The case of the kingdom stated according to the proper interests of the severall parties ingaged : I. Touching the interest of the King and his party, II. The interest of the Presbyterian party, III. The interest of the Independent party, IV. The interest of the citie of London, V. The interest of Scotland, not extant before now : a peece of rare observation and contexture, wherin all men are equally concerned.

The Interest of the City of London.

THis City bears the name of the Metropolis of England, the Royall Cham∣ber, the grand Emporium, the universall Exchange for Traffick; so that her sole Interest is a free Trade, whereby having acquired large Demesnes in all Parts, she maintaines a considerable influence upon the whole, which makes her stand on tip-toe, looking down with disdain upon all, as unable or unworthy to stand in competition with her single Selfe. This conceit hath been much heightned by those large Contributions thence, which have been the very Sinews of the War against the Royall Party; so that it's to be fea∣red the Huge Animal having found its own strength, may prove Rampant, and contemne the Bridle, unlesse a little corrected by Reason.

Therefore I thinke meet to lay down these ensuing considerations.

First, that what they have hitherto done, must not be look't upon as done by their own strength and Riches, but only as these received an Authority of Parliament to give life unto the Action, without which (as then, so) all designes [now, or hereafter] must prove abortive.

Secondly, though the Citiz••ns pretend Religion to be the only necessary Appendix to that Trade, by clasping both together with a rigid Presby∣tery,

and suppose this the more pleasing safe way, because they are made be∣leeve it is Divine, yet if they please to looke more narrowly upon the Scri∣ptures and the procedings of their Priests, they may learne the Scope of their State-Divinity is only to drive a Trade in the Ministry upon them and their Estates; which the City shal soone find, when the Presbyterian Charter is once confirmed by Act of Parliament.

Thirdly, if onely even rekonings make long friends, then it's like this hot love to a Presbyterie may end in a Divorce before the three yeares end, espe∣cially when the Accompts shall be cast up betwixt Clergy and Laity, that worm-eaten Reverend Cheat of distinction betwixt Brethren. It's true in∣deed, some of them shall be admitted to a partnership in the Tyranny, and this is the very De-coy to allure them on, but usually the preaching Presbyter swayes All, and he is a very silly one indeed that knowes not how to do it, since they either stand or fall according to his Report of their good Comply∣ance, in the opinion of the generall Assembly [that Holy of Holies, where the Lay-Vulgars must not enter;] which neat contrivance of invisible Clock∣worke, will be sure to have a wheele going in all affaires of the Kingdome.

But Fourthly, Suppose that the Lay-Elders themselves should have fair Play from the Priests, yet what comfort will that be to the rest of the Parish, who must be in little better condition then gally-slaves, when the Eldership shall have an Oare in every Boat? And this appeares by the power given them to suspend persons from, and admit to the Supper, as they shall see cause accor∣ding to an Ordinance in that behalfe: in which Ordinance, there being no less than 80. sins enumerated (and an addition of many more endeavoured) any one of which upon Conviction, may include a man guilty, if they please to pro∣nounce him: then it is cleare also, that since a man can hardly do any thing that comes not within the compass of those Sins, all men must be irrefragably sub∣ject to their pleasure in all their dealings, or else be delivered up to the Devill [forsooth] by Excommunication. Where then will freedome be in a corrupt Presbytery when the Citizens shall not dare to dispose of their own Estates, nor weare Clothes as they please, nor manage their Trades to fructifie percent▪ nor use an hundred other fine feats, without a friend or feeling in the Elder∣ship? What will become of our Lawyers ••oo, when it is an casie matter to make the same Ordinance, a Shoing-horne to draw on all cases, depending betwixt man and man, into their owne Consistori••s.

Fifthly, they may do well to consider, that if they shal drive any other In∣terest than Trade, as their owne peculiar, which may intr••nch upon the union of interests before mentioned, or hinder them from uniting by under-prop∣ping the other Party, it's cleare then, that their power and greatness will be suspected, and become odious to Prince and People▪ For, their High Termes already with the Parliament, and the establishing of a Militia in their owne hands, distinct from the rest of the Kingdome, makes wise men whisper, as if they meant to found a new Religious Democracie, by resolving the Co-ordi∣nations

of power in the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Common Councell into a popular Senate.

Sixthly, I would have them consider that the Jealousies of States and Prin∣ces are great, and cannot brook any Rivall, nor will they judge themselves safe, as long as any one Corporation of Subjects make a shew of Competition in wealth and power. Nor can it be safe for Subjects to discover them too far in this way, lest they teach Princes to secure and inrich themselves by seizing upon * 1.1 Theirs. What made the Abbies and Monasteries so lookt on, but only their great Wealth?

And what was the main Plea to ruine them (as Princes (if possible) will have some coulour of Law to set off actions of this nature) but their holding vast possessions in their hands which could not passe from man to man so lay dead to the prejudice of the Common-Wealth? I wish the City to ponder, whether there be not the same Reason farr more pressing, against the unmea∣surable Revenues of their Halls and severall Companies, those insatiable Gulphs which swallow up so great a part of the Kingdome: And whether their high Raunting may not bring on the same Fate hereafter, on the same ground, upon the first tempting opportunity.

Lastly, since their Presbytery is onely of the World, they may doe well to consider how it is like to thrive in the World, since so few even amongst them∣selves are willing to entertaine it, and the Counties abroad are some of them so wise, others so cross-grain'd to all Novelty: that they generally detest it: And therfore if it shall appeare that the Citizens are the men, which resolve to ban∣dy against both King & Independent [whose Interests tend to a speedy hono∣rable Peace & just Liberty] for the setling of that government in the Church, which neither we, nor our Children shal be able to beare, it's most certaine, that the Odium of a SECOND VVARR will reflect upon them, and the whole burden of guilt and expence rest upon their shoulders: And then they may guesse what the consequence will bee, when their Purses are exhausted and both the other Parties [carying the Kingdome before them] shall be forced into an unanimous designe of revenge, to scourge their pride, with such an alteration [if not utter destruction] as may verifie [perhaps] the Fagg∣end of the old Prophesie, that YORK SHAL BE.

From all which I may summ up this Conclusion.

That the true Interest of the City is to coole by degrees toward a Presby∣terie (not all at once, lest it be accounted Levity,) And in the mean time to stand neutrall so farr as not to make a distinct party, nor drive any designe at Home or at Westminster, by hoisting up supernumerary Votes, & pulling down all others with Remonstrative or Petitionary Out-cries, but to leave the Presbyterian cause to stand or fall, by Reason and sober debate in Parlia∣ment, that being the less look't upon in so turbulent a time, They may enjoy their City and Possessions without Envy and the shaken Kingdom [they kee∣ping still] may have time to settle, and recover the pristine health and splen∣dor of a glorious Monarchy.

O Cives, Cives, quae vos Dementia ••••pit, Tanti non est Civilia bella moveri.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Facile est Baculum in∣venire, ut caedas Ca∣nem.