had printed at the end of the Psalm-book a bawdy song: He is ordained to call-in all these books, that he hath sold, and sell no moe untill he change that title, and delete the bawdy song: And that in time coming he print not without licence of the Supream Magistrate, and revising the books appertaining to religion, by those that shall be appointed by the Church for that purpose: and they appoint Alex. Arbuthnot to revise that book, and report his judge∣ment of it. 3. It is ordained, that Papists refusing to adjoin themselves unto the Church, after they have received sufficient admonitions, and remaining obstinat, shall be declared publickly in all churches requisite, to be out of the society of Christs body, and excommunicated. 4. Seven Articles were sent unto the Regent, to wit. 1. That the assignations of Ministers stipends are not answered: nor are able (as they be ordered) to pay the half of the stipends, and in some places not the fourth part. 2. It

is thoght unreasonable, that Papists, which are enemies to Gods Church and the Commonwealth, and others who labor not in the Ministry do possesse two parts of the Benefices without any imposition, and the Mini∣sters do not possesse the third: heerfore they propound humbly that the charges of the Commonwealth may be layd upon the two parts of the Be∣nefices, and the third remain free unto the Ministers, and the superplus to be allowed for help of Schools, the poore: So that account thereof be made yearly unto the Counsell. 3. where as many Churches are now vaking; that he would present qualified persons unto them, or suffer the Church to di∣spose of them; and namely the Churches, that did appertain to Nunneries. 4. To give commmission for reforming the Colledge of Aberdien, that cor∣rupt teachers may be removed, and qualified persons placed in their rooms. 5. That order be taken for suppressing of vice, and justice be execute against odious crimes. 6. That such as were appointed by the Counsell may conveen with these, that were appointed by the Assembly to decide the questions of the jurisdiction of the Church; and that time and place may be condescended-upon for that effect. 7. That in places where no Superintendents are, some may be placed. Answers were re∣turned on July 8. giving (in a word) a favorable answer unto them all; and for the sixth article, the eight day of August was named: but that day was not keept, and so nothing was done therein. 5. None should bring unto the Gen. Assembly any question or complaint, that should and may be decided in a provinciall Synod; or if they shall, they shall be rejected. 6. Because the Bishop of Orknay hath given obedience and submission, now upon his petition the Assembly restores him, Providing that on a certain day he shall have the Sermon in the Church of Halyrudhouse, and in the end theteof confesse his offence in marrying the Queen with the Earle of Bothuell: which the Bishop promiseth to do. 7. The Bishop of Gallo∣way is ordeined to declare whither he will wait upon Court and Counsell, or upon preaching the word and visiting the Churches: the Superintendent of Fife, Lothian and Anguise are appointed to crave, and report his answer unto the next assembly; and in the mean time John rowe Minister at Sant∣johnstoun is appointed to visite the Churches of Galloway. 8. No man should possesse the patrimony of the Church, and not do dutifull seruice: and because it is known that some of them have gifts, whereby they may be profitable in the Church, admonition is given to such that they shall apply themselves according to their gifts, and as the Church shall judge them able unto the Ministry; And because all such persons are not present, the Superin∣tendenrs and Visitors of Churches shall cause warn them all to be present at the next generall Assembly. When the 25. of December was come, few did conveen, because a report was that the town was infected with the pest; and also were great stormes both in the south and north: therefore letters of advertisement were sent to all Superintendents and Commissio∣ners of visiting churches to keep the 25. day of February.

VIII. The Regent returnes to Edinburgh, February 2. from a Treaty * 5.125 with the Queen of England concerning the proceedings of this Country with Queen Mary; and about the twenty day of the same month the Duke returnes with commission from the Queen Mary to be her Deputy: he causeth publish Letters prohibiting the subjects to acknowledge any other Soveraigne than the Queen. Wherefore the Regent by proclamation chargeth in the Kings name, the subjects to meet him at Glasgow March 10. The Assembly conveenes at Edinburgh February 2••. to wit, Commissio∣ners

according to the Act of the former Assembly. Da. Lindsay Minister * 5.126 at Lieth is chosen Moderator. 1. A supplication is sent unto the Regent, craving to take order with such persons, as have received Benefices in time of Papistry, and because they had quite the thirds, think themselves free of all cure in the Church. 2. That no Minister of Gods word have power to set tacks of his Benefice. 3. To reduce all Benefices given to any person contrary to the Acts of Parliament or Counsell granted in favor of the Church. The ordinary affaires were handled untill March 7. when a Letter was brought from the Duke, shewing his good affection unto the Religion, and his purpose to have all the subjects to live in a peaceable and quiet manner; under the obedience of the Queen our Soveraigne; regrating the proclamations made by the Earle of Morray; and that not for fear of them, as not deserving such, and confident that the people and Nobil••ty, will not be against him; finally requiring to make his affaires and minde parent unto the people▪ Or if they find not on his part, that he offereth & seekes what duty requires of his Christian profession, that they would come and reason with him. When this letter was read, it was answered unto the bearer, that they would send and acquaint the Regent with it; and as it shall please please Him they will either write, or send some of their number unto the Duke. So they sent two Superintendents and a Minister unto the Regent, to know his pleasure therein. A••ter conference the result was, that the Assembly, should send unto the Duke, and conferre with him and others of the Nobility, that may bee with him, and use all meanes to reconcile both him and them unto the obedience of the King and his Regent. 3. A gene∣rall fast is appointed to be keept throughout all the realm, to begin the 13. day of this instant in such places as may be timously advertised by the Super∣intendents, and in other places so soon as they may be advertised, and to continue for eicht dayes inclusivè, and in the mean time to use the exercise prescribed before, and to use sobriety in eating & drinking: praying namely, that God would be pleased to quench that appearing fire of intestine trou∣bles. 4. Moe articles were sent unto the Regent, to wit. 1. That reme∣dy may be provided against the oppression of the Earle Huntly and of others, who have opposed the Collectors of the Church, and tyrannously placed their own. 2. That it may please his Gr. and the Counsell, that the Church may proceed from admonitions to further censures against the said Earle, & all others guilty of the like oppression, even to excom∣munication in case of his and their contempt. 3. That the Church with∣out offense may appoint Robert Pont in some other place where his labors may be more frutefull, than heertofore they have been in Murray. 4. That order be taken against such odious crimes: as provoke Gods wrath against the wholl land: and if his Gr. send us to the Justice-Clerk, experience teaches sufficiently, what he had done in any such matter. 5. That once the Jurisdi∣ction of the Church may be distinguished from that which is Civill. 6. That the Question of adultery may be determined, whither the adulterer shall be admitted to the benefite of marriage. After this Assembly and the fast, by means of these which were sent from the Assembly, an agreement was made betwixt the Regent and the Duke in this manner, that the Duke should sub¦mit himself to the Kings authority: he and his friends should be restored un∣to their honors and possessions, and that he should give surety for his & their continuing in obedience unto the King. The Earls Argile & Huntly refuse to be comprised under this agreement, but deal by themselves. When the Duke heard, that they would not accept the conditions: though

he came to Edinburgh at the day appointed, he would have shifted the gi∣ving of his surety: and rashly vented his mind, that if he were free of that promise, he would never consent unto it. Therefore he and the Lord Hereis (who was thought to have diverted him) were imprisoned in the castle of Edinburgh. Then Argyle and Huntly made their submission and agreement. Then the Regent goeth into the North and setled all these parts in peace, and took pledges of them, for observing peace in time co∣ming. At that time John Erskin Superintendent went to Aberdien accor∣ding to his commission granted by the Counsell and Assembly in July by∣past, to visite the Colledge: and he with others, Ministers and Com∣missioners did summon the Principall, Subprincipall and the Regents to compear and give Confession of their faith. The Regent and Privy Counsell join with the Commissioners. The parties compeare, and refuse to subscribe the Confession of faith: After two dayes conference, they continue obstinat. Wherefore by conjunct sentence of the Regent, the Counsell and the Commissioners of the Assembly, they all were declared dangerous persons and unmeet, to have charge in any School or Colledge within the realm; and are charged instantly to remove out of the Colledge. The tenor of the sentence is; I Jhon Erskine Superintendent of Anguise & Merns having commission of the Church to visite the Sherifdoms of Aber∣deen & Bamf, by the advice, counsell and consent of the Ministers, Elders and Commissioners of the Church present, decern, conclude and for finall Sentence pronounce that M^r Alex. Anderson sometime principall, M. An∣drew Galloway sometime Subprincipall, Masters And. Anderson, Tho. Austin & Dunkan nory somtime Regents in the Colledge of old Aberdien are not to be reckoned Members of Christs Church; and therefore secludes them and every one of them to teach privatly or publickly in time coming in that Colledge or in any other part within this realm, and decerne them to remove forth of the said Colledge with all diligence, that other godly per∣sons may be placed there for upbringing the youth in the fear of God and good letters: This our Sentence pronounced wee ordain to be published and intimated to the said persons, and to the congregations of new and old Aberdien publickly the next Sunday the third of July instant. In that year was great business both in England & Scotl. for an intended marriage of Q. Mary, and a rebellion in the North of Engl. But through Gods mercy all was discovered unto Q. Elisabeth, and she preveened the danger by imprisoning the chief authors. The Nationall Assembly conveens at Edinb. July 5. Will. * 5.127 crysteson Min. at Dundy is chosen Moderator. When the Superintendents and Visitors of Churches had given account of their diligence, it is ordained. 1. That Alexander gordon somtime Commissioner of Galloway be charged to repair unto the next assembly to answer.........And in the mean time the Assembly inhibites him to use any function within the church conform to the Act made against him July 8. 1568. 2. Adam bishop of Orknay was accused for not fulfilling the injunction apppointed unto him by the assembly in the place and month fore said. 3. The Superintedent of the Isles was rebuked for accepting the bishoprik of the Isles without the knowledge of the assembly, and for riding at and assisting the Parliament holden by the Queen's faction after the murder of the King. 4. Whereas some persons guilty of capitall ctimes have been summonedby Superinten∣dents and established Churches to compear before this assembly, and these not compearing, It is concluded that the Superintendents and Ministers shall

proceed against them, to excommunication inclusivè; and to notify unto the Supreme Magistrat such as are already excommunicate for their offences. 5. Certain articles were sent unto the Regent. 1. That order may be taken for sustentation of the poor, and a portion of the tith be appointed for that end; And that the poor laborers of the ground may have liberty to lead their own tiths upon reasonable composition. 2. that those who have plurality of Benefices may be compelled to dimitt all but one. 3. That remedy may be provided against changing of benefices, and selling them, diminishing the ren∣talls, setting lang tacks in defraud of successors, and that all tacks set since the assumption of the thirds may be annulled, with expresse inhibition of the like in time coming. 4. That the iurisdiction of the Church may be di∣stinguished from the Civill. Concerning this last article an Act of the Secret Counsell is instantly delivered under the Secretary's hand, that the persons named in the Act of Parliament, shall conveen at the time of the next Ex∣checker, and define or limite the jurisdiction according to Gods word and the said Act of Parliament. 6. Seing it hath pleased God to move the hearts of the Superior powers and Estates, to grant the thirds of Benefices unto the Ministers; the Assembly give unto Superintendents and Commissioners of visitation power & commission that every one of them within their severall bounds by advice and consent of their Synodall Conventions, give to every Minister, exhorter & reader particular assignations ad vitam, as they shall think the same most expedient, And the provision and assignation to the Superintendents and Commissioners, to be made by the Generall Assembly; And that this Act may have full effect, the Assembly ordaines a petition to be presented unto the Regent & Counsell, to interpone their authority, that when the particular assignations are presented unto them, letters may be directed at every mans instance in form of provi∣sion ad vitam, &c. 7. On July 9. this Letter was brought from the Regent unto the assembly, as followes: Seing wee can not be pre∣sent at this assembly, as our intention was, wee thought it conve∣nient, briefly to give you in write signification of our meaning: Of the which, wee pray you, take good consideration, and accor∣dingly give your advertisement. Yee are not ignorant, as wee sup∣pose what hath been the estate of the Church of God within this realm, both before wee accepted the burden of Regiment, and since; how first the thirds of Benefices were granted, and the Ministry partly there∣by relieved and sustained in such sort, that nothing was laking which our travells could procure. The first order indeed was sundry ways inter∣rupted and broken, but chiefly in that year, when wee were exiled in England, and all the Ministers that year were frustrat of their livings: the estate of governement altering shortly at Gods pleasure, and the King our Soveraigne Lord being inaugurat with the Crown of this Kingdom, the first thing whereof we were carefull, was that the true Religion might be established, and the Ministers made sure of their sustentations in time coming. Yee know, at the Parliament wee were most willing, that the Church should have been put in full pos∣session of the proper patrimony, and concerning the thirds wee did expede in our travells, and there enlaked only a consent to the disso∣lution of the Prelacies: Whereunto althogh wee were earnestly bent, yet the States delayd and would not agree thereunto. And since that time unto this hour, wee trust, yee will affirm, that wee have pre∣termitted

nothing, that could advance the Religion, & put the Profes∣sors thereof in surety, wherein all and the only defect was by the Civill trou∣bles, wherewith God hath suffered the Country to be plag••ed. Now the matter being after so great rage brought to some stay & quietnes, it was convenient, that wee return where matters left, and that wee endea∣vour the reducing of them to the estate wherein they stood. One thing wee may call to remembrance, that when we traveled in the Parliament, that the States would agree, that the thirds should be decerned to apper∣tain unto the Ministry, they plainly opponed unto us, in respect of the first Act, alledging, that with the sustentation of the Ministry, regaird should be had to the support of the Prince in sustaining the publick charges: wich if they had not some relief by that meane, the revenue of the Crown being so diminished, and the ordinary charges come to such greatness, they must be burdened with exactions: and so this dangerous argument com∣pelled us to promise unto the States, that wee would take upon us, the Act being granted unto the Church, they would satisfy, and agree to any thing should be thought reasonable, for support of the King and us bearing the authority: which order had been sufficient for the wholl, if intestine trouble had not occurred: But the disobedience growing so vniuersaly, wee are content to sustain our part of the enlake and loss for the time bypast: but because there hath been murmur and grudge for that thing assigned to the Kings house and ours, and some other n••edfull things in the State, as that thereby the Ministry were frustrat of their appointed stipends, Some communication was hade at Santandrews, and nothing concluded untill the generall Assembly of the Church: This now moveth us to write unto you, in this form, praying you, to consider rightly the necessity of the cause, and how the same hath proceeded from the begin∣ming, having respect, that the Church will be very ill obeyd without the Kings authority and power; and that now the property of the Crown is not able to sustain the ordinary charges; how in the beginning the thirds had not been granted, if the necessity of the Prince had not been one of the chief causes; And at the Parliament (as we have written) the States stack to consent, that the wholl thirds should be declared to appertain unto the Ministry, untill wee took in hand, that they being made without condi∣tion in favor of the Church, the same would again condescend to so much, as might be sufficient to the support of the publick affaires in setting forth the Kings authority; And that therefore yee will now agree and con∣descend to a certain & speciall assignation, of what shall be employd to this use: the quantity where of diverse of yourselves and the bearer hereof Master John wood our servant can inform you, that thereafter yee may distribute to euery man having charge in the Church of God, his stipend according to the condition of the place he serves in, at your W. discretion; Heerby all confusion that along time hath troubled the estate of the Church about the stipends, shall be avoided, and some speciall prouision being made for sustaining these publick charges, wee may the better hold hand, to see the Church obeyd in that, whereon Ministers should live, as we shall report, that during our travels in the North they have found our effectuous good will and travell in their furtherance. Further wee shew you briefly one thing, that occurred at our late being in Elgin: one, Nicol sutherland in Forress was put to the knowledge of an Assise, for incest, and with him the woman: the Assise hath convicted him of the fault: but the question is, whither the same be incest or not; So that we delayd the exe∣cution,

untill we might have your resolution. The case is: the woman before was harlot unto this Nicol's mother-brother: Heerin Master Ro. Pont can inform you more amply. And at our coming to Aber∣deen come one Porterfield Minister provided before to the vicarage of Ardrossam, and required of us, that he might also have the vicarage of Stevinstoun, seing both were litle enough to sustain him, and the chur∣ches were near, that he might discharge the cure of both; wee having him commended by sundry gentle men unto the same: but we thought good; to advertise you, that this preparative induce not an ill exemple and corrup∣tion: and if such things occurre heerafter, let us understand, what yee would have us to do; As also concerning the Chaplanries, that shall happen to vaik: where in because as yet is no certain order prescribed, some con∣fusion continues; some desiring them for life time, some for infants that are not fit for schools, and some for seven years. Wee are somtimes pressed to receive or confirm assignations or dimission of Benefices, the preparative where of seemeth to bring with it corruption. And wee would be resolued how to proceed. Before our coming from ••ife and since we have been very willing, to do justice on all persons suspect of witchcraft as also on adulterers, incestuous persons, and abusers of the sacraments: where in we could not have such expedition, as we wished, because we had no other probability but a generall delation of names, the persons suspected being for the most part not tryed nor convicted by order of the Church. This hindered many things, that otherwise might have been done. Therefore wee pray you, appoint and prescribe, how the iudge∣ment of the Church may proceed and be executed against all such trans∣gressors, before co••plaint be made to us, that when we come to the coun∣tries, wee may execute the law, and be relieved of the tryall & inquisition of them. Wee thought good to give you this advertisment, and so remit∣ting these all to your care & diligence, Committs you to the protection of the eternall God; At Aberdien Juny 30. 1569. In answer unto these two particular questions, the Assembly resolues, that the case of Nicol is incest: and that Chaplanries should be disponed to the Colledges, or to the poor conform to the Act of Parliament and no otherwise. The next assembly is appointed to hold at Sterlin Februaty 25. next coming: but in the book of the Assemblies it is said expressly, Because of the troubles falling out by the slaughter of my L. Regent, it was delayd untill March 1. and to begin at Edinburgh. It is to be marked in this former assembly that whereas of all the bishops three only did embrace or professe the Reformed religion, to wit, of Galloway, Orknay & Caitnes, none of them had any power in the Church, but by vertue of Commission, that was given them by the Assembly, upon account, that they had the Church-revenues in the places; and they might have supplied the place of Superintendents: but when the charge was committed unto them, they were alwayes found deficient in exercise thereof; yea and guilty in ioyning with these, which did oppose present authority; as Adam bishop of Orknay joyned in mariage the Earle of Bothvell (the murderer of the King) with the Queen; and the Authour of Vindiciae Philadephi pag. 28. testifies, that it was clearly known to every one, that the bishop of Galloway did ioyn with them who opposed the Governement of the King, and did not only preach unto that faction, but did encourage them unto fighting as a iust and necessary warre, and after∣wards did commend the man, which murdered the Kings grandfather. As for the b. of Caithnes, I finde nothing written of him untill the Assem∣bly

following. Then among all the Superintendents, none of them did assume the title of a Bishop, except the Superintendent of the Isles; and he took his patent from the Queen after she had renounced the government, and was prisoner in England, and did assist that faction, as it was layd to his charge by that assembly. Then concerning the death of him who hitherto hath been colled the good Regent, when that adverse faction saw, that hee was more and more beloved, and did increase in authority, they took course to cut him off; and one James Hamiltoun of Bothuell haugh under took that misshant fact, and did it lurking priuatly in the bishop of Santandrews house within Lithgow; as the Regent was riding by that house, and the town was throng, that he could not passe speedily, that man killed him with a abullet, and escaped safe out of the Bishops house: Great lamentation was for the losse of him, seing he had undertaken the governement in a troublous and disordered time, and within 18. months had brought both south and north unto quietness by the blessing of God, and was a singulare pattern of piety: for he did order himself and his family so, that it did resemble a Church more then a Court. Besids his devotion, which he constantly exercised, no wickedness nor unseemly wantoness was heard or seen in his family. I have also read of him, that by his Letters he did inform Queen Elisabeth. 1. Of the invaluable benefite of a faithfull and free Ministry. 2. Of the excellency of the purity of Gods ordinances therein. 3. Of the honor and happiness, that would attend her Crown and State upon the establishment of Christs Governement. 4. Of the profitable uses, where unto the rich Benefices of Bishops might be applied, leauing enough unto the Ministry for their honest mantenance. 5. Albeit the glorious luster of Bishops may seem to honor the Nation, yet it justleth out Gods honor, which should be more deare. And when the Bishops heard of the motion, they grumbled exceedingly, and they cast upon him the as∣persion of usurpation; even albeit he was not in the Country, when he was first designed to be Regent; nor can any of his enemies say, that in all the time of his Governement he did attempt any thing for himselfe or his private estate.

VIII. The Nationall Assembly conveens at Edinb. March. 1. John * 5.128 craig is chosen Moderator. I. concerning order to be keept in the Assem∣bly it is ordained, that the who was Moderator of the preceeding Assem∣bly shall make the exhortation, and prayer in the following Assembly, and then another Moderator shall be chosen. Next after tryall of Super∣intendents and Commissioners for visiting the Churches, shall be heard the accusations or complaints of these Superintendents or Commissiners, if they have any against a Minister. Thirdly the penitents that were re∣mitted by the preceeding assembly unto the Superintendents and Com∣missioners, are to be received; and injunctions are to be given to other notorious and criminall persons, that are either summoned to com∣pear, or of their own freewill and hatred of the crime are moved to pre∣sent themselves. Fourthly to decide such things as were undecided in the preceeding assembly, and referred unto the next, or are referred by the Lords of the Counsell, Session or Checker. II. Adam Bishop of Ork∣nay is accused. 1. that he being called to the office of a Bishop, and the profits thereof, and having received charge to preach the gospell, and be Commissioner of Orknay, which he accepted and exercized for a time, but now lately he hath made a Simoniacall change with the Abbacy of Hali∣rudhouse, retaining the name of the Bishop; contrary to all lawes both of

God and man made against Simony. 2. he dimittes his charge in the hands of an unqualified person, without the consent of the Church, leauing the flock without a shepherd, whereby not only ignorance is increased, but likewise most abundantly all vice & horrible crimes are committed there, as the number of 600. persons, convict of incest, adultery & fornication bear witnes. 3. He hath given himselfe, to the dayly attendance of the function of a temporall Judge, as he is a Lord of the Session, which re∣quires the wholl man, and so rightly he can not exercize both; and styleth himself with Romane titles, as, Reverend Father in God, which pertaines not to a Minister of Christ Jesus, nor is given to any of them in the Scripture. 4. To the great hurt & defraud of the Church he hath bought al the thirds of the Abbacy of Halirudhouse, at least he hath made a Simo∣niacall change thereof with the rents of Orknay. 5. He hath left the chur∣ches partly unplanted, and partly planted, but without prouision. 6. Some of the churches are sheepfolds, and some ruinous. 7. He hath traduced both priuatly and publickly the Ministers of Edinburgh; he absen∣teth himself from the preachings in that Church, and from recei••ing the Sacrament. III. Robert Bishop of Caitnes is ordained to assist John Gray of Fordell in visiting the Churches there. IIII. If persons, who are guilty of homicide, incest, or adultery, be not f••gitive from the lawes, but continue suiting to be receiued to publick repentance; all such shall be received to give the signes of their repentance in their own churches, ac∣cording to the order prescribed, so that Ministers shall notify, their crimes. And if any guilty of these crimes be excommunicated, they may be ad∣mitted, to heare the Preaching, but shall be secluded from the prayers before and after Sermon; and when upon their repentance, they are received again, they shall bring their Minister's testimoniall unto the next Assembly. V. They who will not abstain from the company of excommunicate persons, after due admonitions shall be excommuni∣cat. VI. The children of excommunicate persones, are to be received unto baptism, by a faithfull member of the Church. VII. A single wo∣man committing adultery with a married man should be alike censured. VIII. When one forsakes wife and children without just cause, the Mini∣ster should endeavoure to reconcile them; and if his endeavour be in vain, the offended party may complain to the Magistrate. IX. If persons after the promise of mariage and publication of their bans, crave to be free, they should be freed, si res sit integra, but shall be censured for their levity. In the months following arose great division, some of the Nobility were for the preservation of the young K. and his authority; and some pretend the name and authority of the Q. on this side were all Papists, all Bishops (excep one) and may were Neuters. They who were against the King, were so many that they called a Parliament to assemble at Lithgow in August. They who were for the K. assemble in May, and July 12. these did choose Mathew Earle of Lennox (who was grand father of the King) to be Regent. He with 5000. men keept the day at Lithgow for the Parliament: but none of the adverse faction came. In his time the troubles ceased not: sometime, by the mediation of Queen Elisabeth, was a treaty twixt the parties, but it was neither to her contentment, nor would the Kings party yeeld any of his right: and so the treaty had no effect, yea and all the time the country had no quietnes. They who were on the Queen's side had encourage∣ment from France and Duke d'Alva Governor of Flanders: and in the year 1571. both parties conveenes a Parliament; the Queens party at E∣dinburgh,

and the Kings party at Sterlin: where (as in time of peace) they keept not a watch: which the other party hearing, L. Claud hamilton came in the night time, and took the Regent out of his lodging in Septem∣ber, and when they saw others coming for his rescue, they killed him with •• shot. George Bell the chief adviser of this enterprice, and Captain Lawder the murderer were taken and punished as traitors. I returne unto the affaires of the Church. The Assembly conveenes at Edinburgh July 5. * 5.129 An. 1570. Robert Pont is chosen Moderator. 1. The Sentence of excommunication is directed against Patrick called Bishop of Morray, to be executed by Ro. Pont Visitor there, with the assistance of the Ministers of Edinb. 2. Ministers at their admission shall protest solemly, that they shall not leave their Vocation, under rhe pain of infamy & periury &c. 3. Tryall should be taken of young children, how they are brought up by their parents in the true religion: therefore Ministers and Elders of every parishon should examin the children, when they come to nyne years of age and when they come to twelve years, and the third time, when they come to 14. years, that it may be known, how they have profited in the schoole of Christ. 4. Because some Noble men have made defection from the Kings lawfull authority, certain brethren were directed to the Earls, Lords and all which made that defection, to deale with them with earnest persuasions of reconciliation, with certification, if they continue in diso∣bedience, the Church will use the sword against them, which God in his word hath committed unto them, And the Commissioners are to report their answers unto the next Assembly. 5. James Carmichell Schoolmaster of Santandrews accuseth Rob. Hamilton Minister there, of some points of doctrin delivered in a Sermon. The Clark register, and the Justice-Clerk and another Lord of the Session shew in the L. Chancellors name, that he had heard of that controversy, and it containes some points tending to treason and against the Kings authority: and therefore they require, that the Assembly would not decide in that matter concerning the Kings autho∣rity, untill the Nobility conveen, which will be within few dayes: but in such things as concern heresy, or properly belong unto their jurisdiction they may proceed. Unto this protestation the assembly agreeth; and went-on in discussing the complaint in so far as is concerned doctrine and slander, that may arise thereupon. [But I finde not the particulars.] 5. Conceilers of adultery should be called and examined, and if they be convict to have cloaked adultery wittingly, let the Rule have place, Agentes & consentientes pari poená puniantur. 6. Quaeritur; A woman bringeth forth a child, and in time of her birth before the midwife depones, that such a man is the father of the child, and being called before a Judge is ready to swear the same; And that man is ready to swear, that he had never carnall dealing with that woman; and there is not other proof; to which of two should credite be given? Ans. Neutri credendum. 7. The Assembly gi∣ves commission unto certain Ministers, Barons and Burgesses, to com∣pear at Edinburgh the twelth of the instant with continuation of dayes, or whensoever the Nobility shall conveen before the time of the next Assem∣bly, To require humbly an answer unto their articles and supplications with redresse of their complaints according to equity, To assist, concurr and assent to all and whatsoever shall be treated in the foresaid Conventi∣on, tending to the promoving of Gods glory, the maintaining the true religion, the Kings authority, the common well and authority of the realm; As also to take cognition in all complaints, supplications and re∣quests

of brethren specially remitted unto them by this Assembly; And whatsoever shall be done by them in the premisses, to report the same unto the next generall Assembly, which is appointed to be at Edinburgh March. 5. next to come; Promising to hold firme and stable whatsoever these brethren, or any eight or seven of them thinks good in the premisses to be done. 3. All assignations and pensions granted by the Church, during their will, to whatsoever person or persons before this Date are discharged, except only what is assigned to the Kings use.

X. At Edinb. March 5. conveenes the Assembly: Ge. Hay is chosen * 5.130 Moderator. I. All Superintendents & Commissioners to visite Churches should bring their book of visitat••on unto every Assembly next following, To be considered by such Brethren as shall be appointed by the Assembly, that the church may the better know their diligence in executing their office II. Sixe Articles concerning the iurisdiction of the Church, which are to be ptopounded unto the Regent and Counsell, and sought to be approved by them. 1. that the Church have the judging of true and false religion, doctrine, heresy, and such like, that are annexed to the preaching of the Word and ministration of sacraments. 2. election, examination and admission of them, which are to be admitted to the Ministry and other functions in the Church, to charge of souls and ecclesiasticall Benefices, together with the suspension or deprivation of such, for lawfull causes. 3. All things concerning the discipline of the Church, which standes in correction of manners, admonitions, excommunication & receiving to repentance. 4. The judgement of Ecclesiasticall matters betwixt persons that are of the Church, especially that are of the Ministry, alswell in matters of Benefices as others. 5. Jurisdiction to proceed with admonitions to the process of excom∣munication, if need shall bee, against them that shall rob the patrimony of the church appartaining to the Ministry, or other way intromet with it unjustly, whereby the Ministry is in danger of decay, by occasion of the poverty of the Ministers. 6. Because the conjunction of marriages pertaines to the Ministry, the causes of adherence and divorcement ought also to appertain unto them, as naturally annexed thereunto. III. It is ordained, that adulterers and such other scandalous persons shall hereafter be called by the Superintendent or Commissioner of the Province, to compear before their Synodall Conuention, and there receive their iniunctions, as before in the generall assembly. 4. All questions should be propounded or repre∣sented to the Superintendents and Commissioners in the foresaid Syno∣dall Conuentions, and there receive solution; Or if any question shall be hard for them, the Superintendent or Commissioner shall present these hard questions unto the next generall assembly, and there receive solution; With certification, that none shall heerafter be received in the gen. assem∣bly from a particulare Minister. 5. All Superintendents and Commis∣sioners of visitation are ordained to advise with their first Synodall Conven∣tion, and as they shall judge expedient, to appoint a fast within their own bounds in respect of the present troubles of the Country; And also that they appoint certain Brethren to use all means of unity and concord among the Nobility. 6. Where Ministers have not been in practise of excommuni∣cation, or their execution is like to be contemned, the Superintendent or some other sufficiently qualified and authorized by the Synod, shall execute the same. 7. Promise of marriage should be made per verba de fu••uro before the Minister, taking caution for abstinence untill the marriage be solemni∣zed.

8. If a man ravish a young woman against her will and the will of her Parents, and strick her parents under silence of night; and the Magistrat correcteth not the offender; whither may that particular Church proceed with admonitions unto excommunication, for remouing the scandall? Ans. It is lawfull. 9. If a woman commit fornication, and suffer the same man there∣after to marry her own sister. And hearing their bans proclamed, by con∣ceiling the crime, shee is guilty of the incest following: and both she and he should be censured as incestuous; and the second woman can not be his wife. 10. It is altogether unlawfull, that any Minister of Gods Word shall receive any Benefice by presentation under paction made with the Patron, tending to Simony, to wit, that the Patron shall have a great part of the tiths, and a Minister shall have a small portion thereof. It is to be marked, that where the appointing of a fast is referred unto the advice of * 5.131 the Provinciall Synods, this was done, because in some Provinces the party adverse unto the King was so strong, that Ministers durst not pray for conservation of his Authority. Secondly it may be seen in all these Assem∣blies, that superintendents and commissioners of visitation had a lyke power in their own bounds, and neither the one sort nor the other had power to do any thing (belonging to discipline) by themselves or without advice of their Synodall conventions; yea and somtime what was done by the Su∣perintendents, was referred unto some Ministers, to be examined and censu∣red. Thirdly observe, that howbeit the country was divided, and both parties were strong, yet they both gave way unto the Assemblies, and professed to matintain the true religion and liberties of the Church. The Assembly * 5.132 convenes at Sterline August. 6. Gilbert gairden Ministers at Monifieth is chosen Moderator. A Letter was deliuered unto the Assembly, and sent * 5.133 by John Knoxe: this is printed with some omissions; I set it down as it is in the books of the Assemblies, thus; The mighty Spirit of wisdom and confort in God remain with you Dear brethren, if ability of body would have suf∣fered mee, I would not have troubled you with this my rude ditement. I have not forgote, what was layd to my charge by infamous libels in the last Assembly, and what a brag was made to accuse mee personally at this Assem∣bly: which I pray you, to hear patiently, judge of mee, as yee will an∣swer unto God: for unto you in that matter I submitt myself, being assured, that I neither offended God nor good men in any thing, that hitherto hath been layd unto my charge. And now, Brethren, because the dayly decay of naturall strength thereatneth unto mee certain & sudden departing from the misery of this life; of love and conscience I exhort you; yea in the feare of God charge and command you, that yee take heed unto yourselves and to the flocks over which God hath placed you Pastours. To discourse of the beha∣viour of yourselves, I may not: but to command you to be faithfull unto the flock, I dar not cease: unfaithfull and traitors to the flock shall yee bee be∣fore the Lord JESUS CHRIST, if with your consent directly yee suffer unworthy men to be thrust into the Ministry of the Church, under what∣soever pretence it shall bee. Remember the Judge, before whom yee must make account, and resist that tyranny, as yee would avoide hells fire. This battell I grant, will be hard; but in the second point it will be harder, that is, that with the like uprightness & strength in God, yee gain∣stand the merciless devourers of the patrimony of the Church. If men will spoil, let them do it, to their own perrill & condemnation: but com∣municate yee not with their sins, of whatsoever estate they bee, neither by consent nor by silence, but with publick protestation make this known

unto the world, that yee are innocent of robbery, which will, ere it be long, provoke Gods vengeance upon the committers thereof, whereof yee will seek redress of God & man. God give you wisdom and stout courage in so just a cause, and mee an happy end. At Sant Andrews August 3. 1571. Your Brother in Christ Jesus. 2. The Assembly ap∣points certain commissioners to reason and conclude upon the heads, arti∣cles and desires, presented in the Regents name, unto this assembly; and to propound the humble requests and desires of the Assembly in such arti∣cles, and redresse of complaints, as shall be given unto them by the Church: the one and the other to be concl••ded conform to the instructions, that shall be delivered unto them, These Commissioners were three Superintendents, four Commissioners of visiting Churches, two other Ministers, and eight Barons, or any elleven of them, To compeare in Stirlin, the 22. day of this instant, to Counsell and reason, &c. As in the commission given in the last as∣sembly, &c. The first part of this Letter, is to be understood of the threatnings which the adverse party unto the King, had belched out against Joh. Knox, and as it seemes, they thought to had an assembly of their own color. But he could not live in Edinb. for fear of them, and went to Santan∣drews: there also he had litle rest, and was vexed by some of that sort. For understanding the rest of that Letter, and also the Commission granted by the Assembly, I shall here first marke an Act of the ensuing Parliament, num. 38. Forsomuch as diverse subjects have sundry lands and possessions, obtai∣ned by them or their predecessors in heritage, of Priors, Prioresses, Mo∣thers & Convents of sundry Friers or Nunnes places...and now...these Superiors are for the most part deceased, and no others placed nor to be placed in their rowms.....whereby the heires of these fewers....shall get no entry to their lands & heritages....for remedy thereof, it is statut & or∣dained, that all fuers or heritable tennents of such Friers & Nunnes places, and their heires....shall hold their fues and tenendries, of our Soverain Lord and his successors.....and the fue maills, services & duties....shall appertain unto our Soverain Lord &c. Hence it appeares, that at that time, they were thinking upon security of the possessions, which before did appertain unto these that were called the Spirituality, and here the fues, services and such petty things are declared to belong unto the King: but at that time weightier matters were in hand: for others had gote the Lands and rents, stock and tiths, which they would not quite unto King nor Church: and thereupon the doubt arose, by what title and right they may possesse them. Hither belongeth what is written in The Historicall Narration of the Governement of the Church (which is common now in writ, and said to have been penned by William Scot, that eminent Minister at Couper, title The second course for Bishops, Superintendents and Commissioners. 1. Mathew Earle of Lennox, Regent holding a Parliament at Sterlin in August, year 1571. the Superintendent of Fife inhibited Master John Douglas Rector of the University of Santandrews (who a litle before was presented unto the bishoprick of Santandrews by meanes of the Earle Morton) to vote in Parliament in name of the Church, untill he be admitted and allowed by the Church, Under pain of excommunication. The Earle of Morton commanded him to vote as Bishop of Santandrews, Under the pain of trea∣son. The Regent was killed, and John Earle of Marre was chosen Re∣gent. About the beginning of November, the Collectors of the Church were discharged by Letters proclamed at Santandrews, to gather the thirds, be∣cause (as was alledged) Ministers stipend were not payd, nor the Super∣plus

which was allotted to the Kings house out of the thirds. But it was judged that that Proclamation was procured at the instance of the Earle Mortoun, whom Master John douglas had informed by Letter, that the Collector would not suffer him to uplift certain duties belonging to the Bishoprick. The Superintendent of Anguise in a prolixe Letter unto the Regent, complained of that inhibition, and that Benefices are conferred, and Bishops set-up without advice & consent of the Church. In another he complaines of the great misorder at the last Parliament, in creating Bishops, planting them, and giving them vote in Parliament as Bishops, in despite of the Church, and high contempt of God, the Church opponing against that miss-order, Seing the Church hath the power of examination & admis∣sion to Ecclesiasticall offices & Benefices of spirituall cure, whither Bishop∣ricks or inferior Benefices. Lest it should seem, that Ministers out of ava∣rice or ambition sought the possession of great Benefices, he letteth his Gr. understand, that the Church hath continually suted in their Articles (con∣sented-unto & subscribed by the most part of the Nobility) that when any Benefices shall vake, having many Churches, joyned there unto, all the Chur∣ches should be divided, and conferred severally to severall men, and eve∣ry man to serve at his own Church: in which mind all that beare office, do continue. If the dismembring of great Benefices can not be granted at this time, he doubteth not, but the Church will consent, that if the Benefices and offices belonging their unto; be conferred according to the order be∣fore mentioned, to assigne such portion, as may be spared above the rea∣sonable sustentation of the Ministry, of such Benefices, to the mantenance of the Kings house, and common affaires, till further order be taken in these matters. The Regent answereth, Their meaning was mis-taken: their meaning was and still is, to procure the reforming of things dis-ordered any way, als far as may bee; and the fault is this: the Policy of the Church is not perfected, nor is there any sort of conference among godly men well minded according to Gods judgement, how the matter may be amended: He sent also a discharge of that inhibition lately made. The Superinten∣dent of Anguise at the Regent's desire wrote unto other Superintendents & Commissioners, that they would conveen, to consult, what order shall be taken for provision to the Kings house out of the thirds, and upon some particulars concerning the Policy of the Church, and disposition of * 5.134 some Benefices. Upon the twelth of January 1572. (or 1571. according to the olde reckoning the beginning of the year) the Superint. and Comm. of visitation, and Commissioners from some towns and Churches conveen at Lieth. This meeting in the Register is called A convention: but in the second Session they concluded, It should have the force and power of a G. Assemb. Nevertheless they ordain, that the Moderator of the last assembly shall continue till the next ordinary assembly, and that all who are present now shall repair to it also. They declare in the third Session, that they had not t••me to stay, and therefore upon the 15 day gave power and commis∣sion to the Superintendents of Fife & Anguise, Willam Lundy of that ilk, Andrew hay Commis. of Cliddsdale, Da. Lindsay Commis. of Kile, Ro. Pont Commis. of Murray, John Craig one of the Ministers at Edinburgh, or any four of them, to compear before my Lord Regent and so many of the Secret Counsell, as he shall appoint in this month of January, to con∣ferre and reason upon such heads & articles as shall be propo••nded unto them by him, and the Counsell, to conclude conform to the Instructions given unto them by this assembly, and to report their conclusions to the

next Assembly. Morton Chancellor, William L. Ruthuen Treasurer, Robert Commendator of Dumfernlin Secretary, James Macgill Clerk-re∣gister, Sir John Balantine Justice-Clerck, Colin Campbell of Glenurquhy, and Adam Bishop of Orknay were sent Commissioners from the Counsell on the 16. day of January, To conveen all or any four of them with the Commissioners named by the Church, to treat and conclude on all mat∣ters tending to the ordering & establishing the Policy of the Church, the sustentation of Ministers, support of the Kings house, and common af∣faires of the realm, to continue in such order as shall bee agreed upon, un∣till his Highness perfect age, or till the same be altered by the three States of Parliament. The same day the Commissioners conveen, and conclude, that the names and tittles of Bishops and Archbishops be not altered, nor the bounds of the old Diocies confounded; That there be a Chapter of Ministers annexed to every Metropolitane and Cathedrall See, thath during the vacancy the Dean, or failing the Dean, the next in dignity of the Chapter, use the Jurisdiction in Spiritualibus, which the Bishop might have used; That the Archbishops and Bishops exerce, no farther Jurisdiction by their spirituall function, than the Superintendents had, and presently exerce, till the same be agreed-upon; The Archbishops and Bishops be subject to to the Church and G. Assemblies in Spiritualibus, as they are unto the King in Temporalibus: That they have the advice of sixe (at least) of the most learned in the Chapter, to the admission of such, as shall have functi∣on in the Church, and that als many other of the Chapter as please, may be present, and vote at the said admission; That Ministers and Readers be planted throghout the realm, and Readers especially be appointed at every church, where it may be done conveniently, who being found qualified by the Bishop or Superintendent, and entring by the lawfull order of the true re∣formed Church, shall Minister the sacrament of baptism, and solemnize mar∣riage after the lawfull & orderly proclamation of bans; That all Common churches be disposed as Benefices to qualifyed persons: That no disposition be made of any Deanry, Provestry, collegiat church, or other Benefice where∣unto other churches are annexed, till it be provided, how the Minist. of every one of these severall churches shall be sustained of the fruits of the same chur∣ches (if it be possible) by speciall assignation of so much yearly stipend, as shall be found reasonable; that who shall have the title of Abbot, Prior or Com∣mendator be learned or well qualified, because he must have place in Parliam. That the King's Letters commendatory under the Signet being directed to the Archbishop or Bishop of the bounds, where the Abbay or Priory lyeth, he shall try his ability & learving, and upon his testimoniall from his Ordi∣nary shall compeat before the King or his Regent, and give his oath in form as the Bishop gives; And because the persons of the Convent are departed this life, the Ministers serving the Churches of the Abbey or Priory, shall be the Chapter or assessors to the Commendator, in giving any infeftments, tacks, rights or dispositions of rents concerning the living; That the person admitted Commendator, may be promoted, if he shall be found worthy, to be a Senator in the Colledge of Justice, or employd by the King in ne∣cessary affaires of the Common wealth; That first of all it be provided, how the Ministers of the Churches belonging to the Abbey or Priory shall be su∣stained of the fruits belonging to the same Churches. Sundry other arti∣cles & conclusions were agreed upon, concerning the disposition of Pro∣vestries, prebendaries, collegiat-Churches founded upon remporall lan∣des or annualls; as also of chaplanries of the like foundation, for support

of the schools; the chapters of Metropolitan and cathedrall churches; the Kings recommendation with licence to chuse a bishop; the form of the edict, to conveen the Chapter for his election; the testimoniall of the Dean and the Chapter to be returned unto the King or his Regent; the confir∣mation, provision & regall assent upon the Chapter's certificat; the Kings command to consecrat him; his oath to be taken before the King or his Regent; the Kings restitution of the temporalities; the form of a Letter to be directed to the Ordinary, or (the See waking) to the Dean of the Chapter, in favors of a person to be promoted unto an Abbacy or Priory; the testimoniall of the Ordinary returned to the King or his Regent; the gift of provision upon the Ordinarie's certificat: the form of tryall of Bur∣sares (or Fellowes) and their gift or provision: the form of oath to be given by any person provided to any Benefice of cure at his admission, and of Bursares of Arte, of Theology, Lawes, Medicine at the time of receiving them into the Universities. These Articles and forms were considered by the Counsell, and approved by the Regent in the Kings name upon the first day of February following. This gallimafry (made with such hast) could not be well ma••e: here a fair shew of restoring Benefices unto the Church: but in effect it was only to put Church-men in titles, to the end, Noble men might get the greater security from the Titulares, of the tem∣porall landes to be fued unto them, ease of the ••iths, and pensions to their seruants and dependants. It had been good for the well fare of the Church, that such titles had never been hatched or suffered to keep any life. The Bishop of this forge were called Tulchan Bishops. A tulchan is a calves skinn stuffed with straw to cause a cow give milk: so the title of Bishop helped to cause the Bishoprick yeeld commodity to the Lord, who procured it unto him. Edicts were affixed upon the churches-door and Abbey gate of Sant∣andrews upon the Lords day February. 3. By the Earle Mortons direction. On fridday February. 8. Patrick Adamson in his Sermon spake of three sorts of Bishops, My Lord Bishop, My Lords Bishop, and the Lords Bishop. My Lord * 5.135 Bishops (said he then) was the Bishop in time of Popery: my Lords Bishop is now, when my Lord gets the Benefice, and the Bishop serves for a por∣tion, to make my Lords right sure. The Lords Bishop is every true Mini∣ster of the gospell. Master John Douglas was chosen, howbeit many op∣posed to the election. George Scot Minister at Kirkady took instruments that he consented not: John Knox preached on Februay. 10. in presence of the Earle Mortoun, and refused to consecrat or ordain (as they called it) John douglas, yea there publickly he denounced auathema to the giver and to the receiver. After noon the Superintendent of Fife went up to the pul∣pit, he taught on Tit. c. 1. And after Sermon he followed the same or∣der, which was used at the admission of Superintendents. But when the Bishop was demanded, Whether he would be obedient unto the Church, and usurpe no power over the same? he answered, I will claim no greater power, than the Counsell and generall assembly shall prescribe. It is likly that these bb. and the Court aimed at a greater power, than was already agreed upon; and that they hoped to obtain at the generall assembly what they pleased, having sped so well at the Convention in Lieth: where it was agreed that Archbb. should exerce no greater jurisdiction in their spirituall function, than the Superintendents: but marke what followes, Whill the same be agreed upon. Hence appeares, that farther was intended. John douglas answers unto eyery demand out of writ. The Bishops of Caitnes, the Superintendent of Lothian and David Lindsay sate by him, and rising layd

their hands on him, and embraced him in signe of admission. When John Rutherford Provest of the old colledge had said, that Master John Knox's repining had proceeded from malecontement; the next Lords day John Knox said in Sermon, I have refused a greater Bishoprick than ever it was, and might have had it with the favor of greater men, than he hath this: but I did and do repine for discharge of my conscience, that the church of Scotland be not subject to that order. So far in that historicall Narration. Hence appeares. 1. What John Knox meaneth in his Letter unto the assembly by the word tyranny (to wit, episcopacy) and by the two points of the battell. that this work of setting up Bishops at that time was done without the knowledge of the assembly, seing it was not proponed by the assembly, nor specified unto the assembly, but only unto these few at the Convention in Lieth, and agreed unto by their few deputies: and hastened before the As∣sembly did conveen again. In the Acts of that convention it is also written this; The Church understanding, that my L. Regent and Counsell was de∣sirous, that Robert Pont should accept the place of a Senator in the Col∣ledge of Justice, which he no way will accept without the advice of the Church; therefore all the Brethren assembled give licence unto the said Robert, to accept & use that place of a Senator in the said Colledge of Ju∣stice, at what time he shall be required there unto; Providing, that he leave not the office of the Ministry, but that he exercize the same, as he shall be appointed by the church; And this their licence unto the said Robert, be no preparative unto any other Minister, to procure the like promotion without the advice of the church, and licence had before and obtained there unto. The first part of this provision would seem to be oppositum in apposito. The Generall Assembly conveenes at Santandrews March. 6. * 5.136 where besids the ordinary members is mention of John Douglas archbishop of Santandrews. Robert Hamilton Minister at Santandrews is chosen Moderator. In the extract of the Assemblies is no more written of the first and second Sessions: but the historicall Narration saith, 1. The Assembly holden at Santandrews in March next following, appointed twenty or any eight of them to conveen in Masters Knox's house, to revise and consider the articles & conclusions agried-upon at Lieth, and to report unto the As∣sembly: but wee find no report made, or insert in the Register [But in the next is some mention.] In Sess. 3. Was a contest betwixt the Superinten∣dent of Fife and the Masters of the old Colledge concerning the Vicaradge of Kilmeny: and the Superintendent was blamed for giving that Vicaradge to one, who is not a Minister, nor hath any function in the church, and so the Minister of that church (planted by himselle) is frustrat thereof. Sess. 4. The Assembly ordaines the Superintendent of Fife to use his own jurisdiction as before, in the Provinces not yet subiect unto the Archbis∣hop of Santandrews, and also requests him to concurre with the archbishop when he requires in his Visitation, or otherwise within his bounds, Vn∣till the next Assembly; And the said Superintendent to have his stipend as before; and in like manner shall the Superintendents of Auguise & Lothan without preiudice of the said Archb. It followes in the Hist. Narration; When Master Knox heard, that the Assembly had continued the Bishop notwith∣standing a Bill given-in by some of the Uniuersity against him, he regrated, that so many offices were layed on an old man, which twenty men of the best gifts were scarcely able to bear: for he now was Archbishop, Rector of the Uniuersity, and Provest of the new Colledge; and as he was unable in body to make travell, so he was unable to preach. But litle respect had the

Court to the ability of the person, if the commodity could be reaped by vertue of the title. This man had neither health nor wealth nor honor, as before. Mortoun and his friends took up a great part of his rent in fues, tacks and pensions. At that time Theodor Beza wrote his 79. epistle unto * 5.137 John Knox, dated at Geneva, Aprile 12. 1572. wherein he saith, This is a great blessing of God, that yee brought into Scotland both purity of religion and EUTAXIAN or good disciplin, which is the bond of keeping the doctrine. I beseech and obtest you, keep yee still these two, and remem∣ber, that if the one be losed, the other can not continue long. This doth very nature teach (for who of sound judgement can hope, that lawes can be observed, unless keepers or mantainers and avengers be establi∣shed?) and the very teacher of fools, experience, by the exemple of these Nations, where it is certain, that they have chiefly erred in this which they will not suffer to be amended, that the Euangell is preached for iudgement rather than for mercy (I except a few; the chosen of God.) But likewise I would thee, my Knox, and the rest of the brethren remem∣ber, which is now as before our eies, that as the Bishops broght Papacy, so these false Bishops (the reliques of Papacy) will bring Epicureism into the Land. Let them be wary of this plague, whosoever wish the savety of the Church: and seing yee have once banished it out of Scotland, receive it never again, albeit it doth flatter with the shew of retaining unity whereby many of the best Antients were deceived &c. The Generall Assembly * 5.138 conveenes at Perth August. 6. John Erskin is chosen Moderator. Sess. 3. Forsomuch as in the assembly of the Church holden in Lieth in Janua∣ry last, certain Commissioners were appointed to deall with the Nobi∣lity and their Commissioners, to reason and conclude upon diuerse articles & heads, thought good then to be conferred upon: according to which commission, they have proceeded in sundry conventions, and have con∣cluded for that time upon the said heads & articles, as the same produced in this assembly proport: In which being and considered, are found cer∣tain names, as Archbishop, Dean, Archdean, Chanceler and Chapter which names were ever thought scandalous & offensiue to th•• eares of the bre∣thren, and appear to sound towards Papistry: Therefore the wholl as∣sembly in one voice, alswell they, that were then in commission at Lieth, as others, solemly protest, that they intend not by using such names, to ratify, consent nor agree unto any kind of Papistry or superstition, and wish rather the said names to be changed into other names, that are not scandalous or offensive; And likewise protest, that the saids heads and ar∣ticles be only received as an Interim, till farther and more perfect order may be obtained at the hands of the Kings Majesty, Regent and Nobility: for the which they will endeavour, as occasion will serve. Unto which protestation the wholl assembly presently conveened, in one voice adhere. Hence it is cleare, that as these articles were concluded without the know∣ledge of the assembly, so the wholl assembly opposeth them earnestly, but for a time do yeeld unto Civill authority, yet so that they will endeavour to be free of these articles. In August was cessation of warre, and then agreement of the dissenting parties; the Queens faction left Edinburgh: and the Re∣gent died at Sterlin in October. John Knox returned to Edinburgh, but preached litle more because of his sicknes. At no time was he heard speak with greater feruency, and more content of the hearers, than in his last Sermon, at the admission of James Lowson: in the end of that Sermon, he took God to witness, that he had walked in a good conscience among

them, not seeking to please men, nor serving his own or other mens affe∣ctions, but in all sincerity & trueth had preached the Gospell of Christ: and with most pithy words he exhorted them, to stand fast in the faith, they had received. In time of his sicknes (which was not long thereafter) he * 5.139 was much visited by persons of all sorts, and spoke unto them confortably. He said unto the Earle Morton, in the audience of many others, My Lord, God hath given you many blessing he hath givens you wisdom, riches, many good & great friends, and is now to prefer you to the government of the r••alm: In his name I charge you, that you use these blessings aright, and better in time coming, than you have done in times past: in all your acti••ns seek first the glory of God, the furtherance of his Gospell, the mantenance of his Church and Ministry; and next be carefull of the King, to procure his good, and the well fare of the realm: If you shall do this, God will be with you, and honour you: if otherwise you do it not, he will deprive you of all these benefits, and your end shall be shame and ignominy. John Knox two days before his death, sent for Da. Lindsay and James Lowson, and the Elders of the Church, and said to them; The time approaches, for which I have long thirsted, when I shall be relieved of all cares. And be with my Savior Christ for ever, And now God is my witness, whom I have served with my spirit in the Gospell of his Son, that I have preached nothing but the true and solide doctrin of the Gospell, and that the end I proponed in all my preaching, was to instruct the ignorant, to confirm the weak, to confort the consciences of these, who were humbled under the sense of their sins, and beat down with the threatnings of Gods judgements such as were proud & rebellious; I am not ignorant, that many have blamed, and yet do blame my too great rigor & severity: but God knowes that in my heart I never hated the persons of these, against whom I threatned Gods iudge∣ments: I did only hate their sin, and laboured with all my power to gain them unto Christ; That I forbear none of whatsoever, condition I did it out of the fear of my God, who had placed mee in the function of the Mi∣nistry, and I knew would bring mee to an account: Now, Brethren, for yourselves, I have no more to say, but to warn you, rhat you take heed to the flock, over which God hath placed you overseers, and whom he hath redeemed by the blood of his only begoten S••n: And you, Master Lowson, fight, do the work of the Lord with courage and with a willing mind, and God from above blesse you and the Church, weereof you have the charge &c. Then he dismisseth the Elders, and calling the two preachers, said, There is one thing, that grieveth mee exceedingly: yee have som∣time seen the courage & forewardness of the Laird of Grange in Gods cause, and now unhappy man, he hath cast himself away: I pray you two, take the pains to go unto him, and say from mee, that unless he forsake that wicked course, where in he hath entred, neither shall that rock, in which he confideth, defend him: nor the carnall wisdom of that man whom he counteth half a God [this was young Lethingtoun] make him help, but shamefully shall he be pulled out of that nest, and his carkase hang before the sun; The soul of that man is dear unto mee, and if it be possible, I would fain have him to be saved. The two went, and conferred with Grainge: but prevailed not: which being reported to John Knox, he took it heavily. The last night of his life on earth, he sleeped some hours toge∣ther, but with many sighs and groans: when he awoke, they asked him, how he did find himselfe, and what had moved him to mourn in his sleep? He answered, In my time I have oft been assaulted by Satan, and oft hath

he cast my sins in my teeth, to bring mee into despair; but God gave me grace to overcome all his tentations: And now that subtle S••rpent, who never ceaseth to tempt, hath taken another course: he seeks to persuade mee, that my labours in my Ministry, and the fidelity, I have shewd in in that service, hath merited heaven and immortality; But blessed be God, who brought to my mind these Scriptures, What hast thou, that thou hast not received? And, Not I, but the Grace of God in mee. With which he hath gone away ashamed, and shall no more return: and now I am sure, my battell is at an end, and that without pain of body or trouble of Spirit I shall shortly change this mortall life with that happy & immortall life. When the prajer was made, one asked, Whither he had heard it? He answered, Would God, yee had heard it with such an eare and heart, as I have done. Then said he, Lord Jesus, receive my spirit. After these words he spoke no more, but without any motion he ended this life. With∣in three days the Earle Morton was chosen Regent by consent of the States. The Laird of Grange was Captain of the castle, and when orhers of that faction did yeeld unto the agreement, he would not agree, because the Estates would not yeeld unto some high demands of his own: he gave a proclamation from the castle-wall, commanding all the Queens subjects, to depart out of the town within 24. hours: after which time he thunde∣red with cannons against the town, to their great terror, yet not great hurt. In May following an assault was made upon the castle; the beseeged rendred themselves. Lethinton was sent to Lieth, and died suddenly throgh grief; and Grainge with his brother and two others were hanged in the market-striet of Edinburgh.

X. A Parliament was held in January: wherein many Acts were made, * 5.140 partly for maintaining the Kings authority, and partly for maintaining the true Religion: these two causes at that time were so linked, that the enemies of the one were esteemed enemies of the other. Therefore it was enacted, that none should be reputed loyall subjects unto the King or his authority, but be punished as rebells, who made not profession of the true Religion; And that all who made profession thereof, and were not obedient to the Kings authority, should be admonished by their Teachers, to acknow∣ledge their offence, and return to his Majesties obedience, or els should be excommunicated, as putrid members. The Nationall Assembly con∣veenes * 5.141 at Edinburgh March 6. here were members according to the order, and John Archbishop of Santandrews. David Ferguson Minister at Dum∣fernlin is chosen Moderator. 1. Where as a complaint was made against John Row for solemnizing the marriage of the Master of Crawford with the Lord Drummond's Daughter without proclamation of bans; and he did alledge, that he did it by the order of the Session of the Church, whereof the Lord Ruthuen was one and present at that time; The Assem∣bly ordaines, that the Act made against Ministers solemnizing mariage of other parishoners without proclamation of bans, to have strength against John Row, and him to underly the censure, enduring the Church's will. 2. No collection for the poore shall be gathered in time of Sermon nor ad∣ministration of the Sacrament, but only at the Churchdoor. 3. If any Minister reside not at the Church, where his charge is, he shall be summo∣ned before the Superintendent or Commissioner of the Province, to whom the Assembly gives power to depose him; and ordaines, that they report their diligence unto the next Assembly. 3. All Superintendents & Commissioners of visitation shall proceed summarily against all Papists

within their Province, and charge them within eight dayes to join them∣selves unto the Religion presently established, by learning the Word of God, and then by partaking of the Sacrament; and to give their oath, and subscribe according to the Act of Parliament, and Acts agreed-upon be∣twixt the Regent, Counsell and Commissioners of the Church: and if any shall refuse, to proceed, &c. 4. All Bishops, Superintendents, and Commissioners of visitation shall be present the first day of the Assembly be∣fore noon, and continue untill the end, Under pain of losing half of their stipend for a year, and nevertheless to continue in serving, during that time. 5. Concerning the desire of the Lord Regent to place some of the learned Ministers, Senators in the Colledge of Justice; The Assembly after long reasoning hath voted and concluded, that none is able to beare these two charges: and therefore inhibites all Ministers, that none take upon them to be a Senator, except Robert Pont only, who is already entred by advice, &c. 6. Five articles are presented by the Superint. & Ministers of Lothian; to wit, 1. All the Actes of the G. Assembly should be copied and sent to every Exercise. 2. Such matters as fall out betwixt the Synodall con∣ventions and the Generall Assemblies, shall be notified to every Exercise twenty dayes before the Generall Assembly, and be reported by them. 3. Such matters as are referred by the subordinat assembly unto the Gene∣rall, shall be penned faithfully by the Superintendent's Clerk, and repor∣ted unto the Generall assembly by the Superintendent. 4. that the Gene∣rall assemblies be frequented by the Nobility and Barons as in former times. 5. Ministers, who have not money to buy books, may at this time, have them lowsed unto them by the Collector, and the prices of them to be al∣lowed in their stipends. The Assembly ratifieth all these as profitable. 7. Bishops, Superintendents and Commissioners shall without delay pur∣chase Letters, commanding all men to frequent preaching and prayers, according to the order established in particular congregations; And to charge the Inferior Magistrat, to put into execution the Acts concerning the observance thereof, and for execution of disciplin and punishing of vice. 8. If a man passe out of the country, and leaving his wife shall marry another woman; and his wife shall marry another man in his absence, both are adulterers, unless the sentence of divorcement hath been pronounced by the Judge. Whereas in these Acts mention is made of Exercise, it is to be mar∣that at that time Prsebyteries (or Classes, as others call them) were not erected but the Ministers of a burgh and circumjacent churches did conveen of their own accord on a certain day of the week, in the burgh, and did preach pu∣blickly in the Church per vices for mutuall edification and manifesting the in∣crease of their gifts: and this meeting was called The Exercise. The Assembly * 5.142 conveenes at Edinburgh August. 6. Here were many Earles, Lords, Barons, some Bishops, Superintendents &c. Alexander Arbuthnot Principall of the Coledge of old Aberdien is chosen Moderator. 1. The books of Bishops, Superintend. and Commissioners of visitation were produced, and certain Ministers are appointed to examin their diligence in visitation. John Dou∣glas Bishop of Satandrews was accused for admitting a Papist Priest into the Ministry, to whom the Superintend. of Lothian had prescribed certain injunctions, and he had not obeied them; for not visiting, nor preaching that half year; for giving collation of a Benefice (which was before bestowd on a Minister) to another suspect of Popery; for suffering the Exercise to decay through his default; for admitting some to function in the Church, who were unable and not examined, namely some coming out of Mers &

Lothian; for visiting by others and not by himself. He answered unto the first, he admitted not that Priest, untill he had recanted Popery openly in the Church of Sa••tandrews. The Assembly enjoynes the Priest, to satisfy the injunctions prescribed in Lothian, which he had not obeyd: and in the mean time inhibites him, to exercise any function in the Church. To the next he answered. He had preached personally where he did visite: but ••or si••knes did not visite since the last Assembly. And for other things he preten∣ded ignorance, or weaknes, &c. James Patoun B. of Dunkell was accused, that he had accepted the name of a Bishop, but hath not used the office of a Bishop: he had not proceeded against Papists within his bounds: he is su∣spect of Simony betwixt the Earle Argile and him, concerning the profits of the Bishoprick: yea and of perjury, in that contrary to his oath at the receiving the Bi••hoprick, he gives Acquittances, and the Earle receives the silver. Alex. Gordon B. of Galloway i•• accused that he intruded himself into the office of the Ministry within Edinb. he enticed the people to rebellion against our soverain Lord: he refused to pray for our Soverain, and approved another authority; he being forbidden by the G. Assembly to have any in∣tromission with the parishoners of Ha••••rudhouse, yet compelled them to receive the Sacrament, and caused pretended Balies and men of war to com∣pell the poore people; being sworn by solemne oath unto due obedience unto our Severain and his Regent and authority; he had brok••n his oath by sitting in the pretended Parliament for disposs••ssing our Soverain of his royall Crown & aut••ority; he had given thanks publickly in pulpit for the slaug••ter of the Regent Mathew Earle of Lennox, and exhorted the peo∣ple to do the like: ••••e was a perverter of the people, not only before the Reformation, but at sundry other times. He answered, He was free of all these by the Act of pacification. It was replied, The States had not ab∣solved him (a Bishop) from the censure of the Church in talibus. So he was ordained under the pain of excommunication, to make publick repen∣tance three severail Sundayes, one in the Church of Edinburgh, another in Hal••rudhouse, and the third in the Queen's-colledge-church. Robert Pont was accused, that being Commissioner to visite Murray, he resideth not there, nor hath visited Churches these two years, excep the chief four he hath visited once. He alledgeth want of leisure, because he was ordai∣ned to attend the Colledge of Justice. Whereupon the Superintendent of Lothian moveth the question, Whither it be lawfull by the Word of God, that the administration of the Word and Sacraments, and the ad∣ministration of criminall and civill Justice be so confounded, that one man may occupy both the charges? It was answered, It is neither agreable with the Word of God, not practise of the primitive Church. 2. In Sess. 3 They who receive excommunicate persons should be censu∣red with excommunication after due admonitions, if they desist not: and if they be guilty after admonition, though thereafter they desist, yet they shall make publick r••pentance of that fault. 3. The Secre∣tary of the Counsell presenteth certain heads concerning the assigna∣tion of Ministers stipends. 4. Licence is given to Bishops, Superienten∣dents and Commissioners of visitation, to take notice of the situation of parish churches, and to change them for t••e commodity of the people: as also of the gleebs. 5. They who consult with witches or enchanters should be censured. 6. Great or rich men being guilty of crimes, should be cen∣sured even alike as poor men, and no dispensation should be granted unto them for money though ad pios usus. Where mention is made here of Bis∣hops

and Superintendents, it is to be observed, that at that time the Bishop of Santandrews had the visitation of Fife only; and John Winram had the visitation of Perth-shire; and John Spotswood continued in Lothian as be∣fore. Next concerning these assignations and change of Parish-churches, Bishop Spotswood in Histor. Libr. 5. Shewes, that this Regent subtilly drew out of the power of the Church the thirds of Benefices, promising more sure and ready paiment unto the Ministers, and to make every stipend locall; with express promise, that if they shall find themselves prejudiced they should be reponed to their possession, whensoever they shall require it. But so soon as hee was possessed of the thirds, he took course to joyn two or three or four churches to one Minister (who was tied to preach in them by turns); and he placed in every parish a Reader, to read prayers and the word, in the Ministers absence: and the Reader had 20. or 30. pounds Scots: and the Ministers were put to a necessity of attending the for mer assignation, and then a precept for paiment: or if their necessity did urge to seek augmentation, a petty thing that was granted, was dear bought by the losse of time and charges in seeking it. The Superintendents were no better used: when they complained, that their portion was with-held: it was sayd, Theit office was no more necessary seing, bishops now are in the Diocies, and the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction belongs unto them. So the Regent seeking to enrich himself, losed the Church: and when they sought to be restored to their former possession according to the Act of Parliament and his promise; after many shifts and delayes he told them, Seing the Super∣plus belongs unto the King, it was fitter, the Regent and Counsell should modifie the stipends of Ministers, than that they have the designation of the Superplus. Thirdly observe, that when the proposition was made fairly, to change and unite churches for the expediency of the people, the Assembly gave not power unto the Commissioners, to unite parishes at their pleasure, but gave way unto the proposition, in so far as expediency of the people required; as appeares clearly by a Letter writt by John Erskin (the Super∣intendent) unto the same Assembly, in these words: Hearing that in my absence a complaint was given upon mee, alledging that I had destroyd or caused destroy the church of Inshbrayak, and to have joyned that parishon to the Church of Maritoun: I have thought good, to declair unto your Wi. my part in that cause: I never did destroy a parish-church, but would had the reparation of all; As to that church of Inshbrayak, I in my visitation finding it spoiled, and broken down. did request the parishoners there of, to resort unto the church of Maritoun, being neare unto them, untill their own church were bigged and repaired: to which they did consent, not to continue ever so, but for a time, untill their own church were bigged: the which I wish to be done shortly; and what in mee lyeth to further the same, shall not be omitted; This is the trueth of that matter: And if it be found otherwise, I shall build the church on my expences; If your Wis∣domes think any fault here-in, I am subdued, and shall obey your godly judgement. Under this Letter is written, thus; At Edinburgh August 10. 1573. The Church presently assembled findeth no fault in the premisses done by the Superintendent, but all his proceedings there in worthy of praise. And it is subscribed by the Clerk of the Assembly, J. Gray.

XI. The Assembly conveenes at Edinburgh March. 6. 1574. where * 5.143 were Earls, Lords, Bb. Superintend. &c. Androw Hay Minister is chosen Moderator. 1. The Bishop of Dunkell is ordained to confesse his fault pu∣blickly in the church of Dunk. for not executing the Sentence of the Church

against the Earle of Athole. 2. George Bishop of Murray is ordained to be summoned to give his purgation of the fornication alledged to be com∣mitted by him with the Lady Ardross. 3. Commission was given to certain Ministers to summon the Chapter of Murray before them, to exa∣mine their proceedings, and what ground they had, to give unto the fore∣said George douglas their testimoniall without due tryall of his conversation and literature. 4. Unto the L. Regent and Lords of the Privy Counsell with others of the States now eonveened with his Grace, the Church generall now assembled wisheth everlasting health in Christ; That holy mystery of God is not unknown, who hath ehosen unto himselfe a Church, and that from the beginning, which shall continue for ever; And the same is the company of the faithfull professors of Christ Jesus; And in his Church God hath appointed his holy mysteries to be ministred, and calleth men to be Ministers of them, that by the same Ministry the elect of God may be called, regenerat and nurished unto everlasting life; For preservation of the holy Ministry and Church in purity, the Lord hath appointed Assemblies & conventions not only of the persons appointed unto the Ministry, but also of all the members professing Christ: which the Church of God hath con∣tinually used, and useth the same assemblies sanctified by the word of God, and authorized by the presence of Jesus Christ; It is also known unto your Gr. that since God hath blissed this Country with the light of his Euangell, the wholl Church most godlily appointed, and the same by Act of Parliam, was authorized, that two Assemblies of the wholl generall Church within this realm should be every year, alswel of all members thereof in all States, as of the Ministers: these assemlies have been continually from the first ordi∣nance keept in such sort, that the most Noble and of the highest estate have joined themselves by their own presence in the assemblies, as members of one Body, concurring, voicing and authorizing in all things their proceedings with their Brethren; And now at this present the Church is assembled accor∣ding to the godly ordinance, and looketh to have concurrence of their Bre∣thren in all estates, and wisheth from God, that your Gr. and Lords of Privy Counsell will authorize the Church in this present Ass. by your presence or by yours having your Commission in your Gr^s and LL^s names, as members of the Church of God: for as your Gr^s. persence and the Nobilities should be unto us most confortable, it is most earnestly wished of, So your Gr^s. ab∣sence is unto our hearts most dolorous, and lamented: whereupon followes the want of a great part of the menbers, that can not well be absent from trea∣ting these things, that appertain unto the Church & policy thereof, in assem∣bly all together, to be handled by advice of all; and to which end the assem∣blies are appointed: the authority whereof, your Gr. knowes to be such, as the contempt of it tendeth to the very dishonor of God: And therefore as yee esteem yourselves to be members of Christ and of his Church, shew the fruits thereof, which it is not the least, to ••oin yourselves unto the Church, not only by hearing the word, and receiuing the Sacraments, but in conveening also with your Brethren the holy assemblers; The which to do, wee give you admonition in the name of the Lord, exten∣ding this our admonition to euery person of whatever estate, that are pre∣sent with your Gr. and L L. and especially wee admonish the Bishops and such as are of the Ministry, to ioyn themselves with us according to their duty: Otherwise they will be thought unworthy the office they beare: The time the Church will sit, will be short, and time would not be neglected: and yet the Church is not so precise, but that men may, a••ter their presence

given in the assembly, have liberty, as time requires, to wait upon their lawfull business: And this admonition wee give your Gr. with all reverence & humility: and chiefly in respect, your Gr. by your own articles & que∣stions sent to the Church, desireth first to be admonished charitably, when soever offence ariseth, before the same be otherwise traduced. 5. Some were appointed topenne the heads of the jurisdiction of the Church, and to present them unto the assembly. 6. Concerning the jurisdiction of bis∣hops in their ecclesiasticall function, it is concluded, that the same shall not exceed the jurisdiction of Superintendents, which heretofore they have had, and presently have: And they shall be subject unto the discipline of the gene∣rall assembly, as members thereof, even as the Superintendents have been heretofore, in all sort. 7. No Superintendent nor Commissioner of planting churches shall give Collation of Benefice, nor admit Ministers, without the assistance of three qualified Ministers of their Province, who shall give their testimonialls to the Superintendent or Commissioner, sub∣scribed with their hands in signe of their consent: And likewise that no bishop give collation of any Benefice within the bounds of Superintendents within his Diocy, without their consent and testimonialls subscribed with their hands: And that Bishop within their Diocies visite by them••seves, where no Superintendents is: and give no collation of Benefice without consent of three well qualified Ministers, as said is of Superintendents &c. 8. Com∣missioners were appointed to conveen with the L. Regent and the Lords deputed by the Counsell, To conferre and reason upon the heads of the juris∣diction and policy of the Church, and other heads & articles that shall be pro∣poned by his Gr. unto them. 9. Concerning the appointing of many Chur∣ches unto one Minister, that the matter may be more plain, the Church declares, that howbeit sundry churches are appointed to one Man, yet shall the Minister make his residence at one Church, which shall be his charge properly, and he shall be called Minister of that Church: as for the others unto which he is nominat, he shall have the oversight of them, and help them so as the Bishop, Superint. or Commissioner shall judge expedi∣ent, and occasion shall permit from his principall charge, which he may no way neglect; And this order to remain only, whill God of his mercy send moe labourers into his harvest. For clearing the history, observe first; by comparing what is done in this assembly with what is written immediatly before, we see a variance betwixt this Regent, and the Church: This vari∣ance was not reconciled all the time of his Regiment. It was for Episcopa∣cy, and the uniting of Churches; and both these the Regent affecteth upon account of the Church-rents. And Bishop Spotswood in the Histor. Pag. 273. saith, Nor left he any means unassayed, that served to bring moneys into his cofers: which drew upon him a great deal of hatred. Se∣condly as the Bishops were intruded upon the Church unwillingly, how∣beit way was given for a time, yet (as they said in the Act of accepting them) they delay not to curbe the Bishops both in their jurisdiction and conversa∣tion. Thirdly when the Bishops were so hemmed-in, they are not conten∣ted, but seek to put away Superintendents (as appeares by denying their stipends) and the liberty of meeting in Assemblies: and therefore this as∣sembly do so much urge the authority and necessity of Assemblies. Fourthly they alledge an Act of Parliament for assembling twice in the year: certanly they would not have alledged it in such a manner, if such an Act had not been: but whither it was in the Queens time, or in King James time, it is uncertance, because such an Act is not printed. Fifthly because it was

alledged in the end of the former year, that the jurisdiction of the Church belongeth unto the Bishops, therefore the assembly sets upon a constant policy of the Church; and this was a work of some years, as followes; and the result was the Second book of Discipline. Sixthly the Nationall Church was so far from barring the Supreme Magistrate and Counsellers out of the Assemblies (as a railer against the Scots discipline hath lately vented in print either ignorantly or impudently) that they did not only lament his and their absence, but charged him and them, in Gods name, to be present, &c. And what was the practise after that time; de facto it will appear hereafter. The Assembly conveenes at Edinb. August 7. here were Barons, Bb. Superinten. * 5.144 &c. John Duncanson Min. at Tranent is chosen Moderator. 1. Because Alexander Bishop of Galloway had not satisfied according to the injuncti∣on of the Assembly in the year 1573. John Brand Min. at Halirudhonse is or∣dained under pain of deprivation, to excommunicate him, if he satis∣fy not. 2. If any Bishop, Superintendent or Commissioner of visiting churches shall be found negligent, or not to exerce their debtfull charge in visitation and teaching, or be culpable in life, he shall be censured according to the quality of the offence, either by admonition, pu∣blick repentance, deprivation for a time or simpliciter. 3. No Minister shall use or exercize the office of Collectory or Chalmerlanery under any Bishop or Beneficed person whatever, because it is a distraction from his vocation, Under pain of deprivation. 4. Some articles were sent unto the Lord Regent, namely, that stipends be granted unto a Superintendent in every Province, whither it bee, where no Bishop is, or whe••e is a Bis∣hop who can not dischage his office, as, Santandrews, Glasgow, That in every Church destitute of a Minister such persons may be presented, and ••tipends be granted unto them, as are here present, and whose names shall be delivered by the Bb. Superint. or Commissioners. 5. A complaint was made against the Bishop of Dunkell for ministration of the Lords Supper upon wo••k-dayes; and he is forbidden to do so again, but only upon the Lords day, according to the order of other Churches. 6. If any Parlia∣ment shall be called, or any other weighty cause require the presence of the Body of the Assembly, the Superintendent of Lothian, James Lowson Minister at Edinburgh and David Lindsay Minister at Lieth, shall give ti∣mous premonition unto the Brethren, to conveen; and that Convention shall be reputed an Assembly. 7. The absents from the assembly shall be charged, to compear in the next, to be censured for their absence. Note, 1. James Boyd was enduced by the Lord Boyd to accept the title of the Bishop∣rick of Glasgow, which that Lord had purchased for his own gain of the re∣venues: and in the former Act he is named as unable unto the office: and in the same assembly he excused his negligence in the Church-affaires, because he was employd in other affairs of that office. 2. Within some weeks after that assembly John called Archbishop of Santandrews, went into the pulpit topreach, and falling down died. 3. By an Act under the privy Signet of the date November 21. 1574. it appeares, that John erskin, so long as he had been Superintendent, had not been in the Shiref-court, though he was a Baron; and at that time had exemption granted both for time by past, and to come, during his continuance in that office.

XII. The National Assembly conveenes at Edinb. March. 7. (as they * 5.145 then did reckon) year 1574. where were Earles, Lords, bb. Superin∣dents &c. James Boyd Bishop of Glasgow is chosen Moderator. 1. The bb. of Dunkell, Brechin, Murray and of Glasgow were removed, and

complaints made against every one of them. Alexander Bishop of Gallo∣way now submitteth himselfe. Upon his submission and by solicitation of the Lord Regent, he obtaines dispensation to be accepted, if he will confesle his offence in the church of Halirudhouse only. 2. It is ordained, that none be admitted unto the office of a Bishop, unless he be examined and ap∣proved by the Assembly. 3. No Comoedies nor tragoedies or such playes should be made on any history of Canonicall Scriptures, nor on the sabboth day: If any Minister be the writer of such a play, he shall be deprived of his Ministry; As for playes of another subject, they also should be examined, before they be propounded publickly. 3. Whereas Andrew Graham hath been presented unto the bishoprick of Dunblain, undet the name of a Prea∣cher, albeit he be not one; and it is alledged, that there hath been no conclu∣sion, that all Bb. should first be Preachers; and so if he be qualified to be a Prea∣cher, the presentation should be accepted; therefore the assembly appointeth him to preach on wednesday upon Rom. 5. 1. and nameth certain persons to be present. 4. Bishops, Superintendents and every Minister are enjoined, to admonish all such as were Papists within their bounds, and have sub∣scribed the Confession of faith, according to the Act of Parliament, that they should also participate of the Sacrament duly with their own congregation, under pain, that they shall be held Relapse, and be censured with excommu∣nication. It may appear from these, what manner of Bishops these were, and that the Presenters of them, aimed at their own advantadge, and not at the good of the Church. In the Assembly at Edinburgh August 6. were * 5.146 Bb. Superintendents, &c. Robert Pont is chosen Moderator. 1 When Bb. were removed to be censured, John Dury Minister at Edinburgh prote∣steth, that the tryall of Bishops shall not prejudge the opinions and reasons which he and other Brethren have against the office of such Bishops. 2. A∣lexander Bishop of Galloway delivereth an attestation of his satisfaction ac∣cording to the ordinance: he is restored to the liberty of preaching; and standes still suspended from commission of visitation: but is ordered, to assist John Row Commissioner of Galloway pro hac vice. 3. The Bishop of Dunkell is ordained, to reside with his family at Dunkell before the next Assembly, Under pain of deprivation. Hee is also accused of dilapidation of his Benefice: hee craves, that he may have the liberty of an Advocate to plead for him: this is refused; but he should answer for himself, or chuse a Minister, to argue for him, within three days. 4. Because comely and decent apparell is requisite in all men, especially in these, which have function in the Church; therefore all Ministers and Preachers are forbidden to have any broudering, bagaries of velvet on gown, on cloke or coat, or have any cutting out of their cloaths, stitching with silk, pesments or lace; all variant colours on sherts, rings, bracelets, buttons of silver or of any metall, all velvet, satine, tafety, any licht color, but that all their habite be of grave color, to the end, the good word of God be not slandered by them and their immoderateness; And that their vifes be subject unto the same ordinance. 5. Because the long continuance of Commissioners may induce some ambition & other inconvenients; after long reasoning, it is concluded by the grearter part, that the Commissioners shall be changed yearly. 6. Eight Articles to be presented unto the Lord Regent. 1. for planting the word throghout the realm, it is petitioned, that such Mini∣sters as are not as yet placed, may be received; Ministers which have many churches, may be relieved, and Commissioners be ••ased, and Bb having too great a charge may be helped; And prouision of Commissioners may

be payd for these two years bypast, and in time coming. 2. That such impediments may be removed, which hinder the progresse of the doctrine, such as, abundance of vice un punished, markets on the Lords day, and the troubling of Ministers in execution of theit Ministry. 3. That the order concerning the poore, which before was begun, may be put to full execution: and to that effect, a portion of the tyths, which is the Churche's patrimony, a••swell of the two parts as of the thirds, may be employd for their sustentation, as necessity craves. 4. Because the Schools are the fountains, from which Ministers must flow, that provision may be made for them, not only for Students remaining within the realm, but for some men of good engine, which by this Church shall be found fit, to visite other Churches and Vniversities for their furtherance in learning: and namely for Glasgow, because it is lately erected, and hath not such provi∣sion as other Uniuersities. 6. That all daies, which heretofore have been keept holy, besids the Lords day, to wit, Jule-day, Saints-dayes and such others be abolished, and a civill penalty be appointed against the keepers hereof by ceremonies, banketting, playing and such other vani∣ties. 7. That all Ministers and Readers, who by infirmity and age become unable, may have their stipends enduring their life. 8. That the Clerk of the assembly be answered of the ordinary stipend appointed before in respect of his labours multiplied by writing letters Gratis for use of Mi∣nsters, &c. Concerning the Question, Whither Bishops, as they are now in Scotland, have their function from the Word of God, or not? And whit••er the Chapters, that are appointed for creating them, ought to be tolerated in this Reformed Church? for better resolution heerof the Assembly appoints John Craig, James Lowson, and Andrew Melvin Principall of the Colledge of Glasgow on the one part; and George Hay, John Row and David Lindsay on the other part, To conveen, rea∣son and conferre upon these questions; and to report their judgement and opinion, &c. After two daies these make report, viz, They think it not fit, to answer unto the first question presently: but if any Bishop shal be chosen, which hath not such qualities as the word of God ptescribes, let him be tryed by the Generall assembly de novo, and so let him be deposed. But the points wheron they agree concerning the office of a Bishop or Superintendent are. 1. The name of Bishop is common to all them, that have any particular flock, over which he hath a peculiar charge, alswell to preach the word as to Minister the Sacraments, and to execute ecclesiasticall discipline with consent of his Elders; and this is his chief function by the word of God. 2. Out of this number may be chosen some to have power to oversee and visite such reasonable bounds (besides his own flock) as the Generall Church shall appoint; and in these bounds to appoint Ministers with consent of the Ministers of that Province, and consent of the flock, to whom they shall be appointed; also to appoint Elders & Deacons in every particular congregation, where are none, with consent of the people thereof; and to suspend Ministers for a reasonable cause, with consent of the Ministers foresaid. 8. The Church hath power to cognosce & decern upon heresies, blasphemy, witchcraft and violation of the Lords day, Not prejudging the punishment of the Civill Magistrate. 9. There is no law, that when two persons have committed fornication, nor promise alledged by the woman, the man may be compelled by any particular Church at the suit of the woman or her parents, to marry her, or pay her dowry. 10. Chil∣dren begotten before marriage, are lawfull children. Note. If wee com∣pare

what was done before in the assemblies, this question concerning the Bishops was not a new motion made by Andrew meluin come lately from Geneua: he had not power to command the meanest Minister, and far less to overrule the Assembly. The Church from the beginning of the Re∣formation did oppose that kind of Bishops: and howbeit some of the Popish Bb. had embraced the Reformation, yet had they not any power, but according to commission; and wee have heard, how John Knox in his letter carried the office of Episcopacy under the name of tyranny: and when the conclusions at Lieth were obtruded upon the Church, thogh they did yeeld for a time, yet that office was limited, and in effect but the name remaining: nevertheless the Assembly did protest against the very names and whatsoever power was yeelded unto. Master Meluin said then, The corruptions in the estate of Bishops are so great, that unlesse the Bishops be removed, it can not go weell with the Church, nor can religion be preserved in purity. But he said not ••o much, as Beza had written before in the year 1572. and experience hath confirmed their words: how far was these Nations gone in atheism, if God of his mercy had not stopped them? In that assembly were sixe Bishops besids Superintend. yet none of them did oppose the sifting of the question nor the concl••sions. 2. Howbeit in these conclusions they ex∣press not the negative, because they would not plainly oppose the particu∣lare interest of the Counsell seeking security of the possessions by the title of Bishops: yet these affirmatives take away the pretended office: and more followes.

XIII. The Assembly conveenes at Edinburgh Aprile 25. in the year 1576. * 5.147 were present sixe Bb, Superintendents, &c. John row is chosen Modera∣tor. 1. Plurality of Offices is obiected against Robert hamiltoun Minister at Santandrews: the matter was long debated, and concluded that in respect of that congregation two offices are incompatible in his person. 2. Con∣cerning the advice of the Brethren in the former Assembly concerning Bis∣hops, this assembly after long disputation upon every Article thereof, doe resolutely approve and confirm that advice and every article thereof: and for the better execution thereof, the Assembly ordaines Bishops, which have not as yet received the charge of a particulare congregation, to declare the next day, what particular flock they will take the charge of. 3. Sixe Minister•• and the Superintendent of Anguise are appointed to visite the Col∣le••ges in the University of Santandrewes, and consider the manner and estate thereof, and make report unto the next Assembly. 4. It is conclu∣ded, that they may proceed against the unjust possessors of the patrimony of the Church, in respect of the notorious scandall; to wit, by doctrine and admonition, and if need be, with other censure of the Church; And the patrimony of the Church, where upon the Ministry, the Schools and the poor should be sustained; is ex Jure Divino; leaving further disputation of this matter untill May. 1. and then the description of the patrimony of the Church to be enquired, and reasoning to be, for full resolution of the question. 5. Certain Brethren are appointed, to make Overtures con∣cerning the policy and jurisdicton of the Church; some to conveen at Glasgow, some in Edinburgh, some in Santandrews, and some in Montross upon the first tuisday of July; and to make a generall meeting of two or one at least from every one of these four, in Sterline the last of July, To com∣municat, and cognosce of all their travells: and to conferre universally together, and to report, what they shall conceive in this matter, unto the next Assembly, which is appointed to be in Edinburgh October 24. or if a

Parliament shall conveen, the assembly ordaines the Ministers of Edinburgh to make intimation thereof unto the Bb. Superintendents and Commissio∣ners of visitation, that the Assembly may be conveened four daies before the Parliament, and that the Barons or other Commissioners appointed by the Provinciall Assemblies, be exhorted to be present. It is to be observed, that the wholl matter of jurisdiction was no committed unto every one of these four parties: but particular heads was committed to every person; and their conceptions were to be examined in their particular convention, &c. as will appear by the next Assembly: which conveened at Edinburgh * 5.148 October 24. where were two Bb. Superintendents, &c. John Craig is chosen Moderator. 1. Three Ministers were sent to petition the Lord Regents presence, or some authorized by his commission: they report his answer, that this advertisement was come so suddenly, that he could not be present, nor address Commissioners: but if the Assembly think it meet, he shall appoint some of the Counsell, to conveen with their commissioners, To conferre upon such things as may tend to the furtherance of Gods glory. 2. It is thought good, that the things already penned concerning the Policy of the Church (as was ordained in the late assembly) should be revised, and other particulars, which now may be given-in should be heard and put in good form: The Assembly requesteth the Lord Chan∣cellor, the Laird of Lundy, Ministers Andrew Hay, Andrew Melvin, James Lowson, John Dury, Robert Pont, James Wilky, George Hay, and Clement Litle, To conveen after noon dayly, during this assembly, and conferre what is already penned, with other things that may be given-in: advise thereupon, collect, and put in good form: and report the same unto the Assembly before dissolution hereof. 3. Because the multitude of particulares in the books of Commissioners spend much time, and they who are deputed to revise them, know them not so weell as the provinciall Synods; It is appointed, that the books of the Visiters or Commissioners be tryed in the provinciall Synods, and subscribed by their Clerks, and reported again to each Generall assembly by the Commissioners, that the Church may know their diligence. 4. It is ordained that all Ministers within eicht Myls or otherwise at the discretion of the Visiter shall resort unto the place of Exercise each day of Exercise, and especially the Ministers, who are appointed to prophecy and ad: where in if either of these two shall faile, he shall be censured by the Exercise for the first fault: and by the Synod for the second fault: and if he incurre the third time, he shall be summoned before the Generall assembly. 5. Whereas Patrick adamson is presented to the bishoprik of Santandrews, some do propound, that according to the ordinance of the Assembly concerning Bishops, he should be examined by the Assembly, before he be admitted by the Chapter. The said Patrick answereth, The Lord Regent had discharged to proceed in that manner, because the Act is not consented unto; And the Assembly consents, that answer shall be given to the Lord Regent by the Chapter. 6. Three are sent unto the Lord Regent, for provision to be made unto the Visitors, according to the order. Answer was returned the next day, that the Lord Regent will advise with the rols and the gene∣rall Collector. 7. The Clerk of the Secret Counsell presenteth some questious, for the better expedition of Ministers stipends, and craves in the Regents name, the decision of these questions, at least, of so many of them, as may bee for the time. The assembly appoints sixteen Ministers and the Superintendent of Anguise, to conveen this day after the dissolution

of the assembly, To visite and consider the Heads of the Policy, advise and consult diligently thereupon, and upon these questions, and report their judgements in write unto the next Assembly. 8. Androw hay Commssio∣ner of Cli••sdale was summoned to compear before the Regent and the Counsell, and to bring with him the ordinance made by the Synodall assem∣bly concerning the excommunication of the Captain of Crawford, with the Act whereupon it hath proceeded, that the verity may be known. The Assembly ordaines him and others that were summoned, to give obedience. They went, and when they returned, they declare, that because they had not produced the ordinance and act foresaid (which they could not do, because the Clerk was taken up for the time) the Consell had suspended the Sentence of excommunication, untill these were produced; and they had protested for the liberty of the Church. 9. Thomas hepburn was accused for teaching, Never a soul goeth to heaven before the later day. After reading of this article, the assembly without any exception condemneth it as hereticall, and contrary unto the reueeled word of God; and inhibites all persons to maintain it privatly or publickly; and appoint certain Brethren, to confer with this Thomas, for his resolution; and in the the mean time discharges him from entring into the Ministry, untill the Church see further concerning him. 10. The Chapter of Santandrews gave up the examina∣tion of Patrick adamson, unto the assembly: and he refuses again, to submitt unto the the Assembly. 11. Saltpans and other work which drawes away people from hearing the word of God should not be permitted on the Lords day; and the violaters to be debarred from the benefits of the Church, untill they shew their repentance. 12. No burialls should be withim the walls of a church, and the contraveeners should be suspended from the benefits of the Church, till, &c. 13. James Bishop of Glasgow being required, to declare of what particular flock he would take the charge, gave this answer in write; Forsomuch as it is not unknown unto your W. that yee gave commission unto certain godly and discreet Brethren, to treat and conclude with certain Noblemen appointed Commssioners by John Earle of Marre the Kings Regent: in which Conference it was agreed by the Commissioners of both sorts, that the names, style and jurisdiction of Bb. with the form and manner of institution was ordained to remain and stand, enduring the Kings years of minority, or untill a Parliament shall decide otherwise; and conform to that order I was received into the Bis∣hoprick of Glasgow, and gave my oath unto the Kings Majesty in things appertaining to his Highness; and if I would change any thing appertai∣ning to the order or power or priviledges thereof, I should be afrajed to in∣curre perjury, and may be called by his Majesty for changing a member of his State: But to the end, your W. may know, that I desire not to be exeemed from bestowing such gifts as God hath communicat unto mee, I am content at your command to haunt a particular Church, and teach there; when I shall be in the Shirefdom of Aire, at the sight and discretion of the Brethren of that Country; and when I am in Glasgow, to exercize likewayes at some part where the Brethren there shall think most necessa∣ry......without the prejudice of the power and jurisdiction, which I re∣ceived with the Bishoprick, untill the time prescribed in the said Confe∣rence......at which time I shall be content with all reformation, as shall be found expedient. The assembly is content with this answer untill the next Assembly. Observe 1. That the articles of the discipline were debated at this Assembly, and further consulation was appointed.

2. Before this Assembly the Chancelor Lord Glamms had written unto the Church of Geneva for their advise in the point of jurisdiction: and after this Assembly Beza in answer sent his book, De triplici Episcopatu, Divi∣no, Humano, & Satanico. It is true, that Saravia wrote an answer unto that book afterwards: but how therein appeares the weakness of his judge∣ment, and the partiality of his affection, I leave it to be considered. I add on∣ly. 1. It can not be denied that those three sorts of Bishops have been in the Church. 2. When the device of man justleth out the appointment of God, that device can not bring a blessing with it, but is rather permitted for a judgement.

XIIII. The Assembly coveenes at Edinburgh Aprile 1. year 1577. * 5.149 were present Bb. of Glasgow & Dunblain, Superintendents, &c. Alexander arbuthnot Principall of the colledge of Aberdien is chosen Moderator. 1. Because the Moderator was not in the preceeding assembly, and so knowes not what was done; at his desire it is appointed, that the Superintendent of Anguise and other sixe Ministers shall concurre with him at seven hours in the morning, to advise upon the things, that shall be thought good, to be handeled in this assembly. 2. The principall matter to be handled is the policy of the Church: so the Brethren were called to give account of their diligence. The heads penned by John Row and James Lowson were read, and nothing was gain said, but only one argument was referred to fur∣ther disputation, and all were required, if they had any argument in the con∣trary, to propound it; or if they would not argue publickly, to resort unto these Commissioners, for their satisfaction; Leaving also liberty to pro∣pound their argument in publick, before the heads be recollected, and ordered in one body. The Superintendent of Anguise said, the head that was assigned unto him, was obscure: The assembly ordereth him, to conferre with the other Commissioners the next morning at seven hours. The heads committed to Androw Hay were read, and nothing was oppo∣sed: only the article of suspending Ministers was referred to further reaso∣ning. David Ferguson's part was approved; only one article was referred. Of what was committed to John Craig, some were ordered to be contra∣cted, and others referred to further reasoning. When all was read, four Ministers were appointed to dispose them all in a convenient order; and if any man would object against any particular, he should have place. 3. Accusation was layd against Patrick Adamson, that he had entred into the Bishoprick of Santandrews against the acts of the Generall assembly, and had usurped, the office of Visitation without commission, and left his of∣fice of Ministry. Because he is not present to answer, the assembly gives their full power to Robert Pont, James Lowson, David Ferguson and the Superintendent of Lothian conjunctly, or in case of the Superinten∣dents inhability to David Lindsay or John Brand, To direct summons a∣gainst the said Patrick to compear before them at such day or dajes, as they shall think good, Within Edinburgh, To try & examine his entry and proceedings to the said usurpation of visitation, and deserting his ordina∣ry Office of the Ministry; With power unto them, to summon the Chapter of Santandrews, or so many of the Chapter, as they shall judge expedient, if need be; and the Ordainers or inaugurers of the said Patrick, as they shall think good for the better tryall of the premisses; and what they shall find heer-in, by process of examination report unto the next assembly; And in the mean time to discharge him of further visitation, untill he be admitted by the Church. 4. James blakwood having two Benesices, the personage

of Sawchar and Vicaradge of Salin, is ordained to dimit the one. 5. Certain Min. were directed, to inform the Lord Regent, that the Church is abont the matter or argument of the Church-policy: and when they shall have proceeded in it, they will give him advertisement. They went: and returning, report, that the Lord Regent is well pleased with their travells, and exhorts them to expede: And if any thing occurre in the mean time, let them give him information, and they shall have his answer. 6. Some peti∣tions weresent unto the L. Reg as, that provision may be made for Visitors: that persons deprived by the Church for not doing of their Office, may be deprived of their Benefice: that he would put order to them who sell their Benefice: that when a Benefice, shall vake, it may be bestowed on him who serveth at that Church, and not on another not so well qualified, &c. These who were sent with these petitions, after they had waited some dayes for answer, return and report, that because they had not commssion in writ, his Gr. would give them no answer. 7. The Brethren that were appointed to collect and digest the heads of the policy, deliver them, and all men are required to propound, what argument they have against them. Three of them, de Diaconatu, de Divortiis & Jure Patronatus; were called into doubt, and nothing objected against the rest. These three were disputed In utramque partem, and it was appointed to argue more of them the next day. 8. The Assembly considering the iniquity overflowing the wholl face of this common-wealth in so great light and revelation of the true religion; and provoking the justice of God to take vengeance on so unthankfull a Nation: And the many and perillous stormes and rage of persecution against the true members of Christ in France and in o∣ther parts, Likewise the establishing of a setled order and policy in the Church being now in hands: Have thought good, that earnest recourse shall be had to God with common supplications: and so that a generall fast be ob∣served in all the churches of the realm with doctrine & instructions unto the people, to begin the second sonday of July, and to continue untill the next Sonday thereafter, &c. 9. Because the marter of the policy is not as yet in such form as is requisit, and some heads must be contracted, and others enlarged, for avoiding superfluity and obscurity, the substan∣tials being keept; Some Ministers are appointed to use diligence in the pre∣misses; And that the work may be the more perfected before the next as∣sembly (which is ordained to begin at Edinburgh Octob. 25.) other Mi∣nisters are appointed to conveen there Octob. 19. to consider the travells of the before named Ministers; And the Visitors of Provinces are ordained to make intimation unto the Noble men and Barons, that this work is in hand, and to be treated in the next Assembly, desiring their presence and concurrence, &c. Observe 1. In the first particulare a litle thing was be∣gun for a personall use, and thereafter the same was continued and turned to a common evill. These who were appointed to informe the Modera∣tor at that time, in the assemblies following were chosen under the name of The privy conference: and power was given unto them, to conferre with the Moderator upon the purposes to be treated in the assembly, and to form the Acts before they were read in the assembly. This was like unto that, which in the Councell of Trent was called The Congregation. Within some years all matters were debated and concluded in the Privy Conference; and the body of the assembly had litle to do: namely, after the year 1597. such men were named to be on the Privy Conference, who for the most part were known to favour the purpose intended: and one

or two whom the chief leaders knew to be contrary minded, were also named to be there, to the end, they might know, what the contrary party would object: and when the acts were in voting and penning, these two or mo could do nothing by their few votes: and when their conclu∣sions were propounded in the open assembly, it was called presumption, to oppose what was debated and concluded by the Priuy conference: especially after the erection of Bishops, the Archbishop of Santandrews by his power did name the Privy conference: and so were things carried both in the Ge∣nerall and Episcopall or Diocesane Synods. 2. The Authour of Vindiciae Philadelphi, Pag. 53. Shewes, that Patrick adamson was a Minister soon after the reformation, and because of the small stipends at that time, left the Ministry, and went to France, to study the lawes: and when he returned, he became an Advocat: thereafter he turned again into the Ministry, at Paisly: from that he removed to be Chaplain unto the Court, that so he might attain a Bishoprick: for then the Courtiers sought men unto the name of Bishops, whom they could find contented with a cheap portion: and he accounted that portion better then a Ministers stipend; he gote the Bishoprick of Santandrews, when he knew that the assemblies were going to abolish that Office (and wee have heard before from The histo∣ricall narration how he distinguished the three sorts of Bishops.) At that time when he was summoned before these Commissioners, he dissem∣bled his mind, and promised to obey whatsoever the Church shall de∣cern of Episcopacy: and nevertheless did (so far as he could) under∣mine what the Church was a doing. In the year 1582. he was taken with a lingring sicknes, and sought the aid of a witche: when he had keept, within doores almost a year, scarcely having recovered health he in a Sermon before the King did inveigh bitterly against the Order of the Church & assemblies: to wit, being guilty of his offences he both privatly and publickly did strive against the Church as his mortall enemy. So far there. and more followes afterwards. In the next Assembly at Edinburgh Octber 25. David Lindsay was chosen Modarator, and the Privy Confe∣rence * 5.150 set, as is said before. 1. The assembly directes some Ministers unto the Lord Regent, entreating his presence or Commssioners in his name. Three severall dayes they sent, and his answer still was, that he was so taken up with publick affaires, that the could not be present, but he wil∣led them to continue in the matter of the Policy. and put it to an end. 2. What was done in that matter, was propounded in the second Session, and all men were required, to declare the next day any other head or particu∣lare, if they knew any meedfull to be disputed. These heads (but no new ones) were disputed again and again in severall dayes. 3. Patrick adamson brings from the Lord Regent, a Letter which was sent unto him from the Queen of England, shewing that a Councell was to be at Mag∣deburg, for establishing the Augustan Confession: and craving the advice of the assembly, whither they think good to sent thither any Ministers of this Nation, and whom they will name. The next day were named And. Melvin, Patrick adamson, David Cuningham, George Hay, David Lindsay, William Cristeson, Alex. arbuthnot, and Rob. Pont: John Craig was sent to shew this nomination unto the Regent, that he may choose any two or three of them for that end. After two days John Craig reports, that the Regent was well pleased, they had given him the choice, and in his opinion Androw Melvin, George hay and Alexander arbuht not were meet: yet craving the advice of the assembly herein, that thereafter he may re∣solve

with the Counsell. Three were sent again to know the Regents will concerning Andrew melvin & George hay: and •••• as he would appoint the Modefiers of the Ministers stipend•• to conveen for ordering the Roles. They report, he was pleased with these two, and had appointed the Mode∣fiers to conveen. 4. In Session 13, the heads of the Policy of the Church were read publickly, and agreed upon, except that head De Diaconatu; as also that they shall be presented unto the Regent, as agreed upon, as said is: without prejudice of further reasoning. So James Lowson, Rob. Pont, David Lindsay and the Clerk of the Assembly are ordered to put them in mund•• according to the originall; and John Duncanson, David ••••rguson and John Erskine of Dun••are appointed to revise them; and being found, conform ••nto the originall, the first three are ordered to present them with a Supplication in name of the Assembly. And if the Regent will crave conference upon these heads, the Assembly nameth Patrick adamson, John Erskin of Dun, John Craig, John Row, Alexander arbuthnot, Andrew meluin, James Lowson, Ro. pont, David Lindsay, An. Hay, Geo. Hay and John Duncanson to wait upon the Conference, when the Regent shall advertise.

XV. The Assembly conveenes at Edinb 24. 1578. And. Melvin is chosen * 5.151 Moderator. 1. Some are sent unto the King and Counsell, to petition, that he would send Commissioners in his M^s name to assist the assembly with their presence and counsell. The answer was, Two shall be deputed the next day. 2. It is appointed, that Bishops and all others bearing ecclesiasticall function shall be called by their own names, or Brethren. 2. The Brethren, that were appointed by the preceeding Assembly, declare that as they were ordered, they had presented unto the L. Regent the book of Policy and the Supplica∣tion; and a day appointed for a Conference: but the alteration of Authority hath interveened; and for preventing corruption in the the beginning of his Ma^s Government, they had presented unto his Ma. and Counsell a Supplica∣tion with four articles, one for observing the Act of Parliament concerning these who beare Office in the realm; another for putting order to the late murder in Sterlin; a third for the policy of the Church: and a fourth for support against the appearing famine. The Lord Heres and the Abbot of Deir (who were sent by the Counsell) were asked their opinion concer∣ning these Articles. They answer, They were sent, not to vote or con∣clude, but to heare and see the proceedings of the Assembly: and they would insist at the hands of the Counsell for answer unto their Articles. In the next Session some were directed unto the Lord Heres and the Abbot, to put them in remembrance of the answer unto the Articles that were sent unto the Counsell: and also to demand of the Counsell, Whither they were directed unto the Assembly to give their advice in all things tending to the glory of God and well of his Church, or only to hear? and if the Brethren find it expedient, themselves to propound unto the Counsell both the one and the other. When they returned, they reported, Some difficulties were in the Articles, and the Counsell hath appointed two to conveen the next day at eight of the clock in the morning with such as the Assembly will appoint to argue: but they give them not power as Com∣missioners from the King to vote in the Assembly, because the King is not present, and they had not spoken with him of this point, yet as brethren and members of the Church they shall give their advice, & vote. The as∣sembly appoints sixe Brethren to conveen too morrow, to counsell and reason with the Commissioners of the Counsell. 3. A day was appointed, when every man, who had any doubt or argument against the book of

disciplin, should propound his argument. And at that time none offered any argument in the contrary. 4. The brethren that were appointed to conferre with the Deputies of the Counsell, report that the Deputies willed the Assembly, to name the persons whom they do suspect of Papistry, and by some of their number to admonish these persons to subscribe the articles of Religion, or Confession; and if they be disobedient, to intimate that unto the counsell, and also to proceed against the disobedients with the cen∣sures of the church. The assembly nameth the Chancelor, the Earls of ••ait∣nes & Mongumery, and the L. Ogilvy; and sent J. Row & Ja. Lowson to deal with the Chancelor; and J. Craig & J. Duncanson ••nto the others. In the the fourth Session thereafter, these brethren report, that Earle of Cait••nes desireth to see and read the Confession. Ogiluy declares, that he had subscribed it before he went out of the country, and is willing to subscribe it again: and they had not occasion to meet with the others. The Mini∣sters of these parts, where they shall make their repair, are ordained to admonish them; and if they find disobedience, to proceed with the censure of the Church against them. 5. Because there is great corruption in the estate of Bishops, as they are now made in this realm whereunto the Church would provide remedy in time coming; therefore it is concluded, that no Bishops shall be elected before the next Gen. Assembly; and dischar∣ges all Ministers & Chapters to proceed in the election of a Bishop in the mean time, Under the pain of perpetuall deprivation from their Office; And that this matter be proponed first in the next Gener. Assembly, to be consulted what further Order shall be followed herein; And if any Bene∣fice waikes where is a qualified Minister serving the Church, it is ordained, that no Visitors give Collation of these Benefices to any other person but unto the Minister of that church, before the next G. assembly. 6. It is ap∣pointed that Robert Pont, James Lowson, and David Lindsay, shall review the book of disciplin, and being written according to the Ori∣ginall, one copy to be presented by them unto the King, with a Sup∣plication penned to that effect, and another Copy unto the Coun∣sell; The time to be at their opportunity, so that it be before the pu∣blick fast; And if conference shall be craved, these brethren shall ad∣vertise John Craig, Alex. arbuthnot, John Erskin of Dun, W. Cristeson, John Row, David Ferguson, Ro. pont, James lowson, David Lindsay, John Duncanson, An. melvin, An. hay, To conveen at the time ap∣pointed by the King & Counsell, &c, 7. The Assembly considering the universall corruption of the body of the realm; the great coldness and slackness of religion in the greatest part, with the dayly increase of fearfull sins, as incest, adultery, murders and namely recently committed in Edin∣burgh & Sterlin, cursed sacriledge, ungodly divisions within the bowels of the realm, with all manner of disorderly & ungodly living, which hath provoked our God although long-suffering, to streatch out his arm in anger, to correct and visite the iniquity of the Land, especially by the present dearth and famine, Joyned with the civill and domesticall seditions, where upon doubtless greater judgements must succeed, if these corrections work not reformation or amendement in mens hearts: Seing also the bloody conclu∣sions of that Romane Beast tending to raze from the face of Europe the true light of the blest word of saluation: For these causes and that God of his mercy would blesse the Kings Ma. and his regiment, and make his Gover∣nment happy & prosperous; As also to put in His heart and the hearts of the States of Parliament, not only to make & establish good Politick lawes for

the we of the realm but also to set & establish such discipline in the Church as is craved by the word of God, and is alrealy penned to be presented unto his Ma. and Counsell, That in the one and other, God may have his due praise, and the age to come may have an example of upright & godly dealing: Therefore it is ordained that a fast be keept in all the churches, to begin the first sunday of Juny and to continue untill the next sunday inclusive, with accustomed exercise of doctrin & prayer, &c. 7. The next Assembly is appointed to be July. 7. if the Parliament hold, which is already proclamed Or if it hold at any othet time before October 24. that the brethren shall conveen in the place four days before, and otherwise, to conveen Octob. 24. * 5.152 at Edinburgh. Because the Parliament held at Sterlin in I••ny, therefore the Assembly conveenes at Sterlin Iuny 11. Iohn Row was chosen Moderator. 1. Some were sent unto the King craving that Commissioners might be sent in his name unto the assembly. 2. The Act of the former assembly con∣cerning the election of Bishops, this assembly in one voice concludes to be extended into all time coming: and that all Bishops already elected, shall be required particularly to submit themselves unto the Generall assembly, for reformation of that estate of Bishops in their persons, and if they refuse, after admonitions the censure of excommunication shall proceed against them. The Bishop of Dumblain offered his submission presently. 3. The act of the former assembly concerning Collation of Benefices, is confir∣med untill the next Assembly. 4. These which were appointed to present unto the King and Counsell, the copies of the book of disciplin, shew, that they had done according to the Commission; and his answer was, that not only would he concurre with the Church in all things, that may advance true religion presently professed, but would also be a Proctor for the Church; and then he had presented their Supplication unto the Coun∣sell; and they had appointed some unto a Conference, and what was done there, is ready to be shewd. The next day these things were publickly read. I. In the beginning of the Conference it was thought good, that a Supplication be penned by the Assembly concerning those that shall vote in Parliament in name of the Church. This is appointed to be penned by John Row and Robert Pont, and be brought unto the Assembly on Mooneday. II. Concerning the Observations, the Assembly proceeds as followes. In Chap. 2. the 3. article is agreed-upon conform to the con∣ference. In Chap. 3. the 7. article is to be further considered: the tenth ar∣ticle is thought plain in itselfe. Concerning the advice, what censure shall be put to non-residents, the Church thinks meet, a civill law be craved, decerning the Benefice to vaik for not-residence: In Chap. 4. the 9. article agreed conform to the conference: and desiring the penalty of persons excommunicat to be horning or caption, by speciall act of Parliament, to be executed by the Treasurer or others, whom it will please his Majesty to ap∣point. In Chap. 5. agreed with the two supplications desired. In Chap. 6. the perpetuity of the persons of the Elders agreed conforme. Here the book of the Assembly wants two leafes. Then is some what of visitation of colled∣ges, schools and hospitalls, and the book wants other two leafes. Then con∣cerning commissioners of countries or Provinces: and other two leafes are wanting. The next assembly is appointed to conveen at Edinb. Octob. 24. The historicall Narration saith, All that could be obtained in this Parliament was a Commission to conferre upon the Heads of the book: the Commis∣sioners, which sought the ratification of it, took this for a shifting, seing the book was before allowed in the conference, except four particulares

wherein was no difficulty, and were now expla••••ed by the Assembly: and therefore they craved, that at last so many may be ratified as were agreed upon: that was not granted: for Morton was the chief leader in this Par∣liament. In the assembly October 24. David Ferguson is chosen Mode∣rator. 1. The Noble men in the town are desired to be present. 2. At * 5.153 the desire of the assembly came the Lord Chancelor, the Earle of Montrose, the L. L. S••ton & Lindsay. It was shewd by the Moderator, what care and study the church had taken to entertain and keep the purity of the sincere word of God unmixt with the inventions of their own heads: which their speciall care was to reserve unto the posterity: and seing true religion can not continue long without good Disciplin, in that part also they have em∣ployd their wit & study, and drawn forth of the pure fountain of Gods word such a discipline as is meet to remain in the church: this they have presented unto the Kings M. with their supplication: at whose direction certain com∣missioners were appointed to reason with these who were appointed by the church: there the wholl matter being disputed, it was resolved and agreed, except a few heads: and thereafter being presented unto the Lords of the articles, that the same disciplin might take place, and be established by acts & lawes of the realm: but their travells have not succeeded: praying therefore the Nobility present alswell openly to make profession to the assembly, if they will allow and maintain the religion presently established within the realm, as also the disciplin and policy already mentioned: and to labour at the Kings and Counsells hands for answer unto the Heads after follo∣wing, that is, that his Gr. and Counsell will establish such heads of the po∣licy as were already resolved and agreed-upon by the Commissioners, and cause the others to be reasoned and put to an end: and that his Gr. and Counsell will restore the church unto the act of Parliament concerning the thirds: and that none vote in Parliament in name of the church, but such as shall have commission from the church for that effect: and that presen∣tations of Benefices be directed to the commissioners of countries, where the Benefices lye: And to the end, the matter may be the better and sooner exped, that their Lordships would appoint a time convenient thereunto, as they may best spare, that such brethren as shall be named, may wait upon their Honours. The Noble men answered, that some of them had made publick profession of the Religion heretofore: and all now declair, they em∣brace the religion, and shall maintain the same to their power: and in the other particulares, they think, that supplication be made unto the King and Counsell, and they will insist with the King for his answer: and they will shew them to morrow the time for that effect. 3. The act of the preceeding assembly concerning the suspension of Benefices, the Assembly otdaines it to stand in full strength untill the next Assembly. 4. James boid Bishop of Glasgow being required to submitt according to t••e Act of the last assem∣bly, gave his answer in write as followes: I understand the name, office and reverence born to a Bishop to be lawfull by the Scriptures of God: and being elected by the Church and King to be Bishop of Glasgow, I esteem my calling and office lawfull: and as for my executing of that charge com∣mitted unto mee, I am content to endeavour at my utmost ability, to perform the same and every point thereof, and to abide the judgement of the Church from time to time, if I offend in my duty: Craving always a brotherly construction at their hands, seing the charge is weighty, and the claimes to be layd to my charge are to be examined by the Canon left by the Apostle, 1 Tim. 3. as that place was pointed unto mee at my re∣ception,

thereby to understand the duties of a Bishop; As for my living and rents and other things granted by the Prince unto mee and my successors for serving that charge, I reckon the same lawfull; As to my duty unto the Supreme Magistrate in assisting his Gr. in counsell or parliament, when I am craved thereunto, my subjection compelles mee to obey it, and it's no hurt but good to the Church, that some of our number be at the making of good lawes and ordinances; in the doing whereof I protest before God, I intend never to do anything but what I believe shall stand with the purity of the Scriptures and a well reformed country; As also a good part of the living, which I possess, hath been given for that cause. This answer was read, and after voting is judged not satisfactory: and therefore he is o••dered to return after noon with better resolution. Here the books of the Assembly want two leafes: and it appeares, thaet asupplication was sent unto the King and Counsell by these imperfect words following, Vices universally abounding within this realm may be punished and bridled; and to insist with convenient, diligence with his Ma. & Counsell for granting the premisses: And to reporte 5. All that are now, or hereafter shal be deposed from the Ministry for their offenses, shall be charged by the commissioners of the bounds to dimitt their Benefice....and if they disobey, to proceed against them with censures of the church....6. Because Bihops are to be charged, to remove the corru∣ptions of that estate; the particulares are named, to wit. 1. That they be content to be Pastors or Ministers of a flock. 2. They shall usurp no criminall jurisdiction. 3. they shall not in Parliament vote in name of the Church without commission from the Church. 4. That they take not up for mantenance of their ambition and riotousness the emoluments of the Church, which may sustain many Pastors, and help the Schooles & poore, but be content with a reasonable living according to their Office. 6. They shall not domineer over the particular Eldership, but be subject unto it. 7. That they usurp not the power of Presbyteteries. 8. They shall not take further bounds of visitation, than the Church committs unto them. With∣all they shall promise, that if the G. Assem. shall find any other corruption in that estate, they shall be content to be reformed by the assembly according to the word of God. VII. Because many send their children over sea into places where superstition and Papistry is maintained, Under pretence of seeking further learning; And others of perfect age go away under the same pretense; and become (for the most part) corrupt in religion; It is or∣dained, that the parents of these children, or that heerafter shall send their chidren into such places, shall be charged by their own Ministers, to call their children home again with all convenient expedition, Under the pain of excommunication; And they, who being of perfectage, have gone or shall go into such places, shall be charged in like manner to remove them∣selues out of these places. Observe. 1. how these lea••es of the books were taken away, it will appear hereafter at the year 1587. 2. The historicall Narration shewes, that James Bishop of Glasgow did not submit at that sy∣nod; but at last he did yeeld, and his submission in write was brought unto the next assembly; As also Commission was given in that Octob. unto certain Ministers to charge Patrik Bishop of Santandrews for transgressing the tenor of his former submission, and to charge him to forsake the corruptions of the estate of a Bishop in his person, as they shall be particularly specified unto him: and if he refuse after due admonitions, to excommunicat him. That commission was renued in July, year 1579. to charge him de novo, to quite the particular corruptions: and to charge him with these offences.

1. That having submitted unto the assembly, he went thereafter and voted in Parliament. 2. he gave Collation of a Vicarage, having no power where the Vicarage lyeth. 3. albeit he had consented unto all the Heads of the Policy but four yet he opposed it in the Parliament. In a word all the Bishops were brought into subjection, did submitt, and quite the corrupti∣ons of that estate, and obeyd the Act, that was made against Bishops in Iuly 1580. In that assembly the Bishop of Dunkell, who had been deposed before, for not recovering a Tack made to the Earle of Argile was charged to dimitt his Bishoprick, and report the losse of dilapidation of the rents, Under the pain of excommunication. So far there: which for brevity I conjoin here. Seing Bishops had never the allowance of the Nationall assem∣bly, and being intruded were subdued in this manner at that time; how can any man say (unless he be ignorant of the estate of the Church, or petverse in mind) that the only governement of the Church of Scotland was by Bishops and Superintendents, when the second Confession of faith was subscribed, to wit, in the year 1581?

XVI. The assembly conveenes at Edinburgh July. 7. year 1579. Tho∣mas Smeton is chosen Moderator. 1. John Duncanson the Kings Mini∣ster * 5.154 brings a Letter from his Ma. in these words; Right trusty and wel∣beloved, wee greet you heartily well. Understanding of your present as∣sembly at Edinburgh and for the rumors, that pass of some things, that are to be treated among you, that may seem prejudiciall to that good order of government of the church and ecclesiasticall policy heretofore long travelled-in, and hoped-for; Wee have taken occasion to shew our mind in this behalf, unto the Minister of our own house and some other of your number, hapning to be present with us, in this cause We have thought meetest to use them as our Messingers, to carry our letter, whereby wee will heartily desire and affectuously admonish you, that in this our young age, the time being subject to so many difficulties and imperfections, to bestow your common care and good wills, to entertain peace & quietnes in Gods fear and Our due obedience, forbearing any proceeding at this time, that may touch matters heretofore not concluded by Our lawes, or received into practise: but whatever in the former Conferences touching the Policy of the Church was remitted to be reasoned and decided by Our States in Parliament, let it rest without prejudging the same by any of your conclu∣sions at this time, seing Our Parliament now so shortly approaches, and that Wee are well pleased and content, that before the same, such matters as are not yet fully reasoned, may be further consulted upon, and pre∣pared to pass in form of lawes; And the meetest for that work to be ex∣pressly emploid therein, to the end, the things conferred & agreed upon, may be presented to Our Estates, to be approved in Our said Parliament, and due execution to follow for the advancement of Gods true religion, and the repose of you and other our good subjects the members of the church of God within our realm; and for this cause that yee will not only be the authors and persuaders of common peace & concord among all of your own function, but among all other Our subjects generally, as in the particular Churches, where yee travell, that some men too busy to work the contrary effects, may find themselves disappointed, and that Our wholl Estate by your exemple may be rather disposed to conform them∣selves to a godly & peaceable course of living, which wee are assured, shall be pleasing to God, and to us it will be most acceptable, as yee may per∣suade yourselves of our willing inclination, to set forward this action ac∣cording

to Gods will and word, with all the diligence and good means, that may be used: and so looking to be informed of this Our reasonable re∣quest & admonition, Wee commit you unto the protection of God. At our castle of Sterlin July 5. 1579. It was directed, To our trusty and welbeloved the Ministers and others of the Church presently assembled at Edinburgh. This Letter was humbly received, read, and ordained to be registred. In answer, after some dayes Commission and full power was given first unto ten Barons with all the Commissioners of Provinces and sixe other Ministers and such as shall be directed from the Burghs or the most put of that number, To conveen where the Parliament shall hold, two dayes before it's meeting, and there advise, conceive and form such heads and articles as they shall think meet to be proponed in name of the Church unto the Parliament, for maintaining Gods glory and the good of the policy of the Church; To desire with all humility and affectu∣ously to crave the same to be granted: To conferre and reason there, upon the said heads and such as shall be proponed unto them, Even so as the assembly might do, if they were present. Likewise power was given to John Erskin of Dun, John Dunkanson, Andrew Hay, John Craig, Tho∣mas Smeton and And. Melvin to passe unto the Kings Majesty and Counsell in Sterlin with convenient expedition to present the heads, articles and com∣plaints [after following] with humble reverence and instance...........1. The Church craves, his Majesty make generall prohibition, that none of the inhabitants of the realm send their children to Paris or any other University or town professing Papistry, under such pain as his Majesty and Counsell shall think expedient. 2. That his Majesty would cause the Pro∣vests and Masters of the Colledges of the University of Santandrews, to produce the foundations [or primary Grants] of these colledges, to be con∣sidered by his Ma. and such as he shall appoint; that these may be sighted, and reformation made therein, as shall be judged expedient. 3. Because some Jesuits are already within this country, that order may be taken with them, as is requisit. 4. Because one Minister is not sufficient to wait upon his Majesty and house, To crave tha•• his Majesty would be content another of the best qualities within the realm to be joined with Iohn Duncanson in the whol Ministry of his house. 5. Because in the last Conference at Sterlin at his M^s command concerning the Policy of the church, some articles were referred to further conference, To crave that persons unspotted with such corruptions as are desired to be reformed, may be named by his Majesty to proceed in further conference of the policy, and time and place to be ap∣pointed for that effect. 6. Because the Church understandes, that his Majesty by advice of his Secret-counsell directeth Letters to stay the execu∣tion of the Acts of the Generall assembly: As also summoneth Ministers, that proceed in tryall of excommunication, (which is pronounced by them, according to the word of God and disciplin of the Church) And stayth the pronouncing of the same (as the Commissioners will declare particularly;) therefore his Ma. hereafter would suffer the Acts of the Generall assembly to be put to execution, and namely, that excommunication being pronoun∣ced may have due execution. Likewise the proceedings of the former Conference at Sterlin, were now read and conferred with the book of di∣scipline. 2. The assembly weighing the apostasy of Ninian daliel Master of the grammer-school of Dumfrise, deposeth him simpliciter from the function of the Ministry, and suspends him from teaching the School, un∣till als good experience be had by them of his good life as they have of his

defection; And in the mean time ordaines one of the Doctors of the school (if he be sound in religion) to teach that schoole; And ordaines him to confesse his offence, in the face of the assembly; and thereafter in the Church of Dumfrise, and other parts where he hath abused the simple people; and also publickly in presence of the Commissioner to revoke his errors, and professe the contrary truth, craving God and his Church pardon; And that immediatly after his and the Commissioners pas∣sing home, Under the pain of excommunication, &c. This Ninian Daliel delivereth unto the assembly his judgement concerning the heads of religion, subscribed with his hand, protesting before God, that not for favor nor fear of flesh he affirmed the doctrin contained therein, and is minded to live alwayes and dy in it. This paper is found to agree in all points with the judgement of the the Church. 3. Some questions were propounded by the Provinciall Synods. 1. Because great inconvenients have ensued; and dayly do ensue by Readers, a wholl Sy∣node hath inhibite all Readers to Minister baptism, or solemnize marriage, permitting to them, but the proclamation of the banns, and simple reading of the text of Scripture; And now that Synod desireth an uniform order may be established through all the Provinces. Resp. So many Readers as any Synode findeth unmeet to solemnize marriage, let them be inhibited by them. 2. Sundry Ministers have plurality of Benefices, where by some Churches are disappointed of Service; It is craved that an universall order may be prescribed, that the Minister shall serve where his Benefice lyeth or that he make provision for the same. Resp. It is agreed. 3. Presbyteries would be erected, where the Exercise is used, untill the Policy be establis∣hed by a law. Resp. The Exercise is a Presbytery. 4. Whit her any may be suffered to read in a Church, in ••ase of necessity, without admission, althogh he be an Elder or deacon. Resp. Negatur simpliciter. 5. Whither it be lawfull to marry on week-days, a sufficient number being present, and joyning preaching thereunto. Resp. It is lawfull. 6. What order shall be taken with these who absent themselues from the Communion, alledging the cause to be envy against their nighbour? and whither others that will not salute nor bear familiar company with their nighbours, and being required by the Minister, should be admitted? Resp. the first should be admonished, and the other should not be admitted without re∣conciliation, if it stay on his side. 7. Persons that after admonition go to May-playes should not be admitted to the Sacrament without declaration of repentance for that fault. 8. If persons go to a Popish priest to be marryed, they should be called to satisfy as fornicators, and after proclamations they should be married again, rhe other being null; and the priest should be punished. Lastly the next assembly is appointed to beginn at Dundy the second tuisday of July next. According to these Commissions, in the Parliament at Edinburgh October 20. it was. 1. Declared, that the Ministers of the blest Euangell of Jesus Christ, whom God of his mercy hath now raised up among us, or hereafter shall raise, agreeing with them that now live, in doctrin and administration of the Sacraments, and the people of the realm that professe as he now offereth in his Euangell, do communicat in the holy Sacraments (as in the Reformed churches of this realm are publickly ad∣ministrat) according to the Consession of saith, To be the true & holy Church of Jesus Christ within this realm; And decernes and declares, that all and su••dry, who either gainsay the Confession of faith, professed in Parliament in the year 1560. as also specified......, Or that refuse the

participation of the Sacraments, as they are now ministrat, to no member of the said Church........so long as they keep themselves so divided. 2. The King with advice of his three Estates declares and grants jurisdiction to the Church, which consists and stands in preaching the true word of J. Christ, correction of manners, and administration of the holy Sacraments; and declares, that there is no other face of Church nor other face of religion, than is presently by the favor of God established within this realm: and that there be no jurisdiction ecclesiasticall acknowledged, than which is, and shall be within the famin Church, or which flowes there from, concer∣ning the premisses. 3. All markets and faires were forbidden to be keept on the Sabboth-day, or in any Church or churchyaird; so all handy-work on the Sabboth-day, all gaming, playing, passing to taverns and aile-houses, and wilfull remaining from their parish-church in time of Sermon or prayers; and a pecuniall mulct layd upon the transgressours respective to be payd for the use of the poor of the parish. 4. An Act was made concer∣ning these, who send their children out of country. 5. Every houshol∣der having lands or goods worth 500. pounds was obliged to have a Bible (which at that time was printed in folio) and a Psalme book, in his house, for the better instruction of themselves and their families, in the knowledge of God. 6. In the table of Acts not printed is mention of a Commssion anent the Jurisdiction of the Kirk, the last part thereof. Observe. 1. The Parliament in the year 1560. is acknowledged to have been a lawfull Par∣liament. 2. We may see, that the disciplin at that time in the Church, was authorised, and ordained to continue, Moreover what was the estate of the Church at that time, wee may learn from an Epistle of Andrew meluin unto The. Beza, dated Nouember. 13. An. 1579. Wee have not ceased these fyue years to fight against pseudepiscopacy, (many of the Nobility resisting us:) and to presse the severity of discipline: wee have presented unto his Roiall Majesty and three Estates of the realm both before and now in this Parliament, the form of discipline, to be insert among the Acts, and to be confirmed by pulick authority: wee have the Kings minde bended toward us, but many of the Peers against us: for they alledge, if pseudepiscopacy be taken away, one of the Estates is pulled down: if presby∣teries be erected, the Rojall Majesty is diminished: if Church-goods be restored unto the lawfull use, the Kings treasury is emptied: Seing the B. with Abbots and Priors make up the third Estate: and all jurisdiction both ecclesiasticall and politicall belongeth unto the King and his Counsell: and things ecclesticall should by their Sentence be adjudged unto the Kings treasure. That they do speak or think so, the cause in many is ignorance; in others, a wicked life and evill manners; and in many, a desire to catch the goods of the Church, which yet remain; or fear of losing what they have taken: and what shall I say of that, they hold, that the Sentence of excommunication is not lawfull, untill the cause be known by the Kings Counsell: for they knowing their own guiltiness, are feared for the Sen∣tence of the Presbytery, not so much for fear of Gods judgement, as for terror of the civill punishments, which by our lawes and practise do follow: lastly whill they have regard unto the wisdom of the flesh, more than unto the reveeled word of God, they wish, that all things should be carried in the name and at the beck of a Bishop or one perpetuall overseer, and would have nothing administred by the common sentence of the Presbytery. The Lord in mercy sweep away these evills from his Church. This epistle is in Vindic. Philadelph. Pag. 41. Immediatly before this Parliament the Duke

d'Obigny, (afterwards styled Earle of Lennox) came into Scotland, to∣wit, in the last week of Septemb. as Spotswood shewes in Histor. Pag. 308. Now if we conferre that time with what is written in that page, his splene may appeare against the truth: for he makes the Duke's coming to be a cause of variance betwixt the King and the Church, at the Assembly pre∣ceeding; where no difference was appearing: but afterwards some what followes. Jelousies and emulations were in the winter following among the Noble men, as the Earle of Athol Chancelor was envied, and died; and others fled out of the Country: but no variance did as yet appeare be∣twixt the King and the Church-men.

XVII. In Aprile, 1580. a Proclamation was made in the Kings name * 5.155 ex deliberatione Dominorum Consilii, charging all Superintendents and Comnis∣sioners and Ministers serving at Kirks, to note the names of all the subjects alsweel men as women suspected to be Papists or......And to admonish them......To give confession of their faith according to the Form ap∣proved by the Parliament, and to submit unto the disciplin of the true Church within a reasonable space......; And if they faile......That the Superintendent or Commissioners present a catalogue of their names unto the King and Lords of the Secret Counsell where they shall bee for the time between and the 15. day of July next to come, to the end, that the Acts of Parliament made against such persons may be executed. The Assembly conveens at Dundy July 12. here was the Laird of Lundy Com∣missioner * 5.156 from the King, Commissioners, &c. James Lowson is chosen Moderator. 1. Some spake against the Privy Conference, as if tyranny and usurpation might creep-in by it, and liberty were taken from other members: nevertheless after reasoning it was judged expedient to con∣tinue. 2. John Craig one of the Kings Ministers delivereth this Letter from the King; Trusty and welbeloved friends, Wee greet you well. Wee have directed toward you our trusty friend the Prior of Pettinweem and the Laird of Lundy, instructed with Our power, for assisting with their power and counsell in all things that they may, tending to the glory of God, and preservation of Vs and Our Estates; desiring you heartily to accept them and Our good will committed to them for the present in good part: so wee commend you to Gods blest protection. From our palace of Falkland July 11. 1580. 3. Forsomuch as the Office of a Bishop, as it is now used and commonly taken in this realm, hath no sure warrant, authority nor good ground out of the Scriptures of God, but is brought in by folly and corruption of mens inventions, to the great overthrow of the Church of God; The wholl assembly in one voice, after liberty given to ail men to reason in the matter, and none opponing him∣selfe to defend the said pretended Office, Finds and declares the same pre∣tended Office, used and termed as is above said, Unlawfull in itselfe, as having neither ground nor warrand within the Word of God; And or∣daines all such persons as use or shall use hereafter the said Office, shal be charged, to dimit simpliciter, quite and leave-off the same, as an Office whereunto they are not called by God, And to desist and cease from all preaching, ministration of the sacraments, or using any way the office of Pastors, untill they receive de novo admission from the Generall assembly, Under the pain of excommunication, &c. And for better execution of this Act, it is statute, that a Synodall Assembly shall be holden in every Province, where any usurping Bishop is, and to begin August 18. next, where the Bishops shal be called and summoned by the Visitors of these

countries, To compear before the Synodall assembly: namely, the Bis∣hop of Santandrews to compear in Santandr. the Bishop of Aberdien......To give obedience unto this Act: which if they refuse to do, the saids Sy∣nodall assemblies shall appoint certain Brethren of the ministry, to give them publick admonition out of the pulpit and warn them if they disobey, to compear before the next Gen. Assembiy, which shal be holden at Edin. Octob. 20. next, to hear the sentence of excommunication pronounced against them, for their disobedience. Unto this Act the Bishop of D••n∣blain consenteth, submitting himself to be ruled thereby. 4. Albeit sun∣dry Acts have before been concluded in sundry assemblies, to stay unjust alienation and wasting the Church-rents & patrimony by such of the Mini∣stry as have Benefices: and yet neither respect or fear of God, nor reve∣rence to his Church, nor good lawes set out in the contrary hath repres∣sed their unsatiable and cursed avarice from ••o inordinate dealing, to the heavy prejudice of the Church, and common grief of all good men: For remedy thereof, the Brethren assembled, after reasoning and mature deliberation, with uniformity of votes have thought meet and con∣cluded, that all persons within the Ministry, both they who usurp the style of Bishops, and others that shal be tryed hereafter, to diminish the rents of their Benefice either by diminution of the old rentall by setting victuall for small prices, or within the worth, or any other way unjustly dilapidating and putting away the rent thereof, by the sight and judge∣ment of the Generall Assembly, shall underly the Sentence of excommuni∣cation without further process. 5. For purgation of the Church from scandall, the Assembly requires in the name of God, and desireth all men either gentle Men or others, conveened at this time, if they know any within the Ministry scandalous in life, unable to teach, unprofitable or curious teachers, negligent in preaching, non-residents or desertors, having plurality of Benefices and offices, dissolute in manners, having mixt jurisdictions, givers of pensions out of their Benefice, or receivers there∣of: To give their names in writ unto the Moderator and his assessors to morrow at seven hours in the morning, that order may be taken with them, &c. 6. The Assembly after long reasoning hath concluded, that the Office of Readers, who have no more gift but simple reading of the Scriptures, is not an ordinary Office in the Church: and because some have moved the question, Whither in respect of necessity and circumstance of time they may be suffered to continue? the disputation of this is delayed untill the next day: and then it was concluded, that all Readers shall be tryed de novo by the Commissioners of Countries and their assessors so far as possibly they may, before the next Generall assembly: and so many as shall be found to have travelled in reading two years, and have not so pro∣fited, that they are able to be Pastors, shall be deposed from their reading by the Commissioners, as is said: And their diligence to be reported.....And because such Readers have no ordinary office within the Church, no simple Reader shall be capable of any Benefice, nor possesse any in time coming, nor possesse the Manse or gleeb, where is a Minister actually ser∣ving. 7. In Sess. 7. A Letter was brought from the Earle of Lennox, as followes: It is not (I think) unknown unto yow, how it hath pleased God of his goodness, to call mee by his grace to the knowledge of my salvation, since my coming into this Land: wherefore I render most ear∣nestly humble thanks unto his Divine Majesty, finding my vojage towards these parts most happily bestowed in this respect: And albeit I have made

open declaration of my calling first by my own mouth in the Church of Edinb. and next by my hand writing in the Church at Sterlin, where I sub∣seribed the confession of faith; yet I have found, it was my duty, yee being ge∣nerally conveened, to send this G▪ Man my Cousin and friend accompanied with my Letter, towards you, to make unto you free and humble offer in my name of due obedience, and to receive your will in any thing that shall please you. I did farther in the accomplishment of my said confession, assu∣ring you, that I shall be ready to perform the same with all humility; as also to procure and advance all other things, that may further the glory of God, and increase of his Church, the common well of the Country, and of the Kings Ma. service at my utter possibility; And so hoping in all time coming to be participant in your godly prayers and favor, I salute you most lovingly in Jesus Christ our Savior. From Santandrews July 14. 8. The Assembly hath recommended the execution of the Kings procla∣mation concerning Papists, unto all the Commissioners, as they will answer unto his Hieness and the Church. 9. It is thought meet to crave of his Hieness, that the Church may be restored unto the benefite of the Act of Parliament concerning the thirds, &c. 10. Compeares Henry kier Servitor to the Earle of Lennox, and declares, that albeit he had long remained in blindnes and papistry, it hath pleased God to illuminate and call him to the knowledge of the true word, wherein by his gtace he is now resolved, acknowledging the same word to be truly preached & pro∣fessed within this realm, and by Act of Parliament established; and to be the only true religion of God: wherein he is content either now or when the Kings house shall be setled, with his heart to subscribe at the will of the Church, &c. 11. After long disputation it is concluded, that it is not lawfull by the word of God, that a Pastor be burdened with the charge or feeding of two sundry flocks, nor bear the name or be called Pastor of moe congregations than one. 12. Compeares Captain Anstruther, and lamen∣ted that he being in France some years since had given his bodily presence unto the Masse. albeit in his conscience he hated it as idolatry, and alwayes keeped upright mind toward the religion professed in this realm; and feeling grief in his conscience for his defection. is come to declare his re∣pentance unfainedly for the same; submitting him to whatsoever correcti∣on the church will enioyn him; desiring to be reconciled: And in token of his sinceer meaning he held up his hand: As to the butchery and massacre of Paris, he declares, hee kept the Kings gate of Lour at that time, but went no further. 13. The Act made before concerning the suspending of Collation of Benefices shall stand in full strength, with this addition, If any Collation or admission shal be given by any Visitor against the tenor there∣of, it shal be null: And all Collations or admissions, that shal be given heerafter by any pretending the style of a Bishop, shall be null in itself. 14. It is ordained-that all Pastors or Ministers shall diligently and zealously travell with their flocks, to conveen unto Sermon after noon on sunday, both they that are in landward, and in Burgh, as they will answer unto God. 15. In every provinciall assembly certain assessors shall be named by them, to concur with the Commissioner, and shall subscribe with him in all weighty matters. 16. Commission and full power is given to five Ba∣rons, elleven Ministers, and three Commissioners of burghs or any sixe of them, to passe with all convenient diligence unto the King and his Counsell, with these heads and supplications. 1. that order may be taken with these, who put violent hands in Ministers, or trouble them in

exercise of their office. 2. that these who are deposed from the office of Ministry, may also lose their Benefice, and other qualified persones be pro∣vided thereunto. 3. That punishment may be inflicted on them, who go in pilgrimages to churches or wells, as they who went lately to the rood of Piebls. 4. that presentations be directed to none other but them who have commission from the Gen. assembly according to the Act of Par∣liament. 5. that all Benefices vaiking be given to Ministers serving the cure, unless they be found unworthy, &c. 6. That order be taken with the Printer, who hath printed the Bibles, and cause him deliver them, &c. 7. In respect the Earle of Arran hath alwayes shewd godly zeal in de∣fence of the religion and the common wealth, It would please the King and Counsell to resolve upon some good order, that may serve both for health and cure of his body, and confort of his conscience. 8. That the book of discipline may be established by act of Privy Counsell, untill it be confirmed by Parliament. 9. To recommend a Printer Vautrollier, who is banished for religion, that he may have licence. The next assembly con∣veenes * 5.157 at Edinburgh Octob. 20. Androw Hay is chosen Moderator. 1. The Bishops of Santandrews, Glasgow, Aberdien and Murray ar called, and compear not. Because the act of the last assembly hath not been fol∣lowed against the Bishops of Murray & Aberdien, the assembly ordaines (as before) the Commissioners of these countries, to put that act to exe∣cution, With certification, if they fail, they shall make publick repen∣tance before the assembly; and certain persons are appointed to summon all the other Bishops, to compear before the next assembly, to give their submission unto the speciall heads conferred and agreed-unto by the Bis∣hops of Santandrews, Glasgow and of the Isles, and these conditiones to be expressed in the summons, With certification, &c. 2. Some peti∣tions were sent unto the King and Counsell, and the next day the brethren report, that the King will give a resolute answer the fifteenth day of the next month: and desireth to delay the plat or model of presbyteries till then. 3. Henry Kier comes, and in name of the Earle of Lennox, shewing, that he hath been disappointed of a Minister for his family, craves, that the assembly would writ unto the French Church at London, for a Minister, for whose entertainment he will provide; as also he pro∣miseth. that in the affaires of the Church either generall, or what parti∣cular shall be recommended unto him, he shall affectuously employ his labors; and desireth, that no other opinion should be conceived of him, but as one, that meaneth truly toward God. James Lowson is ordered to writ and direct a Letter, as was craved. 4. Whether a Minister may be removed from his flock without consent of the flock? Resp. for good and necessary causes the assembly may remove him. 5. It is evident, that lately many apostates are received into the country, and are spred, name∣ly in Anguise and other parts: therefor the Commissioners of Countries are ordained to put former Acts to execution against them in all points. 6. Concerning the Visitor of Countries, it is thought to sound unto cor∣ruption and tyranny, that such power standes in the person of one man, which should flow from the Presbytery; and nevertheless the estate for the present time, and want of order for constituting Presbyteries, suffereth not present alteration, It is judged meet, that the Clerk-Register shall be re∣quested to concurre with John Erskin of Dun, Ro. Pont, James Lowson, David Lindsay, John Craig and John Duncanson, or any thry of them, to lay and advise a modell of the Presbyteries and constitution of them, and re∣port

their judgement unto the next assembly; And in the mean time the Visitors shall continue in their Visitations. 7. Full power and commission is given to four barons, to John Craig, John Duncanson, Ro. Pont, Ja. Lowson, Pa. Adamson, James Boid. Da. Lindsay, Tho. Smeton, Ge. Hay, An. Hay, Adam Iohnston, David Ferguson, David Macgill, and the Commissioner of Edinburgh or any sixe of them, To compear before the King and Counsell November 15, and crave answer unto the articles given since the former assembly, and to conferr and reason upon them, With power unto them or the most part of them to resolve, decern and finally conclude in name of the Church with the King and his Counsell thereupon, &c. 8. The Assembly (having received the Kings consent in writ) removes Andrew Melvin from the Colledge of Glasgow unto the new Celledge of Santandrews; and Thomas S••eton from the Church of Paisley unto the Colledge of Glasgow. 9. Whither a Minister leaving his Ministry. and applying himselfe to a Civill office, may be chosen an Elder of a Church? Resp. he should not, but rather be challenged for his de∣sertion. 10. John Brand is ordered to deliver unto the Justice-Clerk the Kings command in writ for raising Letters against Nicol burn. Observe. 1. How freely the assembly goeth-on in establishing the disciplin: it was not done rashly, but after many reasonings and conferences both in publick as∣semblies and other meetings appointed by the Chief Magistrate and the Church; liberty of opposing and arguing being granted to every man; and at last episcopacy was condemned, the Kings Commissioner consenting in the assembly, and four Bishops submitting, one in Dundy; and three ex∣pressely mentioned in this at Edinburgh, of whom we find two employd as Commissioners, to treat for closing the remaining differences. 2. If wee look back to the years preceeding, we may understand, what was the power of Superintendents, to wit, more and more power was committed (according to the necessity of time) unto them, yer not unto them per∣sonally, but with concurrence of others; and so, that in every assembly they made their accompts of fidelity and diligence: but after the year 1576. they and others, which were called Commissioners of Countries, were called Visitors; and in this last assembly their power is declared to ••ound unto corruption & tyranny: and because of present necessity are continued for a half year, untill the Presbyteries were universally modeled. The Presbyteries were ever aimed at, and in some parts begun: but this winter following with consent of the King and by his commission they were con∣stitute through all the realm, as followes in the next assembly. 3. Wee have heard a complaint here of many Apostates come into the country, and namely in the end is mention of Nicolburn: he was a professor of Philo∣sophy in S. Leonards Colledge, and became a Papist. At that time were found some dispensations sent from Rome, permitting Papists to promise, swear and subscribe, and do what other thing might be required of them, so that in mind they continue firm, and vse diligence to advance privily the Roman faith. These dispensations were shewd unto the King: for remedy at first he gives order unto one of his Ministers John Craig, to writ a form of abiuration of Papistry. In obedience John Craig writes a Confession re∣lative unto the former Confession (which was wholly positive) and abjuring all the corruptions of Rome, both in doctrin and superstitious rites, and wholl hierarchy, together with a promise, to continue in the o∣bedience of the doctrin & disciplin of this Church, and to defend the same to our vocation and power all the dayes of our lifes, under the paines

contained in the law, and danger both of body and soule; And he addeth,

and seing many are stirred up by Satan and that Roman Antichrist, to promise, swear, subscribe, and for a time use the holy sacraments in the Church, deceitfully, against their own consciences, minding thereby first under the externall cloak of religion to corrupt and subvert secretly Gods true religion within the church, and afterward when time may serve; to become open enemies and persecutors of the same, under vain hope of the Popes dispensation, devised against the word of God, to his greater confusion and their double condemnation in the day of the Lord Jesus, Wee therefore wil••ng to take away all suspicion of hypocrisy and such double dealing with God & his Church, protest and call the Searcher of all hearts to witness, that our minds & hearts do fully agree with this our Confession, promise and subscription, so that we are not moved for any worldly respect &c. These words were added for the better tryall of Papists, and the sincerity of professors.

This Confession was subscribed by the King & his houshold January 28. 1580. or (according to the r••cko∣ning of other Countries) 1581. and a charge was given by the King March. 2. and it was proclamed, commanding Commissioners and Ministers to urge their parishoners, to subscribe this Confession, and to delate the Refusers unto the Ministers of the kings house; that the K. and Counsell may take order with them; and more of it followes. In the mean time to-wit, December. 31, the Earle of Morton was challenged; Januar. 18. he he was imprisoned at Dunbarton: Juny 1. he was arraigned and condemned (for that he knew the plot against the kings father, and did not reveel it;) and the next day beheaded. A rare exemple of humane frailty: he who lately was Governor of the realm, and in the preceding year wa•• the object of the great Ones envy, was brought so unexpectedly to such a death. Before his exe∣cution he remembred what John Knox had said unto him, and called him a true Prophet.

XVIII. The Assembly conveens at Glasgow Aprile 24. year 1581. where * 5.158 was Will. Cuningham of Caprintoun commssioner from the king, Com∣missioners from Synods, &c. Robert pont is chosen Moderator. 1. For∣somuch as for purgation of the Ministry from unworthy persons in that function, Order was taken in the last Assembly, that all men whither Mini∣sters or others should give up the names of scandalous Ministers, as they will answer unto God; yet by shortness of time no great effect followed; Therefore (as before) the Assembly requires all men, as they tender the glory of God and the weell of his Church, that they delate and give up the names of such persons in writ tomorrow after noon, &c. The Origi∣nall Register wanteth the third and fourth Sessions. 2. Whereas in the Assem∣bly at Dundy in the Act against Bishops some difficulty appeared unto some brethren by the word Office, what is meant by it; The Assembly present consisting (for the most part) of them, who were present, and voiced in that Assemb. to resolve men of the true meaning of that act, Declares, that they meaned, wholly to condemn the estate of bishops as they are now or lately were in Scotland, and the same was the determination of the Church at that time. 3. The Kings Commissioner delivereth the Kings Letter; to∣gether with certain rolls containing a form of planting particular churches and the number and names of the presbyteries, with the names of churches within every Presbytery. The Assembly appointes certain persons within severall Provinces to conveen tomorrow at sixe a clok in the morning, to sicht these rolls, and report, &c. 4. The Assembly having received

from the King some demandes propounded in writ, with the answers unto the Articles, that were presented unto his Ma. by the Church; and a Copy of a Letter to be directed unto Barons, and Ministers for union and division of Churches, with the names of the persons, that were appointed to tra∣vell in that work; And thereby understanding the godly and zealous mynde of his Ma. did praise God heartily, the He had moved the Kings heart to have a care of his Church; An•• first entring into consideration of the An∣swers thought good, to insist with the King and Counsell in these articles. 1. That it would please his Ma. to appoint a Judge in Edinburgh to cognosce and judge of injuries don to Ministers in execution of their Office, and to punish according to the quality of the crimes; and appoint a Proctor for the Ministers injured. 2. That an act of Parliament may be made, concerning the deprivation of scandalous Ministers, and the causes of deprivation to be expressed in the act. 3. That the Benefices vaking may be disponed unto the Ministers, where the Benefice vakes, if they be able, as it was agreed in the Conference at Sterlin. Followes the tenor of the Kings propositions given by his Commssioner, with this inscription; Instructions to our trusty and welbeloved Willam Cuningham of Caprintoun, directed by Us with advice of the Lords of the Secret Counsell, Unto the Assembly of the Ministers of the Church conveened at Glasgow Aprile 20. 1581. You shall deliver Our Letter unto them, and let them understand, that such of their number, as travelled with Us having desired Our answer unto their Arti∣cles sent from the Assembly in Dundy in July last, Wee caused some of Our Counsell conferr with them at severall times in Octobe•• last, as also lately: which all find the matter concerning the thirds of the Benefices mentioned in the first of these Articles, as there required, not to be the readiest means either to make the Ministers assured of their stipends, or to make Us any reasonable support thereby for relieff of the comon charges of our estate, there being so great alteration and diminution of the Rents, and so great confusion other ways entred in that matter, during these 20. years and more now by past; And therefore a form and order must be prescri∣bed, likly to have continuance unto posterity, to the removing of all occasions of complaint: For furtherance thereof, there is (by com∣mandement, and advice of such of our Counsell and Ministers, as con∣ferred on this purpose) some form drawn, how Elderships may be constitu∣ted of parishons lying together; small parishons to be united, and the great divided for the better sustentation of the Ministers, and the more commo∣dious resort of the people to their churches. There is also the form of Our Letter, to be written to some of the principall Noble and Gentle men and certain of the Ministers within the bounds of every Eldership, To conveen advise and report unto Vs their advice in things required by Us in Our said Letter betwixt and the 24. day of Juny next. This wee thought conve∣nient, to communicat with you unto the assembly to be convened at Glas∣gow: Requiring them in Our name to consider thereof, and to send Vs their opinion and judgement concerning this intended work, and of any thing, that they would wish either to be added or diminished in the form of Our Letter, or otherwise, before the same shall be directed: where in if care & diligence shall be taken by them, as Our intention (God willing) is to do for the furtherance thereof, as becomes Vs, Wee have no doubt, but God shall send frutefull success of Our travells, to the removing of the great disorder & confusion now standing, for want of reformation. These grounds advised well, and agreed-upon, apparently it shall not

only with reasonable time make the Ministers to be finally provided of their livings, but it shall bring the Ecclesiasticall disciplin to be far better exerci∣sed and execut over all this real••, than it is presently: It being declared first, what every Presbytery may cognosce-upon; next what shall be in every Synodall Assembly: and last what causes shal be de••olved to the Generall assembly, and what persons shall orderly need to repair there∣unto, and have vote There. The report of these Our Letters returning the sooner, it may be provided by diligent travells so, as the good order now intended may take beginning at the first day of November next with∣out longer delay; and if our Parliament upon any necessary occasion shall be conveened in the mean time, the said order, or so much thereof as shall be in readiness, may be past and approved in form of law. The second article was answered in such sort, as Wee trust they were satisfied with it. To answer the third Article, the desire thereof must be more spe∣ciall, before it receive a speciall answer: They have to consider, in whose default and negligence the persons complained-upon in the fourth Article, remain unpunished. Our answer to the fifth Article is suffi∣cient, untill upon farther advice it may be made more speciall. Or∣der is taken concerning the desire of the seventh article. There is some order already begun for the further help and comfort of the Earle of Arran. which shal be followed, as occasion shall serve. Wee have caused and still will cause the Conference to be keept for furtherance of all things requisite, that may set foreward the Policy, whill the same may be esta∣blished by law. Our former answers are reasonable, and no opposition hath been in the contrary. Moreover you shall let the assembly understand, that in the particular conference by past, sundry matters have been agreed-on in generall terms, as they were talked-of, and put in memory; but not put in such form & termes, as is meet to be put in Articles unto Our Estats in Parliament, to be approved as particular lawes: and therefore let the assem∣bly appoint some of their number to extend and put these articles in such form and order, as they would wish them to be past in Parliament, speci∣ally in these Heads, That the assembly will enquire and cause inform Vs, of the speciall names of persons culpable in the faults noted in the Act of their assembly at Dundy, to wit, That the Bishops and Commissioners may be admonished, to refuse Readers the titles of Benefices vaking since No∣vember 1. although presentation hath hapned to bee. That the assembly declare, how many sufficient and welqualified Ministers are presently in Scotland, and in what place they wish them rather ro serve; And that they give their advice, how other churches, whereunto Ministers can not be had presently, may be served, untill mo Ministers may be had, and the present old possessors of the Benefices be departed this life. That they give us their opinion and advice of that portion of the rents perta••ning to the Churches before the alteration of religion, which they think shall fall unto Us, if all Benefices were now vaking; And in the mean time what wee shall have yearly for suport of Our estate and publick affai••s of Our realm; that they consider the form and proceeding, how the taxation for the spiri∣tuall mens part, shall be payd in time coming; as also to make us some likely & good overture for the persons, that shall occupy the place of the Spirituall Estate in Our Parliament in time coming, and after the decease of the pre∣sent possessors of the place, in respect of the great decay of the rents: That they send Us their good advice, how a form of judgement may be establi∣shed (untill a Parliament) for calling of persons provided to Benefices

since our coronation, to be deprived there from, upon the clauses irritant contained in their provisions, for not doing their duty in their vocations, bu•• leaving their charges, and medling with secular business; That the as∣sembly give their advice upon the form of presentation that Wee shall give unto these, that shall be provided to Benefices, if this Order take effect, to whom our presentation shall be directed; what shall be the form and order of the tryall or how shall the person be tryed, and what form of admission and Collation. In answer the assembly propoundes these Heads to be con∣sidered as a ground; That (besids the diocies of Argyle and the I••les, of which bounds rentalls were never given up) there are in Scotland about nyne hundred and twenty four churches: of these, sundry are small pari∣shons, and some are of greater bounds, that the parishoners may not con∣veniently conveen to their parish-churches: It is thought meet therefore, to reduce these 924. churches to 600. and every church to have a Mini∣ster; Their stipends to be in four degrees; an hundred at 500. Marks the peece; two hundred at 300. Marks the peece; two hundred at 100 pounds the peece; and one hundred at 100 Marks the peece; or somwhat more or lesse, as it may be modified according to the possibility of the rent payd in that place. These considerations are to be taken, although all the Be∣nefices were presently vaking. Where the parsonage and Vicaradge at any church are now severed Benefices, to be all united or annexed into one for the better sustaining the Minister there; These 600. churches to be divided into 50 presbyteries, twelve to every presbytery or thereby; Three of these presbyteries, or mo or fewer, as the Country lyeth to make one Diocy orsynod, according to a form after following, to be considered: of this certain number of Presbyteries shall be the Synodall assembly: and every Synod shall appoint the place within that Province for their next Synodall meeting: Of persons directed from the Synodall assemblies, shall G. Assem. consist: Chur∣ches thus divided into quarters to be provided unto one man; and if these quarters be annexed to another Benefice, the quarters to be dissevered out of the provisions of the persons to be provided unto these Benefices when they vake; The churches divided inter Pr••bendarios, to be given to the Ministers as they vake; All Benefices provided to Ministers, to be divided the year of their decease equally betwixt their wifes, children or exequitors, and the Intrant Ministers; young men coming from the Shools shall be only promoted to the stipends or Benefices of the lowest degree: and the eldest or of greatest learning, judgement & experience to be promoted to the highest rank, and so to ascend gradatim, as they shal be judged worthier from three year to three year for better eschuing ambition & avarice: and that the charge of the greatest congregations be not committed to the youngest Ministers a•• the first, nor they preferred to the eldest of gravity & judgement: the estate of the Prebandries to be congnosced & considered, which are ••ounded upon the tiths of the parish, and which on temporall lands: to the effect that such as are founded upon tiths may accrease to the living of the Ministers serving at the churches, and the others to be provided for help of schools in the best form that may be devised: And always the Laick patronages to remain wholl and uniointed or undivided, unless it be with consent of the Pa∣trone. There followes a rolle of the Presbyteries, which I omitte, because after∣wards was another Division, and insome Provinces three were divided into four, or five. And to the effect this order may be established, certain brethren were named to call the Presbyteries before the last day of May in severall towns, ordaining every Presbytery, to chuse a Moderator, who shall continue

untill the next Synod. In Sess 9. the Assembly concludes that the book of Policy being agreed-unto in diverse Assemblies before, should be regi∣stred ad perpetuam memoriam, and copies thereof to be taken by every Pres∣bytery. And in the same Session the Confession of faith lately set forth by his Ma. proclamation, and subscribed by him; the Assembly in one voice ac∣knowdges it to be a true Christian and faithfull Confession, and the tenor thereof to be followed out, as is ordered in the pro••amation. Because Abbots, Commendators, Priors, Prioresses and Bishops provided of old under the names of Ecclesiasticall persons, do possess the revenues of the Churches without exercing any spirituall function thereof, or acknowled∣ging the true Church, and devore the patrimony, and are dayly diminishing the rents of the Benefices; the Assem. hath determined, that all such persons shall be cited by the Presbteries to compear before the next G. Assembly to submit themselves, &c. Likewise ordaines the Commissioners of countries to give-in the names (after noon) of the persons, they think meet to judge of the union and division of Churches: and certain persons are appoin∣ted to form the Articles agreed-on in the Conference; and the advice of the Assembly concerning the directing of presentations, is, that they be directed unto Presbyteries. For performance of the intended work, they ••rave of his Ma. that Prelacies be dissolved. The next Assembly was held * 5.159 at Edinburgh October. 18. where were Commissioners, &c. John Craig is chosen Moderator. 1. Adam Johnstoun and John Dury Ministers were sent to desire the King, to direct his Commissioners unto the Assem∣bly: when they returned, they declare, that for sundry affaires of the Counsell, he could direct none before thuirsday, and then he will send some instructed with his Commission. 2. All the Bishops were called: none is present at first, but the Bishop of Dumblain. 3. They to whom the charge of constituting the Presbyteries was committed, shew their diligence, which is referred to further deliberation. 4. It is concluded, that no marriage be celebrat, nor Sacrament be administred in a privat house, but solemly according to the good order hitherto observed, Under pain of deposition of that Minister, who shall do otherwise. 5. Commis∣sion is given to the Presbytery of Dundy, to call before them, the Master of Gray, to give Confession of his faith; and if he refuse, to proceed against him according to the Acts of the Church, and that with all possible diligence. 6. The Kings Commissioners inquire, If the Church condemn the office of Bishops, whereunto is annexed a temporall jurisdiction, wherein the Church hath served by voting in Parliament, assisting in his Highness Counsell, contribution in taxations, and such like: what over∣ture they will shew, whereby the King be not prejudged by the taking away that Estate: For advising this Head, the Assembly nameth twelve Barons, five Commissioners of Burghs, and eight Ministers with sixe that were upon the Conference, To conferre, &c. Who thereafter reported, that after long reasoning they had agreed so far, that for voting in Parlia∣ment, assisting in Counsell, Commissioners from the G. Assembly should supplee the place of Bishops: And for exercing civill or criminall jurisdiction, the heritable Balives of the bishoprick should use the same; Reserving to the judgement of the Church to consider of their answer. The assembly allo∣wes the judgement of their Brethren, and think meet it be communicat unto the Kings Commissioners. 7. Whereas some Ministers have been negligent in prosecuting the Act of the last Assembly concerning the late Confession of faith, the Assembly enjoynes all Ministers within their bounds,

with all possible dilgence to execute the tenor of his Ma^s. proclamation, be∣fore the Synodall Assembly of every Province, and report to the Moderator thereof, and to be reported unto the next Generall Assembly, Under the pain of deprivation of the negligent Minister. 8. Compeares James meluin Gentle man of the Kings Chamber, and presenteth a writing from the King, craving tryall to be taken of some words, & alledged to have been spoken by Wa. Balcanquell in a Sermon lately, against the Duke of Lennox, with credite to the bearer: who shews that he had so far credite to speak, that because of the late calling of John Dury and the said Walter before the Privy Counsell, upon account of their Sermons, offence was taken by the Church; there∣fore his Gr. now lamentes the matter unto the Assembly, willing them to try the matter, and to take order there-in. The words wherewith the Duke is offended, are these, that Walter had spoken in pulpit, That within these four years Papistry had entred into the Country, not only into the Court, but into the Kings hall, and maintained by tyranny of a great Champion, which is called Grace: And if his Grace will oppone himselfe unto Gods Word, he shall have litle grace. And concerning the Bishop of Glasgow, the King desireth, that they stay from proceeding against him as Bishop: but if the Church hath any other things, to lay unto his charge, let them use their order. Hereunto Wa. Balcanquell answered, First he praiseth God that he is not accused of any thing, wherein he hath eitheir Ciyily or cri∣minally in his life & conversation, offended the King or his lawes, where∣unto with all reverence and at all times he is ready to submitt himselfe; But he is accused of these things, which he hath spoken publickly in the pulpit, as being more plain in reproving vice than some men can well suffer, which is a main point of his doctrine: and howbeit he hear it now opposed, he must so justify the same, that although all the Kings on earth would call it erroneous, he is ready to prove it by good reason, to be the very truth of God, and if need shall require, to seall it with his blood. Secondly he praiseth God, for that by his last accusation God hath given so much victory unto his church, that howbeit then in was called into question, Unto whom the judgement of doctrin should appertaine? Yet as then by reason it was concluded by the Kings Majesty, his Counsell and Com∣missioners appointed by them, to conferr with the Ministers in that matter, that in all time coming the tryall of a Ministers doctrin should be referred to the judgement of the assembly of the Church, as the only com∣petent Judge thereof, So it is now performed, and because he seeth the promise now keept, he thankes God, and is the more glad to give his answer before the assembly: and that in this manner: These things he spoke in his Sermon on wednesday last, he spoke them not quietly, but all the assembly heard them, and so of all men can best judge of them: wherefore with all reverence he submits himself simpliciter unto their godly judgement; Nevertheless neither being asshamed of his doctrin, nor minded to give any advantage to his enemies (so for as he may) whose purpose he knowes against him, in this matter he only requires this condition, that the Canon of the Apostle Paul be keept, to wit, Against an elder receive no accusation but under two or three witnesses. This form of proceeding he craves in this matter: As yee are the assembly of the Church, and competent Judges unto him, so he is ready to answer before you, to all accusations that shall be layd against him, and underly your judgement: Let any man therefore according to the Canon of the Apostle, which in no way yee may break, stand up before you, and say, he hath any thing to accuse mee, and hath

two or three witnesses ready with him, to prove his accusation, then shall I answer him. And seing James melvin heard not the doctrin, and there∣fore will not take upon him to accuse, I will [said he] supercede further answer, untill I see my accuser. The assembly sent Tho. Smeton and Da. Ferguson with this answer unto the King, that seing Wa. Balcanquell is a brother of the Ministry, the Canon of the Apostle should be keept, and the accuser with two witnesses should be present; As also to desire his Ma. to send Commissioners to see this matter tryed, as the Church is most willing to try the same. In the sixth Session following. the same Wa. Bulcanquall submits himself unto the judgement of the assembly, and craves that they would proceed therein according to the canon of the Apostle. The Assembly ordereth Da. Lindsay and Tho. Smeton to go unto the King, as before is said. The next day they report, that they could have no answer because of great affaires of the King and Counsell. In the Ses∣sion following, Da, Lindsay is directed to go unto the Church-Session of Edinburgh and desire them to declare, whither they or any of them found any error, scandall or offense in the Sermon preached by Wa. Balcanquell upon the wednesday before named. In Session 18. the assembly willing to try the points of accusation given by James melvin in name of the Duke of Lennox, and having sundry times traveled with his Ma. that the rule of the Apostle should be keept, And that his Ma. would direct Commis∣sioners, to understand their just proceeding; and no effect of their suit hath followed; And for satiffaction to his Ma. and for removing all scandall that may arise hereby, they had directed a Commissioner unto the particulare Church of Edinburgh, requiring them, if they had found or know any word spoken in that Sermon, erroneous or offensive; and their answer is reported by a member of the Session, that they heard nothing spoken by him that day, that was scandalous or offensive but good and sound doctrin; After voting in this matter without any contradiction, the assembly declares, that they nor any of them did find any fault in the said Sermon, either of error, scandall or just offence but solide and true doctrine, praising God, and justifying their brother of that accusation. 9. In Sess. 9. certain bre∣thren were named, to travell diligently in erection of Presbyteries, before the next assembly; as they are directed into severall Provinces: and James lowson is ordained to penn a form of proceeding; that the brethren knowing the order, may keep an uniformity. 10. Articles, whereof Robert mon gomery minister at Sterlin was openly accused in Sess. 10. are. 1. that preaching in the church of Sterlin, he moved a question, Whither women were circumcised? and concluded, that they were circumcised in the foreskin of their head. 2. He teaching in Glasgow, said, The disciplin of the Church is a thing indifferent, and may stand this or that way. 3. He accused the Ministers, that they used fallacious arguments, and that they were curious braines. 4. He sought to bring the Originall languages into contempt, to wit, Hebrew & Greek; to that end, abusing the words of the Apostle. 1. Cor. 14. and tauntingly asking, In what school were Peter and Paul graduat? 5. To. prove the corrupt estate of Bishops in our time, he alledged the exempls of Ambrose and Augustin, &c. 6. It is sufficient to baptize in the name of the Father only, or in the name of the Son, Or in the name of the Holy Ghost, because they are all one God. 7. The mat∣ters of disciplin and lawfull calling in the Church, he called triffls of po∣licy. 8. He accused the Ministers of sedition and Laese-Majesty, in exhor∣ting them not to be seditious, nor meddle with high matters, nor put-off

crowns, or put-on crowns; and if they medle any farther there-in, they will be reproved. 9. He contemned the application of the Scripture to particular manners and corruptions of men, jestingly asking, In what Scripture could they find a Bishop for a thousand pound, horse-corn and poultry; and when they are teaching of love, how could they find Ju∣das? 10. He oppugned the doctrin of Christ, who pronounces, that the most part are rebellious, and shall perish. 11. He denied, that in the new Testament is mention of a presbytery or eldership. 12. He accused the Ministers of pasquils, of grudging, of trouble and confusion, and said, Where is it? what fault can they find with the Court? as for my∣selfe, I finde none. 13. The Church being traduced by pasquills and in∣famous libells, not only purged he not the Church or himself, having good occasion, but rather approved the same. 14. In his preaching against the Ministry, he used the very words of the libels, that were casten into the Kings Chamber against them. 15. This quarter of year by past he hath been negligent in doctrin, disciplin, and assisting the eldership. In Sess. 18. whereas Andrew meluin had by word given these articles, now he gives them in writ: and the Assembly assigneth to him the next day, to prove the particulares: and ordaines, to warn Robert Mongomery, to compear the next day at ten a clok, to hear witnesses and probation received. In Sess. 20. the brethren, that were sent unto the King with these articles of accusation, return with answer, that he had aceepted them very graciously; and is content, that the accusation proceed against Robert as a Minister: and more that in the heads of religion he agreeth with his heart with the Church of Scotland, albeit in some heads of policy he is not as yet resolved. Then Andrew Melvin produceth his witnesses in the accusation, to wit, David Weemes Minister at Glasgow, John Craig, Pa. Adamson, John Ho∣weson, &c. All (being eight in number) give their oath: and yet lest the said Robert say, that he is defra••ded of any lawfull defence in his absence, the Ass. reserves place to any objection he hath against these witnesses, if he come upon moonday at ten a clok; and ordaines the same Robert, because he hath departed out of the town, to be instantly examined by five Ministers and two Barons or any three of them, where they can find him, and his de∣position to be put in writ, and reported unto the Assembly; And for fur∣ther probation, if his accuser will take any other time, Ordaines the said Robert, to be warned unto that time. In Sess. 23. The Assembly gives Commission unto the Presbytery of Sterlin, to summon Robert Mongo∣mery before them, to try & examin his life & conversation, and accusa∣tions to be given against him: and to report their diligence unto the next Synod of Lothian: Unto whom the Assembly gives power to proceed a∣gainst him, according to the tryall and process deduced against him by the presbytery, Under the pain of disobedience; And also chargeth the said Robert to continue in the Ministry of the Church of Sterlin, and not to medle with any orher function in the Church, namely, in aspiring to the bishoprick of Glasgow, against the word of God and Acts of the Church or to vexe any of his brethren with his admission thereunto, Under the pain of excommunication to be deduced against him (in case of disobedience) by the said presbytery; and the sentence of excommunication to be exe∣cut by them with advice and concurrence of John Dury, David Ferguson, John Duncanson and John Dykes; And this charge to be intimated by the Moderator of the Assembly unto the said Robert, that he pretend not ignorance. 11. In Sess. 11. these heads were referred by the Synod of Lo∣thian

unto the G. Ass. 1. That an universall order be made by the G. ass. for examination, admission and ordination of Ministers. 2. To enquire, what persons of the Ministry shall designe gleebs and man••es: and seing the Synod of Lothian hath thought good, that every Presbyt. shall direct some of their own number for that effect within their bounds, Wee crave the consent of the Gen. assembly: and that the same may be universall: and where is not a presbytery, To appoint who shall design them. 2. Who shall wait upon the Platt [or Committee] for modifying of Ministers stipends. 3. What answer shall be given to the Kings Letter, concerning the union and division of churches. 5. That there may be an uniformity in summoning persons before the presbytery, and in the process there. 6. To suit, that the tryall and admission of all Masters of schools be now enioyned unto the presbyte∣ries. 7. Seing wee in our Synod have agreed, that disputation shall be every day of Exercise in every presbytery, especially upon the controversies betwixt us and the adversaries, for avoiding negligence in Ministers, and that we may the better withstand the adversary, That the Gen. assembly would appoint a generall order therein. 8. What order shall be used with Ministers and Readers, that set their gleebs and manse. 9. That an arti∣cle be sought by the Gen. assembly at the Parliament, that all marriages without consent of parents, without proclamation of banns, or without other solemmities according to the order of the Church, be declared null. 10. To crave an Act of Parliament to be made against them, that pass in pilgrimages, and use superstition at wells, crosses, images or other Popish idolatry, or obser••e feasts or dayes dedicat to Saints, and set out fires for superstition. 11. Seing the Act of Parliament appoints them, that are convict of notorious adultery, and by the ambiguous exposition of the word Notorious, no execution followes: Therefere for avoiding the plagues of God hanging over this wholl country for this crime, that the Gen. as∣sembly would crave an Act of Parliament for punishment of all persons, whosoever are lawfully convict of adultery. 12. Seing an Act of Parlia∣ment is made for discharging of markets on sunday, and no execution followes, whereby people absent themselfes from the Church, and con∣tinue in ignorance, and so atheism increases: Desire that some order may be taken in this Parliament, against Magistrats that put not the Act in execu∣tion, Notwithstanding any particular dispensation. 13. To crave an Act of Parliament for provision of gleeb•• and manfes unto the Ministers at Abbey-churches, as others have. 14. Because there is an Act of Parliament, that all Provestries and Prebendaries shall be given to Students, to maintain them at a schoole; and very many of that sort are of cure of souls and parish∣churches: And nevertheless they are given to Cour••iers: Therefore wee desire that there may be an Act of Parliament, that all Provestries and Pre∣bendaries joyned with cure of souls may be given to none, but to Ministers: and so many as are given, may be null in time coming. And that Preben∣daries which were founded for Schools or Masters teaching there, be gi∣ven according to the foundation to Masters for instructing the youth: and if these be disponed otherwise, the disposition to be null. Follow answers unto these. Unto 1. Will. Crysteson, Andr. Melvin, Thom. Smeton, Alex. Arbuthnot and James Lowson are appointed to consider of an order therein, and to report their judgement. 2. The first part is agreed unto: and where are no Presbyteries, the Commissioners are to continue for that effect as before. 3. The Church hath named Commissioners. 4. Ordai∣nes to advise with the Clerk-Register upon an answer unto the Kings Let∣ter.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 5. Referreth the form to be conceived in writ by David Lindsay and Patrick Adamson betwixt eicht and nyne. 6. It is agreed to be propoun∣ded. The 7. is referred to the particular elderships, and whensoever di∣sputations may be had, the Church thinks them good. 8. The Acts of the assembly should be put into execution by the Presbyteries. 9. Ordai∣nes this article to be craved, being first well qualified; and so the 10. and 11. and 12. and also that the Church proceed against the violaters of the sabboth day, and mantainers of them. The 13. & 14. are agreed. 12. Because by the many divisions and deadly feades in all quarters of the realm, not only is the word of God and true religion burdened with slanders, but the Common wealth is enormly wounded, and all good disciplin and or∣der confounded.......herefore the assembly enjoyneth certain persons in severall places, to travell earnestly for reconciling the differing parties, and to require them in the name of God, to live in unity and peace, as it becomes the members of one body.......as they wold shew themselves sons of peace. 13. The assembly gives commission to two Barons, seven Commissioners of burghs, and the Ministers of the Kings house and of Edinb. with Ro Pont, Da. Lindsay, Pa. Adamson, An. Melvin and seven others or any eight of them, To present unto the Lords of the Art••cls of the Parliament, such heads as shall be given unto them by the Church: these heads and a supplication unto the King were read and allowed: but are not in the Register: only in Sess. 22. ordaines a supplication to the King and Lords of the Articles, that no Act be past in Parliament repugnant to the true word of God, and namely concerning Bishops. The Parliament began at Edinburgh October 24. where first was an Act ratifying all for∣mer Lawes and Acts made ••or the liberty of the true Church and religion presently professed within the realm; and a particular enumeration of these Acts: another Act for provision of Ministers and certain stipends for them at all parish-churches, one against the dilapidation of the rents of Benefices, that are provided to Ministers; one, that all Benefices of cure under Prela∣cies shall be given to Ministers only, and all other gifts of them to be null: one, against blasphemy and oaths with penalties according to the quality of severall trausgressors; one, against them that passe in pilgri∣mage or superstitiously to wells, chapells and crosses, and the obser∣vers of papisticall rites; one for explication of the Act against notorious adultery, to wit, it shall be judged notorious adultery, where children one or mo are procreat betwixt adulterers; or when they keep com∣pany & bed together notoriously known; or when they are suspect of adultery, and thereby give slander, and thereupon being duly admonished to abstain and satiffy the Church by repentance or purgation, and contemp∣tuously refusing, are excommunicat for their obstinacy: all and every one being in any of these three degrees are made lyable to suffer death. Another Act was against all Papists practizing against the true religion, by dispersing libels in praise of the Pope; or seducing the people, &c. Ob∣serve. 1. That in all time preceeding was no opposition or variance be∣twixt the King and the Church: In the assemblies the Kings Commissioners consented unto their Acts, and namely unto these concerning the Policy of the Church (excepting that part de Diaconatu, whereunto neither did all the Ministers consent) and his Commissioner did consent unto the registring of the book of Discipline, in the Register of the Assembly: and the King appointed Commissioners, to concur with the Deputies of the Assemblies in the constitution of Presbyteries before the framing and publishing of the

second Confession of faith; as at that time was not a Bishop in the church, who was not subject unto the assemblies and presbyteries; yea and they were emploied (as deputies) to procure and supplicate against the power of episcopacy. But neither could the book of disciplin be established, nor episcopacy be forbidden by Act of Parliament, not for any respect of discon∣tent against the book of disciplin, or for any intention to restore episcopacy in the Church, but meerly upon account of Civill interest; and the main respect was the securing of possessions depending upon the title of Bishops. 2. Observe that the first variance between the King and the Ministers was upon respect unto the Duke of Lennox; and that was for two particulares; one, that when the Duke came into the country, many Papists came also into the Country and Court, and began to practize so, that (as Bishop Spotswood in The History Pag. 308. shewes) the Papists assembling to∣gether in Paisley, did in derision sing a Soule masse for the Ministers, as if they and their religion had been utterly gone. Wherefore the Ministers in their Sermons did regrate the countenance given to Papists in the Court; and the dangers whereinto both the King and countrey were brought by the secret practises of the French. John Dury and Walter Balcanquall were summoned, to answer before the Counsell for this their liberty of speaking in their Sermons: they obey, and compear, and alledge, that the Counsell was not their Judge in such a cause. The matter being noto∣riously known, and regrated by many, the Ministers were dismissed at that time. In time of the Assembly (as is before) Walter Balcanquall had spoken again to the same purpose; and when the gentle man was sent unto the Assembly, but would not be the accuser, and the Assembly would not proceed against the Minister without an accuser; the King was not wel-plea∣sed, but knowing the difficulty to find an accuser, would follow the business no more. The other particulare is related in the now-named History Pag. 316. The See of Glasgow being then void, it was suggested unto the Duke by some flatterers, that he had a fair occasion presented, to make himselfe Lord of the City, and of the lands pertaining to that bishoprick, if he would only procure a gift thereof to some one, that wold make a disposi∣tion thereof to him and his heirs. The offer was made to sundry Ministers who all refused, because of the required condition: at last the agents in this business fell upon Robert Mongomery Min. at Sterlin; he was content to accept it. Thereupon a gift was formed, and a Bond given by him, that how soon he shall be admitted Bishop, he should dispone the lands, Lordship and whatsoever belongs unto that prelacy, to the Duke and his heirs, for the yearly paiment of a thousand pounds Scots, with some horse-corn and poultry. The Assembly hearing of this bargain, do charge this Robert to answer, as is before: and more followes. So particular respects of men unto the Church-revenues were the cause of difference be∣twixt the King and the Assemblies. 3. Wee see, that notwitstanding that litle variance betwixt the King and the Assembly, yet the the King deserteth not the Ministers, but in the Parliament by his zeal to piety he procureth sundry Acts in favors of Ministers, and against impiety and superstition and wickedness. 4. Wee have heard a modifying of Ministers stipends, which may seem very small: but I have seen assignations unto paiment: and there they were assigned to a chalder of barly for 20 pounds: and to a chalder of oat••eall for 20 Marks; whereby the stipends then, may be com∣pared with the stipends thereafter. 5. It is plain now, that what power was before given to Superintendents or Commissioners or Visitors, is declared

to appertain unto the Presbyteries, and provinciall Synods: and all power is taken from these Commissioners, where a Presbytery was. This was the estate of the Church, when the Confession was ratified by the Assembly.

XVIIII. The Assembly conveenes at Santandrews Aprile 24. year 1582. * 5.160 Androw meluin is chosen Moderator. 1. Because many Papists come into the country. notwitstanding diverse godly Acts and proclamations set forth by his Majesty, The assembly hath voted and thought meet, that a Supplication be sent to the Magistrates of burghs or sea-townes and Ports, that they will give charge and commandement unto all Masters and owners of ships within their bounds, to receive no Papists within their vessels, to transport them into the country; Or if any be received, to present their names immediatly after their arrivall, unto the saids Magistrats and Church of these parts, that order may be taken with them, Under such paines, as they shall devise; As they will shew themselves zealous of Gods glory, aod promoters of the word of his Sone Jesus Christ. 2. The assembly understanding, that certain Papists in Camphier, not only trouble the Scots congregation there, but likewise the Fleemines, and will not submit themselves to the censure of the Church, because of an alledged prividedge: In one voice gives their full power unto the Mini∣ster of Camphier to proceed against them, as the assembly might do: Re∣questing also the Conservator to joyn with the Church in taking order against them. 3. Mark Ker Lord of requests presenteth from the King a * 5.161 Letter unto the assembly, containing these articles. 1. Whither all Be∣nefices under Prelacies should pay any third, or not? 2. If some should, what shall be the difference? 4. Should not all Benefices presented unto Ministers before Novemb. 1. 1581. be allowed in their years stipend from the same day untill Novemb. 1. 1582. Or if there be any difference in respect of the Annates, that yee declare it. 4. Should all persons presented and admitted to Benefices in this time, be placed in the book of modification, as Ministers of the churches belonging to these Benefices? 5. Should such (being Ministers) as have sufficient ecclesiasticall livings by reason of their Benefices, serve at other churches? 6. Think yee it not convenient, that the reports answering the Kings Letter sent over all the realm this last som∣mer, should be seen and considered at this time, for the better under∣standing the estate of the Church: and to see how many reports are in your hand, as so many which the Clerk-register hath, shal be ready & patent. 7. that yee will let Us understand, what yee have concluded of Readers in generall, and specially these that are presented to Vicarages for life time. 8. Think yee it reasonable, that any who is provided unto a Be∣nefice, and serving as Minister at the only church belonging to that Bene∣fice, should have any more stipend, but the rent of that Benefice. 9. What think yee most reasonable to susteen the Colledge churches. 10. To whom should the King or laick patrones direct their presentation for admit∣ting qualified Ministers, and that yee will name the persons in speciall. 11. Seing the dearth of vittails makes great inequality of stipends, some having victuall allowed for a marke or 20. Sh. and others having silver assigned unto them, are constrained to buy at five or sixe or seven marks the bole, were it not equitable, that all Ministers had their proportionable part of victuall and money, or that the victuall should be sold or allowed at the highest prices, and so these who have smallest stipends may be the better augmented. Answers unto these. The 1 & 2. before they be specially answered [Answers.] it is meet that there bee a form of assignation made by some to be appointed

thereunto before the next Assembly, Unto all Ministers and churches, that are likely to stand, respecting the answers & advice sent out from every country, and as if the present possessors were dead; and that charge be directed unto these, who have not their answers, to send them with expe∣dition. 3. The Intrant to any Benefice entring at November 1. after his admission, shall serve the cure, and shall have no more stipend at the next Whitsonday, but the superplus as it falleth, because his exequitors will receive als much, at his decease, according to the antient order of the Annates; And that diligence be used to have Bagismond's Role of all Benefices and taxts; and what Benefices are not taxed, the rents thereof are the first year to be equally between the exequitors of the defunct, and the Intrant, who shall have only the half fruits of the year of his entring; and so of the stipends. 4. We think, none should be placed in the books of modification, but qualifyed persons; and if any be presented to Benefices since the Kings coronation, that are unworthy or unable to dis∣charge duty, that they be called and deprived by such order, as shall be condescended upon. 5. For the generall, Minister^s that have sufficient Benefices, whereunto they are provided for life time, should not have stipends to serve at other churches, unless great necessity be seen and al∣lowed by the gen. assembly, and order shall be taken to reform these, as appertaineth. 6. We think this is agreable to that which is appointed in answer unto the first & 2. articles. 7. This shal be specially answered, how soon it can be advised by this assembly. 8. Upon the sight of the parti∣cular assignation to be made, speciall answer shal be made with the answer unto the first two. 9. We can not but think it reasonable, that Ministers of Colledge-churches should be sustained, as they of other churches; and if not of the fruits of the same church, yet he should have assignation other where. 10. The presentations are to be directed to the Commissioners of the Church within the bounds, where the Benefice lyeth. 11. This matter is weighty and can not be well answered without advice: it shal be propounded, and resolute answer thereafter shal be given. 4. As the ad∣mission and examination of Ministers is by act of Parliament, to be in the power of the Church now publickly professed within the realm, So the deprivation of Ministers is in the power of the same Church; As for the de∣privation of Bishops admitted since the Kings coronation, it is thought meet, that the same bee likewise in the power of the Church; and the same deprivation to extend alswell from his function of the Ministry, as feom the Benefice that the same may be declared vaiking, and conferred of new, as if he were naturally dead. V. Causes of deprivation are heresy, papistry, * 5.162 common blasphemy, periury, adultery, fornication, incest, slaughter, theft, common oppression, common drunkennes, usury against the lawes of the realm, not residence, and absence from his flock and office by the space of 40. dayes together in a year, without a lawfull impediment allo∣wed by the next gen. assembly: plurality of Benefices provided since the Kings coronation, is cause of deprivation from them all. except one, whereunto the possessor will adstrict himselfe: dilapidation of the rents of Benefices: Simony. The form of process to deprivation shall be a libell * 5.163 and precept on 40. days warning, if he be within the country, or 60. days if he be without, To be directed by the Church and such Commis∣sioners thereof, that elect or admit the person complained-on, Summoning him to compear and answer unto the complaint: And incase of absence at the first summons, the second to be directed in like manner, With certifi∣cation,

if he fail, the libell shall be admitted to probation, and he shal be held Pro confesso. After the decreet pronounced, if the person think him selfe wronged, it shal be lawfull unto him, to use appellation un••o the next generall assembly, and intimate the same within ten dayes: otherwise the decreet to have present execution. 6. The summons raised unto this * 5.164 day by the Eldership of Sterlin against Robert Mongomery sometime Minister there, upon their sentence of suspension against him from the function of the Ministry, to be allowed by the Generall Assembly, and further tryall to be taken concerning his life, doctrin and manners and other things, that the Assembly shall lay to his charge; was read. The same Robert being present, is required to answer. He alledges, that the Church should not allow any thing deduced against him in that process, because he was never lawfully summoned thereunto: he knew nothing of that suspension from the Ministry, but only by bruit, nor ever was the same intimated unto him; and in so far as the process beares personall intimation unto him of the suspension, he takes instrument, and offereth to disprove the same in that point. The Assembly, notwith¦standing these allegeances findes the said process, decreet and intimation to be orderly deduced, and the sentence of suspension well proceeded & given: Reserving unto the said Robert, in the second instance, liberty to seek reduction and remedy, as appertaines. He being further accused of contraveening the said sentence of suspension, by preaching the word, and Ministration of the Sacraments: confesseth it, and pretends ignorance of the sentence given. Then the Lord of requests delivers a writing from the King, declaring that it is his will, the Church shall not trouble the said Robert for any thing concerning the bishoprick, or that may result there∣upon, or for any other cause bypast committed by him, but that it may be handled before his Majesty. This Letter is reverently received, and read openly: and the Brethren praise God, that the King was pleased to send his Commissioner unto the Assembly: as for the action, by the assistance of God such attendance shall be given thereunto, in respect of his Hieness, that nothing shall be handled, belonging to Civill power, a••d nothing but uprightly, sinceerly and with just judgement shal be pronounced against him, as they shall answere unto God and his Majesty. In Sess. 7. a plain and large discourse was openly made of all the diligence of the Brethren, to whom Commission was given in the last assembly, concerning Ro. Mongo∣mery, and the copies of the charge given to him with the execution hereof. With the which discourse, and former confession of the said Robert, that he had preached and ministred the Sacraments, after the decreet of suspension; the assembly in one voice findeth the said decreet and sentence contraveened and violated by him; and delayeth to decern upon that contravention, untill the next day at their first conveening. The said Robert demandes the answer of the assembly, whither they will accuse him upon any thing concerning the bishoprick. or any thing resulting there upon: and he requires a copy of the large discourse made verbally by the brother, to the effect he may answer to every point thereof. He is bidden remove, till the assembly be advised, and give their answer. Within a litle space compeares John Burn Messinger, and by vertue of our Soverain Lords Letters delivered by the Lords of the Secret Counsell, dischargeth the brethren of the Generall As∣sembly, the Moderator and his Assessors, from directing any citations a∣gainst Ro. Mongomery, or using excommunication, innovation, slan∣dering or troubling him in his ministery, for aspiring to the Bishoprick of

Glasgow, or for calling or persuing his brethren for the same, or for any promise made by him therein, or for any other thing depending there upon in time bypast, Under the pain of rebellion and putting them to the horn, Certifying them, if they fail, he will denounce them Our Soverain Lords rebells. Of the which charge he deliveres instantly a copy subscribed with his hand. The said Robert is called-in again: but he was gone. Thomas macgy a Minister is ordained to warn the same Ro. mongomery, to com∣peare the next day. In Sess. 8. Robert Mongomery is called, and com∣peares not, but by William Mongomery his proctor, who produces an ap∣pellation, whereof more followes. Thomas Macgy is called, and declares, that yesternight at command of the Assembly he had warned the said Ro. mongomery, to compear at this hour before this assembly, personally; in presence of Wa. Hay, Jo. Couper and An. Ker Ministers, and that he promised to compear personally. The same did these Ministers testify to be true. Then some enormities were produced and read, where of the same Robert was said to be guilty; to wit. 1. negligence and corruption of doctrin, also scandalous conversation, for the which he was suspended. 2. Contraveening of the suspension in Glasgow, Sterlin and in the Kings Chappell. 3. Violating of his promise made to the presbytery of Sterlin, that he should continue and wait upon his cure. 4. Horrible oaths in the face of the Assembly, denying with protestation before God, the intima∣tion of the suspension. 5. Raising and executing letters, and procuring them by sinistrous information; for overthrowing the disiplin of the Church. 6. Usurping another mans flock, and that being accompanied with armed men; after the suspension. 7. Charging the wholl assembly under pain of horning, to cease from all proceeding against him to excom∣munication. 8. Blasphemous railing against the Ministers in pulpite since his suspension, and oft before; And in summamanifest contempt of the or∣dinance of the Church, and stirring up a fearfull schism betwixt some of the Nobility and the Church. All which being tryed partly by his own con∣fession, partly by the process in the Gen. assembly last in Edinburgh, and by the process declared by the Eldership of Sterlin▪ and partly by testification of good and godly brethren, was found all to have fallen in his person; and him to be culpable thereof: for the which hainous and unworthy crimes, the Assembly voteth and concludes the said Robert not only unworthy to serve in the Office of the Ministry, but to be deprived thereof perpetually, & the sentence of excommunication to strick upon him, unless he prevent the same by repentance. The Lord of requests craves, that the pronouncing of the said sentence may be delayd, untill the King be advertised. The Assembly continues their answer till after noon. In Sess. 9. a letter being written in name of the Ass. unto the K. was read, and thought good to be delivered unto the Lord of requests, whereof here is the tenor: Please your Maj. Wee have re∣ceived your Gr^s most loving letter, directed unto us by your Gr^s Commis∣sioner Mark Ker M^r of requests, and are compelled to burst out with most humble thanks unto our good God, who of his mercy hath given us ••o god∣ly a King, carefull and wel-willing that God be glorified, and his Church within your M. realm maintained, as plainly appeares by the articles by your G. propounded: whereunto with all diligence we began to make answer, but in such shortness of time, and such strait whereunto we were brought, by certain Letters raised at the instance of M^r Robert mongomery, wee are altogether stayd in that & many other godly actions: for upon the. 27. day of this instant, the Assembly being occupied in godly and modest reasoning

of weighty matters, he caused an officer of armes to enter irreverently, and under pain of horning commanded the wholl Church from all proceeding against him, for whatsoever cause or enormity committed in his wicked attempts; A thing that was never heard nor seen since the world began; whereof we must lament unto yout Gr. and having no other refuge under God, most humbly crave, that by these extraordinary charges directed a∣gainst the word of God, and Lawes of your Gr^s Countrey, we be not constrained, either to betray the cause of God, by bearing-with and win∣king at horrible crimes, manifest to all men in the person of the said M^r Ro. or to be reput and accounted disobedient to your Majesty, in whose service wee have been, are and shall be ready to spend our blood & lifes; Beseech∣ing your Gr. wee may find this grace and favor in your Ma^s sight, to keep our conscience clean before God, and reserve ourselves unto him, who hath given us the charge of his inheritance: This most reasonably request, wee doubt not but to obtain at your Majesty, our particular reasons being heard and considered, which wee mind by Gods grace more largely to ex∣pound by certain brethren directed unto your Majesty, and with a full answer unto the foresaid articles. In the mean time wee beseech your Ma. not to give eare to the sinistrous report and wrangous information of men, who by such dealings go about to draw your Ma. heart from your true & faithfull subjects, and by this unhappy schism to overthrow the Church of God within your Gr^s country and for their own particular gain banish Christ and his word: which God of his infinite mercy forbid, and preserve your Gr. body and soull for ever. From Santandrews Aprile 27. 1580. When this Letter was directed, The assembly after voting concerning the sentence to be pronounced against Robert mongomery, deprives him from all function of the Ministry in the Church of God, during the will of the Assembly; and more decerned the sentencce of excommunication to be pronounced in face of the assembly by the voice and mouth of the Mode∣rator present, against him, to the effect, that his proud flesh being casten into the hands of Sathan, he may be winne again (if it be possible) unto God; and the said Sentence to be intimated by every particular Minister at his own particular church, in his first Sermon to be made by them after their returning; The pronunciation of the said Sentence being stayd untill moon∣day at nyne hours, because of the compearance of the said Rob. who hath * 5.165 renounced the appellation (interponed by his procurator in his name, and by himselfe that day before noon) from the sentence of the Church; and craves conference to be granted unto him, of the most godly and learned brethren: this the Church granteth untill moonday at nyne a clock, upon condition, he remain and wait upon the doctrin and conference of the brethren, and make no novation or new charge against the Church. He promiseth to at∣tend upon the doctrin and conference of the Brethren the morne all day, and he shall neither use nor purchase any new charge in tbe mean time, if the Church use none against him. And moreover the Assembly ordaines prajers to be made tomorrow after the sermon by him, who shall occupy the place for the time. In Sess. 12. to the end the brethren may know, what * 5.166 fruit hath followed upon the Conference with R. Mongomery, he is de∣manded to declare, in the presence of God, the simple truth of the accusa∣tions, that were layd to his charge. After prayer, that God would be mercifull to him, he confesseth as followes; 1. He confesses the command given to him by the Reader at Sterlin, to desist from his Office. 2. He grantes that he had baptized children gotten in fornication, but he took

caution of the parents that they should satisfy the Church, but this was not in presence of the Elders or Session. 3. He remembereth not, that ever he preached the circumcision of women. 4. He made promise to the pre∣sbytery of Sterlin, to wait on his charge of the Ministery there; which he hath broken. 5▪ He confesses that on March 20. the presbytery of Sterlin told him of the suspension: b••t he was not certain of it, because hee had not heard the process of it. 6. He declares, that howbeit he knew not the raising of many Letters against the brethren: yet he keeped the ordina••y diets thereof. 7. He grantes the usurpation of David Weems flock, wherein he confesses, he had heavily offended. 8. He confesses, he had heavily offended against God and his Church by procuring and raising Letters a∣gainst the Gen. assembly, and in accepting the Bishoprick of Glasgow without advice of the Assembly, and in proceeding by this form of doing which he hath used: for the which he submits himself unto the will of the brethren, and is willing to abide their judgement, and to obey and underly their iniunctions for these things. And being required to declare openly in the fear of God and in uprightness of conscience, his simple meaning con∣cerning the estate of Bishops and the corruptions thereof; he craved confe∣rence with Ja. Lowson. Jo. Craig, Ro. Pont, Da. Lindsay and the Laird of Colluthy, that he might be further resolved, and give his simple meaning therein. The Assembly grantes this petition. And where as the Presby∣teries of Edinburgh, Dalkeith and Lithgow had made protestation, against the Sentence, given by the King & Secret Counsell, in favours of Robert mongomery. finding the Assembly Judges to the saids Presbyteries in that matter, as the Protestation beares; The wholl assembly after reading of that Sentence and protestation, in one voice ad heres thereunto; and the said Robert for his part allowes it, and adheres unto it. In Sess. 13. Robert mongomery compeares, and in face of the Assembly declares, and pro∣miseth before God, that he shall not medle nor attempt more concerning the Bishoprick of Glasgow, nor bruik, use or take upon him the same, nor any other office in the Church, without rhe advice and consent of the Ge∣nerall assembly; and renounces the Letters and charge given to the Gen. as∣sembly at his instance, and the Letters purchased by him against David Weemes; and protestes that in the matter of the Bishoprick of Glasgow he meaneth no other way, then all the Brethren do mean. VII. In Sess. * 5.167 7. Seing sundry Ministers have been intruded upon the Church, and pre∣sented to Benefices having cure, who because of their young years and want of experience and judgement, can not be able to discharge that high & sacred Calling, The Assembly in one mind hath voted and concludes, that none be admitted unto the Ministery, nor Collationed to any Benefice of cure, unless he bee of the age of 25. years, except such, as for singu∣lar and rare qualities shall be judged by the Gen. assembly, to be meet and worthy. VIII. In respect of many inconveniences and mis-order fallen forth by the ambition, covetousnes and indirect dealing of many, who go about to enter i••to the Ministry, and being entred use, unlawfull meanes, to decline all correction and punishment for their offences, The wholl As∣sembly hath voted and concluded, conform to the word of God and most godly Acts of antient Councells, that no man pretend to ecclesiastiacll fun∣ction, office or Benefice by any absolute gift, collation or admission of the Civill Magjstrate or patron, or by Letters of horning, or whatsoever other means, than is established by the word of God, and Acts of the Generall Church, and hitherto ordinarily used within the Reformed Church of Scot∣land;

And also that none being received into an Ecclesiasticall office or Bene∣fice, seek any way by the Civill power, to exeem and with draw himself from the jurisdiction of the Church, nor procure, obtend nor use any Let∣ters of charge, either by themselves or any other in their name, or at their command or instance, To empair, hurt or stay the said Jurisdiction, disci∣plin or correction of manners, or punishment for their offences and enor∣mities, nor to make any appellation from the Gen. assembly, to stop the disciplin and order of ecclesiasticall Policy and jurisdiction, granted by Gods word to the Office-bearers within the said church, under the pain of excom∣munication summarily and without any process, to be pronounced by the judgement of eldership, by Minister or Ministers to be appointed by them thereunto, how soon it shall be known, that any of the saids heads is transgres∣sed. And this Act to be no way prejudiciall to Laick patrones in their pre∣sentations, untill the lawes be reformed according to the word of God. IX. Because the sabbothday is many wayes profaned to the great dishonor of God especially by holding markers both in burgh and in landward that day; the as∣sembly enioynes straitly to every eldership, to take order therewith within their own bounds, as they may by the Law of God; as they will shew their zeal to God, and obedience to the Church. X. The Assembly in one voice gives commission to Ja. Lowson, John Craig, Ro. Pont, Da. Lindsay, John Brand & John Dury, To passe unto the King, and shew unto his Ma. that concerning the Articles sent by the Master of requests, to have been answered by the Church, being so weighty and important, a part of them also being obscure and captious; they could not presently re∣solve upon them all: But for the better resolutions, they have ordained certain brethren, to conferre upon them untill the next assembly, which they have appointed to conveen the sooner for that effect; And more, la∣mentably to deplore unto his Gr. wherein the jurisdiction of the Church is and hath been heavily hurt & preiudged, and namely, by Letters given out in Glasgow, discharging the Presbytery, to proceed against M. Ro∣bert Mongomery: by charge of horning against the wholl Church of Scot∣land used by the decreet & Sentence of the Secret Counsell, finding them Judges in the action of Ro. Mongomery; by missives sent to gentle men, to assist the placing of him in the pulpit of Glasgow, against the will of the Church; by giving Benefices pleno jure, and abbacies in heritage: And with all humility, due reverence and gentleness that appertaines, to exhort his Majesty unto the reforming hereof, and maintaining the jurisdiction given by God unto his Church: And also to give admonition unto the Duke's Gr. Earls of Arran and Goury in the premisses; And what they do heer in, to report unto the next Assembly. Like wise ordaines the particular El∣derships to have a copy of the Articles sent by the King, that they may be the better advised, to give answer resoluedly, in the next assembly. XI. The Assembly ordaines certain persons to erect presbyteries in all parts of * 5.168 the realm, where they are not as yet. And unto some doubts that are propounded concerning them, these answers are given. 1. The Mode∣rator may continue from one Synod to another; and his election to be by the particular presbytery. 2. The number of such, as are associat to the Eldership for disciplin and correction of manners, which are not Pastors or Teachers, and not traveling in the word, be not equall in number with the other, but fewer; the proportion to be as the necessity of the Eldership craves. 3. The resort of the Elders who travell not in the word, shall be no more straited, but as the weightiness and occasion upon intimation

& advertisement made by their Teachers, shall require at which time they should give their godly concurrence; yet exhorting them who com∣modiously may resort, to be present at all time. 4. The Ministers, who do not resort unto the Exercise and presbytery, shall be subject to the pe∣nalty atbitrall, to be appointed at the discretion of the particular presby∣tery, and the same to be agreed-upon by the subscription of every Minister thereof; and if any be found to dis-agree from a good order, to be com∣plained on unto the Gen. assembly next coming; And the order which every presbytery takes, shall be sighted; and thereof one good order shal be esta∣blished for all. 5. The day of the Exercise shall be also the day of Eccle∣siasticall process: and if the brethren find it necessary for a process, they may appoint days, times & places thereunto besids the day of Exercise. 6. It is not thought expedient, that the Presbytery shall be astricted to send their Moderator unto the Assembly, but liberty to chuse whom they think most expedient for confort of the Church. 7. It is not thought meet, that visitation be, excep ère nata, and the same not to be limited unto the Mo∣derator, but to any two or moe as the Presbytery shall direct; for the necessity of the matter, according to the book of Policy. 8. The Clerk and Moderator shall subscribe in grave matters, and form of proceeding, in name of the eldership; and whill God provide some better contribution, every particulare Church of the Eldership shall contribute for the Scrib's entertainment. 9. The Ministers of the parish shall execute the summons concerning his parish, and bear the burden of the things, that are directed by the Presbyte••y, or some depute by him within his parish. 10. The or∣der of admission of Elders is referred to the order used in Edinb. which is approved. 11. The Moderator of the Presbytery is to designe Manses and gleebs, where it is r••quisite: and for satisfaction of the Act of Parliament that they have a speciall commission for that effect, Untill it please God to move the King, that the Law may be reformed; Providing the Moderator do nothing without advice of the Presbytery. 12. How many Churches shall be in every Presbytery, it is referred unto them, who have commis∣sion, to establish presbyteries. 13. The form of process in weighty mat∣ters is to be in writ at the discretion of the presbytery pro re nata; in lesser things, to be verball. 14. If any will not receive the office of an Elder, and traveleth not in the word, wee may exhort, but not compell. 15. Ordaines every presbytery within their own bounds to try their Ministers; and if any offence shal be found, to punish it according to the quality and estate of the crime, before the next generall assembly. 16. The Presby∣teries shall try and examin the persons, desiring to enter into the function of the Ministry, and if they find them qualified, to provide them unto Churches. XII. Ordaines a fast to be keept in all churches of the realm, with doctrin and instruction of the people, to begin the first Sunday of Juny next, and to continue untill the next sunday inclusivè, using in the mean time exercise of doctrin according to the accustomed order: And the Kings Majesty to be certified by the Commissioners, that are sent to him, and to be supplicated, that he would be pleased, to authorize it by proclamation for that effect: The causes are 1. universall conspiracies of Papists in all countries against Christians, for execution of the bloody Acts of Trent. 2. The oppression and thralldom of this Church of God. 3. Wasting the rents thereof without remedy. 4. Falling from former zeall. 5. Flocking hither of Jesuits & Papists. 6. Manifest bloodshed, incest, adulteries with other horrible crimes defiling the land, and unpu∣nished.

7. The danger wherein the Kings Majesty stands through evill com∣pany about him, by whom it is feared, he may be corrupt in manners & Religion. 8. Universall oppression & contempt of the poore, &c. XIII. The next Assembly is to be at Edinburgh Octob. 24. unless some ne∣cessary occasion interveen, and advertisement to be made by the Elder∣ship of Edinburgh and Ministers of the Kings house. For clearing the pro∣cess against Robert Mongomery, it is heer to be added, that about Februa∣ry 22. he went to Glasgow, with purpose to preach the Sunday following: but a number of the Students in the Colledge, entred into the Church on Saturday at night, to hold him out, and keept the pulpit for their Princi∣pall Thomas Smeton: That day his Text was, He that entereth not by the door but by the window, is a thief and a Robber; and he inveighes against simonia∣call entries into the Church. The next Sunday Rob. Mong. comes to the Church with a great number of Gentlemen, and displaceth the ordinary Minister David Weemes, and he made the Sermon. And because the Chapter of Glasgow refused to conveen unto his election, he caused sum∣mon all them of the Chapter to compear before the Counsell. They again caused summon him, to compear before the Synod of Lothian, to hear the sentence of excommunication pronounced against him. He in∣formes the King of this citation, and causeth warn the Synod to appear the 12. day of Aprile, before the King and Counsell at Sterlin, discharging in the mean time all proceeding in that business. Robert Pont with some others compearing at the day, in name of the others protestes, that al∣beit they had compeared to testify their obedience unto his Majesty, yet he did not acknowledge his Majesty, and Counsell judges in that matter, it being a cause ecclesiasticall; and that nothing done at that time, should pre∣judge the liberties of the Church, and Lawes of the Realm. The Counsell rejectes the protestation, and did inhibit the Ministers, to proceed against Mongomery. Because the Generall Assembly was at hand, they yeeld o∣bedience in this; only they caused warn him, to compeare before the As∣sembly. B. Spotswood hath th••se particulares, but inverted: and it is clear by Mongomerie's words in face of the Assembly, that all these things were done before this Assembly. Here is not an end of this business: but after this Assembly he under took to settle himself at Glasgow, and procu∣red Letters from the King unto the Gentle men of these parts to assist him. The Presbytery of Glasgow knowing what he had done, intend process a∣gainst him, for usurping the place of the ordinary preacher: Mathew Stuart of Minto being Provest of the City came, and presented a warrant from the King, to stay all proceedings against the Bishop, and willeth them to de∣sist. John Howeson Minister at Cambuslang (being then Moderator) replieth, that they will proceed, noth withstanding that warrant. Where∣upon the Provest pulleth the Moderator ont of his seat, and carrieth him prisoner to the Tolbuith. The rumor of this went quickly through the Kingdom; and in time of the fast (that was appointed by the Assembly) this fact was lamented by the Ministers. Among others, John Dury prea∣ches against the Duke of Lennox, as the cause of all this trouble. Where∣fore the King will have him removed out of the town, and caused com∣mand the Magistrates, to put him out of their town within 24. hours. They not daring to disobey, yet unwilling to use their Minister in that ma••ner, dealt with him, to depart quietly. Upon this occasion, advertisement was sent unto all Presbyteries, to send their Commissioners unto Edinburgh, according to the ordinance of the last Assembly. Here by the way may

be remembred, what is written in Vindic. Philadel. Pag. 42. The Duke of Au∣bigny was sent by advice of the Guisians from France into Scotland, and well instructed, to make change of religion by any meanes possible: which we foūd by experience two years after his arrivall: at first he prefessed, that he had embraced the truefaith; and did subscribe the confessiō, as one of ours: but in the mean time he was plotting the ruin of Mortō: and because he did observe, that he was beloved of the church [to wit, for his affection unto religion] he sawe, he could not beare him down, unless he profess the religion and some offices unto the Church. So when Morton was executed, and the Earle of Anguise was exiled, he was honoured with the spoile both of the one and of the other, and with two Prelacies pleno jure, to wit, the Bishoprick of Glasg. and Abbacy of Arbroth: first he was entituled Earle of Lennox, then Duke, and at last Great Chamberlane of Scotland: and then he moved stur unto the Church & good men. So far there. The Generall Assembly conveenes at Edinburgh Juny 17. An. 1582. where were Commissioners, &c. An∣drew Melvin by plurality of votes is continued Moderator. In Sess. 1. John Dury shewes, how he was called before the King and Counsell, his an∣swer, and whole process used against him; and also the charge to remove out of the town; and craves the good advice of the brethren, being ever willing (according to his calling) to follow their determination. The Assembly directes David Ferguson and Tho. Buchanan unto the King, to understand his mind and to crave the performance of the promise made to certain brethren, concerning him; As also to lament unto his Gr. the case of their brethren in Glasgow, that were charged to compear in Sant∣johnstoun, And to make suit for them. And a missive was sent to John Duncanson, to concurr earnestly with them▪ In Sess. 2. Commissioners, that were directed from the Counsell of Edinburgh crave the Assembles ad∣vice, concerning the charge given to the Provest, Bailives and Counsell of the town, for removing John Dury. The assembly ordaines certain brethren, to meet with these Commissioners, and consult upon the mat∣ter. In. Sess. 3. John Dury declares, that because his removing may be prejudiciall to the common cause, and his privy departing may seem to be an accepting of vice upon him, where with he is unjustly charged, that without their counsell here-in, his own deliberat mind is to abide, though with the hazard of his life; And seing his doctrin whereof he was accused in Counsell, was for the matter and substance justified in the Presbyt••ry, and by the Session of Edinburgh; that the Brethren would give him testimoniall, that he had traveled faithfully in his vocation, no fault found with him in his doctrin, or imputed unto his life; and if it please God, that he be compelled to remove, that he may have liberty to preach the Gospell, where it shall please God, to give him time and place, for discharging his conscience and calling. The Assembly after deliberation in one voice thought it not meet, that he shall remove privily, but abide the charge to be given by the Magistrates; and they agree, that he shall have a testimo∣niall, as it was craved. Then they give commission unto three brethren, to go unto the Duke, and inform him of the great scandall in keeping Ro. Mongomery in his company, after the Sentence of excommunication pronounced against him; And to intimate that Sentence unto him, with gentle and discreet persuasions, to shew the danger thereof, and what is concluded by Acts of the assembly against mantainers of excommunicate persons; and desire him earnestly, to remove him; and to give him ad∣monition, that if he will not obey, the Church will proceed against him

according to their Acts. In Sess. 4, John Duncanson presenteth a Letter from the King [being then in Sterlin] concerning Minto andother bur∣gesses of Glasgow, craving that matter to be handled before the Counsell, with credite to be given unto the bearer. The bearer declares his credite, and shewes, that his Majesty continues and shall continue unto the end in professing the true Religion presently established within the realm; and as for the action at Glasgow, upon supplication to be given-in to the Counsell, such order shall be taken, that the Church shall be satisfied there-with. The summones were produced against some citizens of Glasgow, to hear tryall taken of the violence used by them against Jo. Howeson, and to hear themselves convicted, &c. as the summones were duly execut and indorsed. The parties were called: none compeared, but John Graham: he denied the contents thereof for his part. The summons was given to pro∣bation. The witnesses John Davidson, John Hamiltoun, An. Knox, &c. were sworn and admitted. They were ordained to be present and depone the next day after noon before the Moderator and his assessors. In Sess. 5. the brethren that were directed unto the King concerning John Dury and the Ministers of Glasgow, report in writing, that at the coming of the Duke (who hath entresse in that matter) consideration shall be had of John Dury: and as for these of Glasgow (if the Assembly will delay the process against Minto and his colleagves) he will dispense with them, untill the 6. day of July next, when the Counsell is to conveen. The same day the witnesses, that had sworn were examined at the time appointed. In Sess. 6. after pu∣blick reading of the process against Minto and his colleagves, and the pro∣bation thereof, and examination of both, The assembly findes the crime, as it is verified and proved, to deserve the punishment of excommunication: and nevertheless at his Ma•• intercession, the sentence against the persons is continued untill Iuly 6. when hope is given of repaire, &c. Giving full power and commissiō to the Commissioners which are to be directed unto his Majesty and Counsell, that if they shall not find remedy put to that mat∣ter betwixt the said day and the 24. day of the same month, at their discretion to proceed, and give forrh Sentence in the same cause; And to appoint severall persons to be executioners thereof: As they will answer unto the Church; And ordaines report of this continuation to be made unto his Majesty. Likewise whereas Iohn Dury is now removed out of Edinburgh, the Church inhibites and discharges the Church and presbytery of Edinburgh to chuse or admitt any Minister in his place; and discharges all Ministers and these that are aspiring to the Ministry to usurp to take upon them his charge (except a Minist. of Edinb. imploy them for help at a time) untill the Gen. Assembly be further advised; and if any shall be chosen, that election or admission shall be null. The brethren that were sent to the Duke, report that his answer was at first a question, Whe∣ther the King or the Church were Superior? and then he said, that he had command from the King, and his Counsellors to entertain Mongo∣mery; and untill he were countermanded by his Majesty, he will not re∣move him. The Church having considered his answer, ordaines the bre∣thren of the Ministry, who shall go in commission to Perth, as they see oc∣casion there, and the grief not remedied concerning his entertaining the said Robert, To proceed and appoint speciall men that shall proceed fur∣ther against him with the censures of the Church, according to the Acts of the Gen. assembly: To whom the Church gives their full power to that effect. As also the Assembly gives their commission to John Erskin of Dun, the

Ministers of the Kings house, Ro. Pont, Ja. Lowson, Tho. Smeton, An. Hay, Da. Lindsay, An. Polvart, Peter Blackburn, Pa. Galloway, Wi. Crysteson, Da. Ferguson, Ia. Meluin, Th. Buchanan, Io. Brand, Pa. Gilespy, Io. Porterfield Ministers and And. Melvin, To repair toward the King and Counsell to be conveened at Perth July 6. and there with all reverence, due obedience and submission, to present unto his Majesty and Nobility the speciall grievances of the Church; conceived and given to them in write, and in their names to lament and regrate the same; Craving in the name and fear of the Eternall God, them and every one of them to be repaired and redressed, To the glory of God, and welfare of his Majesty, and confort of his Church; And if need be, with humility to conferre thereupon, inform and reason; And what herein shall be done, to re∣port unto the next assembly; Promising to hold firm and stable what soever their brethren in the premisses shall judge righteously to be done. In Sess. 7. * 5.169 is the tenor of the grievances, thus; Unto your Majesty humbly mean and shew your Gr^s faitfull & obedient subiects the Ministers of Gods word within your Ma^s realm, conveened in the Generall assembly at Edinburgh Juny 17. that where as upon diverse & great & evident dangers, appearing to the wholl Church of God and professors of his true religion in this coun∣trey, finding the authority of the Church abrogate, her censures contem∣ned, and violence used against some of our brethren, without punishment thereof; the like hath never been seen in this realm nor in any place, where the truth hath been taught and received; And fearing, lest your Majesty for want of information, neglect in time to provide remedy for the inconve∣nients likely to ensue thereupon, We have conveened ourselves in the fear of God and your Ma^s obedience, and after diligent consideration of this present estate of the Church▪ and enormities falling forth in the same, With common consent, thought necessary by our Commissioners, to present and open unto your Gr. certain our chief & weighty griefs, with∣out hasty redress whereof, the Church of God and true religion can no way stand & continue in this your country. 1. That your Majesty by advice of some counselers is caused, to take upon your Gr. the spirituall power and authority, which properly belongs unto Christ as the only King and Head of his Church, the Ministery and execution thereof unto such as bear office in the ecclesiasticall Government: So that in your Gr^s person some men prease to erect a new Popedom, as if your Majesty could not be full King and Head of this common wealth, unless the Spirituall alswell as the temporall power should be put in your hand: unless Christ be bere••t of his authority, and the two jurisdictions confounded, which God hath di∣vided: which tendeth directly to the wreck of all true religion, as by the spe∣ciall heads following is manifest: for. 1. Benefices are given by absolute po∣wer, to unworthy persons intruded into the Office of the Ministry, with∣out the Church's admission, directly against the lawes of God; and Acts of Parliament, whereby church-livings come into profane mens hands and others, that sell their souls, and make shipwreck of conscience; for pleasure of men and obtaining some worldly commodity. 2. Elderships, Synods and Generall assemblies are discharged by Letters of horning, to proceed against manifest offenders, and to use the disciplin of the Church & censures according to Gods word. 3. Jo. Dury by act of Counsell is suspended from preaching, and banished from his flock. 4. Excommunicat personsin con∣tempt of God and his Church are entertained in chief Lords houses, namely, R. Mong, is authorized and caused to preach, and brought to your Ma^s pre∣sence,

which is a sore wound to the consciences of them, that love your Majesty, and know your upbringing, and an heavy scandall to all Nations professing the true religion. 5. An Act or deliverance of the Counsell is made against the proceedings of the Ministry, with a slanderous narrative sus∣pending simpliciter and disannulling the excommunication justly and orderly pronounced against Robert Mongomery a rebellious and obstinate offender and troubler of the Church of God, and open proclamations made accor∣ding thereunto. 6. Contempt of Ministers, and beating John Howeson out of the judgement-seat, where he was placed Moderator of the Pres∣bytery; the cruell and outragious handling of him, carrying him to prison like a thief by the Provest and Bailives of Glasgow and their complices; and after complaint, made no order is taken therein, but they are entertained as if that had been good service. 7. Displacing the M. of Glasg. out of his roome, which without reproach he hath occupied these many years: and convoca∣tion of the gentle men of the country that to effect. 8. Violence used by one of your own guard, to pull him out of the pulpit the day of the Commu∣nion, in presence of the wholl congregation and in time of Sermon: nor fault found therewith. 9. The officer of the Church was cast into prison, in your Gr^s presence, and there was keept a long time, for execution of Letters against a particular scandalons man. 10. Ministers, Masters of Colledges and Scholares of Glasgow in time of publick fast were by letters of horning compelled to leave their flocks & Schools destitute, and afterwards from time to time, and place to place have been delayd and continued, there∣by to consume them by exorbitant expences, and to wreck the churches & Schools, where they should bear rule and charge. 11. The scholars of Glasgow were invaded, and their bloud cruelly shed by the Bailive and com∣munity gathered by sound of the common Bell and stroak of drum, and by certain seditious men enflammed to have slain them all, and to have burnt the Colledge: and yet nothing done nor said to the authors of that sedition. 12. Hands shaken with the bloody murderers and persecuters of the people of God by gifts received and given. 13. The Duk's Gr. often promised to reform his house, and nothing is done there. 4. The lawes made for main∣taining true religion and punishing the enemies thereof, are not put to exe∣cution. So that all things go loose, and worse like to ensue. Many other things there be, that crave present reformation, where with wee think not expedient to trouble your Majesty untill wee see, what order shall be taken with these grievous complaints; Beseeching your Majesty most humbly for the love of God, who hath placed your Gr. in this Royall throne, and hitherto hath wondrously maintained and defended your authority, care∣fully to look upon these matters, as becomes the Lieutenant of God and a Christian King; And with advice of them that fear God, and do tender your Gr. estate, & quietnes of this Common well, so to redress the premisses, that Christ be acknowledged above all, and his messingers without fear or stop, be suffered to execute their office; the course of the gospell advanced, and by the exemple of the worthy punishment on them, (who so licentious∣ly and contemptuously have wronged and injured Ministers and Professors of Gods word,) that others hereafter be afrayd to enterprice the like. The next Assembly is appointed to be at Edinburgh October. 24. next. It is objected against this Assembly, that they did allow the Sentence of excom∣munication against Ro. Mongomery, whereas it was pronounced summa∣rily by one man in a private congregation, to wit, by John Davidson in the church of Libbertoun: and upon this ground, it was declared null by

the Counsell. It is ansuered. 1. That he who hath often objected this, testifieth, that before the Assembly, it was allowed and intimated in all the Churches of the country. 2. In the Assembly of October year 1581. was a Generall Act, ordaining summary excommunication against these, who through ambition or covetousness did by such violent means intrude themselves into any function of the Church, or who did obtend or use any Letters of charge to impede the disciplin: See before at the VIII. particulare. 3. When this was objected many years since, the au∣thor of Vindici. Philadelph Pag. 29. answered for this instance, that the Assembly [in October] knowing the mans inconstancy did advertise the Presbytery of Glasgow, that they should diligently take heed, that he usurp not the power of a Bishop; and if he shall do so, they were ordered to ••ondem him of contemptuousness and perfidiousness: and to advertise the Presbytery of Edinburgh, unto whom the Assembly at that time gave power to excommunicate Robert Mongomery in this case: and so the presbytery of Glasgow (notwithstanding the opposition made by Minto) went on, and decerned against him: and the presbytery of Edinb. pronounced the Sentence of excommunication, and it was intimated in all the pulpits. So for there. In the same place wee find, what was the suc∣cesse at Perth: When the Supplication was presented, James Stuart (a brother of Ochiltry, who had been Tutor of the Earle of Arran, and there∣after was made Earle of Arran: and at rhat time was Chancelor and ••omen∣ter of all these mischiefes) did menacingly ask, Who dar subscribe that Supplication? Andrew Melvin answered, Wee all will subscribe it: and so he did subscribe it; and after him John Erskin of Dun, Th. Smeton, Ro. Pont, Da. Lindsay, An. Hay, Pe. Blackburn, Tho. Buchanan and Pa. Galloway. English men, which were there, did admire their bold∣ness, and thought that they had some privy attendents for their guard: but they were dismissed without answers. Bishop Spotswood omitting this pas∣sage saith, To their grievances they received Generall answers, and for the brethren of Glasgow, their tryall was continued to the tenth of September next: before which time the surprise of the Kings person at Ruthven fell out, which altered the state of all affaires; some of the nobility combining * 5.170 themselves for defence of Religion, and the liberty of the Kingdom (as they pretended, sayth he) upon notice of the Duke of Arrans [I conceive an error in the print, for, the Duke and Arran's] absence from the Court, placed themselves about the King, and detained him some dajes at the house of Ruthven. The principalls were John Earle of Marre, William Earle of Goury, Patrick Lord Lindsay, Robert Lord Boid, the Mast^s of Glams & Oli∣phant, the Abbots of Dumfernlin, Paisley, Driburgh & Camsbuskenneth, the Lairds of Lochlevin, easter Weemes, Cliesh and the Constable of Dundy. At this time the Earle of Arran was taken and keep prisoner, and the Duke of Lennox (being advised by the Kings letters) went to France, and died at Paris in the beginning of the year following, These particulars are at length, loc cit. After the departure of the Duke, the town of Edinburgh brought back their Minister John Dury with great joy, singing, as they went up the striet, the 124. Psalme, Now Israel may say, &c, and as I heard some cre∣dible persons (which were there as that time) say, they added after the Psalme, Now hath God delivered us from the Devill, the Duke and all his men. The King went to Edinburgh in the beginning of October and there * 5.171 conveenes the Assembly in afrequent number of Noble men, many Barons and Ministers Commissioners: David Lindsay is chosen Moderator. In Sess.

2. The Ministers of Edinburgh were sent unto the K. to petition, that he would send his Commissioners unto the Assembly. The Commissioners that were sent by the former Assembly unto the King with the grievances, report the answers in write: these were read, and judged not to answer the Articles: therefore it is appointed, that they shall be further insisted on, with other things that are to be craved: and four are appointed to form them in write. In Sess. 3▪ James haliburton Provest of Dundy, and Colonell Will. Stuart come and deliver their Commission from the King in this te∣nor;

Wee by tenor hereof, with the advice of the Lords of our Secret Counsell, give, and grant authority, full power and commission to our right trusty and welbeloved friends, James haliburton......And Col. Wi. Stuart coniunctly and severally, for us & in our name, To pass unto the Generall assembly of the Church of our realm, and there to hear and consider the matters propounded, tending to the advancement of Gods glory and his true religion, the correction of manners, and retaining the ecclesiasticall matters in decent & comely order, as the word of God allowes; and to report the matters propounded and treated, unto us for our allowance and ratification of the same, as appertaines, and ge∣nerally all and sundry other things to do, that to the furtherance and assistance of all godly & good matters is necessarily required, firm & stable........

Subscribed with our hand at Halirudhouse Octo∣ber 10. 1582. and of our reigne the 16. year.

IV. The places where the Provinciall synods shall conveen, should be changed, as the brethren there∣of shall judge, that no ambition growe by continuing in one place. V. Seing great scandall ariseth by the impunity of Bishops being altogether out of rule, the Church thinks expedient, that the Kings Commissioners the Lord Boyd, the Laird Caprinton with the Moderator and his assessors conveen, and solidly advise upon some substantious order. VI. The Lord of Paisley in name of some Noblemen, gives the Church to understand, the grounds moving them to that late action at Ruthven, to wit, the danger they perceived of the Church and religion, the evident perill of the Kings Majesty and his estate, and the confusion and mis-order of the Common∣wealth, whereof as they feell good testimony in their own consciences, So they crave the Assembly would shew their good liking of the same, and give ordinance to each Minister at his church, to declare their good ground and action, unto their flocks, exhorting all Noble men & others whatsoe∣ver, faithfully to concurr with them in this good cause, to the full prosecu∣tion thereof. Then it was enquired by particular voting, Whither these perills and every one of them, whereof the information was made, was seen or perceived by the brethren? It was voted universally, affumativè. And to the end, the Kings mind may be also known in this particulare, Ja. Low∣son, David Lindsay and the Kings Ministers were directed to wait on the King to morrow after noon, to conferre of these dangers, and to report his answers. Their report was that his Maj. said, There was perill to religion, and indirect courses were taken to the hurt thereof, whereunto his own pe∣rill was joyned: for he esteemes his standing to be joyned with the standing of religion; As also he acknowledges sundry abuses in the realm, and that all good men should concurr of duty, to take away danger from the Church & from his person & estate; and to the reformation of the Common well. As for these things the Noble men craved, three were appointed to frame an Act concerning them, and shew it in the next Session. That form was sent unto the Commissioners of the town of Edinburgh to be advised by them

apart: and then was voted and agreed-unto by the Assembly. VII. The Assembly considering the scandall by the impunity of Bishops, to the grief of good men, gives commission to the particulare presbyteries after speci∣fied to summon and call before them the Bishops in manner following, that is, the presbytery of Perth shall summon the Bishop of Murray; the pres∣bytery of Edinb. the Bishop of Aberdien; the presbytery of Merns, the Bishop of Brechin; the presbytery of Dundy, the Bishop of Dunkell; the presbtery of Glasgow, the Bishop of Santandrews; the presbytery of Sterlin the Bb. of Dunblain and Isles; and to accuse them and every one of them in all or part, as they are guilty, to wit, of non-preaching and Mi∣nistration of the Sacraments; of negligence in doctrin & disciplin, haunting or frequenting the company of excommunicat persons; wasting the patri∣mony of the Church; setting tacks against the Acts of the Church, giving Collation of Benefices against the said Acts; and finally for giving scandall any way in life & conversation; And after due tryall, process & conviction, to put order unto every one of them, according to the quality of their of∣fense and Acts of the Assembly, Before the next meeting of the Assembly, As they will answer, &c. VIII. It is judged most expedient, that Col∣ledges and Univesities be visited: and commission is given to certain Noble men and Ministers, to concurr with such as the King and Counsell shall direct with them in visitation of all the Colledges, And to consider, how the rents and livings of every one of them are bestowd; how the doctrin is used by the Masters and Regents; whether it be correspondent to the Act of Parliament; how order in disciplin is keept among the students; And as they find disorder or defection, to take order there with, according to the Act of Parliament▪ IX. In Sess. 11. the [Sumner, or] Officer of the Church declares, that whereas he was directed to summon the Kings Ad∣vocat to compear before the Assembly, he could not find him, for he is in Hermestoun. A citation is directed to summon him to compear on wednesday next, and answer, whither he was the Former of the slande∣rous proclamation in July against the Ministry, and for opposing the law∣full proceedings of the Church; Certifying him, if he compear not, the Assembly will proceed, as appertaineth. In Sess. 17. the Kings Advocat compeareth, and adviseth the Assembly to consider, whither they will al∣low their form of proceeding against him being a servant of his Majesty, that he only is called upon the alledged forming of a Proclamation given out in the K^s name, under the title of A declaration, and concluded by authority of His Counsell; and as they shall find by their wisdom, he will not con∣temptuously refuse to answer. After consideration it was judged, that in respect of the slander arisen by his person, he may and should give his declara••ion, for removing the slander. He is content, and openly takes God to witness, that he neither invented nor formed nor penned that pro∣clamation, but at the desire of the Duke he translated out of French into Scots the last part of it, and did nothing more in all that proclamation, Here with the Assembly was satisfied, for his part. X. The Earle Both-well declares, that as he professed the true religion now preached within the realm, before his departure, so he hath continually lived, and min∣deth to live and die with it by Gods grace. X. Some burgesses of Glasgow were summoned to compeare. The Laird of Minto compeares, and con∣fesses his fault. The disciplin and otder to be used against him for the offense is rem••tted to the judgement and discretion of the presbytery of Glasgow: and so of John Graham elder; and the presbytery should report what shall

be done, unto the next Assembly. Archbald Hegget, John Graham young∣er, Hector Stuart, John Sprew••ll elder, Wil. Hegget and Robert Stuart are called, and compear not. They are condemned of contumacy, that being at severall times summoned to answer for haunting or using the company of Ro. Mongomery after his excommunication was intimated unto them, and for other enormities done against the Church, they have despised the voice thereof: they are ordained to make their publick repentance in the Church of Glascow, after the form to be prescribed by the presbytery, unto whom the execution of this sentence is committed. Colin Campbell, Malc. Stuart, Hect. Stuart, Jo. Graham elder, Gawin Graham and Archb. Hegget were summoned to answer for the violence done to Jo. Howeson in the presbytery: they are called: none of them compeares, excep John Gra∣ham (of whom before) and Gawin Graham. The Assembly ordaines the o∣thers for their violence and disobedience to be excommunicat in the church of Glasgow by D. Weemes, with advice of the Presbytery. XII. Articles were read and allowd as meet to be propounded; Seing the Jurisdiction of the Church is granted by God the Father throgh our Mediator Jesus Christ, and given to these only, who by preaching and overseeing bear office within the same, To be exercised not by the injunctions of men, but by the only rule of Gods word; That an Act of Parliament concerning the liberty and jurisdiction of the Church be so plainly declared, that hereafter none other under whatsoever pretense have any color to asscribe or take upon them any part thereof, in placing or displacing Ministers of Gods word, in spirituall li∣vings or offices without the Churches admission, or in stopping the mouths of preachers, or taking upon them the judgement and tryall of doctrin, or of hindering or dis-annulling the censures of the Church, or exeeming any offender there from. 2. That the Presbyteries consisting of Pastors or Teachers and such as are commonly called Elders according to Gods word, and now according to his Ma^s direction appointed in diverse parts of this realm, for disciplin and keeping order in ecclesiasticall affaires, Be approved & established by authority; and paines prescribed against them that stub∣bornly oppose themselves. 3. That the Synodall assemblies consisting of sundry Presbyteries, and Nationall consisting of the wholl, be approved; and by vertue & Act of Counsell presently, and of Parliament hereafter, have power to conveen so oft as occasion shall require, to advise, treat, conclude and make ordinances in such things as concern the well of the Church and their charge in doctrin and disciplin, with liberty to appoint times & places for that effect. 4. That Presbyteries and such as they will direct of their own number, have the same power in designing manses & gliebs, and repairing of Churches, as Bishops or Commissioners had be∣fore. 5. That every Church have their severall Pastor, to be sustained on the tyths of the parish, where he serves; and to that end, the manses of churches, that are annexed to great Benefices or prelacies, be dissolved; pensions given out of the tiths, and tacks of the same set by the Collectors or possessors, may be revoked, &c. Likewise a Supplication unto the King and Counsell was read, for redress of many enormities. 1. That the slanderous proclamation at Perth July. 12. and published in all townes and parish-churches, and to the perpetuall infamy of Gods servants is printed, may be perused and diligently considered, and triall be made, whither any Minister be culpable of such odious crimes, and if they be culpable, that they be punished with all rigor of law; And otherwise, that the givers out of so blasphemous reports. and devisers and diters of that infamous

libell, be punished accordingly; And that by Act of Counsell and open proclamation, the Ministry be declared innocent of such wicked and hainous crimes. 2. That the unaccustomed violence used against Jo. Howeson, drawing him out of the seat of the presbytery......And against David Weemes Minister, be so punished, that none be bold to attempt the like hereafter. 3. That Colin Campbell, Archbald, and Wi. Heggets burges∣ses of Glasgow with their complices be punished according to justice for the uproar made by them against the Students, and shedding their blood. 4. that the proclamation lately made for the liberty of the Assemblies may be enlar∣ged and more plainly cleared. 5. That your Lp^s will give his Majesty to un∣derstand, how wicked instruments they are, who persuaded his Gr. to allow and take upon himself all the mischiefs and ungodly proceedings, where∣by his Gr. and the Church & Country were brought into such misery and danger. 6. That all Acts of Counsell made against Presbyteries & assem∣blies, charging them to desist from proceeding in discipline and ecclesiasti∣call censures against scandalous persons, be annulled and deleted; and the Act made against J. Dury. 7. That his Majesty and Lords will weigh what great inconvenients and absurdities fall out upon the Act of Counsell made concerning the absolute power; and for removing them, to delete that Act, never to be remembred. 8. That his Gr. and Lords provide & care∣fully foresee, that by wicked practise of dimission or association of authori∣ty, the Church, the Kings Majesty and country be not hurt, and that the same be stayd in time. 9. That the stipend appointed unto the Minister of Sterlin, and now wickedly purchased by Ro. Mongomery to his young son, be restored for sustentation of a qualified man, to teach that flock, which by his ungodly dealing and apostasy hath been destitute so long time. 9. That it would please your Majesty and Lords to have compassion upon that Noble and godly man James Hamilton Earle of Arran, somtyme a comfortable instrument in Reforming the Church of God, and now visited by the hand of God, and bereft under pretence of Law. 10. That Com∣missioners be deputed in each part for visiting the Colledges. The Assem∣bly gives commission unto nyneteen Ministers with the Ministers of the Kings house, to present this Supplication unto the K••ng and the Estates now conveened at Halirud house, or unto the Parliament, when it shall be holden; crave answer, &c. In the next Session these brethren report, that the Lords crave the advice of the Church, who should sit in their names, to vote in Counsell and Parliament, seing now they are about the taking order for a Counsell consisting of three Estates. For better resolution in this particulare, it was thought meet, to enquire of the Lords what is their meaning in this proposition. In the following session, answer was retur∣ned, that the meaning is, Whither the Church will consent that some of the Bishops should for the Church be upon the Counsell. The assembly resolves, they can not agree, that any shall vote in name of the Church, but they who bear office in the Church, and are autho∣rized with commission thereunto. Two Ministers are appointed to return this a••swer unto the Lords. In this Convention of Estates nothing was done in the affaires of the Church: they were all for securing themselves.

XX. On January 28. year 1583. the King withdrew himselfe from the * 6.1 Nobility, that had separated the Duke and Arran from him, and he went unto the Castle of Santandrews, untill he sent for other Noble men to be of his Counsell; and the entituled Earle of Arran was let out of Duplin, and came unto the King: whereupon in the end of that year followed great

alteration. The Generall assembly conveenes at Edinb. April 24. Tho. * 6.2 Smeton is chosen Moderator▪ I. Three Ministers were sent unto the King, to humbly desire Commissioners for assisting the assembly in treating and concluding, &c. And seing his Majesty had sent Ambassadors into England, that he would be pleased, to endeavoure an union be made be∣twixt the two Kingdoms and other Christian Princes and Nations professing the true religion, against the persecution of Papists and them that are con∣federat in that bloody League of Trent: and also that her Majesty would disburden their Brethren of England from the yoke of ceremonies imposed upon them against the liberty contained in Gods word. Likewise in Sess. 5. others were ordained, to supplicate his Majesty earnestly, that the French Ambassador may be sent away, because his travell is suspected to tend against religion and the Commonwell: That a Jesuit Holt may be tryed, and according to his offense punished: That the Lord Seton's son may be ac∣cused for his Letters unto Jesuits: That a brother of Cambo refusing the censure of the Church, violating the K^s Lawes and practizing against religi∣on, may be summoned according to the law: That the Abbot of Holywood have no licence to depart out of the country: And concerning D. Chalmers a Papist. II. The Provest of Dundy and the Laird of Coluthy his Mas. commissioners crave that breethen may be authorized with commission to treat and conclude in such particulars, as his Majesty hath to pro∣pound. The assembly answereth, They have found by experience * 6.3 that commission given to conclude, hath done hurt unto the Church. And where they are bidden, not to medle with novelties, they intend none. III. Sundry references from Synods and presbyteries are dis∣cussed, as one against the Bailives of Santandrews for a scandalous Letter published by them in presence of the congregation March 17; Another from Glasgow, where Gawin graham and his complices were excommunicate, and then upon repentance crave to be absolved: they are remitted to their own presbytery, after evidence of their repentance to be absolved, &c. The assembly conveenes at Edinburgh October 10. Robert pont is chosen * 6.4 Moderator. I. The assembly is thinn: Provinces are marked which have sent none; and commissiones, wherein all the commissioners come not; that order may be consulted upon to correct them. II. When an Act is con∣cluded in the Generall assembly, and no just cause interveenes to make a change of it, it shall not be lawfull for any particular brother to call it into question in another Assembly. III. The Commission for visiting the Colledges is renued. II II. Because Commissioners are appointed, and somtimes they depart before they have gotten their commission; It is ordai∣ned that the Moderator receive from the Clerk the extract of every commis∣sion, and send it timously unto the brethren. IV. Ordaines every pres∣bytety to call before them the Beneficed men within their own jurisdiction, and take account, how they have observed the Acts of the Assembly, con∣cerning the disposition of their church-livings, and a just report to be made unto the next Assembly by the Moderator or their Commissioners, as they will answer unto God and his Church. And whereas some old possessors of taks, pretend some particular reasons, why the Church should consent, It is ordained, that such exceptions shall be first examined by the presbytery of that place, and then returned unto the assembly, that the suit may be decided according to equity. V. The process led by the presbytery of Santand. against Aleson Pierson, with the process led by the same presby∣tery against Pa. Adamson, and the process of the Synod of Fife justifying the

accusation led against the said Patrik, is exhibited, and continued. VI. In Sess. 5. a supplication is read and allowed, to be sent unto his Majesty, as followes; Sir, the strict commission wee have received from the Eternall our God, when in this your Ma^s realm wee were made watch-men of his people, and the fear full threatnings pronounced against these, who neglect to execute faithfully every part of their weighty charge, compell us, pre∣sently to have recourse unto your Majesty, perceiving things to fall forth to the great prejudice of Gods glory, and no small appearance of utter wreck of this Church and Common well, unless some remedy be hastily applied; most humbly therefore beseeching your Majesty to weigh diligently and consider these few heads, which with all reverence and observance wee do present, looking for a gracious answer and speedy redress thereof. 1. It is a great grief to the hearts of all them who fear God, to see apostates, sworn enemies to Christ, to your Gr. and all your faithfull subjects, (for∣feited for their treason, some also suspected and heavily bruited for the murder of the most noble person your umquhile Father, impugners of the truth by word and writ) continuing still in their wickednes and unreconci∣led unto the Church, To receive from your Majesty the Benefit of paci∣fication, to the prejudice of faithfull Ministers, whom they labour violently by that means to dispossesse. 2. That others from their youth nourished in the Church of God, and thereafter fallen back fearfully, and becom open runagates and blasphemers of the truth, and maintainers of idolatry and of the man of sin lieutenant of Satan, and oppressors of Gods people; and ne∣vertheless are received into Court, authorized and so far countenanced, that they are become familiar with your Majesty, whereby (besids the grief of your faithfull subjects) many are brought to doubt, what shall ensue upon such beginning. 3. That an obstinat Papist sent into the Country, to practize against God and quietness of your Gr. estate, and therefore as worthy of death was imprisoned at your M^s command with promise that he shall not escape punishment, yet (as wee understand) was by indirect means let depart, and no tryall made to find out the author of his delivery 4. That your Majesty seemes to have too much liking of the enemies of God alswell in France as some within this realm, who have never given testimony of any good meaning either in religion or your Majesties service, besides the irreligious life and dissolute beha∣viour of them, which in your Ma^s service have succeeded to men, that were known zealous in Gods cause, and faithfull to your Gr. from your tender age. 5. Since your Majesty took the Government in your own hand, many promises have been made, to take order for preserving the Church of God, and continuance thereof unto posterity, yet after long and conti∣nuall suit, nothing is performed, but in place of redress, the Church is day∣ly bereft of her liberties & priviledges. 6. The thirds are set in tacks for sums of money, in defraud of the Church, so that Ministers hereafter cannot be provided. 7. Abbecies are disponed, without any provision made for the Ministers serving at the churches annexed thereunto, directly against the Act of Parliam. 8. Church-livings are given to children, and transla∣ted into temporall Lordships. 9. There is no punishment for incest, witchcraft, murder, abominable oathes and other horrible crimes, so that sin encreases dayly, and provokes the wrath of God against the wholl country. 10. Oftyms your Majesty interpones your authority by Letters of horning, to stop the execution of the Acts made in the Gen. assembly, in matters belonging properly unto the Church, and no way concerning the

Civill estate. 11. There is a sore murmur among your Majesty lieges, and a lamentable complaint, that the Lawes of the Country have no place, and none can be sure of his life, lands nor goods: These things threaten a mis••rable confusion and the heavy hand of God to ensue. Lastly wee most humbly beseech your Majesty to suffer us lament this great division among your Nobility and subjects, the one part seeking by all means possible for their interess, to persuad your Majesty to undo the other, whereby con∣tinuall strife, malice and rancor is fostered, to the great danger of your Ma^s person, Whom God preserve unto his Church and this your country; Beseeching your Majesty for the tender mercy of God, to call unto your Majesty some of the wise, discreet and indifferent, and by their counsell to make a Moderate order, that unquiet spirits may be ruled, good men che∣rished, and the hearts of all your subjects united to the maintaining of God•• glory, preservation of your Majesty and estate, and the comfort of all them, who bewail this miserable dissolution. With this supplica∣tion, particular instructions were given unto the Commissioners for de∣claring these heads. 1. How heavily the godly are offended, and all the Church is scandalized, that David Chalmers a man notoriously known unto his Majesty and Counsel, to be not only a professed enemy a∣gainst the truth of religion, and plain practizer against it, but against his Ma^s authority & estate in all parts where he traveleth, having also lying upon his head the vile bruit and common suspicion conceived (in the hearts of many upon no small & obscure presumptions) of the cruell and barba∣rous murder of the most Noble person of his Ma^s Father of good memo••y, Is so suddenly, and with so small account entred in favor, and received his Ma^s pacification, with Letters to dispossesse faithfull Ministers of their li∣vings and possessions, no due satisfaction being made to the Church; a matter importing no less prejudice to his Mr^s noble estate, and that touching his Majesty in the hiest point of his honor: and therefore his Majesty would be moved to look wisely upon the consequents of this; and in consideration of this weighty grief would call back and suspend the effect and force of any thing granted unto him, and the charge given to his reposition, untill that after just & lawfull tryall his innoceney be agnosced, and the Church so much offended in his person, be satisfied; and the same satisfaction, to be returned unto his Majesty from the Church. 2. The young Laird of Fintry directed into this Country (as wee are surely informed) to pra∣ctize with his Majesty and his lawfull Subiects, for overthrownig of religion by power of friends now in Court; and wheresoever he comes, plainly maintaines papistry, and under color of conference (which by all means hy flyeth) doth great scandall in the Counrry. The third article is noto∣riously known. By the 4. Article is meant the King of France, the Duke of Guise and other Papists there; and also within the Country; as, the Earls of Huntley, Crawford and others. The Church is hurt in her pri∣viledges & liberties, as will appear in the article, and as followes; tacks of the thirds of Hadingtoun and Santandrews are set to the Laird of Seagy: the Abbey of Arbroth to that Abbots young sone: and the Abbot of New∣botle's sone is provided to that abbey. The 9. and 10. are known, as John Gairden is provided to the parsonage of Fordyce in the sixty year of God, and standes stili titulare: the Kings Majesty hath ser in tack the frutes of that Benefice to Rob. Stuart of Todlaw, and command is given to the Lords of Session to grant Letters upon these tacks. Alexander Arbuthnot is charged against the Acts of the Church, to continue in the Colledge of

Aberdien, Under pain of horning. The Ministers of the Chapter of Ha∣lirudhouse are charged by Letters of horning to subscribe a gift of pension to the Parson of Pennicook's wife and sone for their lyftimes, against the same Acts, &c. VII. The Act made Octob. 30. year 1576. concerning setting fues and tacks of Benefices and Church-livings, is ratifyed with this declaration, that under the said Act are and shal be comprehended all pensions, factories and whatsoever disposition of a Benefice or any part thereof, without the consent of the Generall Assembly; And the disponers thereof shall incurr the penalty contained in the Act of July 2. year 1578. VIII. The Synod of Lothian craves, that the Assembly take order with John Spotswood for setting a tack of his Benefice, without consent of the Assem∣bly. It is ordained, that this particular be tryed by his own presbytery, and be reported unto the next assembly. IX. Ministers bearing with peo∣ple going in pilgrimage unto wells hard by their houses, not only without reproof, but entertaining them in their houses; and who distribute the communion unto their flock, and communicate with such guilty per∣sons, deserve deprivation. X. Because by reading profane authours in Schools, wherein many things are written directly contrary unto the grounds of religion, especially in the Philosophy of Aristotle, the youth being curious & insolent, do oft drink-in erroneous & damnable opi∣nions, and grounding them upon the britle authority of these profane wri∣ters, do obstinatly maintain their godless opinions in disputation and other∣wise, to the great scandall of the simple: Regents and Teachers in Schools should vigilantly take heed, if any thing be written in the profane Authours against the grounds of religion, in teaching these, they shall note and mark the places, confute the errors, and admonish the youth, to eschue them as false; and namely in teaching philosophy to note these propositions following, as false and condemned by common vote of the Church; * 6.5 1. Omnis finis est opus aut operatio. 2. Civilis scientia est praestantissima, ejus∣que sinis praestantiss••mus est summum hominis bonum. 3. Honesta & jus••a sunt varia & inconstantia, adeò ut sola opinione constent. 4. Juvenes & rerum im∣periti & in libidinem proclives ab audienda morum Philosophia arcendi. 5. Quod aliud ab aliis bonis & per se bonum est, & causa cur caetera per se bona sunt, non est summum bonum. 6. Dei agnitio nihil prodest artifici ad hoc, ut arte suabene utatur. 7. Summum bonum vel minimi boni accessione augeri vel reddi potest op∣tabilius. 8. Pa••per, deformis, orbus aut infans non potest esse beatus. 9. Bo∣num aeternum bono unius diei non est magis bonum. 10. Foelicitas est actio a∣nimi secundum virtutem. 11. Potest aliquis studio suo felicitatem comparare. 12. Homo in hac vita & esse & dici potest beatus. 13. Post hane vitam nemo po∣test vel esse vel dici beatus, nisi propinquorum vel amicorum ratione. 14. Na∣turâ apti ad virtutem, eam agendo comparamus. 15. Virtus est habitus electivus in ea mediocritate positus, quam ratio prudentis praescribit. 16. Libera est nobis voluntas ad bene agendum. 17. Mundus est Phyficè aeternus. 18. Casus & fortuna locum habent in rebus naturalibus & humanis. 19. Res viles & inseriores non curat Dei providentia. 20. Animae pars una vel etiam plures sunt mortales. 21. Et quaecunque hinc pendent vel necessariò sequuntur. And if any shall be found to do contrary to this act, the censures of the Church shall proceed against him. And also that no Master or Regent, or any other assert or defend any of these propositions, not with that addition, Physicè, probabiliter, or the like, Under the pain of the censure foresaid. XI. In Sess▪ 16. His Ma^s answers were returned from Sterlin. 1. Understanding the first point to be meant of granting the benefit of pacification unto David Chalmers, his Master,

and knowing that man, to have been fotfeited only for that common action of his being at the field of Langside (for which, pardon was granted to so ma∣ny) he thought it no new or strange thing at the request of such as moved him, to grant unto him the same benefit, which many others had obtained; yet no way intending to spare the due punishment of him or any other, that may be charged or found guilty of the murder of his dearest Father, or that are or shall be adversaries to the religion, or impugners thereof against the lawes; the execution of which he hath been, is and will be willing to further, 2. The second head being particularly mean'd of Fintry, his M. wisheth the assembly to remember, how he hath dealt in that matter, and what testi∣moniall the Church of Edinb. gave him: nor hath his Majesty hindered the proceedings of the Church against him, nor any other, but mindeth to hold hand thereunto according to the lawes. The third being meant of Wi. Holt an English man escaping out of the castle of Edinburgh, his Majesty hath answered the Queen's late Ambassador; and it is no strange thing to hear of a mans escaping: but what they understand by indirect means of letting him depart, his Majesty being specially informed thereof, will after due tryall see the offenders punished according to their deservings. The fourth head being very Generall, his Majesty thinks, the assembly will not judge it pertinent unto them, to have vote in chusing his servants, or to be too curious of the occasions of placing or removing them; nor of the intelligence twixt him and other Countries for entertaining Civill peace, from which no Princes or Common wealths abstain, though being diverse in religion. The 5. Head containing a generall complaint upon some spe∣cialls appearingly expressed in the matters following, his Majesty wisheth the Assembly, as they would be specially & directly answered, so to form their petitions forbearing particular exampls, to ground their generall pro∣positions; and to remember that since he took the Government in his own person, moe good lawes have been made for advancement of the Church and true religion, then were before: and the defect of the execution hath not been his default. The sixth concerning the tack set to Seagy of certain victualls out of the superplus of the thirds, which he had before in pen∣sion, that is no new thing, nor any way prohibited: he could alswell content him with the pension as he had before, free of all paiment of duty▪ the necessary considerations moving to grant it, are well enough known to many: he is employd in publick service, wanting the living whereunto he is provided in title during his father's life, and his service is and may be ne∣cessary both to his Hi. and the Church. For any thing that may be thought omitted in the provision of Ministers serving at the Churches annexed to Abbeys in the late disposition of them, that is well supplied by the Act of Parliament: The execution whereof is stayed these two years in their own default rather then any other way, whill they have been craving their assignations continued as before, and as yet have not answered his messa∣ge sent by his Master of requests, unto the Assembly at Santandrews: Ne∣vertheless his Ma. made choise of certain Barons and others of good qualifi∣cation, known to be zealous to the furtherance of that good work, hoping to have had the assignations formed before the Assembly, but being uncer∣tain of the time appointed thereunto, this year is doubtfull, if they come to Edinburgh: But if they come, his Maj. shall sent them direction to proceed, and also other things most needfull shall be resolved without de∣lay. Concerning the giving of church-livings to children, and translating them to temporall Lordships, his Majesty considereth his own losse, and

hinderance of his service there-in: Whatsoever abuse hath entred be∣fore he accepted the government, time and the approbations of these pro∣visions by decriets of the Session, have brought the matter unto that e∣state, as it can be helped no other way, but by the Parliament: unto which when it shall be propounded, his Majesty shall hold hand to have all possible reformation thereof. The default of punishing vices mentioned in the. 9. head, and of the provision of the poor, and punishing vagabonds can not justly be imputed unto his Ma. who was ever willing to give com∣mission unto such as the Ministers thought meetest to execute the same. The. 10. head being generall, his Majesty would be glad not only to have it explained, but to hear all good advices, that shal be offered for reforma∣tion of that which may be found amiss, and how his lawes may have place, and justice administred to the confort & common benefit of all his good subjects. The 10. head is also very generall; as for that one exemple, the removing of the Principall of Aberdien to be Minister of Santandrews, his Majesty trusteth, the assembly will not think that matter (the substance being well considered) to be either so proper to the Church, or so impro∣per unto the Civill estate, but that his Hi. and Counsell had good ground and reason to direct his Letters as he did, upon the generall respect of the north country, wherein none was prejudged, seing there was no charge containing power to denounce at the first, but rather to do the thing required, or compeare, and show a cause in the contraty. What is said before briefly of a process against Pa. Adamson, is cleared by The Histori∣call Narration, that he had a long and filthy sicknes, and for curing it, he had sought help of a witch: and recovering health in some measure, he in a preaching before the King declared against the Lords, which lately had guarded the King, and against the Ministry: for which he was warned by the Presbytery of Santandrews, and the witch with whom he had con∣sulted: and from the Presbyrery the cause was brought before the Synod of Fife. In the Assembly the processe was found orderly deduced; and he had been warned by the Synod apud acta, to compear before the Generall assembly in October: for contumacy in not compearing, by the assembly he was suspended from the office of the Ministry; and it was appointed that far∣ther tryall should be taken of his life and corrupt doctrine. But he, preten∣ding that he was going to the well of Spae for his health, purchased from the K. security, that during his absence the church should not proceed against him, yet it was his purpose to stay in England, and there to seek the advice of the most corrupt sort, for the overthrow of disciplin in the Church of Scot∣land: for he thoughr that the surest course, to keep his Benefice. At that time the Civill estate was more and more troubled: for they, who in the conven∣ion of Estates Oct. 8. year 1582. vvere declared to have don good & necessa∣ry Service unto the K. and Country, and they with all their partakers were exonered of all action, that might be intended against them for what they had done at Ruthven; these [I say] a••ter Arran's returning to Court were char∣ged to enter into warde particularly designed unto them. This they obeyd not (except the Earle Auguise) and therefore were denounced rebells: and when harder course was intended against them, they fled, some to England, others ro France, and some to Irland. The Ministers were not silent at this time. Among others John Dury said in a Sermon, As the blind man, whose eies Christ had opened, Joh. 9. when the the phari∣sies said, Wee know this man to be a sinner; did reply, Whither he be a sinner, I know not, one thing I know, that though I was born blind, yet now I see, So what∣soever sort of men these be, I knowe not; but this I know, that the Church

was misetably vexed and almost oppressed, but by theyr meanes it was de∣livered. For these words (likely otherwise delated) he was summoned, to compear before the Counsell: he stood to the defense of what he had spo∣ken: and therefore he was confined in the town of Montros: soon after this the Min. there died, and the Church made choise of Jo. Dury to succeed▪, then the King gave him and his eldest son (enduring their lifes) a pension of 200. pounds out of two Abbeys. There was more work with Andrew Melvin: in a Sermon as Santadr. he said, Daniel propoundes unto Bal∣tazar the example of his grand father Nebuchadnezar: and so it is the duty of the Ministers of God, to lay before the Prince and people of their time, the examples of their ancestors, if need require: But in our time, if any would speake before the Court, what evill came unto James the fifth by familiarity of flatterers, that so the King would take heed of that kind of beasts, they will say, That preacher leaves his text; and possibly he shall be accused of treason. For these words he was charged to appeare before the Counsell: He appeares, and when worse words were layd unto his charge, he said, His doctrin in pulpit should first be tryed and judged by the Presby∣tery. He was bidden submit himselfe unto the King and Counsell: by no persuasion could he be induced to submit. The K. and Councell as his law∣full Judges proceed to examine witnesses. He appeales unto the judgement of the Church, and saith, If the Church shall condem what he had spoken, he shall willingly suffer whatsover torment shall be inflicted on his body. At eight a clock at night he is charged to enter as prisoner into the castle within twelve hours. In the morning Arran changeth his warde, and before seven a Messinger of armes chargeth him, to enter into Blackness withim 24. hours: at that time his friends said to him, They would take his life. ••efore mid∣day he went away to Berwick. After this, summons were directed a∣gainst Andrew Hay, Andrew Polwart, Patrick Galloway and Ja. Carmi∣chel Ministers, to answer before the Counsell, for keeping correspondence with the rebells. An. Hay compeares: nothing could be qualified against him: but upon suspicion he was confined in the north. The others for not compearing were denounced rebells, and fled into England.

XXI. What Pa. Adamson did in England, we shall have a hint of it a∣none: * 6.6 he returned in May, year 1584. by Act of Counsell a Parliament was appointed to sit May 22. Because there was no proclamation precee∣ding, they called it A current Parliament. The Historicall Narration saith, They who were privy to it, were of Arrans faction, or such as durst not oppose any thing: the Lords of the Articles were sworn, to be secrete: they had fyve Sessions in three daies: the doores were keept so closse, that none of the Ministry could find accesse. Pa. Adamson and Ro. Mongo∣mery sat as representing the third Estate, and gave votes (forsooth) to make themselves Bishops. The King and Parliament suspecting, that the Ministers of Edinb. would preach against their proceedings, sent a charge unto the Provest and Bailives, to pull the Ministers by force out of the pul∣pit, and committ them to prison, if they did so. What was done in the Parliament, appeares by the Acts: Spotswood hath the sum of them, saying, The King's authority over all persons, in all causes was confirmed; The declining of his Ma^s judgement, and the Councels, in whatsoever matter, declared to be treason; the impugning of the authority of the three Estates, or procuring the innovation or diminution of the power of any of them was inhibited under the same pain; All jurisdictions and judicatures, spirituall or temporall, not approved by his Higness and the three Estates were dis∣charged;

and an ordinance was made, that none of whatsoever function, quality or degree shall presume, privatly or publickly, in Sermons, de∣clamations or familiar conferences, to utter any false, untrue, or slan∣derous speaches, to the reproach of his Majesty, his Counsell and procee∣dings, or to the dishonor, hurt, or prejudice of his Highness, his parents & progenitors, or to medle with the affaires of his Hi. and Estate, under the paines in the Acts of Parliaments made against the makers & repor¦ters of lies. While these statutes were in framing, the Ministers, who were informed thereof, sent David Lindsay to entreat the King, that nothing should passe in Act concerning the Church, till they were first heard. Arran getting intelligence of this, caused arrest him as one that keeped intelligence with England: and he was not permitted to come unto the King. The first night he was keept in Halirudhouse, and the next morning sent prisoner to Blackness, where he was detained 47 weeks. Ja. Lowson and Wa. Balcanquall Ministers of Edinburgh hearing that he was committed, fled into England, leaving a short writing behind them, to shew the reasons of their departing. So Edinburgh was left without any preacher. Ro. Pont Minister of S. Cutberts, and one of the Senators of the Colledge of justice, because of the misregarde of the Church [as he pretended] in concluding these Acts; when the Heralds were proclaming them, took instruments in the hands of a Notary, of his dissenting, and that they were not obliged to give their obedience thereunto. Which done, he likewise fleeing, was denounced rebell, and put from the place in Ses∣sion. Hereupon rumors being dispersed, that the King was enclined to Popery, had made diverse Acts to hinder the free passage of the Gospell, and abolish all order and policy of the Church; Command was given to form a brief Declaration of his Ma^s intention, and to publish it for detecting these false rumors. In this declaration the occasion that enforced the King to make these statutes were set down, as the allowance of the fact at Ruthven, by the Assembly of the Church; Andrew Melvins declining the King and Counsell; the fast keept [at Edinburgh] at the feasting of the French Ambassadors; generall fasts indicted through the realm without the K^s knowledge; the usurping of ecclesiasticall jurisdiction by a number of Mi∣nisters & gentlemen; the alteration of the lawes at their pleasure, &c. And for satisfying good people, strangers als well as subiects, concerning his Ma^s good affection towards religion, certain articles were penned and subjoined to that Declaration, to make it appeare, that his Majesty in∣tended nothing but to have a setled policy established in the Church. But these things gave not much satisfaction, and were replied-unto in pamphlets, which dayly came forth against the Court and rulers of it............All this summer troubles continued, the Ministers being dayly called before the Counsell, and a great business made of their subscription to certain articles concerning their obedience unto the Bishops: they who refuse, had their stipends sequestrat: which caused a great out-crying among the people, and made the rebells to be the more favored. The King, to rid himselfe of these vexations, did call the principall Ministers and having shewd, that all his desire was to have the Church peaceably governed, he willed them to set down their reasons in writing, why they refuse subscription, that he may consider them, and satisfy their doubts. They chuse rather to pro∣pound the same by word, and after some conference were induced to sub∣scribe the Articles, this cause being added, agreeing with the word of God. So far there. This clause gave occasion of contention: for the Ministers did,

declare, tha•• they would be obedient unto the things that were commanded unto them according to the word of God; and in this sense they would obey the Kings command. But the adverse party took and expound ir as an acknowledgement, that episcopall Jurisdiction was according to the word of God, because it was said, They submitted themselves unto episcopall jurisdiction in such things according to the word of God. The causes of deposition of Ministers not having vote in Parliament, were published in the Kings name; among these was one, the acceptation of the place of Ju∣dicature in whatsoever Civill or criminall causes, as being of the number of the Colledge of Justice, Commissary, Advocate, Court-clerke, Notary, the making of testaments only excepted; And, for not subscribing the band and obligation devised by act of Parliament for dutifull submission & fidelity to our Soverain Lord, and shew their obedience to their ordinary Bishop or Commissionare appointed by his Majesty to have the exercise of the spirituall jurisdiction in their diocy. So the power of jurisdiction was proper unto the King, and the exercise thereof was committed by him unto whom hee would; as I have seen his Patent committing unto John Erskin of Dun [who is there called, our wel beloved Clerk and our Commissioner in eccle∣siasticall causes] that exercise within the diocy of Brechin, Providing that his authority in any grave matter be limited and circumscribed to the counsell of thretteen of the most antient wise and godly pastors of the said diocy, to be elected forth of the wholl Synodall assembly and allowed by Us with an∣swer of our Privy Counsell or the most part of them. And to make cleare the estate of the Church at that time, I adde the substance of an epistle writ∣ten then by Andrew melvin unto Divines abroad, and is to be found in Vindicat. Philadelph. pag. 54. It hath pleased the Lord so to blesse the en∣deavoures of his servants, that they have undertaken according to what is prescribed in his word, and to increase the Churches of Scotland with so great and so incredible felicity heretofore, of his singulare bountifulness: But, alas! when wee do not answere unto so great and rare grace & bounti∣fulness of God toward us, with such thankfulness of hearts and perfor∣mance of duties as became us; behold through a marvellous yet just judge∣ment of God, Satan hath so blinded with ambition and avarice one thogh not of us, yet a Minister of the word among us, that forgetting (as one saith) decorisque sui, sociûmque salutis, he continueth uncessantly to confound heaven and earth, and to disturb all things: for when he had deserted his flock, and without knowledge of the Church had creept into Court; when he had not only in a most wicked manner entred into that false episcopacy rising again out of hell, against which he had before foughten evermore, but also had taken that dominion, which he had in a Sermon and before a frequent Assembly after abjured, and by his subscripti∣on at severall cimes had renounced; when he had adioyned himselfe unto the sworn enemies of the Church and religion, in a base slavishness and most vile cause; when in doubtfull things, and desparing of his health he had not only advised with witches, and with tears begged their help......And also had plotted with the Machiavilian Courtiers and the Pop's emissaries against the life of a very godly and religious man; for all which causes he feared rhe censures of the Church, to be discharged from the Office of preaching; he obtaines from his Royall Majesty a free Ambassage to go into other countries, under color of seeking health, but as experience teaches, to vexe the Church......And so at London he carrying himself as an Amssassador, had frequent consultations

with the Ambassadors of France & Spain; and with the Bishops there (for he abode there, and intended not to go further) he traduced the best subjects as seditious & traitors, and was altogether taken up with counsells, by which the most learned and faithfullest preachers in both the Kingdoms, are compelled now to be altogether silent and leave the Ministery, or to pro∣vide themselves by flying & exile, or to suffer the inconveniencies of prison, or against Duty & conscience subscribe unto the ambitious tyranny of Bishops, and the impiety of many rites. From him came these Archiepis∣copall Letters unto you and the brethren of Zurick, wherein by his cun∣ning craft of faining and dissembling he chargeth us with false crimes, and accuseth the discipline of our Churches with many calumnies, albeit he know very well, and our conscience beare us witnes, that it was our wholl care, to ground our discipline upon the word of God so far as wee could. Wee assure you, that that good order of the Church, which Adamson did first craftily undermine, then openly impugne, and at last revile as Papall tyranny, as the mother of confusion and the cause of sedition, was from the beginning of abolishing popery, sought by our church out of the word of God, and thereafter was allowed by the suffrages of the wholl Church, and by degrees brought at last (as we were able) unto some measure of perfection, by the blessing of God, and three years since was approved, sealed and confirmed with profession of mouth, subscription of hand and religion of oath, by the King and every subject of every Estate par∣ticularly............He hath persuaded the Kings Majesty and these Po∣pish and Epicurean clients of Guisianes and Queen Mother, to cast presby∣teries into the ground, to restore the tyranny of episcopacy, to attribute unto the King the sole command or (as they call it] absolute power in Ecclesiasticall affaires, and by their authority to decern the Sentences of excommunication pronounced lawfully by the Presbytery, to he null. Briefly they have committed all ecclesiasticall jurisdiction and power of go∣verning the Church [next unto the King] unto these false Bishops who are either justly excommunicat or known to be flagitious. Among these the first place is given unto P. A. the prime adviser and instrument of all these counsells and plots. i. e. who enjoying that perpetuall & Papall Dictature, doeth without any restraint and wonderfully oppresse the Ministers and all godly men: he doth present unto them these his sodered articles, or rather the blots of ecclesiasticall order which he hath lately sucked from the dregs of the Popish vessels sticking as yet in our nighbour country, and forceth by Royall autority, the Ministers to drink and subscribe them. So far he. * 6.7 This houre of darknes (as it was called) continued nor long: behold how God dispelled it. Bishop Spotswood informes this particulare▪ in this manner; Upon information, that Nicol Dagleish Minister at S. Cutberts did in his publick prayers remember the exiled brethren▪ he was called before the Counsell, and accused for praying for the King's rebells, and for keeping intelligence with them by Letters. He confesseth his prayer for the brethren, maintaining it to be lawfull, but he denied the intelligence; only he granted, that he had seen a Letter written by M^r Balcanquall to his wife, remembring him kindely. The King was offended with his answers, and commandeth his Advocat to pursue him criminally: which was done the nextday. At his appearing before the Justice, when he had heard rhe indict∣ment, he said, He should not be questioned for one and the same fact be∣fore two Judicatories, and having answered these points before the Coun∣sell, he should not be put to it again. The Advocat replieth, The Coun∣sels

proceeding takes not away the criminall Judge: and therefore he must answer: and he was commanded to answer advisedly, seing it concernes his life. He saith, If I must answer, I think not, that I have offended in praying for my brethren, who are in trouble: and if the conceiling the Letters which I saw, be a fault, I submit my selve to his Ma^s will. The Jury proceedes, and declares him guilty of treason: yet the Sentence was continued, and he was sent to prison in the Tolbuth, where he remained some months, and in end upon his supplicatton was pardoned. In the same Court David Hume of Argathy and his brother Patrick were condemned to dearh for keeping intelligence with the Commendator of Dryburgh, and in the after noon were executed: yer was it no matter of State, but some private accounts undischarged before his going out of the country, where∣in they had interchanged one or two Letters. This severity was univer∣sally disliked: but that which ensued, was much more hatefull. To breed a terror in people, and to cause them abstain from communicating in any sort with the exiled Lords, a Proclamation was made, That who shall discover any person offending in that kind, shall besides his own par∣don, receive a speciall reward. Upon this, one Robert Hamilton of Eglismachan delateth Malcolm douglas of Mains and John cuningham of Drumwhasill, for having conspired to intercept the King at hunting, and detain him in some strong hold till the Lords might come, and receive him. A meer forgery it was, yet gladly hearkned unto by them that desired to be rid of them: they were both gentle men of good respect, and mistrusted of the Court......They were brought vvithout resistance to Edinburgh: February 9. they vvere presented to Justice......When Main's indictment vvas read, he denied all, and so cleared himself by the unliklyhood, and their impossibility to compasse a business of that importance, to all there present, that in their hearts they did pro∣nounce him innocent. Neverthelesse they vvere declared guilty of treason, and the same day hanged in the publick strier of Edinburg. Hamilton the de∣lator was afterwards killed in the park of Sterlin. These cruell proceedings caused a generall fear, that all familiar society was in a manner lest off, none knowing to whom he might savely speak. Arran in the mean time * 6.8 went on, drawing into his hands the wholl managing of affairs: for he would be sole and supreme over all......He was Chancellor......The castls of Edinburgh & Sterlin he had in custody: then made himself Ptovest of the Town: as if all this had not been enough, he was declared Generall Lieutenant over all the kingdom. In a word, whatsoever he pleased, was done, and without him nothing could be done. This stirred up great emulation against him in Court. The Master of Gray a great favorite at that time [and professed Papist] took it disdainfully, that every thing was governed by him [there be moe particulares there, which I passe over] Arran careth not what enmity he draw upon him. The Earle of Athol, the Lord Hume, and Master of Cassils were committed to prison; the first, because he refused to divorce from his wife (a daughter of the Earle of Gowrie) and entaile his lands to him; the next for that he denied him his part of the lands of Dirltoun; and the third for denying him a loan of some moneys, which it was thought he might spare. Then he falleth out with the Lord Maxwell for excambion of his heritage with the Barony of Kin∣niell, which Arran possessed by the forefeiture of the Hamiltons: but Maxwell would not exchange with a new and uncertain purchase. Fot this cause Arran intends a quarrell against him, and causeth denounce him re∣bell,

and they gather forces the one against the other. I shew but the sum. In the mean time Sir John Forrester and Thomas Ker of Farnherst Wardens of the Midd Marches conveening for restoring some goods taken from the English, a tumult hapneth, wherein Sir Francis Russell son to the Earle of Bedford was killed: this was layd upon Farnherst and he was said to have done it by Arrans instigation: for these two were in great friendship. The Queen craves, that Farnherst be delivered: Arran strongly opposeth. The Queen had called the exiled Lords south ward; and upon this accident gave them licence to return unto the Borders. The king for satisfaction of the Queen confineth Arran in Santandrews, and the other in Aberdien where he died; but Arran was restored. In July was a league offensive and defensive contracted betwixt the two kingdoms in the cause of religion: for then was discovered the Holy league as they called it, which the Pope had made with the Princes to extirpat the Reformed religion: Q. Elisabet under∣standing herselfe to be principally aimed at, thought nothing better, than to make a counter-league with the Reformed Princes: to that effect she sent one to the King of Denmark and Princes of Germany, and another unto King Iames: the motion did well please the Estates of Scotland con∣veening at Santandrews. Here the Bishop omittes, that the pest was raging in Edinburgh and other chief townes, and then the people cried out, that the Lord's hand would not be stayd, till the banished Lords and Ministers were returned: whereupon their friends advertised them, to draw near unto the borders: and these that were exiled before for other causes, joyned with them, and so did Maxwell. They appoint their rendezvous at Lintoun, and meeting there did solemly swear, that they shall not sepa∣rate, nor give over the prosecution of their enterprise, untill the King be moved to accept them in favor, and put Arran out of his company. To justify their proceedings, they gave forth a Proclamation, shewing their aimes to be the defence of the truth, the deliverance of the King from cor∣rupt Counsellors, and the preserving of amity with England. In this proclamation they especially endeavoure to make Arran odious, and they named Col. Stuart as an abuser of the King: of other Counsellors was no mention; which encreaseth Arrans jealousie against them. They * 6.9 came to Falkirk, and understanding, that there was no great com∣pany with the King at Sterlin, they draw near it October 31. that night Arran and Crawford keept the town-gate: but the Lords entred by a secret passage without resistance: a cry was raised, The town is taken. Craw∣ford flyeth to the Castle, and Arran escapes by the bridge. So soon as the King understood of their humble petitions by the Secretary and Justice-Clerk, he said, I did never love that mans vjolence [to wit, Arran] and howbeit I can not but offend with their doings, yet for the Countries sake and for publick quietness I can pardon all: but one thing I desire you to look unto, that none in my company receive any harm: I know there be quarrells betwixt Crawford and Glammes, betwixt Anguise & Montrose and I believe that Col. Stuart is not well beloved: with my honor I can not permitt these to be hurt: provide that these be in savety, and I shall willingly admit them. This was reported unto the Lords: they reply, they had not taken arms for any privat quarrell, nor would they mixe par∣ticulars with the publlck, but it were good for eschuing inconvenients, that the Noble men, whom the King had named, were put in custody of speciall persons, and the Colonell be discharged from his office of the guarde, and the same be conferred on another. This was declared unto

the King, and he consented to receive them. Two dayes thereafter the King renewes his promise unto them, and confirmes it by Act of Counsell, and proclames a Parliament to be held at Lithgow in December for rati∣sying the same. Ministers repaire from all parts to Lithgow a litle before the beginning of the Parliament, and sought abrogation of the late Acts against the discipline. The King would not hear of it, and the exiled Lords said, It was not expedient to medle in that matter at that time: they must first be setled in their estates, and afterwards they may prevail with the King. The King also willed them, to set down in write, what exceptions they had against these Acts. They did offer their animadversions with a supplication, wherein they crave the Ministers to be restored to their for∣mer possession alswell of the disciplin as of their places. The King took paines to penn with his own hand a mitigation of these Acts, in this man∣ner (as I found among the Papers of John Erskin) That the word of God be truly and sinceerly preached, as before; That all process of excom∣munications shall proceed as before; The Generall Assembly shal be only convocate by the kings Letters; That the Ministers shall not proclame a fast before they shew the causes unto the King; That all Bishops nominat by the kings Majesty shal be tryed and admitted by the Gen. assembly; That all sects and heresies shal be tryed by the Church, and as the persons shal be found culpable, the Kings shall execute justice. When the king delivered these, he said, These shall bee als good and sufficient as an Act of Parlia∣ment. But the Ministers were not contented with these, and the full deter∣mination was remitted unto the next Generall Assembly, which then was called to conveen at Edinburgh in May following.

XXII. Some thing was done in the Spring, but it will be mentioned * 6.10 in the Assembly: which conveened May 10. in Edinburgh: After Sermon had by Robert Pont, the Lord of Privy Scal and M^r Peter young (being directed from the King) shew, that his Majesty is taken up with great af∣faires, so that he can not give his presence for that day; and therefore cra∣ves, that all the brethren would repair after noon unto the great chapell in the Abbey, where he shall propound his minde unto them; and to delay the election of the Moderator untill that time. All the brethren do consent upon condition, It shall not prejudge the liberty of the Assembly in any way. The Commissioners declare, that they know no prejudice intended. After noon they conveen in that place: the king declares, why he had desired them to conveen there: then prayer being make by Ro∣bert Pont, David Lindsay is chosen Moderator. The King appoints the Lords Secretary, Iustice-Clerk, Privy-Seale, Iohn Graham, L. Culros and Peter young to reason and advise with the Moderator and Assessors on matters mutually to be propounded; and them or any two or three of them, to concur with the Assembly, as his Commissioners. The next day they return to the ordinary place▪ I. Two Ministers being directed unto the king, to solicite the redeliverance of the Assemblie's Register, bring answer, that they shall be directed unto the Clerk every day, but at night they shall be in the hands of the Privy-Seall, enduring the Assembly, and before the closing he will be personally present. II. The places for con∣veening of Presbyteries are named through out all the kingdom; and Com∣missioners are appointed to designe the Churches in every Presbytery. Their advice vvas returned in the last Session. III. The Synodall assem∣blies are appointed, to conveen the first tuysday of October next: and the places are named, and thereafter every Synod is left to their own option of

time and place. IV. David Cuningham Bishop of Aberdien is ordained, to be summoned before the Presbytery of Glascow for adultery with Elisa∣bet Sutherland. V. The Articles of the Conference held in February be∣tween the Deputies of the Counsell and some Ministers called together by the King, were propounded in the privy Conference, to be examined by the Kings Commissioners & the Moderator with the Assessors: and they * 6.11 report agreement. 1. That none shall vote in the Assembly but such as the Scripture appoints Governors of the Church. 2. There are four ordi∣nary Offices warranted by the Scripture, to wit, Pastors, Doctors, El∣ders and deacons; and the name of a Bishop should not be taken, as it hath been in Papistry, but is common to all Pastors or Ministers. 3. It is law∣full and necessary at this time, that Uisitation and the form thereof continue; and other circumstances to be considered here after, &c. In Sess. 7. some were appointed to confer with the Kings Commissioners, upon the cir∣cumstances. And in the same Sess. the Kings Commissioners crave the resolution of the wholl Assembly, Whither they will accept Bishops, as they were circumscribed in the abovenamed Conference, or if they will refuse? Answer is delayd untill the next day, that all the Conference be publickly read. and immediatly it is voted and concluded, that a Bishop is a speciall charge, and function annexed to it by the word of God, even the same, that an ordinary pastor is. In Sess. 9. after reasoning it was concluded. It is lawfull to the Gen. Assembly, to admit a Pastor, Bishop or Minister ha∣ving a Benefice, and presented by the King unto it; Also that Visitation may be in the person of a Pastor; and that the Gen. Assembly may send a man with such as the Presbytery shall adioyn unto him in Visitation. In Sess. 10. after conference had (as said is) the wholl Assembly declares, that by the name of a Bishop, they meane only such a Bishop as is described by Paul; and in this sense they agree with the third Article of that Confe∣rence. 4. It is agreed on the fourth article, that a Bishop may be appoint∣ed by the Gen. assembly, to visite certain bounds, that shall be desig∣ned unto him, and in Visitation he shall proceed by the advice of the Sy∣nodall assembly or such as they shall adjoyn unto him. 5. In receiving of presentations, and giving Collation to Benefices he shall proceed by the advice and vote of the Presbytery, where the Benefice lyeth, at least of the most part of the Presbytery and of the Assessors, that shal be adjoined unto him, Untill the time the Presbyteries be better established, and the gener. Church take further order: And those assessors at the first time shall be named by the G. Ass. 6. In Sess. 11. He shall be subject in respect he is a Pa∣stor, as other Pastors are, to be tryed in his life and doctrine, by the Presby∣tery or the Synodall Assembly; and because he hath commission from the G. Assembly, in that respect he is to be tryed by them. 7. If he admit or de∣prive without the consent of the most part of the Presbytery, the deed shall be null, and the doing thereof shall be a sufficient cause of deprivation of him. 8. His power is to be ordinis causa, nonjurisdictionis. 9. Where they that shall be so called Bishops, may not undertake the wholl bounds that of old was called a Diocy, Commissioners shall be presented by his Ma. unto the Gen. assembly, and admitted by them thereunto as the saids Bishops are to theirs, and to be countable only unto the said assembly for their com∣mission; And the Bishop to have no power within their bounds, more than they have within his boundes. 10. The Commissioners being elected as said is, have a like counsell and power, in the execution of their office, as the Bishops have. 11. The Commissioners appointed to visit presby∣teries or their particular Churches as the the presbyteties or Synods shall

think good, shall not prejudge the Presbyterie's peculiar Visitation. 12. The same causes of life and doctrin shall deprive a Bishop or Commis∣sioner, that deprives a Minister. The 13. article is agreed. The Commissioners from his Majesty do protest, that in respect the assembly hath cast down, what was required in the Conference at Halirudhouse nothing done either in that Conference, or in this assembly, have any force or effect, and namely, that they have subjected the Bishops unto the tryall and censure of the Presbyteries & Synods. Because of this protestation the assembly immediatly directes Ja. Martine, Ro. pont and Pa. Galloway to inform his Ma. concerning this matter. In Sess. 12. these brethren report, that his Majesty will not agree, that Bishops and Commissioners shall be otherways tryed, than by the Generall Assembly. The assembly, j••dgeth it expedient in respect of the time, that albeit it be reasona∣ble, that the tryall and censure of all Pastors should be in the Presby∣teries, where they remain, nevertheless that the tryall and censure of such Pastors, as the Generall Assembly shall give commission unto, to Visite, shall be in the hands of the said Assembly, or such as they shall depute, Untill farther order be taken by the Gen. assembly. Unto this ordinance the Kings Commissioners do consent, and so passe from their former protestation. 14. Vhe Commissioners that before have received commission of Visitation, shall continue in that charge for a year to come, and thereafter as the Assembly shall judge expedient. 15. In Sess. 1••. The Generall assembly gives full power & commission unto certain brethren of every Province, to summon before them respectivè, at such day and place, as they shall think expedient, the Bishops and commissioners, if they find occasion of slander to arise by them in doctrin, life or conversation at any time before the next Generall assembly; and to try and take probation thereof, lead and deduce process against them unto the Sentence Exclusivè, Remitting the finall judgement therein unto the Gen. assembly. 16. It is agreed, that where Bishops & Commissioners make their residence; they shall be Moderators in these presbyteries, except Fife, where by his Mas advice Robert Wilkie is continued Moderator of the presbytery of San∣tandrews untill the next Synod-VI. In Sess. 7. The Lord Maxwell com∣peares, and declares that at his Ma^s command he now appeares before the Assembly, as he had given caution before the Counsell, that he should com∣pear before them this day: and in respect of his obedience he protestes, that his cautioner should be free: he takes instrument upon his appearance and protestation. The Assembly know not the cause of his compearance, nor had any information from his Majesty, therefore they order him to be present the next day after noon; and they aske the kings Commissio∣ners, what the cause is. The kings Commissioners do protest, that Maxwel's Cautioner should not be free, untill they return his Majest. mind unto the Assembly. In Sess. 8. Compeares the Earle of Morton, the Lord Maxwell and some others; Maxwell was accused for hearing Masse. The Act of the Privy Counsell was read for information of the Assembly. Max∣well answered, For his transgression he had answered the kings Law: and he craves conference of learned men, concerning the religion. Certain * 6.12 brethren were appointed to inform him. VII. In Sess. 13. Concerning an appellation made by Pa. Adamson from the process and Sentence of excom∣munication pronounc••d against him by the Synod of Fife; Pa. Galloway and John Duncanson had been directed, to see whither the king thought good, that certain of his Counsell shall be appointed with certain brethren to be

named by the assembly, to consider that process and appellation, before it be brought to the publick judgement of the assembly. His Ma^s answer is reported, that he is willing, it be so. In Sess. 16. They who were ap∣pointed, to consider that process begin to report their advice. So many of the Ministers of Fife as were present, were bidden to remove. These do protest, that the assembly should proceed in that matter formally, and tak-in the appellation and the process; hear the alledging of the appellant, and their answers; (and they offer themselves ready to answer) and ac∣cordingly to proceed and judge; and otherwise, that howsoever that action shall be judged, it shall be no prejudice to their process and Sentence, nor unto the Churches of Scotland. These are removed. The brethren of the Assembly do for the most part vote, that it is not expedient to enter into the rigorous discussing of that appellation and process, but a midst to be taken in it, as it was propounded, and publickly read: whereof the tenor is; If the Bishop by his hand-writ or personall compearance in the Assem∣bly, will (professing in the presence of God) deny, that he ever did publickly professe, or mean in any way to exercize a supremacy, or to be Judge of other Pastors or Ministers, or ever allowed the same to have a ground in Gods word; and if he had so done, it had been an error and a∣gainst his conscience and knowledge. 2. If hee will deny, that in the last Synod he sought to be Judge thereof; or if he did that, in that he had erred, and in that imperious behavior & contempt of the Synod and his brethren; he shall crave that it may be overpassed, and promise good behavior in time coming. 3. If he will promise, that he shall take upon him no fur∣ther power than he may justly by Gods word, and according to the late Conference, and endeavoure in all respects to shew himselfe in all time co∣ming a moderate Pastor, and so far as he may, be a Bishop prescribed by Paul, and submitt his life & doctrine unto the judgement & censure of the Generall assembly, without any reclamation, provocation or appellation from it in any time coming; in that case for his Ma^s satisfaction, and to give testimony with what good will wee would obey his Majesty ••o ••or as wee ought, or in conscience may, and for the good assurance wee have of h••s Ma^s favorable concurrence in building the house of God, and for quietnes to continue in the Church of God within this realm; And because the process of excommunication was led, and the sentence pronounced, during the time of the conference, whereupon his Ma. hath taken occasion of offence, which for many good causes were convenient to be removed; wee will forbear to examin the said process, or to decide whatsoever provocation or appellation: or call into doubt the legality or form of the said process, or condem the Synod; yet for the respects foresaids and upon good and weighty conside∣ration, wee hold the said process as unled or undeduced, and the Sentence as unpronounced, and repone the said Bishop in all respects, so far as may concern the said process & Sentence of excommunication, into thr for∣mer estate he was in▪ immediatly before the same, as if no process or sentence had been led or deduced against him; Providing always, he observe what hath been promised by himselfe, dutifully in his vocation in all time coming In Sess. 17. Andrew hunter, a Minister, made protestation publickly, as followes, Seing the Provinciall Assembly of the church of God gathered in his name at Santand. Aprile 12. 1586. for manifest crimes; upon contu∣macy, hath justly and formally according to the word of God and sinceer custom of the Church of God, excommunicated Patrik adamson; And that in this assembly they take on them to absolve the said Patrick from the

said Sentence, the process not being tryed nor heard in publick. the per∣son excommunicat declaring no signe of true repentance, nor craving the absolution by himselfe nor his proctors, before the very time wherein they absolve him; He therefore for his part and in the name of all other true brethren and Christians, who will be participant hereof, taketh God to record of the dealing of that Provinciall and this Generall Assembly, and protestes before the Almighty God, his holy Angels and Saints here con∣veened, that he hath no assurance in Gods word, or of conscience, to assent, allow or approve this absolution. And therefore untill the time he perceive the mans conversion to be true & effectuall, he can not but hold him a man justly delivered to Satan, notwithstanding the said absolution; And this his protestation subscribed with his hand, he craves to be registred ad perpetuam rei memoriam; And there-with gave-in the speciall reasons mo∣ving him here unto, premitted to the said protestation made. Andrew Melvin and Thomas Buchanan do adhere unto this protestation made. Patrick Adamson had subscribed the conditions propounded by the Assem∣bly, at Halyrud house May 20. 1586. with his declaration thereupon: for the which cause the Assembly didabsolve him: and for these causes as they be contained in the said proposition at length, they declare as is before. In Sess. 18. concerning the execommunication of Ja. Melvin Minister at Kil∣rinny and some other brethren of Fife, by Patrick Hamiltoun and Samuell Cuninghan, The Assemb. ordaines the Presbytery of Santand. to take tryall in that matter, and put order to the same according to the quality of the offense. VIII. In Sess. 17. All Ministers are exhorted and admonished to judge charitably of others, albeit there be diversity of opinions and votes, remitting every man to God and his own conscience, and that none publick∣ly or in pulpit quarrell or impugne the determination of the G. Ass. concer∣ning the appellation from the Sentence of the Synod of Fife. IX. In Sess. 16. Articles were read, and ordained to be presented unto, and craved of his Majesty. It may please your Maj. to take some substantious order, how the Country may without delay be purged of the pestiferous Sect of the Jesuits, specially of those who for their friendship in the North are highly authori∣zed: albeit they have been summoned to underly the law, and an assise was summoned for that effect: yet their non-compearance is dispensed with, and they go through the Country freely, meaning nothing lesse, than to depart, and Jesuites repair unto them a new out of the South and out of France. 2. Seing Papistry aboundes in the North for the want of qualified Ministers there, and this is partly for lack of sufficient provision & stipends: therefore assignations would be made unto them conform unto the Mini∣stry in the South: and let not the thirds there be assigned unto the churches of the South, untill their own churches be first provided sufficiently, and such as have been otherwise provided, be discharged▪ 3. That Judges may be appointed i•• all Shyres, for executing the Acts of Parliament, made against the breakers of the Sabbath, adulterers and such open transgressors of the Lawes. 4. That in chief Burrowes there be teaching ordinarily four times in the week: and seing moreover the disciplin, visitation of the sick and other business are ordinary to Pastors, therefore let two Ministers be appointed unto such Townes. 5. That order be taken, how Colledge∣churches may be served. 6. That order may be taken for Manse and gleebs unto Ministers making residence at Abbey-churches; as also that such as have or shall have Manse and gleeb, may have necessaries the••eunto, to wit, fuell, pasturage, feall and devat, as was of old. 7. That all gifts

of Benefices having the cure of souls, and have been disponed by your Ma▪ pleno jure, and not qualified persons presented unto them with ordinary tryall and Collation following thereupon; May be declared null, accor∣ding to the Lawes already made; and that your Ma. would give now pre∣sentations unto qualified persons; and the nullity of the former gift be discussed alswell by way of exception as of action. 8. That all presenta∣tions or gifts of Benefices of cure less than prelacies disponed alsweell by your Majesty as by laick parrons not allowable by the municipall law of the realm, and form observed in the Reformed Church here since your Mas coronation; may be annulled, and new presentations granted, as in the former. 9. That all Collations, granted by men having no Commis∣sion nor ecclesiasticall function in the Church, nor in that place & country at ••he time of giving the Collation, Be declared null, and the fruits be sequestred at the least, untill the person claming right by that Collation, be a new examined and admitted, if he be found worthy by them who shall be appointed for that effect, and authorized by this present assembly. 10. That the Benefices of cure (under prelacies) whereunto Ministers are admitted, may be free from payment of first fruits and fifty penny, and may have their signatures of presentation exped by the Privy Seal on your Ma^s own subscription only and the Secretarie's, without any paiment or cautioner made to the Treasuter; and these poor men, which have already payd or found caution, for payment whereof the Treasuter hath not alrea∣dy charged himselfe in his accounpts, may have the same refounded or discharged. 11. Seing the fault of not depriving unworthy, culpable and no-resident Ministers proceeds from that, sundry of the Bishops have been negligent; and in some other parts there was no Bishop nor Commissio∣ner, and so the Acts are not execut; therefore a Commission be given to some qualified persons, Ministers, to sit in Edinburgh and call the Nonre∣sidents and others worthy of deprivation, and deprive them, So that there may be consultation of learned men, and the process may be led without fear or boast. 12. It is heavily complained by many poor Ministers having parsonages and vicarages assigned unto them, that they are exorbitantly used in taxations albeit their Benefices be long since decaied by the want of corps presents, up most cloathes, pasch-fines, offerings, and such things usually payd in time of Papistry, which was the greatest part of these Bene∣fices, and yet they must pay the extremity of the old taxation: and the most part of the Prelacies are exeemed from preaching or Service in the Church, and have relieff off the fuars and vasalls: that therefore there may be some more equitable order of taxation appointed in time coming. 13. That it will please his Majesty to cause consider what prelacies have vaiked, since the Act of Parliament made in Octob. 1581. and that speciall assignation be made for sustaining Ministers of the churches belonging to them, out of the readiest fruits of these churches; or the provision to be declared null, according to the Act. 14. That the Bishops or Commissioners of Argyle and the ••sles may be tied, to attend on the Generall assemblies, and to keep theyr Exercise and Synodall assemblies, as in other parts, which shall be a furtherance unto your Mr^s obedience, seing otherwise, they seem as exeemed out of your Dominion. 15▪ That your Ma. will give direction unto some persons of experience and good will, to search, enquire & try the true estate of the rentalls of all prelacies and other Bene∣fices at this present, and in whose fault or by what occasion they are so hurt and dismembred; and thereafter the best remedies may be considered and

provided to help them, for the good alswell of the King as of the Church. 16. That your Majesty will cause the Lords of Session declare, whither your Majesty or the Earle of Orknay have right to the patronages of the Benefices of Orknay and Yetland, to the end, thal titles of Benefices con∣ferred to Ministers be not ever in danger of annulling upon uncertanty of the right of the patronage. 17. That no persons or stipends be put in the books of modification, but only such as the Commissioners of the Church shall declare, to be qualified and resident at their churches. 18. That vicarages, pensions and salaries, when they vaik after the decease or de∣privation of the present possessor, may accrease and be joyned to the prin∣cipall Benefice, and be assigned to the Minister in his stipend. 19. That all Readers heretofore provided to vicarages or stipends, may still possess the same, untill their decease or deprivation; and none to be admitted to the title of any Benefice of cure or stipend in the book of modification in time coming but qualified Ministers. 20. That the wholl rents of the Benefices of cure under prelacies, that are disponed since your Ma^s corona••ion, may be assigned wholly, and allowed unto them in their stipends. 21. That the judgement of all causes concerning the deprivation of Mini∣sters from their Benefice in the second instance, shall come by way of ap∣pellation unto the Generall assembly, and there take finall end, and not before the Lords of Session by way of reducing. X. In Sess. 18. the bre∣thren directed unto the King with certain Articles, craving publick resolu∣tion, report his Ma^s answer, that in all the Heads he found litle difficulty, and hath agreed unto them. I. That there be a Generall Assembly once every year, and ofter pro re nata. II. Concerning Provinciall Synods. * 6.13 1. these are constitut for weighty matters necessary to be treated by mutuall consent and assistance of Brethren within the Province, as need requires. 2. This Assembly hath power, to handle, order and redress all th••ngs done amisse or omitted in the particular assemblies. 3. It hath power to depose the office-bearers of that Province, for just and good causes deserving deprivation. His Majesty agreed not to this, but in this manner of addition, Except Bishops and Commissioners. 4. And generally these Assemblies have the wholl power of the particular Elderships or pres∣byteries, whereof they are collected. III. Concerning Presbyteries. * 6.14 1. The power of a Presbytery is to give diligent labours in their own bounds, that the churches be keept in good order, to enquired diligently of naughty & ungodly persons, and travell to bring them into the way again by admonition and threatning of Gods judgement, or by cor∣rection. 2. It appertaines to them to take heed, that the word of God be purely preached within their bounds: the Sacraments rightly admini∣stred: the disciplin mantained, and the church-goods incorruptly destribu∣ted. 3. It belongs unto them, to cause the ordinances made by the Assem∣blies Provinciall and Generall, to be observed and put execution. 4. To make constitutions, which concern TÒ PREPON in the Church, or good order for their particular churches: Providing, that they change no rule, made by the Provinciall or Gener. assemblies: and that they shew unto the Provinciall the rules which they make: and to abolish constitutions ten∣ding to the hurt of these churches. 5. It hath power to excommunicate the obstinat. His Majesty agrieth in this manner, It hath power to excom∣municat the obstinat, formall process being led, and due intervall of time. 6. Faults to be censured in the presbytery are heresy papistry, idolatry, witchcraft, consulters with witches, contempt of the word,

not resorting to hear ••he word, continuance in blasphemy against God and his truth, perjury, fornication, dunkennes; these things for the pre∣sent, and more, when order shall be taken in the Conference. IV. Par∣ticular * 6.15 Churches, if they be lawfully ruled by a sufficient Minister and Session, have power of jurisdiction in their own congregation in matters ecclesiasticall to take order therewith; and what things they can not con∣veniently decide, to bring them unto the Presbytery. XI. Commissio∣ners are appointed to present unto his Majesty and Counsell the humble petitions, complaints, Articles and Heads delivered to them, and humbly to crave his Ma^s answers thereunto; To treat, conferr, reason thereupon, and upon such heads and articles as shall be propounded unto them by his M. or his Commissioners, and what herein shall be done, to report unto the Assembly. For clearing what is here, I will only adde from The Historicall Narration, that the Synod of Fife did cut off Pa. Adamson as a rotten mem∣ber not only for the notoriety of offenses, for which he was suspected be∣fore, but likewise for impugning the setled order of Generall assemblies and presbyteries, for contempt of the Synod, and for other notorious slan∣ders, whereof he was to be accused, but refused to underly the tryall. The next day after the Sentence pronounced against him, two of the Bis∣hops servants went to the church of the city at time of publick prayer (as the custome was then evening and morning on the days, when there was no Sermon) and without any citation or process caused Samuel Cuningham Reader pronounce the Sentence of excommunication against And. Melvin, James Melvin, and some others, who (he thought) had been most forward against the Bishop. Wee see in the last Session of this Assembly the censure and tryall of this fact was remitted unto the Presbytery: I have not read, what was done in the matter: but I knew the man, and that he could never be admitted unto the Ministry (though he often suited it) untill ano∣ther change came into the Church, and then he was promoted by a Bis∣hop into an obscure charge, and was hatefull all his days, and durst scarcely appear in a presbytery. The bare narration of the proceedings of this Assembly as they be extracted out of the Assemblies books, confute the perverse imputations and slanders of the contrarily minded. The rest of that year, the King was taken up partly with setling some troubles in the Isles and Kentyre; and partly in the Articles of a League with England; and immediatly thereafter with a process that was intended and went on a∣gainst his mother. This last purpose was occasion of some variance be twixt the King and the Ministers of Edinburgh. For

XXIII. In January of the year 1587. the King hearing that the death * 6.16 of his mother was determined, gave order unto the Ministers, to pray for her. The adversarics of the Church-disciplin say, The Ministers denied it absolutely: and they call that denyall a barbarous inhumanity. But Vin∣diciae Philadelp Pag. 56. shew, that the Papists were plotting the destruction of Queen Elisabeth, nor was Queen Mary free of these plots; (and by that means the ruln of religion was intended) and the Ministers of Edinburgh answered unto the King, that they would pray for the salvation of her soul; but they could not pray against her punishment, if she had deserved; and in that case his Majesty should rather give God thanks, because they under∣stood, that both his person and the Church would be delivered from im∣minent danger. For whosoever trespasseth against the publick, no man should preferr his particular interest unto publik duty. This answer did not satisfy the King: he did appoint the third of February for solem prayers,

to be made in behalf of his mother, and commanded Pat. Adamson to preach that day. John Couper a young man was set up in the pulpit, before the Bishop came. The King seeing him, said, That place was appointed at this time for another, but seing you are there, if you will obey the charge, and pray for my mother, you shall go-on. He replied, He will do as the Spirit of God shall direct him. Whereupon he was commanded to leave the place; and because he made no haste, the Captain of the Guard went, and pulled him out; and he burst out into unreverent speaches. Then the Bisbop went up. In the after-noon the young man was called before the Counsell; where Wi. Watson Minister accompanying him, for offensive speaches, the two were discharged from preaching in Edinburgh during his Ma^s pleasure, and Couper was sent prisoner to Blackness. The * 6.17 Assembly conveenes at Edinburgh Juny 20. Andrew Melvin Is chosen Mo∣derator. I. Two Ministers being directed unto the King, to sute his Ma^s presence, report, that he had named the Lord Secretary and Justice-Clerk to be present and concurre: and they had promised to be present, as their opportunity could serve, yet willing, that the Assembly accor∣ding to his Ma^s mind do treat (before any other thing) of John Cowper's cause; and nevertheless after some reasoning were content, it be delayd till the next day, and that the brethren of the Conference shall consider it. II. His Ma^s Commissioners offer theyr concurrence, to the recovery of the Assemblie's books, if it may be known in whose hands they are. The Moderator craves, that if any can give light in this matter, they would shew it, and namely Pa. Galloway, who was directed by the last Assembly unto the King to seek the delivery of the Register: he answereth, that his Majesty promised, to deliver them. John Brand declares, that at the last Assembly in his house Pa. Adamson in presence of David Ferguson said, he knew where they were, and at the Kings command he would cause deliver them. It was also testified by Jo. Dury, that he heard Pa. adamson grant, that he had them. After these testifications the Assembly concluded, that Pa. Adamson shall be charged to deliver the books: yet for the better advice. David Lindsay was directed unto the Lord Secretary; and retur∣ning with his answer, thought meet, a Supplication be given unto the LL. of Counsell, to grant a charge against Pa. Adamson for restitution of the books; and that the assembly also should use their power. So a supplication is ordained to be penned, and be presented the next day; and a citation is sent to charge him, to deliver the books within three days unto the Clerk; and also to compear personally within that space, to answer for his absence from the Assembly, and to other accusations, that shall be layd unto his charge, Under the pain of the censure of the Church. In Sess. 4. it was thought expedient, that before the ordinance (made yesterday) be put to execution against Pa. Adamson, an humble supplication be made unto the King for that effect: and two brethren are sent with it. In Sess. 6. the Kings Commissioners being present, thought meet because the business with Pa. Adamson is civill, wherein the King hath interest, that he be ac∣quainted with it. This the assembly is willing to do. In Sess. 15. A Letter being directed by John Duncanson, bearing the Kings command unto the Bishop, to redeliver the books, at the least four of them, and that George young was stayd whill the books were delivered, The assembly directeth Ja. Nicolson and Ale. Raweson unto the L. Secretary, to cause deliver them; and after their direction, and reitered direction of two other bretheren, George young brought into the assembly five volumes of the Register,

whereof a great part was torn, and after sight thereof, the assembly ordai∣nes a heavy regrate to be made unto his Majesty, lamenting the mutilation of the books, and to crave, that they may remain with the Church as their own register. The Lord Secretary answered, that his Ma^s will is, that he may have the inspection of them, when he shall have occasion; and he shall presently give them back again▪ III. In Sess. 4. Because an offense conceived by the King against John Cowper and James Gibson hath been shewd privatly unto the Moderator, It was thought expedient by the As∣sembly, that the cause be first privatly considered by John Erskin of Dun and sixe other Ministers (whom the Assembly nameth) to confer there∣upon with the parties, if they can give satisfaction by their advice; and o∣therwise, that the cause be propounded publickly: And these brethren are appointed to go presently about that business, and the parties to wait upon them. The result of their conference followes in the Kings articles. IV. Seing the King is now of ripe age, and a Parliament is appointed in the next month, it is thought expedient, that the Acts of Parliament, made hereto∣fore for liberty of the true Church and religion presently professed within the realm; and for repressing Papistry and idolatry, be collected, and be craved to be confirmed; as also the execution of these Acts may be con∣sidered; and what other execution or law is needfull to be craved against Papists and idolaters; As also the lawes and constitutions, that have been made to the derogation of the said liberty, or to the prejudice and stay of the course of the Evangell, may be collected, that the abrogation of them may be sought. To this effect are appointed John Erskin, Robett Pont, Nic. Dalgliesh, David Lindsay and Paul Fraser. V. In Sess. 5. the Com∣mission given by the last Assembly to the presbyteries of Glasgow & Sterlin concerning the slander of David Cuningham, and other persons is suspen∣ded. Sundry brethren complaine against Pa. Adamson, at whose instance he is registred at the horn for not paiment of the stipends assigned unto them, and for not furnishing wine unto the Communion: this matter is regrated unto the Kings Commissioners, The Prior or Lord Blantyre undertakes, to communicate this purpose unto the other Commissioners of his Majesty and to report their advice unto the Assembly. Also regrait is made, that great division is in the Church of Santan. that some will not hear P. Adamson preach, nor communicat when he administrates the sacra∣ment, partly because he lyeth in rebellion or at the hor••, and partly be∣cause of his suspension; and some do repair unto him: and they crave that this division may be redressed. The Assembly judgeth it expedient first to hear, what answer shall be reported in the former complaint. VI. Unto that Question, Whither it be a scandall, that a Christian absent himselfe from the Sermons and other pious exercise used by them, that ly at the Kings horn, and are suspended from rhe Ministry? It is resolved, It is no scandall, but it were rather scandalous to resort unto the foresaid exercise of one, who lyeth at the horn, and is suspended. VII. In Sess. 9. No Master of Colledge or School shall receive any student or scholar being of maturity of age, who refuseth to subscribe the Religion presently establis∣hed and professed in the realm by the mercy of God, or refuseth to partici∣pate of the sacrament, Under the pain of the censure of the Church; And before any Student be promoted to any degree in the Vniversity, that they shall toties quoties as they shall be promoted, subscribe de novo; And that the Presbyteries shal be diligent to see the execution of this Act, as they will answer to God, &c. VIII. The Presbytery with their Commis∣sioners

in all parts of the country, every one for their own part shall pre∣scribe to every young man intending for the Ministry, a part of Scripture, together with some part of the Common places & controverted heads of religion, To be diligently read, considered and studied by him, within such a space of time, as the Presbytery thinks good to appoint; And that his profiting may appear the better, at certain times of the year every Pres∣bytery shall take account of his travells, by requiring of him in that pre∣scribed part of Scripture 1. the sum and deduction thereof. 2. The solide sense or meaning of the places, which are more difficile to be under∣stood. 3. a collation of sentences, which by reading he may be able to gather out of other parts of Scripture, and which may serve as arguments either to confirm the truth, or refute hereticall opinions. As to the Com∣mon places and heads, let him answer to questions & reasonings thereu∣pon; And he is to be exercised in this manner not for one time only, but from time to time untill he come to certain maturity. IX. Whereas a scandall was spoken of by a presentation of the Bishoprik of Caitnes given unto Robert Pont, he declares, that he had given-in some complaints unto the Exchequer fot some hurt done unto him in time of his troubles; and in compensation, that presentation (without his procurement) was put in his hand; and if the living may be possessed with save conscience and without scandall, he intendes to be Minister of Dornoch; and hereupon he craves the judgement of the Assembly, and promiseth also, that he shall never medle with Visitation, but at the command of the Church▪ The Assembly appointes two to consider the circumstances, and advise upon an answer. In Sess. 15, a letter was approved by the Assembly, and sent unto the King; in this tenor; Sir, It may please your Majesty, wee have received your letter willing us to elect M^r Robert Pont to the Bishoprick of Caitnes vaking by decease of umquhill Robert, Earle of March your Hieness uncle: wee praise God, that your Ma. hath a good opinion & estimation of such a person, as wee judge the same Ro. to bee, whom wee acknowledge indeed already to be a Bishop by the doctrin of S. Paull, and qualified to use the function of a Pastor or Minister at the church of Dornoch or any other church within your Ma^s realm, as also to use the office of a Commissioner or Visitor in the bounds of Caitnes, if he shall be burdened with it. But as for the corrupt estate or office of them, who have been called Bishops heretofore, wee find it not agreeable to the word of God, and it hath been damned in sundry other assemblies, nor is he wil∣ling to accept the same in that manner: this wee thought good to signify unto your Majesty for answer unto your Hi. Letter of nomination, &c. X. In Sess▪ 16. It is concluded, that all pastors of whatsoever sort they be, shall be subject to the censure and tryall of their brethren alswell of the Pres∣bytery as of the Provinciall and Generall Assemblies, concerning their life, conversation and doctrin; and whosoever shall refuse their tryall and cen∣sure, the Presbytery, Synodall or Generall Assembly shall proceed against them. XI. The Kings five Articles. 1. If any controversy be concer∣ning the Bishop of Sa••tan. that it it be reasoned in his Ma^s presence. 2. That the Bishop of Aberdien be not prejudged in his jurisdiction and living, but the samine to be exerced by himselfe, because the alledged slander, where∣by he was damnified, is sufficiently tryed and removed. 3. Concerning Ja. Gibson and Jo. Cowper, that they confesse their publick offense and slander against his Majesty, and satisfy therefore, as he shall think good, or otherwise be deprived from all function in the Church. 4. That Mr

Robert Mongomery be received without more ceremony to the fellow∣ship and favor of the Church. 5. Concerning the Laird of Fentry, his excommunication which was somewhat extraordinary, to be declared null. XI. John Erskin of Dun, Ro. Pont, An. Melvin, Da. Lindsay, Tho. Buchanan, An. Hay, Ro. Bruce, Jo. Robertson, Al. Rawson, Robert Graham, David Ferguson, Nic. Dalgliesh, John Porterfield, Ia. Duncanson, Adam Iohnson, Wa. Balcanquell, An. Clayhills, Iohn Brand, or any 13 of them are ordained Commissioners unto the Par∣liament. Instructions unto these Commissioners; 1. As concerning his M^s articles, in the first two let the judgement of the Assemb. be followed and notified unto his Majesty. In the 3. They shall travell by all possible good meanes to settle his Majesty and bring it into oblivion; Or els, if they shall find any assured hope, that the articles of the Church shall be looked upon, and granted to passe in Parliament, they shall endeavour, to bring the matter to such a midst, as may best agree with respect of the Ministry, satisfying the offence of the godly, and conscience of the brethren themselves, against whom his Maiesty hath taken offence, as may be in speciall, that which his Ma^s Commissioners sent in write unto one of the said brethren: but if they be urged unto the article as it standes, they shall leave the matter free, to be tryed and judged by the Generall assembly. As for the 4. they shall dispence with M^r Mongomery in some ceremonies used in repentance, if they find his Majesty willing to remitt somwhat of the rigor of his Mas satisfaction craved of the two brethren. 5. Concerning Fentry, they shall shew his Majesty that the Church hath appointed certain brethren to see, what effect the dealing of them, which were appointed by the last assembly hath taken, with him and to travell further to bring him by repentance into the bosom of the Church, whereby the Sentence may be in very deed annulled. 6. They shall admit nothing hurtfull or prejudiciall to the disciplin of the Church, as it is concluded according to the word of God in the Generall assemblies preceeding the 1584 year, but precisely seek the same to be ratified and allowed, if possibly it may be. And finally in all, let God be feared, and a good conscience keept in procuring the well of the Church: and taking away all impediments contrary thereunto. XII. In Sess. 18. It is concluded that none shall be admitted to a parsonage or vi∣carage, who is not qualified to preach the Word. XIII. The next As∣sembly is appointed to conveen at Edinburgh Iuly the first tuysday. I. It appeares by the mutilation of the Assemblie's books what spyte these that would be called Bishops, have had against the Assemblies, and how they would have had all memory of antient proceedings in the Church abo∣lished: as I know certainly by my own experience, with what earnestness the late Bishops sought to catch and destroy all the Extracts or coppies of the extracts of the Assemblie-books. For remedy of that evill, after that Assembly, they took course to have a double Register of the proceedings of the assemblies. II. wee see, that in this assembly all power in the Church was taken away from that kind of Bish^s, and they were made liable unto the censure of the assemblies. III. From this and former assemblies wee see, what work there was to bring them down: and all the reason, that was brought at any time to hold them up, was partly the interest of * 6.18 some Noble men, and the weightiest was the motives of Estate, as if Kingdom and Parliament could not stand without Bishops. But if our Chronicles hold sure, the Kingdom of Scotland stood 13 or 1400 years without such Bishops, and all that time (excepting some intervalls) the

Kingdom was on the increasing hand: but after the erection of Bishopricks (as the Chronicles testify) untill this time, whereof we are treating, the estate of the Crown was lesse and lesse, yea and brought to nothing or very litle, So that the contest betwixt the Kings Regents and the Church was for a supply out of the thirds of Benefices. And in the Parliament in July following, the temporality of Benefices was annexed unto the Crown, that the King might have meanes, to bear forth the honor of his Estate, and not burden his subiects with taxations for his support. So as they came from the Crown to the diminution of Royall honor, so they were retur∣ned to the right owner; and it may justly be thought, it had been for the C••own and Kingdom's good, if they had continued so: but (as Bishop Spotswood Pag. 365. saith) the temporalities formerly disponed, which were not a few, being all in the same Parliament confitmed, and those that were remaining, were in a short time begged from him, no thing was left (I will not say, as he saith, to reward a well deserving servant, but) to the Crown itself. He sayth also in the preceeding page for example, The Duke of Lennox his Agents possessed themselves in the Bishopriek of Glasgow [as his Father had obtained before] and Robe••t Mongomery being no more acknowledged did resigne, his title in favor of William Erskin Parson of Campsie, as followes. See also what hath been in other Nati∣ons. Irland was a free Kingdom by it selfsome thousands of years: but when they received Diocesan Bishops, immediatly their Kingdom was changed. When Numidia received such Bishops, they became slaves to the Mahumetanes. Who ••xcluded the Roman Emperor from Rome and Italy? the Bishop of Rome: the Politicall rising of the one was the ruin of the other. And since the other sort of Emperors have acknowledge their po∣wer to stand upon the power of the Roman B. they have but the shadow of an Emp. Hovv fond a thing is it to conceive, that a K. or kingdom can not stand without Lordly B^s! certainly it is a strange and new principle of State Objection. 1. May not Bishops be good men? Answer, yea, and some good men have been Bishops: But 1. compare the number of good Bishops with the number of pro••d and............Bishops; and compare the good they have done unto Kings and Kingdoms with what ill others have done unto Kings & Kingdoms. 2. In the example of Bishop Grindall see what hath been the practise of a good Bishop; and what hath been his enter∣tainment by others. 3. Consider how a Lordship changeth manners; as when Queen Elisabet gave unto a Minister a Patent unto a Bishoprick, she said, Tooday I have marred a good Minister. 4. Consider not so much what may be, but what usually comes to pass; or rather what should bee according to the pattern prescribed by Him who is wisest. 5. It may be answered unto this question by another, Can he be a good man, to whom the will of any man is the law of his conscience? Ja. Nicolson Min. at Miegle received from Kings Iames in the year 1608. a Patent unto the Bishoprick of Dun∣kell, and after that, he was diseased in body for a long time, and also grie∣ved in time of his sicknes: David Lindsay (then Minister at Dundy, and his brother-in-law) went to visit him, and Iames said unto him, I give you may advice, and see that you never forget it: Bee never a Bishop: if you be a Bishop, you must resolve to take the will of your Soveraigne as the law of your couscience. He said so with grief, and from his own experience: as I heard from two faihfull witnesses, to wit, his brother (who was also a minister) and his son. Whether others have the like experiment, I leave it unto conside∣ration. 6. Can be be a good man, who undertakes ••o offices then he is

able to discharge? If he say, that he will discharge them by his under. Officers, will he make his accouns unto God by his under Officers? and by them go into heaven or hell? but vvhere hath a Preacher a vvarrand to do so? In the dayes of John Chrysostom that Human Episopacy was more Spirituall, and far less Secular (for it was not a Secular Lordship) and nevertheless behold what he saith in Homil. 1. On the epistle unto Titus, I can not admire sufficiently of them, who are desirous of such burdens; O the most unhappy and the mos•• wretched of men, considerest thou not what thou desuest? &c. I wish that all who are ambitious of episcopacy, would read seriously what he hath written in that place, and in the Morale part of the homily immediatly fol∣lowing. Object. 2. Seing Authority will have Bishops, may not good men take Bishopriks rather then suffer other men to take them? Ans. 1. This is as if one would say, If Authority will have men to make shipwrack of their consciences, may not good men make shipwrack of their conscien∣ces rather then others? 2. William Couper Minister at Perth was conti∣nually preaching against episcopacy: K. James hearing of him, thought the readiest way to shut up his mouth, was to try him with a Bishoprick: when the Patent was tendered unto Couper as a testimony of the Kings fa∣vor, he sought the advice of John Hall then Minister at Edinburgh, who smelling the others inconstancy, said, Take it, take it, another knave will take it. 3. A Courtier said once unto K. James, Sir, you give Bishop∣riks unto men, of whom some are unable to preach, some are not prudent, and some are scandalous. The King answered (as I have heard it oft re∣ported by credible men) What shall I doe? no honest men will take one. This answer holds firmly, if they know what hath been said in the second, fifth and sixth answers unto the preceeding objection.

XXIV. In England after the Reformation good and many men did op∣pose * 6.19 episcopacy: I will not commend all that did oppose: but posterity may know what hath been done. About the year 1570. was great opposition against Bishops and their government and their superstitious rites, as witnes∣seth an Admonition to the Parliament, which came into my hand by the reprinting of it in the year 1642▪ and is worthy the reading: the words are, Seing nothing in this mortall life is more diligently to be sought for, and carefully to be looked unto, than the restitution of true religion, and reformation of Gods Church, it shall be your parts (dearly beloved) in this present Parliament assembled, as much as in you lieth, diligently to promote the same, and to employ your wholl labor and study, not only in abandoning all popish remnants both in ceremonies and regiment, but also in bringing-in and placing in Gods Church those things only, which God himselfe in his word commandeth, because it is not enough to take paines in taking away evill, but also to be occupied in placing good in stead thereof. Now because many men see not all things, and the world in this respect is marvelously blinded, it hath been thought good, to pro∣ferr unto your godly considerations a true platform of a Church reformed, to the end, that it being layd before your eies, to behold the great un∣likeness betwixt it and this our English Church: you may learn either with perfect hatred to detest the one, and with singular love to embrace, and carefully endeavoure to plant the other, or els to be without excuse before the Ma••esty of our God, who (for the discharge of our conscience and manifestation of his truth) hath by us revealed unto you at this present, the sincerity and simplicity of his Gospell, Not that you should either willfully with stand or ungraciously tread the same under your feet (for God doth

not disclose his will to any such end) but that you should yet now at the length with all your main and might endeavour, that Christ (whose easy yoke and light burthen wee have of long time cast off from us) might rule and raign in his Church by the scepter of his word only. May it therefore please your wisdomes to understand; Wee in England are so far from ha∣ving a Church rightly reformed, according to the prescript of Gods word, that as yet wee are not come to the outward face of the same. For to speak of that, whereof all consent, and whereupon all writers accord; the outward marks whereby a true Church is known, are the preaching of the word purely, Ministring the sacraments sincerely. and ecclesiasticall disci∣plin, which consistes in admonition, and correction of faults severely. Touching the first, namely, the Ministry of the word, although it must * 6.20 be confessed, that the substance of doctrin by many delivered is sound & good, yet herein it faileth, that neither the Ministers thereof are according to Gods vvord, proved, elected, called or ordained, nor the function in such sort so narrovvly looked unto, as of right it ought, and is of neces∣sity required. For vvhereas in the old Church a tryall vvas had, both of their ability to instruct, and of their godly conversation also; novv by the letters commendatory of some one man, Noble or other, tag & rag, learned or unlearned, of the basest sort of the people (to the slander of the gospell in the mouthes of adversaries) are freely received......Then they taught others; novv they must be instructed themselves, and there∣fore like young children they [some of them] must learn Catechismes. Then election was made by the common consent of the wholl Church; now every one picketh out for himself some notable good Benefice, he obtaineth the next advouson, by money or by favor, and so things himselfe to be ••ufficiently chosen. Then the Congregation had authority to call Mi∣nisters; in stead thereof now they run, they ride and by unlawfull sute and buying, prevent other suters also. Then no Minister was placed in any con∣gregation, but by consent of the people; now that authority is given into the hands of the B. alone, who by his sole authority thrustes upon them such as many times alswell for unhonest life, as for lack of learning, they may and do justl•• dislike. Then none was admitted to the Ministry, but a place was void before hand, to which he should be called, but now Bb. (to whom the right of ordering Ministers doth at no hand appertain) do make 60. 80. or a 100. at a clap, and send them abroad into the Coun••ry, like ma∣sterless men. Then after just tryall and vocation they were admitted to the function by laying on of the hands of the company of the Eledrship only; now (neitheir of these being looked unto) there is required (and all be) a sur∣pless, a vestiment, a pastorall staff, besids that ridiculous, and (as they use it to their new creatures) blasphemous saying, receive yee the holy Ghost. Then every Pastor had his flock, and every flock his shepherd or els shepherds; now they do not only run fysking from place to place (a miserable disorder in Gods Church) but covetously joyn living, to living, making shipwrack of their own consciences, and being but one shepherd, (nay would to God, they were shepherds, and not wolves) have flocks. Then the Ministers were Preachers; now bare Readers: and if any be so well dispo∣sed to preach in their own charges, they may not vvithout my Lord's li∣cence. In these days they vvere knovvn by voice, learning & doctrin; novv they must be discerned from others by popish and anti-Christian apparell, as cap, govvn, tippet, &c. Then as God gave utterance, they preached the vvord only; novv they read homilies, Articles, injunctions, &c.

Then it vvas painfull; novv gainfull: then poor and ignominious; novv rich and glorious. And therefore titles, livings and offices by Anticrhist devised are given to them as Metropolitane, Archbishop, Lords grace, Lord Bishop, Suff••agan, Dean, Archdeacon, Prelate of the Gatter, Earle, County Palatine, High Commissioners, Justices of peace and Quorum, &c. All which together with their offices; as they are strange & unheard-of in Christs Church, nay plainly in Gods word forbidden, So are they utterly with speed out of the same to be removed. Then Ministers were not tied to any form of prayers invented by man, but as the spirit mo∣ved them, so they powred out hearty supplications to the Lord; Now they are bound of necessity to a prescript order of service and book of com∣mon prayer, in which a great number of things contrary to Gods word, are contained, as baptism by women, privat communions, Jewish puri∣fyings, observings of holy days, &c. patched, if not altogether, yet the greatest peece, out of the Pop's portuis. Then feeding the flock di∣ligently, now teaching quarterly: then preaching in season, out of sea∣son; novv once in a month is thought sufficient; if tvvice, it is judged a vvork of supererogation: then nothing taught but Gods vvord; novv Prin∣ces pleasures, mens devices, popish ceremonies and Antichristian rites in publick pulpits are defended. Then they sought them; now these seek theirs. These and a great many other abuses are in the Ministry remaining, which unless they be removed, and the truth brought in, not only Gods justice shall be powred forth, but Gods Church in this realm shall never be builded; for if they who seem to be workmen are not workmen indeed, but in name, or els work not so d••ligently and in such order, as the work∣master commandeth, it is not only unlikly, that the building shall go foreward, but altogether impossible, that ever it shall be perfected. The way therefore to avoid these inconveniences, and to reform these defor∣mities is this. your wisdoms have to remove advousons, patronages, Impropriations, and B. authority, claming to themselfs thereby right to ordain Ministers; and to bring-in that old & true election, which was ac∣customed to be made by the congregation: you must displace these ignorant & unable Ministers already placed; and in their roomes appoint such as can and will by Gods assistance feed the flock: you must pluck down, and utterly overthrow without hope of restitution, the court of Faculties, from whence not only licences to enjoy many benefices are obtained, as Pluralities, Tria∣lities, Totquots, &c. But all things for the most part as in the court of Rome are set on sale, licences to marry, to eat flesh in times prohibited, to lie from Benefices and charges, a great number beside of such abominations. Appoint to eve••y congregation a learned & diligent preacher. Remove Homilies, articles, injunctions, a prescript order of service, made ou•• of the Masse-book. Take avvay the Lordship, the loytering, the pomp, the idleness and livings of Bishops, but yet employ them to such ends, as they vvere in the old Church appointed for. Let a lavvfull & goodly Seigniory look, that they preach, not quarterly or monthly, but con∣tinually; ••ot for filthy lucre sake, but of a ready minde. So God shall be glorified, your consciences discharged, and the flock of Christ (purchased vvith his own blood) edified. The second point concerning the Sacraments I passe over, because I have spoken of these rites in another place: then it followes. The third part concernes ecclesticall disciplin: the officers that have to deal * 6.21 in this charge are chiefly, three Ministers, preachers or pastors (of whom before, Seniors or Elders; and deacons. Concerning Seniors, not

only their office, but their name also is out of this English Church utterly removed. Their office was to govern the Church with the rest of the Mi∣nisters, consult, to admonish, to correct and to order all things apper∣tainning to the state of the congregation. In stead of these Seniors in every Church, the Pope hath brought in, and wee yet maintain the Lordship of one man over many churches; yea over sundry Shires. These Seniors then, because their charge was not over much, did execute their office in their own persons without substitutes. Our Lord Bishops have their un∣der-officers, as Suffraganes, Chancellors, Archdeacons, Officials, Com∣missiaries, and the like. Touching Deacons, thogh the name be remai∣ning, yet is the office sowly perverted & turned upside down: For their duty in the primitive Church, was to gather the alms diligently, and to distribute it faithfully, also for the sick and impotent persons to provide painfully, having ever a diligent care, that the charity of god∣ly men were not wasted on loiterers and idle vagabounds. Now it is the first step to the Ministery, nay, rather a meer order of priest∣hood: for they may baptize in the presence of a Bishop or priest, or in their absence (if necessity require) Minister the other sacrament, likwise read the holy Scriptures and homilies in the congregation, instruct the youth in the catechism, and also preach, if he be commanded by the Bis∣hop. Again in the old church, every congregation had their deacons; now they are tied to Cathedrall churches only, and what do they there? gather the almes, and distribut to the poore? nay, that is the least peece or rather no part of their function. What then? to sing a gospell, when the Bishop Ministreth the communion. If this he not a perverting of this office & charge, let every one judge. And yet lest the reformers of our time should seem to take utterly out of Gods Church this necessary fun∣ction, they appoint somewhat to it concerning the poore, and that is, to search for the sick, needy & impotent people of the parish, and to inti∣mate their estates, names & places where they dwell, to the Curat, that by his exhortation they may be relieved by the parish or other convenient almes. And this you see, is the nighest part of his office. and yet you must understand it, to be in such places, where is a Curate and a deacon: every parish can not be at that cost to have both: nay, no parish so far as can be gathered, at this present hath. Now then, if you will restore the Church to its ancient officers, this you must do; in stead of an Arch∣bishop or Lord Bishop, you must make equality of Ministers. In stead of Chancelors, archdeacons, officials, commissaries, proctors, doctors, summoners, churchwardens and the like you have to plant in every con∣gregation a lawfull & godly Seigniory. The deaconship must not be con∣founded with the Ministry, nor the collectors for the poor may not usurpe the deacones office but he that hath an office, must look to his office, and every man must keep himself within the bounds & limites of his own vocation. And to these three jointly, that is, the Minister, Seniors & deacons is the whole regiment of the Church to be com∣mitted. * 6.22 This regiment consists especially in ecclesiasticall disciplin, which is an order lest by God unto his Church, whereby men learn to frame their wills and doings according to the law of God, by instructing & ad∣monishing one another, yea and by correcting & punishing all wil∣full persons rnd contemners of the same. Of this disciplin there are two kindes, one privat, wherewith we will not deal, because it is im∣pertinent to our purpose; another publick, which although it hath

been long banished, yet if now at length it might be restored, would be very necessary & profitable for the building up of Gods house. The finall end of this disciplin is, the reforming of the disordered, and to bring them to repentance, and to bridle such as would offend. The chiefest part and last punishment of this disciplin is excommunication, by the con∣sent of the Church determined if the offender be obstinat: which how mi∣serably it hath been by the Popes proctors, and is by our new canonists abused, who seeth not? In the primitive Church it was in many mens hands; now one alone excommunicates. In those dayes it was the last cen∣sure of the Church, and never went forth but for notorious crimes; now it is pronounced for every light trifle: then excommunication was greatly re∣garded & feared; now because it is a money-matter, no whit at at all estee∣med. Then for great sins, severe punishment; and fot small offenses, litle censures; now great sins either not at all punished, as blasphemy, usury, &c. or sleightly passed over, with pricking in a blanket, or pinning in a sheet, as adultery, whoordom. drunkenness, &c. Again such as are no sins (as if a man conform not himselfe to popish orders & ceremones, if he come not at the whistle of him, who by Gods word hath no authority to call, wee mean Chancelors, Officials, Doctors and all that rable) are grievously punished not only by excommunication, suspension, deprivati∣on and other (as they tearme it) spirituall coërcion, but also by banishing, imprisoning, reviling, taunting, and what not: Then the Sentence was tempered according to the notoriousness of the fact, now on the one side either hatred against some persons carrieth men head long into rash & cruell judgement, or els favor affection or money mitigates the rigor of the same: and all this comes to passe, because the regiment left by Christ unto his Church, is committed into the mans hand, whom alone it shall be more easy for the wicked by bribing to pervert, than to overthrow the faith & piety of a zealous & godly company: for such manner of men should the Seigniors bee. Then it was said, Tell the Church; now it is spoken, Complain to my Lords grace, primate & Metropolitane of all England, or to his inferior, my Lord B. of the Diocesse; if not to him, Shew the Chancelor, or Officiall, or Commissary or Doctor. Again whereas the excommunicate were never received, till they had publickly con∣fessed their offence; now for paying the fees of the Court, they shall by Master Officiall or Chancelor easily be absolved in some privat place. Then the Congregation grieved by the wickednes of the offender, was by his publick pennance satisfied; now absolution shall be pro∣nounced, thogh that be not accomplished. Then the party offending should in his own person hear the Sentence of absolution pronounced; now Bishops, archdeacons, Chancelors, officialls, commissares and the like absolve one man for another. And this is that order of eccle∣siasticall disciplin, which all godly wish to be restored, to the end, that every one may by the same be keept within the limits of his vocati∣ons, and a great number may be brought to live in godly conversa∣tion. Not that we mean to take away the authority of the Civil Magistrat and chief Governor, to whom wee wish all blessedness, and for the increase of whose godliness wee pray dayly; but that Christ being restored into his Kingdom, to rule in the same by the scepter of his word and severe disciplin, the Prince may be the better obeied, the realm flourish more in godliness, and the Lord himself more sincerely and purely according to his word ser∣ved, than heretofore he hath been, or yet at this present time is. Amend

therefore these horrible abuses, and reform Gods Church, and the Lord is on your right hand, you shall not be removed for ever. For he will de∣liver and defend you from all your enemies either at home or abroad, as he did faithfull Jacob and good Jehoshaphat. Let these things alone, and God is a righteous Judge: he will one day call you to your reckoning. Is a reformation good for France, and can it be evill for England? Is disci∣pline meet fo•• Scotland, and is it unprofitable for this realm? Surely God hath set these exampls before your eies, to encourage you to go for∣ward to a thorow and speedy reformation. You may not do as heretofore you have done, patch, and peece, nay rather go backward, and never labor or contend to perfection. But altogether remove whole antichrist, both head, body and branch, and perfectly plant that purity of the word, that simplicity of the sacraments and severity of disciplin, which Christ hath commanded, and commended to his Church. And here to end, wee desire all to suppose, that we have not attempted this enterprise for vain glory, gain, preferment or any worldly respect: neither yet judging our∣selves, so exactly to have set out the estate of a Church reformed, as that nothing more could be added, or a more perfect form and order drawn: for that were great presumption, to arrogat so much to ourselves, seing that as we are but weak and simple souls, so God hath raised up men of pro∣found judgement and notable learning; But hereby to declare our good wills towards the setting forth of Gods glory, and the building up of his Church, accounting this as it were but an entrance into further matter, ho∣ping that our God, who hath in us begun this good work, will not only in time hereafter make us strong and able to go foreward herein, but also move others, upon whom he hath bestowd greater measure of his gifts and graces, to labor more throughly and fully in the same. The God of all glory so open your eyes to see his truth, that you may not only be enflam∣med with a love thereof, but with a continuall care seek to promote, plant, & place the same among us, that we the English people, and our posterity en∣joying the sincerity of Gods gospell for ever, may say always, The Lord be prai∣sed. To whom with Christ Jesus his son our only Savior, and the H. Ghost our only Conforter be honor, praise and glory for ever and ever. Amen. Now (excepting these, whose faults are here touched) who can say but this was a wholsom admonition? and certainly it doth concern all in power, which shall read it untill the end of the would. But what followed upon it? the Bishops rage, and persecute the Ministers, which dar speak against their dominion, or will not conform unto their toyes, I will here remember one passage. An. Archpriest Blackwell being about that time prisoner in the Clink, where sundry Ministers were also prisoners, said to one of them, he marvelled of what religion the B^s of England were: us they committ (said he) because we are papists; and you they commit, because yee will not be pa∣pists: that they persecute us, it is not much to be marveled, because there is some seeming difference betwixt them and us, though it be not much: but that one Minister of the gospell should persecute another, or that one protestant doth pursue another to bonds and imprisonment for religions sake, is a strange thing: but of the two, they love us better: a Papist they like well enough, if they durst shew it, but Puritanes they hate with their heart, and that all the world may see. So said he. It was their custom to revile with the name of Puritanes all who did oppose their course. What the Priest said tauntingly, was the lamentation of many: I will name the testimony but of one, a learned and piousman, as his works yet extant

do demonstrate; I mean, John Udall somtimes Minister at Kingstown upon Thames, who in the year 1588. ended his life in the Whyte-lion in Southwerk as prisoner for opposing episcopacy: among other pieces he * 6.23 describeth The estate of the Church of Enlgland in a Conference: there he shewes, 1. That a Bishop and a Papist were sent by the other Bishops, into Scotland, to subvert their Generall Assemblies and the rest of their jurisdiction, for fear that if the Ministers in Scotland had got up their disciplin, the Sove∣rainety of Bishops had fallen in England also: he saith, they prevailed a while in Scotland: but the whole Land cried out for diciplin again, and the Noble men did so stiffly stand to it, and the Ministers that came home from England, dealt so boldly with the King, that I [said the Bishop] was utterly cast out without all hope ever to do any good there again. 2. He telleth of a Minister declaring unto the Bishop (as▪ not kno∣wing one another) three abominations committed by the Bishops in Eng∣land, first rhey bear such enmity against the kingdom of Jesus Christ, that they put to silence one after another, and will never cease (if God bridle them not) untill they have rooted out of the Church all the learned, godly and painfull teachers. The second is, that they enlarge the liberties of the common enemies, the Papists. The last is, that they committ the feeding of the flocks of Christ, unto those, that prey upon them, and either can not or will not labor to reclaim the wandring sheep; So that the conclusion may be gathered upon their actions, it must needs be the eversion and over∣throw of the gospell, and so consequently the bringing-in of popery and atheism. 3. a gentle man askes the Bishop. Why he had taken a Papist with him into Scotland, seing if he be a right Papist; he would labor to erect the Popes Kingdom? The B. answered; That man was thought fit above all o∣thers to go with him; and if he had not had a Papist with him, he could ne∣ver have looked to prevail, because our dignities and Government comes wholly and every part thereof from the Pope, and is ruled and defended by the same canons, whereby his Popedom is supported. So that if I had wanted their helps, I had had no authority either from God or man; no help either by reason or learning, whereby I could have been furthered: And whereas you say, that he would labor to erect the Popes Kingdom; no question but he did so, and that made for us (said the Bishop) for albeit we would if we might, of the two, keep rather the Protestant Religion with our dignities then the other, yet had we rather change our Religion than forgo our priviledges......and vvee have retained them of purpose, for vve can bear vvith their Religion, so that they bear up our authority, &c. * 6.24 I wil not think, that all the Bishops vvere of this mind, but too many of them vvere such, as is cleare by their silencing and deposing so many lear∣ned men, I, and their banishing such, as that learned Thomas Cart∣vvright, &c. In this discourse vvee see also vvhat grounds they had for Episcopacy: and for clearing this point, I vvill subjoyn but tvvo or three testimonies; one of that learned Bishop Jewell: in many places he speakes of the equality of a Bishop and a priest: I name but The defense ef the Apology against Harding, edit An. 1570. pag. 243. saying, What meaneth M. Hardinge, to come in with the difference between priests and Bishops?...,. Is it so horrible an heresy, as he makes it, to say▪ that by the Scriptures of God, a Bishop and a priest are all one? or knowes he, how far and unto whom he reaches the name of an hereticque? Verily Chrysostom saith on 1. Tim. homil. 1••. Inter Episcopum & Presbyterum interest fermè nihil, between a Bishop and Priest in a manner is no difference. S. Jerom ad Evagr. saith

somwhat in rougher sort, Audio quendam in tantam erupisse vecordiam, ut diaconos presbyteris, id est, episcopis anteferret, Cùm Apostolus perspicuè doceat eosdem esse presbyteros, qu••s episcopos. I hear say, there is one become so peevish, that he setteth deacons before priests, that is, Bishops, whereas the Apostle plainly teaches us, that priests and Bishops be all one. S. Augu∣stin in quest. Vet. & Nov Tost. qu. 101. saith, Quid est Episcopus nisi primus Pres∣byter, hoc est, summus sacordos? what is a Bishop but the first priest, that is, the highest priest. So saith S. Ambrose de dignit. sacerdot. Episcopi & Presby∣teri una ordinatio est: uterque enim sacerdos, sed episcopus primus est, There is but one consecration of a priest and a Bishop: for both of them are priests, but the Bishop is the first. All these and other mo holy Fathers together with S. Paul the Apostle, for thus saiyng, by M. Hardinges advice, must be hol∣den for heretiques. So Ivell. Another testimony is Doctor Reynolds * 6.25 Letter to Sir Francis Knollis, concerning Do. Bancrofts Sermon at Pauls cross Febr. 9. 1588. in the Parliament time. Because I have not seen this Letter among the Doctors works, and I think it is not common, but I have found it printed with some o••her pieces of that kind, I set it down here word by word; Albeit (right honorable) I take greater confort in labou∣ring to discover & overthrow the errors of Jesuits & Papists (enemies of re∣ligion) then of the Ministers of Christ; yet seing it hath pleased your Ho▪ to require mee, to shew my opinion of these things, which certain of these men maintain and stand in, I thought it my duty by the example of Levi, Deut. 33. who said of his father & mother, I regarde them not, nor acknow∣ledged he his brethren, to declare the truth without respect of persons. Of the two points therefore in Do. Bancrofts Sermon, which your Ho. men∣tioneth. one is, concerning that he seemes to avouch, The superiority, which Bishops have among us over the Clergy, to be Gods own ordinance, though not by expresse words, yet by necessary consequence, in that he affirmes their opinion, who oppugne that Superiority to be heresy. Wherein, I must confesse, he hath committed an oversight, in my judgement, and himself, I think, if he be advertised, will acknowledge it. For having said first, that Aërius affirmeth, that there was no difference by the word of God betwixt a Priest and a Bishop; and afterward, that Martine and his compa∣nions do maintain this opinion of Aërius, he addeth, that Aërius persisting therein was condemned for an heretick by the generall consent of the whol Church, and likewise that Martin and all his companions opinion hath herein been condemned for heresy. Touching Martin, if any man behave himself otherwise then in discretion & charity he ought, let the blame be laid, where the fault is; I defend him not: but if by the way he utter a trueth, mingled with whatsoe∣ver els, it is not reason, that that which is of God, should be condem∣ned for that which is of man, no more than the doctrine of the resurrection should be reproved, because it was maintained & held by the Pharises. Wherefore removing the odious name of Martin, from that which in sin∣cerity & love is to be dealt with, it appeares by the aforesaid words of D. Bancroft, that he avouches the Superiority, which B. have over the Clergy to be Gods own ordinance: for he improves the impugners of it, as holding with Aërius, that there is no difference by the word of God betwixt a Priest, and a Bishop: which he could not do with reason, unless he himselfe appro∣ved the B^s superiority, as established by Gods word: and he addeth, that their opinion, who gaine-sayd, is heresy: whereof it insueth, he thinkes it contrary to Gods word, sith heresy is an error repugnant to the truth of the word of God, as according to the Scriptures, our own Church doth teach

us. Now the arguments, which he bringeth to prove it an heresy, are partly over vveak, partly untrue; over weake, that he beginneth vvith one of Epiphanius; untrue, that he adioyneth the universall consent of the Church. For thogh Epiphanius do say, that Aërius assertion is full of foly, yet he dispro∣ves not the reason, vvhich Aërius stood on, out of the Scripture; nay he dea∣les so in seeking to disprove it, that Bellarm in the Jesuit, To. 1. contr. 5. l. 1. c. 15. desirous to make the best of Epiphanius, whose opinion here in he maintai∣neth against the Protestauts, yet is forced to confesse, that Epiphanius his answer is none of the wisest, nor any way can fit the text. As for the generall consent of the whole Church, which D. Bancroft saith, condemned that opinion of Aërius for an heresy, and himse••f for an heretik, because he persisted in it, that is a large speach: but what proof has he, that the Church did so? it appeares, he saith, in Epiphanius. It doth not, and the contrary appeares by S. Jerom, in epi. ad Tit. & ad Euagr. and sondry others, who lived, some in the same time, some after Epiph. even Austin himself, thogh D. Bancroft cite him, as bearing witnes thereof likewise; I grant, S. Austin in his book of heresies, ascribeth this to Aërius, for one, that he said, Presbyterum ab Episcopo nulla dif∣ferentiâ debere discerni: but it is one thing to say, There ought to be no difference betwixt them (which Aerius saying condemned the Churches order, yea, made a schism therein, and is so censured by S. Austin, counting it an heresy, as in Epiphanius he took it recorded, himself (as he witnesseth de heres. ad Quod vuld. in praefat.) not knowing, hovv farr the name of heresy should be stretched) and another thing to say, that by the word of God there is no dif∣ference betwixt them, but by the order & custom of the Church, vvhich Augustin himself saith in effect, epist. 19. so far vvas he from vvitnessing this to be heresy, by the generall consent of the vvhole Church. Which untruth, hovv vvrongfully it is fathered on him, and on Epiphanius [vvho yet are all the vvinesses, that D. Bancroft hath produced for the proof hereof, or can, for ought that I knovv] it may appear by this, that our learned country man of godly memory Bishop Jevvell def. of the Apol. Par. 2. c. 9. div. 1. pag. 198. when Harding to convince the same opinion of heresy, alledged the same witnesses, he citing to the contrary Chrysostom, Jerom, Austin & Ambrose, knit up his answer with these words, All these, and other mo holy Fathers, to gether with the Apostle S. Paul, for thus saying, by Hardings ad∣vice, mus•• be held for heretiks. And Michaell Medina, a man of great ac∣count in the Councell of Trent, more ingenuous herein than many other Papists, affirmes not only the former ancient writers alledged by Bishop Jewell, but also another Jerom, Thodoret, Primasius, Sedulius and Theophy∣lact, were of the same mind touching this matter with Aërius, With whom agree likwise Oecumenenius on. Tim. 3. and Anselm Archbishop of Canterbur∣ry in epi, ad Tit and another Anselm Collect. can. lib. 7. ca. 87. & 127. and Gregory Polic. lib. 2. tit. 19. & 39. and Gratian ca. Legimus dist. 39. & ca. Olim, dist. 95. and after them how many? It being once enrolled in the Canon-law for sound & catholike doctrin, and thereupon publickly taught by learned men; All which do bear witnes against D. Bancroft of the point in question, that it was not condemned for an Heresy by the generall consent of the whole Church. For if he should reply, that these later witnesses did live a 1000. year after Christ, and therefore touch not him, who said, it was condemned so in the time of S. Austen and of Epiphanius, the most flourishing time of the Church, that ever hapned since the Apostles dayes, either in respect of learning or of zeal, first they whom I named, though living in a later time, yet are witnesses of former. 1▪ Oecumenius the Greek Scholiast treading in the steps of the old Greek Fathers, and the Anselmes

with Gregory & Gratian expressing Jeroms sentence word by word. Besids that perhaps it is not very likely, that Anselm of Canterburry should have been canonized by the Pope of Rome, and worshipped for a Saint, that the o∣ther Anselm and Gregory should have such place in the P^s library, and be esteemed of, as they are; that Gratian's works should be allovved so long time by so many Popes for the golden foundation of the Canon-lavv, if they had taught, that for Catholik & sound, vvhich by the generall consent o•• the vvhole Church, in the most flourishing time that ever happened since the A postles dayes, vvas condemned for Heresy; chiefly in a matter of such weight and moment to the Popes Supremacy; which as they do claim over all Bishops by the ordinance of God, so must they allow Bishops over Priests by the same ordinance, as they saw at length: and therefore have not only decreed it now in the Councell of Trent, but also in the new edition of their Canon-law have set down this note, that on Hughs Glosse allovved by the Archdeacon (saying, that Bishops have differed from Priests alwayes as they do now in Government, and prelatship and Sacrament, but not in the name and Title of Bishop, which was common to them both, must be held hereafter for S. Jeroms meaning; at least for the meaning of the Canon taken out of S. Jerom, though his vvords be flat & plain against this glosse, as Bellarmin himself confesses li. cit. ca. Whereunto may be added, that they also vvho have labored about the Reforming of the Church these 500 years, have taught that all Pastors, be they entituled Bishops or Priests have equall authority & power by Gods word. First the Waldenses. [in Aen. Sylv. Hist. Bohem. c. 35. & Pigh. Hierarch. Ecclesiast l. 2. cap. 10.] next Marsilius Patavinus in Defen. pacis part. 2. c. 15. Then Wicliff [in Tho. Wald. Doctr. fidei tom. 1. lib. 2. cap. 60. & tom. 2. c. 7.] and his schollers; afterward Husse and the Hussites, Aen. Sylv. lo. cit. last of all, Luther, adversus falso nominatos ord. Sco. Episc. & adversus Papat. Roma; Calvin. i•• in Epist. ad Philipp. 1. & Tit. 1. Brentius, Apolog. confess. Wittemberg. cap. 21. Bullinger. Deca. 5. serm. 3. Musculus, Loc. commun. tit. de Ministerio Verb••. and others, who may be reckoned particularly in great number, sith as here with us both Bishops, Jewell. loc. cit. Pilkinton in the Treatise of burning Pauls Church, and the Queen's Professors of Divinity in our Universities, D. Humphrey in Campia. & Durae Jesuitas part. 2. rat. 3. & Whitak. ad rat. Cam∣pi. 6 & Confut. Duraei lib. 6. And other learned men do consent herein▪ M. Bradford, Lambert and others in Fox act. &c. D. Fulk against Bristow's not•• 40. and answer to the Rhem. Tit. 1. 5. So in forrein Nations all that I have read treating of this matter, and many mo (no doubt) whom I have not read The sifting & examining of the Trent Councell hath been undertaken by on∣ly two, which I have seen, the one a Divine, the other, a Lawier, Kemnitius and Gentilletus: They both condemn the contrary doctrin thereunto, as a Trent error; the one by Scriptures and Fathers; the othe•• by the Canon-law. But what do I further speak of severall persons: It is the common judgement of the Churches of Helvetis, Savoy, France▪ Scotland, Germany, Hungary, Polond, The Low-Countryes, and our own: wit∣nes the Harmony of Confession Sect. 11. Wherefore sith D. Bancroft (I assute myself) will not say, that all those have approved that as sounde and Christian doctrin, which by the generall consent of the whole Church, in a most florishing time, was condemned for heresy, I hope, he will ac∣knowledge, that he was overseen, in that he avouched, the Superiority which Bishops have among us over the Clergy, to be of Gods ordinance. And this farr of the former point of D. Bancrofts Sermon. The latter is, con∣cerning that he affirmeth, that S. Jerom saith, and M. Calvin seemes on his

report, to confesse that Bishops have had the said Superiority ever since the time of S. Mark the Evangelist. Of the which point, I think as of the former, sith neither Jerom saith it, neither doth Calvin seem to confesse it on his report. For Bishops among us, besids ordaining and laying-on of hands, may do sundry other things, which inferior Ministers or Priests (as D. Bancroft termeth them) may not. But Jerom, after mention of the superiority alloted to Bishops since Marks time, What doth a Bishop (saith he) except ordination, which a Priest doeth not? meaning & enforcing by this kind of speach, as a thing most evident, and such as no man could deny, that Bb. had that only power above priests then, which Chrysostom also witnesseth. Though neither had they it alone in all places, as it is appa∣rent by a Councell at Carthage, concil. 4. c. 3. shewing their Churches order, that the priests laid on their bands with the Bishop on those who were or∣dained. Yet Jerom having proved by testimony of Scripture, that in the Apostles times, Bishops and priests were all one, even in the right of this too(. In 1. Tim. 4. 14) grants that afterwards Bishops had that peculiar to themselves some where, but nothing els saue it. S. Jerom therefore saith not, of that superiority whereof the question is, that Bishops have had it ever since S. Marks time. No more doth M. Calvine seem to confesse it upon his report: for Calvin in the same place (In Institu. lib. 4. c. 4. se. 2) that D. Bancroft quoteth, shewing how in old time the Ministers that had charge to teach those of their conpany, one in every City, to whom they did especially give the title of Bishop; lest equality should bteed dissension, yet (saith he) the Bishop was not above them in honor & dignity, that he should rule over them, but look what is the Consul's duty in the Senate, to propose matters, to ask their opinions, to direct others by giving them advice, by admonishing, by exhorting, ro guide the vvhole action by his authority, and see that performed, vvhich vvas agreed upon by their common consent, that charge had the Bishop in the assembly of Mini∣sters. And having declared that S. Jerom shevves this to have been broght in by the consent of men, upon the first of Titus, he addeth that the same Jerom other where shewes, how ancient an order of the Church it was, even from Marks time to Hereclas & Dionysius at Alexandria. In which words of Calvin, seing that the order of the Church he mentioneth, hath evident relation to that before described, and that in the describing of it▪ he had said, the Bishop was not so above the rest in honor, that he had rule over them; it followes, that M. Calvin doth not so much as seem to confess upon Jeroms report, that ever since Marks time Bishops have had a ruling Superiority over the Clergy. Wherefore to use no more proofs in a thing manifest, which else might be easily proved more at large out of S. Jerom and M. Calvin both, It is certain, that neither of them doth af∣firm, that Bishops so long time have had such superiority, as D. Bancroft seemes to father upon them. Thus I have signified my opinion of the points, that your Ho. specified in D. Bancrofts Sermon, &c. Unto this testimony of the learned Do. Reinolds, I ad another which is printed with it, and the rather, because it is historicall: this is a Speach of the same * 6.26 Sir Francis Knollis (Treasurer of the Queens house, and Knight of the Garter) in a Parliament, as he himself related it to the L. Treasurer Sir Wil. Cicill; in this tenor; To the end I may inform your L. of my dealing in this Parliament time against the undue claimed superiority of the Bb. over their brethren, thus it was. Because I was in the Parliament in the 25 year of King Henry VIII. in which time all the clergy as well Bb. as others,

first made an humble submission to K. Henry. 8. acknowledging his Supre∣macy, and detesting the B. of Romes authority: Upon which submission of the Clergy, the King gave unto the said Bb. the same ample rule, that before they had under the Pope, over their inferior brethren; saving that the same rule was abridged by statute by this parenthesis following, that is (without offending the prerogative Royall of the Crown of England, and the lawes & customes of the realm) In the latter end of the statute it was added, That whosoever offendeth in any one part of that statute, and their aiders, counsellors and abettors, they all did fall into the penaltie of the Premunire. And after I had re∣cited this statute, in the Parliament house, I declared that in K. Henry VIII. his dayes, after this there was no Bishop, that did practize superiority over their brethren. And in K. Edwards dayes, the Bishops obtained a statute, whereby they were authorized, to keep the Courts in the Kings name. The which statute was repealed in Queen Maries dayes, and is not revived in her Ma^s time that now is. Whereupon it was doubtfull to mee, by what authority the Bb. do keep their Courts now in their own names, because it is against the Prerogative of the Crown of England, that any should keep a Court without a sufficient warrant from the Crown. Whereupon I was answered, that the Bb. now do keep their Courts by prescription; and it is true, that the Bb. may prescribe, that K. Henry VIII. gave them authority by the statute of the 25. of his reign, to have authority and rule over their inferior brethren, as ample as they had in the Popes time: but this was no speciall warrant for them to keep their courts by and that in their own na∣mes. And yet they have no other warrant to keep their courts (as they do now in their own names) to my knowledge. And this was the cause, that made them obtain a statute in K. Edwards dayes to keep their courts by in the Kings name. Now it is a strange allegation, that the Bb. should claim authority at this present, to keep courts in their own names (as they do) by prescription, Because the statute of 25. H. 8. doth restrain them gene∣rally from offending of the prerogative royall of the Crown of England, and the lawes & customs of the realm. And no man may keep a court justly without a speciall warrant from the Crown of England, as is afore said. And the generall liberty given by K. Hen. 8. to the Bb. to rule & govern, as they did in the Popes time, is no sufficient warrant to the Bb. to keep their Courts in their own names by prescription, as I take it. And therefore the Bb. had done wisely, if they had sought a warrant by statute to keep their courts in the Queenes name, as the Bb. in K. Edwards daies▪ In which time Cranmer did cause Peter Martyr & Bucer come over into the realm to be placed in the two Vniversities, for the better instruction of the Vniversities in the word of God: and B. Cranmer did humbly prefer these learned men, without any challenge to himself of any superior rule, in this behalf over his inferior brethren. And the time hath been, that no man could cary away any grant from the Crown of England by generall words, but he must have speciall wordes to cary the same by. Therefore how the Bb. are warranted to cary away the keeping of their courts in their own name by prescription, it passeth my understanding. Moreover, where as your Lp. said unto mee, that the Bb. have forsaken their claim of superiority over their brethren (lately) to be by Gods ordinance; and that (now) they do only claim superiority from her Majesties Government, if this be true, then it is requisite and necessary, that my Lord of Canterburry that now is, do recant & retract his saying in his book of the great volum a∣gainst M. Cartwright, where he saith in plain words (by the name of D.

Whitgift) that the superiority of Bb. is of Gods institution. Which saying doth impugne her Ma^s supream Government directly: and therefore it is to be retracted, and truly: for Chrisl plainly & truly confesseth Joh. 18. 36. that his kingdom is not of this world: and therefore he gave no worldly rule or pre∣heminence to his Apostles, but the heavenly rule, which was to preach the gospell, saying, So and preach through the world, whosoever shall believe and be baptized, shall besaved: but he that will not believe, shall be condemned Mark. 16. 15. 16. But the Bb. do crie out, saying, Cartwright and his fellowes will have no Government, &c. So (belike) the Bb. care for no Go∣vernment, but for worldly and forcible Government over their brethren, the which Christ never gave to his disciples nor Apostles, but made them subject to the rule of Princes, who ought not to be resisted, saving that they might answer unto Princes, they must obey God rather than men Act 5. 29; and yet in no way to resist the Prince, but to take up the crosse, and follow Christ. So far he.

XXV. The Nationall Assembly of Scotland conveenes by the Kings * 6.27 call, at Edinburgh February. 6. 1588. heer were the Kings Commissioners the Master of Lindsay and Lord Ochiltry. Robert bruce is chosen Mode∣rator: the Kings Commissioners, some Barons and Commissioners of Burghes and some Ministers are chosen to concurr with the Moderator in advising of things to be propounded & concluded. I. The Moderator declares the causes of this extraordinary assembly to be the dangers appea∣ring unto the gospell in this Country, and to advise what may be the rea∣diest way to quench the present fire of Papistty kindled throughout all the Country. And because the matter is of great weight it is judged expedient, that Noblement and Gentle men shall conveen by themselves apart; and the Commissioners of Burrowes shall conveen also by themselves; and Mi∣nisters shall conveen by themselves, To advise and propound unto the Mo∣derator and his Assessors what overtures they can think upon; And for fur∣therance Peter blackburn & John Fullarton Ministers are appointed to give them information of the evidence thereof in their Province; and all depu∣ties out of every Province are appointed, to delate what Jesuites & Papistes are known to be within their boundes, and that in write, the next day, unto the Assembly. In Sess. 3. the advice of the Noble men and of others was presented, and read: but it was judged expedient, that some Earles▪ Lords, Barons, Commissioners of Burrowes, and some Ministers shall first conferr with the King, upon these. The advice of the Nobility was. 1. that the Lawes of the Country be without delay execut against all Jesui∣tes, Seminary priests, Idolaters and mantainers thereof; and for that ef∣fect every man alswell gentle man as others heer assembled, shall, as they will answer unto God, and do tender his glory and the well of his Church, give up presently in catalogue unto the Moderator or Clerk, the names of such as they know or esteem to be Jesuites, Semmariepriests, traffickers against religion, receipters and maintainers of such persons: the which names shall be given unto Sir Robert melvin Treasuret, which hath promised within 48, hours thereafter, to dispatche summons against them all. 2. Seing the danger by such persons is imminent, and the formall execution of lawes requires a large time, his Majesty & Coun∣sell are to be earnestly solicited, to provide speedily some extraordinary remedy against so extraordinary danger, and execute the lawes with∣out delay upon the chiefest of the Jesuites and their maintainers, doing as if treason were intended against his Ma^s person and Crown. 3. If the

Assembly shall think it expedient, these Noble men, Barons & others are willing, to go unto his Majesty, and regrate the cause of the Church and Common wealth, and the danger wherein the liberty of this realm, and their lifes and consciences stand in, by the craft of Jesuites and such others, which have seduced and stirred up enemies both intestine and for∣rein, to bereave them of the same; and they offer themselves, their lifes, lands & friends to be employd at the Kings pleasure, for preventing so dan∣gerous attempts and bloody devices. In Sess. 6. The Nobles and others re∣port, that they had conferred with the King, and had received good an∣swers, as, that there is more need of execution against Papists than of advice; and that his Ma. is glad of the solemnity and frequency of this Assembly; and before the dissolving thereof he craves, that they would resort unto him, and they shall heare more of his good will: but because many particulares were comprehended under the few generals propounded, he had appointed sixe of his Counsell to meet with as many as the Church shall appoint, the next day. The Assembly nameth certain persons to conveen accordingly. In Sess. 14. A Supplication was sent unto the K. in this tenor; Sir, Your Ma. remembereth, the cause of the conveening this Assembly at your com∣mand, consists principally in two points; one, for repressing the Jesuits and other Papists which are entred into this realm, and practize with their complices, to subvert the sincerity of religion publickly professed, ano∣ther to provide such meanes, that in time coming such enterprises may be avoided. As to the first, wee humbly crave 1. That some of the chief Jesuits and others shall instantly be taken order with, to give exemple unto others, viz. Ja. Gordon & Will. Crichton; which are now in this town, that they may be incontinently called before your Hi. and Counsell, and there it may be declared unto them, that their lifes are in your Ma••hand, for contraveening your lawes, and yet of your clemency you do spare them, charging them in the mean time, to remain in warde within Edinburg un∣till the passing away of the first ships, wherein they shall be entred, and sent away; And that it be denounced unto them, that if they return at any time hereafter without your speciall licence, the law shall be execut against them to death, without any more process. 2. That the Lairds of Fentry, Glenbervy younger and other excommunicated Papists, which shall be given up in writ, may also be called before your Majesty & Counsell, and such things be laid unto their charge as they are culpable of according to the Acts of Parliament, that the penalty thereof may be executed upon them; and other apostates from the true religion, which once they had embraced, be called also, and punished▪ 3. That summons be presently directed against all receipters of Papists, Jesuits, Seminarie-priests and all traffiquers against true religion; and likewise to summon witnesses, by whose depo∣sitions they may be convict of the foresaid crimes, and specially that such as are of the Estates and are culpable of apostasy or papistry, shall no way be suf∣fered, but called and convict thereof, and if they be apprehended for other crimes, shall on no way be pardoned, untill they have satiffied both your Majesty and Estates, and also the Church; And generally that all Noble men whatsoever without exception, known to be entertainers of Papists or enterprising any thing against the true Religion, shall be put presently in ward, or exiled, Concerning the planting of Churches, this is our advice, that Commissioners be directed from your Majesty and this Generall assem∣bly into the north and south parts of the country, to visite, and plant Mi∣nisters, where need requires for repressing Papistry; and having Commis∣sion

alswell from your Majesty as from the Church, to call before them all that are suspected of perverting true religion or revolting from it; and to do all other things for reformation of these parts; And because this work can not proceed, unless provision be made alswell to the Commissioners of the Church, as Ministers to be planted in necessary places, that certain persons be deputed from the Counsell, and some of the Ministry, To con∣veen with all expedition to sight the rols of the thirds, that it may be consi∣dered, what may be spared unto that effect, and where these thirds have been abused, to see how they may be reformed, and that the Act made for discharging pensions out of the thirds and superplus▪ and proclamation that hath passed thereupon, may take full effect; Likwise giving power unto these Commissioners, to reform Colledges & Schools, and where the rents thereof have been abused, to put convenient remedy thereunto; and where it can not serve, to see how it may be helped, and that qualified men be placed in the roume of id••e bellies; and to depose from the Ministry and from their Benefices all that shall be found unworthy or scandalous in life or doctrin, alswell Bishops as others. Lastly that it would please your Majesty take some solide order, that the lawes made for punishing vice, and Commissioners appointed thereunto, may take some good effect; And that order be taken with the poore▪ that wander up and down the country without law or religion. With this Supplication was also sent a catalogue of the Papists in every Province. II. In Sess. 5. Rob. Rollok, And. Mel∣vim, To. Buchanan and Pa. Sharp are ordered to visite the Reply of Peter Blackburn unto the book of the Jesuire Ja. Gordon. In Sess. 14. They re∣port, that on the part of the Jesuir, they have found much diligence and so∣phistry, and they praise God for the Reply, where in they have found solide judgement and great light, to the praise of God, and overthrow of the enemy. In Sess. 8. The Assembly directes the Minister of Disert to charge Patrik Adamson to compear personally, and present his own peti∣tion. In Sess. 16. Patrik Adamson Bishop is convict of transgressing the Act of Conference; and therefore deprived of his office of Commission; and Thomas Buchanan is placed in his roome untill the next Assembly. IV. The Assembly takes into consideration the process led against Robert Mongomery, and the Supplication given-in by him; and they declare that he may be admitted Pastor of a flock, where he hath not been scandalous, Providing that he be found qualified in life and doctrin. V. In Sess. 9. The Lord Chancellor craves, that the Assembly would weigh, whither James Gibson hath not offended the King not only in that he had spoken in Sermon these words following, that he weened, that James Stuart, the Lady Jesabell and William Stuart had been persecuters of the Church; but now he finds by experience, that the King himself hath been the persecu∣ter; and as Jeroboam for erecting idolatry and permitting thereof was the last of his posterity, so he feareth, if he continue, he shall conclude his race: But also in that he acknowledging before the brethren of the Confe∣rence, that he had offended his Majesty, he promised to make satisfaction, and had failed, and broken promise. James Gibson is called, and com∣peares not. Then the Chancelor craves, that the Moderator put it to the vote of the brethren, whither these words vvere offensive? None offereth any reason in the contaary. It is propounded eisdem terminis: and is voted affirmativè, these words were offensive. In Sess. 11. Because before noon Iames Gibson being present was summoned by the voice of the Mode∣rator to be present after noon, to heare his cause reasoned, and as it was ••e∣stified

by sundy brethren then sitting by him, that they heard him promise to compear; and nevertheless compeares not, The assembly declares him con∣tumacious for not compearing nor sending any reasonable excuse of his ab∣sence. In Sess. 13. the Assembly judgeth James gibson to be suspended from the function of the Ministry, during the will of the Church. VI. These who were wont to compear before the Synodes to declare their re∣pentance of adultery, homicid or such crimes, shall hereafter compeare before the Presbytery of their own bounds for ••hat end. VII. In Sess. 1••. All Ministers shall with all diligence travell within their parish with the Noble men & Gentle men, to subscribe the Confession of faith, and re∣port their diligence unto the next Assembly. VIII. In Sess. 16. A generall fast is appointed to be keept the first two Sundayes of July for these causes. 1. the universall conspiracies of the enemies of the truth, to put in execu∣tion the bloody determination of the Councell of Trent. 2. The floc∣king of Jesuits & Papists. 3. The defection of a multitude from the truth. 4. The conspiracies intended against the same by great men of the Land, maintainers of Iesuits and Papists. 5. The coldness of all sorts. 6. The wrack of the patrimony of the Church. 7. The abondance of bloodshed, adultery, incests and all kind of iniquity, whereof the particulare Churches have their experience. For clearing the proceedings of the Assembly, wee may learn 1. The occasion of their meeting, from B Spotswood P. 306. where he declares, that in the end of the preceeding year many Icsuits and Priests (he nameth ten of them) came to deal with the Popish Noble men for assisting the Spanish Armada, which was then in preparing to invade England, if they shall land in Scotland: for their hope was, to find the King favorable, because of the Queens proceedings against his mother, and that he would joyn his forces with the Spanish, for revenge of that wrong. But the King considering his own danger if strangers set foot in in the ••sle, and not trusting that the Spaniards would take such paines to purchase the Crown of England for him (for that also was profered) refu∣sed to give eare unto such motions. But the Bishop (as an aduersary of Assemblies) failes in sundry particulars here; namely, that he saith, This Assembly was called by the Ministers; whereas the Letter that was sent unto the King, saith expressly, that they were conveened at his command; and his Commissioners were present in the first Session, and were Assessors in the Privy Conference; as also the King gave the Noble men thankes for that they had conveened so solemly. Then he saith, Robert Bruce was chosen Moderator, though he had not as yet entred into the Ministeriall function. I know not what year he was admitted into the Ministry: but he was not only a member of the Assembly in the year preceeding, but was chosen an Assessor unto the Moderator: vvhich certainly had not been done, if he had not been an eminent Minister, seing he vvas not Commis∣sioner from a Province or Burgh: but he never loved Bishops, nor did the Bishops love him. The vanity of some other particulares appeares by vvhat is vvritten out of the books of the Assembly. ••. Concerning Rob. Mongomery the Presbytery of Glasgovv vvas called to an account of their admitting William Erskin unto the Bishoprick of Glasgovv, seing he vvas not a Minister, but only titulare Parson of Campsy. They ansvvered, Seing church-men vvere not permitted to enjoy the Bishoprick (as is said before) they esteemed it better, that he have the title than any other; and he had given his bond to renounce the title, if the Generall Assembly did not allovv his admission. This vvas not allovved, and they vvere or∣dained

to persue him to renounce according to his bond: and Robert Mon∣gomery having renounced episcopacy before the Assembly, was thereafter planted at a church in Cunigham. Of Pa. Adamson and Ja. Gibson, more followes. After this Assembly the King intended an expedition into the West Marches against the Lord Hereis, of whom the Assembly had com∣plained: but he came and offered himself unto the King, and upon his p••omise to amend, and surety given that he shall resort to Sermons, and suffer nothing to be done in his Wardenry in prejudice of religion, he was ••ent back to his charge. At the same time the Lord Maxwell (who had gotten licence to go into other countries, and with assurance, that he shall not return without licence) having seen the preparation of Spain for inva∣ding England, returneth by advice of some Scots Papists, and landeth at Kirkudbry, in Aprile; and immediatly gathereth men. The L. Hereis advertiseth the King: Maxwell was charged to appear before the Counsell: he disobeyd. Wherefore the King went with such force as he could for the time, against him: he fled to sea, and was brought back prisoner to Edin∣burgh. In this sommer, that Spanish Navy, which had been some years in preparing, and was called Invincible, was overthrown by weak means of men, and principally by storm, when they were lying at anchor in the road of Callais. So it pleased God to disappoint the attempts of Papists with great losse unto them, and no harm unto this Island. Before the re∣port * 6.28 of this overthrow came, the Assembly conveenes at Edinb. August 6. Thomas Buchanan is chosen Moderator. I. The Assembly considering the dangers imminent to the Church generally, and specially unto the re∣alm by the intended coming of Spainards; as also the decay of religion by the rarity & poverty of Ministers, appointes that a fast be proclamed to morrow by the ordinary Teacher in the Church, to be continued all this week. II. Because universally throughout this realm there is no religion nor disciplin among the poore, but many live in filthy adultry or incest, and their children are nor baptised, nor do they resort unto the preaching of the word, Therefore Ministers shall make intimation and denounce unto all the poor that either be parishoners by birth, or resort unto their parishes, if they have woman & children, that they shew testimoniall of their mariage, or els shall be refused of almes by all godly persons; And that they exhort their parishoners, to extend their liberality rather unto these that are of the household of faith, and judge discreetly in giving al∣mes unto others, who have not such evidents, as is said. III. A citation was directed by the Moderator of the preceeding Assembly against Pa. A∣damson called Bishop of Santandrews, making mention, that seing by an Act of the Presbytery of Edinburg it was ordained concerning the mar∣riage of George Earle of Huntle, his bans should be proclamed upon his subscribing certain articles of religion, and under promise, that he shall subscribe the rest before his marriage, and inhibition was made unto diverse of the Ministry, and namely to the foresaid Patrick, that they should not celebrate the foresaid marriage, untill the foresaid Earle had subscribed the Confession of faith contained in the Acts of Parliament, With certification unto every one of them, if they do so, they should be called for disobedience to the voice of the Church, Before the G. Assembly; And notwithstanding the said inhibition, the said Patrick hath proceeded to solemnize the said marriage upon Iuly 21, thereby disobeying the foresaid inhibition, Now the said Patrick is called: and for him compeares his proctor Tho. Wilson, producing a testimoniall of his sicknes subscribed by Do. Robert nicoll and

two of his Bailives, and craves that they would not disquiet him in time of his sicknes. This testimoniall is judged not to be sufficient. IV. For somuch as since the late Act of annexation, his Majesty hath transferred the right of patronage of sundry Benefices from himself unto Earles, Lords, Barons and others, and hath annexed them to their lands, of whom some have gotten confirmation in Parliament, others have obtained them since the Parliament, and a third sort hath gotten gift of the naked patronage, to the evident hurt of the Church; Wherefore it is thought expedient, to entreat his Majesty by earnest sute, that the said dispositions may be annul∣led in the next Parliament; and in the mean time, that it may please his Majesty to deny the disposing of patronages, which remain as yet undis∣posed; and that his Majesty would provide, that the Commissioners and Presbyteries, unto whom the Collation of these Benefices appertaineth, be not processed nor horned [or outlawed] for not giving admission there∣upon; Inhibiting in mean time all Commissioners & Presbyteries, that they give not Collation or admission to any person presented by these new patrones, Untill the next Generall Assembly. V. James Gibson presen∣teth a supplication, craving, that he may be heard to purge himself of con∣tumacy for not compearing in the last Assembly, and to repone him into his function. And being admitted, he declares first before the brethren of the Conference, which report, that he had declared upon his consci∣ence, that the cause of his absence was not rebellion, stubborness or ill will, but only in respect of the good affection he had to the weel of the Ge∣nerall Church, being informed, that if he had compeared, and had not been punished, the affaires of the Church would been cast off. The Bre∣thren judge this reason sufficient to purge him of contumacy, but not to be reponed. VI. Three Ministers were directed unto his Majesty to conferr and understand by what meanes Religion may stand and be continued un∣to Posterity. VII. All Ministers are exhorted, in their Sermons to de∣clare the prejudice done unto the Church by the spoil of the patrimony thereof, and publickly to oppone against such abuse. VIII. The Assem∣bly considering the appearing ruin of the Evangell within the realm for want of provision unto Ministers and Schools and Colledges, Give their Commssion unto certain Ministers, to compear before his Majesty and Counsell on such dayes as his Majesty shall appoint To conferre and advise upon this Head; and to crave humbly of his Majesty that the assignations may be given about Novenber. 1. unto Ministers & Readers; and that these which are already provided ad vitam, and that others which are content with their assignations be not altered, untill they may obtain better provision; and to report answer unto the next assembly. IX. The assembly gives commis∣sioon and authority unto the Presbytery of Edinb. to call before them, Papists and apostates, which shall happen to resort into that town or bounds, and specially to summon the Lords Huntly, Seton, &c. X. The Assemby thinketh meet and ordaines that in time coming so oft as it shall please God to conveen the Gen. church of this realm, the first day of the assembly there be a publick fast and humiliation both of the inhabitaints and Pastors there conveening, and the pulpit both before and after noon be occupied by the ordinary Pastors of the place, To the effect it may please God to give his blessing unto the convention, and good issue unto their travells; And intimation hereof to be made in that town the Sunday before the assembly. After this Assembly James gibson seeing that he could not be restored into his function, went into England, and lived there. When certain newes

was brought of the dispersing of the Spanish Navy, the king caused solem thankes-giving unto God for this deliverance to be given in all the Churches of the kingdom, beginning in his own Court for example unto others.

XXVI. The hope of the Papists now failing by the overthrow of that * 6.29 Navy, they begin to make a form of submission: Huntly at the Kings desire subscribes the Confessiō of faith and was reconciled unto the Church: But immediatly he excused himself by a Letter unto the Prince of Parma then Governor of Flanders, professing that he was so pressed by the King that hee must either yeeld, or depart out of the Countrey, or to have taken the fields, which he could not weel do, all hope being taken from him by the return of the Navy: but in what he had failed, he shall endeavour to amend by some good service, seing God had put him in such credite with the King, as he had broken his former guards, and made him establish others about his person, by whom at all occasions he might assure himself, and be Master of the King; and so when the promised support shall arrive, he shall spoil the heteticks of his authority, and make sure the Catholick enterprises, &c. This Letter was dated at Edinburgh Januar 24. 1589. Others also sent Letters to the same purpose. And the Jesuites lurking in the Countrey, advised these Lords, to attempt somewhat by themselves, which might move the King of Spain more readily to send them succourse: a plot was layd to take the King from the Chancelor Maitlane, and the Treasurer the Lord Glames, un∣der pretence, that the Nobility were neglected, and publick affaires ill mannaged. They said, this way they might procure the assistance of other Noble men, and the country would resist the less, when no mention is made of religion. This plot goeth-on; and in the very nick of time, when Huntly thought to have catched the Chancelor in the Kings chamber of presence, the Chancellor upon suspicion retieres, escapes, and adverti∣seth the King of his suspicion. The next day the King examineth Huntly, and finding the truth, committes Huntly into the castle of Edinburgh: but after a few days upon new promises gives him liberty. These Papists will not yet cease: in Aprile Huntly and these Lords in Anguise make an open insurrection at Aberdien. The King goeth against them, when they heard, that he was at Cowy, they come to the bridge of Dee: but their courage failes, and they evanish: afterwards they offer themselves unto any punishment, the King wil impose. They were put to an assise, con∣vict, and warded: the King delayeth to pronounce sentence. At this time the Assembly conveenes at Edinb. Juny 17. James melvin is chosen Mo∣derator. * 6.30 I. The King gives his presence: he speakes of his good affection toward the Church, and craves that Patrick Galloway be appointed one of his Ministers, The Assembly by the mouth of the Moderator rendreth his Majesty humble thankes for the beginnings he had made in suppressing the enemies of religion: they entreat to prosecute the business, and made offer of their humble service to the uttermost of their power; As for that he craves, they acknowledge, his Majesty may command any Minister with∣in the realm, to attend himself and ••his Court. II. It is appointed, that at the conveening and loosing of every Assembly, the role of Commissio∣ners shall be called. and all absents be censured. III. Universall tryall shall be made of all the Ministers within every presbytery; and the tryall to be of their life & doctrin, especially of simony if any be suspect, to have entred that way: the tryall shall be by questions and preaching; and where any shall be found unqualified, he shall be deposed without respect of age

or other condition: And this tryall shall be concluded before the next Pro∣vinciall Synod, which is now appointed to be Septemb. 3; As every pres∣bytery will answer unto God and his Church. IV. It is appointed, that in every presbytery they shall dispute concerning the mariage of adulterers; and report their judgement unto the next assembly. V. The Act made in the last assembly concerning the giving of admission upon the presentation of late patrons, Shall stand untill the next assembly; with this addition, That the person, who shall admit shall incurr the censure of the Church. VI. Violaters of the sabbath (under which are comprehended parishoners absenting themselves from the Sermons of their own parish, without a just cause) and blaspheemers of God, are ordained to be tryed and censu∣red by the particular Sessions of the parish: and who shall be convict of these offences, shall be denied of the benefits of the Church, with further censure, as the word of God will allow▪ VII. The aged and weel meri∣ting in the Ministry should be preferred to young men caeteris paribus, being found qualified by the Presbyteries, where Churches are vaiking, and they agreeing with the Congregation. VIII. The Presbytery of Edinb. having received commission from the former Assembly to call Pa. Adamson before them for solemnizing the marriage of Huntly, now deliver their process, shewing that for his contumacy in not compearing after citations, they had deprived him from all function in the Church. The Assembly judgeth the process formall, ratifieth their sentence, and ordaines it with other sentences that were pronounced against him; to be published in all the churches. B. Spotswood saith, The Bishop complained unto the king, who shewed himself extreamly displeased with their doings: but espying no bet∣ter way, he resolved to dissemble his anger toward them, and to take the imprisoned Lords in favor, lest he make himself too much business. There∣upon he returnes to the North; gives Arroll a pardon, puts Crawford to li∣berty, and fully remits him: Huntly and Both well he freeth from impri∣sonment: but to hold them in awe he deferres the declaration of his will concerning them. The Lord Maxwell, upon his bond, not to practize against religion under pain of a hunder thousand pounds, is likewise dimit∣ted. So far he. In many other passages he saith, that, what good the king had done for the Church, he did it against his own mind, and dis∣sembling for the time; and here he forgeth, that for envy against the Church, the king takes the Popish Lords into favor. What could an ene∣my of the religion write more perversly against the fame of the king? But the truth is as he also expresseth it (but mixed with these calumnies) the king at that time was every day expecting the arrivall of his Queen. and was desirous to have all things quiet at her coming: and therefore he took that course with the Popish Lords. As for Pa. Adamson, the king knew, what commission the assembly had given unto the Presbytery of Edinburg, and he knew their proceedings, and nevertheless in the beginning of this Assembly (as this Bishop speakes) he spoke of his good affection toward the Church, and in the Assemblies following he declared his good affection more and more, But (as the historicall Narration shewes) the King was so vexed with complaints against Pa. Adamson, especially for debts, for which he was lying registred at the horn, and he was so ashamed of him because he was so odious for others faults, that he rejected him: and dis∣poned his life-rent unto the Duke of Lennox: whereby the man became miserable, that enduring his sicknes he had not to maintain himself, and was b••ought into such necessity, to seek relieff of others whom before he

had accounted his enemies: he sent also to the presbytery of Santandrews, and craved to be absolved from the Sentence of excommunication. Some Ministers were sent unro him, to try his sincerity; before them he cried often and pitifully, Loose mee, for Christ's sake. Upon their report he was absolved. His recantation in certain articles was presented in his name by a Minister John caldcleugh unto the next Synod of Fife: thence some were directed unto him again, and he gave them a more ample and clearer recantation subscribed with his hand, and (as the Writer of Vindic. Philadelp. pag. 62. shewes) it was subscribed before many witnesses, of whom some were, Noble men, some Ministers, some Lawiers, some Burgesses, all of good credite. Here also wee see (as it is written in that place last cited) the force of excommunication: howbeit before he had despised the Sen∣tence, yet ere he died, all his wretchedness did not so much grieve him, as that did; and he wished nothing on earth more, than that he might die in the bosom of the Church. In another place the enemy of the Church discipline saith, Whether he knew what was contained in these articles, it is uncertain. If it be uncertain unto that writer, why doth he oppose it, so denying the credite of so many famous witnesses. But I goe-on. Because the Queen having once taken the sea, was put back by storm to Norway, the King would go unto her, and without knowledge of the Counsell, takes the sea October 22. and some Noble men with him on the fourth day he landeth In Norway, and stayd there and in Denmark untill May. All that time was no sturre in the country: which was matter of great joy unto him, when it was reported unto him.

XXVII. When the king retured with the Queen May 20. 1590. he went straight way to Church, and caused publick thankes be given unto God for his save return: then he gave thankes unto the Noble men and Counsell for their care of the publick quietnes. Then was great joy in the Country, and a great concourse of people unto Court. The Assembly conveens * 6.31 at Edinburgh August 4. very frequently; the kings Commissioners the Lords Chancelor and Blantyre. Patrick Galloway is chosen Moderator. I. Commissioners were particularly enquired, what diligence they had u∣sed in the execution of the late Act against Papists, excommunicat persons, profaners of the sabbath, non-residents, and other heads, that were com∣mitted unto the Presbyteries and Commssioners▪ II. In Sess. 3. John In∣ness Commissioner of Murray was accused for admitting Robert Dumbar to the Ministry without the advice of the Presbytery of Forress: he answeret••, he had done it by the advice of the presbytery of Elgin, wherein he con∣fesses he had done rashly. The Assembly ordaines Robert Dumbar to be tryed de novo by so many as be present of the Presbyteries of Edinb. & Forress▪ In Sess. 12. the admission of Robert Dumbar without the advice of the pres∣bytery of Forress is declared null. III. Because the Earle of Montrose is said to entertain Fentry an excommunicat Papist, it is ordained, that the Presbytery, where he dwelleth for the time, shall charge him before them, try the matter, and accordingly proceed against him according to former Acts, IV. A sentence of excommunication pronounced against the Earle of Anguise is reduced, because of informality: but because in the Sen∣tence was sufficient cause of such censure, (if the process had been formally led) the Church now craves, that he would remove the cause, especially, that he will have care in time coming, that the sabbath be not profaned within his bounds by faires or markets, that no working nor carrying of bur∣dens therein; that vasalls compell not their tennants to cariage on the sab∣bath;

and to cause them give one day of the week unto their tennents▪ in time of harvest for winning their cornes, lest they be necessarily abstracted from the Service of God on the sabbath. The Earle's answer was, he shall use all diligence, that the sabbath be not profaned; and so soon as he retur∣nes, he shall in his Court establish Acts and penalties, for restraining the violation of the sabbath. In Sess. 11. John liverance for his rash excom∣municating Wiliam Earle of Anguise, was ordained, to confesse ••is offence unto God, and against the Noble man publickly, in the Church where the Sentence was pronounced; and the Sentence reducing that process, to be publickly intimated by another Minister, in audience of the Congrega∣tion on a Sunday. V. The Lord Sommer well alledgeth the priviledge of holding the market at Carnwath on the sabbath day: at last he condescendes that no ma••ket shall be held there any more on the sabbath: And if he faile, the Presbytery is ordained to proceed against him, according to the gene∣rall Acts. VI. A generall complaint is made of manifold kindes of profa∣ning the Lords day, by mills, salt pans, mowing and leading of cornes, carrying victualls into and from Burrowes. The assembly declares all these unlawfull; ordaines presbyteries to deal with their bounds, to grant some week-day unto their tennants, which upon necessity mowe and lead their corn upon the Lords day; And all the Ministers present are ordained to give in writ the names of the persons, which can best stopp the Markets with∣in their bounds, to the end, his Majesty may be supplicated to interpon his authority, and command them to do so. VII. In Sess. 8. His Majesty praiseth God that he was born in such a time of the light of the Gospell, and that he is a King of a Country, where is such a Church, even the sinceerest Church on earth: the Church of Geneva not excepted, seing they keep some festivall dayes as Easter and Christmes: what have they for them, where have they any institution for them? as for our nighbours in England, there Service is an ill-mumbled Masse in English: they want litle of the Masse but the liftings: Now I charge you my good people, Barons, gentle men, Mini∣sters and Elders, that yee all stand to your purity, and exhort the people to do the same; and so long as I have life and Crown, I shall maintain the same against all deadly. For a quarter of an hour or thereby was nothing heard▪ but praising of God, and praying for the King, by all the Assembly. Then the Moderator in name of the Assembly craves from his Majesty a ratification of the liberties of the Church, the purging of the Country from priests and all Papists, and that every church may be provided with a Minister and mantenance. The King answereth, In all Parliaments the liberties of the Church are first ratified, and he will have care to see the same observed: for the second, they knew what he had done before his going to Denmark, and he will do what lawfully he can do for purging the Countrey of Papists: and for the third, it concerned him but in part, and many mo have interest, and therefore they shall do weel, to appoint some of their num∣ber to wait upon the Counsell for answer thereof, and to conserr upon the means of effectuating it. Then he speaks of the barbarous feuds and odious murders, that thereby were committed, and did seriously com∣mend unto them (as who should of all others most study to make peace) the removing of such barbarities, so far as in them lay, wishing them in their Sermons to strick oft on that point, and make people to understand, how sinfull it is, and how shamefull to the whole Nation; as also to employ the discreetest among them for reconciling the variances that abound in the Countrey: for myself (sayd he) I will employ all the power I have that

way; and if yee shall apply yourselfs to do the like, my work shall be the more easy, and have the better success. This was greatly applauded of al. In the same Session the King nameth Robert Bruce, Da. Lindsay, Ro. Pont and the Moderator, to attend the Counsell, and to present the petitions of the Assembly, to wit. 1. In respect many promises have been made, and no execution followed, that now performance may be made thereof. 2. A ratification is craved of all lawes, that have been made for the good of the true Church, and a new Act of Parliament, specially establishing the jurisdiction of the Church, their generall and Provinciall Synods, and presbyteries; and all Acts made contrary to the liberty and jutisdiction of the Church preceeding the date present, to be annulled; and untill a Par∣liament be called, to conclude these by Act of Counsell or Convention of Estates, if any shall be in the mean time. 3. The purging of the Church and Countrey of all Jesuites, priests and excommunicat papists, and a law against the abusing of the holy sacraments. 3. A law and meants whereby Ministers may be possessed in their gliebs & Manses, and peaceably possess them. 4. An order against them, who did conveen at the bridge of Dee. 5. A law and ordinance against all profanation of the sabbath. 6. A law against them that trouble and hurt Ministers going to the Church and executing their office. 7. A law for repressing murders in the coun∣trey. 8. That all churches may be sufficiently planted with Ministers and others office-bearers, and competent stipends out of the tyths and other rents, that have been mortified for use of the Church, and what is over to be employed upon Colledges, upbreeding of youth, the sustentation of the poor, the fabrick of churches and other common affaires thereof. VIII. Seing it is certain, the word of God can not be keept in sincerity, unless holy disciplin be observed, It is therefore by common consent of all the brethren and Commissioners present concluded, that whosoever hath born office in the Ministery of the Church, or presently beare, or shall hereafter bear office here in, shall be charged by every presbytery, where their residence is, to subscribe the Heads of the disciplin of the Church, set down and allowed by Act of the Assembly in the book of Policy, which is registred in the Register of the Church; and namely, the controverted heads by the enemies of the disciplin, before the next Provincial assembly, Under pain of excommunication to be executed against the non subscri∣bers; And the Presbyteries, which shall be found negligent herein, to receive publick rebuke of the Generall assembly; And to the end, that the disciplin may be known (as it should be) it is ordained that one of each presbytery shall receive from the Clerk of the assembly a copy of that book under his subscription, upon the expences of the Presbytery, before the first day of September next. IX. It is concluded, that where the presby∣teries are well constitut, the order of Commissioners of Countries shall cease; and an Act to be advised hereupon against mooneday, when every Presbytery shall have readie the names of such, as they think meet for their presbytery, to attend the Plat for Churches, admit persons presented to Benefices, and to designe Manses. In Sess. 15. Whereas before Commis∣sioners of countries had the charge to enroll the Ministers & their stipends at the Plat, to receive presentations and to give collation, to designe Manfes and gliebs; henceforth the well constitute presbyteries and each one of them shall yearly (ay and while the necessity thereof craves) elect out of their number, a brother in name of the Presbytery for enrolling & expe∣dition of their stipend at the Plat, authorized & instructed by them, with

commission subscribed by the Moderator and Clerk of the Presbytery, To be shewed and produced unto the Modefiers; And the same Commissi∣oner to designe Manses & gliebs within the bounds of their presbytery; And in all things concerning the execution of his commission, to be coun∣table and subject to the judgement & censure of the Presbytery, from which he receives it; And that all presentations be directed ••n time coming unto the Presbytery, where the Benefice lyeth; Providing in admission and de∣privation of Ministers within Buchan, Aberdien, Garioch and Marre, that Aberdien & Buchan proceed with mutuall advice; and so Marre & Garioch likewise with mutuall advice; and in case of wariance there, the matter shall be referred to the Generall assembly. X. It is thought meet, for the common profite of all the people, that an uniform order be keept in examination before the Communion; and to this end, that a short form of examination be penned before the next assembly: whereunto four per∣sons are named. XI. Because the patrimony of the Church hath been wasted by these, who had the title of Benefices, and thereby the provision of the Ministry failes; All presbyteries are commanded, to try the Benefi∣ced within their boundes, and in what condition they received their Bene∣fice, and in what condition they are presently; and who have set tacks, or have disponed the title of their Benefice or any part thereof, without con∣sent of the Generall assembly; And to report unto the Provinciall Synod. what they have found: and the Synod to try, if any thing hath been ne∣glected by them, and report unto the next Generall assembly. XII. G••eat slander lyeth upon the Church through manifold murders, notorious adul∣teries and incests; and the parties being brought under process, oftymes elude the Church by shifting from place to place, so that the process can not be brought well to a finall Sentence: therefore it is voted, Whither parties falling into so odious crimes may summarily, upon the notoriety of the crime, be excommunicated? and it is concluded affirmativè. XIII. Forsomuch as the dangerous in••urrection at the bridge of Dee being consi∣dered to have notoriously imported speciall prejudice to the true religion; and the speciall authours and enterprisers thereof, continuing under that slander, have never intended to purge themselves thereof, by confessing their offence: Therefore the Assembly gives their power and commission unto the Presbytery of Edinhurgh with other nyne Ministers (then named) to summon before them in Edinburgh, the Earls, Lords, Barous, and free holders, who were at that insurrection, and to charge them, to con∣fesse their offense against the true Church of God and his religion, and to make satisfaction for the slander committed by them, Under the pain of ex∣communication, And that before the first day of February next; Refer∣ring to their discretion the particular dyets and order of process to be keept therein: Providing that this commission be execute before the said day: and requiring John Craig, to remember this matter unto these commissio∣ners, as he will eschue the blame of the brethren, in case of negligence. Many things may be observed in this Assembly, as. 1. Their impartiality without respect of persons, of whatsoever condition. 2. B▪ Spotswood re∣portes the Kings presence and many of his words in this assembly (whereby he confutes, what he had said before of the Kings dissimulation and indig∣nation against the Assembly) but he omittes what was done concerning the disciplin, because though he and some others were present and voted unto ••hese Acts concerning the disciplin, yet afterwards he and they became enemies thereof, and accepted Bishopricks: yea and the same year the K.

hearing of the afflictions of the Antiepiscopal party in England, wrote unto the Queen in their favors (as also he did again in the year following, as witnesseth Fuller in Church-histo. li. 9. and expresseth the second Letter) thus;

Hearing of the apprehension of M^r Vdall and M^r Cartwright and cer∣tain other Ministers of the Evangel within your realm; of whose good eru∣dition and faithfull travels in the Church we hear a very credible commen∣dation, howsoever that their diversity from the Bishops and others of your clergy, in matters touching them in conscience, hath been a mean by their delation, to work them your disliking; at this present we can not (wei∣ghing the duty which we owe to such as are afflicted for their conscience in that profession) but by our most effectuous and earnest Letter interpone us at your hands to stay any harder usage of them for that cause: Requesting you most earnestly, that for our cause and intercession it may please you, to let them be relieved of their present strait, and whatsoever further accu∣sation or suit depending on that ground, Respecting both their former merit in setting forth the Evangel, the simplicity of their conscience in this defence which can not well be, their let by communion, and the great slander which can not fail to fall out upon their further streighting for any such occasion. Which we assure us, your zeal to religion, besides the expectation we have of your good will to pleasure us, will willingly accord to our request, having such proofs from time to time of our like dispositi∣on to you in any matters which you recommend unto us......

Dated Edinburgh June 12. 1591.

Fuller saith, One word from archb. Whitgift befriended M^r Cartwright more then both the Letters from the King of Scotland. But who can tell whither the archbishop was not moved with the earnestness of these Letters from such a Soliciter, to speak a word for his antagonist, lest he had been set at liberty, whither he would or not? Howsoever it was, these Letters shew the Kings affection unto the cause, and his esteem of their persons.

XXVIII. The Nationall Assembly conveens at Edinburgh July. 2. * 7.1 1591. Nicol dalgleish is chosen Moderator. I. Because the Assembly hath changed their place, whereupon some may doubt of the authority thereof; It is voted and coucluded, that there is a reasonable and weighty cause for the change, and that nothing is done in prejudice of their power, seing the cause is the desire of his Ma. who for sundry reasons hath willed the Ass. to site heerat this time: and if any brother craves to be further satisfied, the brethren of the Conference will resolve his scruple. II. The Act made in the Assembly An. 1588. concerning beggares, shall be published a∣gain in all churches by the Minister there, and put to execution by the Ministers so far as concerneth them, as they will be answerable unto the Church. III. The subscription of the book of poliey••, which was enjoy∣ned by the preceeding, assembly, hath been neglected by many presby∣teries: therefore the Assembly ordaines the former Act to be observed be∣fore the next Assembly; And the Moderator of each presbytery to see the execution thereof, under the penalty of 40. sh to be employd unto the use the poor, besids other censure of the Church. IV. Seing sacriledge is an universall sin regning throgh the Countrey, and is esteemed com∣monly to be no sin, nor is known unto many, it is thought good, that this monster be described in its own colors: and therefore Rob. Pont is ap∣pointed to take paines on that subject; and others are appointed to visite and peruse his travells, and to give him their judgements therein, that the same being perfected, may be presented again unto the Assembly. V. Because the order heretofore in giving power unto certain brethren, named to

read and give answers unto the bils, that are brought unto the Ge. assembly; seemes unto some to be inconvenient, and derogative unto the Provinciall Assemblies, specially in so far as the things that were doubtsom unto them, and were referred unto the full assembly, are committed to the decision of four or five brethren, Therefore it is appointed, that hereafter, that cer∣tain brethren be chosen by the Assembly, who shall have only power, to receive such bills, read and consider, if they be brought pertinently, and if they be impertinent, to give such answer on the back of the bill: but if they be pertinent, to bring them before the Assembly, to be answered there; yet with their opinion by word, what they have considered there∣of. VI. These who have the name of Bishops, and somtime have been in the Ministry, and now neither will serve the Church whereof they take up the fruits, nor pay the stipends of them that serve, As they are appointed by the Plat; but spend the rents on profane uses, should be censured by the church; and if they amend not, should be excommunicated. VII. In Sess. 11. compeare the Lord Provand President with two other Lords of the Col∣legde of Justice, Culros & Barn barrow, and in name of the Session declare, that they are informed, that the L. of Halyairds one of their number was ye∣ster day called at the instance of Pa. Simson Min. at Sterlin, for calling him a suborner [or seducer] which matter is presently depending before the Ses∣sion: being a Civill cause, and proper to their cognition, and the Church is not Judge thereof; and therefore they crave, that the Assembly should not proceed in that cause, untill it take an end before them, and do no∣thing in prejudice of the Colledge of Justice. These were removed; and after consultation, they were called-in again: answer was made, The As∣sembly will do nothing in prejudice or to the hurt of the Session, nor medle with any Civill cause: but this being a matter of slander, they had reason to purge their own members thereof, without any prejudice of the Civill Judicature, and crave, that as their Lordships would not wish the hinde∣rance of their own judicature, so they would not take it ill, that the Church proceed in purging their own members in an ecclesiasticall way. In Sess. 13. it is propounded again, whether it be expedient to proceed in that cause, before that the Lords of the Session had given out their Sentence decisive? It was thought meet to demand the L. Justice, whither he doet•• acknowledge the jurisdiction of the Church in this cause? He answereth, he acknowledges with reverence the judgement of the Assembly in all causes appertaining: unto them but this cause is Civill, whereof the Lords are Jud∣ges primariò, and presently dependes before them; and the Church can not be Judges primariò. He is removed again; and after advice he is called-in: the Assembly declares, that they find themselves Judges of this cause pri∣mariò; and therefore will proceed in it; Requiring, that he will declare, what, he can say in the contrary. He takes instruments of their interlo∣quiture, and protesteth for remede of law. Because his protestation was made only verbo, and containes severall heads, they crave that he give his protestation unto the Clerk in write. VIII. An Act of the Lords of the Checker upon a Supplication made by some Ministers, dated at Halyrud-house Febr. 10. 1590. declaring their meaning, That all Ministers, who have vitiate any Benefice of cure, in wholl or in part by purcha∣sing unto themselves, their heires or assignayes, or set long tacks of it, within the worth thereof; Be compelled by censure of the Church to restore that Benefice to the own integrity, for the use of the Minister presently serving the cure: And to that effect require the Generall as∣sembly,

Commissioners and presbytery of the bounds, where the Benefices lye, to take notice of such persons, and to proceed against them, as said is, in most strict form, as such a great enormity requi∣res, ay and whill they shall redintegrate the Benefice, without any o∣ther process of law. The Assembly approves this Act, and ordaines it to be put into execution, by every Presbytery, according to the te∣nor of it. IX. Forsomuch as many things have been done by Mini∣sters and others pretending the title and name of the Church, great∣ly prejudicial, to themselves, and the disciplin and the Patrimony or living of the Church: And by priviledge of good lawes it is granted and lawfull unto them to remede themselves, by revocation thereof: Therefore the wholl assembly after deliberation, have revoked, and by these presents do revoke all and whatsoever thing done by them or others cloathed with the title & name of the Church, prejudiciall to them∣selves, their disciplin, their patrimony and living, as being enormely hurt thereby; And protests according to the disposition of the said law so∣lemnely, that they may be heard in time & place, to seek remedy there∣of. And it is ordained, that every Presbytery shall receive a copy of this revocation, and give command to the Ministers within their boundes, to intimate the same from their pulpits. X. A form of examination before the Communion being penned by Iohn Craig, is approved, and ordai∣ned to be printed. XI. Commissioners are appointed to present unto his Majesty and Counsell with all humility, the petitions of the Assembly, to wit, that the Acts of Parliament that are made for suppression of the enormities (following) may be put to execution, as, against Iesuites, namely, Iames Gordon; the reeeipters of them, and excommunicate Papists, namely the Laird of Fentry and the Master of Anguise; profaners of Sacraments; and privat men & women givers thereof; idolaters, pilgri∣mages, Popish Magistrats; sayers & hearers of Masse, apostates, publick markets on the Lords day, violent invaders of Ministers, profaning of the Lords day by playes of robinhood, murderers which overflow the Land. Item that the Ministers already planted may be provided with suffi∣cient livings. Item the Act of annexation to be dissolved; the new ere∣ctions and patronages may be discharged; the Act of dissolution of prela∣cies and Benefices consisting of moe churches to be ratified & established▪ The Act of February An. 1587. the exception of Juny 8. being added, may have place: That small Benefices that are disponed to Ministers, may be free of taxation, &c. XII. The next Assembly is appointed to con∣veen at Aberdien, August 17. in the year 1592. but if a Parliament shall be called, the brethren being advertised by the presbytery of Edinburgh shall conveen two dayes before, in the Town where the Parliament shall be called. The contest between the Assembly and the Session is recorded by B. Spots∣wood to have begun thus; John Graham of Halyairds within the parish of Kirklistoun (being then L: Justice, and one of the Colledge of Justice) had intended an Action of removing against some fuars; and to bear out his plea, suborned Ro. Ramsay a Notary in Sterlin, to give him an instru∣ment, that made for his purpose. The defendents offer to disprove the instrument: and in the mean time upon a Warrant obtained from his Ma. they apprehend the Notary, who confessed, that the instrument which he had subscribed; was brought to him by William Graham brother to the foresaid John, and that he knew nothing of the business: and being pur∣sued criminally, was upon his confession condemned of falshood: and

execute to death. The pursuer, as he was a man bold and impudent, to maintain the truth of the instrument, did intend Action against Patrick▪ Simson (who had dealt with Ro. Ramsay, to confesse the truth of that in∣strument) alledging, that he [Simson] had seduced the man, and made him deny the instrument. The Minister regrates his case unto the Assem∣bly: there upon John Graham is summoned, to answer for the scandall raised against the Minister. He compeares, and answereth, tha•• he would prove what he had alledged before the Iudge competent▪ The Assembly replieth, He must qualify it befnre them, or they would censure him as a slanderer. Hereupon followed the contest. The issue was, the Lords esteeming this an encroaching upon their priviledges, and that upon such grounds all actions that touched any Minister, might be drawn from their Iudicatory, do resolve to send a prohibition unto the Assembly, and dis∣charge their proceeding: but by the mediation of some well disposed per∣sons, that loved not to have questions of Jurisdiction moved, the business was setled, and both actions ordained to cease. But the instrument was su∣stained by the Lords, and judged to make faith: which in end turned to the pursuers undoing. So far he.

XXIX. The King was diligent to remove the broils of the Nobles by calling them before the Counsell, and causing them submit their quarells, and partly by making strict lawes against the troublers of the common peace: but it was long work; and new troubles wereay breaking out: as in the end of the year the Earle of Bothwell and some others envying the credite of the Chancelor, made a conspiracy and sturre in the Kings palace: and on February 7. year 1592. the Earle of Huntly killed the Earle of Murray in Dunibrissell: and the Papist Lords were plotting a traiterous comspiracy * 7.2 with the King of Spain by means of Scots Jesuites some lying in Spain, and some in Scotland, interchanging letters for assistance, to invade first Scot∣land and then England: as the Letters were intercepted in the end of that year, that were some written, and some blank, and appointed to be fil∣led up by the Jesuits in Spain as the trustees in that business: and all subscribed by Huntly, Anguse and Erroll. These Letters were printed, and the discovery of the Confession of George Ker and David Graham of Fentry, who was arraigned and be headed at Edinburg February 16. year 1593. These (being Civil) I would have omitted: but these are the ground of other things following. The Nationall assembly conveenes at Edinburgh May 22. Robert Bruce is chosen Moderator. I. It was considered, to * 7.3 propound unto the King & Parliament these petitions. 1. That the Acts of Parliament in the the year 1584. against the disciplin of the Church and their liberty, be annulled: the same disciplin whereof the Church hath been now in practise, may be ratified. 2. Abolition of the Act of an∣nexation, and restitution of the patrimony of the Church. 3. That Abbots, Priors and others pretending the title of the Church, and voting in name of the Church without their power and commision, be not admitted to vote in name of the Church, neitherin Parliament, nor other convention. 4. That the Country may be purged of fear∣full idolatry and blood-shed. Commissioners were named for this end. II. It is referred to consultation, whither is be lawfull, that the Ministry should succeed in the place of Prelates to vote in Parliament. III. It is ordained, that Ministers receiving Commissions from the Church, if they be slothfull in execution, shall be rebuked in the face of the Assembly for their negligence. IV. The Church considering their duty to God,

and the necessity of the charge layd upon them, and seeing the dayly decay of religion and lack of justice, whereof the effects (to the re∣grate of all true Christianes) do more and more fall-out in miserable expe∣rience; And that the duty of their office burdeneth them, to discharge their consciences in this behalf, unto their Soveraigne, unto whom it chiefly apper∣taines to procure remedy there of; Therefore they direct certain brethren, to passe immediatly unto his Ma. and to lament the dayly decay of religion, disorder and lack of justice within this realm; and to admonish gravely, that he will do for remedy of these evills, as he will answer unto God; and like wise to admonish in name of the Eternall, to have respect in time unto the estate of true religion perishing; and to the manifold murders, oppressions & enormities dayly multiplied through impunity; And to di∣scharge his Kingly Office in both, as He would eschue the fearfull challenge of God, and turn his wrath from his Ma. and the wholl Land; And to the end, his Ma. may be the better enformed, they are ordered, to declare the particula••es. V. Alexander dickson being summoned, compeares: he is asked, whither he had subscribed the articles of religion presently pro∣fessed & established within the realm? and whether he had communicat at the Lords Table? He answereth, he had done both when he was a Student in Santandrews. Then he is asked, In what heads he differeth now? He answereth, There be sundry heads, wherein he agrees not with the Con∣fession of faith. He is bidden either now by word, or too morrow by writ declare the specialls. He plainly avoweth and protests, he differeth from them, in all the substantiall points of religion, wherein the Papists controvert with them. Upon this his confession, the Assembly findes that he hath committed apostasy; and therefore to have incurred the cen∣sure of an apostate. The next day he sendeth a supplication, offering to subscribe the Confession of faith, or within 40. dayes to passe out of the realm; and to this effect craving to be freed from captivity. The Assem∣bly desireth a Bailive of Edinburgh (present) to take order with him ac∣cording to the Act of Parliament, and to set him free upon caution. VI. Concerning the hainous murder of the Earle of Murry committed by the Earle of Huntly and his complices; the Assembly gives order and strait command unto the brethren of the presbytery of Brechin (who have alrea∣dy entered in process with him) to proceed with concurrence of two brethren of each presbytery of Anguse and Merns, against him for that cruell fact, according to the acts of the Assembly. VII. Whereas an act was made in the last Parliament, concerning deposed Ministers; it is thought meet, at the next Parliament or Convention of Estates, To crave, that because it hat been enacted, that notwithstanding a Pastor be deposed, yet the tacks and titles set by him, shall stand, It be now provi∣ded and added unto that Act, that if the tack or title be set after the com∣mitting of the fact for which the person is deposed, that such tacks, fa∣ctories or titles whatsoever, shall be null or of none availl. In the Par∣liament begun Juny 5. The four petitions of the Assembly, were taken into consideration▪ whereof the second and third were denied: but for the first; all former Acts of Parliaments for liberty of the true Church were ratified; as also the Parliament ratifieth and approves the Generall assemblies ap∣pointed * 7.4 by the Church, and declares, that it shal be lawfull to the Church and Ministers every year at the least and ofter pro re nata, as occasion and necessity shall require, to hold and keep generall assemblies; Providing, that the Kings Majesty or his Commissioners, with them to be appointed

by his Hieness, be present at each generall Assem. before the dissolving there∣of, nominate & appoint time and place, when or where the next gene∣rall assembly shall be holden: and if neither his Ma. nor his said Commis∣sioners be present for the time in that Town, where the Assembly shal be holden, in that case it be lawfull to the said Gen. assembly, by themselves to nominate & appoint time & place, where the next Gen. assembly shall be keept; as they have been in use to do in time by past: And also ratifieth and approves the Synodall or Provinciall assemblies, to be held by the said Church and Ministers twice every year, as they have been, and presently are in use to do, within every Province of this▪ realm; And rati∣fieth & approves the presbyteries, and particular Sessions appointed by the said Church, with the wholl jurisdiction & disciplin of the said Church, agreed upon by his Majesty in Conference had by his Hieness, with certain of the Ministers conveened for that effect: of which articles the tenor follo∣wes, Matters to he treated in the Provinciall assemblies: These assem∣blies are constltute for weighty matters necessary to be treated by mutuall consent and assistance of brethren within the Province, as need requi∣res: This Assembly hath power to handle, order & redresse all things omitted or done amisse in the particular assemblies: It hath power to depose the office-bearers of that Province fot good & just cause, deser∣ving deprivation: and generally these Assemblies have the whol power of the particular Elderships, whereof they are collected. Matters to be treated in the Presbyteries, The power of the Presbyteries is to give diligent labors in the bounds committed to their charge: that the Churches be keept in good order, to enquire diligently of naughty & ungodly persons, and to travell to bring them into the way again, by admonition or threatning of Gods judgements, or by correction: It ap∣pertaines unto the Eldership, to take head, that the word of God be purely preached within their boundes; the Sacraments rightly administred, the disciplin entertained, and ecclesiasticall goodes uncorruptly distributed; It belongs unto this kind of assembly, to cause the ordinances made by the As∣semblies Provinciall, Nationall or Generall, to be keept and put in exe∣cution; to make constitutions, which concern TÒ PREPON in the Church, for decent order in the particular Church, where they govern; Providing that they alter no rules made by the Provinciall or Generall Assemblies; and that they make the Provinciall privy of the rules, that they shall make; And to abolish constitutions tending to the hurt of the same; It hath power to excommunicat the obstinat, formall process being led, and due in∣tervall of times observed. Of particular Churches, if they be lawfully ru∣led by sufficient Ministry & Session, they have power & jurisdiction in their own congtegation in matters eccelesiasticall, And decernes and declares the said Assemblies, presbyteries and Sessions, jurisdiction & disciplin there∣of foresaid, to be in all time coming most just, good and godly in the self, Notwithstanding whatsoever Statutes, Acts, Canon, Civill or Municipall lawes made in the contrair; To the which and every one of them; these presents shall make expresse derogation. And so followes an abrogation of many Acts made in time of Papistry in favors of the Papisticall Church; Also the 129. Act of the Parliament An. 1584. was annulled, that it should in no way be prejudiciall nor any way derogatory to the priviledge, that God hath given to the spirituall Office-bearers in the Church, concerning heads of Religion, matters of heresy, excommunication, collation or depriva∣tion of Ministers, or any the like essentiall censures specially grounded and

having warrand of God's word. Item then was annulled the act of that same Parliament; granting commission to Bishops and other Judges constitute in Ecclesiasticall causes, to receive his Hieness presentations unto Benefices, to give collation thereupon, and to put order in all causes eccle∣siasticall: which his Majesty and Estates foresaids declare, to be expired in itself, and to be null in time coming, and of none availe, force nor effect; And therefore ordaines all presentations to Benefices, to be directed unto the particulare Presbyteries in all time coming, with full power to give col∣lation thereupon; and to put order to all matters ecclesiasticall within their boundes, according to the disciplin of the Church; Providing. the fore∣said Presbyteries be astricted & bound, to receive and admit whatsoever qualified Minister presented by his Majesty or laick patrones. Lykwise an act, that unqualified persons being deprived, the Benefice vakes, and the Pa∣tron not presenting, the right of presentation pertaines to the Presbytery, without prejudice of the tacks set before the deprivation. Lykewise an Act concerning Manses and glebes at cathedrall and Abbey-churches▪Item an act ratifying & approving all acts of Parliament, Secret Counsell, and all Proclamations made before against Jesuits, Seminary-priests and receipters of any of them: & also decerning that in all time coming the saying of Masse, receipting of Jesuites, Seminary-priests, trafficquing Papists against the K••Ma. & Religion presently professed within the realm, is and shall be a just cause to inferr the pain & crime of treason, both against the Jesuits, Masse-priests, trafficquing Papists, and receipters of them; providing, how soon the Iesuites and priests satisfy the Prince and the Church, the foresaid penalty shall no way strick against the receipters. Item an Act ratifying the Act made in Fe∣bruary 1587. infavors of Ministers their stipends & rents. Item an act forbid-bidding markets on the sabbath, & allowing to chuse a week day for them. Item who give not Confession of faith, shall not enjoy the benefite of any act of Parliament. Likewise an act was made against erection of Church∣lands and tyths into Temporall Lordships, with exception of all that were before erected. Here Bishop Spotswood affirmes that the King was unwilling ei∣ther to abrogate the acts of the year 1584. or to grant the ratification of the present disciplin; but Bothwels business and the many discontentments within the realm, moved him to give way, lest he be troub••ed with their outcry. But this is clearly contrary unto the K^s own promise made in the Ass. year 1590. And in a few pages before, he objectes against the disciplin a division, that hapned in the presbytery of Santandrewes, for planting the Chu••ch of Luchars, and upon this occasion that presbytery was divi∣ded in two whereof the one went to Couper. He had objected this long before against Epistol. Philadelph. and it was answered in Vindiciae. Pag. 25. that the question was for the gifts or abilities of the two persons, and not for any bribe, that either of the parties looked upon: but the Bishops were not wont to try the Spirits of men in that manner, but principally looked upon their friendship or money: as for the division of the presbytery into two, it is said there, two others causes moved them: they were many in number, and so the turnes of their Exercise coming seldom, some were thought to be negligent▪ another cause was, that many pretended excuse of their absence, because of the distance of place and difficulty of the way. At first there were but two Presbyteries in Fife, to wit, Santandr. & Dun∣fermlin. any man who knowes the boundes, will easily grant these reasons, as the like causes made division of Presbyteries in Anguse, and o∣ther places. But moreover can all inconvenients be eschued in any sort

of Government either political or ecclesiasticall? then was a difference among them: but it was soon remedied. Here I borrow of The Historicall Narration in the title Of the third course of Visitors sect. 18. where on the mar∣gine it is sayd, Presbyteriall Government is proved to be better than Episcopall: * 7.5 and in the Section it is sayd; Seing Pastors are equall in power by Gods or∣dinance, the Government can not be lawfull, which bringeth Superio∣rity of one above others. Whereas this parity in power is charged with a∣narchy & confusion, it is an unjust imputation, proceeding from ignorance or malice: for notwithstanding this parity among Pastors considered seve∣rally, there is a subordination of the eldership of particular churches un∣to a presbytery; and of presbyteries unto Provinciall Synods, and of Synods unto the Nationall Assembly. Again every Pastor is subject to the joynt fellowship of Pastors in the presbytery, Synods and Assem∣blies. Thirdly there is a priority of order, in that one is Moderator or president in every meeting or Assembly. It is not then loose or single, but compact parity, and ordered. This comely order preserves that parity, which Christ hath allowed, to be among Pastors, considered with respect of one to another severally, and is more convenient for the Church of God, than the superiority of a diocesian Bishop. It can not be denied, that many eies see better than one, either in trying Ministers, or finding here∣ticks, or devising remedies for evils, or examining delinquents. Next put the case, the sight of one may be sharper than of many, yet many having e∣qual power are not so equally nor easily corrupted to pervert disciplin & jud∣gement, as one judging and ruling by his sole power or with power by his negative voice, to fr••strate the voices of many. One who is a stranger, and not a kindely Pastor, may be more easily enduced to wink at hereticks, to ad∣mit or tolerate vitious Ministers, or to ••uffer atheism or Popery to waxe, than a number of Pastors watching over their own flocks. Again the zeal of one stirreth up the coldness of another, and his zeal is tempered by the mildness of a third: the contempt of the world in one beareth down the covetousness of a worldling: the graces and gifts of God in sundry persons, like sundry in∣gredients in one salve, meet together, and temper one another. It is expe∣dient (say prudent Politicianes) that in Assemblies there be some like Cato, Claudius or the like, to correct with their severity the gentle voices of o∣thers. Thirdly will not the kindly Pastors be more vigilant or carefull of the weel of their own flocks, than an idol sheepherd, set over many with a generall oversight? Fourthly is there not greater liberty, and con∣sequently sinceerer Government, where men may utter their mindes freely in propounding, reasoning and voting, when all are of equall power; than when one hath power to present others to Benefices, preferr, trans∣ferr, and on the other side to depresse, vexe and persecute? 5. Is it not more convenient for the ease of Gods people, that causes be pleaded, offenses be tryed, and offenders censured, where the offenses is commit∣ted, without charges to parties & witnesses, and with expedition, than to trouble the subjects with journeying unto the Bishop, and to wait upon his leisure for tryall and determination? 6. Is not the Government more * 7.6 convenient for the Church, where no man is exeemed from censure, than where Prelates rule without controlement, either of Presbytery or Synod, from whose censure they are exeemed, or of Nationall assembly, which are not, but when it pleaseth them, and then overruled by them? It is oft alledged, that parity is subject to schism and breeding of heresies. I answer, That may be true, where parity is not qualified and ordered with

the subordination above mentioned, or if every man be suffered to live as him listeth: but when it is ordered, as said is, experience in our own Church is a sufficient evidence of the most powerfull mean to suppresse schism and heresy: and that was the reason, that K. James alledged unto an English Divine, (admiring why our Church was never troubled with heresy:) for [said he] if it spring up in a parish, there is an eldership, to take notice of it, and suppresse it: if it bee too strong for them, the Presbytery is ready to crush it: if the Presbytery can not provide against the obstinat, in the Synod he shall finde moe witty heads: if he be not convinced there, the Generall Assembly will not spare him. But wee never heard, that any error was so obstinatly maintained; as to be brought to the censure of a Synod, far less to the Gen. Assembly, excep only two usurping Bishops, and Tho. Hepburne, yet he was suspended, and after conference with some, which were appointed to argue with him, he corrected his opinion. Wee have the like experience of the Church of France: and if the Reformed Church of the Low Countries had enjoyed the liberty of set and generall Assemblies as the Church of Scotland did, and France doth, Arminianism had not go••e such footing among them: and if that extraordinary Nationall Coun∣cell had not been held at Dort, in all liklyhood it had prevailed. But epi∣scopall Governument hath bredd and entertained schism, heresy, tyranny. Among presbyteries if one had hatched an heresie, it was soon crushed; un∣less a Bishop had taken the patrociny of it: but if a Bishop hatch an heresy, or take upon him the defense of one hatched by another, he drawth commonly all the Diocy after him, as may be cleared by infinite instances; and when the universall Bishop was set up, a Generall apostasy followed. All the world hath been shaken with contentions of Bishops, patriarcks and popes for preferment to their places, or advancement of their honors. So that wee may justly averr, that superiority of Bishops hath been the Knife, that hath cut the strings of concord & peace. The heathen Emperours have not been g••eater persecuters, that Lordly Prelats: Catilina did not disturbe the com∣mon wealth, more than Bishops have done in some Nations, I as witnesseth Thomas Becket and Anselm, thogh even for the same cause principally they were called Saints] And if we will cast our eyes on our neighbour Church, there we may find Familists, Anabaptists, Lutherans, Armi∣nianes, and preachers popishly affected, to live without controlement, but sound & orthodoxe preachers to be (for not conformity in ceremonies, &c.) silenced, imprisoned, banished or otherwise hardly used. Since the golden ring of equality among Pastors was broken in our Church, and the liberty of holding assemblies was re••t from her, a fearfull schism hath en∣tered with obtruding of Popish ceremonies; popery and Arminianism is taught in churches and Schools; and none so readily preferred to Bishop∣ricks or inferior Benefices as Arminian and Popish preachers, which (un∣less God prevent it) in end will draw all the body into apostasy and defection, which is more dangerous than a meer schism. This the Author did write about the year 1635. Certainly ambitious men and all who will not be curbed in their loose carriage, are enemies of this Discipline.

XXX. The plots of the Popish Lords (at which I hinted before) being * 7.7 so manifestly discovered, to tend for the overthrow of religion and of the Realm, did animate the King much against the Jesuits, and he published his resolution to spare none, that were tryed guilty of that treason, but make them example to all posterity, in most serions manner requiring all good subjects to beware of these Jesuites, and in their prayers to

implore the mercy of God, for preserving themselves, their wifes and chlil∣dren from the conspiracy intended. The Ministers of Edinb. esteeming it their duty, to make the conspiracy known unto the churches of the coun∣trey, wrote letters unto the nearest Ministers, desiring them to meet at Edinb. January 8. to give their advice in these dangers. The meeting was frequent: for the report of the discovery dr••w many of every condition thither. Robert bruce declared the danger, whereinto the Countrey and Church were brought. It was thought meet to entreat his Majesty by some Commissioners, to execute the Lawes against Jesuits & their abettors. The King accepteth them, that were sent unto him, and gives thankes unto them all for their readiness to assist him at that time, and wished them not only to give their advice for the course that shall be taken, but to let him know, what help they would contribute for strengthening him. This being reported to the meeting, their advice was, that a Parliament be called, and the subscribers of the blanks be summoned; and because it was not likly, they will appear, and so his Majesty shall be forced to pursue them by force of armes, they did humbly offer their attendance upon his Maje∣sties person, till these be apprehended or expelled out of the Countrey; as also they will entertain a guarde to his Majesty of 300 horsemen and 100 foot, so long as any necessity shall be, and especially till the lawes have taken effect against the rebells; Providing, it be not drawn into a custom, nor prejudge the liberty of the realm. This offer was accepted, and pro∣clamation was made to meet the King at Aberdien February 20. for set∣ling the North. Anguse was imprisoned upon another occasion: yet escaping went to the North. So soon as they heard of the Kings coming, all these fled unto the hills, and sent their Ladies with the keies of their houses unto the King. He appointes his Lieutenants in the North, and returnes to Edinburgh, March 26. The Assembly conveenes at Dundy Aprile 24. David Lindsay is chosen Moderator I. A supplication was * 7.8 sent unto the King and Counsell, for execution of the lawes against all man∣ner of Papists, and regrating the prejudice done to the planting of Churches, by erection of prelacies into temporall Lordships, whereof they supplicate for remedy. II. An inventary is taken of all presbyteries throughout all the Country: none in Argyle and the west or north Isles; as also an inven∣tary of all vaking and unprovided Churches. III. Commissioners are appointed to try all Ministers in every presbytery who are not qualified, not resident, scandalous, &c. And to proceed against such by advice of their own presbytery according to Acts of the Church; and for shortening the Commissioners travels, it is appointed, that before their coming every presbytery shall use diligence among themselves; and that every presbtery shall provide for the Churches of these commissioners enduring their ab∣sence in visitation. IV. In Sess. 7. S••r James melvin of Hallhill Commissio∣ner from the King presenteth a Missive containing the articles following, and the Act of the late Parliament concerning the jurisdiction of the Church these were thankfully accepted, read and otdained to be registred. The articles were. 1. His Majesty declares, that seing he can not with honor see the priviledges of the Crown hurt, therefore he will see the Act of the Parliament keept concerning the conveeing of the Generall Assembly by his appointment, willing them therefore before their dissolving to direct two or three unto him to crave of him to appoint time and place of their next meeting. 2. To make an Act prohibiting all and every Minister, un∣der the pain of deposition, to declame in pulpit against his Majesty or Coun∣sell's

proceedings, seing they know his good intention, to set forth piety & justice, and he at all times gives ready accesse to sundry Ministers for in∣forming, delating or complaining either in their own name or in name of any of the Brethren. 3. Because M^r Craig is old, he craves, that shey would give in liete five or sixe Ministers, out of which he may chuse two, to serve his house. 4. Seing the standing of religion and the welfare of his Ma^s person are so inseparably joyned, that whosoever are enemies to the one, are common enemies to both; therefore let some be appointed in every Presbytery, to advertise & inform him diligenly for the more speedy remedy, not only of whatsoever practises they can hear of Papists and the Spanish faction, but of their receipters, and of the practises of Bothwell, whose wholl courses as they are directly against his person, so they tend wholly to the subversion of religion; With directjon also unto them, to inform all the Barons and honest men tenderers of his Ma^s wee fair, to atrend and give inteligence of these practises as they can learn from time to time. 5. That where is any port or landing place, some brethren be specially appoinred, to deal so with the Burghs, that they take sufficient tryall according to the law made, of all who shall come into, or passe forth of this eountrey, from whence they came; whither they intend, what is their purpose; and so after good and sufficient tryall, if there be any thing of weight & im∣portance, that they fail not to acquaint his Majesty there with, to the end, he may the more readily discover all forrein or intestiue practises, which are or shall be plotted against the estate of the present religion; And this he craves to be done so faithfully, as he hath good opinion of their earnest affection no less to the preserving of his person, as to the defence of the common cause; As also he promiseth to aid and assist you in all your good resolutions, that may tend to the furtherance of peace and quietness with the advancement of true religion presently professed within this realm. The humble answers of the assembly. 1. Unto the first, it is agreed accor∣ding to the Act of Parliament, which was delivered with the Articles. 2. It is ordained by the wholl Church that no Minister utter from pulpit any rash or unreverent speaches against his Majesty or Counsell or their procee∣dings: but that all their publick admonitions proceed upon just & necessary causes & sufficient warrant in all fear, love and reverence, Under the pain of deposing those, that do in the contrary, from the function of the Mini∣stry. 3. The Commissioners that are directed unto his Majesty shall no∣minate the Brethren, and whom he shall chuse, shall be admitted by the presbytery where his Majesty makes residence for the time. The 4 & 5. are condescended unto, and order taken, as the Commissioners will give par∣ticular information. V. No Colledge shali make disposition of their rents or livings by tack or any other title, without the advice & consent of the Generall assembly, Vnder the pain of deposition of the persons disponing. VI. For furtherance of the residence of Ministers, it is appointed, that all parishes shall build manses, where are none, or where they be ruinous, upon their own expences: or if they refuse after they are duly required, not only shall they be judged the only cause of the Ministers not residence: but it shall be lawfull unto the Minister, his aires exequitors or assignayes departing, to retain the possession of the Manse built by him, if he build or repair the same upon his own expences, ay and whill the Intrant Minister refound unto him or his foresaids the wholl expences, at least so much as the Parish can not be moved to refound: And that the presbytery at the Intrants admission take order for performing this: providing that the ex∣pences

exceed not 400. marks: And the presbytery, after the repairing or bigging of the Manse, shall take exact tryall and account of the expences, and give him their allowance to be registred in their books; And likewise the Minister succeeding shall have ••he like title to crave of the Intrant after him the like expences, ay untill the Parish shall outquite the Manse. VII. Commissioners are appointed to attend the Parliament with the petitions of the Assembly. VIII. As the books of Presbyteries are tryed in rhe Provinciall assemblies, so the books of the Synods should be brought unto every Generall assembly for the better understanding of their proceedings, Under the pain of the censure of the Church. IX. For remedying con∣troversies among Ministers, it is concluded, that where any plea thogh in a civill matter, ariseth betwixt two brethren, if they be both of one pres∣bytery, they shall chuse what number they please thereof, and the elected shall chuse an overman, and they shall summarly decide and give Sentence, which shall be irrevocable or without appellation. And if they be of sundry presbyterics, they shall chuse equall number out of them both, and the elected shall elect an Overman; and these shall give Sentence as said is with∣out appellation. And if any shall refuse this form & submission, he shall be held by the Church, to be contumatio••s. X. The Generall assem∣bly by the authority given by God unto them, dischargeth all and every Christian within the Church of Scotland from reparing to any of the King of Spain his dominions, where the tyranny of Inquisition is used, for mer∣chandice, negotiation or exercing of sea-faring occupation, Untill the Kings Majesty by advice of Counsell have fought and obtained speciall li∣berty from that King for all his subje&s to negotiat there without danger for the cause of religion, Under the pain of incurring the censures of the Church, untill the last Sentenee of excommunication. The reader may judge of the fyve articles, and the answers. B. Spotswood saith, the first two articles were savouring of discontent: but he gives not a reason: and he saith, the King esteeming the second answer to be no restraint, but rather to Mi∣nister an excuse to the unruly sort, when they transgressed, rejected it as not satisfying his demand: whereupon the petitions of the Church against the Papists at the same time, and against the erections of tyths into tempo∣ralities, were not regarded. And the merchants (saith he) offending at the Act made concerning them, did petition his Majesty and Counsell for mantaining their liberty: which was granted: and nevertheless the Church proceeded in their censures, till the merchants promised to surcease their trade with Spain, how soon their accounts were made: and they be payd of their debitors in these parts. As for Bothwell, he had fled into England, when his treasonous attemps were discovered: and when the English Ambassador did interceed for him, the King said, His offenses were unpardonable, and to be abhorred of all Christian Princes. In Juny he returned privily into Scotland, and found rhe means to surprise the King within Halirud house, and caused him subscribe articles: which the King afterward did revoke in a Convention of the Estares, as dis-honorable; and made offer to grant the same upon a new supplication, when he is now at liberty. But Both well falleth to his wonted formes, and threatned to make the King observe the conditions. Wherefore he was cited to com∣pear before the Counsell, and not compearing, was denounced rebell. Much trouble followes with the Popish Lords, whereof is mention in the next Assembly.

XXXI. The Assembly conveenes at Edinburgh May 7. 1594. Andrew * 7.9

Melvin is chosen Moderator. I. James Drummond and other Burgesses of * 7.10 Perth being cited by the Presbytery there, for receiving the excommuni∣cated Lords into their houses, do compeare. They are demanded, whither they had received and entertained these Lords? They answer, They did receive them, but ••ore against their wills, and in obedience unto the Kings charge: and before the coming of the charge, the greatest part of the town had condescended to receive them. They were urged with rheir own promise, not to receive them; and that they had vio∣late their promise. They answer, A promise of assistance was made unto them, and that promise was not keept unto them. They were removed, and after they had consulted with some others, they return; and confess for themselves and in name of the town, to the glory of God and fatisfa∣ction of the Assembly, that they were too rash and suddain in receiving these notorious enemies of God; craving most earnestly, that none take offense nor evill example by their doing, protesting before God, that these had entred the town against their hearts, who are here present; and promising in time coming to maintain and assist the Church and true religion presently professed within the realm, and to resist the enemies thereof, to the uttermost of their power, This eonfession and promise they gave in writ, and subscribed in the face of the Assembly: and the Minister of Perth is ordained, to declare in pulpit of that town, the sa∣tisfaction accepted, &c. II. The Sentence of excommunication pro∣nounced by the Synod of Fi••e in October, against the Apostate Lords, Anguse, Huntly, Arroll and others; the Assembly in one voice rati∣fieth and allowes, as also the process led against them: and ordaines all Pastors within the realm, to publish at their churches the same Sentence, lest any man pretend ignorance of it; Exception is made of Alexander Lord Hume, who hath satisfied the Church, as followes. III. Af∣ter particular search of diligence used by Presbyteries, for extirpation of papistry, and what disciplin they had used against papists and the re∣ceivers of excommunicats and priests; that so the danger of true religion may be the more known and considered: It was thought meet, to con∣sider his Ma^s good endeavours: and here they remember his Ma^s good designe at Aberdien, where He and the Noble men and Barons made a Bande for defence of religion, took the houses of the Apostates, and put men to keep them: he called some Papists and sent them to Edinburgh: he gave commission unto the Earle Marshall of Lieutenentry for suppres∣sing Papists, and had called sundry Barons before him, for cognoscing the subscription of the blanks, which had verified, that these subscriptions were the hand-writs of the Apostat Lords: and after his return, an Act of Counsell was made, that none presume, to procure any favor unto them, and a charge was given to his Ministers, to take the oaths of his domesticks, that none of them shall interceed at his hand for them: which was also done. And that it may be evident, that the Church hath not been idle in time of these dangers, it was declared, that they had propounded ar∣ticles unto the Parliament, for forfeting the Apostates: they had directed their petitions unto the King at Iedburgh, and again articles unto Lith∣gow: of all which small successe hath followed, and the danger is no way diminished. The tenor of the Act and Bande above named, is; Wee Noble men, Barons and others subscribing, being fully and certanly persuaded of the treasonable practises and conspiracies of sundry his Hieness unnaturall & unthankfull subjects against the estate of the true religion presently professed within this realm his Ma^s person & Crown,

and liberty of this our native Countrey; and finding his Ma^s good disposi∣tion to prevent and resist the same, and to repress the chief authors thereof, his Majesty having our concurrence and assistance to the same effect, There∣fore and according to out bond duty and zeall wee owe unto Gods glory, love of our native Countrey, and affection to his Ma^s person, crown and estate, Wee have promitted, and by these presents promit, faithfully bind & oblige us and every one of us to concurre and take sinceer and true part with his Maj. and each one of us with another, to the maintaining and defence of the liberty of the saids religion, Crown & Countrey, from thraldom of conscience, conquest and slavery by strangers, and for repressing and pursuit of the chief authors of the said treasonable conspiracies, specially Geoge Earle of Huntly, William Earle of Anguse, Francis Earle of Arroll, Sir Pa. Gordon of Achindoun, Sir James Chisholm of Dundaruy, M^rs Ja. Gordon, William Ogilvy, Robert Abercromy and all other Jesuits, Se∣minary-priests, trafficking papists and others his Hieness's declared traitors, rebellious and unnaturall subjects, treasonable practisers against the estate of the true religion, his Ma^s person & Crown, and liberties of this our native Countrey; And to that effect wee and every one of us shall put our∣selves in arms, rise, concur and passe forward with his Majesty, his Lieu∣tenentents or others having his Ma^a power and commission, at all times, when wee shall be required by proclamations, missive or otherwise; and shall never shrink nor absent ourselves for any particicular cause or quarell among ourselves; Wee shall not ride with, assist, shew favor, give counsell nor take part with the saids Earls, Jesuites nor others fore∣said, nor with the persons denounced, or that shall be denounced to the horn, or fugitives from his Majesties lawes for the treasonable raising of fire and burning of the place of Dunibrissell, and murder of ••mquhil James Earle of Murray, nor receive, supply nor entertain them, nor fur∣nish them meat, drink, house, nor have intelligence with them privatly nor publickly, by messages, letters nor any other way; The skaith and harm of others wee shall not conceile, but disclose and impede to our power; The quarell or pursute of us or any of us wee shall esteem, as presently wee do esteem as equall to us all; And by ourselves, our wholl forces, like as his Maj. with his force and authority hath promitted and promits to concur & assist together, each one in the defence of others to our utter powers: and if any variance shall happen to fall out among any of us for whatsoever cause we shall submit, as we presently submit us to the judgement & deliverance of any two or three of the principals of us subscribers of this present Bande, fulfill whatsover band shall be declared by them without reclamation; Ato∣ver his Ma. by whose direction & command with advice of his Counsell cer∣tain Barons and gentle men are directed to remain in the south parts of this realm, hath promitted and by these presents promits in the word of a Prince, that the same Barons shall not be licenced to return unto the said north parts, nor shall any favor or pardon be granted unto the said Earles, Iesuits nor other above specified, any order be taken, nor dispenced with, without the speciall knowledge and advice of the Lieutenent or Commissioner for the time, and sixe of the principall Barons at least, inhabitants of the said north parts, sub∣scribers of this present Band; And this to, do wee the said Noble men, Barons and other foresaids have sworn and swear by the great God our Creatour, Jesus Christ his Sone our Redeener, and the Holy Ghost our Sanctifier, wit∣ness of the verity here agreed upon, add revenger of the breach thereof; and further wee oblige us thereunto under the pain of periury, infamy,

and losse of credite, of honor & estimation in time coming, besides the La∣wes, to be executed against us. In witnes whereof we have subscribed these presents with our hands, as followes, even as his Ma. in token of allowance and approbation of the premisses hath subscribed the same Act, At Aberdien the day of March 1592. Sic subscribitur, Ja. R. Lennox, Athol, Mar, Marshall, James L. Lindsay, John L. Innerness, John M^r of Forbes, &c. With this is writ∣ten the Proclamation made at Halirudhouse Jan. 5, 1592. [1593. according to the reckoning now] Forsomuch as albeit the dangerous effects of the couered and busie travells of Jesuits Seminary-priests born subjects of this realm, and others strangers in these late years have been feared and espied, and for that cause by sundry lovable lawes, Acts & proclamations, both their own remaining, and the receiving of them, have been prohibited under diverse high paines; yet their coloured simplicity hath so far prevailed, as they have not only purchased unto themselves favor & credite to be keept, huirded & entertained in sundry parts of the realm, After many promises made, that they shall depart forth of the same, but also have taken occasion and leisure to persuade sundry of his Hieness's subjects to apostasie from that reli∣gion, wherein they were once instructed & grounded, and have confirmed in their errors, and at last have seduced them to cast off their due obedience, which they owe unto his Majesty, and enter into a treasonous conspiracy for in-bringing of strangers, Spainards into this realm the next Spring or soo∣ner, to the overthrow of his Hieness and all professing the true religion with him, and to the ruin and conquest of this antient Kingdom, and li∣berty, which this Nation hath enioyed so many ages; that it may be subject hereafter to the slavery & tyranny of that proud Nation, which hath made so unlawfull & cruell conquest in diverse parts of the world, al••well upon the Christians as infidels, wheresoever the aid of Spain hath been sought, Regarding in end no better the inbringers than them against whom they were brought, being once victors & commanders, as easily may be pro∣ved by speciall exampls which the malitious a••d minaturall subjects of this Land would repute but as generall and improbable discourses, published in hatred of that Nation, to which they have already sold themselves slaves; and are their friends & factors in this Land as they speak and write, Were it not, thath it pleased the almighty God, to make the proof heerof certain and without all doubt, by detecting of the simple trueth of the inten∣tion & finall causes of all the crafty practises of these pernicions trafficking Papists, Jesuites and Seminary-priests, against God, true religion. his Ma, and liberty of this Country, namely, M^r Iames Gordon father-brother to the Earle of Huntly, Ro. Abercromy father-brother to the Laird of Murtle; whose letters, directions, advices; yea and the messingers or carryers of their credits, and certain others chieff instruments and furtherers of their trade, God hath casten into his Hieness hands, when the ship appointed for their transporting was in full readiness: Whereby his Majesty is now not on∣ly sufficiently forewarned of the imminent danger to the true religion, his own estate & person, his realm and faithfull subjects, but resolved with Gods help (by whose providence he hath been so wonderfully delive∣red from many former perrills) to try the full circumstances of this so high a conspiracy and detestable treason; To withstand it, and punish it and on all guilty thereof, in example to all posterity, that none of his subjects heretofore abused and deceived by the crafty illusions of these pernicious and busie workmen, shall remain any longer doubtfull of the truth of his Majesties mind & intention, Ordaines Letters to be directed to

Officers of arms, shirrefs in that part, to make publication of the premisses by open proclamations at the market-crosses of the head burghs of this realm and other places needfull, for warning them of the many dangers, if they shall suffer themselves to be any longer in error by these deceiving spirits, to the perrill of their souls, landes and goods; And therefore to abstain from further hearking to their treasonous persuasions, and from all en∣tertaining, receiving, supply, intercommoning or having intelligence with them directly or indirectly, under whatsoever pretext or color; Under pain of treason; Commanding also all & sundry his Ma^s faithfull & obedient subjects, that love & feare God, wish the standing & wel fare of his Majesty their Soverain Lord & King, professing with him the true and Christian religion, and desire that their own wifes, chidren and posterity should now and hereafter enjoy the commodities of this their native Coun∣trey unconquest, and made slaves in souls & bodies to merciless strangers, That they implore the mercy & protection of the Almighty God for their defense & save guard; and put themselves in arms by all good meanes they can, remaining in full readiness to pursue or defend, as they shall be certi∣fied by his Majesty, or other wayes find the occasion urgent, in the mean time diligently espying and getting intelligence of the treasonable courses and proceedings of the said Jesuits, priests, their favorers, mantainers and receipters, and make advertisement to his Counsell thereof, with all speed & celerity, as they will answer unto God and his Majesty thereupon. Sic subscribitur, James R. These being read, the Assembly gives their po∣wer & commission unto Pa. Galloway, Pe. Black burn & Pa. Simson, to give information unto his Majesty [residing then at Sterlin] of the evident dan∣der imminent to the Church of God within this realm, according to the instruction given unto them, and to present unto his Majesty their humble articles & petitions for removing the said dangers; and to insist with all hu∣mility and due reverence for hit Ma^s good answer thereunto, and to report with all diligence his Ma^s answer, before the Assembly dissolve. The te∣nor of the articles followes; The same dangers which before by the crafty & pernicious practises of the Jesuits, and malicious, unnaturall & treasonable conspiracies of the Earls, Arroll & Anguse with their compsices, threate the subversion of true religion and the professors thereof, his Ma^s Crown & person, and betraying of this our native Countrey to the cruell and merciless Spaniard, and were at that time discovered so evidenly, that none can pretend ignorance, At this time are imminent, more urgent and more to be feared than when the danger seemed to be greatest, as may evi∣dently appear by the reasons following. 1. It is certain, that the Spaniard, who with so great preparations in the year 88. interprised the conquest of this Isle, remaines as yet in that firm intention, and waites only upon a meet occasion, to accomplish that his purpose, as appeares clearly by his continuing in this entertainment of intelligence and trafficking with the foresaids excommunicates ever since the dissipation of his Navy. 2. The manifest rebellions of the foresaid excommunicates, and defections from his Ma^s obedience after so evident appearances of their wrack for their mani¦fest & treasonable attempts, at the bridge of Dee, Faulkland, &c. And the proof of his Ma^s clemency and favors toward them in pardoning their saids treasons, declare that their malicious & restless ingines in prosecuting their unnaturall conspiracies against the religion & Country, can not leave off nor cease, so long us they are not punished and restrained by execution of justice. 3. Whereas the Church hath at all occasions, insisted to declare

unto his Maj. Counsell, and Estates the danger evident for the time; and to craue convenient remedies thereunto, yet in effect nothing hath been obtai∣ned, notwithstanding whatsoever promises, Acts, proclamarions and levying of Armies, whereby they have been always put in great security, and take li∣berty & boldness of further practises & astempts. 4. Notwithstanding it was expressely provided by Act of Counsell, that none should presume to traf∣fick or speak in favors of these excommunicates under the pain of losing their Offices, yet now they are advanced in greater credite of his Maj. that are known, to have been their chiefest favorers; and they cease not as yet, con∣trary to their promises, to procure them all favors, oversicht & immunity, as it appeares in effect, whatsoever they pretend. 5. The erection of the ido∣latry of the Masse in sundry places of the Land, as in Wal. Lindsay's house of Balgay in Anguse, in the young Laird of Boniton's house of Birnes, in the Earle Anguse his house of Bothwell in Clidsdeall and other places of his re∣sidence in Douglasdeall, in the Earle of Huntly's house at Straboggy; in the Earle Arrols house of Logy-amount and Slaines, prove clearly, that either they find themselves sufficienly assured of such favor & assistance within the Country as may plainly maintaine their cause by force, or that they are per∣suaded of the aid of strangers, to be in such readiness, that in due time may serve for their relief, before his Maj. and the professors of religion perform any thing to purpose in their contrary: for otheirwise they durst never disco∣ver their idolatry so openly. 6. The refusing the act of abolition offered unto them by his Maj. to the great grief of his good subjects, proves sufficiently the same: for it is very probabile & manifest, that they would not have refused so great a benefit, unless they had thought themselves fully assured of a better, either by favor of court & assistance within the Countrey, or by concurrence & and of strangers. 7. Their refusing to enter in ward, notwithstanding his Ma^s indignation, and all that may follow thereupon, proves the same. 8. The late arriving of a ship at Montros evidently shewes, that their dangerous practises are presently at the point of execution against religion and the Country, and on an hastily bringing forth some great inconvenient; un∣less they be prevented and resisted by a present remedy. 9. The open con∣ventions of the forenamed excommunicat Earles holden at Brechin and o∣ther places since the arrivall of that ship, declare, that they esteem their courses to be so substantially layd, that they fear not, what may be done for resisting them. 10. The diligence of the said excommunicats in pre∣paring & putting their wholl forces in the north, in armes & readiness upon advertisment, shewes that they have some present enterprice, and attend only upon concurrence, which appearingly they are very much encouraged to expect, since the arrivall of that ship. 11. Whereas his Majesty and Estates at the first discovery of their conspiracies apprehended a very great danger to true religion, the Kings estate & Crown, and liberty of the Countrey; and albeit the same causes of danger as yet remain wholly un∣removed, there is no apprehension of any danger, nor earnest care to with stand it; It is evident, that either there is a great inclination & pur∣pose to cover, extenuat and bear forth the evill cause, which they will not see, or els the Lord in judgement hath blinded and hardened the hearts of all Estates, to grope in the mid day that which they can not see: which is the greatest danger of all, and a most certain argument of the wrath of God and his heavy judgement hanging over the Land, and so much the more to be feared, because no cause of fear is apprehended. Follow the remedies of the same, with the Kings answers on the margine. For remedy of these dangers, the assembly ordaines the Commissioners, to deal earnestly with

his Majesty, that he may apprehend the perrill, and be moved with a bent affection to proceed against the forenamed excommunica∣tes, papists, traitors, as followes. 1. That these excom∣municates * 7.11 be forfeited without favor and to that effect, the Parliament appointed to the 27. of this Instant, be held preci∣sely without any delay: the advocat be sufficiently instructed in every point, that the summons may be found relevant, and sufficient probation provided. 2 7.12 That none suspect of religion be chosen upon the articles. 3 7.13 That they be pursued after the forfeitry with all extremity, and their lands and rents annexed to the Crown, to remain with his Majesty and successors for ever, and no part thereof disponed to any in favors of the persons forfeited. 4 7.14 That in th•• mean time his Ma^s Guard, be employd for apprehending Walter Lind∣say, the Abbot of New-abbay, Boniton younger, Ge. Ker. Alex. Lesly, Tho. Tyrie with all other traffickers, Jesuits, priests not contained in the summons of forfeitry. 5 7.15 That the rebells houses be taken, charged and manned, and their living intrometted with to his Majesties use with∣out favor, and no part thereof be disponed to their friends or any other person for their commodity. 6 7.16 That all per∣sons be inhibited under the pain of treason, and losse of life, lands and goods to receipt, supply, rise-with or concurr, or have intelligence with the foresaid excommunicats, un∣der whatsoever pretense of vasalls or dependes. 7 7.17 That all the subjects be charged to put themselves in arms by all good means they can, remaning in full readines, to pursue and defend, as they shall be certified by his Majesty or o∣therwise finding occasions urgent. 8 7.18 That the ship arri∣ved at Montros be apprehended, and the persons which were within her, together with others which have had any dealing with them, according as they shall be given up in writ, be called and diligently examined, for discovery of the practises and purposes which they have presently in hand. 9, 7.19 Forsomuch as the Lord Hume hath controveened sundry points, wherein he was obliged unto the Church of Edinb. by his promise at the receiving of his subscription, as, in not satisfying the Synod of Fife, in not receiving a Minister into his house, in not removing out of his bounds Captain Andrew Gray and Thomas Tyry, whereby (as also by his scandalous life since his subscription) he hath given just cause of suspicion unto the Church and all good men, that as yet in his heart he is not sanctified truly, or converted to the true religion; Therefore that his Majesty would take ear∣nest tryall of the premisses and thereby judge, if there ap∣pear in him such sincerity of religion & life, as his Majesty may trust him, and the Church may expect true friend∣ship in so dangerous a time in the cause of religion, and if that be not found, that his Majesty would remove him from his company, and discharge him of all publick office and command. 10 7.20 That the guard presently taken up, be tryed together with the Captaines, because many com∣plaints

are given unto the Assembly against them. IV. * 7.21 Whereas a horrible superstition is used in Garioch and in other parts of the Countrey, in not labouring a parcell of ground dedicated to the devill, under the name of the good mans croft; the Church for remedy hereof hath found meet, that an article be propounded unto the Parliament, that an Act may proceed for or∣daining all persons possessors of such lands to cause tille and labour them be∣fore a certain day to be appointed thereunto: or in case of disobedience, the same landes to fall into the Kings handes, to be disponed unto sueh persons, as shall please his Majesty, who will labor them. V. Alexander Lord Hume compeares; and is asked by the Moderator, Whither he confesseth with his heart and mouth as before the Lord, that he was justly casten out of the Church, by the Sentence of excommuniation pronounced against him by the Synod of Fife? and as he will answer upon pain of salvation & * 7.22 damnation, to speak the truth simply. He protestes and acknowledges, that he was justly excommunicat, and confesses his fault in deserving it. Then he is asked, Why he sought not to be relaxed from that Sentence, according to the direction to the Presbytery of Edinburgh? He excuseth himselve by ignorance of that part of the Act. And being accused. Why he detained the stipends of some Ministers, namely, of Chirnside? he answereth, he is ready to pay whatsoever he oweth by law. Why he hath no observed the conditions named in the Act of the Presbytery of Edinburg, to wit, that he should have a Minister in his Family, and remove Tho. Tyry out of his company? He remembreth not, that he was requi∣red to have a Minister in his family, but now he is willing to accept any, whom the Church shall appoint; as for Tho. Tyry, he was in was in his service after that time, but understood not that he was obliged to remove him, untill the Church did excommunicate him, and since that time he hath discharged & removed him. He is asked, Whither he knew a priest na∣med Cowy? or any that was set on land out of that ship coming lately from Flanders? He denieth both. He is asked Whether the Jesuit Mackwherry was in his house lately? He confesses that he was in this house within these five dayes, and came without out his knowledge, nor had he any missive or commission unto him, and he stayd not above an halfhour. Lastly the said Lord confesseth and protestes in the presence of God, whom he takes to witness, and the Lord Jesus, who will judge the quick & the dead, that he professeth from his heart the religion p••esently professed by the Church here present, whereof he hath already subscribed the Articles before the Presbytery of Edinburgh; and now acknowledgeth to be the only true & infallible religion which leadeth unto salvation, and wherein he intends to live and dy, and which he shall to his uttermost de∣fend against all the enemies thereof; and as he shall answer to the dreadfull God, he forsakes the Romane religion as Antichristian and directly opposite to the truth of God and his true Service. And these things he testifieth by lifting up his hand, and declaring before God, that he hath no dis∣pensation nor indulgence, to subscribe or sweare. Certain brethren are appointed to conferre with him at his own lodging, for the fuller tryall of his resolution. On the second day thereafter, Alex. L. Hume compeares, and humbly craves to be absolved from the Sentence of excom∣munication, protesting, that in time coming he will give proof of obedi∣ence and service unto God, and maintain the truth of His religion presently professed by the Church here present, unto his lifes end, and howbeit some

time he had been of a different religion, now he avoweth (since he hath been better informed in the Heads, wherein he differed) the Confession of faith and religion presently professed by the Assembly; and if hereafter he shall decline from it, he submits himselfe unto the Censure of the Church, hoping by Gods grace, that he shall never make defection. Because all these answers and professions have been passed by word only, the Assembly jud∣geth it meet that some articles be written, and then subscribed by him, and thirdly to consider of his absolution. The next day these Articles were propounded in write unto him; 1. That Alexander L. Hume ratify & approve the subscription and oath given by him unto the Confession of faith at Edinburgh December. 22. last, or subscribe again in face of the As∣sembly, 2. That he remove and hold out of his company all Papists and traffickers against the true religion, and whatsoever persons shall be delated unto his Lp. to be corrupt in religion: and that he shall receive and enter∣tain within his family Archbald Oswall as his ordinary Pastor, and failing him, another godly Minister by advice of the Presbytery of Dumbar; and that he make his family subject unto the word and disciplin. 4. That he resort unto the publick hearing of the word in all places, where he shall repair, or have his residence; and that he communicate, when occasion offereth. 4. That he make all his servants & tennants subject to the disci∣plin of the Church, where they remain. 5. That he repaire all the rui∣nous churches within the Priory of Coudingam, and provide sufficient livings for Pastors planted or to he planted at them, according to the Act of Parliament, and so of all Churches within his bounds, so far as law and reason require. 6. That he make ready payment to the Mi∣nisters of Chirnside, Swintoun and Fisshak of their stipends, accor∣ding to their assignations and decreets, if he be obliged thereunto by law. 7. That he concur by his counsell, credite and assistance, for main∣tenance of the true religion publickly professed within this realm; and the maintainers thereof against all who within the Country or without shall come in the contrary. 8. That he neither receive maintain nor intercommone or have intelligence with the excommunicat Papist Lords, Jesuites, priests or trafficking papists, nor solicite for them, nor shew them favor directly nor indirectly in judgement nor out of judgemen••. 9. That he neither argue, nor suffer any arguing to be against the true religion or any point thereof, in the places where he may inhibite it. 10. That he employ himselfe carefully, to apprehend and present to Justice Alexand. Macquirrhy and whatsoever Jesuits, Seminary-priest and traf∣ficking Papists, that shall resort within his bounds; and that he do nothing, which may be found by the Minister appointed for the tryall of his beha∣vior, to be prejudiciall unto the true religion presently professed by the Generall assembly now convened; And if he shal be found to contraveen any one of the foresaid points, in that case he consent to be summarily ex∣communicate upon the notoriety of the fact. And in testimony of his ac∣ceptation of these conditions, that he subscribe these presents with his hand. These articles being read severally, he consenteth unto, and in token of his acceptation of them all, he protests that he doth it sinceerly, and subscribes them; earnestly craving, that in respect of his repentance & obedience, the Church would relaxe him from the Sentence of excom∣munication. In respect that Alexander L. hume hath so professed and sub∣scribed, the Generall Church gives commission unto whatsoever presby∣tery, that shall understand of his contraveening of the said conditions, To

call him, and try him, in that contravention, and convict him thereof, if he shall be found guilry, and the Sentence of conviction to be directed and sent unto the Presbytery of Edinburgh, To whom the Church gives com∣mission to pronounce the Sentence of excommunication summarily a∣gainst him. Then the action of his absolution is committed unto David Lindsay. After exhortation unto sincerity and constant walking, the said Lord is asked, Whither he be sory in his heart for the offence he had com∣mitted, and that he had deserved the Sentence, and that he was separated from the Church so long time? and if now he thirsteth earnestly to be joy∣ned thereunto, as a member of Christs body? and doth promise, as he shall answer unto God, to continue in time coming a constant professor of the true religion presently and publickly allowed by the Church of Scotland, to his lifes end? and to shew the fruits of a true Christian in his life, and remove all scandalous persons out of his company? He answereth, pro∣testing before God, it is his true meaning, and he intendes to shew the same by evident effects in time coming. The foresaid David gives thankes unto God, and prayeth for increase of grace unto the penitent; then solemly absolves him from the Sentence of excommunication, and in name of the Assembly embraces him as a member reconciled unto the Church. VI. In Sess. 13. Because the King had conceived an offence (as was made known unto the Assembly by some) against John Ross a Minister, The as∣sembly ordaines, that the Kings Ministers with other twelve shall conveen immediatly after the rising at this time, in the present place, and enquire the matter, and handle it narrowly, and thereafter bring it before the as∣sembly publickly; And so many of the Synod of Perth as are here present, are warned to attend them, when they shall be called. In Sess. 18. these brethren report their proceeding & advice in write, as followes. 1. They have found that the people departed not out of the church before the end of the doctrine, as it was reported unto his Majesty; and that the Synod had pronounced no damnatory sentence against the young man, but that they admonished him, upon such causes and considerations following. 1. That he delivered that doctrine at that time, when rebells and enemies of the King were on the fields, and so it might seem unto the people, that the Church allowed Bothwells treasonable attempts, and that the As∣sembly had placed him in that place, to alienate the mindes of the people from his Ma^s obedience. 2. In respect of certain speaches delivered by him without a sufficient warrand, so far as they could see or under∣stand, and namely, that sentence pronounced against the House of Guise de futuro. 3. In respect of the hard expressions concerning his Majesty, which were thought to have craved greater years and more experience. And all the brethren both of the Conference and of the Provinciall of Perth in one voice acknowledge that there is just cause of a sharper rebuke, and threatning of heavy judgements out of that text, than hath been or should have been uttered by him; and what he uttered, as he de∣pones before God and upon his conscience, he spoke it out of love, seeking his Ma^s standing, and not of a preoccupied mind, prejudged opinion or troubled affection, but with his soul thirsting and seeking alwise his Ma^s honor and weel in God; And therefore approve his wholl doctrine in that point, as it hath been read and declared by himselfe in such heads, as might seem most offensive: And as concerning the admonition of the Pro∣vinciall of Perth, and the causes moving them thereunto, the brethren do reverence & allowe their judgement in all things, upon consideration, as is

before expressed; Only concerning that sentence of the House of Guise de future, because none of the brethren heard it, and he himself profes∣seth, that to his remembrance he spoke it not, nor had he such meaning at any time; and confesses it a fault, if any such word hath escaped him; The brethren think, that in that point, if he hath spoken so, he hath failed, having no just warrant; And being minded to satisfy his Majesty in all respects so far as possibly can be done with a good conscience, after earnest calling upon the name of God for assistance of his Spirit, and after long advicement, hath found it good, that the admonition of the Provin∣ciall of Perth be reverenced of the said Generall Assembly; and that the Assembly at this time give further admonition to John Ross, to speak at all time reverently and with such wisdom, of his Majesty, that he alwayes may have so clear warrant of his speaches, as may fully satisfy his own conscience before God, and have the approbation & allowance of all his godly bre∣thren; And this admonition be extended to all young men of the Ministry, yea and to all the Assembly. This judgement of the brethren being read and considered, is voted by the Assembly, to be followed in all points. The said John Ro••s is called-in, and protests before God, that whatsoever he spoke at that time, he spoke it not, of any respect to the traitors being then in the fields, but in love to his Ma^s weell and standing, and so forth as is written above. The Moderator in name and at command of the Assem∣bly admonishes him and all the Assembly, in the name and fear of God, that in all time coming he and they all speak so reverently of his Majesty that they may have so clear warrant of their speaches, that may fully sasisfy their own consciences before God, and have approbation of all the godly, and that his Majesty have no just cause of complaint or mislyking in time coming. This admonition this said John acceptes with humble reverence. VII. In Sess. 17. Androw hunter is delated to have deserted his flock, and bruited to have joyned himselfe with the rebells of the King: where∣fore the Assembly presently deposeth him from the function of the Ministry, ay and untill he shall satisfy the King and Church, for that offence. VIII. In Sess. 15. the assembly ordaines a fast to be keept within the presbytery of Edinburgh and other parts, where advertisement can be made, upon sunday next, immediatly preceeding the Parliament; and that his Majesty be entrea∣ted, that Exhortation may bee according to the former laudable custom in the first day of Parliament, and a thanksgiving at the conclusion thereof, by some Minister; and also that the said fast be made known unto his Majesty, and entreated that he and his house would keep it. It is also ordained, that a generall fast be universally observed through the realm the two last sundayes of July coming, because, &c. IX. In Sess. 18. Sir Rober Melvin of Murdo-Cairny and Alexander Hume of North-Berwick in name of the King, present to the Assembly these their instructions; 1. To protest that his Ma^s royall priviledge set forth by act of Parliament be not prejudged in ap∣pointing the next assembly, and to that effect, that before their dissolving at this time, they direct some of their number, unto his Majesty to be resol∣ved by him, of the time & place of the next meeting; According to his Ma^s proposition, and their promise in the last Assembly at Dundy. 2. That they will ratify and approve by Act of this present assembly their promise made to his Ma. in their foresaid Ass. in any thing that any of the Mi∣nistry, had to crave or ••omplain to his Majesty in any thing, that they should do it by particular conference, and not utter publickly in pulpit any unre∣verent speaches against his Ma^s person, Counsell or estate, Under the pain

of deprivation; And for this cause, that they will presently try and cen∣sure one of their number, who hath contraveened the said Act, and specially they will examine so many of their number as were present at the last Sy∣nod at Perth, and charge them upon their great oath, to declare what treasonable and unreverent speaches they heard John Ross utter in all their audiences; and next whither they censured him for them thereafter, or not; and to desire them, in his Mas name, that according to the Synodall censure of him; they will judge him, as he demerits on the one part. and his Ma^s modest behaviour ever since that, hath deserved. 3. That they will excommunicat Andrew Hunter for bringing a scandall upon their profession, as the first open traitor of the function against a Christian King of theyrown religion & their naturall Soverain. 4. That by Act of their assembly they will ordain every particular Minister within their charge to dissuade alswell by publick as private exhortation, their flock commit∣ted to their cure, from concurring with the treasonable attempts of Both∣well or any other traitors, that raiseth ot shall raise up themselves against the lawfull authority placed by God in his Ma^s person; And specially that they shall narrowly take heed, and not suffer any of their flock be seduced under color of religion or whatsoever false pretext to receive wages, and becom souldiers for service of any persons; excep they see his M^s warrant thereunto, and namely of Both well, who presently in sundry parts of this realm hath attempted the same. 5. That in respect the time of Parliament is at hand, and the occasion will suddanly serve for declaring his Ma^s godly and honest in∣tention in persecuting the Papists & excommunicate Lords both by law and other ways; therefore they will select one or two Commissioners of the dis∣creetest & wisest of every principall Presbytery, and give them Commis∣sion to attend upon his Ma. at this time, alsweell that his Ma. may have their good advice & assistance in this good business, no less concerning the estate of religion than the estate of his Ma^s Crown and Countrey; and lykewise that his Ma. may by their means direct and inform what he would wish to be don by all the rest of the Ministry, as occasion shall from time to time present. The humble answers of the Assembly unto these articles. 1. The time and place of the next Gen. assembly is appointed by the advice of his Ma^s Commmissioners, according to the Act of Parl. to be at Montros the last tuysday of Juny come a year. 2. The act made by the Gen. assembly at Dundy is ratified de novo; and the particulare of Jo. Ross is resolved, as his Ma. shall be informed more by the Commissioners of the Church. 3. The Ass. hath pronounced the sentence of deposition against An. Hunter, untill he satisfy his Majesty and the Church. 4. Every Minister is straitly comman∣ded to dissuade their own flocks, alswell by privat as publick exhortations, from concurring in the treasonable attempts of Both well or other traitors to his Maj. &c. As in the demand. 5. A certain number is appointed to wait on his Maj. for satisfying the last article. Against the Sentence of excommunication pronounced by the Synod of Fife against the Papist Lords, B. Spotword P. 396. objecteth, it was unlawfully done by them having no power. And neverthe∣less not only did the Ass. approve it, but the K. also in his fifth article calleth them the excommunicate Lords; and albeit the L. Hume was at the same time excommunicated, yet when he came into the Ass. he named not that exception, whereupon he might have had such benefite as the Earle of An∣guse had found in the Assembly of the year 1590: he was guilty of the ob∣jected crime, and yet the Sentence was declared to be null, because of informality. But an enemy is ever objecting, whither true or false. What

he hath of the Assembly slighting the business of John Ross and An. Hunter, is clear by what is above, In the Parliament following in Iuny the excom∣municated Lords were forfeited, and Lawes were made against all willing hearers of Masse; against all that are or shal be excommunicated by the Church. After the Parliament, because Both well had failed of his attempts by himself, he joyned with the Lords in the North: whereupon followed more troubles; yet so, that the rebells were fain to leave the Country, before February.

XXXII. The Assembly conveened at Montros Juny 24. James * 7.23 Nicolson was chosen Moderator. I. The Assembly declares themselves Judges of marriages, what are lawfull, and what are unlawfull in so far as concerneth the spirituall part thereof. In Sess. 9. they declare two sorts unlawfull. 1. When a person marryeth another, whom he had before pol∣luted by adultery. 2. If the innocent person is content to remain with the nocent, and the guilty or adulterer will take another. Likewise marriages made by priests, or by them who had served in the Ministry and are deposed from the function, or by a private person: such marriages are unlawfull. II. All presbyteries are ordained to proceed against Papists within their bounds; and against all their receipters or entertainers, Under pain of deposition of the Minister, in whose default the disciplin of the Church shall not be executed; And the same disciplin to be used against all that have intercommoning, intelligence or familarity with excommunicates. III. Because many professing the truth of the Gospell, do abstain for many years from participation of the Lords table, under pretence of ••eud; thereby declaring how litle they esteem that great benefite, and in very deed cut off themselves from the communion of the Church; There∣fore ordinance is given unto all presbyteries, to charge all such persons within their boundes, to do as it becomes the members of Christ, And if any person throgh infirmity or weakness of conscience shall refuse, the Presbytery shall by information bring them into duty, granting them some competent time, to resolve themselves: and if they continue obstinat, to proceed against them to the sentence of excommunication. IV. Sundry Sessions were taken up wi••h advising upon a way and meanes of a constant Plat for setling of Ministers stipends or assignations, which were wont to be changed yearly. V. Sir Iames Chissholm in humility confesses his offences namely, his apostasy from the religion, for which he was excommuni∣cated: he craves mercy from God: he declares that now he renounceth An∣tichrist with all his errors, and resolves by the grace of God to continue in the true religion; and he craves to be received into the bosom of the Church again. The Assembly appointes some to deal with him by conference; and others to draw up the form of his satisfaction. In Sess. 9. he was recei∣ved, and the Sentence of his absolution was pronounced by the Modera∣tor. VI. Some articles of inquisition concerning the dilapidation of Be∣nefices are prescribed unto Presbyteries. VII. The Kings Commissio∣ners give the articles following, to be read and answered; 1. His Ma. craves, that an Act be made, ordaining that whosoever shall practize any treasonable enterprice or conspiracy against his Ma^s person or estate, being found and declared culpable, by the Law, shall also for that incurre the Sentence of excommunication; That thereby an inseparable union may be betwixt the two swords. 2. that an order be taken in excommunica∣tion; specially in three points, first that it be not at the appetite of two or three persons, but by a convenient number of the Church gravely assembled:

secondly, that it be not for civill causes, or small faults, specially for any Minister's particular interest, lest it be thought, they imitate the Pope's curse, and so incurr the like contempt; thirdly, the form of summary excommu∣nication without any citation to be abolished. 3. Because M^r Craig is wai∣ting in sicknes, what hour it shall please God to call him, and is altogether unable to serve any more, and his Maj. intends to place J. Duncanson with the Prince; and so hath no Minister but Pa. Galloway; therefore craves an ordinance granting two Ministers whom he shall chuse. The humble an∣swers; 1. The Assembly grantes the first, Legitima cognittone Ecclesiastica praeeunte. 2. Concerning the first particular of the second, the Assem∣bly agrees; and the other two importing great weight, and requiring deli∣beration the Assembly thinks meet, to conclude nothing therein; untill the next Assemb. when by Gods grace these shall be determined; and in the mean while ordaineth, that none in the Ministry proceed to excommuni∣cate without citation, nisi periclitetur Ecclesia. 3. It is agreed that his Maj. shall have his choise of godly and learned Ministers: and to this effect ten Ministers or any sixe of them are directed to advise with his Maj. in his choise. VIII. In favor of the exequitours of Ministers it is ordained, If a Minister dy after September. 29. quia fruges sunt separa••ae à solo, his exequitors shall have all that years stipend or rent, and the half of the next. IX. Be∣cause there is great cause of humiliation before God, whose anger is vi∣sible on this Land, and is litle regarded by the most part, therefore the Assembly indictes a generall fast and humiliation to be observed universally in all churches upon the first two sundayes of August next, and the causes thereof to be gravely declared according to the grounds they see and con∣ceive. X. It is ordained, that Presbyteries take order within their own boundes for visitation of Grammer Schools, and reformation of them, as occasion shall require. And certain brethren are ordained to visite Col∣ledges, to examine the life and doctrine of the Masters, the discipline and order there; and where they find any abuse, to reform it so far as they can; and to report both what they shall do, and what abuse they can not reform. That year was quietness in the countrey, excepting great troubles betwixt the Maxwells and Johnstons in the South; and the like in the Hielands: and by windy harvest followed great scarcety and dearth.

XXXIII. The King knowing that the Gen. Assembly was to conveen * 7.24 in March, sent for Robert Bruce one of the Ministers of Edinburgh and (as B. Spotsword hath it) hoping that by the sway he carried in these mee∣tings, some proposition that tended to the reclaiming of the exiled Lords should be made by the Assembly, shewed, how much it concerned his estate, to have them called home, that the Queen of England was grown old▪ and if any after her death shall withstand his Title, he would have need of his subjects assistance: and that having many Nobles exiled, he might be less respected of strangers, and be a great deal weaker at home: If therefore he could wonne them to confesse their offence, & so embrace the true religion (without which they shall never get any favor from him) he believed the course would not be dis-allowed by wise men, and these that loved him: and he desireth to know his judgement: for as yet he had not shewed his mind in that matter unto any person. M. Bruce answered, he thought well of the reasons: and that it were not amisse to bring home An∣guse and Arroll, if they will conform themselves to religion: but Huntly could not be pardoned, because he was so hated of the subjects. The King reasoneth in the contrary, If Huntly be will perform what may be re∣quired

of him, he saw no reason. why he should not be received alswell as the other two: and as he could not but know, that his care of that man was great, seing he had married his Cousine, whom be accounted his own daughter, so was he the man of greatest power, and one that could be most usefull unto him: therefore he willeth, that Robert think of that matter, and after a day or two give him his advice. I have not found this communication in any other: but for the next day, that a Minister could speak so sawcily unto his Soverain, it is the more unlikly, that it comes from the penn of the adversary both of his person and of the discipline, of which he was so zealous. This yeare was remarkable for two things, great * 7.25 dearth, and the beginning of the division betwixt the King and the Church. The scarcety and dearth presently feelt, and the feare of enterprices by the Papist Lords, was apprehended by the assembly, as tokens of Gods wrath: and therefore they took such course, as followes. The King was not pleased with the course: and therefore he would have a change of that discipline. The Assembly conveenes at Edinburgh March 22. year 1576. Robert Pont is chosen Moderator. I. In Sess. 4. the King is present, and the Moderator declares unto him the two heads of which they had * 7.26 been treating, and how they had proceeded, to wit, first the substan∣tiall wayes and means, how to resist the enemy. This was recited by the Lord Kinloss in name of that number of Noble and Gentle men, which were deputed to consult thereupon. The other was the pur∣ging of the Church from enormities. Because the first was not as yet throughly weighed, the Assembly thought expedient, that the depu∣ted Barons should further advise of it in the afternoon, and report their advice unto the Assembly in writ. The King answereth, Albeit there was no great cause to fear any such invasion at that time, yet they shall do well to give their advice, as if the danger were at hand, and it might serve, when necessity shall require. And he propoundeth a lamentable disorder and inconvenient by the yearly alteration of Ministers assignations by the Plat; and he is desirous of a more constant course. In Sess. 5. The Barons give their Overtures for resisting the enemies of Religion and Coun∣trey, both forrein and intestine. 1. All which have appeared in action with the forfeited rebells, and all their known favorers may be charged to enter in ward, and continue there, untill they shall finde sufficient cau∣tion, that they shall not medle nor entertain intelligence with these rebells nor any other enemies of the realm or religion, nor shall joyn with them, nor give them any assistance. if they repair into the Countrey: and that they give their eldest sones or nearest friends as pledges of their sure obser∣vance. 2, That all the revenues of the rebells be taken up exactly by his Ma^s officers, and be employd for the entertaining of souldiers for defence against the enemies, and for other charges necessary unto the advancement of the good Cause: As an effectuall means to encourage them all, who are affection at unto the good cause, and to procure their heartly concurrence to their uttermost. 3. That there be chosen in every parish by his Ma^s au∣thority, and vote of the Session and chiefmen of every parish, Captaines, who are known to be most meet and of best affection, to conveen all the parishonars monthly in musters, and to see, that they be sufficiently armed according to their ability, and trained up in the exercise of their arms; And that there be chosen Generall Commanders in Shyres and severall quarters of the Country, to conveen in arms at all occasions needfull. 3. That a substantious order be provided for bringing home a sufficient

number of weapons, and that the same may be bought and received from the merchants with all expedition. 4. That all the cautioners which are bond for the good behavior of these rebells without the Countrey, be charged before the Counsell, and convicted in the penalties contained in the acts of cautionry: and that these penalties be employd upon the relieff of burdens necessary for the weell of the Cause. II. It was consulted be∣twixt the assembly and the Counsell of Edinburgh for division of the town into moe parishes, and of dividing the great church into two, and of building moe churches. III. Because Nidsdeall, Annandeall, Gallo∣way are destitut of Ministers, the Kings Commissioners propound that the Assembly would appoint some qualified men, for the Ministry there, as the King will provide for their living and indemnity. IV. Concerning * 7.27 the defection in the Ministry, the advice of some deputes, and their over∣tures were read, and the Ministers consenting thereunto, they were con∣cluded: and because by Gods grace. they intend a Reformation, and to see the Church and first the Ministry purged, therefore and that the work may have the better success, they judge it necessary, that this Assembly be humbled for the want of such caire as it became them in these points, that are named or marked; and that some zealous brother lay them out in a Sermon, for the better humiliation; and that all make solemn promise be∣fore tbe Majesty of God, and renew their Covenant with him, for a more diligent and reverent discharge of their Ministry. To this effect John Da∣vidson was chosen, and thuysday next in the morning appointed in the new church for that effect: whereunto all Ministers that are present in the town shall resort; and the manner to be resolved to morrow in the Privy Conference. The tenor of the advice concerning the corruptions in the Ministry, and remedies thereof followes. 1. Because by too suddain ad∣mission and slight tryall of Intrants, it comes, that many scandalls fall out in Ministers; it would be ordained, that in time coming more diligent in∣quisition and tryall be used of all, that shall enter into the Ministry, espe∣cially, that the Intrant shal be posed upon his conscience in a most grave manner before the great God, what moveth him, to accept the office and charge of the Ministry. 2. That it be inquired, whither by any solicita∣tion or moyan directly or indirectly he hath sought to enter into that office; and if that shall be found, the Presbytery should repell all them of their number from voting in the election and admission, who shall be tryed to deall for the soliciter and give their oath to declair the truth in that matter. 3. Because by presentations many are forceably thrust into the Ministry and upon Congregations, who thereafter shew, that they were not called by God; it would be provided that none seek presentations to Benefices without advice of the Presbytery; and if any shall do in the contrary, they shall be repelled as Rei ambitus. 4. That the tryall of persons to be admitted into the Ministry, consist not only in their learning and ability to preach, but likewise in conscience and feeling and spirituall wisdom, namely, in the knowledge of the bounds of their cal∣ling in doctrin and disciplin, and wisdom to behave himselfe accordingly with the diverse ranks of persons within his charge, as with Atheists, re∣bellious, weak consciences, and such others: (in these the pastorall charge lyeth much) and that he be able to stop the mouths of adversaries; And who are not found qualified in these points, should be delayd untill fur∣ther tryall, or be more qualified; And because men may be found meet for some places: which are not meet for another, It should be conside∣red,

that the principall places of the realm be provided with men of best gifts, wisdom and experience: And that none take the charge of greater number of people, than they are able to discharge. 5. Who are not gi∣ven to their book or Study of Scriptures, not carefull to have books, not given to sanctification and prayer: who study not to be powerfull and spi∣rituall, not applying doctrin to present corruptions (which is a chief pa∣storall gift,) obscure or too Scholastick before the people, cold and wan∣ting zeal, negligent in visiting the sick and ••aring for the poore, or indis∣creet in chusing parts of the word not fittest for the flock, flatterers, and dissembling sines; especially of great persons in their congregations for flattery or fear: all such persons should be censured according to the de∣grees of their faults: and if they continue, should be deprived. 6. If any be found to sell the sacraments, or collud with scandalous persons, by dis∣pensing with them for money, should be deposed simpliciter. 7. Every Minister should be charged to have a Session established of the fittest men of his congregation: and that disciplin strick not only against gross sins, as whoordom, bloodshed, &c. but against all repugning to the word of God, as blasphemy, banning or swearing, profanation of the Lords day, disobedience to parents, idle and unruly without a calling, drunkards, and such deboshednes. and all that make not conscience of their conver∣sation, ruling their families, especially in education of their children, slanderers, backbiters, flatterers, breakers of promise; And this should be an universall order throghout the realm; and who are negligent, and con∣tinue therein should be deposed. 8. none falling into open scandalls should be received into the fellowship of the Church, unless his Min. have an appearing warrant in conscience, that he hath a feeling of sin, and appre∣hension of mercy: and to this end the Minister should deall with him by private information, especially in the doctrin of repentance: if this be ne∣glected, publick repentance is turned into mocking. 9. Dilapidation of Benefices dimitting them for favor or money, that they becom as laick patronages, without advice of the Church; and interchanging of Benefi∣ces by transaction, and transporting themselves without knowledge of the Church; should be punished precisely; as also the setting of tacks without consent of the Assembly, should be punished according to Acts of the Church. Follow corruptions in their persons and lifes. 1. Who are wanton and light in behavior, as in gorgeous or light apparell, in speach, using light & profain company, unlawfull games, as dauncing, cardes, dice and the like not beseeming the gravity of a Pastor, should be gravely & sharply rebuked by the Presbytery, and continuing therein after due admonition should be deprived, as scandalous to the gospell. 2. If Ministers be found swearers, profaners of the Lords day, drunkards, figh∣ters, guilty of any of these should be deposed simpliciter: and liars, de∣tracters, flatterers, breakers of promises, brawlers and quarellers, after admonition continuing, should incurr the same punishment. 3. Mini∣ster using unlawfull or incompetent trades for filthy gain, as hostlers, u∣surers, bearing wordly offices in Noble or Gentlemen's houses, merchan∣dice, buying victuall and keeping it to dearth, and all wordly occupations that may distract them from their charge, or may be scandalous in a Pa∣stor, should be brought to the feeling of such sins, and if they con∣tinue in them should be deposed. 4. Not-residents should be deposed, or the fault to be layd on the Presbyteries, and they should be consured for it, and the Assembly should command that no Ministers wait on the Court and

affaires thereof, without the allowance of their Presbytery. 5. No Mi∣nister should intend action of law without the foresaid advice, especially in small matters; and for remedies of the necessity whereby some are com∣pelled to enter into plea of law, it would be petitioned, that short pro∣cess be used in Ministers actions. 6. Ministers should have speciall care in using godly exercises in their families teaching their wife, children and ser∣vants, using prayers ordinarily, reading the Scriptures, removing scandalous persons out of their families, and in other points of godly con∣versation; and Presbyteries in visitation should try Ministers and their fa∣milies in these particulares; and if they be negligent, they should be judged unfit to rule the house of God. 7. Ministers should strive to be spiri∣tuall and profitable in all companies, and talk of things appertaining to godliness, to wit, which may strengthen themselves and others in our Christian calling; of the means, how to have Christs Kingdom established in our congregations, and to know how the gospell flourishes in our flocks; and of the hinderances and remedies that wee find or know: here∣in are manifold corruptions and the contraveeners should be ••spied and sharply rebuked. 8. No Minister should countenance nor assist a publick offender challenged by his own Minister for a known offence, as if his own were too seveer, Undet pain of admonition and rebuke, In Sess. 12. As the brethren have conveened this day in great humiliation acknowled∣ging their sins, and have entred into Covenant with God a new, prote∣sting to walk more warily in their waies, and a great part of the Ministry is not here present, therefore the Assembly commandeth that in all Provin∣ciall Synodes the like humiliation be observed, and the like protestation, and so many as shall not be at the Synods, shall be required to do the like in their Presbytery. V. In Sess. 13. three Ministers were sent to conferre * 7.28 with the King and Queens Majesties upon these articles following. 1. As strangers and good subjects repairing to Court have been conforted, to see Christian religion religiously exercised, so now they are somewhat troubled, when they see the exercise of reading the word at table, and the reverent saying of grace before and after meat, omitted. 2. On the week dayes repairing to hear the Sermon is more rare than before; and that the King wold forbear to speak with others in time of Sermon. 3. To recommend unto his Ma. privy meditations with God and consci∣ence. 4. His Ma. is blotted with swearing, and the Courteours are moved to do so commonly by his ill example. 5. His Ma. would be pleased to have such company about himself as himself is and according to his own profes∣sion: this is to be prudently recommended unto his Ma. that he would put it in practise, and remove murderers, papists and all profain persons. 6. The Queens Ma. is to be informed, especially concerning her company, her not repairing to preachings and sacrament, and concerning her gentle women. 7. Because it is lamented by the Brethren of the North, that gentle men and burgesses are speaking of leaving their houses and that part of the Countrey for fear of the enemies, and seeing their in••olency unrepressed by returning of their wifes, and by providing of their houses & castles for their own home-coming, against which it is greatly murmured in all the Coun∣trey; For remedy, it is to be craved, that the Ladies of Huntly & Arroll be brought back and placed in Santand, and the Lord Gordon be put to the Schoole there; and their friends to be confined in the South, as, Clu∣ny, Giecht, Aberyeldy, Cowbairdy, Bonitoun younger, Craig younger, Alexander hay of Achmader, Alex. Lesly of Piell, Jo Gordon

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of Newtoun to be apprehended, Towy-barclay, Patrick con; And it were good that some were directed into the North as commissioners for the good of religion. VI. The common corruption of all Estates within the realm; * 7.29 1. An universall coldness and decay of zeall in Estates, joyned with igno∣rance, and contempt of the word, Ministry and Sacraments; and where no knowledge is, can be no sense or feeling: which appeares most mani∣festly, that they have not religious exhrcise in their families, as prayer and reading of the word; and where it is, it is but abused by the cooks, ste∣warts and other attendants; and the Masters of families are ashamed to use these exercises of godliness in their own persons; and no conference is at their tables, but of profain, wanton or worldly matters▪ 2. Superstition and idolaty is entertained, as is manifest by keeping festivall days, bone∣fyre, pilgrimages, singing of carols at such and such days. 3. Great abuse of the name of God with horrible cursing used by all estates in all their speaches. 4. Profanation of the Lords day, specially in Seed time & harvest, and by common journying on that day, and trysting about earthly business, exercizing all sort of wanton games, keeping of markets, dauncing, open drinking and the like. 5. Small reverence and obedience of inferiors unto their superiors, and litle care of Superiors in discharging their duty to in∣feriors, as children plead in law against their parents, and many of them do marry against their fathers will; and parents have litle care of their edu∣cation in godliness. 6. A flood of bloodsheds and deadly feuds arising thereupon, and universall maintaining of bloodshed for eluding the law. 7. Adulteries, fornications, incests, unlawfull marriages and divorcements allowed by Judges under color of law, and children begotten in such mar∣riages declared to be lawfull, excessive tipling and carowsing: these (no doubt) are the causes of this dearth and famine; so, gorgeous and vain apparell, filthy and bawdy speaches. 8. Sacriledge in all Estates without any conscience, growing continually more, to the undoing of the Church and staying the plating of the gospell. 9. Cruell oppression of the poor tennents, whereby all the commones of the Countrey are wrecked, by extream dear setting of lands, and holding forth their corne be untimous tything, and extreme thraldom in services. 10. Oppression under pre∣text of law by usury and contracts against law, forestalling of markets, albeit regrated by gentle men, burgesses & commons; whereby prices of victuall are marvelously raised to the great hurt of the poor, and keeping up of corn or holding it from the markets, and not thresshing it in due time. 11. A great number of idle persons without a lawfull calling as pypars, fid∣lers, songsters, scorners, pleasants, strongbeggras living in harlotry, and having children without baptism, and never reparing to the publick service of God. VII. Offences in Courts or judgement-seats. 1. Universall * 7.30 neglect of justice both in civill & criminall causes, as, granting remissions or respit-for blood, and incests; no execution of good lawes made against vices or in favor of the Church; and in civill matters the Judges (in a great part) unfitt either for want of knowledge, or conscience, or both, and when an office vaikes, the worst men advanced both in higher and inferior roomes. 2. No execution of lawes against the adherents unto the detected enemies, nor against the enemies themselves, nor employing of their reve∣nues to the use of resisting enemies, but the enemies are rather helped in their estate than hurt. 3. Theodious murder at Dunnibrissell. 4. In Par∣liament, sacrilegious persons, as Abbots, Priors and titular Bishops vo∣ting in name of the Church, contrary to the law of the Country, and

by whom the law of the Church is damnified. 5. The Session is charged with buying of justice & bribry, as is evident by their extraordinary and suddan conquests. VIII. Grievances to be humbly meaned unto his Ma∣concerning * 7.31 the chieff offenses in the Estates of the Country, that by his Majesties counsell and authority sufficient remedy may be provided in time. 1. It is humbly meaned, that, to the great hazard of religion, and peace of the Countrey and grief of all good men, the forfaited rebells and ene∣mies of his Majesties estate do enjoy their lands and livings als peaceably and to their greater advantage, than if they were at his Majesties peace within the Countrey; and their confederats & friends, partakers and assisters with them in their treasonous attempts, are suffered in so great liberty, ne∣ver so much as entring their persons into warde, nor giving surety nor pled∣ges for their good and dutifull behaviour and obedience unto his Majesty, if these rebells or any other forrain enemies shall repair into the Countrey, and disquiet it; As if they had exemption and immunity from all lawes, to confirm themselves, to strengthen the hand of the enemies, when they shall arrive; As appeares, their intention is, by their preparation, force and armour, and leagues of friendship, which they are dayly binding up. 2. Many Jesuites and excommunicat Papists are keept within the Country, detaining such as they have perverted, in their errors, and seducing others into the same corruption, and holding them in hope of the Papist Lords, with assistance of strangers; such are, Robert Abercromy, Alex. Mac∣quhirry, the Abbot of New-abbay, John Gordon of Newton, Pat. Con, Alexander Lesly of Piell, young Bonitoun, Alexander Ramsay and many others. 3. In many places people are altogether ignorant of their salva∣tion, and that for want of Pastors and maintenance; nor know they their duty unto God, or their King; and so the Land is overflowed with atheism and all kind of vice: There be 400 Paris-churches destitute of the Ministry of the word, besids the Churches of Argile and the Isles 4. It is universally lamented by his Majesties subjects, that by de∣laying, perverting and eluding of justice, murders, oppression, incests, adulteries and all kind of hainous crimes abound. 5. It is heavily lamented, that the Ministers, who have obtained some small provision by assignation in An. 1595. are frustrated by the Lords of Session refusing to decide the suspensions, according to the Act of February 1587 year. The over∣tures for remedy were adioyned, as they are related before in Sess. 5. IX. In Sess. 10. John Preston and Edward Bruce Commendator of Kinloss Com∣missioners from his Ma. do give-in these articles, or instructions. 1. Yee shall shew unto the Assembly our good will to have al the Churches of Scotland planted with Ministers and sufficient livings, to the great hurt of our own revenue and that portion of the thirds, which was assigned to our house, and our Counptrollars in possession thereof: but finding that all the thirds is not sufficient to plant all the Churches, nor is it commodious for Ministers to serve in one, place and have their livings in another far di∣stant from their cure; Therefore we have thought good, to set forward an order for locall stipends, founded on this ground, that all the churches of Scotland shall have Ministers, and all Ministers shall have stipends with∣in their own parishon, of such value as by our authority on the one part, and by concurrance and procurement of the Church on the other, may be obtained from the tacks-men of tyths and present possessors of them: for which effect wee have caused an Act of Parliament to be made in the year 1592. granting Commission to certain Noble men, Counsellers, Of∣ficers,

and Ministers on the one and other parts, To treat of and prosecute this matter; and also have given command particularly to certain of our Lords of Checker, to help by their advice and labors, to bring this matter un∣to some perfection: wherein, as wee understand, some thing is done as part of the brethren can testify; As wee continuing in our good mind, to have in our time the Church setled with livings, and not entangled yearly with process, and to have all our churches planted within the realm; By these presents offer and promitt unto the Assembly, to cause our Commissio∣ners, Counsellers and Officers, to conveen presently before the expiring of this Assembly, with the saids Commissioners from the Church, to be∣gin this good purpose, and to lay the ground, and to set down the order time and place of conveening, to prosecute the same unto the end, con∣form to the Act of Parliament, So that if any stay shall bee, it shall be on the Church's part, as oft before, and not on our part. 2. Yee shall shew them, that it is a stay of this good work, that by some of their preachings the people are made to understand, that wee and our Counsell would stay the planting of churches, and take away the livings possessed by Ministers albeit the contrary is true, that wee and our Counsell are most willing, that the churches be wholly planted, and the provision of Ministers be augmented, so far as lawfully may be obtained, with consent of our No∣bility and other tacks-men of tyths, whose rights without order of law wee can not empare: and therefore this form of preaching discourageth our good Counsellers most willing of the work, and is an heavy slander upon the Ministers, wherein yee shall crave order be taken, and the like be not done in time coming. 3. Yee shall desire those your instructioes in our name to be registred in the books of the Assembly as a perpetuall testi∣mony of our good will; and also, that answers be given particularly by a generall vote of the wholl Ass. and no way to be referred to a privat Confe∣rence; and the answers so voted to each particulare head, to be registred in like manner; and the extract of all these articles and the answers to be deli∣vered unto you, and to be reported unto us. Sic subscribitur, James R. In Sess. 13. with the above named overtures, these petitions were sent unto the King; 1. That his Maj. would prosecute his good purpose and intention, declared concerning the planting of all the churches with qualified Ministers and sufficient provisions for their entertainment; And for that effect, that he would give commission to the Visitors named by the Asse••bly, to take inquisition of all churches within the boundes of their visitation and to deal in his Majesties name with the tacks-men & possessors of the tiths, for suf∣ficient provision unto the Ministers out of the every parish, and to report their diligence unto his Majesties Commissioners appointed for the work of the Plat; and to provide for the charges of the Visitors in that jour∣ny. 2. That his Majesty would be pleased, to take order substantious∣ly by advice of his Counsell and Estates; how the Principall Judgement∣seats, and other inferior Judicatories may be purged of unqualified and corrupt persons, and filled with others, meet to discharge that Calling faithfully, for the comfort of his Majesties peaceable and well disposed subjects. 3. That his Majesty would command and ordain the Lords of Session; to administrat justice unto the Ministers, who have obtained a small augmentation of their stipends or new provision by the Modefiers in the year 1595. and according to the Act of Febru. in the year 1587. as they are bound by their solem oath and promise, Seing the extraordinary dearth urgeth them with so great necessity, that unless his Maj. have con∣sideration

of their estate, they and their families are driven to extream poverty and want. X. Articles propounded by the Commissioners of the constant Plat, to be advised by the Assembly, and passed in Acts; 1. It is thought requisit, that the Assembly would ordain, that the Modera∣tors of each Presbytery should give presentations jure devoluto of all Bene∣fices of cure, belonging to Laick patrons that have not presented qualified persons within sixe months after the decease of the last possessor, and al∣so of these Benefices, which heerafter shall vaik, if these patrons neglect to present within sixe months, Under the pain of deprivation; And if there be not actuall Ministers presently at the said churches, that the said Modera∣tors deal effectuously with other qualified persons, to accept presentations, and to prosecute the same by law. 2. That all Beneficed persons here present be moved presenly to interdite themselves from all setting and disponing any part of their Benefice to whatsoever persons, without the speciall allo∣wance of the Generall Assembly; and the interdiction to be subscribed by them; and others which are absent, be urged by their presbytery to do the like immediatly after this assembly. 3. Because churches in many places sustain great hurt throgh want of qualified Ministers instructed in the Schools of Divinity, therefore it is craved, that an Act be made, ordaining every Provinciall assembly to furnish all sufficient entertainment unto a Student in the New colledge of Santandr. this 1596. year, and so forth year∣ly in all time coming; and that every Provinciall assembly shall have the priviledge, to present their Student so oft as the said place shall vaik; and if any Minister within the Province have a son of meet gifts, that he be preferred to all others; And after the expiring of his course in the stu∣dy of Theology, that he be bound to employ his travells within the Province, to the which his gifts may be answerable; and that it be not leesom unto the said Student to employ his travells in any other place, but by the speciall advice and consent of that Province. 4. Seing the ne∣cessity of the common affaires of the Churches craveth that there bee a continuall attendance at Court both for the furtherance of the present work in hand for planting the churches, as also in respect of the continuall dili∣gence of the enemy waiting all occasions, specially when they find any slackness upon the part of the Church, in the discovery and resisting the enterprises of the said enemies; Therefore it is craved, that a care and burden of the common cause be layd on some brethren, by the Gen. assem∣bly, either of them who are residents here about Court or some others to be appointed out of sundry parts of the Countrey; because otherwise none find themselves bound in conscience to have any care heerof, or to take paines heerin. The assembly accordeth unto all four, but ordain the third to be first moved in the Synodes.

XXXIV. Here I adde what is written in The Historicall Narration, at the title, The first course of episcopacy; and first of the occasions of altering the Ecclesia∣sticall Government. The beauty of this Church both for purity of doctrin and order of disciplin was becom admirable to the best Rrformed Chur∣ches: The Assemblies of the believers were never more glorious and confortable; the parochiall and Classicall elderships, the Provinciall and Nationall Synods never in greater authority than in the begin∣ning of the year 1596. For when the apostat Earles traffickers with the King of Spain were excommunicat, and at procurement of the church at home and of the Queen of England, were for their unnaturall conspiracy forfeited and expelled out of the Countrey; their chief care was to was to

search out the sins of the Land, corruptions and abuses in whatsoever estate, Calling or Judicatory, that they might be repented-of and amen∣ded; and to advert unto the savety and preservation of religion and liberties of the Church: which at that time required opposition to the reentry and restoring of these Earles. Whereupon in this Assembly the corruptions and enormities found in Ministers, their calling and conversations, as also the offenses of others without any partiality were considered [as is above written.] On thuysday March 30. they had that humiliation, wherein were present 400. persons, Ministers, Commissioners and others profes∣sors: within one hour they looked with another countenance, then that wherewith they entred, being moved at the Exhortation: such sighes and groanes were not heard at any other fast since the Reformation for any im∣minent danger; and teares were shed such inabundance, that the place might justly been called Bochim. They testified their new entring into leagve with God by holding-up their hands............Their next care was, to ••dvert, that the Church were not endangered by any enemy [as is written before.] Commission was given unto some btethren, to assemble as they shall find urgent occasion, To consult, reason and advise upon, and propound articles unto the King for preventing all dangers, which in all liklyhood might befall the estate of religion [It is clear before, that this * 7.32 course was motioned first by the Lords of the Plat: and (as followes) was ill ta∣ken by Courtiers] The Devill envying the happiness and laudadle procee∣dings of our Church, stirreth up Papists and Politicianes to disturb her peace, and to deface her beauty. The Pipists saw, there was no peace for them in Scotland, if that power of the Church shall continue. Politicians feared, that their craft and trade (which is to use indifferently all sorts of men and means, to attain their own ends, and to set up themselves in the thron of Christ) should be undone......Huntly returnes secretly in Juny, where∣of the King was advertised in July: at the entreaty of his Lady, the King calleth a Convention of the Nobility, (specially such as favored the exiled Lords) at Falkland in August. Offer was made in his name, and it was concluded, that he shall return and remain in the Country upon the perfor∣mance of such conditions, as his Majesty propound to be performed by him; Notwithstanding, that Ministers An. Melvin, Ja. Nicolson, Pa. * 7.33 Galloway, Da. Lindsay and other Ministers protested in the contrary, in respect it could not stand with the Kings honor, to hearken unto any con∣ditions, till first it were manifest, that he is not in the Countrey, as they do alledge, who sute for him; nor could it stand with the assurance of re∣ligion, and peace of the Countrey, in respect, his apostasy (which was the ground of his excommunication) or his conspiracy with the Spaniard (the ground of his forfeitry) were not confessed offences by him. Ano∣ther Convention was held at Dunfernlin in Septenber, where the conditions were agreed upon: which were tendred unto him without consent of the Ministry. Arroll returnes in the same month. Their friends and abbettors vanted, that they had obtained his Majesties protection and peace passed and subscribed in Counsell, and that they hoped assuredly for advancement to Offices, charge of guards, and Lieutenent••ies, as they had before. Some Commissioners of the Generall assembly and some other Ministers * 7.34 conveening at Couper directed some of their number unto the King at Falkland, namely, An. Melvin, Ja. Melvin, Ia. Nicolson and Pa. Galloway, to crave, that the dangerous enterprises of the enemies might be preven∣ted. The King seemed to be offended at their meeting, and commission.

And. Melvin answered with great liberty; Sir, there are two Kings and two kingdoms in Scotland: Christ is a King, and the Church his kingdom: you are a subject unto Christ, and a member of his Church, and neither Head nor King: the spirituall office-bearers, to whom He hath committed the Go∣verment of his church, have power and warrant to conveen, which you ought not to controll nor discharge, but rath to assist: Sir, when you were in your swadling cloaths, Christ reigned freely in this Land in despite of the e∣nemies; the office-bearers had their meetings, and their meetings have been steadeable unto your Maj. when the enemies were seeking your destruction; and now when such necessity urgeth them, you will find fault with their conveening. The wisdom of your Counsell (which is pernicious) is this; Be∣cause Ministers and Protestants in Scotland are too strong, and controle the King, they must be weakned and brought low by stirring a party against them, and when the King is indifferent to both, both shall fly to him, and so he shall be served, grow in grandure, and attain his purpose: But this wis∣dom may prove foly, and in serving both, you shall lose the hearts of both. The King setleth a litle, and dimits them pleasantly, promising, that albeit the Convention had licenced them to make their offers, they shall not be licensed, untill they be out of the Countrey again, and what∣soever they offer, they shall find no favor at his hand, till they have satis∣fied the Church. Nevertheless they were permitted to remain, and tra∣vell by their friends for reconciliation. The Commissioners of the Ge∣nerall Assembly and Commissioners from sundry Synodes meet at Edinb. Octob. 23. as was appointed at Couper. It was thought expedient, that some commissioners be appointed for every quarter of the country; and one of every quarter shall abide at Edinburgh monethly by turns, to com∣municate the advertisements, that shall be directed from diverse parts, and to consult upon the most expedients in every case. Robert Bruce, Ro∣bert Pont, David Lindsay, Jac. Balfour, Pat. Galloway and Wal. Balcan∣quell Ministers within the Presbytery of Edinbugh were appointed to conveen always with them. From this conveention were sent un∣to the Presbyteries informations of the dangers arising from the forfei∣ted Earles; and for remedy the Ministers were desired to make pro∣fessors sensible of the danger, to keep a publick humiliation the first sun∣day of December to urge an universall amendement in all estates, begin∣ning at themselves, to intimate solemly in all the churches the excommu∣nication of the Apostate Earles, to proceed with the censure of the Church against them, who entertain any society with them, or take any dealing for them, quia periditatur salus Ecclesiae & Reipublicae. November 9. these who conveen, sent Da. Lindsay, Pa. Gallowav, Ja. Nicolson and Ia. Mel∣vin * 7.35 unto the King, to crave in all humility, that he would shew, what moved him take so hardly with the Ministry; to offer all satisfaction, and to propound their grievances. November. 11. they report to the brethren the Kings answers, There can be no agriement betwixt him and the Mini∣stry, till the marches of their Iurisdiction wer rid; they should not speak in pulpit of the affaires of State and Counsell, the Generall assembly should not conveen but by his authority and speciall command; Synods, presby∣ries and particular Sessions should not medle with causes whereupon his lawes strick, but fornication and the like scandalls; and he will be satisfied in these and such other heads. As for their grievances, his answer was; he had granted nothing to the excommunicate Earls, but what his Counsell and Estates thought needfull for the peace of the realm, and upon condi∣tion,

that they satisfy the Church; The Lady Huntly, who was come to the baptisme of his Daughter, is a good discreet Lady, as Papists may be honest folks, and his Mother was a Papist, and yet an honest Woman; The Lady Livinston shall satisfy the Church, or els, she shall not come neer his Daughter: but he could not refuse to concredite her unto the Lord Livinston; And they reported, that they had replied, The free rebuke of sin without respect of persons was warranted by Gods Word; Ministers speak alway with reverence of his Majesty, but can not spare the enemies of truth, nor comport with any favorable dealing shewd towards them; The discipline of the Church was established (after many conferences) upon evident grounds of Gods Word, by his Majesties lawes and Acts of Parliament, and use and practise following; His Majesty had not done well, in granting any favor to the forfeited Earls, till they had been out of the Countrey; and all that the favor shewd unto Papists moveth good men to suspect his Majesty; especially if the Lady Huntly come to the baptism, pulpits would sound against it; and the committing of his Daughter unto the Lady Livinston's custody will be thought a speciall pledge of his favor unto Papists. When the brethren heard this report, they per∣ceived clearly, that the ruine of the liberty of Christs Kingdom was in∣tended, and seing the King had uttered his mind so plainly, they thought meet, to advertise the Presbyteries, and exhort the brethren to study diligently the grounds of disciplin, and that they argue not upon ar∣ticles, which are to be sent unto them from the King, till their Com∣missioners be advised: For they feared to call into question, the determined and undoubted disciplin of Christs Church. Here yee may see, the alte∣ration of discipline was intended before December; and I have heard [saith * 7.36 he there] that the King had a role of Ministers, whom he purposed to pre∣ferre unto Bishopricks before December 17. The same elleventh day of No∣vember they were enformed certanly, that David Black Minister at Santand. was to be charged to compear before the King and his Counsell, for some words spoken in a Sermon in October. The next day the foresaid Mini∣sters were sent again unto the King to understand, what were his doutbs & * 7.37 questions he had to propound, concerning the marches and calling of the Ministry, and to advertise his Majesty how it is taken hardly, that Mini∣sters of Gods word be vexed and charged for calumnies and triffling delati∣ons, when the enemies of Gods truth are favored and over seen. They reported on November 15. that they had received no good answer, be∣cause his own Minister Pa. Galloway had said unto him in a private con∣ference, The Church gote fair words and promises without effect, but the enemies gote the good deeds. Nevertheless the same brethren (excep∣ting Patrick) were directed again, to insist earnestly upon this point, that order be taken with the common enemy, ere any controversie be inten∣ded against the Church or any Minister; otherwise, to let him understand, that all the world will say, Nothing was intended, but benefite to the enemies, and trouble unto the Church. The King answered, He had thought much of that matter: only let David Black compear, and if he be innocent, purge himself in judgement, but take heed, that he decline not my judicatury: For if he do so, it will be worse. The brethren * 7.38 conveennig on the 17 day, perceive that the Kings and the Coun∣sell's aim was by this preparative, to draw Ministers doctrine under their censure & controlment; And remembring that some decllnatures of this nature given-in by some brethren before, were forgoten or denied,

because they were only verball, do resolve upon a declinature in write, and fortify it by good reasons, and to be subscribed by them with David, seing the cause is common David compeares upon the 18. day and gives-in the declinature. On the 20. day it was thought needfull to send a copy of the declinature, unto every Presbytery, and be subscribed by all the members together with a missive requesting them, to return it being subscribed, with all possible diligence with some brother, who was able to assist them in so weighty matters: and also desiring every one study diligently this que∣stion and all the points of the discipline: for certanly Satan was making an as∣sault on the hedge of the Lords vineyard, that at his pleasure he may destroy and wast the plants thereof. Diligence was used in gathering subscriptions so that in short space, the hands of about 400. were at it. None so dili∣gent, as John Spotswood afterwards Bishop of Santandr. howbeit even then he reveeled unto the King, all their counsels & proceedings, either by himself or somtimes by a Courtier with whom he was familiar: he was the only suspected Judas among the Ministers at that time: others were like Hazael, who understood not their own hollow hearts, till time disco∣vered them. On November. 24. the Commissioners of the Church being for the most part present, and being enformed, that they were to be char∣ged to go off the town, did resolve, that seing they were conveened by war∣rant by Christ and his Church in so dangerous a time, to see that the Church receive no detriment; they wold continue, notwithstanding any charge, so long as it shall be found expedient; and in the mean time they sent Ministers Da. Lindsay, Ro. Rollock and Ja. Melvin, unto the K. to shew him, what inconvenients may ensue, if he enter into hard dealing with the church, and discharge the Commissioners of the Gen. assembly; to beseech him, to desist from pursute of D. Black and all controversies ari∣sing thereby, till order were taken with the common enemy, and a Gen. assembly be convocated, fordeciding all controversies, and answering all his questions; And to move him to consider the danger, wherein the Coun∣trey lieth by Papists binding themselfs together, associating to themselves sundry Clanns, preparing arms and horses, &c. The next day they report his answer, He was sory, that matters have so fallen out betwixt him and the Commissioners: yet if they will passe from the deelinature, at least make a declaration, that it was not Generall, but used particularly in that cause of David Black, being a case of slander, and pertaining by right unto the church, he will passe from the summons and all pursute of David Black. [By the way here we may understand, that the words wherefore he was charged, were not so odious, as some have reported them] Then diverse formes of a declaration were advised, but they could not find one, which in their judgement would please the king. In end they condes••ended to make this offer, that if his Majesty would passe from that summons, and cease from all charging of Ministers for their preaching till a lawfull Generall assembly were convocated, they will on the other side take up the declinature, and cease to make any use of it, untill the said assembly. The brether that were directed, report on the 27. day, how they had spent much time in reasoning with his Majesty, but could not agree, unless the Commissioners would passe from the declinature, and cause David Black answer, and acknowledge the Judicatory; But they would not un∣dertake it. Upon the same 27. day David Black was summoned again by proclamation and sound of trumpet at the cross, for speaches uttered by him in his Sermons these three years last by past. And because somtimes

Barons and others sare with the Ministers, all the Leedges were dischar∣ged by proclamation, to assemble at the desire of Ministers, Presbyteries or other ecclesiasticall judgements, Under pretense of assisting them in their defense, being accused of any cause, crime or offense, or when they repaire to any judgement seat or otherwise, Without his Majesties licence. Letters also were given forth, upon Act of Counsell, charging the Com∣missioners of the Generall assembly, to depart out of rhe town within 24. houts after the charge, and discharging them to conveen any where els. Immediatly the Commissioners conveen and lay the proclamation open before the Lord the Judge of so odious imputations, as they were burde∣ned-with in these proclamations, and usurpation of Supreme authority over the Church: they advised them, who were to occupy the pulpits, to deale mightily by the word against these proclamations and charges, and to use such arguments as may flow from good grounds, which were then layd befored them. November 29. they resolve to give-in some articles unto the King and Counsell, the day following (which was the day of M^r Blacks compearance) wherein they do clear themselves of these o∣dious imputations, and they crave to slay that action, till a Gen. assem∣bly be convocated: they thought it also expedient, in respect of the new libelled summons, that another declinature be formed and used by David in his own name and of the rest of the Ministry. On the 29. day the hour approaching, the Commissioners appoint Robert Bruce, Robert Pont, Robert Rolock, David Lindsay & Pa. Galloway, to present their articles, and to assist David in his action: the rest were exercised in the mean time in praying and confessing their sins, which had procured such trouble. The brethren returning about half an hour after twelve, reported, that some had entred into commoning with them, and condescended upon some grounds of agreement, that the commoners on the K^s part were to travell with his Majesty against afternoon, and themselves were to deal with the Commissioners. One ground whereupon they had condescended was, that they would take up their declinature, and the Counsell their summons, and use a form of protestation. After noon when there was no appearance of agriement, and the Counsell were sitting, the second declinature was given in; wherein David adhereth unto the first, and fortifieth it with moe reasons; and the above-named articles were presented. David was won∣derfully assisteth with courage and wisdom, and the brether also who were appointed to assist him, especially Rob. Bruce. Nevertheless the King and Counsell do passe to the Interloquiture, and declare themselves Judges competent to all the points of the libell, except one which concerned the Religion of England; So scrupulous were they to medle with matters spi∣rituall or ecclesiasticall. The brether returning unto the rest (who were exercized as before noone) report what was past. It was thought meet, that the doctrine be directed against the Interloquiture, as a strong Fort set up against the freedom of the Gospell; and to give thanks unto God for u∣nity of Spirit among themselves. Immediatly after the dissolving, the Threasurer & Provest of Edinburgh crave conference with Robert Bruce, Robert Rollock, James Nicolson, James Melvin. They say, the King (notwithstanding the Interloquiture) intendeth not extremity against that Minister, but for maintaining peace with the Church, he would pardon him, if they would bring him unto his Majesty, and cause him declare the truth in all the points libelled. After deliberation, they answer, If it were but one mans particular, that were in question or danger, his Maje∣sties

offer were thankfully to be accepted: But it is the liberty of the Gos∣pell, which was grievously wounded in the discipline thereof by the pro∣clamation on Saturday last, and now in the preaching of the word, by u∣surping the judicatory thereof: If the King had taken that mans life, or of moe, he could not have wounded the hearts of the brethren more deeply, nor done such injury unto Christ: they can no way be content, unless these things be retreated and amended, but must oppose such proceedings with extream hazerd of their lifes. The Messingers taking up the weight of the matter, were much moved, and returned unto the King with their answer. The next day a gentle man of the kings Chamber came timously to one of the brethren, and craved, the bent of the doctrine might be stayd that day, not doubting but his Maj. will satisfy them. It was answered, The edge of the doctrin can not be blunted without evident appearance of amendement of wrongs: yet he and another went unto the king, and these returning, re∣ported the kings mind and offers, to declare his meaning, concerning the proclamations and the Interloquiture. The brethren reioice not a litle: they set down his offers in writ, amending some points; they write the grounds & articles of agreement, that the k. might see, whither they were accor∣ding to his meaning. The brether, which were directed unto him, found him well content w••th the articles: he said, he wold abolish the two Acts which were proclamed, and not suffer them to be booked; and of his own accord he offered to write unto the Presbyteries, and sa∣tisfy them concerning the Interloquiture, if they shall give him a band of dutifulness in their doctrin on the other part; As for Da. Black, let him come, and declare his conscience concerning the libell, before David Lindsay, James Nicolson & Thomas Buchanan; and thereafter he shal be content, to do what they shall judge meet. In the afternoon they returning found the King changed: he directeth David Lindsay to crave of David Black, that he compear before the Counsell, and there confesse an offense done to the Queen at least, and so receive pardon. David Black refuseth to confesse: for in so doing, he shall acknowledge the Counsell to be Judges of his Sermons, and approve their proceedings to be lawfull, when they had summoned him, and admitted ignorant and partially affected persons, lying under the censures of the Church at his procurement, to be witnesses; albeit he hath ample testimonialls of Provest, Bailives, Counsell, Church-••es∣sion, of the Rector, the Dean of faculty, Principalls of the Colledges, Re∣gents and other members of the University, his dayly auditors: all which were produced for him, but if it would please his Maj. to remit him unto his ordinary Iudge the Ecclesiasticall Senate, he will depone the truth willingly in every point, and underly their censure and ordinance, if found guilty. The King went to Counsell, David Black not compearing, the deposi∣tion of the witnesses is read: the points of the libell are declared to be proved, and the punishment is referred unto the King. The Acts of proclamation and whole process is registred. The doctrine in Sermon soundeth fr••ely in the old manner: The king craves conference again with the same Ministers. After much reasoning, they return unto Articles and grounds of agreement: then was produced a form of declaration concerning the proclamation, another of the charge; and a Missive unto the Presb. of Edinb. concerning the Interloquiture. When these btethren had caused di∣verse things to be amended, they received them, to be cōmuicated unto the commissioners and others waiting upon their returning. The formes and de∣clarations being considered, were not found sufficient to repair the injuries

done, but rather ratified the same. Other formes and declarations were devised, and a Missive unto the Presbytery; as also an Act of their dutifull obedience. Sundry conferences past betwixt the king and Counsell, and the three Ministers above named, but without success: for on wednesday December ••. these three Ministers reported unto a frequent meeting of their brethren (come from sundry Provinces, and joyning with the Commissioners) that the king in presence of the Counsell refused to accept that form of Letter written by them, to be sent unto the Presbyteries, be∣••ause it imported (albeit indirectly) an annulling of the Interloquiture. 2. He refused the Act of dutifull obedience, as not sufficient, because it contained not a simple Band of not speaking against the King and his Counsell, but limited with certain conditions, which would ever come a∣gain into question, and turn to the controversie of the Judicatory [Note this.] 3. The formes of declaration (that was penned by the bre∣thren) was refused, because they imported a plain retracting of the pro∣clamations, and an acknowledgement of an offense. 4. The King will no way pass from the interloquiture, nor suspend the execution of it, untill a Generall assembly, but seing the punishment is in his will, he will declare it unto the brether in private, which was transportation or suspension for a space. They answered, They could not agree for the rea∣sons above named, In end the K craves to be resolved of certain speaches uttered by him, to wit, The treachery of his he art was disclosed: all Kings are the Devils children; and he required that David shall chuse seven or eicht of 20. or 25. of his auditors, whose names shall be given him, that by their deposition the cause may be resolved; and in the mean time he shall desist from preaching. They answered, They had no commission for that, but to crave the acceptation of the formes propounded, and they will report the answers. December. 9. their report was heard: the bre∣thren perceive, that nothing is done, and in the mean time the enemies do attain their will: therefore they think it not expedient, to use any more commoning, but by some brethren to let his Majesty know, how they had humbly sought redresse of wrongs done to Christ in his kingdom la∣tely, by that charge, proclamations, interloquiture and process against one of their most faithfull brethren, how they have been most willing, to have condescended to any conditions of peace, till the wounds which Christs Kingdom had received, might be throughly cured, to the intent his forces and the Churche's authority might be set against the common enemies: but seeing they are disappointed, they are free of what shall ensue; and true pastors can not without treason against their spirituall king, abstain from fighting against such proceedings, with such sprirituall armor as are given them, potent throgh God for overthrowing these bulwarks & mounts erected for sacking the Lords Jerusalem. Decemb. 10. Da. Black was charged to go north within sixe dayes, and remain by north the North∣water, till his Majesty declared his will, Under the pain of rebellion, and putting him to the horn. Decemb. 11. the Commissioners were infor∣med, that a great number of missives were written and ready to be directed through the Countrey for calling a convention of Estates and a Generall assembly: the tenor followes; Wee greet you well. As wee have ever carryed a speciall good will to the effectuating of the policy of the Church, of which wee have often conference with the Pastors and Ministry, so wee and they both resolving now in end, that the whole order of the said policy shall be particularly condescended & agreed upon for avoiding sundry questions

& controversies, that may fall out to the slander & danger of religion; Wee have for that effect, appointed alswell a generall Convention of our Estates, as a Generall Assembly of the Ministry, to hold here in Edinb. the first day of February next, To treat and resolve all questions standing in controversy! or difference between the Civill and Ecclesiasticall judgement, or any way concerning the policy and externall gover∣ning of the Church: and therefore will wee effectually desireand request you, that you fail not (all excuses set apart) to be present at our Con∣vention the day & place foresaid precisely to give your best advice & opini∣on in that matter, as you tender the effectuating there of, the well of reli∣gion and Estate, and will shew yourselves our dutifull and affected subjects. So wee committ you to Gods protection. From Halirud house the day of Decemb. 1596. Here the reader may more clearly perceive, that the alteration of the established government was intended before the 17. day of December, and that not only the marches of the Jurifdiction Civille and ecclesiastcall were sought to be ridd, but the order of the church-govern∣ment was to be called into question, howbeit thereafter nothing was pre∣tended (at first) but the restraint of application & of doctrine, and Mini∣sters vote in Parliament to vindicat them from poverty and contempt, be∣cause otherwise strong opposition was feared. On decemb. 14. the Com∣missioners of the Generall assembly exhorted the Ministers of the presbytery of Edinburgh as they will answer unto God and the Church in so necessary a time, To call before them such persons of highest ranks as are known or may be found to be malicious enemies, and to proceed against them to excommunication. The same day the charge; that was given out against the Commissioners of the Church, was proclamed with sound of trumpet. After advisement they thought it lawfull to disobey so unlawfull charges, but nedless and not expedient, seing after them others might succed, and so the work might proceed. So they resolve to depart, committing the cause unto God, and the diligent care of the presbytery of Edinburgh: but fearing, the fearfull tentation of poverty micht prevaile with the weaker sort, and move them to subscribe a Band, which might captiously import the King and Counsells power, to judge of Ministers doctrin, be cause the King had said the day pr••ceeding, They who will not subscribe, shall want their stipends; they thought it requisite, to send unto every presbytery a declaration of their proceedings. The minute of their pro∣ceedings I have now set down. In their declaration they write plainly, that when they were insisting with his Majesty to appear in action against the forfeited Earls, he had converted all his actions against the Ministry with hoter intention, than he could be moved against the adversaries this long time, that so they may be driven from prosecuting their suits against the Papists, and to employ themselves wholly in defense of preaching & disci∣plin; that the restraint of rebuking & censuring sin was the principall Butt aimed at in all this action, because the mystery of iniquity, which hath been intended, begun, and is going forward (whither the purpose be to thrall the gospell by Injunctions or by a policy equivalent to injunctions, or to bring-in liberty of conscience, or if to draw more papistry, which is to be feared for many reasons, and will be reveeled in time) being such as can not abide the light of reprehension, the only advantage of their cause is thought, to consist in extinguishing the light which can discover the unlawfulness of it, that so they may walk-on in darknes without all chal∣lenge untill the truth be overthrown. And because impiety dar not as yet

be so impudent to crave in express termes; that swine be not rebuked, it is sought only, that his Majesty and Counsell be acknowledged judges in mat∣ters Civile and criminall, treasonable and seditious, which shall be utte∣red by any Minister in his doctrin, thinking to draw the rebuke of sin in King, Counsell or their proceedings, under the name of one of these crimes, and so either to restrain the liberty of preaching, or to punish it under the name of some vice, by a pretense of law and justice, and so by time to bind the word of God, and let sin pass with lifted up hand to the highest, &c. Yee see now wha•• was the controversy betwixt the King and the Ministry. * 7.39 The King would have the Ministers to heare the offers made by the forfei∣ted Earls, that they might be reconciled unto the Church. On the other side Ministers urge, that they be removed out of the Country again, and that he do the office of a Magistrate, as becomes him for their treasonous conspi∣racy, the pardon whereof he had professed in the beginning to be above his reach; and their offers import conference, but no confession of an offense; nor were made in sincerity; [as the event did prove.] This could not be ob∣tained: therefore pulpits sounded against the favorers of these; as became faithfull watchmen, to discharge duty in so dangerous a time. Publick re∣buke of publick and crying sins was called into question, and so was the esta∣blished disciplin; and they were driven from the offensive to the defensive part. The Ministry craved but the tryall of Ministers in the first instance to be appertaining unto the Ecclesiasticall Judicatory, for application of doctrine to the rebuke of corruptions and publick offenses, as they should be by the word of God, & practises in former times: but it was refused. What sins did reigne in the land, the catalogue drawn up by the late assem. witnesseth.....Had they not reason then to blow the trumpet, and forewarn the people of Gods judgements, and now when the chief enemies forfeited for unnatu∣rall conspiracy were suffered to return and abide in the Country? The wild border-men stood in greater awe of excommunication by a presby∣tery, than of Letters of horning. I know, a Noble man confessed, that he was more afrayed for the Pr••sbyteries officer [or Sumner] than for an officer of arms. Upon the 16. day of December the King sent for four Ministers of Edinburgh: but Robert Bruce refused to enter into any more commoning, untill the Commissioners of the Church were recalled by als publick & honest a proclamation, as it was unhonest and calumnious (so he called it) by which they were charged to depart. The Secretary after advisement promised, it should be so. Whill they were thus under commoning, there was a purpose to charge of the most zealous Bur∣gesses of Edinburg to depart out of the town, specially these who did watch in the night for savety of their Pastors: for some of the Cubiculares envying the Octavianes (who had the managing of the Kings revenues, whereby the Cubiculares were disappointed of their pensions) had advertised the Ministers, to be upon their guard night and day; and also give advertise∣ment to the chief Octavians to keep their gates shutt: So oile was casten u∣pon the flamm already kindled. The chief Octavianes were President Setoun, Sir James Elphinstoun, M^r Thomas hamilton, the Kings Advocate, and Secretary Lindsay: the cheif Cubiculares were Sir George hume (there∣after Earle of Dumbar) Sir Patrick and David Murrayes, brether of Bal∣vaird. [Many of both these sorts were alwise suspected of Papistry.] Decem∣ber 17. the charge was executed against one of the twenty four. Walter * 7.40 Balcanquell (being advertised before he went to pulpit) layd forth before the people all the proceedings betwixt the King, the Octavians, and the

Ministers; and according to a warrant he had from the Church, he reque∣sted Barons & gentle men present and others well affected, to conveen in the litle Church, and consult how the imminent danger to religion might be prevented. When they were conveened, Robert Bruce layd forth the present dangers, and exhorted them to hold up their hands and swear to the defense of religion presently professed. Then they directed two Noble men, Lindsay & Forbes, two Barons, Bargainny and Blairwhan, and two Bailives of the town, unto the King with certain articles for redressing wrongs done unto the Church, and preventing imminent dangers. They entreat Robert Bruce to accompany them, and to propone the matter. Then hearing, that the King was come to the Tolbooth, they went un∣to him in the upper-house, and the Minister said, The Noblemen, gentle men and others presently conveened, apprehending the danger imminent to religion by hard dealing against the Ministry and zealous professors, have directed some of their number unto your Majesty. What appearance is there of danger? said the King. The burgesses best affected to religion are (under commoning) charged to depart out of town; the Lady Huntly is entertained at Court, and there is vehement suspicion, that her husband is neer at hand. The K. said, What have yee to do with that? and so goeth from them, drawn (as appeared) by the President and others about him. They who were sent, return unto the rest which had sent them, and report thus, Wee went to his Majesty as yee desired: but were not well accepted, nor our gr••evance heard: and now yee have to consider, what is next to be done. It was thought good, to reserve their grievances to a better time, and for the present to knit up a covenant with God, to stand to their profession and defense of the good cause to their last breath. Whereunto they all agree, testifying it by holding up their hands: then was a great applause of the present company. The Minister craves to behave themselves quietly for regard unto the cause. At this time co∣mes a cry from the street, to the Church-door, with these words, Save yourselves, there is a tumult in the striet. Another cry went through the striet with these words, Arme, arme. I heard [saith my Author] a Noble man, a Counseller affir••, that it was one suborned by the Cubiculares, who came to the door, and after went to the striet, and raised the cry: but who it was, it is not yet known. The people within the Church, appre∣hending it was a fight among parties (as was frequent in these dayes) leap to the striets. The greater number of Burgesses being in their houses, sent forth to enquire what the matter meaned: they hear, that the Ministers were in∣vaded, and the cry went, The Ministers are slain: whereupon they run into the striets in arms. The Gentle men which were in the Church, accompanied R. Bruce into his house, and then went to their lodgins, yet purposing to re∣turn into the Church-yaird: for they feared, the Minister was to be invaded. The other Ministers went into the striets, to try what it was: after a litle sapce the gentlemen return into the church-yaird, they call for Robert Bruce, and tell him of the great dis-order among the people by a false alarm, and none could know what was the ground of the fray. They all lament the case, they sent for some of the Magistrates, and entreat them to pacify the people, running some one way, and some another; some to the church, thinking that the Ministers were invaded or slain; and some to the Tol∣booth doore (which was shutt] thinking that the King had been slain. Two or three cried at that doore, for three of the Octavianes, that they might take order with them. Another, cried, The sword of the Lord and

of Gideon. The King sent a charge to the Provest and Bailives to stay the tumult. The people at command of the Magistrates went to their houses, and layd aside their weapons. Whill the Magistrates were doing their best, the King sent the Earle of Marre and Lord Halirudhouse, to the Barons & Ministers conveened in the church-yaird with many and plausible spea∣ches: but some hote words passed betwixt Lindsay & Marre. The Barons and Ministers went into the litle Church again, sate down, and directed the former commissioners (at least the most part of them) to shew his Majesty, that they were grieved at their heart for the tumult, and to beseech him to provide some remedy against the present evills. The King seemed to be well pleased, willed them to set down their petitions, and promised a reasonable answer. Soon thereafter the Lairds of Cesford, Traquair, and Col. Stewart weresent to them, to put them in expectation, that all shall go well. So they disolve with publick thanks giving to God for his gracious providence, disposing such an accident after such a manner, that no man had received harm, and the people had reteered to their houses at the voice of the Magistrates. The Lord Forbes, Bargainny, Blairwhan and Faldounside were directed again with these articles, that such Octa∣vianes as favored the forfeited Earls, and were authors of the present troubls in the Church, be removed, the excommunicated Earls be com∣manded to depart out of the Country, before any of their offers be heard; and the commissioners of the generall assembly be recalled by a publick pro∣clamation. When these came to the utter court of the Palace, they un∣derstood, the King was commoved for the dis-honor, he apprehended done unto him that day: therefore they left off their commission, and vvent to their lodgings. The next day the King vvent to Lithgovv: all that vvere not ordinary inhabitants in Edinburgh vvere commanded to leave it: the Lords of the Session vvere vvarned to be ready to remove, and to sit vvhere they shall be advertised by the next proclamation: the Magistra∣tes vvere commanded to search and apprehend the authors of that hainous attempt. Some of the burgesses vvere committed to sundry vvards: the Ministers of Edinb. were commanded to enter into the castle of the town, because the Kings wrath was hotest against them, and to the end, the chief Octavianes might use them at their pleasure. After advice with some others, it was thought expedient, they should withdraw themselves till the present flamm were over. For all the diligent inquisition which was made many daies, no ground could be found of any conspiracy against the King or any other: only when the tumult was raised, one or two cried to have some of the Octavianes abusers of the King, to take order with them: for which words they were fined. If there had been any intention, to do harm unto any man, what could have himdred then from doing it? there was no party in readiness, able to withstand them. Yee see then, the tu∣mult of Decemb. 17. was no just cause to move the K. to charge the Go∣vernment of the Church, nor to wrong the wholl Nationall Church for the tumult of one town, howbeit their fact had been grounded on bad intenti∣ons; nor may K^s thrust Christs government to the door for the faults of men and bring-in what forms they please. But as no just occasion was givē, so that tumult can not serve so much as for a pretence, seing as it is now discovered, the alteration was intended before December. 17. On the 20. day Pa. Gal∣loway was sent unto the K. at Lithgow: but was not suffered to come neer the King: only a copy of a Band was sent unto him (whereof mention was made before) to be subscribed by the Ministers▪ Under pain of losse of

their stipends: but he and others after him refused for many reasons. The questions (whereof mention was made before) 55. in number came forth in print soon after: and the Convention of the Estates and of the Ministry was appointed to be held at Perth February 29. for consulting upon and determining the jurisdiction spirituall of the Church, alswell in application of doctrin as the whole policy: in all these questions the main point of policy, to wit, the superiority of Bishops was conceiled, howbeit chiefly aimed at. In time of these sturs in Scotland began throughout England the more solemne and pious observation of the Lords * 7.41 day, upon occasion of a book set forth An. 1595. by P. Bound Doctor of Divinity [and enlarged with additions An. 1606.) wherein these fol∣lowing opinions were maintained. 1. The command of sanctifying every seventh day, as in the Mosaicall decalogue, is moral and perpe∣tual. 2. Whereas all other things in the Jewish Church were taken away [priesthood, sacrifices and Sacrament] this sabbath was so changed, that it still remaines. 3. There is a great reason, why we Christians should take ourselves as streightly bound to rest upon the Lords day, as the Jewes were upon their sabbath, it being one of the moral commandements, whereof all are of equal authority. 4. the rest upon this day must be a no∣table and singular rest; a most carefull, exact and precise rest, after ano∣ther manner then men are accustomed. 5. Schollers on that day are not to study the liberal Arts, nor Lawyers to consult the case, nor peruse mens evidentes. 6. Sergeants, Apparitors and Sumners are to be restrained from executing their offices. 7. Justices not to examin causes for the con∣servation of the peace. 8. Ringing of more bells then one that day is not to be justified. 9. No solemn feasts, nor wedding dinners to be made on that day. 10. all honest recreations and pleasures lawfull on other dayes [as shooting, fencing, bowling] on this day is to be forborn. 11. No man to speak or talk of pleasures, or any other worldly matter. It is al∣most incredible, how taking this doctrine was, partly because of its own purity, and partly for the eminent piety of such persons as maintained it; so that the Lords day, especially in Corporations, began to be precisely keept, people becoming a law to themselves, forbearing such sport as by Statute were yet permitted; yea many reioicing at their own restraint herein. On this day the stoutest fencer layd down his buckler; the skilfull Archer un∣bent his bow counting all shooting to be besides the Mark; May-games and Morish-dances grew out of request, and good reason that bells should be silenced from gingling about mens leggs, if their ringing in Steepls were judged unlawfull: some were ashamed of their former pleasures like child∣ren, vvho grovvn bigger blush themselves out of their rattles and vvhi∣stles. Others forbear them for fear of their Superiors, and many left them off out of a Politick compliance, lest othervvise they might be accounted licen∣cious. Yet the learned vvere much divided in their judgement about these doctrines; some embraced them as antient truths consonant to Scripture, long disused and neglected, and now seasonably revived for the encrease of piety. Others conceived them grounded on a wrong bottom; but be∣cause they tended to the manifest advancing of religion, it was pitty to op∣pose them, seing none have just reason to complain, being deceived into their own good. But a third sort flatly fell out with these positions, as gal∣ling mens necks with a Jewish yoak, against the liberty of Christians; that Christ as Lord of the Sabbath had removed the rigor thereof, and allo∣wed men lawfull recreations; that this Doctrine put an unequal Lustre on

the Sunday on set purpose to eclipse all other holy dayes to the derogation of the authority of the Church; that this strict observance was set up of fa∣ction to be a character of difference to brand all for Libertines, who did not entertain it. How ever, for some years together in this controversy, D^r Bound alone carried the Garland, none offering openly to oppose; yea as he in his second edition observes, many both in their preachings, writ∣tings and disputations did concurr with him in that argument: and though Archb. Whitgift in the year 1599. by his Letters had forbidden those books any more to be printed, and Sir John Popham Lord chief Justice in their year 1600. did call them in, yet all their care did but for the pre∣sent make the Sunday set in a cloud, to arise soon after in more brightness for the Archb. his known opposition to the proceedings of the [Anti-epis∣copal] Brethren rendred his actions more odious, as if out of envy he had caused such a pearle to be concealed, and some conceived, though it was most proper for Judge Popham's place to punish fellonious doctrine (which robbed the Queens subjects of their law full liberty) yet he was no compe∣tent Judge in this controversy: and though he had a dead hand against offen∣ders, yet these doctrines (though condemned by him) took the privi∣ledge to pardon themselves, and were published more generally then be∣fore. Th. Fuller in the Church hist. lib. 9.

XXXV. The Synod of Fife meeting at Couper February 8. 3597. ordai∣ned every Presbytery within the bounds to direct two of their number to meet at Santand february 21. to confer and resolve with common consent upon the most solide answers unto these questions, for strengthening the brethren. They sent also some Ministers, to supplicat the King not to hold that Convention, which was appointed to be at Perth, or at least to delay it untill the time of the ordinary assembly, which is to be in Aprile, and to shew unto him, that no presbytery hath power, to give commis∣sion unto any of their brether, to call in question, or put into doubt the determinations & conclusions of the Generall assembly; as also to supplicat his Majesty to relaxe the Ministers of Edinburgh from the horn, and restore David Black to his own place. They set down instructions & limitations unto the Commissioners, that were to be sent from the Presbyteries to Perth, if the dyet shal be keept. The Presbytery of Edinburgh and others did the like. The brethren that were appointed by the Synod of Fife, meet in Santandrews and resolve upon answers to the questions: others also, namely, Pa. Galloway took paines there-in. The Ministers come to Perth february 29; moe out of the north, than were wont to be seen at any Gen. assembly. Great paines was taken by Courtiers & Politicians to divide them into factions: they complain unto the Ministers of the North. that the South Ministers were seveer, undiscreet, arrogant, and usurp the govern∣ment of the wholl, they commend the Ministers of the North as men of better disposition and more discretion, and doubted not, if they were ac∣quainted with his Majesty, they shall in short time see all matters brought to a good point. Sir Patrik murray was diligent in making their acquaintance with the K. and they had accesse late at night, and early in the morning. The cheif of these wrought upon others comming from the North: so they began to look bigg on their brethren, and blamed the Ministers of the south, namely (as they were informed to speak) the Popes of Edinburgh, that they had not handled matters well, and had almost losed the King. Others how beit grieved at such speaches, stood to their instructions both privatly and publickly, so that the sitting of the Assembly was put off for

two or three days. James Nicolson had long conference with the King till midnicht, and when he returned to his chamber, he told James Melvin some of the Kings speaches, insinuations mixed with threatnings, and added, I perceive, the King will wreck himself and the Church both, un∣less we look better about us, and y••eld so fa•• as wee may, rather than lose all James Melvin perceiving him to be changed, said. I see no better resolution▪ than as they have done in former times, to seek God by prayer, and dis∣charge our duties faithfully, committing the event unto God, to whom the cause belongeth; as ••or my selfe, by Gods grace I will never yeeld ••o any thing contrary to what we have sufficiently warranted by his word▪ and have possessed so long with so confortable frutes: If wee passe at this time from the least point, it will shake us loose, disarm us of the trust we have in the equity of our cause, and break that unity, whereby we have stood so strong untill now! On the third day the Ministers were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sir Patrick M••rray in the Kings name; to resolve, Whether they would hold the Assembly, or not? Peter Blackburn Minister at Aberdien ••••ain∣tained, that they might, and James Melvin held the neg••tive▪ The bre∣thren seemed for the most part to encline unto the negative▪ but by the per∣suasive speaches of James Nicolson, and especially by the Kings authority ma∣ny were induced to consent: Commissioners from eight Presbyteries vo∣ted in the negative, that the meeting could not be held for a Generall assem∣bly; and commissioners from elleven allowed it for an extraordinary Generall assembly......They which were in the negative, acknowled∣ged the meeting to be lawfull, and that they came in obedience unto his Ma. but not as having the power of a Gen. assembly, but rather to remitt the finall answer unto the Assembly; it was a meeting of the Ministry upon the Kings missives sent unto them, and others than Ministers should be members of the Generall Assembly according to the acts and practise of the Church, and whereas the Moderator of the preceeding Assembly was wo•••• to begin with exhortation and prayer, and then a Moderator was chosen, now by instigation of Courtiers David Lindsay Minister at Lieth took upon him the office of Moderator without election. The former Clerck being defunct, now another was not chosen, nor taken sworn accor∣ding to the former order. So here order and unity was broken. So for from the beginning of Section 34. I have written out of The Historicall Nar∣ration: Now I returnt unto the book of the Assemblies. I. In Sess. 3. March 2. The Kings Commissioners do present the articles following with this preamble; Seing the quietnes of the Church, and the freeing of the same from slander. which upon the contrary effects would necessarily follow, is the chief Butt and end, at which his Majesty shuteth in the conveening & holding of this present Assembly: Therefore and for avoiding fashions and longsom disputations, whereupon diverse uncomely controversies and debates may arise, his Majesty hath thought good to remitt the decision of a great number of the pretended questions to a better opportunity, to be reasoned in the mean time by such as shall be authorized by commission to that effect; and for the present shall content himself with the decision of these few articles following, having made choice of none but such as neces∣sity of time could not permitt to be delayd, without great harm and slander to follow. 1. That it be not thought unlawfuli either to the Prince or any of the Pastors at any time heerafter, to move doubts, reason or crave re∣formation in any point of the externall policy & government or disciplin of the Church, that are not essentially concerning salvation, or is not answe∣red

affirmativè or negativè by any expresse part of the Scripture, Providing it be done decenter, in right time and place, animo aedisicandi, non tentandi. 2. Seing the Civill & Politicall government of the Church belongeth ala∣nerly unto the King, his Officers and Counsell, and is no way pertinent to the Spirituall Ministry of the word; that no Minister shall hereafter at any time medle with matters of the Estate, in the pulpit, or with any of his Maj. lawes, statutes and ordinances; but if any Minister shall think any of them hurtfull to religion, or contrary unto the word, they shall privatly complain thereupon unto the King or his Counsell. 3. It shall not be lawfull to the Pastors to name any particulare mans name in the pulpit, or so vively to describe them, as may be equivalent with their naming, excep upon the notoriety of a crime; this not oriety may only be defined by the guilty person being fugitive for the time, or being condemned by an as∣syse, or excommunicate, for the same. 4. Every Minister in his appli∣cation shall have only respect to the edification of his own flock and present auditors, without exspatiating upon other discourses no way pertinent to that congregation. 5. Every particular presbytery shall be commanded to take diligent heed unto their Pastors doctrin, and that he keep himself within the bounds of the premisses. 6. That summary excommunication be discharged as inept, and that three lawfull citations, at least of eight dayes intervall betwixt every one of them, preceed the Sentence. 7. That no Session, Presbytery nor Synod use their censures upon any, but them that are resident within the bounds committed unto them; otherwise their decreets and Sentences to be null. 8. All summons shall contain a speci∣all ca••se and crime, and none super inquirendis to be summoned, quod est merè tyrannicum. 9. That no meeting or conventions be among Pastors without his Maj. knowledge & consent, excep their ordinary Sessions, Presbyteries & Synods. 10. That in all the principall townes Ministers be not chosen without the consent of their own flock and of his Majesty; and that order to be begun presently in the planting of Edinburgh. 11, That all matters concerning the rest of his Maj. questions be suspended, unmed∣led-with either in pulpit or any other Judicatory, whill first all his Hieness questions be fully decided, specially, that all matters emporting slander come not in before them in the mean time, wherein his autority Roiall is prejudged highly, but only in causes meerly ecclesiasticall. 12. That se∣ven or eight wise & discreet Ministers be authorized by commission to reason upon the rest of the questions, as opportunity of time shall serve. 13. That they give commission to the Ministry of the North to be at a point with Huntly; and if he satisfy them, to absolve him. For the better answering these articles, the Assembly ordaines certain brethren chosen ••ut of every Shyre presently conveened, to give their advice & Overture upon them, and thereafter to report them unto the Assembly. These wer 21 in number, of whom nyne wer Bishops thereafter. In Sess. 5. the brether being desired by the Kings Commissioner (sent for that effect) to repair unto the place. where his Majesty and Estates were presently sitting, to conferr on the fore∣said Articles; at his Maj. desire they went to the Counsell-house: and there before any reasoning (after his Majesty had discoursed of the things to be pro∣pounded) protested in manner following, Sir, forsomuch as wee are come hither to testify our obedience unto your Majesty, and to heare what shall be propounded by your Majesty unto us, In all reverence we protest, that this our meeting be not esteemed, as if wee made our selves an assembly with the Estates, or do submitt any matter ecclesiasticall either concerning doctrin or

disciplin unto this Judicatory, but after that wee have conferred and reaso∣ned with your Majesty concerning the articles propounded unto us, we must return to the ordinary place of our assembly, there to reason, vote and resolve in all these points according to the word of God and good consci∣ence; And this our protestation we most humbly crave, may be admitted in your Maj. books of Counsell, for eschuing inconveniente, that hereafter may arise. This protestation was ratified, iterated, and confirmed by his Ma. So after some reasoning upon the articles the brethren were dimitted. In Sess. 6. the same day, they gave their answers, agreeing simpliciter unto the first, second, fourth, eight, tenth & elleventh; unto the third, with this ad∣dition, that the notoriety be defined, if the person be fugitive, convict by an Assise, excommunicat, contumax after citation or lawfull admonition; Unto the fifth with this change, That he keep himselfe within the bounds of the word. Unto the nynth with exception of visitations of churches, admission & deprivation of Ministers, reconciling of enmities and such like: Unto the twelth also, and to that effect they appoint Ministers Ja. Nicolson, Jo. Cauld••leuch, An. Clayhills, D. Lindsay, Tho. Buchanan, Ja. Melvin, R. Wilky, W. Couper, Io. Couper, Ia. Brison, Ro. Rolock, Pa. Galioway, Io. Duncanson, & Ro. Howy, To treat of the questions, and re∣port their advice unto the next Gen. assembly, Referring the time and place of conveening unto his Ma. The sixth and seventh articles are refetred to the next gen. assembly. Concerning the 13. they give commission unto the Ministers of Murray and Aberdien Presbyteries to insist in conference with Huntly: and they adioyn five Ministers out of Merns and Anguse: and ordain them to report his answers to the articles given them in commission for his tryall. II. In Sess. 7. the articles for tryall of the Earle of Huntly are 1. That from the day of his compearance before the said commissioners, he shall make his constant residence in Aberdien, that he be not abstracted from hearing the word and ordinary conference, enduring the time appointed for the same. 2. That he be well enformed with knowledge to condescend in the principall grounds of religion affirmativè, and the untruth of the er∣rors contrary unto the same: and that he be able to give a reason of his know∣ledge in some measure. 3. That he be brought to a plain acknowledging of the Church within this Country, and professe himselfe adioined to the same as an obedient member thereof: and be content to hear the word, to parti∣cipate the sacraments, and obey the disciplin of the Church, as presently avowed by the K. and Estates. 4. That he solemily promise by word and written band to remove out of his company & wholl bounds under his power, all Iesuits, priests and excommunicat persons. 5. That he swear and s••bscribe the Confession of faith in presence of all the Commission••rs. 6. That he agree to satisfy in the church of Aberdien in most humble manner for his apostasy, and there renew the foresaid promises and bandes in most solem manner. 7. That he declare his grief and repentance for the slaughter of the Earle of Murray, and promise to make assithment [or satisfaction] unto the party, when it shall be accepted: and declare his foresaid repentance and grief at th•• time of his foresaid publick satisfaction. 8. Because by occasion of service done to his Ma. in pursuing the said Earle by force and otherwise, sundries in these parts have incurred his displeasure, that he be content, to re∣move all these occasions with such convenient diligence as these commissio∣ners shall think expedient. 9. for declaratiō of his sinceer adjoyning with us, that he be content at their sight, and advice of his best disposed friends to pro∣vide sufficient stipends unto his churches. 10. That he shall acknowledge

his faults, for which he was justly excommunicat, especially, his apostasy and the burning of Dunibr. 11. That he shall have an ord. Minister continually resident in his family; With power to them, to conveen March 22. in∣stant, or sooner if they can; and to confer with Huntly, and to resolve in the articles named, and to report his resolution at the next Gen. Assembly to be holden at Dundy May 10. next. III. Upon petitions presented in names of the Earls of Anguse and Arroll, the Ministers of Murray and Aberdien are ordained to confer likewise with Arroll, and the Ministers of Anguse & Merns are ordained to confer with the Earle of Anguse, Upon the same articles, excepting these concerning the slaughter of Murray, and to report their resolutions, as said is, And these commissions to be exten∣ded unto the Lairds of Bonitoun and Newtoun, if they offer themselves to satisfy the Church, And if these excommunicat persons or any of them shall resort to any other place within the realm, the assembly gives full po∣wer, and commission to the Ministers of the Presbytery where they shall happen to resort, to travell and confer with them in the above written ar∣ticles. IV. Articles sent unto the King by the Ministry are. 1. It is humbly craved, that your Majesty with advice of the Estates presently con∣veened, considering how it hath pleased God, to give good success to this present convention, and that all things here concluded tend to the peace and quietness of the whole estates within this Country, and the disappointing of the expectation of the adversaries, Would publish by open proclamation the good successe of this present convention, Together with the declaration of your Ma^s intention uttered by your selfe at this time in presence of your Estates, Declaring your good will, to maintain the true religion presently professed within your Country, with the disciplin adjoyned thereunto, and the Ministers to whom the charge of the same is committed; And to declare, that your Majesties will is, that whatsoever law, Act or proclamation hath been made prejudiciall to the same, shall be esteemed contrary to your Majesties meaning, and to have no force nor effect in any time hereafter; And that none of your subjects pretend under color thereof, to molest or trouble any of the saids Ministers, but that they be under your Majesties protection, And that you will esteem the con∣troveeners as troublers of your esta••e, and punish them accordingly. 2. That all Papists, Jesuits and excommunicates remaining within the Countrey, be charged to passe out of it before May 1. next, or to satisfy the Church: and if they obey not before that day, that Sherifs, Provests and Bailives be commanded to apprehend them within their bounds, and present them unto your Ma. or Counsell, to be punished according to lawes; And if these be negligent in apprehending them, that commssion be given to certain most zealous persons and willing to do the same. 3. That it may please your Majesty according to your wonted clemency, to relaxe presently the Ministers of Edinb. from the horn, and suffer them peaceably to remain within the Country; as also to relieve and set at freedom the Gentle men Professors of Religion, who now are under challenge, seing your Majesty knowes, that their love to Religion moved them to these things, where with they are burdened. 4. Seing Edinburgh hath that honor, to be the chief Burgh of this country, and the place where Religion since the be∣ginning hath been most florishing, and now are both destitute of their own Ministers, and called from time to time before your Majesty, which is no small grief to their hearts, in respect, your Majesty knowes, that the greatest part of the Town are most willing, to give your Majesty all obe∣dience,

and to hazard life and substance for your Majesties standing, That it may please your Majesty favorably to deal with them according to your accustomed gentleness, that it may appeare, your Majesty is more encli∣ned to shew favor unto them who mean uprightly unto your Hieness, than to Papists: wee are moved to crave this, that all your subjects may see a ge∣nerall agreement. 5. That it may please your Majesty, seeing David Black hath obeyed the things were enjoyned unto him, to give him lyberty to return to his flock, and also John Welsh, and John Howeson. 6. Be∣cause many complaints of hurting & mutilating Ministers, are given in be∣fore us, namely......We most humbly crave, that your Majesty will take some substantiall order for punishing the offenders to the example of others. 7. That provision be made for planting of Churches, and that the augmentations and planting of new Churches ordained in the year 1595 be allowed, Follow the answers; The first is granted in substance: the 2. is granted: concerning the first part of the 3. the Ministers of Edinburg are ordained to be relaxed upon caution, that they shall underly the law: as for these Gentle men, let them by mediation of friends be suiters for them∣selves. As for the 4. his Majesty will no way trouble innocent men, but only the guilty, and mindeth to be at a point with them shortly. Con∣cerning the 6. a commission is ordained to call and punish the offenders. And certain persons are appointed to take order alswell for planting chur∣ches as with the augmentations that are granted. So it is written in the book, B. Spotswood shewes, that the advice of the deputed Ministers concerning the 13. articles was conceived by them otherwise, as. 1. They held it not expedient to make any law or Act of that matter, lest a door be opened to turbulent spirits, otherwise they did think it lawfull to his Majesty by himself or by his Commissioners to propound in a Gen. assembly, what soever point his Majesty desired to be resolved in or to be reformed in specie externi ordinis seing substantia externae administrationis Eccelesiasticae est ple∣nissime prodita insacris literis......For the. 2. Their advice was, that that the Acts already made, which are hurtfull to religion, and prejudi∣ciall to the liberty of the word should be discharged, and no Act to be past hereafter concerning religion without advice & consent of the Church; As for matters of Estate mentioned in the article, they craved a further ex∣planation of that point. He goeth on in the rest of them, in that manner: and he saith, that the King held not these sufficient: and a little after, he saith, Hereupon ensued a reasoning, which keeped a long time, and en∣ded in good agreement, and so the Ministers were dimitted [to wit, from the Counsell] and assembling in the ordinary place, they corrected their first answers in this sort, to wit, as it is written. But how long time that rea∣soning did take up, it may be understood that the assembly did conveen first in the church, where the Kings Commissioners desired them to go unto the King; and all the speaches on both sides, and all the reasonings were ended before midday; and the same day they conveened in their sixth Session. But the author of The Historicall Narration saith, The advice of the brethren was approved, but again altered through pretended haste, and otherwise conceived, and set down in the register: no reasoning was in publick. Which of the two is to be believed, I leave to decide. The fifth article which the Ministry propound unto the King, is not answered in the book and B. Spotswood supplieth the third, saying, The King esteemed the Ministers most guilty, and knew not what course to take with them. It being replied, that by examinations taken, it appeared, that they all;

especially Robert Bruce was a chief instrument in staying the tumult, and therefore they should be rewarded rather than punished. He answe∣red, Granting they did stay the tumult, yet they were the cause of it, and if they were they were first corrected for that fault, he would not be much troubled with their reward: not the less at theassemblies request, he will be contenr they be relaxed upon caution to underly tryall of law And in the next page he saith, The Ministers were permitted to return, and had their peace granted, but not suffered to preach in their places; the King taking now the occasion of finishing the work, which some two years be∣fore had been moved, for distributing the people [of Edinburgh] into se∣verall parishes, and planting moe Ministers among them. Here I add a remarkable comparison of preceeding Assemblies with this and others fol∣lowing, as it is word by word in The Hist. Narr. 1. Before the spiritual * 7.42 office-bearers appointed time and place of meeting; after, they were ap∣pointed where & when it pleased the King. 2. They were directed by the word of God; after, by the Kings letters, commissions or speaches. 3. Before, matters were propounded in simplicity of heart, and brethren were directed to seek light out of the word by conference, meditation, prayer; after, courses were plotted in the Kings Cabinet, and all meanes were used for execution accordingly, and impediments removed: every man is observed, and either commended or censured, as, this man is the Kings man, an honest man, a discreet man, a peaceable man, he goeth this way; That man is seditious, brain sick, factious, he reasoneth in the contrary. 4. Before, matters were discussed at length, pleasantly, without contrrole∣ment, and the wholl number acquiesced to reason; Now, if a man that stands for the truth insist, and can not be shifted with a frivolous distinguo, the King (if he be present) falleth upon him, beares him down, and puts him to silence. 5. Before, the common aim was at Gods glory, and the good of the Church: the presence of such as were learned, zealous, holy and po∣werfull preachers procured good order & reverence to the Assembly: Now the Prince's presence or purpose is only regarded: an honest man is taunted & mocked either by gesture or speach. 6. Men of best gifts (before) had free accesse, and their gifts were employd: Now plots are layd down, how none shall have place, but such as will serve to the purpose. 7. Before, matters were put to deliberation and to voting freely & indifferently; now, nothing is suf∣fered to be agitat in publick, but that which the Kings men are sure to car∣ry with plurality of voices: and to this the catalogue of Commissioners na∣mes must be viewed, that they may know, who will vote with them, and who against them; and when the roll is called, the wonted order is not observed, but as at this last Assembly, such are called as favor the course. 8. In a word, the advancement of Christs Kingdom was sought before; now the chief care is to frame & conform the policy of the Church to the estate of a free Monarch, and to advance his supream and absolute power in all causes. Wee shall have occasion to point at more in parriculare after∣ward. The same author shewes, that the innocency of the Ministers of Edinburgh was tryed and found by the tryall of others. D. Black was suffe∣red to return out of his confinement to Santandrews. This shew of calm∣ness made many the more secure: and in the m••an time the plots were a lay∣ing. The next Generall assembly was held in May at Dundy: when it was lawfully begun by the doctrine of Robert Pont the last chosen Mode∣rator, the members were wearied with attending on Robert Rolock's co∣ming, whom the King intended to have Moderator: he was a godly &

Iearned man, but credulous, not so fitt for Government and disciplin as for the pulpit and schools; nor was made privy to all the mysteries of in∣iquity, * 7.43 that were then in working, but only so far as the plotters thought needfull. His old Master, Thomas Buchanan was now wonne to the Kings side, and tooned & tutored him as he saw fitting: they thought, the estimation men had of him, would enduce many to their course: so much travell was taken in his election. The Ministers that were acquain∣ted before, brought others of any note to be acquainted with the King: this was their exercise morning & evening. After that terrors and threats were carried to Andrew Melvin to drive him out of the town: the King sent for him, and after some rough conference, was dimitted calmly. So far in that place. Before I enter upon the Acts of this Assembly, it is to be mar∣ked, that B. Spotswood saith here, In this Assembly M^r Robert Rolock was elected to Preside, thogh he was not as yet in orders. It is doubted, what he meaneth here, seing the Christian world knowth, that Robert Rolock was a famous Minister many years before that time, as is cleare by his lear∣ned Commentaries, namely, that on the Ephesians was published in the year 1590. as the epistle in the reprintings do still carry, and the tittle page calleth him Minister of Edinburgh: I omitt that he was a member of severall assemb. before. Wee may guesse at one of two causes, why he hath wirtten so; one, that he thought imposition of hands to be the proper work or prerogative of prelats; and so where is no prelate, can be no ordination. But by what law? certainly not by a law of God. Where is it? By the ordinance of man, he would say. That was not universall, before Po∣pery prevailed, as is before in Century XI; nor after the Reformation, as appeares by the Churches of France, Low Germany, Helvetia, &c. and also of Scotland, where episcopacy was abjured, and also condemned by Acts of Parliament, yea and the word Order in that sense is a meer Popish term, never known in the world but since they devised the degrees of the Catararchy or (as they call it) Hierarchy; yea and the Papists hold that imposition of hands is but accidentary or not necessary unto Orders, seing our Savior layd not hands on this Apostls; as Bellarmin de ordin. sacram witnesseth of some PP. and Schoolmen judging so. For clearing this doubt is a question, Which of these two is most properly a Pastor, he that hath not received imposition of hands, and hath received from Christ pastorall gifts, and a call from a flock, & obeyth the call in feeding that flock conscienciously; Or he that hath received imposition of hands, and hath the charge of 100 or 200 flocks, and they never seek him, nor see him, but he waites upon other affaires not belonging to a pastorall charge? I grant, in the Court of Rome, and in the judgement of Satan, a ceremony is better then substance. But the question is, Which of the two is the truest Pa∣stor in the ballance of the Sanctuary? Can any consciencious man think, as the Court of Rome judgeth? Another motive may be thought, that since, that Writer was guilty of perjury (for many times had he sub∣scribed that Confession abjuring Hierarchy, and yet took a Prelacy one af∣ter another) he could not speak nor write a good word of that disciplin, into which he had sworn so oft, nor of the maintainers of it, but with some spight, as appeares throgh all his booke, which he calleth The History of the Church of Scotland, but may rather be called, The calumnies and railings a∣gainst the Church of Scotland, whereof he was an enemy, and by which he was justly and solemly excommunicated in the year 1638. What is in that book, of the faith, doctrine or piety of the Church? Many of these ca∣lumnies

in this posthum book, he had written before in a Reply ad Epist. Philadelphi, and it was told him in the Vindiciae, that he had written against his conscience: It is, said Pag. 50. Why should one believe a man, who makes not conscience of his words? And Pag. 56. Whatsoever may have the shew of a reproach, this ingrateson scrapeth together, to spue it out against his Mother, the Church. In which words envy, which appeares throughout, vented it self wholly: for what can be said or forged in a Narration more wickedly, than to be si∣lent in that which is good, and to proclame what is evill, [or which may make a shew of evill?] And Pag. 67. Should not a Bishop, whe, though he were a Papist, yet should at least have the shaddow of gravity, be ashamed to fain [like a brawling wife] what all men know to be false? And because in that pamphlet he had written (as he doeth oft in this later book) that the King applied himself (contrary to his mind) unto the will of the Ministers, it was told him, Pag. 59. What can be spoken more vilely and unworthily, against the Royall honor, then that he applied his will unto the wicked endeavours of his subjects, and loosed the raines unto the boldnesse and crimes of wicked men? But this is the imprudence (by the just judgement of God) of flatterers, that when they wold most earnestly catch, they do most offend. So that in a word, who∣soever regardeth the honorable memory of K. James VI. or the credite of the Church of Scotland, will not believe that book of lies and calum∣nies. I return unto that Assembly. I. The first three Sessions were taken up with the election of a Moderator and Clerk, and one ordinance, that Acts of every Assembly should be formed by certain brethren, and be publickly read before the dissolving of the Assembly, and be in-booked. II. The 4. and 5. Sessions have some particulare references. III. In Sess. 6. The Commissioners that were appointed to deall with the ex∣communicat Earles, report their diligence severally, and that they submitt themselves unto the Church in all the prescribed articles. The Assembly ordaines the same Commissioners to see the performance of their promises in all the articles, so far as possibly can be performed for the time; and af∣ter performance, to absolve them from ••he Sentence of excommunication, and to receive them into the bosom of the Church. IV. In Sess. 7. Notes in form of declaration of certain of the Acts of the G. Ass. holden at Perth in Febr. last, for explaining his M^s and the Assemblie's meaning for the satisfa∣ction of them, which were not acquainted therewith, and which are or∣dained to be registred in the Acts of this present assemb. 1. Concerning the lawfulness of the said Ass. holden at Perth, it's declared, that one of the reasons moving the brethren, to acknowledge the lawfulnes of that Ass. is found to have been, that the Commissioners of the Church had accorded with his Maj. therein, as is expressely set down in his Maj. Letters. 2. The reason moving the Ass. to grant the more willingly to the second article concerning the reproving his Maj. lawes, was that his Maj^s earnest & constant affection to the religion, and obedience to the word, was evidently known unto the said Ass. and that it was his M^s declared will & intention, alwayes to frame his lawes & wholl Government according to the same: for this cause the Ass. agreeth to the said article. 3. Concerning the article ordaining no mans name to be expressed in pulpit, excepting notorious crimes, &c. the point of notoriety is further defined, If the crime be so manifest and known to the world ut nulla tergiversatione celari possit. 4. Concerning the Article ordaining that no convention of Pastors bee without his Ma. consent, &c. His Ma^s consent is declared to be extended to all and whatsoever form of G. Ass. or speciall, permitted & authorized by his law, and as they have warrant in the

word of God; As being the most authentick form of consent, that any King can give. 5. Concerning the article of providing Pastors to Burghs, It is declared, that the reason thereof was & is, that his Majesty was content and promised, that where the Gen. assembly findeth it necessa••y to place any person or persons in any of the saids townes, his Majesty and the flock shall either give their consent thereunto, or a sufficient reason of the refu∣sall, To be propounded either unto the wholl Assembly, or to a competent number of the commissioners thereof, as his Majesty shall think expedient. V. Answers to the rest of his Maj^s questions, as they were propounded by his Majesty and his Commissioners in the present assembly. 1. Concer∣ning the propositions craving that before the conclusion of any weighty matters ••oncerning the estate of his Hieness or of his subjects, his Ma^s ad∣vice & approbation be craved thereunto, that the same being approved by his Ma. may have the better execution, and if need require, be authorized by law; the assembly craves most humbly, that his Ma. either by himselfe or his Commissioners, in matters concerning his estate or the wholl estate of his subjects, and others of great weight & importance, that have not been treared before, would give his advice and approbation thereunto, be∣fore any conclusion of the same; And for the better obedience to be given to the like statutes in all time coming, that his Majesty would ratify the same either by Act of Parliament or Secret Counsell, as shall be thought needfull. The which his Majesty promiseth to do, according to his proposition: which was accepted and allowed by the wholl assem∣bly. 2. The Assembly ordaines that there be an uniformity in the ordi∣nation of Ministers throghout all the Country by imposition of hands: and that they be admitted to certain flocks, upon the which they shall be astricted to attend according to Acts of Assemblies made before; And or∣daines that none who is not admitted to the Ministry, be permitted to teach in publick and great places, except upon very urgent necessity in defect of actuall Ministers they be ordained to supply such wants, by the presbyteries, provinciall or generall assemblies: who shall take diligent order, that they keep themselves within the bounds of their gift, and specially in application. 3. That no Pastor exerce any juris∣diction either in making constitutions, or leading process without ad∣vice & concurrence of Session, Presbitery, Provinciall or Generall As∣sembly. 4. That all Sessions be elected with consent of their own con∣gregations. 5. That all Sessions, Presbyteries and Provincialls use such form in all their processes, as may be found lawfull & formall, and able to abide tryall: the which shall be registred in matters of importance: And to this effect ordaines the proceedings of privat Sessions to be sighted at Presbyteries; and the proceedings of Presbyteries at the Provinciall Sy∣nods, and the proceedings of the Synods at the Generall Assemblies. 6. That in the Exercise, when the Ministry are conveened at their Pres∣byteries, no application be used. 7. That in the determination of mat∣ters of importance, where the votes shall be different upon two or three only, nothing be concluded, till better resolution; and that in such diffe∣rence he who sustaines the negative, shall give Rationem negandi. 8. The Presbyteries shall meddle with nothing in their judicatory, which shall not befound without controversy proper to the Ecclesiasticall judgement; and that in this an uniformity be keept in all the Countrey. 9. That all processes and acts be extracted unto all parties having interest, where is a written process. 10. Assembly delayes to answer the article concerning

summary excommunication, untill the next Generall Assembly; and in the mean time suspends all summary excommunication; Yet in great crimes, a publick intimation thereof is to be made, and the committer is to be su∣spended à sacris, and prohibited à privato convictu. 11. If any Presby∣tery shall be desired by his Majesties missive to stay the proceeding of any thing prejudiciall to the Civill Jurisdictions or privat mens right, it is or∣dained, that the Presbytery shall desist in that matter, untill they send unto his Majesty for his satisfaction therein. VI. In Sess. 9. The king being present declares, that seing the shortness of time hindreth sun∣dry things of weight not only concerning particular flocks, but the e∣state of the wholl Church, as the planting of particular congregations, and of all the Churches remaining as yet unplanted in default of honest entertainment, and a solid order to be taken for the sustentation of all the Ministry, that they be not compelled (as heretofore) to wait upon the Modifiers of stipends, and his care and earnest desire ever hath been, and as yet continues, that every Church may have a Pastor honestly sustained; Therefore he willeth them to consider, whither it be not expedient, that a generall commission be granted to certain brethren to conveen with his Majesty for effectuating the premisses. For this end fourteen Ministers, are named, or any seven of them, to conveen with his Majesty and to make such Overtures, as they can best devise concerning the constant Plat; and generally to give their advice to his Majesty in all affaires concerning the well of the Church, and entertainment of peace, and obedience to his Majesty with expresse power & command to them, to propound unto his Majesty the petitions & grievances of the Church in generall, and of every member thereof, as shall be shewd unto them Promitten, &c. VII. A supplication of John Retorford, who was deposed by the presbytery of Santand. was referred by the preceeding assembly unto this; and now is re∣ferred unto the above mentioned commissioners or any seven of shem, to be examined and decided. VIII. James wood of Bonitoun craves a con∣ference in matters of religion; and that the assembly would interceed be∣twixt his father and him, as he professes to give all satisfaction both to them and his father, that he may be absolved from excommunication. The as∣sembly appointes certain brethren to deale both with him, and then with his father. IX. The next Assembly is appointed at Sterline the first tuysday of May 1598. It is clear by the first Act of this Assembly, and by the Notes of declaration, that this Assembly was not content with the booking of the former Acts. II. By the gratious providence of God •• plot was discovered in the same moneth of May: Hugh Barclay of Lady-land been committed the year preceeding in the castle of Glasgow, and escaping went to Spain, that year entred into the Isle Elsa with some complices, intending to fortify it for the service of Spain▪ John Knox getting intelligence went with some others into the Isle: Hugh thought that none in the Countrey knew of his purpose, and all his folks being abroad in the Isle, came to see who these were, and when he perceived, that they were set for apprehending him, he ran into the sea, and drowned himself. The Popish Earles hearing this newes, did the more readily perform obedience unto the articles that were demanded of them. And this shewes that the fear of the former year was not altogether vain. III. Concerning this generall Commission, The * 7.44 Historicall Narration observeth, that whereas before Commissioners were appointed to present articles, petitions or grievances unto the King Par∣liament and Counsell, now these have commission to sit with the King

and exerce jurisdiction, and they having accesse unto the King when they pleased, and commission to sit and consult with him, began to change their manners: they would rule both in and out of Assemblies. Matters which were to be treated in the Generall assemblies, were first prepared by them at Court, Some were put in the roll for fashion; and were not made privy to the secret plots: for seven were sufficient ••o site and plot what they pleased. So these Commissioners were a wedge taken out of the Church, to rent her with her own forces; and this generall commission was the very needle to drawe-in episcopacy. In Juny following these conveeening with the King at Falkland reduced the Sentence of deposition pronounced by the Presbytery of Santandrews against John retorford for non residency and not waiting on his calling, but practizing Medicine, In July they removed David Black out of Santand. and placed George gladstanes in his roome, who was one of these commissioners, and thereafter B. of Santandr. They displaced also Robert Wallace another Min. there, because he had spo∣ken against John Lindsay Secretary; and this they did against the will of the presbytery, alledging, that they had not power to take away any action from them which was in process, and not decided. They made also a Visitation of the Colledges, and made new canones concerning the election of the Rector, and his continuance to be but for a year; and the exemption * 7.45 of all the Masters from the Church Session. Concerning the next stepp unto Prelacy (which was the vote in Parliament) The Historicall Narration saith, At the Parliament in December 1597. the workmen for Episcopacy, the commissioners of the Assembly presented a petition in name of the church that Ministers may have vote in Parliament. They had not commission to petition it either for the Church in generall, or for Ministers in particu∣lare. It is true, it was an old complaint of the Generall assemblies, that others, who had the Benefices of the Prelacies did vote in Parliament in name of the Church, and therefore they petitioned, that none do vote in name of the Church, but they who shall have commission from the Church, if there were any necessity, that some must vote in name of the Church, but that Ministers in particula••e should vote in Parliament, was not petitio∣ned. The Assembly in October 1581. being required by the King to give some Overture, how he shall not be prejudged, seing they have damned the office of Bishops, whereunto is annexed a temporall jurisdicti∣on, by whom the Prince was served by voting in Parliament, assisting in Counsell, contributing in taxations, and the like: Thretty Barons and Commissioners from Burrous and Ministers, were appointed to consult apart upon it. After consultation they returned to the Assembly with this Overture; that for voting in Parliament and assisting in Counsell, commissioners from the Generall assembly shall supply the place of Pre∣lates, as for exercing criminall and Civill jurisdiction, the head Bailives may exerce it. The Assembly allowed the Overture, but did not determin to send commissioners for that effect. When the same question was propounded by the Convention of Estates in Octob. 1582. answer was returned from the assembly, that they would not consent, any should vote, but they who bear office in the Church, and were authorized with commission from the Church: but they did not determin, whither Min. or Barons or Burgesses who were Elders. The Assembly in May 1592. enjoined every brother to consider whither Minister may vote in Parliament in place of the old Prelates: but no conclusion was resolved-upon. So the As∣semblies were never earnest for vote in Parliament, but complained, that

the Lords which had the abbacies. priories and Bishopricks, voted in name of the Church, by whom the Church was damnified in sufficient mainte∣nance for the Service of God, or answered to the King complaining for the want of the third Estate. But the ground is not right, that of necessi∣ty the Church must be an Estate of Parliament: for by the Church is mea∣ned either the Ministry only according to the Popish sense, taking the Clergy only for the Church; Ot the Ministry together with the commo∣nality of Professors, which is the right acceptation of the word: Mini∣sters may not lawfully sit as members in Parliament, because the Parlia∣ment is a Civile Court or great Counsell conveened for making Lawes concerning rights of inheritances, weights and measures, forfeitures, losse of limbs or life and the like, whereof Ministers should not make lawes, seing they are set apart to preach the gospell, &c, And howbeit Church-affaires or matters of religion be somtime treated in Parliament, yet it is a Civile assembly, and their proceeding or sanction of such lawes is Civile. If yee will comprehend all the p••ofessors or members of the Church under the name of the Church; then all the subjects within the kingdom shall make but the third Estate; or the wholl Country is but a part of the Parlia∣ment. Moreover the subjects being considered materially, they are the same persons both in the Church and Commonwealth; but considered with diverse respects, they are distinguished formally: as citizens of the Kingdom, their body is represented in Parliament; as members of the Church, they should medle only with things spirituall in their Judicato∣ries and Councells. The truth is; None voteth in Parliament in name of the Church or as ecclesiasticall persons, but only as Barons or in respect of the Baronies annexed to the Bishoprick, abbacy or priory. So that if pre∣lates were not Barons, the Church would have no vote. I grant, Ministers may be present at Parliaments, but with the book of God in their hands, if they be required in any doubt; nor should the Estates make any Act eoncerning religion without the advice and consent of her representative Body: but Ministers should not be members of that Court, nor none other in name of the Church. The Noble men, who possessed the great * 7.46 Benefices, and so many others, as they could move to assist them, op∣posed this vote: but by the Kings earnest dealing with sundries, it was granted, that so many as his Majesty shall provide to the office, place title & dignity of Bishop, abbot or other prelate shall at all times have vote in parliament. It was thought, no honest man in the Ministry would ac∣cept these titles & dignities; and the Estates were the more liberall in their grant. The consideration of the office was remitted to the consultation & agreement of the King & generall assembly, but expressely without pre∣judice of the Jurisdiction & disciplin of the Church in Generall or Provinci∣all assemblies, presbyteries & Sessions. But what office of Bishop, abbot or prior should be, and not prejudiciall to the disciplin of the Church, is hard to determin. The Commissioners, as if they had procured a great benefite to the Church, sent their Missives to the presbyteries, to inform them, with what difficulty they had obtained this, and what danger was in delay: and therefore had anticipate the time of the Assembly, and with the Kings consent had appointed it to be holden the seventh of March. Under fair pretenses the diets appointed by ordinary assemblies were alte∣red, and either anticipated to surprize men, or prorogated till they had prepared persons, or dressed purposes, till at last the whole liberty of ap∣pointing any diet at all, was reft out of their hands. In the Missives they

inform lykewise what order was taken for the Plat and provision of stipends, to make the other point the more acceptable.

XXXVI. Nevertheless, the judicious and sinceerer sort of the Mini∣stry * 7.47 discover the Mystery of iniquity lurking in this pretended benefite of Ministers-vote in Parliament, at the Synode especially of Lothian and Fife about the end of February. In the Synod of Fife David Ferguson (the antientest Minister of Scotland) had a discourse of the travell and paines taken by the Ministry, to purge this Church from the corrupt estate of Bishops: But now (sayd he) I perceive a purpose to erect it again: I can compare the manner of bringing it in to nothing more fitly than to that which the Greeks devised for the overthrow of Troy, by trimming up a brave horse, and by a crafty Sinon persuading them to demolish a part of their walls with their own hands, to receive that for their honor & wellfare, which served to their utter wreck & destruction: therefore he would with the two brethren, which had already given warning, cry, Equo ne credite Teucri. John Davidson being there occasionally, sayd, Busk him als bonily as yee can, and bring him als fairly as yee will, wee see him well enough: see how he sets up the horns of his miter. Sir Patrick Murray had been directed to this Synod from the King, and a missive was sent from Commissioners of the Generall Assembly, persuading to accept so great a benefite, which was procured with great difficulty. The greatest number were enclining, untill Andrew and James Melvines began to forewarn * 7.48 them of the danger. On Saturday, February 25. was that fear∣full Eclipse of the Sun; which continued the space of two houres, so fear∣full, that that Saturday is yet called by the people The Black Saturday; a pro∣gnostick (as the time gave occasion to interprete) of that darknes falling upon the Church. The Generall Assembly conveenes at Dundy March 7. Peter Blackburn is Chosen Moderator. I. The Ministers that were appoin∣ted to deal with the excommunicated Earles give-in their diligence in write; * 7.49 their proceeding & absolution of the Earles, are allowed, II. The Com∣missioners that were appointed to plant Churches, produce a book con∣taining all their proceedings; and because some Ministers took exceptions a∣gainst their proceedings, 25 Ministers were appointed to hear the reasons on both sides, and report unto the Assembly. In Sess. 6. The Assembly ratifieth what the Commissioners had done in planting the Ministry of Sant∣andr. and in the examination of the deposition of John Retorford: and further ordaines Robert Walace to be relaxed from the suspension of his Mi∣nistry, pronounced by them (he satisfying the L. Secretary by the advice of David Lindsay, Robert Bruce & Robert Rolock) that he may be pla∣ced where the Church shall think best. In Sess. 7. They which were appoin∣ted to hear the exceptions against the Commissioners, declare, that they had heard the grievances made by the Synod of Lothian; as also the an∣swers thereunto; and they thought it expedient, that both the grievan∣ces and the answers were buried. The Assembly ordaines them both to be read in publick audience; and then do vote, and conclude, that the proceedings of the Commissioners shall stand, but the grievances and the answers to be buried for continuance of quietnes in the Church. In Sess. 8. For better execution of their proceedings in Lothian, the Assembly ordai∣nes eight Ministers, or any five of them to conveen with his Majesty and put into execution their decreet of planting Edinburgh, and place Mi∣nisters at their particulare flocks; Ordaining also the Ministers of Edin∣burgh to obey their decreet, by accepting every one of them their par∣ticular

flock, Under the pain of deprivation; and in that case ordaines these Commissioners to plant the Churches of Edinburgh with other Mini∣sters; And in the mean time, untill these Commissioners shall conveen for persorming the premisses, the Ministers of Edinburgh shall continue in their function. IV, In Sess. 4. Grievances were propounded unto the King; 1. Craving relief of the present taxation unto such Ministers, which possesse small Benefices within 300 Marks. 2. Craving generally for the wholl Ministry, that they be not troubled with taxations in time coming, but that the Collectors charge the tacks-men immediatly, who are tied to relieve the Ministers, because otherwise Ministers are averted from their callings, and it breedeth grudges betwixt them and their parisho∣ners. 3. Craving for remedy of abuses in burying, that an Act of Par∣liament may be made for discharging buriall within churches. 4. That redress be made of adulterous mariages, where adulterers being both di∣vorced crave to be joyned in mariage again. 5. Craving what order shall be taken in relaxing murderers from excommunication, when they are relaxed from the horn, and satisfy not the party, which is a token of no repentance. 6. to advise whither the carrying of professed witches from town to town, to try witchcraft in others, be a lawfull tryall of witchcraft. 7. To lament the great abuse which a late Act of Parlia∣ment hath brought into the Church, by giving licence unto Patrones, to possess the frutes of the Benefice, if he present a qualified man, and the same man is not admitted by the Church: under color of which Act, they do present a qualified man, and have him sworn to set a tack of the fruits of the Benefice unto the Patron: and so albeit the man be quali∣fied, yet the Presbytery can not admitt him for the foresaid impedi∣ment: whereby the Patron lifteth the fruits, and the Church is desti∣tute▪ In Sess. 5. the King being present answereth, that for the first four and the seventh, petitions be given unto the Parliament, and he will hold hand with them; Concerning murderers, he declares that where any is relaxed, it is upon caution, to underly the law: and therefore the church may continue their censures against such a man, and deny him any benefit of the Church, untill they see evident repentance, and the party satisfied, and thereupon he may obtain a full remission. Concerning that tryall by wit∣ches, it is ordained by the last Parliament, that certain persons shall take order therein. VI. It is ordained; that no marriage be confirmed with∣out proclamation of their bans, Under pain of the deposition of the Mi∣nister controveening, and the parties to make publick repentance for satis∣fying the Church. VII. It is ordained, that no pictures or images be carried at burialls, Under pain of Ecclesiasticall censures. VIII. Because some beneficed men set tacks to the prejudice of the Church, and then seek transportation to another, It is ordained that none shall obtain transpor∣cation untill it be tryed, whether he hath dilapidat his Benefice. IX▪ O∣vertures are devised concerning the Plat. X. In Sess. 10. Because some brethren were desirous to know the Kings mind towards some of the Mini∣stry, especially of Edinburgh in respect of these accidents within these two years, his Majesty gives all to understr••d, that he is satisfied with them, and that these accidents shall not be remembred by him, but that neither He nor they shall call any of them to remembrance in private nor publick speaches: unto this the Ministers also willingly consent. XI. Upon mo∣tion made by the King, the Assembly gives full power and commission un∣to nineteen Ministers together with the Ministers of the King and Prince's

houses, or any nine of them, To conveen with his Majesty at such time and place, as he shall appoint, for setting down a solid ground of the con∣stant Plat, To plant sufficient Ministers in the Principall burghs, where they vaik or shall vaik; and to wait upon the Parliament if any shall bee, and give-in their grievances; And to give their advice unto his Majesty for avoiding any danger which may likely fall out in prejudice of the Church; as also if his Majesty find him grieved, or crave redress of any enormity done by any Mini. that they or any nyne of them shall sit and cognosce upon the matter with the advice of some of the discreetest of the presbtery where the offender dwelleth, as they shall tkink expedient; Finally with power to propound unto his Majesty at there conventions all the petitions both of the Assembly in Generall and of every member, as shal be meaned unto them. Concerning this part of their power to censure Mi∣nisters, the King declares, that howbeit it be generall, yet he intends nor to trouble the Commissioners with any such causes, unless first it be notorious∣ly known, that the Presbytery, where the offender shall dwell, hath both known the fact, and hath altogether neglected the tryall of it, or satisfyeth not his Majesty with the punishment of the offender. XII. In Sess. 11. Forsomuch as the Commissioners of the last assembly had upon an earnest zeal, which they did always bear to the good of the Church, given-in certain articles unto the late Parliament in December, concerning the li∣berty of the Church, and specially had craved, that the Ministry as repre∣senting the true Church of God within this realm, and so being the third Estate of the realm, might have vote in Parliament, according to the lau∣dable Acts & constitutions made before in Parliament, in favors of the free∣dom of the holy Church: Which their travells & endeavours proceeding upon a godly intention, they now submitt unto the censure of the Assem∣bly, desiring the brethren to allow or disallow the same, as they shall think most expedient to the glory of God and establishing true religion within this realm. Whereupon the brethren being advised, allowed the honest and godly intention of the Commissioners, as conform & agreeing with sundry acts of other assemblies, in which it hath been found expedient, that the Church should vote in Parliament. Then the King willing to de∣clare his good intention, that he hath always to the establishing of the true Church of God, declared that for the better performance thereof, he had assisted the Commissioners in craving vote in Parliament, which their suit albeit in some part and in a certain manner granted by the Parliament, yet the aceptation thereof, the form and all the circumstances of the persons were reserved to the Generall assembly, to be accepted or refused, as the Church shall think expedient; And seing he had anticipated the appoin∣ted time of the Assembly, and desired the brethren to conveen at this pre∣sent time especially for the cause foresaid, therefore he desireth that the brethren would enter into a particular consideration of all the points of the said Act; and first to reason in publick audience, Whither it be lawfull & expedient, that the Ministry as representing the Church within this realm, should have vote in Parliament, or not? This question being debated in utramque partem••, and thereafter voted: the Assembly concludes, that it is necessary & expedient for the well of the Church, that the Ministry as the third Estate of this realm in name of the Church have vote in Parlia∣ment. In Sess. 12. Concerning the number of Ministers who shall have vote in Parliament, it is likeways concluded, that al•• many of them should be cho••en, as were wont to be in time of the Papisticall Church, to wit,

Bishops, abbots & priors, 51. or thereby, 3. After reasoning it was voted & concluded, that the election of these who shall have vote, should be of a mixed quality, and appertain partly unto the King and partly unto the Church. 4, And because for shortness of time the brethren can not be presently resolved concerning the office of him that shall have vote in Parliament, to wit, de modo eligendi; of his rent, of the continuance of his office, whither ad poenam or not; of his name; of the cautions for pre∣servation of him from corruption; and such other circumstances; there∣fore the Assembly ordaines every Presbytery to be ripely advised in the particulare heads, and then to convocat their Synods throgh all the Countrey upon one day, which shall bee the first tuysday of Juny next, and there after new reasoning upon these heads, that every Synod chuse three of the wisest of their number, who shall be ready upon his Majesties adver∣tisement (which shall be upon a months warning at the least) to conveen with his Majesty together with the Doctors of the Vniversities, viz. An. Melvin, John Johnston, Ro. Rolock, Pa. Sharp Ro. Howy, Ro. Wilky & Ja. Martin, at day & place as his Majesty shall think expedient, With power to them to treat, reason and confer upon these heads and others appertaining thereunto; and in case of agreement and uniformity of opini∣ons, to vote & conclude all the questions concerning vote in Parliament: but in case of variance, to refer the conclusion unto the next Generall as∣sembly. XIII. It is ordained, that every presytery shall assemble them∣selves once every week in their full number, at least so many of them as have their residence within eight myles to the place of their ordinary mee∣ting. 2. That every member of the presbytery study the text where∣upon the Exercise is to be made. 3. That a common head of Religion be treated every month in every presbytery both by way of discourse and disputation. 4. That every pastor have a weekly exercise of instruction & examination of a part of his congregation in the Catechism. All these heads are ordained to be observed under the pain of incurring the censures of the Church. XIV. Concerning the protestation given by John Da∣vidson for himself and in name of other brethren (as he alledgeth) prote∣sting that this present Assembly is not free: which his protestation he cra∣ved to be insert in the booke of the Assemblies; It being enquired by the Moderator; If any would adhere unto that protestation; none was found that would adhere unto it, nor was of his opinion there-in: and there∣fore the brethren discharge the clerk to insert it. XV. Because the que∣stion of summary excommunication for lack of time can not now be com∣modiously treated, It is delayd unto the next Assembly; and in the mean time all summary excommunication is suspended. XVI. Because a certain * 7.50 number of Commissioners from each Presbytery unto the Generall Assem∣bly, hath not been prescribed, it is ordained that three of the wisest and gravest of the brethren (at the most) shall be directed from every presby∣tery: and that none presume to come without commission, except they have a speciall complaint, And that the Clerk take heed to receive no mo in commission but three; And that one be directed from eyery Presbytery; in name of Barons, and one out of every burgh, excep Edinburgh which shall have power to direct two Commissioners, VII. Because it is repor∣ted, that nothwithstanding the Acts made against sailers and traffickers with Spain, that trafficking is not intermitted, It is ordained, that the former acts be put to execution without respect of persons. XVIII. It is ordained, that the Presbyteries of Dundy & Arbroth summon before them the La∣dies

of Huntly, Suderland and Caitnes, to subscribe the Confession of faith, Under the pain of excommunication: which summons shall be ex∣ecuted by a Minister (named) in the severall Provinces. XIX. The next Assembly shall be at Aberdien the first thuysday of Iuly 1599. The Hist. Narr. hath some observations on this Assem. 1. The Assessors or Privy conference were named by the King. I will not insist to gather the changes of this which was called The privy conference: some what hath been marked before. 2. Nothing of moment was done the first two dayes; but Ministers were brought un∣to the King from morning till late atnight, and voters were procured to the vote in Parliament. 3. Andrew Melvin was commanded first to keep his lodging; and upon the ninth day he and John Johnston a professor of Di∣vinity in Santand were charged to depart out of the town, Under pain of horning. 4. Some Presbyteries gave-in their grievances against the Com∣missioners: such altercations were not heard before at any time in our assem∣blies. Papists and Politicians took their pastime, and gathered matter of ca∣lumny: but the King fearing that the main purpose could not succeed that way, labored to have the grievances buried; and to please the Ministry he promised to travell with the tacks-men of the tyths for augmentation of stipends. 5. A week was spent before the cheif point was propounded, To weary the Ministers coming from the farrest parts, that after the depar∣ture of some, they (detaining their own adherents) might the more easi∣ly come to their purpose. 6. The King in Sess. 10. declared how great care he had to adorn & benefite the church, and to restore her patrimony, and for effectuating this, it was needfull, thar Ministers have vote in Par∣liament, without which the church can not be vindicated from poverty & contempt. I minde not (said he) to bring-in Papisticall or English Bishops, but only to have the best & wisest of the Ministry appointed by the gene. assembly to have place in counsell and Parliament, to sit upon their own matters, and not to stand always at the door like poor supplicants, despised and nothing regarded. Some of the commissioners spoke to the same purpose. Nevertheless there was sharp and hote reasoning in the ele∣venth Session against that vote. Robert Bruce, Ja. Melvin, John Carmichell, John Davidson, William aird and some others oppugned. The King did commend Iohn carmichell for his acuteness. Iames melvin's reasons are extant in The course of conformity. But what can reason availe, where au∣thority swayed the matter, and votes were procured before hand? Be∣sides the point was made so plausible to the wordly minded, that they thought it the only mean to recover the Church-rents. Some were so simple, that they could not see the bad consequents. The negative voters were overcome by ten votes, and had overcom the affirmative, if Barons not having commission had not been demanded to give votes also. And even then some who consented, that the Church should have vote, would have had Elders, as Barons and Burgesses, chosen by the Assembly to be the Commissioners. Others were content to accept it upon whatsoever conditions. When John Davidson's vote was asked, he desired them no•• to be sudden in so weighty matters. One said, The title Lord could not be denied to him who sits in Parliament, and hath maintenance ansue∣rable to that dignity. John Davidson then said, See yee not brethren, how bonily the Bishop beginneth to creep out? nov••s et palliatus Episcopus. The King and many others fell a laughing; So light account made they of the matter. But he proceeding said, Have we not done much, that have striven so long time against that corrupt estate, to bring forth now such a

birth? The deceitfull workers wold extenuate the matter, and cover their proceedings, as if no such thing were intended. 7. The King & Commissioners had framed some cautions to inclose the Voter, that albeit he becom never so wild, yet he shall not turn into an English or Popish Bis∣hop; to the end, he might be the more easily embraced: but when these were read, they perceived it, and many began to skar, which had assen∣ted to the main point: therefore these were referred to be advised upon. 8. Andrew melvin & John Johnston were debarred, when the main point was to be reasoned and voted, but were permitted to be present at the ap∣pointed meeting, where no power was granted to conclude, but in case of universall agreement; to the end, their reasons might be known be∣fore the next assembly, and then shifted or suppressed. 9. The Synods were appointed to conveen all in one day, that one should not know what another had done, or receive light from another. Then he shewes what followed. 1. The Commissioners to plant Ministers in the severall quar∣ters of Edinburgh wrought great vexation to Robert Bruce in Aprile and May: he had been Minister there elleven years, and when he was to accept a part of the town with Ja. balfour, they presse him with imposition of hands. Lest it might seem that he had run unsent all the former years, he refuseth to accept imposition of hands as a ceremony of ordination or of entring into the Ministry; but was content to receive it as a signe of confir∣mation, if they would give in writ their declaration thereupon: which after great debate they gave at last. This ceremony before was held indif∣ferent, but then was urged as necessary, because they were laying the foun∣dation of episcopacy, thogh in words and outward profession they denied it. 2. William melvin a Senator of the Colledge of justice and Sir Patrick murray were directed by the King unto the Synod of Fife in Juny. These * 7.51 were carefull to have three chosen for the appointed Conference, which favored the Kings course, By the advice of their favourers, a number of the most opposite were put upon the leets, to the end, the votes of them, which were so affected, might be divided; where as the votes of such as were wrought upon, were layd upon three only. So Thomas Buchanan, Ge. Gladstones and Iohn fairfull were chosen: which when the other part (that were the greatest part) perceived, they would yeeld to no other commission, but to report faithfully the judgement of the Synod, to rea∣son, vote and conclude nothing but according to it. 3. The Commis∣sioners from Synods conveen at Falkland Iuly 25. 1598, the King and his adherents found not such advancement of their course as they expected. When the opponents could not recall the main point, they labored for the straiter conditions [which follow in the next Assembly.] To the end, the particulares may be better dressed, the Assembly was prorogated by pro∣clamation untill March 1600; as also that the King by degrees might be∣reave the liberty of the Assemblies, in appointing their diets.

XXXVII. In July 1599. The King calleth the Commissioners of the Generall Assembly and some others unto Santandrews, and labored for reconciliation among them, and profession of brotherly love: which was not refused. But by these means the Commissioners thought to insinuate themselves into their affections, and either to gain them to their course, or to blunt the edge of their zeal. It was not personall respects, or difference of opinions only, which made the alienation of mindes, but plotting against the discipline, aspiring to preferment, and vexing of their brethren. In September was the Letter directed un••o the Pope,

for which Secretary Elphinston was afterward accused. In the same year and month certain passages were extracted by James Melvin out of Basilicon Doron, and were cast-in to the Synod of Fife, wherein the Kings inten∣tion to abolish the parity of Ministers, and to erect the estate of Bishops was discovered. Some few copies of that book were printed at first, and these were committed to the trust of some few. Iohn Dykes was su••pe∣cted to have extracted these passages: therefore the King sent Francis Both∣well with some of the guard to apprehended him: but he withdrew him∣selfe for a time, that he might not be compelled to discover the extracter. In November a Conference was appointed by the King, to the end, that these which were not satisfied in the doubts concerning the vote in Parlia∣ment, might be resolved; and so a way may be prepared for a peaceable Assemhly. The truth is, if he could obtain the unanimous consent of them, which were called, (as they were the men of chief note in the Church) he was assured, their judgement would be followed in the As∣sembly; if not, their reasons would be made known, answers and replies might be prepared, or some other meanes devised to attain the purpose. It was granted unto every one, to argue freely both on the points conclu∣ded already, and on the points that are referred unto the Assembly. The opponents doe agree unto reasoning, but with protestation, that their rea∣soning now shall not be prejudiciall to the next generall assembly, and that it shall be free unto them, to add then as they shall be able. They reaso∣ned pithily against the vote of Ministers in Parliament, against the perpe∣tuity of the Voter, and the title of Lord to be given unto them. They foretold also what wee see and feell tooday (saith the Writer) that they would be distracted from their calling, that they would break the barrs of all the Caveats; they will vote and reason in Parliament as they please, they will take no limited commission; if they once get the title of Bishops, all the Caveats will not restrain them from usurping Lordship and pr••he∣minence over their brethren, they will bring from the Court into the Church such behaviour & manners, as they drink there; they will look soure, if they want the titles among their brethren that are given them in the Court, where they shall be stiled Lords at every word, and possessing the highest places in the realm, they will be avenged on them at the Plat or Court or otherwise. If they serve the Prince or Estate, howbeit against the weell of the Church, yet the Prince will maintain them by authority and sway in the Assemblies, having the sustentation of Ministers in his power; Or thogh the Assembly shall depose them, he will cause them still to enjoy their stiles & rents. They dissolved with litle contentment unto the King, who said, If the Assembly will not embrace the benefite, when it is offered, let them blame themselves, when they fall into poverty and contempt: as for myselfe, I will not want one of my Estates, and I will place such men in these places as I think good, and who will accept them, and doe their duty to mee & the Country. Thus the bastard Estate is preten∣ded, and the Service they owe unto the King and Countrey, whereas their proper service is to serve in matters spirituall for the good of mens souls both of King & people; and others can serve better in things Civile or temporall. The authour of Vindici•• Philadel. pag. 80. hath moe of the Opponents reasons. 1. By this vote in Parliament a way is prepared for episcopacy, which our Church hath condemned as having no warrant in Gods word. It was answered by horrible execrations, that they had no purpose to bring-in Popish or English episcopacy. 2. They who have

given their names unto holy warfare, should not be entangled with secu∣lare affaires. It was answered, The Apostle condemneth not necessary business of this life, that godly men may not have a care of their families. It was replied, The regard of necessary things is one thing, and of unne∣cessary is another: if a man be not worse than an infidell, he should pro∣vide for his family: but a Minister is not tied necessarily to wait on Politi∣call affaires. 3. What withdrawes a Minister from his own vocation, that the word of God forbids Ministers: but this is such. It was answe∣red, They shall not be drawen from their vocation, because at such times they shall preach. Replied, Where a Parliament shall sit. there be Mini∣sters to preach, nor is that the duty whereunto they are called there, and albeit two or three might preach in time of Parliament, yet what have fifty Ministers to doe, as that number is named? 4. Who are commanded to wait upon their function in time and out of time, can not undertake ano∣ther function. Answer, They shall be exercised in their function. Re∣ply, To vote in Parliament is not a part of a Ministers function. 5. What charge is more weighty than one can beare, permits not another to be adjoined unto it. The answer and replie as before. 6. Commistion of offices which God hath distinguished, is unlawfull. An••. They are not confounded, but conjoyned. Reply. They are confounded, when they are conjoyned in one mans person; but Christ hath said, yee shall not doe so. 7. Ministers are forbidden ALLOTRIOEPISCOPEIN but that a Minister medle with Civill affaires is plainly ALLOTRIOEPISCOPEIN. Answer, Spiri∣tuall and Civile things doe not differr in the subject, but in the way and respect. Reply, Because they are different in respect and way, they are also different in the subject; and that a Ministers be exercised in another object, is ALLOTRIOEPISCOPEIN; as Christ would neither divide the inheri∣tance, nor condemn the adulterous woman. Many other reasons were brought from the Scripture, and testimonies of the antient Writers. It was proclamed in December, that the beginning of the year in time co∣ming shal be reckoned from the first day of January, whereas it was recko∣ned from March 26.

XXXVIII. The Gen. Assembly conveenes at Monros March 18. 1600. * 7.52 R. Wilky is chosen Moderator. I. Where a Parish is spatious, and a great part thereof can not conveniently resort unto the church, in respect of di∣stance, & a number of that parishon will build another church, and provide maintenance unto a Pastor upon their own charges, The assembly declares it lawfull, and will joyn with them to procure approbation of the Parlia∣ment. II. Because many are delated, to absent themselves from the Sacrament under vain pretenses, It is ordained, that every presbytery shall command every Minister within their bounds, to give up the names of all them within their parishon, who communicate not each year once at least; And then summon them, to compear before the presbytery, to hear themselves decerned to communicat within three months, with certi∣fication, if they obey not, the Act of Estates against Non-communicants, shall be execute against them; And if they obey not, after these three months their names shall be delated unto the K. or Counsell for the effect fore••aid. III. It was lamented, in the Kings presence, that when Ministers are in pro∣cess against adulterers, murderers and such other scandalous persons; they are drawn from their calling, and charged to compeare before the Coun∣sell, by letters obtained upon false narratives, and so the disciplin of the Church is loosed, and vice is not punished. The K. promiseth, that no

Letters shall be directed from his Counsell against any Minister nor presby∣tery, at the instance of any person, for execution of their office, unless the party produce a test••moniall in forme of instrument, de negata justitia. IV. The Commissioners, that were appointed to wait upon the King, give-in these articles framed with his advice, to be presented unto the next Convention of Estates. 1, All Jesuites, Seminarie-priests, excommu∣nicated and traffecting Papists, which at any time shall return into the Countrey, or are presently within the Countrey shall immediatly after delation of their names unto his Majesty, be apprehended, and keept in ward, untill they convert unto the religion, or be removed out of the Countrey. 2, The receivers of obstinat & excommunicat Papists, and their chief friends whose houses they haunt, shall be charged to find caution, under a pecuniall pain according to their ability, that they shall no way entertain nor receive these persons. 3. That all excommunicate Papists be charged to satisfy the Church within three months, under the pain of horning, and if they obey not, to be denounced, that their escheats & life∣rents after year and days rebellion may be intrometted with by the Kings Treasurer, and not to be disponed to any donator. 4. That the Marques of Huntly be charged to present before his Ma. and Counsell ••. Gordon of New∣toun, P. Butter and Al. Lesly, according to his band, that they may be com∣mitted to warduntill they satisfy the Church. V. Bonitoun younger is or∣dained to be conveened before the presbytery of Brechin as his Judge ordi∣nary, and there to offer his satisfaction. VI. Because many inconvenients fall out by marriage of young persons, it is ordained, that no Minister joyn in mariage any man under fourtien year of age, nor a woman under twelve compleet at least; Ordaining also the Commissioners of the Assembly to craue this statute to be ratified by the Estates. VII. Because mariages of persons convict of adultery is an allurement to married persons unto that crime, thereby thinking to be separated from their lawfull spouse, land to be married with the person, with whom they have committed adultety, there∣fore the Assembly ordaines a supplication to be presented unto the Estates, to discharge the marriage of such persons; and that this Statute be confir∣med by Parliament, VIII. The advice of the Conference at Falkland in July 1599. is read in Sess. 6. concerning the Voters in Parliament. 1. Con∣cerning the manner of chusing, it is condescended, that every one of them shall be recommended by the church unto his Majesty, and that the Church shall nominate sixe for every place, of whom his Ma. shall chuse one, and his Ma. promiseth, bindeth & obligeth him, that he shall chuse none other but one of these sixe, And if his Ma. shall refuse them all upon just reason of insufficiency, and of greater sufficiency of others, The Church shall make a new recommendation of other sixe, of whom his Maj. shall chuse one, without any more nomination; and he that shall be chosen by his Ma. shall be accepted by the Synod. 2. It is concluded, that the Gen. assembly shall have the nomination or recommendation of him who in name of the Church shall vote in Parliament; and he shall take the advice of the Synods and presbyteries directed from them in writ; And the Synod shall have li∣berty to nominat alswell within their Province as without, Providing that if there be one within the Province meet for the place, caeteris paribus, he shall be preferred before another. 3. Concerning his rent, it is advised with one consent, that the Churches being planted sufficiently, the Colledges and Schools (already erected) not being prejudged, that the Kings Ma. shall provide him to all the rest that may be obtained of that Benefice,

whereunto he is preferred. As for the cautions, to keep him that shall have vote in Parliamen•• from corruption, they be these following; 1. That he presume not at any time to propound at Parliament, Counsell nor Conven∣tion in name of the Church, any thing without express warrant and di∣rection of the Church, and such things as he shall answer to be for the well of the Church, Under the pain of deposition from his office; nor shall he consent or keep silence in any of the saids Conventions, to any thing that may be prejudiciall to the well & liberty of the Church, Under the same pain. 2. He shall be bound at every Generall assembly to give an account of the discharge of his commission since the Assembly preceeding, and shall submitt himself to the censure and determination whatsoe∣ver without appellation; and shall seek and obtain ratification of his doings at the said Assembly, under the pain of infamy & excommuni∣cation. 3. He shall content himself with that part of the Benefice, which shall be given by his Majesty for his living, not hurting nor pre∣judging the rest of the Ministers of the Churches within his Benefice planted or to be planted, or any other Minister of the Countrey what∣soever; and this to be a clause to be inserted in his provision. 4. He shall not dilapidate in any way his Benefice, neither make set not dispositi∣on thereof, without the speciall advice and consent of his Majesty and ge∣nerall assembly: and for the greater warrant heerof, he shall interdict him∣selfe not to dilapidate his Benefice, nor consent to the dilapidation of it made by others, To the Generall assembly, and shall be content, that inhibitions be raised against him for that effect. 5. He shall be bound to attend faithfully upon his own particulare congregation, where of he shall be Minister, in all the points of a pastor, and here in he shall be subject to the tryall and censure of his own Presbytery and Provinciall Assembly, as any other Minister, that beares no commission. 6. In the Administra∣tion of disciplin, collation of Benefices, visitation and all others points of Ecclesiasticall Government, he shall neither usurp nor acclaim to him∣self any power or jurisdiction further than any of the rest of his brethren, excep he be emplojed by his brethren, Under the pain of deprivation; And if he usurp any part of the ecclesiasticall government, and the presbytery, Synod or Generall assembly oppone and make any impediment thereunto, whatsoever he do after the impediment, it shall be null ipso facto without any declarature. 7. In presbyteries, provinciall & generall affemblies he shall behave himselfe in all things, and be subject to their censure, as any brother of the presbytery. 8. At his admission to his office of commis∣sionery, these and all other parts necessary he shall swear and subscrlbe to fulfill, Under the penalties foresaid; And otherwise, not to be admit∣ted. 9. If he be deposed by the Generall assembly, synod or presbytery from the office of the Ministry, he shall also lose his vote in Parliament ipso facto, and his Benefice shall vaik. And further cautions to be made as the Church pleaseth and findes occasion. Moreover concerning his name, that shall have vote in Parliament by uniform consent of all the brethren it was advised that he shall be called The Commissioner of such a place; and if the Parliament may be induced by his Majesties moyan, to acknowledge that name, it shall stand so: if not, the Generall assembly shall conclude this question concerning his name▪ The question being propounded, Whither the commission of him who in name of the Church shall vote in Parlia∣ment, shall endure for his life time, except sin and offence interveen, or for a shorter time at the pleasure of the Church, the commissioners of the

Synods being of different opinions, thought good to referr this question unto the Generall assembly. These conclusions being read in publick au∣dience of the assembly, were allowed and approved; and it was judged expedient, that these cautions and what others shall be concluded by the Assembly, shall be inserted in the body of the Act of Parliament, that shall be made for confirmation of the vote in Parliament unto the Church, as most necessary and substantiall parts of the same. In Sess. 8. the Assem∣bly decernes 1. that he who shall have vote in Parliament shall annua∣tim give account of his commission obtained from the Assembly, and lay down the same at their feet, to be continued or altered from it, by his Maj. and the Assembly, as the Assembly with consent of his Majesty shall think most expedient to the well of the Church. 2. It is ordained, that none of them which shall have vote in Parliament, shall come as Commissioner to any Generall Assembly, nor have vote there, in any time coming, excep he be authorized with commission from his own presby∣tery to that effect. 3. It is decerned by the Assembly, that crimen ambitus shall be a sufficient cause of deprivation of him, that shall have vote in Par∣liament. 4. It is ordained, that every Minister shall intimate this gene∣rall, that the vote in Parliament is concluded by the Assembly; and that none utter speaches in pulpit, contrary to the same. IX. The like gene∣rall commission as before in every point was given unto the same persons (almost) with addition of four or five more. X. Because sundry parts of the Country are throgh defect of Visitation becom almost desolate, cer∣tain Visitors are directed to visite these parts, namely, Kircudbright, Murray, Caitnes; Orknay, Nithsdeal, With power to enquire into the life, doctrin and conversation of Ministers; to try out the sayers & hearers of Masse, to plant and transport Ministers, as they shall think ex∣pedient for the well of the Church; and to report their diligence unto the next Assembly. XI. The next assembly is appointed to be at Santand. the last tuysday of July in 1601. year. The Historic. Narration hath some Ob∣servations on this Assembly; 1. Peter Blackburn taught good & sound doctrin at the opening of the Assembly; but was induced or rather threat∣ned to recant after noon before the wholl assembly. This was a stepp to a Bishop of the new stamp, 2. The next policy was to draw the chief oppo∣sites upon the privy Conference, that they might know how to deal in pu∣blick. 3. In the Privy Conference four were chosen on each side to con∣ferr and reason apart on hope, that upon their agreement would follow an universall harmony, as was pretended; but indeed to essay whi∣ther opponents might be drawn unto them: if not, to proceed after their wonted manner: some good was expected, if their conference had not been interrupted by the King. They were enioined to set down their reasons in writ. They bestowed an afternoon, beginning at the very ground, to define a Parliament, and what it is to vote in Parliament, &c. The four opponents were square and plain. But the King being informed that night, would suffer no more of that reasoning, but would have it before himself and some of the Counsell in the Privy Conference. They who stood for the established disciplin, proved by many reasons, that the Act of the Assembly at Dundy Ann. 1598. being taken according to the mind of the Act of Parliament was flatly repugnant to the Word of God. Their reasons were so strong, that they were all granted [to wit, as it seemes, In the Maior Propositions] but only it was denied, that any such thing would follow as was alledged [in the Minors:] they denied,

they were to bear any charge in things Civill, or make lawes, judge upon forfeiture, medle with Civill affaires, confound juri••dictions, &c.......4. The Commissioners of the Generall assembly, I mean so many as were privy to the Course, were aspiring to Bishopricks, and had their meetings with the King for such purposes; and finding this Conference not to suc∣ceed as they would, reasolved to hold the gripp they had gotten: the Acts already past must not come into question in the publick. Their cheif care was to obtain a ratification of the cautions concluded at Falkland, and con∣sent unto the perpetuty of the Voter in Parliament. 5. The King from his rising in the morning till he went late to bed, was so busy with Ministers, that the Courtiers said [jeeringly], they could have no accesse unto his Majesty for Ministers. 6. Andrew melvin was commanded to keep his lodging, albeit he was sent in Commission from his presbytery. 7. In the publick Assembly it was oft spoken, that episcopacy was not intended, bur only the vote of Ministers in Parliament, to vindicat the Church from contempt and poverty. Nevertheless there was opposition made, that the perpetuity unto the Voter in Parliament ad vitam or culpam could not be ob∣tained. One and fifty voted that he should be chosen annuatim by every presbytery: in stead of Annuatim, some cried, Away with him: fourty eight (of whom many were Ministers) voted ad vitam, or ad defectum. The aspirers were so grieved, that they conveened apart; and devised a glosse, drawing neer to that which was concluded, to wit, that the Commissioner voter in Parliament shall give account Annuatim, and lay down his office at the feet of the Assembly, to be continued or altered, as &c. They communicate this device unto the King, who set down the conclusion so: and so it was written. The Bb. did never attempt to annuall these cautions; and so these being established by the Assembly with consent of the King, were the grounds of deposing and excommunicating the Bb. in the Astem∣bly in the year 1638. Then The historicall Narration sets down some pranks (as he speaks) of the Commissioners. 1. The Ministers of Edinburgh were charged August 12. by the King and Counsell to depart out of the town, (all excep the two young men that entred last) and discharged to preach within the Kings dominions, because they would not professe unto the people, that they were persuaded, the Earle of Goury and his brother would have killed the King in Perth on the fifth day of August, and per∣suade the people to believe it. They profered to thank God for the Kings delivery out of danger, to rehearse faithfully unto the people the history, as his Majesty had delivered it, and to speak nothing in the contrary. But that was not accepted. Not long after, their places were declared vaking, by the Commissioners of the Generall assembly. September 5. they were charged, to compear before the king and Counsell in Sterlin, to hear further punishments decerned against them. William Watson; John Hall, Walter Balcanquall and James balfour professed, that they were resolved, and were appointed to declair their resolution in other churches, as was designed unto them, and to confesse their error and incredulity [Robert Rolock was departed this life in the year preceeding]. The Court said, These were sent, to make their repentance. Robert Bruce professed, that he was not yet resolved, and craved time to try & search. He is ordained to depart out of the Country, not to teturn into Scotland nor England without his Majesties licence, and to remain in Airth untill he departe. 2. The king with advice of the Commissioners of the Generall assembly calleth a meeting of two out of every Synod, to be holden at Edinburgh in

October, to take order with the churches of Edinburgh, and to consult with the Commissioners, upon such things as were to be propounded unto the ensuing Parliament. At this meeting the King was earnest to have others planted in the Ministers roomes of Edinburgh (albeit they had declared their resolution, as they were en••oined) excep John Hall, whom (said the king) I will take in my own hand. It was answered, That could not be done, unless they were deposed by the Church, or cutt off by some Civill Judicatory. The king was so earnest, that they said, they would try the Ministers own minds, whither they be content with transportation rather than suffer their churches to be destitute. William Scot, James Melvin and John Carmichell were directed, to deal with them. When these were gone unto the Ministers, the king and commissioners propoun∣ded, to name three to vote at the Parliament, which is to be holden in November; and obtained it, to wit, Peter Blackburn, David Lindsay and Goerge Gladstanes were named without regard of the order and cautions concluded in the late Assembly. The three that weresent forth, knew nothing of the matter, till the meeting was dissolved: [nor were the Churches of Edinb. provided before the next Generall assembly]. 3. In the Parliament where Goury was forfeited, these three which were named before, did vote [David Lindsay as Bishop of Ross, Pater Blackburn as Bishop of Aberdien, & George Glaidstanes as Bishop of Caitnes]. In the Synod of Fife at Santand. in February An. 1601. George Glaidstanes was accused, and confessed that he had sitten in the Parliament, and had an∣swered as Bishop of Caitnes, when he was called, but (said he) it was against my heart, nor would they name mee otherwise. Such were the slight shifts they had, when they were found guilty of any breach. Da. Lindsay was rebuked in the Synod of Lothian in Aprile. So soon were the cautions or Caveats contemned. I have written of these Assemblies particularly, the rather that they have never been in Print before▪ And many either of malice or ignorance, and some of both have published much venom against them. And now I conceive, that some may think, Seing these Assemblies were confirmed by authority of the King and Parliament, how left they off; therefore I adioyn a con∣tinuation of them unto their End.

A Continuation of the History of SCOTLAND'S ASSEMBLIES.

I. THE Commissioners of the Assembly had a meeting with * 7.53 some other Ministers at Bruntelan in March, year 1601: there they agreed to entreat the King for restoring the Mi∣nisters of Edinburgh unto their places; and for a free Nati∣onall assembly to determin all matters then in controversy. The Com∣missioners promised to deal earnestly in both. But how did they perform their promise? saith the Author of the historicall Narration. Concerning the first, some of them said unto the King, Sir, They are out now; blame not us, but your self; if ever they offend you again. And in the other point, an assembly was called, but no controversy was handled. At that time John Hamilton and Edmund hay two Jesuits came into the countrey: the King understanding that they were factious and busy men, sent forth a proclamation inhibiting them to remain under pain of treason, and decla∣ring that he would no otherwise judge of such, who shall receive them, but as the pursuers of his own life. Nevertheless they were keept in the North parts, untill after some years John Hamilton was apprehended, and sent to the Tower of London where he died. By the Kings proclamation the Assembly conveens at Bruntelan May 12. there the King was present, and Commissioners. John Hall is chosen Moderator. I. A generall * 7.54 complaint was of the want of purity zeal and practise of the true Religion in all Estates, which must end in papistry or atheism within a short space, in the just judgement of God, unless substantious remedies be provided in due time; Nor can this malady be sufficiently cured, unless the originall causes and speciall occasions thereof be riped up. The Brethren were ex∣horted * 7.55 to think upon this weighty matter, and the meeting is adjournied for two dayes. Then the causes of this defection were judged to be. 1. The just wrath of God for the unreverent estimation of the Gospell, and for the sins of all Estates in dishonoring their profession 2. Want of dili∣gence on the part of Ministers in discovering them who make apostasy into Papistry; and negligence in executing the lawes and disciplin against them who are discovered. 3. Want of Pastors at unplanted churches, and dis∣planting of churches by diminution of the thirds. 4. Neglecting of towns and churches, that are of greatest inportance to the interest of Religion, or not planting them with qualified Pastors, such as the Kings house, the Prince's house, the houses of Huntly, Erroll, Anguse, Hume, Heres, and the places of chief residence, the town of Dumfrise; and other places of the Nobility, who are of great power. 5. The hasty admission of Mini∣sters, before they be known to be of sufficient gifts and experience in these difficil times. 6. The negligence of Ministers in advancing their know∣ledge by constant reading and meditation of the Scriptures and controver∣sies of the time; whereby they might be the more able to bring the con∣sciences of their auditors to the obedience of the Gospell, and convin••e the adversaries. 7. The negligence of Ministers in not framing their con∣versation as patterns unto the people, but conforming themselves exces∣sively

to the humors of men, especially in their communications at table, intemperance somtimes, and in their light and prodigal vestures, and of their families. 8. The distraction of minds, which is supposed to be a∣mong Ministers. 9. The distraction of his Majesties minde against some of the Ministry. 10. The advancing of men, who are suspected in, and known to be ill affected to religion, unto honors, Offices and credit in Court, Counsell, Session and other places of great importance. 11. The de∣solation of the church of Edinburgh, through want of Pastors. 12. The continuall entertainment of the Lady Huntly, Margarit wood and other professed and known Papists, in his Maj^s Court and company. 13. The education of his Maj^s children in the company of obstinat Papists. 14. The negligent breeding of Noble mens children, and the sending of them out of the countrey into places where Papistry is professed, and that with tu∣tors suspected in religion, or not well confirmed in it. 15. The impuni∣ty of Masters and owners of ships, who bring into the Country Seminaries & Jesuits with their coffers and books. 16. The decay of schools for e∣ducation of children; especially in the country. 17. That men who are challenged by the Presbyteries for their religion, have continuall access to Court. 18. The lately reconciled Papists are not prest to perform their * 7.56 promises. The remedies of these evils are. 1. A Generall humiliation is to be solemly keept in all churches on two sabboths of Juny next. 2. The unplanted churches are to be recommended unto the K. whose authority only can accomplish that work. 3. Nothing is more necessary then to have the houses and places (above named) wel provided with learned, wise and godly Pastors; and where the lack of provisions may hinder the present planting, it is judged expedient in the mean whil, that some Pastors be appointed to attend in these Noble men's families for 4. or 6. months alswel for finding out means of planting these places, as for confirming and instructing the Noble men and their families; The Presbyteries taking care to supply the absence of these Ministers from their particular flocks. And severall Ministers were deputed to this effect. 4. Petition is to be made unto his Majesty and Secret Counsell, that who are known to deal with professed Papists more than the lawes do permit, should be accounted as suspect in religion, and not have the honor to be in his Majesties family, Counsel nor Session. 5. A supplication is to be made unto his Majesty and Counsell, that all Papists, men and women who are or shall be under censure for their religion, be discharged from Court, untill they have sa∣tisfied, and bring from the Presbytery of the bounds a testimoniall of their obedience. 6. For discovery of the adversaries of the true religion every Presbytery shall with all diligence write the names of all not communicants within their bounds, and send them unto the Ministers of the Kings family, being subscribed by the Moderator, Clerk, and the Minister of the pari∣shon. 7. The Presbteries where the lately reconciled Lords have their residence shall enquire whether they have performed the articles subscribed by them; and urge them unto performance; And if they refuse, the Pre∣sbyteries shall certify the King's Ministers. 8. Supplication is to be made unto the King and Counsell, that when Noble men or others send their children out of the country, their tutors be of known religion and be ap∣proved by testimoniall of the Presbytery; and that their remaining abroad be in places where the true religion is professed, or no restraint of it by the cruell Inquisition; and that they shall not repair unto the exercise of the idolatrous religion; And if their sons shall repair unto the countries where

is restraint of religion, the parents shall give caution, that they shall not entertain them in that time; And if their sons embrace another religion, they shall not have honors nor Offices within the real••. 9. Supplication is to be made unto the King and Counsell, that Masters and owners of ships be inhibited to bring Jesuites, Seminary-priests, proclamed traitors......And to that effect that they set no passingers on land, but at the common ports; where they shall pr••sent the passingers unto the Magistrates. 10. It is expedient to entreat the King, for removing his daughter from the Lady Liuinston an obstinat Papist. The King promiseth to bring her into his own family before November. 11. The King nominates Noble men, and the Assembly appoints some Ministers to meet Juny. 1. to advise upon Overtures for advancing the locall provision of stipends, especially unto the unplanted churches. 11. Ministers are appointed unto the houses of the King, Queen and Prince. 12. Some Ministers are designed unto some unplanted churches in Nid••deal; and the assembly ordaines the Commissioners to recommend unto his Majesty the provision of these churches. II. A woman being charged by the Presbytery of Couper to satisfy for her adultery, which was proved against her, had produced a decreet of adherence obtained before the Commissaries of Edinburgh, ordaining her Husband to adhere unto her, and by consequence ac∣quiting he•• of adultery. This question being referred unto the assem∣bly, the Presbtery is ordained to put their own decreet to execution, not¦withstanding the other decreet. III. It is represented by sundry Mini∣sters, that there be some errors in the vulgar Translation of the Bible, and in the meeter of the Plaln••s; as also that sundry of the common prayers are not convenient for these times. The Assembly ordaines some brethren who are acquainted with the Originall languages to employ their studies in sundry parts of the vulgare Translation, and to shew their diligence at the next assembly; and ordaines Robert Pont to revise the Psalms in meeter; As for the common prayers, it is ordained that none be altered nor deleted; but if any Minister wold have any prayer as more convenient unto the time, it should be first presented and allowed by the assembly. IV. The Assem∣bly ordaines the Commissioners, to transplant James Balfour. Walter Bal∣canquall and William Watson, from Edinburgh into other churches; and to plant other qualified Ministers in Edinburgh. The Commissioners of Edindurgh protest 1. that they are free of the burden of the transporta∣tion of their Ministers. 2. That the transportation shall not prejudge them hereafter, but that those may be reponed into their own places, when it shall please his Majesty and the Assembly. The King and Assembly con∣sent. V. It is ordained, that in every Assembly hereafter those that shall be appointed Commissioners by the Assembly, shall give account of their commission, in the beginning of the subsequent assembly, before other things be heard; and their proceedings to be allowed or dis-allowed as the assembly shall judge of them. VI. Commission is given to twenty four Ministers together with the Ministers of the kings House, or any nyne of them, to plant churches in burghes, with power to transplant any Mini∣ster within the realm into the said burghes now vaking, namely, Edin∣burgh, wherein they shall take the advice of the Presbytry there; With power to judge of any offenses, if it shall happen that his Majesty be offended by any of the Ministry, and to take order there-in; And also power to pre∣sent the grievances and petitions of this assembly unto his Majesty and Coun∣sell▪ or Generall Convention of Estates, or Parliament, if any shall hap∣pen

to bee, &c. VII. Certain Visitors were designed to visit all the Shirif∣doms, particularly named unto them, with power to try the Ministers in their qualification, doctrin and conversation; and whether they have wrong'd their Benefices; To depose such as deserve deposition; To plant Ministers where none as yet have been planted; and to this effect to deal with the Tacks-men of every parishon for provision unto a Minister for the church; And to report their diligence, &c. The next Assembly is ap∣pointed to be at Santandrews the last tuysday of July. 1602. The Historicall Narration addeth, Iames Melvin [Minister at Kilrinny] being detained by sicknes, sent unto this assembly a Missive, advising them to insist with his Ma. to yeeld unto the agreement of the Brethren at Bruntelan in March, for repossessing the Ministers of Edinburgh; and charging them as they will answer unto God, to endeavour a redress of that wrong done unto the Church of Christ by Act of the Secret Counsell, whereby the Ministers of Edinburgh were discharged to preach at any time in any part of the realm; he adviseth to consider, whether the proceedings of the Com∣missioners have been conform unto the conclnsions of the preceeding as∣sembly; or els, it is not possible to hold out corruption; And to la∣ment the restraint of the freedom of Assemblies, which now are made to depend upon licences, Letters and proclamations, whereas the Ba∣rons, and the Burghs enioy thir severall meetings freely; In end he layth down his part of the Commission at their feet, as the Pioner doth his burden: For it grieved him continually, and now brought him into the danger of death. Albeit he was not acquainted with their se∣crets, yet it grieved him to sit somtimes among them, even albeit ••e consented not unto their Sentences. The King took this Letter out of the Moderator's hand, and suffered it not to be read. John Davidson sent another Letter to this purpose; Should James & John seek to sit the one at the right hand, and the other at the left, when Christ is going to Jeru∣salem to suffer death? Is it time for Baruch to seek great things for himself, whent the Lord is about to destroy what he hath planted, and threatens his people with fearfull captivity? is it time for us now, when so many of our worthy Brethren are shamefully thrust out of their callings without all or∣der of just proceeding against them, & boni malis demutantur, and Papists, Jesuits and atheists dayly flocking home are suffered, countenanced and ad∣vanced to great roum•• in the realm? is it time for us of the Ministry to be in∣veigled, and blindfolded with pretence of preferment of some small number of our brethren, and that not to stand so much in the election of the Church as at the pleasure of the Court, to have vote in Parliament, to ride in foot mantles, and to have the titls of Prelacies, and so to make preparative in ourselves unto that Hierarchy (as they call it) which the Papists hope to enjoy with speed? what is it but honorari intra palatium ad servitutem? shall we brethren, sliep still with Samson on Dalilah's lap, till they cry, The Philistins be upon thee? he wrot more in this purpose, and in the end he wished that they would not determin any thing de presenti concerning the new plan∣ting of Edinburgh in prejudice of their brethren not as yet displaced by any order, for any promise de futuro, as punishment of Papists, seing those two can not stand together. If reason find no place; he exhorts them to re∣member, that Melins & optabilius est egregium bellum pace impia & à Deo di∣strahente. Bishop Spotswood addeth that he scoffing at the Kings doings, said. But Boniton is executed, an infamous thief in the highest degree. What is that to the cause of Religion, whereof no question was moved? is there

no Papists nor favourer of Papists in Scotland, but Boniton? But the King is sound in religion; what can the Papists do? Being sound, the danger were the less; but there is nothing either in Church or king according to our Calling, &c. The king said, There was treason in this Letter; and for it the writer was committed to the castle of Edinburgh in the same month, and afterward was confined to his parishon enduring his life. In the Narration it is said also; The Assembly began, with little contentment to either party: but the King (to won the people, because of the jealousy many had conceived for the fact at Perth in August) protested with the tear in his ey, that he would be serious for the Church and the liberty of the Go∣spell. And for more satisfaction it was approved by Court and many of the Ministry, which before was not only neglected, but mocked at, to wit, to ripe up the causes of defection in all Estates from the purity and zeal in the practise of the true Religion, and to advise upon the remedies. So in this they had a tast of the wonted assemblies. But there was small security in the chief directores and others of that side: for neither were the chief cau∣ses layd open, nor a right course taken for remedy. The distraction a∣mong Ministers, the cause and remedies thereof was not touched. The King was so serious against the three Ministers of Edinburgh, that for his satisfaction it was concluded, they should be transported. The generall Commission was renewed, and almost all the same persons were authori∣zed, so that the plotters were not changed [nor censured] but others were put off and put in, as they thought expedient. About the end of the Assembly the King holding up his hand, vowed to execute justice faith∣fully, and to discredit all who shall attempt any thing against religion. In the provinciall synod of Fife conveened at Kingorn in September, they agreed upon some grievances to be presented unto the next Nationall As∣sembly, to wit. 1. That notwithstanding the Acts of Parliament and ge∣nerall assemblies and necessity of the time, the time and place of the assem∣blies are altered without the knowledge of presbyteries and synods. 2. Mi∣nisters are summoned before the Secret Counsell in prima in stantia for do∣ctrin and discipline: which is a great encouragement unto the enemies. 3. All application of doctrin in the Exercise is condemned, under pretence of an Act of the Generall assembly: which Act would be sichted and clearly interpreted. 4. The government of the chief affaires of the Church con∣tinues in the hands of a few under the name of a Commission, to the preju∣dice of the liberty of the synods and presbyteries. 5. The Doctors bearing an ordinary calling in the Church are debarred from the assembly. 6. The Assembly takes no notice of the Cautions that were appointed for avoiding corruptions in the commissioners Voters in the Parliament. 7. The ab∣sence of the Pastors of Edinburgh, and alteration of the Ministry there, which was the chief Watch-tower of our churches, hurts greatly the cause of religion, and encourages the enemies. 8. There is distraction in opi∣nions, different from that consent of hearts, which hath been in the Church, and litle deliberation hath been or reasons heard, whence it is that conclu∣sions are made, the half of the brethren (almost) gainsaying. 9. The Land is defiled, and the Church endammaged by the French Ambassadors Masse. 10. Persons excommunicated for Papistry go publickly and peace∣ably. 11. The Noble men lately absolved from excommunication for Papistry, give no token of their profession of the truth, but rather the con∣trary. 12. The directions and Letters of apprehended Papists are keept up, and not communicated unto the Watchmen, that they may make

faithfull warning to prevent danger. 13. The disciplin of the Church a∣gainst incest, adultery and murder is not practized with holy severity as it becomes? but frequent remissions of criminall persons for avoiding civill punishment. 14. The remedies provided against imminent dangers, in sundry meetings of the Church, are not prosecuted.

II. The Assembly did by the Kings proclamation conveen at Holyrud∣house * 7.57 November 10. year 1602. there was the king and (in case of his ab∣sence at any time) his Commissioners the Treasurer, Collector, Con∣troller & Sir Patrik Murray; and Ministers. Before I touch the Acts It is to be marked that in the roll of the members is not the name of one Elder, as also in the two proceeding Assemblies is no mention of any Ruling Elder, either Noble or Gentle man nor Burgess. It it likely that by the proclama∣tion in December year 1597. they were all terrified. This desertion was a grievous mutilation and weakning of the Assemblies: but I have seen (in time of the Bb.) some Barons keep the former custom in the Presbyteries, by sitting and voicing there. 2. The historicall Narration shewes, that when the votes were given at the election of the Moderator, James Melvin pro∣tested as followes; With all reverence unto your Majesty before I speak any thing in this assembly, I must protest, that seing it is conveened extraordinarily, and not at the time appointed at the last assembly by your Majesties authority, and it is keept here within your Majesties palace a place not accustomed heretofore for hol∣ding the assemblies of the Church; Whatsoever shall be done here contrary unto the word of God, or the former constitutions of the Church and the established disciplin (which God forbid) to be null and of no effect; and that it may be remedied at the next ordinary assembly of the Church of Scotland. Patrik Galloway was chosen Moderator. The hour of meeting of the Privy Conference was appointed to be at nyne a clock; and of the assembly to be at elleven, and to sit untill four in the evening. I. The Commissioners that were appointed to wait upon the Noble men were called to shew their diligence: in summa they had done little or nothing; George gladstons (afterwards Bishop of San∣tandrews) said, that when he was upon his journey to visit the churches in Caitnes; he went to the Earle of Huntly, who said, that he was upon his journey southward at the kings command, and when he returned, he would shew what scruples he had in the matters of religion. Alexander Lindsay (afterwards Bishop of Dunkell) said, The Earle of Errol was an ordinary hearer of the Word; he professed to have no scruples in religion; he had provided the churches within his bounds sufficiently, and was rea∣dy to communicat upon occasion in any church where his residence was. John Spotswood (afterwards Bishop of Glascow, and then of Santan∣drews) said, whereas he and James law were appointed to wait on the Earle of Anguse, the King had commanded him to go into France with the Duke of Lenox; and James law said, Because these two were coniunct, he could do nothing alone, but he understood by the reporr of Brethren, that that Earle resorteth not to the hearing of the word, and he entertaines enemies of the religion. John Carmichell, who was appointed to wait upon the Lord Hume, said, he was not in the countrey; And John Hall said, he was appointed to wait upon the Lord Heress when he was in Edin∣burgh, but he was a very short space there. II. For the Commissioners that were appointed to attend the Plat for provision of stipends, the Lord Collector said, They had done nothing, because the Presbyteries had not sent their answers unto his Majesties Letters, without which they could not proceed. The Assembly ordaines the Presbyteries to produce their

answers tomorrow. III. The Commissioners that were appointed to vi∣sit the Presbyteries had neglected their part. Therefore it was concluded, that hereafter such as shal be appointed Commissioners, shall accept their commission in face of the assembly, and give their oath to perform it faith∣fully. Some of those Visitors had done nothing; some were not present, and they who had done somewhat, were judged to have been superficiall. IV. The generall Commissioners were ordained to shew their diligence the next day in writ. V. For remedy of those negligences it was appoin∣ted first, that certain other Ministers should attend those Noble men; as also the Lords Maxwell and Semple, and the Earle of Suderland; and they should follow the Instructions that were prescribed and given unto them, to wit. 1, Yee shall address yourselves with all diligence to enter into the company and family of 〈1 span left blank〉〈1 span left blank〉 to remain with them the space of three months continually; during which time your care shall be by publick do∣ctrin, by reading and interpretation of the Scriptures ordinarily after meals, and by conference at all convenient occasions to instruct themselves in all the grounds of the true Religion and godliness, specially in the heads controverted, and confirm them therein. 2. Take pains to catechize their families ordinarily every day once or twice at the least, to bring them unto some reasonable measure of knowledge and feeling of religion before the expiring of the appointed time; and that action should begin and end with prayer. 3. Endeavour to purge the houses from all persons li∣ving inordinatly, whose bad example might bring slander unto their pro∣fession; specially from them that are suspect in religion, or found any way busy in dealing against the Truth and quietness of the countrey. 4. Endea∣vour to have their churches provided with sufficient stipends and wel quali∣fied persons, and procure that by their authority and assistance the disciplin of the church may have execution within their bounds. 5. Urge the per∣formance of the Articles, which they did subscribe at their reconciliation, and extract these Articles out of the register. 6. Persuade them to make honest provision of stipends for the Pastors resident at their Houses or chief dwelling places, and to make choise of wise, grave and learned Pastors there∣unto. 7. Inform the Kings Majesty from time to time, how they do profit and what company resorts unto them, and of what disposition is their com∣pany. VI. Certain Overtures were given unto the Commissioners unto the ••lat concerning the provision of churches. VII. Certain Ministers were appointed to visit the presbyteries and parriculat congregation in se∣uerall Shires, and after de••iberation Rules were given which should be ob∣served universally, to wit. 1. The Visitors shall appoint two or three da∣yes * 7.58 for tryall of each presbytery, and acquaint the presbytery a month or three weeks at least before their coming, and send them an Edict to be pu∣blished at every parish-church of the bounds by some other brother then the Minister of the place: let it be duly executed, indorsed, and reported unto the Visitors the first day of theit meeting. 2. Let the Edict be so dire∣cted by the Presbyteries that an equall number of Pastors be tryed each one of the dayes appointed for the tryall of the Presbytery; and the commissio∣ners of the congregations to be present on their day respectiv••. 3. Try the condition of every Minister particularly; then the estates of the congrega∣tions, and lastly of the Presbytery generally. The tryall of the Pastors should be in this manner; 1. Try each one in his graces and ability to discharge his calling: in his furniture of books and other necessary helps of enabling: with what fidelity a••d prudence he discharges himself in calling, doctrin, disciplin

and conversation. 2. For this effect enquire of the commissioners of his congregation what testimony he hath of his own Session and others of his flock, and especially whether he reside in his Manse; whether his life and the government of his family be such as he be not scandalous, but edifieth his flock; whether he teaches every sabboth once or twice, or any other day besids in the week; whether he keeps weekly convention with his Session for the exercise of disciplin; whether he Ministreth the Communi∣on yearly with due examinations preceeding; whether he hath an establi∣sh'd Session of Elders and deacons; whether he catechizeth weekly a part of his parishon; whether he keeps an ordinary visitation of some families weekly; whether he visits the sick and distressed, when occasion requires: whether he be diligent to remove all variances in his congregation. Then try him (if need shall be) by expounding some passage of Scripture, and by questions Enquire of him, what helps he hath for advancement of his studies; whether he hath the text of the Scripture in the originall langua∣ges; what knowledge he hath of those tongues; whether he hath the Translation of the old Testament by Tremellius, and of the new by Beza with the vulgar English; what books he hath for the common Heads, and the ecclesiasticall history; what commentaries he hath on the Scriptures, specially on his ordinary Text; whether he hath the Acts of Councels▪ what writers he hath upon the controverfies of Religion; whether he useth the conference of Brethren for his resolution in the doubts occurring in his reading, and of whom; whether he hath an ordinary course in reading the Scripture, Ecclesiasticall histories and the controversies; whether he makes any memoriall of his travels in writ; What is his ordinary Text; Whether he be provided to the parsonage, or vicarage, and whether he hath set any tacks thereof, to whom and on what condition; In whose hands are the tiths of his parishon, and what Overture he can give for pro∣vision of a stipend there, if it be not sufficiently provided. And examin his Session-book. When the brother is removed, let the Presbytery be enquired one by one, and declare upon their conscience what they know of his graces, fidelity in doctrin, disciplin and conversation. After this tryall let him be judged, and either approved, or admonished, or other∣wise censured, as the cause requires. Next in the Visitation of congrega∣tions, * 7.59 Try every Minister particularly, whether there be any Jesuites, Papists, Seminary-priests, trafficquers against the Religion, and peace of the countrey, or any maintainers of them within that congrega∣tion; Whether there be any witches, excommunicat persons, or diso∣bedient unto the disciplin of the Church; Whether there be any super∣stitious dayes keept by setting forth of fires or otherways; Whether there be any superstitious places of pilgrimages, wells or chappels; Whe∣ther there be any not-communicants, any homicides or deadly fe••ds, any adulterers, incestuous persons; Whither the sabboth be profaned by keeping of ma••kets, or working especially in time of harvest; As they shall find in the premisses, let them take order for reformation of any point thereof. Thirdly concerning the visitation of Presbyteries, Let * 7.60 the Moderator be enquired, if they keep their ordinary meetings; If they have their monthly handling of the Common Heads, and dispu∣tations; If they visit all the churches since the last generall Visitation; If they take weekly or monthly account of their Brethren diligences in the discharge of their duty by catechizing their flock, and visiting the fami∣lies; If any of their number be insolent and will not acquiesce in the deter∣minations

of the Brethren; What unplanted churches are within their bounds. VIII. The Brethren that were appointed to consider the pro∣positions of the Synod of Fife (which are written before) condescended u∣pon the answers following. 1. The Nationall Asse. should be appointed and keept according to the Act of Parliament July 2. year 1592. the words are inserted, even as they be here above. P. 489. 2. If his Majesty shall proceed against Ministers according to his own declaration made and enacted in the assembly at Dundy in the year 1597. the desire of the second article is satis∣fied; and no other thing is meant. 3. The Act concerning application in Exercise should not be extended to forbid the application of Gods word unto the generall ends thereof, which is lawfull in this manner, This point of doctrin serves for refutation of such an error, for the rebuik of such a vice, for consorting men in such a case: as for personall application; it is to be advised whether it should be or not, and how far; And thinks good that it be argued in the Presbyteries, which shall send with their Commis∣sioners unto the next Assembly their resolution with their reasons; And in the mean while no nomination to be used in application. 4. Let all com∣missions be used according to the Acts of the assembly. 5. Doctors have had and may have vote in the assembly, if they have lawfull commission for that effect, as it was declared in the assembly at Edinburgh year 1586. and in other assemblies. 6. Let the cautions be precisely keept and looked-un∣to, as they were ordained. The seventh is answered by the assembly▪ 8. Nothing is to be done in the assemblies, unless it be reasoned and advised sufficiently. 9. We acquiesce in his Majesties declaration, as W. Balcan∣quall will declair. 10. Let their names be given up and order should be ta∣ken precisely. The 11. Is ended in the assembly. 12. We acquiesce in his Ma^s declaration, who will acquaint the presbyteries, as occasion shall requi∣re. 13 & 14. Let greater diligence be used, and things amended on all hands in time coming, according to the Acts of the ass. These answers were appro∣ved & registred. IX. Commission is given unto 24. Ministers or any nyne of them, to attend on the King; with power as in the last assembly; And other 24. brethren are named & adjoyned unto the Commissioners of Provinces that were conveened at Holyrudhouse October 15. year 1600. out of which number his Majesty may make choice of whom he will pre∣sent unto ••aking Benefices, who should vote in Parliament. X. The as∣sembly ordaines all persons to keep the sabbath, and inhibites all kind of fishing, and grinding of mills on the sabbath day, Under pain of the cen∣sure of the Church; And ordains the Commissioners to petition his Majesty that a pecuniall mulct may be laid upon the contraveeners of this Act. XI. An Act is made for planting the Churches of Annandeal, which have been destitute since the Reformation; and that all not provided Ministers shall accept a charge there (sufficient stipends being provided;) or to be decla∣red uncapable of the Ministry. To this effect a roll of Expectants▪ [or Stu∣dents] is written. XII. The Moderator in name of the Assembly makes humble request unto his Majesty in favour of Robert Bruce, that seing he is admitted to return, he may be restored unto his former Ministry. The King declares that he will do by advice of their commissioners, as Robert shall give occasion by his behaviour; And because by his Missive unto his Majesty before his way going, as also by his ratification and declaration thereof in writ at Perth Iuny 15. last by past he had declared his resolution concerning his Majesties innocency, and the guiltiness of Goury and his brother, and had promised to divert the people so far as lay in him from

their lewd opinions & uncharitable misconstructions of his Majesties a∣ctions in that matter; Therefore his Majesty craves the determination of the Assembly, whether the same Robert should make the same de∣claration in the pulpit, as it is at length written in the Missive and ex∣planation thereof; Which both were read, and ordained to be regi∣stred. The Assembly voiced that the said Robert should do as he had promised. XIII. The Assembly ordaines that all Ministers should keep the fifth day of August by conveening their people, and teaching that day, by giving thanks unto God for preserving the King from that conspiracy of Goury and his brother; And the King promiseth, that he shall discharge all riotousness, drunkenness and other wickedness, by open proclamation, and shall ordain Magistrats to take heed thereun∣to. XIV. No marriage should be celebrated in the morning nor with candle light; and judgeth it lawfull to celebrat marriage on the Sabbath or any other preaching day indifferently, so that no riotousness be u∣sed. XV. The Sacrament of Baptism should not be refused unto in∣fants, if the parent crave it, he giving a Christian Confession of his faith; and specially that Baptism be not astricted unto particular dayes. XVI. A summons was read, that was raised at the instance of the Synod of Lothian against Dame Elenor Hay Countess of Lithgow, charging her to appear before this Assembly, to prosecute her appellation from the Sentence of excommunication pronounced against her by the Pres∣bytery of Lithgow; With certification, if she appeared not, the Assem∣bly would ratify that Sentence. Alexander Earle of Lithgow gives a large supplication, mentioning how grieved he was for the obstinacy of his spouse, in not consenting to satisfy the conditions that were enjoi∣ned unto her, when she was relaxed from the fearfull Sentence of ex∣communication; And therefore was likely to incurr that fearfull Sen∣tence again, if the Assembly shall not have some consideration of his estate, who can not forsake her society, albeit he be, and promiseth ever with Gods grace to be a sinceer Professor of the Religion taught with∣in this countrey, and promiseth to do his best endeavours for conver∣ting her unto the truth. After consideration the Assembly suspends the Sentence untill the next Nationall Assembly; Providing that the King remove his daughter out of her company; And that the Earle will pro∣mise and cause his children to be catechized in the true Religion; and that his Majesty will give him command to debarr all other Papists out of his house, and deall earnestly upon all occasions with her for her con∣version. XVII. Proposition was made by sundry brethren from diverse parts, that some of best judgement be appointed to consider of the chiefest dangers appearing unto the Religion and peace of the countrey, and of the the principall causes thereof, and how it might be best prevented. Bre∣thren were appointed for this effect, and having severall dayes communi∣cat their thoughts, did find, that a chief cause of danger proceeds from miscontentment of some malicious and restless Papists, who rage, and leave nothing unessayed to work trouble, because they are out of all hope to have his Majesties indifferent affection or connivence to them and their Religion, during his Reign; And of others who by the execution of justice find themselves and their friends to have suffered dammage, and to be empaired of their greatness and dependance, and so redacted to live un∣der the obedience of lawes; otherwise then they were wont; And from

minations of the Brethren; What unplanted churches are within their bounds. VIII. The Brethren that were appointed to consider the pro∣positions of the Synod of Fife (which are written before) condescended u∣pon the answers following. 1. The Nationall Asse. should be appointed and keept according to the Act of Parliament July 2. year 1592. the words are inserted, even as they be here above. P. 489. 2. If his Majesty shall proceed against Ministers according to his own declaration made and enacted in the assembly at Dundy in the year 1597. the desire of the second article is satis∣fied; and no other thing is meant. 3. The Act concerning application in Exercise should not be extended to forbid the application of Gods word unto the generall ends thereof, which is lawfull in this manner, This point of doctrin serves for refutation of such an error, for the rebuik of such a vice, for consorting men in such a case: as for personall application; it is to be advised whether it should be or not, and how far; And thinks good that it be argued in the Presbyteries, which shall send with their Commis∣sioners unto the next Assembly their resolution with their reasons; And in the mean while no nomination to be used in application. 4. Let all com∣missions be used according to the Acts of the assembly. 5. Doctors have had and may have vote in the assembly, if they have lawfull commission for that effect, as it was declared in the assembly at Edinburgh year 1586. and in other assemblies. 6. Let the cautions be precisely keept and looked-un∣to, as they were ordained. The seventh is answered by the assembly. 8. Nothing is to be done in the assemblies, unless it be reasoned and advised sufficiently. 9. We acquiesce in his Majesties declaration, as W. Balcan∣quall will declair. 10. Let their names be given up and order should be ta∣ken precisely. The 11. Is ended in the assembly. 12. We acquiesce in his Ma^s declaration, who will acquaint the presbyteries, as occasion shall requi∣re. 13 & 14. Let greater diligence be used, and things amended on all hands in time coming, according to the Acts of the ass. These answers were appro∣ved & registred. IX. Commission is given unto 24. Ministers or any nyne of them, to attend on the King; with power as in the last assembly; And other 24. brethren are named & adjoyned unto the Commissioners of Provinces that were conveened at Holyrudhouse October 15. year 1600. out of which number his Majesty may make choice of whom he will pre∣sent unto vaking Benefices, who should vote in Parliament. X. The as∣sembly ordaines all persons to keep the sabbath, and inhibites all kind of fishing, and grinding of mills on the sabbath day, Under pain of the cen∣sure of the Church; And ordains the Commissioners to petition his Majesty that a pecuniall mulct may be laid upon the contraveeners of this Act. XI. An Act is made for planting the Churches of Annandeal, which have been destitute since the Reformation; and that all not provided Ministers shall accept a charge there (sufficient stipends being provided;) or to be decla∣red uncapable of the Ministry. To this effect a roll of Expectants [or Stu∣dents] is written. XII. The Moderator in name of the Assembly makes humble request unto his Majesty in favour of Robert Bruce, that seing he is admitted to return, he may be restored unto his former Ministry. The King declares that he will do by advice of their commissioners, as Robert shall give occasion by his behaviour; And because by his Missive unto his Majesty before his way going, as also by his ratification and declaration thereof in writ at Perth Iuny 15. last by past he had declared his resolution concerning his Majesties innocency, and the guiltiness of Goury and his brother, and had promised to divert the people so far as lay in him from

their lewd opinions & uncharitable misconstructions of his Majesties a∣ctions in that matter; Therefore his Majesty craves the determination of the Assembly, whether the same Robert should make the same de∣claration in the pulpit, as it is at length written in the Missive and ex∣planation thereof; Which both were read, and ordained to be regi∣stred. The Assembly voiced that the said Robert should do as he had promised. XIII. The Assembly ordaines that all Ministers should keep the fifth day of August by conveening their people, and teaching that day, by giving thanks unto God for preserving the King from that conspiracy of Goury and his brother; And the King promiseth, that he shall discharge all riotousness, drunkenness and other wickedness, by open pro••lamation, and shall ordain Magistrats to take heed thereun∣to. XIV. No marriage should be celebrated in the morning nor with candle light; and judgeth it lawfull to celebrat marriage on the Sabbath or any other preaching day indifferently, so that no riotousness be u∣sed. XV. The Sacrament of Baptism should not be refused unto in∣fants, if the parent crave it, he giving a Christian Confession of his saith; and specially that Baptism be not astricted unto particular dayes. XVI. A summons was read, that was raised at the ••nstance of the Synod of Lothian against Dame Elenor Hay Countess of Lithgow, charging her to appear before this Assembly, to prosecute her appellation from the Sentence of excommunication pronounced against her by the Pres∣bytery of Lithgow; With certification, if she appeared not, the Assem∣bly would ratify that Sentence. Alexander Earle of Lithgow gives a large supplication, mentioning how grieved he was for the obstinacy of his spouse, in not consenting to satisfy the conditions that were enjoi∣ned unto her, when she was relaxed from the fearfull Sentence of ex∣communication; And therefore was likely to incurr that fearfull Sen∣tence again, if the Assembly shall not have some consideration of his estate, who can not forsake her society, albeit he be, and promiseth ever with Gods grace to be a sinceer Professor of the Religion taught with∣in this countrey, and promiseth to do his best endeavo••rs for conver∣ting her unto the truth. After consideration the Assembly suspends the Sentence untill the next Nationall Assembly; Providing that the King remove his daughter out of her company; And that the Earle will pro∣mise and cause his children to be catechized in the true Religion; and that his Majesty will give him command to debarr all other Papists out of his house, and deall earnestly upon all occasions with her for her con∣version. XVII. Proposition was made by sundry brethren from diverse parts, that some of best judgement be appointed to consider of the chiefest dangers appearing unto the Religion and peace of the countrey, and of the the principall causes thereof, and how it might be best prevented. Bre∣thren were appointed for this effect, and having severall dayes communi∣cat their thoughts, did find, that a chief cause of danger proceeds from miscontentment of some malicious and restless Papists, who rage, and leave nothing unessayed to work trouble, because they are out of all hope to have his Majesties indifferent affection or connivence to them and their Religion, during his Reign; And of others who by the execution of justice find themselves and their friends to have suffered dammage, and to be empaired of their greatness and dependance, and so redacted to live un∣der the obedience of lawes; otherwise then they were wont; And from

malicious business of some crafty persons, who either for the present ne∣cessity of their estate, or in hope of gain to be had in the change of the go∣vernment, cease not to enflam the hearts of such as they perceive to be miscontented in any rank, and make every man to apprehend his own de∣sire in the trouble of the countrey; not sparing them who are of most sin∣ceer affection unto Religion and justice, as if it were not carried with that integrity as is profest; So endeavouring to make the godly and good subjects the colder adversaries against them who intend any commotion; For re∣medy it is thought good, that his Ma. be informed hereof, that by his care and providence so ungodly counsels and plots may be disappointed; and that Ministers deal with their congregations & auditors upon all occasions both publickly in their teaching, and in their privat conferences with the Noble men and others of credit and power, to persuade them of the Kings honest mind toward the established religion; and the execution of justice; and of his steadfast resolution to hazert his estate, life and crown in the cause of the Gospell; with the standing & falling whereof he thinks his own standing and ••alling to be inseparably conjoyned; And that they mark carefully the actions of all men, specially of such as either for religion or execution of justice, or the necessity of their own estate do grumble against the present government; and are enclined unto novation; And whom they shall find in any extraordinary kind of business b••sids their custom, they should ac∣quaint his Majesties Ministers thereof; not ceasing in the mean while to bring them unto a quiet mind; And for this effect, in all their ordinary meetings as of Sessions, presbyteries and synods there should be a privat and particular inquisition in this point, if need shall require, and his Ma∣jesty should be advertised with all expedition; As also it is thought expe∣dient that his Majesties Ministers should inform the Presbyteries of things occurring so far as the good of Religion shall require; And that this ad∣vertisment should be extracted, and sent with diligence unto every pre∣sbytery. XVIII. The next assembly is appointed to be at Aberdien the last tuysday of Iuly in the year 1604. In one copy I have found this modell following.

The order of proceeding in the Provinciall Synods.

• 1. The sē∣cing or sitting down.
  • 1. By the Moderator that last was, in exhortation, prayer, and delivering the books of the Assembly with the Acts formed, booked and subscribed by him, and ordering by liet and votes the election of another Moderator.
  • 2. By the chosen Moderator, in appointing the hours of mee∣ting, and other things concerning good order; in censuring the absents from the preceeding Assembly, and noting if all the members be present, when the role of Ministers, Elders and Commissioners is to be called.
• II. things to be trea∣ted
  • 1. The books of every Presbytery should be sighted; whether the Presbyteries be duly keept in conveening, exercizing, having monthly common-heads and disputes, & visiting the Churches.
  • 2. Pastors in their office severally or together. Severally it is to be enquired into their teaching at their own Churches, and disciplin: every one is to be enquired concerning the place of Scripture handled by them since the last Assembly; and the ad∣ministration of the communion, and diligence in examination of young and old passing before in the points of Catechism, and concerning their keeping the Session weekly, and things done therein: for which effect they should bring their books contai∣ning

• ...
  • those and the names of baptized and married persons, and of slanderous or scandalous persons.
    • 2. They should be ex∣amined in their manner of conversation, whether it be not only without scandall, but edificative.
    • 3. Concerning their pro∣vision by stipend or Benefice, gleeb, manse, &c.
  • 2. If Ministers have questions or bils for resolution or furthe∣rance in their office & livings, let them be answered. If any bils or accusations against them be given by any, let them be heard; and so if by any of them.
  • 3. If any appellations, references or summons be from Pres∣byteries, let them be decided.
  • 4. If any references from the last generall Assembly, or suppli∣cation unto the next Parliament, or generall Assembly; or any instructions thereunto.
  • 5. Concerning the people; whether any scandalous persons; and their repentance.
• III.
  • Conclusion; absents are to be marked; appointing time and place of the next Assembly; thanksgiving.

It may be marked, that this nomination of Voters in Parliament was not according to the cautions that were concluded in the Assembly of the year 1600. but they were lesse looked-upon afterwards, when others were chosen, who were not in this number. As for Robert Bruce, he saw that the other Ministers who had confessed their fault, were not restored unto their places: and therefore he would not make the publick confession, as it was enioyned him: for his refusing he was confined some years in the north, and then to his own house of Kinnaird.

III. Aprile 3. year 1603. the King had a publick Speach in the great * 7.61 church of Edinburgh two dayes before he took journy unto England: there he thanked God, that both Church and kingdom were setled in that estate, which he intended to change no way, his subjects living in peace. He pro∣mised again the same concerning the disciplin Aprile 5. unto the Commis∣sioners of the Synod of Lothian meeting him above Hadintoun; but he would not yeeld to release Andrew Melvin and John Davidson from their confinement, nor grant Robert Bruce to re-enter into Edinburgh. A little before, Ormeston made supplication for John Davidson: but the King said, His hands were bound up by a promise unto the Commissioners of the generall Assembly. Though the chief Watch-towers of the Church, to∣wit, Edinbu••gh and Santandrews were spoiled of their faithfull watch-men, yet the plotters of Episcopacy perceived that their course could not be easily advanced as they would, unless the Church were deprived of their liberty to indict & hold free generall Assemblies. And because they were accoun∣table unto those assemblies, they endeavoured, that no assembly should bee, untill they had purchased power to over-rule them; nor then, but when they pleased. This was perceived by the judicious Ministers, who used means for preserving the liberty of the Church. The Synod of Fife dealt with John hall, to entreat, that ••he assembly might conveen before the en∣suing Parliament An. 1604. according to the custom in former times. Af∣terwards he a••ported, that he had written so unto the King, but could not obtain it. The presbytery of Edinburgh wrot unto Patrik Galloway (then at Court) for the same effect: after sundry delaying answers he promi∣sed at last to return for that end: but when he and the entitled Bishop of

Ross returned, they report in a full convention of Ministers (directed from the Synods) that the King said, It is needless, because nothing is to be handled in the next Parliament, but the union of the two Kingdoms, whereby the order and disciplin of the Church should be no way prejudged▪ The Ministers alledged, The Union can not be concluded without union of the Churches in government and form of worship; and that the Voters in name of the Church were tied by cautions not to propound in Parliam. or other Convention without express warrant and direction of the Assem∣bly. The new-named Bishops and other advancers of that course were not pleased with such answers, and brake up the Conference, as they were wont, when they were crossed. When the time appointed by the last as∣sembly was approaching, the Lord Scoon brought from Court (among other articles) one for delaying the Assembly. The commissioners of the Generall assembly sent their Missives unto the presbyteries in Juny, and prorogated the assembly untill the first tuysday of July in the year 1605. or a ••horter diet upon▪ new advertisment, at his Majesties pleasure. The pre∣sbyteries unwillng to offend the King, acquiesce; yet they ceased not to crave the hastning of the time, because of urgent necessities, as of iniquity abounding, idolatry waxing, Jesuits and Seminary-priests traficking through the countrey securely, malefactors ••luding the inferior Judicatories by ap∣pellations to the generall assembly, which, they say, will never bee. The presbytery of Santandr. resolved to keep the day that was appointed before, because the warrant of keeping it was safer than the warrant of delaying, and the rather that the intended Union was nothing hindered thereby, So James Melvin, William Erskin and William Murray were directed as their commissioners: they presented their commission in the church of Aber∣dien upon the last tuysday of July about four a clock in the after-noon be∣fore two Ministers of the town, the Minister at Nig; the town-Commis∣sary and two Notaries, and other witnesses, and made their protestation both by word and writ subscribed with their hands, that they appear there for keeping the assembly, and that it desert not so far as in them lieth; and they protest that whatsoever detriment or prejudice befalleth the Church of Scotland by neglecting the Assem. it be not imputed unto the presbytery of Santand; and for remedy agreeable to the word of God, lawes of the realm, acts and constitutions of the Church, antient practise and liberties thereof, when God shall think expedient. Albeit that day was not keept, yet it was delayd because of his Ma^s Missive directed unto the presbyteries, and subscri∣bed by his Majesties commissioner and Moderator of the last assembly, and another day was appointed, the first tuysday of July year 1605. at the far∣rest or sooner, as is before. The best affected in the North were touched with remorse for their own neglect, when they saw the carefulness of the presbytery of Santandrews. These three Brethren advised them to direct from their next Synod, which was to be in August at Aberdien, their Letters into other Synods, entreating them to send some of their number unto the ensuing Synod of Fife at Santandrews, where they may lay open their grievances, and concurr in craving a generall assembly. In the Par∣liament held at Perth July 11. when Commissioners were chosen to treat with England concerning the Union, some Noble men, and Barons and Burgesses craved a clause to be inserted in the Commission for preserving the estate of religion and disciplin in it's own freedom & sincerity; And they craved the assistance of the Commissioners of the generall assembly: but these bewrayd their intentions to overthrow the disciplin notwith∣standing

their contrary promises and protestations. Nevertheless no in convenent followed at that time, because the Union was crossed. A great number of Ministers conveened at Santandrews, specially from the South and West parts. Sir Alexander Straton of Laureston (the Kings Commissi∣oner in Church affaires) was informed that they intended to hold a Natio∣nall assembly: therefore he went thether with Letters from the Counsell in readiness to discharge their meeting: but when he saw their proceedings, he approved all, and advised them to warn other synods to direct their commissioners unto Perth in October to conveen with the commissioners of the generall assembly. When they were assembled, Laureston willed the commissioners of the synods to conveen apart, to consider of their ar∣ticles and petitions, which they would send with him unto the King. They went so, and declared theit griefs one to another, regrating heavily the decay of the liberty of the Church, the usurpation of the commissioners of the Generall assembly, who take unto them all the government of the Church; the inconveniences falling▪out thereby in all the Provinces; and the want of a generall assembly. How soon these things were made known unto these generall commissioners, they would not suffer the others any more to conveen apart. When they conveened all together, they insisted most upon two grievances; one, that the commissioners of the last gene∣rall assembly, or rather some few of them arrogated to themselves all the government of the Church and power of the generall assembly, doing and undoing at their pleasure under the name of it; and redacting the Church into an oligarchy, albeit their commission be expired with the date of the last appointed assembly. The other that the new named Bishops took the boldness to reason and vote in Parliament without any commission from the Church. Unto the first they answered, Their commission should con∣tinue till the next assembly: they were weary of that office, but the King would deal with no others; and that yee will find, if yee attempt any thing without us. This last was true: but better none at all then such. As for the first part, the effects proved that they were not weary: for to the end, they might continue, they procured the prorogation of the assemblies, and their commission was the chief means, whereby they wrought their advancement. Unto the next, both the Bishops and others not yet pro∣moted, answered, Let the breakers of the cautions be seveerly censured; I wish (said George Graham) he were hang'd above all thieves, who preaseth not to his uttermost; to see the cautions keept, for holding out corruption, and the pride and tyranny of Bishops, And nevertheless he accepted first the Bishoprik of Dunblain, and then of Orknay, never ac∣knowledging the assembly and contrary to his many promises. The others replied; Not a jote of the cautions is keept either in the entring of Bishops, or in their administration: they leave their flocks, run Post to Court, and return Lord Bishop. The other generall commissioners said, They may reserve their grievances unto the next generall assembly, where they promi∣sed their concurrence, or if they failed, they were never to be esteemed as brethren. It was replied, All grievances are remitted unto the generall assembly; and in the mean while those who feared censure, and had credite at Court, procured delayes, untill custom corroborat their corruptions; and means were used even among Ministers for their advantage and conti∣nuance: betwixt them and Christ be it, when he shall call them to account. In end they agreed on four points to be petitioned. 1. That a generall as∣sembly may without offence to his Majesty be held according to the Act of

Parliament and former custom. 2. That order may be taken with Papists and contemners of the Church-disciplin. 3. That their godly and faith∣full brethren, who are persecuted by the English Bishops, may be per∣mitted to exercize their Calling. 4. Concerning the Plat; which in then last meeting had prejudged sundry Ministers. Laureston promised to deal faithfully with the King in these particulars: but the plotters undermined by their privy Letters. In the synod of Lothian at Tranent in August, Jo. Spotswood and Iames▪law were accused for overthrowing the disciplin. They protested, that they had no such intention, but only to recover the revenues of the Church. But the brethren pressed them to subscribe the Confession of faith de novo; and they subscribed it with the others.

IV. Laureston returning from Court, heard of the Synod of Fife at * 7.62 Bruntelan: thether he went. Mention being made of hastening the Assem∣bly, he opposed, and shew that in his commission was one article, not to permit it. Howheit supplication was made seven times to prevent the appointed day, because of inconveniences following upon the delay, the generall commissioners would not hear; but alwayes promised that with∣out fail the appointed time should be keept. And when the time approa∣ched, they sent their Letters unto the Presbyteries, advising them not to keep the assembly on the fifth of July, but delay untill the next Parliament, without intimation of any other time or place. Those Letters were not sent untill the time was so nigh, that one presbyte••y should not know what ano∣ther would do, and they had platted to have episcopacy restored in the Parlia. and in their Missives they named the fifth day of July, as if that day had been appointed before for the assemb. which gave occasion that sundry Ministers mistook the day: whereby those who went to Aberdien, keept not one day. Some came July 1. to keep the first tuysday (which was the day) * 7.63 according to the Letter of prorogation in the preceeding year: these were Robert Dury Minister at Anstruther, Andrew Duncan Min. at Careil, Jo. Sharp mi. at Kelmeny, Andrew Strachan mi. at Kriech Jo. Forbes mi. at Awford, William Forbes at Kinbethok, James Irwin at Touch, Robert Youngson at Clat, Robert Red at Ban••hry, Charls Farholm at Fraserburgh, William Davidson ar Rathen, David Robertson at Rugley, John Monro ar Tane, Archbald Bla••kburn and James Ross at Aberdien, and John Rogh at Nig. When James Ross had ended his Sermon after the custom of the town on tuysday, they conveened in the church with the Kings commis∣sioner, and with common consent delayd their sitting untill two a clok in expectation of mo hindred upon their way (as was supposed) by rainy weather. At that hour they meet in the Session-house within the church, and after prayer by David Reat late Moderator of the Synod at Aberdien (who now came with Alexander and James Mill) Laureston said, Though he might charge them, yet he would rather make use of a Missive from the Lords of the Counsell. The Letter was directed, To the Ministry in the Assembly at Aberdien. He willed them to read it, and give him their answer. They answered, It can not be orderly opened nor reade untill a Moderator were chosen. He named John Forbes to be mouth for them. They said, There must be an ordinary election. He removed himself, lest (as he spake) he were quarelled as seeming to approve their election by his presence, if it fall, that he and they shall not agree. Then they requi∣red Thomas Nicolson▪ the ordinary clerk of the assemblies to do his office: he refused untill he saw how they will satisfy the Commissioner: then craving their dispensation he went away. They proceed, and having named three

on the election, with generall consent they choosed John Forbes, and the rather that Laureston had named him: after prayer by the Moderator, they choose John sharp to be Scribe pro tempore. The Letterr was read, consi∣sting of two points, to dissolve the Assembly, and to name no diet of ano∣ther till his Majesty were certified. They yeeld unto the first; and for the other, to keep the liberty according to they Act of Parliament they resolve to entreat the Commissioner to appoint time and place of another assembly; and if he refuse, they will do it. They sent and entreated his presence: then the Moderator declared the judgement of the assembly: He approved the first part, and refused to design another time long or short. They assured him, that upon the reverent respect of his desire, they would be als ready afterwards to delay unto a certain day, if his Majesty shall require it. Af∣ter reasoning he acknowledged a necessity of appointing a certain day, but he would not do it, because he had no warrant. He removed himself a∣gain, though he was entreated to stay; giving the same reason as before. Immediatly they adiourn the assembly unto the last tuysday of September next, and appoints intimation to be made unto all the presbyteries accor∣to former custom. Then Laureston returned (the door was alwayes open) and protested that he acknowledged not that for a lawfull Assembly from the beginning, because of the absence of the Moderator of the last assem∣bly; and of the Clerk (he except not against the number.) The Modera∣tor answered, It can not but be a lawfull Assembly because of the warrant. 1. Of Gods word. 2. The lawe of the realm. 3. Continuall practise since the year 1560. and most clearly set down in the book of disciplin establi∣shed by his Mas own desire publickly made known in the Asse. at Glasgow 1581. ch. 7. art. 3. & 4. where it is said, All ecclesiasticall Assemblies have power to conveen for treating of things concerning the Church: they have power to appoint time and place to that effect, and one Assembly to appoint time and place of another. 4. The subscription and oath of the King and all his subjects. 5. the Commissioners from Perth. 6. The presidents in the Register of the assemblies for choosing a Moderator in absence of the former, and a Clerk for the time in absence of the ordinary. In the mean while Laure∣ston caused John Wishart Messinger (or pursevant) to charge the Assembly under pain of horning to suffer it to desert, and gave a copy unto the Mo∣derator. Obedience was given instantly and the Moderator craved instru∣ment under the hand of the same Messinger (being also a Notary:) and be∣cause he refused, the Ministers after the dissolving of the Asse. with prayer by the Moderator, went instantly into the common Clerk's chamber of Aber∣dien, & took instruments of their obedience unto that charge. Of this charge no mention was made unto the Lords of the Counsell, but another that was alledged to have been given by vertue of the same letters on moonday July 1 by open proclamation at the market cross, whereas no such was done: for Laurestoun would have mentioned it, and not said, he might have charged them. And it can be proved (as the Ministers wrot in The Report of the procee∣dings of the Assembled Ministers at Aberdien) that from the first coming of Lau∣reston and his servants into Aberdien untill eight a clok at night, there were continually about the market place walking sundry honest men, who heard no such thing. I add of my own experience; that Sumner was after the year 1606. called usually, Jogleover, or contractly, Joglou'r; as thousands yet alive in Augus and Merns can testify; and he dwelt in Fe••ter cairn in a house belonging then to Laureston, about twenty years after that assembly, I heard a gentle man employing him in a busi∣ness, and having informed him, he said, Jogle not over my business, but do it faithfully:

Then I asked the man; Why they do call him Joglour? He blushed, and gave no answer. The Gentle man laughing, said unto mee, He will never tell you, but I will give you the reason of his name: He is a false rogue; when the Ministers were condemned for the Assembly at Aberdien, some did accuse him, that he was the cause of their condemnation, because he had indorsed the Charge with a false date or antedate: And then he answered, Alas! I knew no thing what was intended, and I thought, it was but a small thing to jogle over [or shuffel] one day at my Masters command: and for that, be is alwayes called Joglour. The man heard all these words, and said nothing, but sighed. I return to the history. Vpon tbe fourth and fifth of July sun∣dry commissioners came to Aberdien from the presbyteries of Kyl, Carrik, Cunningham, Lothian, Mers & Perth: they said, they were hindred partly by extraordinary rain, and partly deceived by the Missives that were sent unto the presbyteries, pointing at the fifth day. John Welsh, Na∣thaniel English and others finding that the brethren were dissolved, and having received a subscribed copy of their proceedings, went together into the place where the Assembly sat, and for the discharge of their commissi∣ons, took instruments in the hands of two Notaries, that they were come to keep the Assembly, and finding it to be dissolved, did ratify and approve their proceedings in their own names, and in name of the presby∣teries that had sent them. Laureston reported unto the Counsell what they had done, and said that he had discharged them by open proclamation at the market cross of Aberdeen on Iuly 1. to hold the assembly, as the indorsing of the Letters specify. Iohn Forbes being in Edinburgh Iuly 24. of purpose to satisfy the Lords of Counsell, concerning the alledged diso∣bedience of his Majesties charge, was warned by a Macer to appear before the Counsell. At that time conveened six Lords, seven Bishops and commissioners of the generall Assembly (a novelty not heard before in Scotland) and they conveened the sooner, and preventing the ordinary time of Counsell, because they feared the opposition of some Lords. Be∣cause he would not condem the Assembly holden at Aberdien by his pri∣vat judgement (howbeit he was willing to submit himself and the procee∣dings thereof unto the judgement of the generall Assembly) he was com;¦manded to ward in the castle of Edinburgh. The next day Iohn Welsh (one of those who came upon the fifth day) was charged to appear before the Counsell, and because he refused to give his oath super inquirendis (he declared himself ready to give his oath, upon the knowledge of their inter∣rogatories) he was committed into the Iail of the town, and about elleven a clok he and Iohn Forbes were transported to Blakness. Iuly 25. charge was given by open proclamation, unto Provests and Bailives of Burghs, namely, of Aberdien to suffer no Ministers to enter within their bounds on the first tuysday of September, nor eight before nor after, to hold any As∣sembly, as was appointed lately by the Ministers at Aberdien. On August 2. Ro. Duty, Andrew Duncan, Alex. Strachan and Io. Sharp being summo∣ned, compeared before the Counsell, and because they would not condem their proceedings at Aberdien, were sent to Blackness. In the mean time the pest break up in Edinburgh, Lieth, Santand. and other parts of the co∣untrey, On August 8. all presbyteries, church-sessions & synods and parti∣cularly Ministers were discharged by proclamation to authorize, approve the proceedings of those Ministers; And Noble men, Barons, gentle men, Magistrats and other subjects were charged to report unto the Coun∣sell, when they hear any Minister in Sermon or any privat confence to justi∣fy their proceedings, or condem the proceedings of the Counsell, With

certification, if they fail, &c. Much business was for annulling those pro∣ceedings, because they had appointed a new Assembly for preserving the Church's liberty ratified by Parliament; and so long as that liberty was pre∣served, episcopacy could not be advanced. On October 3. other 14. Ministers that had been at Aberdien, being cited, compeared before the Counsell: seven of them were sent to wards in sundry places for the same cause that the others were. The other seven confessed, that if they had known, they would not have been there. So they were dismissed. One of them, Robert Youngson repented, and at the next diet compeared with the imprisoned Ministers, before the Counsell. Thomas abernethy stood for the Assembly, untill he heard, that the was to be warded in Innerness: then he submitted, and was licenced to return home. Some were not summoned. The Synod of Fife was to meet at Dunfernlin Septemb. 2. but the Chancelor Seton gave direction unto Pitfirren to hinder them from entring into the town: and therefore they assembled at Innerkithen: where they agreed upon a fast, because of the inprisoned Ministers, and the restraint of the liberties of the Church. The imprisoned Ministers after five weeks sent unto the King an apology, to clear their cause by right information, and to supplicat for their liberty: but they were not heard. Because it was talked in the countrey, that the Church was deprived altogether of their li∣berty and power to indict and hold generall Assemblies, and that we were not to have any moe, one was proclamed to be held at Dundy the last tuysday of July. It was not expressed in what year: therefore some called it fair words. After 13. weeks imprisonment, these Ministers were sum∣moned to compear before the Counsell October 24. to hear & see it decla∣red, that they had very contemptuously, and seditiously conveened and proceeded; and therefore their Assembly to be declared unlawfull, and they to be punished in their goods & persons; or els to shew a reasonable cause, why the same should not be done, With certification, &c. They compeared that day, and presented a supplication unto the Lords to remit the tryall of their cause unto the Generall Assembly the only competent Judge thereof, seing the allowance or disallowance of a Generall Assembly belongs unto the subsequent Assembly, as precedents can declare, where the King hath been present personally; as also because in the late proclama∣tion his Majesty declares that he expectes reparation of all mis-orders in the next Assembly. The supplication was read, and rejected: and they were urged by the Kings Advocat Sir Thomas Hamilton then of Monkland to answer unto the libell. Wherefore they thought themselves constrained to give-in this Declinature; My Lords of Secret Counsell; Please your L. L. the approbation or dis-allowing of a generall Assembly hath been and should be a matter and cause spirituall, and alwayes cognosced & judged by the Church as Judges competent within this realm. And seeing we are called before your L. L. to hear and see it found and declared, that we have very contemptuously conveened and Assembled ourselves in a gene∣rall Assembly at Aberdien the first tuysday of July last, and therefore that Assembly to be declared unlawfull, as at more length is contained in the summons; Wee in confideration of the premisses and other reasons to be given by us, have just cause to decline your L. Ls judgement, as no way competent in the cause above specified, and by these presents simpliciter decline the same, seing we are most willing to submit ourselves to the try∣all of the generall assembly the only Judges competent; By these presents subscribed with our hands October 24. And it was subscribed by all the

fourthien. They were nevertheless required to answer unto the summons; and they did answer for clearing themselves, but with protestation of adhering to their declinature. In summa, they declare, that they had done nothing but according to an Act of Parliament in the year 1592. and they offred to disprove the indorsation of the charge, and whereas their declinature was taken in ill part, they do acknowledge themselves willing▪ to submit unto the judgement of the Counsell in any matter, wherein any other subject ought to submit: neither is it a new thing to decline their judgement in some cases; seing there is extant a declinature subscribed by moe then 300. Ministers, and namely by some of these who now are their greatest adversaries; And it it usuall unto the subjects in some Civill causes to decline the judgement of the Counsell, and to take them unto the judgement of the Lords of the Session, or of the Justice ge∣nerall, or even of a Regality. They were sent to their severall prisons, and Robert Youngson [who that day had joyned with them, confessing his trouble of conscience for his former oversight]. was imprisoned in Ster∣lin. After that time they published an Apology, wherein they enlarged their answers, and the reasons of their declinature [whereof a touch fol∣lowes] and in end they say, Let it be supposed that it was an offence, to hold the Assembly, yet it should not be imputed unto them particularly, but unto the presbyteries, unto whom the Letters of the generall Commissio∣ners were directed, and who had ordered them, to go and keep the Assem∣bly; and afterwards had approved their proceedings. Notwithstanding all their allegations, John Forbes, John Welsh, Robert Dury, Andrew Duncan, Iohn Sharp, and Alexander Strachan were brought by the Guard from Blackness to Lithgow to be arraigned January 10. before the Coun∣sell, of treason, because they had declined the Counsell. It was said commonly, that the extraordinary discovery of the powder▪plot at Lon∣don would have moved the King to desist from troubling Ministers (either in England for their not▪conformity unto the rites, or in Scotland for stan∣ding to their ratified liberty) when all the churches were required to give thanks unto God for that Benefit. But the Earle of Dunbar was sent from Court to manage that business. Ere the Ministers were brought to the Bar, some Counsellers were sent unto them, to move them take up their decli∣nature. After advice with some other Ministers there present, they answe∣red; They would take up the declinature, if the Counsel would delete the process and decreet standing against them. The Lords replied, The Counsell could not annull their decreet, which was registred. Others were sent unto them again, to advise them to pass from the declinature pro loco & tempore, assuring them▪ that the Counsell would pass from all process & persute. They would not answer without advice of their Breth∣ren, who were there about thretty: and then they answerd, The testimo∣ny that was given, could not be recalled without prejudice of the Trueth▪ And they craved licence to advice with their own presbyteries, upon cau∣tion that they shold return into prison. This was denied. All that num∣ber of Ministers accompanied the imprisoned, unto the Bar about one a clok. There were present in the Counsell, the Earles of Montrose, Dunfernlin Chancellor, Mar, Lithgow, Dunbar, and Lords Glams, Elphinston, Abercromy, Scoon, Balmerino, Newbotle, Tullibairn, Blantyre, Haliroodhous, and Barons Whittingam, Pennicook, Cler∣kinton, Murdo-Cairny, Kilsyth and Master of Elphinston, to assist the Justice. Deput as Assessors in the cause. Sir Thomas Hamilton the Kings

Advocat, compeared to accuse, The Dittay was read, importing their treasonable declinature of the Royal authority, grounded upon an act of Parliament in the year 1584. I omit the particular aggravations, because they may be known by the answers. The substance of their defence by their Advo∣cat, Thomas Hope (afterwards the Kings Advocat and Lord Craig-hall) was; The declinature is not against either the title nor intention of the law, which was made only against such as derogat from the K. royall authority: but this declinature left his authority fully. The law served only against such as were summoned super inquirendis; but these were accused and committed to prison for a deed or action; Their declinature was propounded by way of defence: and therefore can not be accounted treason; The law naming the penalty of treason is odious: and therefore should not be enlarged, but ra∣ther restrained. That which is treason in a case expressed, may not be exten∣ded unto other cases not expressed; That law judgeth not such a case to be treason, but only forbids such a thing under the pain of treason; The act bea∣ring only the incurring of treason, the penalty can never be justly inflicted, unless the fact be found treasonable by law: But no law defineth the decli∣nature of an incompetent Iudge to be treason: Neither did these decline the Kings judicatory simply, but the Counsels, and that only in this and and such causes; They were ever, and yet are content to be judged by his Majesty and the Generall assembly, seing according to God's Word, and the lawes of the realm, which have distinguished the Civil and Eccle∣siasticall jurisdictions, the matters of the Church should be judged and co∣gnosced by the Church and it's assemblies, which were aswel ratified & con∣firmed by the lawes of the countrey as any other Iudicatory; To judge of the lawfuldess or unlawfulness of a gen. assembly belongs unto a generall as∣sembly, and hath been the practise of our Church even when his Majesty was present, as the Assembly at Perth in the year 1596. was controverted, notwithstanding his Majesties presence at it, and then he was so far from judging the lawfulness of it by himself or his Counsell, that in the next generall Assembly at Dundy he did require the question to be decided there as properly pertaining to that Judicatory; It hath been lawfull and in con∣tinuall practise, that his Majesty and Secret Counsell have in sundry causes been declined, and the cause drawn to the ordinary and competent Judge, as in matters Civill unto the Session, in matters criminall unto the Justici∣ary, matters of divorce unto the Comissaries; yea the meanest Regalities have power to decline suprem Justitiaries; Moreover that Act of Parlia∣ment was repealed by another Act An. 1592. which derogates from the former in so far as it was prejudicial to the office-bearers of the Church in matters of religion, heresy, excommunication, collation of Benefices, deprivation of Ministers, ecclesiastical censures, &c. As for the alled∣ged contempt & sedition, that against the provision of the act of Parlia∣ment they had conveened, and proceeded contrary to his Majesties ex∣press command intimated unto them by the Commissioners of the Church in their Letter, and the Counsels Missive, and by Laureston, and against a publick charge of horning proceeding from the Secret Counsell, and execut against them the day preceeding; It was answered, The act is no in∣stituting law of assemblies, but a simple approbation of them as they were appointed by the Church; and in that approbation it is declared that it shall be lawfull to the Church to hold generall assemblies once every year and oftner as occasion shall require; And the provision in the Act imports not a nullity of the foresaid liberty & approbation, but rather the contra∣ry,

because it no way concerns the actions of conveening or holding, but only the nomination of time and place, and that not simply, but upon condition of his Majesties or his Commissioners presence where the Assem∣bly is holden; nor is that simply or absolutly, but coniunct with the As∣sembly; and the same provision in the last part of it saith expressely, It shall be lawfull unto the Church (in case of absence of his Majesty and Commis∣sioners) by themselves to appoint time & place of the next Assembly, as they have been in use to do; and consequently to assemble & proceed with∣out the presence or express consent of his Majesty or Commissioner; And unto the Assumption, these had his Majesties consent in the assembly at Halyroodhous An. 1602. where he consented that the next assembly should be at Aberdien the last tuysday of July in year 1604. and that diet was prorogued at his Majesties desire by a Letter sent to the Presbyteries, and subscribed by his Commissioner Laureston and the late Moderator, untill the first tuysday of July An. 1605. which day was keept by them at the direction of their presbyteries; As for the Letters sent by the Com∣missioners of the generall assembly unto the presbyteries, 1. It beares no command but advice. 2. The imprisoned had a more authentik and evi∣dent signification of his Majesties will declared in the assembly, and that diet was prorogued by his Majesties direction which was more authentik then an alledged discharge sent in an article unto the Commissioners. 3. At that same assembly all power of prorogating o•• altering time & place of the assembly, was taken from the Commissioners with his Majesties own consent, for remedy of the grievances given-in to that assembly for the delayes and alterations made by them without advice of presbyteries & synods: where also it was ordained that the diets of the assemblies be keept precisely according to the Act of Parliament An. 1592. which is of grea∣ter force then the Letter of the Commissioners, who had no power to dis∣charge the ordinance of the assembly, and the Act of Parliament, and the continuall practise of the Church, requiring a certain day and place: but their Letter appointed neither time nor place: which imports a plain deser∣ting rather then continuation; consequently it was a loss of that liberty confirmed by Parliament: and therefore could not with save conscience be obeyed. 5. Their advice was, not to keep the fifth day: but that as∣sembly was begun and ended on the second day, Their intention possibly was to discharge it simpliciter, but neither did the Letter speak so, not was it the duty of Ministers to quite their liberty; As for the Counsels Mis∣sive, they did conveen with Laureston's advice, and their convention was sanctified by invocating the name of God, before the Missive was pre∣sented unto them: he met with them, and presented the Missive unto them as lawfully conveened, and required an answer of it: it was read, and considered, and obeyed in all points, excep the indiction of another day: which for preservation of the liberty of the Church could not be omitted without perfidy; What contempt is it to deny the request of the Counsell when the request imports so great a loss, and is contrary unto the law? As for his Majesties Commissioner's dis-assenting. 1. He made no oppo∣sition to their sitting down, but consented. 2. He delivered the Coun∣sel's Letter, and willed them to read it, to consider it, and to answer it; and removed himself for that effect. 3. He acquiesced and was satisfied with their obedience unto the first part of the Letter, and for the designing a new day, he said, he had no commission for that, and therefore refused either by himself or with them to appoint a new day; neither did they ap∣point

any till after arguing he was forced to confess that they had reason to stick unto their point, howbeit he could not consent for want of com∣mission, and till that he plainly said unto them, It is thought, yee shall never have a gen. Assembly again. As for the charge of horning alledged to be executed against them; no intimation thereof was made unto them either by the Commissioner, nor by the puresefant, nor any other, nor knew they any such, as they are ready all to depone upon their oath. 2. Laureston gave them not occasion to conceive such a thing by his speech: for he said, Albeit he might have used a charge, yet he would rather use the Counsels Letter of request. 3. The pretended execution and indorsation bewrayeth the forgery, bearing that it was an open proclamation warranted by two witnesses, who are Laurestons domestick servants, whereas sundry honest men at the alledged time were in and about the market-place, and yet none other can be found who heard such a thing. 4. Why caused Laure∣ston charge them upon the second day personally, when they were dissol∣ving, without any mention of a charge the day preceeding? 5. Though the execution were true, yet it can not import the punishment contained in the libell, seing it was not according to the Act of Parliament of Iames. 6. Parl. 11. year 1587. which beares, that no Letters importing the tin∣sell of life or movable goods should be of force, unless they be executed between eicht a clok in the morning and twelve noon at before famous witnesses: but the indorsation of the pretended execution beares that these were executed between seven & eicht in the evening. 6. When they were charged personally upon the second day, they obey'd presently; as the In∣struments taken in the hands of two Notaries testify. The truth is; this charge could neither bring them into the guilt of contempt, or call their proceedings in question, because they had done all that they did at that time: therefore that other charge was forged as given at the cross of Aber∣dien the day preceeding, and as it was given unto the Counsell by Laure∣ston: which charge by diverse supplications given-in unto the Counsell, the impannelled offred to reduce and to disprove, but could not be heard; and yet by vertue of that forged charge were they put to the horn. Albeit all those former intimations of his Majesties will were true, and had come to their knowledge, yet could they not truly be found guilty of contempt & sedition in their meeting & proceeding, in respect of an Act of Parlia∣ment James 6 parl. 6. An. 1579. act. 92▪ and law made in King Robert. 2. and cited de verborum significatione, both shewing the Civill jurisdiction & judgement to be free from all contempt of his Majesties authority or of the Lords of Secret Counsell, albeit they shall proceed in judgement ac∣cording to law, notwithstanding any privy writing, charge or command directed unto them in the contrary by his Majesty or Counsell, or any command directed unto them under the great Seal, or Signet or privy seal, repugnant to law: whereupon it must follow much more, A spirituall Judicatory (which hath not institution or ground from Civill authority, but from Gods word, which is in nature different and distinguished both by the ordinance of God, and lawes of the Land, albeit the Iudicatory is not instituted, yet is approved by Acts of Parliament) may proceed law∣fully, notwithstanding any signification of his Majesties will or of the Coun∣sell in the contrary, and yet be free of all contempt or seditious procee∣ding. And in the assembly at Dundy 1597. Sess. 7. the article concerning no convention of Pastors without his Majesties knowledge and consent,

the King (being present) declared his consent to be extended unto all and whatsoever generall assembly or speciall permitted and authorized by his lawes accordingly as they have warrant in the word of God, as being the most authentick form of consent that any King can give. Next the Kings Commissioner was present with them, consented unto their down-sitting, acknowledged their authority by presenting the Counsels Letter, craved answer unto it, and consented unto s••ndry things done there: his consent was craved in every thing, and obtained in some. As for the formality of their proceeding, the work being such as concerned the house of God, and so therein being subject unto the censure of the Overseers of Gods house, so they submit themselves and their proceedings to be censured & judged according to the word of God by a lawfull & free generall assembly; and in their apologies written upon occasion at other times they make clear their formality, as. 1. Whereas the Moderator of the last assembly was not present, it could be no impediment of holding the assembly, seing his absence was through his fault. 2. His preaching was supplied by the teaching of the ordinary Minister of the town. 3. As for the election of a new Moderator, after prayer by the Moderator of the late Synod at their appointment, liets were made, and it was needless to remove them who were upon the liets. Such circumstances are not to be stood upon, when the substance was in perrill. Neither have they reason to alledge this ob∣jection, who have challenged it, if they would call to mind, how in the assembly at Perth An. 1596. without any election or liets, the late Mode∣rator being absent, David Lindsay at the nomination of two or three Breth∣ren entred Moderator, others who were present not being asked. 4. The ordinary Clerck refused to do his office, because he was threatned by Laureston: Therefore he was dispenced with, and of their number one was chosen pro illa vice, as is the custom of Synods & Presbyteries. 5. The place was not privat but where the Presbytery and Synod sat ordi∣narily, and als publick as the Counsell-house of Dundy or Edinburgh, where Generall assemblies have been held. As for their paucity, that pro∣ceeded partly from the weather, and partly by a trick of the Commissio∣ners pointing in their last Letter at another day then which was appointed before. And in the assembly of Gods servants, where the number is not defined by a law, rarity makes it not unlawfull, if the meeting be ordinary and established by law, unto which all who have interess may resort, and which may be judged lawfull or approved by the next ordinary meeting, as this hath been already approved by many Presbyteries. 3. For any thing that was done, there were moe than needed; a sufficient number to sense or begin an assembly by prayer, and to adjourny it unto another day for causes moving, and a prayer in end▪ This hath been practized in the Parliaments, and in Church, as at Santandrews in April An. 1597. As for them who came after the dissolving, they had the like commission and warrands to come, and were stayd as said is; and when they came, they could find no unlawfulness in the proceedings of their Brethren: and seing their approbation concerned only the written process according to the sub∣scribed copy which they received, equity requires that the Generall Assem∣bly should judge thereof, before it be called unlawfull. In the written pro∣cess they found no signification of any proceeding charge: which is the chief ground of the alledged contempt. Lastly it is against all order, that com∣missioners directed from the Presbyteries, should be challenged for exe∣cuting

their commission, namely, when their execution is approved by their Presbyteries; and the Presbyteries are not challenged. After the Advocat, the prisoners so cleared themselves and their cause, that their adversaries were astonished, their doubting Brethren resolved, and every one that stood∣by were satisfied. Then the Interloquiture went-on, not by voting formal∣ly, but after secret rounding. All the exceptions and defences were rejected, and the Interloquiture was pronounced in name of all the Assessors consen∣ting, howbeit some made opposition in the mean time: Yea some of the Counsell reported, that none consented, but the Earl of Dunbar, the President, the Chancelor, the Earl of Montrose and the Controler. Nei∣ther was the cause reasoned in presence of the Assise, the most part of them not having entred into the place of judgement, untill they were called to take their oath and to be enclosed. Those were John Livinston of D••ni∣pace, Sir Archbald Sterlin of Kier, Sir John Forrest of Carden, Sir John hume of North-Berwik, James Shaw of Sawchy, James Swenton of Inner∣kithen a Papist, Henry Stuart of Craig-hall a dissolute man, Sir George Hume of Broxmouth, George Hume of the Deans, Gawin Hume of Johns∣cleuch, Thomas Livinston of Pantoun, Robert Livinston of Westquar∣ter, Sir Patrik Hume of Polwart, James Gib younger of Caribben, and Alexand. Hume of Rentoun. Craig-hall was chosen Chancellor of the As∣sise [or Foreman of the Jury.] Their Advocat exhorted the Iury to con∣sider that it was not the naked deed of Declining, that was the dittay of the impannelled, but the quality of the deed, to wit, a treasonous declina∣ture, which was to be tryed: Therefore willed them to judge, whether it was treason or not. But the Kings Advocat charged them to find on∣ly, whether the prisoners had declined the Councels judgement or not, which the Iustice and Lords had already found treasonable. Their Advo∣cat willed them to remember his defences (which he resumed briefly) and to judge truly & equitably, and not according to the alledged lawes, which were not only repealed and abrogated in part, and were made in a violent time, (when in the Kings minority the chief men both of the Common∣welth and Church we••e forced to forsake the Land; nor was any man be∣fore that day conuicted of treason for declining the Counsell, nothwith∣standing that Act) but against it at the very ploclaming of it at the market cross of Edinburgh; Robert Pont and Walter Backanquell in name of the Church took protestations & documents of their dis-assenting, in the hands of John Mackeson Notare publick. After him, Iohn Forbes de∣duced summarily their proceedings at Aberdien, explained the word Simpliciter, which they had used in the Declinature, protested (as they had done before the Councell) that in all Civill affaires they acknowledge his Majesty and the authority of the Secret Counsell as far as any other sub∣ject; but in the affaires of Christs Kingdom and the Church, which God hath distinguished from the former, they had lawfully declined the jud∣gement of the civil Iudicatory; and he exhorted the Gentle men of the Assise to remember, that they were bound by the confession of faith to maintain the disciplin professed in our Church alswel as the Ministers. He read a part of the confession to this purpose, and inferred, They could not but be guilty of perjury, if they for fear or pleasure of any man should decern that to be treason, which themselves had upon the lawfull com∣mand of authority sworn and subscribed. Iohn Welsh followed with a discourse of the grounds of their declinature, and required them to con∣sider,

that they were not the first, who had declined the Counsell in the like case, as others also had done in other cases; and namely, that there is extant a Declinature of the King & Counsell subscribed by three or four hundred Ministers or thereby, yea by some of the commissioners of the Generall assembly, and by those who are called Bishops, and are the on∣ly men who have procured all those troubls, and on whom they there do lay all the guilt of those troubls, which they have suffered and are like to suffer. He read also another part of the confession of faith concerning the present purpose. The Kings Advocat interrupted him, and willed the Assise to consider that they had no more to try, but whether the impanel∣led had declined or not. The Justice willed the Assise to remove in all hast. Iohn Forbes seeing there was no longer stay, charged the Earl of Dum∣bar, to report in their names unto his Majesty, what punishment fol∣lowed upon the breach of the oath made unto the Gibeonites, and how the like was to be feared to fall upon his Majesties posterity and the whol Land, if they shall violat the great oath that they have made; and then he read another passage of the confession concerning aequivocation & double dealing. When the Jury was enclosed, Dunipace moved them with reasons so, that they were inclined to absolve the impannelled. Wherefore some were directed to deal with the Assisers, and some were directed to deal with the arraigned Ministers, to see if yet they could be moved to depart from their declinature; Whereas according to the law none should have access unto the Assisers, after they be inclosed: For the starute James 6. Parli. 11, 1587. Act. 91. it was ordained, that all Assisers be inclosed, and none suffered to repair unto them under what∣soever pretence, nor any of the Assise to come forth, untill after agree∣ment they return their answer unto the Judge; otherwise the person to be pronounced clean and innocent of the crime alledged▪ But it was suffi∣ciently known, that the Foreman came forth unto the Lord Justice and o∣ther Lords; and the Clerks resorted unto the Assise. Much travell was to persuad the Assisers, that no harm was intended against the prisoners in their person, life or goods; to induce them to convict the prisoners. Sixe cleansed them simpliciter, to wit, Dunipace, Kier, Johnscleuch, West∣quarter, Pantoun and Sawchy. When the Forman returned, and re∣ported the Sentence of the Jury, Dunipace said publickly, that he not only absolved them as innocent of treason, but acknowledged them to be honest Ministers, faithfull servants of Christ, and good subjects. The Judge delayd the Sentence of punishment, untill the Kings will were further known, and ordained the prisoners to be carried into ward again, and to be straitly keept, that no man have access unto them. The priso∣ners embraced one another, and thanked God for his presence in the acti∣on. They were convoyd unto the place about ten a clok at night by some of the Guarde. The people said, It was certanly a work of darknes to make Christs faithfull Ministers traitors. O if the King were never in greater danger then by such men! On the morrow they were convoyd to Blackness, a great number of Ministers accompanying them, and parted from them with thanks giving, prayers and many tears, and more con∣firmed in the cause. Then the Commissioners of the generall assembly thought it a ••it time to try the constancy▪ of other Ministers being so terrified (as they supposed) that nothing would be refused. Therefore all the Synods of the realm were appointed in the Kings name to conveen upon one and

the same day in February within their bounds respectivè; that so one Synod might not know the resolution of another. The King had one or more Com∣missioners at every Synod, to crave answer unto five Articles; which were directed to the Synod of Mers and Teviotdale with David Macgill, a Senator of the Session, and Gawin Hamilton Bishop of Galloway; to wit: 1. That in the next General Assembly, no Acts made in any preceding Assembly where his Majesty was present, should be in any way touched, altered or interpre∣ted. 2. That the estate of Bishops be not medled with, but continued in the same condition wherein they are at present, untill his Majesties will and plea∣sure be further known. 3. That there be no alteration of any of the Com∣missioners, except upon the trial of some notable fault in their doctrine, life or conversation. 4. That notwithstanding any appellation, the Commissioners should proceed, they alwaies being answerable unto the General Assembly for their proceedings. 5. That they acknowledge the Warrant of their mee∣tings to come by permission of the Prince. That Synod would give no an∣swer, so did many others, and some referred them unto the General Assem∣bly. The Ministers of the Dutch and French Churches at London (being mis-informed) sent Letters unto the Ministers of Edenburgh, regrating the mis-behaviour of the imprisoned Ministers. Wherefore those in blackness wrote an Apologetick, not only declaring their proceedings, but also painting forth the Commissioners of the General Assembly in their own colours; that under pretence of a limited Commission from the General Assembly, they arro∣gate the full jurisdiction and authority of the Church in all things; and daily do promote their intended change of the Church Discipline; first in bringing us into bondage of a perpetual Dictatura, under the Title of Commissioners, as the finest cover of their intentions; and then into the Antichristian sla∣very of the Hierarchy; that their purposes were discovered by their spee∣ches; by presentations of them unto Bishopricks, with full authority over their Brethren, and several other signs; especially, by their publick professi∣on in all the Synods lately, where it is clear that our Assembly is impeded by their Dictatorship and Lordly Domination; which they fear must fall, if the Assemblies shall hold, and is the main cause of persisting with so hate∣full enmity against them for their meeting at Aberdeen; because thereby (as they judged) their almost accomplished enterprize was somewhat retar∣ded. It was, at that time, reported unto the King, by these Bishops, that Chancelour Seton was upon the Councel of holding the Assembly at Aber∣deen; wherefore Dunbar was sent down to try him. But partly by fa∣vour of the Queen; and partly by his correspondence with the English Se∣cretary, the Trial was not exactly followed: and so the Delator John Spots∣wood (then called Bishop of Glascow) was disappointed. Many other particulars passed that year concerning the Church affairs: But (for this time to close that Assembly) in the beginning of October, the King's Will was declared, unto a Convention of the Nobility at Lithgow, that the six condemned Ministers should be banished out of his Dominions for all their daies; and the other eight should be confined, some in one place, and some in another within the Country remote from their former dwellings; and some into Isles severally. And a Proclamation was published, that if any should hereafter offend in such a high Trespasse, they should be puni∣shed with all severity; and the death due unto Traitours, should be infli∣cted upon them with all rigour; and all Ministers were inhibited either in their Sermons or Prayers to recommend the persons that were so sentenced. John Forbes went to Middleburgh, where he was Minister unto the English

Staple: Robert Dury was Minister of an English Congregation in Leyden: John Welsh went to Bourdeaux, where he learned the language so quick∣ly, that within one year he was chosen Minister of a French Church: And John Sharp became Minister and Professour of Divinity at Dia in the Delphi∣nate, where he wrote Cursus Theologicus, & Symphonia Prophetarum & Apostolorum. After a year Andrew Duncan and Alexander Strachan pur∣chased liberty to return into their former places. Finally, because those Assemblies were zealous to keep the Church in purity of Doctrine, and free from scandalous Vices, they were deserted by some, undermined by others, and opposed by a third sort; and although they were warranted by God's Word, and confirmed by the Law of the Realm; yet without any repealing Law, or just reason (that ever was alledged) they were in this manner brought to an end.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Annates.
• * 1.2

  The Red Friers de∣stroyed.
• * 1.3

  The Pope was an He∣retick.
• * 1.4

  The Iubilee.
• * 1.5

  The first holy Rose.
• * 1.6

  Agnus Dei.
• * 1.7

  A long Schism be∣tween the Popes.
• * 1.8

  A remarka∣ble Letter by all Kings.
• * 1.9

  A description of the Pope.
• * 1.10

  In the grossest darkness was some sparks of light.
• * 1.11

  Overtures of Reformation.
• * 1.12

  Tbe doubts and fears of a King
• * 1.13

  are answered
• * 1.14

  The Pope is an Idol.
• * 1.15

  Some prophe∣tical visions.
• * 1.16

  Rare Theses in those days.
• * 1.17

  An apology of a wolf, fox and ass.
• * 1.18

  A description of the Roman Church.
• * 1.19

  Preachers at Avenion.
• * 1.20

  A bird with∣out feathers is supplied, and again made naked.
• * 1.21

  Signs of a Reformation is coming.
• * 1.22

  A vision of the Church.
• * 1.23

  Aparallel of times.
• * 1.24

  The cause of the Schism between the Greeks and Latines.
• * 1.25

  The conver∣sion of Li∣tuania.
• * 1.26

  The third age of School-men.
• * 1.27

  The Pope is the Anti∣christ.
• * 1.28

  Indulgences.
• * 1.29

  Troubles be∣tween Eng∣land and Scotland.
• * 1.30

  The title of England unto France.
• * 1.31

  Ockam's questions.
• * 1.32

  The beginning and progress of Pelagi∣anisin.
• * 1.33

  Laws against the power of the Pope.
• * 1.34

  Offices of State.
• * 1.35

  Iohn Wickliff
• * 1.36

  A prank of the Bishops.
• * 1.37

  Many were called Lol∣lards,
• * 1.38

  Experience sheweth that Popes are not in∣fallible.
• * 1.39

  Perjury is punished, though the Pope ap∣prove it.
• * 1.40

  Ominous signs.
• * 1.41

  Helps of knowledge.
• * 1.42

  First prin∣ting.
• * 1.43

  The Acts of France a∣gainst the Popes.
• * 1.44

  Overtures of Reformation.
• * 1.45

  Note.
• * 1.46

  A Councel is above the ope.
• * 1.47

  A Letter from Greece unto the Bo∣hemians.
• * 1.48

  Two Appeals from the Pope.
• * 1.49

  Of the Turks.
• * 1.50

  Civil power of coaction g••ven to Bi∣shops, who exerce it cru∣elly.
• * 1.51

  Troubles be∣tween France and England.
• * 1.52

  A glimps•• of Reformation.
• * 1.53

  Of Com∣menda.
• * 1.54

  Restraint of the Pope's power in dis∣pensing Be∣nefices.
• * 1.55

  The first Arch-Bishop of Saint An∣drews.
• * 1.56

  The first Arch Bishop of Glascow, a persocuter.
• * 1.57

  A Councel at Pisa
• * 1.58

  A Councel at Rome.
• * 1.59

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 1.60

  The Councel at Basil.
• * 1.61

  The Councel of Ferraria and Florence.
• * 1.62

  A Kings querees concer∣ning the Pope,
• * 1.63

  A Councel against the Pope.
• * 1.64

  Peters keies & Pauls sword.
• * 1.65

  The Po∣pes perju∣rie.
• * 1.66

  The ele∣ction of Cardi∣nals.
• * 1.67

  The sel∣ling of in∣dulgences.
• * 1.68

  Pope Leo's bla∣sphemie.
• * 1.69

  Publick Schools.
• * 1.70

  Pluraelity of Benefi∣ces dischar∣ged by the Emp. A coat without a seam.
• * 1.71

  The sel∣ling of in∣dulgences, and the account of them.
• * 1.72

  Iugleries of Friers.
• * 1.73

  A. Proles Prophe∣sieth of a Reforma∣tion.
• * 1.74

  More pro∣phecyes of Reforma∣tion.
• * 1.75

  The Con∣fession and a suppli∣cation of the VVal∣denses.
• * 2.1

  The oc∣casion of the Refor∣mation.
• * 2.2

  The be∣ginning of Martin Luther.
• * 2.3

  Luthers first as∣sault.
• * 2.4

  The ori∣ginall and progresse of indul∣gence.
• * 2.5

  Some are for Lu∣ther, & some a∣gainst him
• * 2.6

  Card. Cajetan. dealeth with Luther.
• * 2.7

  Another proclama∣tion of in∣dulgences.
• * 2.8

  Others arise for the truth.
• * 2.9

  1519.
• * 2.10

  1520.
• * 2.11

  Cont∣plaints at Rome a∣gainst Leo; he knowes not what to doe.
• * 2.12

  A decree against Luther.
• * 2.13

  VVhat was done for & a∣gainst re∣ligion An. 1521.
• * 2.14

  The Ana∣baptists.
• * 2.15

  Luther returnes An. 1522.
• * 2.16

  Luther against Carolstad.
• * 2.17

  Luther writes un to Bohem.
• * 2.18

  Reforma∣tion in o∣ther pla∣ces.
• * 2.19

  Opposi∣tion by o∣thers.
• * 2.20

  The Diet at Noren∣hergh An. 1522, & 1523.
• * 2.21

  The wran¦glings of monks.
• * 2.22

  The mutu¦all respect of Luther & Eras∣mus.
• * 2.23

  An exam∣ple of Pa∣pal fraude
• * 2.24

  A contro∣versy for the lords Suppet
• * 2.25

  Light dawneth in France An. 1523.
• * 2.26

  Insur∣rection of the Bow∣res.
• * 2.27

  Progresse the Refor∣mation.
• * 2.28

  Vniformi∣ty in cir∣cumstan∣tials is not necessary.
• * 2.29

  1526.
• * 2.30

  The autho¦rity of th•• Pope is denied in Spain.
• * 2.31

  A Diet in Spira.
• * 2.32

  A publick dispute at Berna.
• * 2.33

  Progres∣se of Re∣formation An. 1528.
• * 2.34

  1529.
• * 2.35

  The begin¦ning of the wood Prote∣stants.
• * 2.36

  The Diet at Auburg 1530. from which the famous Confession was na∣med.
• * 2.37

  Luther's Consola∣tory unto Melan∣thon.
• * 2.38

  The pro∣stants writ to forrein Kings 1531.
• * 2.39

  Tumults in Helve∣tia.
• * 2.40

  A discour∣se concer∣ning the Councell An. 1532.
• * 2.41

  The Em∣perour grants liberty of religion.
• * 2.42

  1533.
• * 2.43

  A craft of the Francis∣canes in France.
• * 2.44

  King Fran¦ce writes unto the Prote∣stants in Germany
• * 2.45

  The poli∣cies of Ver¦gerius in Germany.
• * 2.46

  The agree¦ment in the que∣stion of the Ls Sup∣per Ann. 1536.
• * 2.47

  The meeting at Smalcald 1537.
• * 2.48

  A rare example, of Con∣stancy.
• * 2.49

  Conferen∣ces in Ger∣many a∣bout Re∣ligion.
• * 2.50

  Ielousies & contests between Cesar & France 1542.
• * 2.51

  1543. The Prote¦testants are debar¦red from the Diet.
• * 2.52

  1545. Of conferen∣ce about Religion.
• * 2.53

  Troubles for the In∣terim.
• * 2.54

  Troubles at Colen for Refor∣mation.
• * 2.55

  A Popish lieing tale
• * 2.56

  Luthers Death.
• * 2.57

  The re∣conciliati∣on of the captive Princes.
• * 2.58

  A contest between a Printer and the Sorbonists
• * 2.59

  The disci∣pline in the Church of Geneva
• * 2.60

  Persecuti∣on in Fran¦ce.
• * 2.61

  The per∣secution is stopped for a time.
• * 2.62

  Persecuti∣on is rene∣wed.
• * 2.63

  The per∣secution un¦der Fran∣cis 11.
• * 2.64

  A Counsel at Foun∣tain∣bleaw.
• * 2.65

  VValden∣ses are per¦secuted in Savoy.
• * 2.66

  The begin¦ning of King Char¦les IX. rei∣gne.
• * 2.67

  The Con∣ference at Possiac 1561.
• * 2.68

  The Gos∣pell in Hungary.
• * 2.69

  A disp••••e between a papist and a Turk.
• * 2.70

  Sparks of the Gospel in Italy.
• * 2.71

  Reforma∣tion in Poland.
• * 2.72

  The Refor¦mation in the Ne∣therlands.
• * 2.73

  The Re∣formation in the Ne∣therlands.
• * 2.74

  A Retra∣ctation of Bucer con¦cerning the Supper
• * 2.75

  VV. Tin∣dal an En∣glish mas¦tyre.
• * 2.76

  Popish doctrin what it is.
• * 2.77

  The Bible was un¦knowen to Curats.
• * 2.78

  None may judge a King.
• * 2.79

  The bb. have uni∣versall in∣telligence.
• * 2.80

  Bb. should not be Stats men.
• * 2.81

  Pa. Ha∣milton a Scotish Martyre.
• * 2.82

  the arti∣cles layd to his charge
• * 2.83

  The blood of a Mar∣tyr 〈…〉〈…〉 seed of the Church.
• * 3.1

  Seatons let¦ter against the iniqui∣ty, impie∣ty & usur¦pation of bb. and his advice to the King.
• * 3.2

  Mo are persecuted
• * 3.3

  The begin¦ning of Re¦formation in England
• * 3.4

  King Hen∣ry intends to divorce
• * 3.5

  It is plea∣ded at Rome.
• * 3.6

  He marry¦eth with∣out the Po∣pes indul∣gence.
• * 3.7

  He re∣nunceth the Pope and takes his power unto him∣self in Eng¦land.
• * 3.8

  A wicked policy of the bb.
• * 3.9

  King Hen∣ri•••• Letter u••••o king Iam•••• V. against the Pope and Card.
• * 3.10

  Steps of Refor∣mation.
• * 3.11

  •• Light & persecuti∣on conti∣nue in Scot¦land.
• * 3.12

  In May An¦no 1540.
• * 3.13

  The first P••blick step of Reforma∣tion.
• * 3.14

  and hin∣dred aga∣in
• * 3.15

  George VVishart
• * 3.16

  Another step of Reforma∣tion.
• * 3.17

  Publik Reforma∣tion in Eng¦land under King Ed∣ward.
• * 3.18

  Mary the Pop••sh Queen o∣verthrows all for a time.
• * 3.19

  And is pro¦clamed Queen.
• * 3.20

  VValter m••ll mar∣tyr
• * 3.21

  A supplica¦tion unto the Queen Regent.
• * 3.22

  Another step of the first pu∣blik Re∣formation in Scot∣land.
• * 3.23

  A Protes∣tation ma¦de in Par∣liament 1558.
• * 3.24

  Troubles arise 1559.
• * 3.25

  a suppli∣cation un∣to the Q. Regent.
• * 3.26

  A letter to the Nobi∣lity ad∣versaries
• * 3.27

  Distin∣guish be∣tween au∣thority and the person,
• * 3.28

  To the Bishops.
• * 3.29

  A parlee,
• * 3.30

  A peace was made
• * 3.31

  A new bond.
• * 3.32

  Another treaty of peace.
• * 3.33

  Perth se•• free.
• * 3.34

  Scone is burnt,
• * 3.35

  A Confe∣rence,
• * 3.36

  The arti∣cles of ap∣pointment ••n Lieth.
• * 3.37

  New Po∣licies.
• * 3.38

  A third b••nd.
• * 3.39

  L. Iames his Let∣ter to the King
• * 3.40

  A Senten∣se of suspension against the Regent
• * 3.41

  and cau∣ses thereof
• * 3.42

  Some broils and discoura∣gements.
• * 3.43

  Encoura∣gement, and reso∣lution.
• * 3.44

  Two pro∣clamati∣ons of the Councell.
• * 5.1

  An obser∣vation out of the pre∣misses.
• * 5.2

  A treaty with En∣gland: and the Fren∣ches make trouble to their own losse.
• * 5.3

  Mediation of peace. An. 1560
• * 5.4

  Queen Re¦gent dieth
• * 5.5

  The Re∣formation goethon.
• * 5.6

  The first plantation of Mini∣sters and Superin∣tendents.
• * 5.7

  The Refor¦mation is establisht by Parlia∣ment, and the Con∣fession of faith.
• * 5.8

  The sayer of Masse is a blas∣phemer
• * 5.9

  The first assembly of the Church.
• * 5.10

  In a Con∣vention of the Estates An. 1561. Papistry is again forbidden.
• * 5.11

  A supplica¦tion of Ba∣rons & bur¦gesses.
• * 5.12

  The Queens arrivall.
• * 5.13

  An Act concer∣ning Reli∣gion.
• * 5.14

  A publick▪ Protesta∣tion
• * 5.15

  Court cooleth zeal.
• * 5.16

  The Que∣en acused Io. Knox and his answers
• * 5.17

  Religion riseth not from Prin¦ces.
• * 5.18

  The se∣cond Na∣tionall as∣sembly.
• * 5.19

  The law∣fulnesse of assemblies
• * 5.20

  Two as∣semblies, An. 1562.
• * 5.21

  1563. Masse is practised.
• * 5.22

  The Queē conferrech a I. Knox.
• * 5.23

  A Parlia∣ment.
• * 5.24

  admo∣nition unto the Nobi∣lity.
• * 5.25

  Another conferen∣ce of the Queen with I Knox.
• * 5.26

  The V. Assembly, An. 1563.
• * 5.27

  The VI. National Assembly
• * 5.28

  The ope∣ning of Councel of Trent.
• * 5.29

  Sess. II. About doubts & overtures
• * 5.30

  Sess. III. Mo doubts
• * 5.31

  Of the Scriptures
• * 5.32

  Sess. V
• * 5.33

  Of Ser∣mons
• * 5.34

  Of origi∣nal sin.
• * 5.35

  Session 6.
• * 5.36

  Of justifi∣cation.
• * 5.37

  Of assu∣rance of grace.
• * 5.38

  Of free will.
• * 5.39

  Of Ele∣ction.
• * 5.40

  Variance concer∣ning & in the Synod
• * 5.41

  Session 7▪
• * 5.42

  The num∣ber of Sa∣craments.
• * 5.43

  The au∣thor of Sa∣craments.
• * 5.44

  The neces∣sity of them.
• * 5.45

  The effect of them.
• * 5.46

  Of the character of the sa∣crament.
• * 5.47

  VVho may admini∣ster.
• * 5.48

  Of the mi¦nisters in∣tention.
• * 5.49

  Difficulty in fra∣ming the decree••.
• * 5.50

  Deubts at Rome.
• * 5.51

  The Coun¦cel is re∣moved.
• * 5.52

  Consulta∣tion a∣bout the restoring of it.
• * 5.53

  The Coun¦cel is ope∣ned.
• * 5.54

  A prote∣station of France a∣gainst it.
• * 5.55

  A new methode of deba∣ting.
• * 5.56

  Of a Sa∣fe-con∣duct.
• * 5.57

  Conten∣tion for transsub∣stan••••a∣tion
• * 5.58

  Of pen∣nance
• * 5.59

  Of conses∣sion and absolution
• * 5.60

  A mistery in forming the Decres
• * 5.61

  New projects.
• * 5.62

  A Spanish Protesta∣tion a∣gainst the adjour∣nying of the Synode
• * 5.63

  Various thoughts concer∣ning the Synode.
• * 5.64

  Nota; who were the mem∣bers. of that Coun¦cell.
• * 5.65

  The Synod is opened.
• * 5.66

  A new or∣der in the Synod.
• * 5.67

  Of a Safe conduct.
• * 5.68

  Confusion of thougts at Trent and Rome.
• * 5.69

  The French propositi∣ons provo∣ke the P.
• * 5.70

  and a desig¦ne of the Pope is disappo∣inted
• * 5.71

  The Em∣perours obiections are yet more offen¦sive.
• * 5.72

  The con∣fusions of the Synod are plai¦stered by the Cardi¦nal of Lor∣rain.
• * 5.73

  N••t••.
• * 5.74

  Accelera∣tion to an end.
• * 5.75

  Precipita∣tion of the decrees.
• * 5.76

  Consulta∣tion at Rome
• * 5.77

  for con∣firmation of the de∣crees.
• * 5.78

  How the Decrees were ac∣cepty others
• * 5.79

  Consulta∣tio Cassan∣dri.
• * 5.80

  Mereri, what it signifieth.
• * 5.81

  The Ne∣therlands are oppres¦sed; and endeavore their liber¦••y.
• * 5.82

  The di∣stinction of Magistra∣cy & Mi∣nistry.
• * 5.83

  Troubles of France under Charles 9.
• * 5.84

  Troubles of Henry ••
• * 5.85

  Liberty of the Religion.
• * 5.86

  Henry 4 King of France.
• * 5.87

  The cau∣ses of va∣riance a∣mongst the Lutherans
• * 5.88

  Liber Concordiae
• * 5.89

  Troubles in the Greek Church.
• * 5.90

  Sad things in the Nether∣lands.
• * 5.91

  Troubles in Riga for the new Calendar.
• * 5.92

  A confe∣rence at Monpel∣gart.
• * 5.93

  The con∣ference at Baden.
• * 5.94

  Troubles in Poland.
• * 5.95

  The agree ment of the Resor∣med there
• * 5.96

  A letter shewing the condi∣tion of se∣veral Nati∣ons at that time.
• * 5.97

  VVhere the Christians vvere be∣fore the Reforma∣tion.
• * 5.98

  The for∣me of the Christian Religion in Egypt.
• * 5.99

  Of the Iesuites.
• * 5.100

  God prote¦cted Queen Elisabeth.
• * 5.101

  The Head of the Church, and Supre∣am Iudge in al cau∣ses.
• * 5.102

  The Ser∣vicebook was not pressed.
• * 5.103

  A Letter of Grindai in defence of many Ministers and of Pro∣phecying.
• * 5.104

  The use of the Book of Homilies
• * 5.105

  The exer∣cise of Mi∣nisters.
• * 5.106

  B. Grin∣dals peti∣tions.
• * 5.107

  NB. VVhit gift's se∣verity i•• opposed.
• * 5.108

  The assem¦bly VII.
• * 5.109

  The VIII. Nationall Assembly.
• * 5.110

  The IX. Assembly.
• * 5.111

  The IX. Assembly.
• * 5.112

  1566. The XI. Assembly.
• * 5.113

  The later Confession of Helve∣tia is ap∣proved.
• * 5.114

  The XII. Assembly.
• * 5.115

  A suppli∣cation ac gainst Epis¦cop all ju∣risdiction.
• * 5.116

  Against the rein∣ducing of Popish & abolished rites.
• * 5.117

  Not a, These ri∣tes had bin left off
• * 5.118

  The admirable pro∣vidence of God seen in the Re∣formation of Scot∣land.
• * 5.119

  1567.
• * 5.120

  Q. Mary renounced the Cro••n
• * 5.121

  The XIII. Assembly.
• * 5.122

  The Par∣liament A••. 1567.
• * 5.123

  The XIV. Assembly.
• * 5.124

  1568. The XV. Assembly.
• * 5.125

  1569.
• * 5.126

  The XVI. Assembly.
• * 5.127

  The VII. Assembly.
• * 5.128

  1579. The XVIII Assembly.
• * 5.129

  The XIX. Assembly.
• * 5.130

  1571. The XX. Assembly.
• * 5.131

  Observa∣tions.
• * 5.132

  The 21. Assembly.
• * 5.133

  A Letter from Iohn Knox.
• * 5.134

  1572. The Con∣ference, at Lieth.
• * 5.135

  three sorts of Bishops.
• * 5.136

  The 22 Assembly.
• * 5.137

  A Letter of Th. Be∣za.
• * 5.138

  The 23. Assembly.
• * 5.139

  Ioh Knox exhortions before his death.
• * 5.140

  1573.
• * 5.141

  The 24 Assembly.
• * 5.142

  The 25. Assembly.
• * 5.143

  1574. The 26. Assembly.
• * 5.144

  The 27. Assembly.
• * 5.145

  1575. The 28. Assembly.
• * 5.146

  The 29. Assembly.
• * 5.147

  1576. The XXX. Assembly.
• * 5.148

  The 31. Assembly.
• * 5.149

  1577. The 32. Assembly.
• * 5.150

  The 32. Assembly.
• * 5.151

  The 34. Assembly.
• * 5.152

  The 35. Assembly.
• * 5.153

  The 36. Assembly.
• * 5.154

  The 37. Assembly.
• * 5.155

  1580.
• * 5.156

  The 38. Assembly.
• * 5.157

  The 39. Assembly.
• * 5.158

  1580. The 40. Assembly▪
• * 5.159

  The 41. Assembly.
• * 5.160

  1582. The 42. Assembly.
• * 5.161

  Articles propoun∣ded by the King.
• * 5.162

  Causes of depriva∣tion.
• * 5.163

  The forme of Proces•• indepri∣vation.
• * 5.164

  The trou∣blous Pro∣cesse a∣gainst Ro. Montgom.
• * 5.165

  Ro. Mon∣gomery re¦nounces his appellatiō.
• * 5.166

  And sub∣mitts to the Assem.
• * 5.167

  The age of intrant Minister
• * 5.168

  Rules or∣dering the Presbyte∣••••es.
• * 5.169

  A Suppli∣cation un∣to the K. against his absolute power.
• * 5.170

  A Change of the Kings Court at Ruthven An 1582.
• * 5.171

  The 43. Assembly.
• * 6.1

  1583. Another change of Court.
• * 6.2

  The 45. Assembly.
• * 6.3

  ••ota.
• * 6.4

  The 46. Assembly.
• * 6.5

  Philos••∣phicall er∣rors.
• * 6.6

  1584. The Cur∣rent Par∣liament.
• * 6.7

  The hou••e of Dark∣nes.
• * 6.8

  1584.
• * 6.9

  The exi∣led Lords returne and are re¦stored: and thereby a change of Court.
• * 6.10

  1586. The 47. Assembly.
• * 6.11

  Some Articles concer∣ning Epis∣copacy.
• * 6.12

  Sentence against P. Adamson not exami¦ned, yet annulled, and why?
• * 6.13

  The po∣wer of Provin∣ciall As∣semblies.
• * 6.14

  The po∣wer of Presbyte∣ries.
• * 6.15

  The po∣wer of Church-Sessions or Counsels.
• * 6.16

  1587.
• * 6.17

  The 48. Assembly.
• * 6.18

  Episcopa∣cy more prejudici∣all than profitable unto Roi∣alty.
• * 6.19

  A S••ppli∣cation to the Parlia¦ment of England, against E∣piscopacy.
• * 6.20

  2. Against corrupti∣ous in the Mi••istry.
• * 6.21

  3. For another di¦sciplin in Churches.
• * 6.22

  The vse •••• discipl••n
• * 6.23

  The testi∣mony of I. Vdal con∣cerning the practi∣ses of Bb.
• * 6.24

  Testimo∣nies a∣gainst Episcopa∣cy. of B. Iewel.
• * 6.25

  2. Of D. Reynolds.
• * 6.26

  Testimony of Sir ••••. Knollis a∣gainst the ••surpation of Bb.
• * 6.27

  1588. The 49. Assembly.
• * 6.28

  The 50. Assembly.
• * 6.29

  1589. Huntly subscribes the Con∣fession, & practized contrarily
• * 6.30

  The 51. Assembly.
• * 6.31

  The 52. Assembly.
• * 7.1

  The 53. Assembly.
• * 7.2

  1592.
• * 7.3

  The 54. Assembly.
• * 7.4

  Act of Parliament concer∣ning the disciplin of the Church
• * 7.5

  Presbyte∣ry is bet∣ter than Episcopa∣cy.
• * 7.6

  Presbyte∣ry is more effectuall, i•• en Epis∣copacy a∣gainst he∣re••y & s••••sm.
• * 7.7

  1593.
• * 7.8

  Teh 55. Assembly.
• * 7.9

  1594.
• * 7.10

  The 56. Assembly.
• * 7.11

  To proceed against the excō. There shall nothing of that be undone on my part, as If have at length declaired to the bea∣rers.
• 2 7.12

  Great reason & further as I have shewd the bearers.
• 3 7.13

  Great reason, the for∣feitry being ended.
• 4 7.14

  How willing I am to be employed in apprehending any practizing Papists, I remitt mee to the bearers declaration.
• 5 7.15

  Great reason, how soon these are forfeited, and I thank them for their counsell.
• 6 7.16

  Great reason, their for∣sciture alwaye preceeding.
• 7 7.17

  To be ready at my charge, it is very meet: But I understand not the last clause
• 8 7.18

  I shall omitt no dili∣gence in that which can be re∣quired at my hands, as I shall answer to God.
• 9, 7.19

  Distingue tempora, & conciliabis Scripturas: The meaning of this the bearers will expound unto you.
• 10 7.20

  The complaints belong not unto your offices alwayes
• * 7.21

  I have satisfied the bearers. Subscribitur, Iames R.
• * 7.22

  The from of absolu∣tion of excommu¦nication.
• * 7.23

  1595. The 57. Assembly.
• * 7.24

  1596.
• * 7.25

  The origi∣nall of va∣riance twixt the King & Church.
• * 7.26

  The 58. Assembly.
• * 7.27

  The As∣sembly se∣arches in∣to the vi∣ces of the Lande; first in the Ministry.
• * 7.28

  Next in the King & Queen.
• * 7.29

  Thirdly in all Esta¦tes gene∣rally.
• * 7.30

  Fourtly in Courts or judgemēt.
• * 7.31

  Grievan∣ces pro∣pounded unto the King.
• * 7.32

  The be∣ginning of the vari∣ance next the K. and Church.
• * 7.33

  The first debate.
• * 7.34

  The next debate.
• * 7.35

  The third debate.
• * 7.36

  David Black.
• * 7.37

  A fourth debate.
• * 7.38

  A Decli∣nature from the Counsell.
• * 7.39

  The sum of all.
• * 7.40

  The fray of Decem∣ber 17. An. 1596
• * 7.41

  The kee∣ping of the Lords day began in England.
• * 7.42

  A com∣parison of Assemblies
• * 7.43

  The 60. Assembly.
• * 7.44

  The first step of bringing∣in Episco∣pacy again
• * 7.45

  Anothe•• step was the vote in Perlia∣ment.
• * 7.46

  How it was car∣ried.
• * 7.47

  1598.
• * 7.48

  The black Saturday.
• * 7.49

  The 61. Assembly.
• * 7.50

  The num∣ber of members.
• * 7.51

  A Policy in voting.
• * 7.52

  1600. The 61. Assembly.
• * 7.53

  1601.
• * 7.54

  The 63. Assembly.
• * 7.55

  The cau∣ses of de∣ction.
• * 7.56

  Remedies▪
• * 7.57

  The 64. Assembly.
• * 7.58

  Rules forvisiting Ministers.
• * 7.59

  And con∣gregati∣ous.
• * 7.60

  And of Presbyte∣ries.
• * 7.61

  Some oc∣currents in Aun. 1603. & 1604.
• * 7.62

  1605.
• * 7.63

  The As∣sembly at Aberdien.