A new history of Ethiopia being a full and accurate description of the kingdom of Abessinia, vulgarly, though erroneously called the empire of Prester John : in four books ... : illustrated with copper plates / by ... Job Ludolphus ... ; made English, by J.P., Gent.

THE HISTORY OF ETHIOPIA: OR THE KINGDOM of the ABESSINES.

I Am now about to write the History of the Abessines; concerning whom, there have been many large, but few true Relations. For these People having translated themselves from the Maritime Regions of the Arabian Gulf, into the more upland Parts of Africa, by reason their Commerce with Foreigners has been very inconsiderable, have been known to very few of the Europeans. Besides that the Name of Ethiopians, which they assume to themselves, is common to so many Nations, that it has render'd their History very ambiguous; for that many things generally spoken of the Ethiopians, were more particularly attributed to the Abessines. Neither were they wanting to their own honour, while they appropriated to themselves whatever was said either in Scri∣pture or elsewhere to their advantage.

Others there are, who to wast their idle hours, and de∣signing some fabulous Inventions, or to represent the Plat∣form of some Imaginary Common-Wealth, have chosen Ethiopia for the Subject of their Discourse. Believing they could not more pleasantly Romance, or more safely license 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉

Age, and then an Exile, for that contrary to the King's Com∣mand, he had followed the Fathers of the Society into In∣dia, and consequently exercised in Misfortune, he had laid aside all Levity and Ostentation, the Vices of Fortunate Youth. So that although in truth, I was sufficiently able, by vertue of his Instructions, and the knowledge which I obtained from him of the Ethiopic Language, to have out done all those that have gone before me, yet I was unwilling to refell the Errors of others upon the Credit of one single Person, till I had more Authorities to support me.

Nor did I therefore underake this difficult Task, only to consume my leisure hours in confuting the Errors, or mu∣stering up the different Opinions of Authors, without any prospect of Publick-Benefit. The History it self of this Nati∣on deserves the Labour of an Accurate Pen. For whether you consider the Temper of the Clime, or the Condition of the Soyl, you shall hardly find in any other Part of the World more frequent Miracles of Nature.

The Countrey is situated between the Tropic of Cancer, and the Equinoctial Line, and enjoys a wonderful variety of Air: The Champion Levels feel the Heat, the Hilly Parts are no less subject to Cold. For this reason, the Thunders are most dreadful, and frequent Tempests terrifie both Man and Beasts. Their Prodigious Mountains over-look the Clouds themselves. Neither Olympus nor Athos, here accoun∣ted Wonders; nor Atlas it self, which the Ancients fancied to be the Support of Heaven, are to be compared with them. Their Rocks of various Shapes and Figures, so ama∣zingly steep as not to be ascended, yet inhabited. Their surrounded Valleys rugged, and representing Abysses for profun∣dity. Metals they also have; but chiefly Gold, did they know how to find and dig it forth. Their dryest places in Winter are overflowed in Summer: For those Advantages which the Rains afford the Fields in other places, the Ri∣vers supply in Ethiopia. Among those Rivers, Nilus for vastness and fame, far exceeds all the Rivers of the whole World: Whose Fountains so diligently sought by the Anci∣ents are not only here found, but it also now appears, that the River Niger is no more than its left Channel. Nor do all the Rivers of Habassia, as in other Places, empty them∣selves into the Sea, but are some of them suckt up in the Sand; so that it is more difficult to find the Mouths of those,

than the Sources of other Streams. Plants they have of ad∣mirable Vertue; and Beasts of all sorts, many of which are unknown to us. The largest also both of Foul and four-footed Beasts are here to be found. The celebrated Unicorn, so curiously sought for in all other Corners of the World, was first seen here. Cattel without number, much larger than ours, feed in the vast Woods, affording Pasture sufficient as well for the Wild as Tame. Nor is the variety of the Nati∣ons and People less to be admired; so strangely differing in Language, Customs, and Ceremonies, that it may be thought some distinct Part of the World, rather than a particular King∣dom.

However all Abessinia Obeys one King, who by reason of certain Princes that are subject to him, calls himself Ne∣gusa nagast zait joperia, King of the Kings of Ethiopia. He derives his Descent from Solomon King of the Israelites, by an ambitious, tho dubious Claim; defending the long series of his Family, whether true or false, with the force of Anti∣quity. However it be, this is certain, That the Monarchy of the Abessines, and the Royal Line, are no less Ancient than any among the Europeans. And for their Power, they were formerly more Potent than any other of the African Kings: But their Wars in the preceding Age with the Adelenses, has brought them very low. Afterwards they were so debilitated by the Fury of the Gallani, that Abessinia is scarce to be found in Habessinia it self, if you compare it with what it was in the times of Alvarezius.

But that which deserves the greatest admiration is the an∣tiquity of the Christian Religion, which first began under S. Athanasius, Patriarch of Alexandria, at what time Frumen∣tius Preached among them; the Opinions and Ceremonies of which Church they still retain. So that many Primitive Rites in other Places obsolete, are here still in Use. But that deplorable Schism which arose in the Council of Calcedon, for which they alledge other Causes than our Writers do, withdrew the Abessines all together from the Catholick Church, at that time Flourishing; while they followed the Patriarch of the Jacobites, and rejected the Patriarch of the Melchites. Yet all this while for so many Ages they have suffered no con∣siderable Change in their Divine Worship till the beginning of this last Century, at what time being split into Divisions by the Artifices of the Jesuits, they have been cruelly shaken

with Civil Discord and Bloody Wars; some Adhering to the Romish, other the Alexandrian Religion.

Of which and other things it is our Design to treat more fully in this our History; and so to handle the matter, as to discourse in the First Book, Of Natural Things; as the Situation and Names of the several Counties, the Temper of the Climate, the Condition of the Soyl, the several Cu∣stoms and Languages of the Nations and Inhabitants. In the Second Book, Of the Political Government, the Succession of their Kings, their Laws, their Acts of War, the Revenue of the Kingdom, and the like. In the Third, Of their Ecclesiastical Affairs, the beginning of the Christian Religion, and its Advance in those Countries, their Differences with the Greek and Latin Church. And Lastly, in the Fourth Book, Of their Domestick Concerns, and Private Oeconomy.

An ETHIOPIC ALPHABET Divided into seven Orders according to the seven sounds of their vowells

Hoi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ha	〈☐〉〈☐〉 hu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 hi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ha	〈☐〉〈☐〉 he	〈☐〉〈☐〉 hε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ho	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Lawi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 la	〈☐〉〈☐〉 lu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 li	〈☐〉〈☐〉 la	〈☐〉〈☐〉 le	〈☐〉〈☐〉 lε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 lo	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Haut	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ha	〈☐〉〈☐〉 hu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 hi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ha	〈☐〉〈☐〉 he	〈☐〉〈☐〉 hε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ho	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Mai	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ma	〈☐〉〈☐〉 mu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 mi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ma	〈☐〉〈☐〉 me	〈☐〉〈☐〉 mε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 mo	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Saut	〈☐〉〈☐〉 sa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 su	〈☐〉〈☐〉 si	〈☐〉〈☐〉 sa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 se	〈☐〉〈☐〉 sε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 so	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Rεεs	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ra	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ru	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ri	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ra	〈☐〉〈☐〉 re	〈☐〉〈☐〉 rε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ro	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Sat	〈☐〉〈☐〉 sa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 su	〈☐〉〈☐〉 si	〈☐〉〈☐〉 sa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 se	〈☐〉〈☐〉 sε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 so	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Kaf	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ka	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ku	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ki	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ka	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ke	〈☐〉〈☐〉 kε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ko	〈☐〉〈☐〉	K. Eth.
Bet	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ba	〈☐〉〈☐〉 bu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 bi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ba	〈☐〉〈☐〉 be	〈☐〉〈☐〉 bε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 bo	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Tawi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ta	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ti	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ta	〈☐〉〈☐〉 te	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 to	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Harm	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ha	〈☐〉〈☐〉 hu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 hi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ha	〈☐〉〈☐〉 he	〈☐〉〈☐〉 hε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ho	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Nahas	〈☐〉〈☐〉 na	〈☐〉〈☐〉 nu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ni	〈☐〉〈☐〉 na	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ne	〈☐〉〈☐〉 nε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 no	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Alph	〈☐〉〈☐〉 a	〈☐〉〈☐〉 u	〈☐〉〈☐〉 i	〈☐〉〈☐〉 a	〈☐〉〈☐〉 e	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 o	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Qaf	〈☐〉〈☐〉 qa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 qu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 qi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 qa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 qe	〈☐〉〈☐〉 qε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 qo	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Wawe	〈☐〉〈☐〉 wa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 wu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 wi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 wa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 we	〈☐〉〈☐〉 wε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 wo	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Ain	〈☐〉〈☐〉 a	〈☐〉〈☐〉 u	〈☐〉〈☐〉 i	〈☐〉〈☐〉 a	〈☐〉〈☐〉 e	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 o	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Zai	〈☐〉〈☐〉 za	〈☐〉〈☐〉 zu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 zi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 za	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ze	〈☐〉〈☐〉 zε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 zo	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Z. French
Jaman	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ja	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ju	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ji	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ja	〈☐〉〈☐〉 je	〈☐〉〈☐〉 jε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 jo	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Y. French
Dent	〈☐〉〈☐〉 da	〈☐〉〈☐〉 du	〈☐〉〈☐〉 di	〈☐〉〈☐〉 da	〈☐〉〈☐〉 de	〈☐〉〈☐〉 dε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 do	〈☐〉〈☐〉	& English.
Geml	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ga	〈☐〉〈☐〉 gu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ghi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ga	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ghe	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ghε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 go	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Tait	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ta	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ti	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ta	〈☐〉〈☐〉 te	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 to	〈☐〉〈☐〉	T. Eth.
Pait	〈☐〉〈☐〉 {per}a	〈☐〉〈☐〉 {per}u	〈☐〉〈☐〉 {per}i	〈☐〉〈☐〉 {per}a	〈☐〉〈☐〉 {per}e	〈☐〉〈☐〉 {per}ε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 {per}o	〈☐〉〈☐〉	P. Eth.
Zadai	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tza	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tzu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tzi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tza	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tze	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tzε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tzo	〈☐〉〈☐〉	Tz. Eth.
Zappa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tza	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tzu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tzi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tza	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tze	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tzε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tzo	〈☐〉〈☐〉	tz. Eth.
Af	〈☐〉〈☐〉 fa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 fu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 fi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 fa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 fe	〈☐〉〈☐〉 fε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 fo	〈☐〉〈☐〉
Psa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 pa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 pu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 pi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 pa	〈☐〉〈☐〉 pe	〈☐〉〈☐〉 pε	〈☐〉〈☐〉 po	〈☐〉〈☐〉

A Specimen of such of their diphthongs that could be gotten.

〈☐〉〈☐〉 kua	〈☐〉〈☐〉 kua	〈☐〉〈☐〉 kue	〈☐〉〈☐〉 kuε
	〈☐〉〈☐〉 hua	〈☐〉〈☐〉 hue	〈☐〉〈☐〉 huε
〈☐〉〈☐〉 qua	〈☐〉〈☐〉 qua		〈☐〉〈☐〉 quε
〈☐〉〈☐〉 gua	〈☐〉〈☐〉 gua	〈☐〉〈☐〉 gue	〈☐〉〈☐〉 guε

A Specimen of their numbers or numerall figures taken from the Greek

〈☐〉〈☐〉 1	〈☐〉〈☐〉. 3	〈☐〉〈☐〉. 4	〈☐〉〈☐〉 8.
〈☐〉〈☐〉. 10	〈☐〉〈☐〉. 60	〈☐〉〈☐〉. 100 &c.

A Specimen of the Amharie Letters

Sh Engl.	〈☐〉〈☐〉 sha	〈☐〉〈☐〉 shu		〈☐〉〈☐〉 sha	〈☐〉〈☐〉 she	〈☐〉〈☐〉 shε
Tj Hung.	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tja					〈☐〉〈☐〉 tjε
n̄ Spanish.						〈☐〉〈☐〉 njε
Ch Germ.	〈☐〉〈☐〉 hha			〈☐〉〈☐〉 haa			〈☐〉〈☐〉 hho
s French.	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ja		〈☐〉〈☐〉 ji	〈☐〉〈☐〉 ja			〈☐〉〈☐〉 jo
D Bohem	〈☐〉〈☐〉 dja					〈☐〉〈☐〉 djε
Cia Ital	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tjha	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tjhu	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tjhi	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tjha	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tjhe	〈☐〉〈☐〉 tjhε

OF THE Nature of the Countrey, AND THE INHABITANTS. BOOK I.

CHAP. I. Of the Various Names of the Abessines, and Original of the Nation.

The Original of the Name of the Abassines is Arabian: But they rather chose to be called Ethiopians; more particularly, Agazjan, (i. e.) Free, as the Germans call'd themselves Franks. They transported themselves out of Arabia-Felix into Africa, for they derive their Original from the Sabeans, or Homerites. Their Language agrees with the Arabian. The Grecians call them Axumitae, others Indians; hence confusion of Story: Erroneously called Caldeans. The Name of Abassia or Ethiopia, to be retained.

IT behoves us to begin with the Name of the Nation. They are now generally called, Habessines, by others Abessines, or Abassenes; the Name being given them by the Arabi∣ans, in whose Language, [Habesh](a) 1.1 sig∣nifies a(b) 1.2 Confusion, or mixture of Peo∣ple; which Appellation, as being somewhat ignominious, they for a long time despised, neither do they yet acknow∣ledge it in their Writings. For they rather choose to call

their Kingdom, Manghesta Itjopia, the Kingdom of Ethiopia, and themselves Itjopiawjan, Ethiopians; assuming the Name from the Greeks, tho it be too general, and were formerly common as well to all tho swarthy Complexion'd People in Asia, as to the Blacks of Ethiopia.(c) 1.3 But if you require a special Name from them, then they call their Kingdom Geez: also the Countrey of Ag-azi; or the Land of the Ag-azjan, or(d) 1.4, Freemen, either from the Liberty they enjoy; or their transporting themselves from one place to another, for that the radical Word Geeza admits of both significations. Per∣chance,(e) 1.5 because that in ancient times, translating them∣selves out of Arabia and Africa, in search of other Habitations, they assumed that Name in sign of Liberty, as of old, the Ger∣mans, passing the Rhine, gave themselves the Name of Franks.(f) 1.6 For they are not Natives of the Land; but came out of that Part of Arabia which is called The Happy, which ad∣joyns to the Red Sea▪ and from whence there is an easie Passage into Africa. For the Abassenos formerly inhabited Arabia, and were reckon'd(g) 1.7 into the number of the Sabe∣ans or Homerites, as the ancient Geographers testifie,(h) 1.8 and many other Convincing Arguments sufficiently prove. For their Ancient Language, which we call the Ethiopick, is very near a kin to the Arabick. They have also many Customs, as Circumcision, which are common with the Arabians. Their Genius, and the shape of their Bodies, and the Linea∣ments of their Countenances resemble the Arabians much more than the African Ethiopians. Besides, that Severus the Emperor, among the Vanquished People of Arabia, caused the Name of the Abessines to be(i) 1.9 Engraven on his Coyn.

The Habessines themselves also, while they claim the Queen of Sheba for their Princess, betray their Original. For the Arabians unanimously confess, That she was descended from the Lineage of the Homerites. The Grecian Writers, igno∣rant of the proper Name, from the Royal City Axuma, called them Axumites.(k) 1.10 Others in reference to their Ori∣ginal, have confus'd them with the Homerites; others, by reason of their vicinity, with the Nubeans. Most of the An∣cients called them Indians, as they did all those Nations un∣der the Torrid Zone, whose particular Names they understood not. Yea the Red Sea it self is by some(l) 1.11 of the Ancients called the Indian Sea; so that 'tis no wonder that the Nati∣ons bordering upon it should be called Indians. Neither did the Portugueezes know any other Name in the begin∣ning of the former Century. For Damianus de Goez calls their King, the great Emperor of the Indians.(m) 1.12 Which diversity of Names has begat no small Confusion in our History. For some things are attributed to our Abessines, which are appropriated to the true Indians.(n) 1.13 And some things written concerning another Nation of Ethiopia, are imposed as peculiar to the Habessines. At Rome, upon the first Printing of certain Ethiopick Books, their Language was said to be Chaldean, and they themselves erroneously called, sometimes Chaldeans, at other times Indians. But the Name of Abessinia or Abassia, now known to all the World, shall be the Name which(o) 1.14 we shall retain, with that of Ethi∣opia sometimes: More especially when we shall discourse concerning their Kings, their Ancient Language, or their Ecclesiastical Affairs; all which admit themselves to be di∣stinguished by the Title of Ethiopick; which the Abessines themselvs do also allow.

CHAP. II. Of the Situation and Bounds of Abessinia.

The Situation above Egypt, and degrees of Latitude. The Error of Jovius, and the vulgar Tables. The true Latitude. The conjectural Latitude. The Bounds toward the North, and toward the East. Toward the South. Toward the West.

IN Africa, above Egypt, beyond(a) 1.15 Nubia, lies Habas∣sia very near between the Eighteenth and Sixteenth Degree of Northern Latitude; being(b) 1.16 called by some the Upper Ethiopia. It extends not altogether so far as the Equi∣noctial Line, much less can it be said to cross it. Which notwithstanding, almost all Geographers and Historians have hitherto asserted; whether it were that they did not rightly understand the Sayings and Writings of others; or whether deceived by the Credit of Paulus Jovius, who writes that the Kingdom of Sceva, (Sewa or Scheva) beholds the An∣artick Pole elevated in two and twenty degrees; whereas it is in no place to be seen where Shewa lies. Which mistake as seems most probable, he too unwarily drew, not from the Abessines, utterly ignorant of those things, but from a certain Ancient Geographical Map of Africa; the Author of which has so far extended Habessinia, that he has joyned it to another Region known only to himself; fearing to seem ignorant of what lay between by leaving a space. As if it were a shame to be ignorant of that which flies the piercing examination of human wit, and can be no otherwise disco∣vered but by experiment.

But the Jesuits, mores kilful in Spherical Discipline, by the Assistance of the Astrolabe, were the first who taught us that same true Latitude, from the North to the South, already mention'd. But they were not able to make it out: Yet so far as could be rendred most probable and certain, by con∣jecture, and the length of Journeys, the Portugals do reckon this Kingdom, where it is broadest, to contain a a Hundred and Forty of their Leagues. But the longest

Journey directly Westward, is to be accounted from the Red Sea to the farthest Limits of Dembea. For most sure it is, that the Bounds of this Empire do from the East and West, as it were Conically lessen; besides that the Gallans have torn several of its Members from it.

Toward the North it has adjoyning to it, the Kingdom of Fund, otherwise Sennar, by the Portugals called Fungi; a part of Ancient Nubia. Toward the East it was formerly bounded by the Red Sea: But now the Port of Arkiko, with the adjacent Island of Matzua being taken, all that Coast obeys the Turk, who are Masters of that Sea. A Sea that affords but little convenience for Harbors, full of Shelves and Quick-sands, and besides that, the Islands which belong to it are Untill'd, ill Inhabited, and labouring under such a scarcity of Water in the midd'st of the Sea, that they neither afford Accommodation nor Security to Strangers, for which reason they are but little visited. The Mouth of the Streight is very narrow, and of so ill a fame for frequent Shipwracks, that the Arabians call it Bab-elmendeb, the(c) 1.17 Port of Af∣fliction. To those that enter into it, the Kingdom of Dan∣cale appears upon the left hand. The Prince of this Terri∣tory is a Friend to the Abessines, and Commands the Port of Baylur, where the Patriarch sent from Rome, first Landed, and travelled thence into Abessinia. More within the Streight lies the King of Adela, a Mahumetan; a Profest Enemy, and in the last Century, the Scourge of the Habessines. Next follow in their Order the Kingdoms of Dawaro, Bali, Fata∣gar, Wed, Bizamo, Cambata, with several other Provinces, either possessed or wasted by the Barbarous Nation of the Gallans. From thence the Countries winding about the Eighth Degree toward the South, Alaba and Jendero, by the Portugals called Gingiro, Kingdoms of the Gentiles, terminate Habessinia; till you come to Enarea, the last Kingdom, seated between the Eighth and Ninth Degree of Latitude, toward the Northwest. Lastly the River Maleg, and Nilus it self, rolling along through several vast Desarts, close up the Western Limits. Nor are there any other Nations wor∣thy to be mentioned thereabout, till you come to the North,

and the Kingdom of Sennar, already nam'd, unless the wan∣dring Ethiopians, which the Ancients called Numades and Trog∣lodytes; and the Abessines Shankala.

CHAP. III. Of the Division of Habessinia, into diverse Kingdoms and Regions.

The Regions and Kingdoms of Habessinia are variously recounted, and num∣bred up. Nnumerical faults. Gregories enumeration and pronuncia∣tion. The Limits of Ambara, and the Prvinces. Angota, Bagemra, with its Prefectures, Balia, Bizama, Brigna, Cambata, Conta, Da∣mota, Dewaro, Dombeja, and its Provinces. Enaria, Fatagara, Ga∣fata, Gajghe, Ganna, Ganz, Gidm, Gojam. Gombo. Gongha, Gu∣raghe. Ifat, Samen, Se••. Sowa▪ Shat. Tigra and its Prefectures. Those which are under Bahrnagassus, Walaka, Wed. Tellez reckons more. Others he omits. More remarkable Provinces. What the King of Habessinia possesss at this day.

THE Regions of which Ethiopia consists, are neither equally, nor with the same observance of number, but variously set down. Most of them enjoy the Name of the Kingdom, Menghest, or Ethiopia, in General; perhaps be∣cause in ancient times they had their proper Princes and pecu∣liar Laws, as we know that formerly Spain was divided into several Kingdoms of the same nature. The rest, in the Am∣haric Dialect, are called Shumet, Prefectures, which are not however Governed by Vice-Roys, but are under peculiar Go∣vernours of their own; which being confounded with the Kingdoms so call'd,* 1.18 must needs render the number of the Kingdoms uncertain. Paulus Jovius distinguishes the Em∣pire of the Habessines into more than forty Kingdoms; others add yet more, which are more easily set down in writing, than demonstrated.* 1.19 Matthew the Armenian, first Ambassador to the Portugals from the Abessines, will needs have(a) 1.20 sixty. Tesfa Sionus, who set forth the New-Testament in Ethiopic, affirms sixty two Kingdoms in Subjection to his Emperor.

Unless perhaps the Numerical Character for sixty, be mistaken for that denoting only twenty; of which sort, there are most frequent faults both in Prophane and(b) 1.21 Sacred Writers. P. Nicolaus Godignus, from the Relation of John Gabriel, a Por∣tugueze Collonel, a Person of great Fame, and one that had long resided in Ethiopia, asserts, That the Abessine Empire, ac∣cording to its ancient Right, comprehends no less than twenty six Kingdoms, and fourteen Provinces. But he mixes some Neighbouring Kingdoms, which are no way Subject to the King of the Abessines, and some he also omits.(c) 1.22 How∣ever most certain it is, that we may safely reckon twenty, computing those which the Gallans have subdued. Gregory named thirty to me, adding perhaps some small ones, which others allow to be no more than Prefectures. These I shall reckon up from his own mouth, and as he wrote them down himself, that the(d) 1.23 Reader may be assured of their true and genuine Pronunciation. The first, and that the best and most fertile, is the Kingdom of Tigra; but for Nobleness Amhara exceeds it, which we shall put in the first place, the rest following according to the Order of the Latin Alphabet.

Amhara is now the most noble Kingdom of all Ethiopia, by reason of those inaccessible Fortified Rocks, Ghesen and Amhacel, where formerly the Kings Sons, excluded from the Kingdom, were secured; and is therefore accounted the Native Country of the late and present Kings, and of all the Nobility. It lies almost in the Center of Habessinia, having on the North the Kingdom of Bagemder; upon the West, Nile; and beyond that, the Kingdom of Gojam. Upon the South it views Walake, and Eastward beholds Angota. The Provinces that belong to it are these that follow:

• 1 Akamba
• 2 Amhacel
• 3 Anbacit
• 4 Armon-em
• ...

• 5 Atronca Marjam
• 6 Bada-Bad
• 7 Barara
• 8 Batata
• 9 Beda-gadal
• 10 Dada
• 11 Dad
• 12 Demah
• 13 Ephrata
• 14 Ewarza
• 15 Feres-Bahr
• 16 Ganata-Ghiorghis
• 17 Gesha-bar
• 18 Grumghe
• 19 Ghel
• 29 Gheshe
• 21 Gheshen
• 22 Hagara Christos
• 20 Karna-Marjam
• 24 Kicarja
• 25 Lai-Kueita.
• 26 Macana-Celece, where Gregory was Born.
• 27 Malza
• 28 Shegla
• 29 Tabor
• 39 Tadbaba-Marjam.
• 31 Tat-Kueja
• 02 Walsa
• 33 Waro
• 34 Wagda
• 35 Wanz-egr
• 36 Zar-amba.

The Second Kingdom is Angot, which is also called Hangot.

The Third Kingdom is Bagembder, in the vulgar Mapps Bagamidri; a large and fertile Kingdom, watered with many Rivers. Gregory compared it with our Germany, saying, Here is much water, as in Bagemhder. The River Bashlo divides it from Amhara. It is distinguished into several Territories.

• 1 Andabet, the Trumpeters Countrey.
• 2 Atcana
• 3 Dahr, more particularly like Germany, as Gregory said.
• 5 Este
• 3 Guna
• 6 Koma
• 7 Maket, bordering upon Angota.
• 8 Mashalamja
• 9 Nafasmauca
• 10 Smada
• 11 Tzama
• 12 Wainalga, famous for the slaughter of Grainus in the former Century.
• 13 Wudo.

The fourth Kingdom is Bali, most Easterlie, which the Gallans first subdued; and thence afflicted the Abessines with so many Calamities.

The fifth Kingdom is Bizamo, divided from Gojam by the River Nile.

The sixth Kingdom is Bugna, in some Mapps called Abu∣gana, a mountanous and small Kingdom.

The seventh Kingdom is Cambata, the Inhabitants where∣of are called Hadja, or Hadiens. From whence it comes to pass, that Adea, or Hadea is in the Mapps erroneously called a Kingdom. It is the last Kingdom toward the South, lying not far from Enarrea; for the most part Christians, but mixed with Pagans and Mahumetans.

The eighth Kingdom is Cont; by the Portugals called Conch.

The ninth Kingdom is Damot; a Southerly Kindom, seated beyond Nile, and the Gafats.

The tenth Kingdom is Dawaro; the Eastern limits of the Empire, adjoyning to the Southern part of Bali.

The eleventh Kingdom is Dembeja, or Dembea, a Kingdom now famous for the Royal Camp, continually pitched there. The Prefectures belonging to it are,

• 1 Arebja
• 2 Decal-ariva
• 3 Dehhana
• 4 Edn
• 7 Gaba
• 6 Guender
• 7 Kuara
• 8 Nara
• 9 Sarako
• 10 Sera-karn
• 11 Takuesa
• 12 Tenqel
• 13 Tshelga as it were the Gates of Abuassia toward Sennar.
• 14 Walwad.

The twelfth Kingdom is Enarea, inhabited both by(d) 1.24 Chri∣stians and Gentiles. This Kingdom was subdued by Melech-Saghed; who converted the Governour thereof to the Chri∣stian Faith. Gregory very much applauded the Inhabitants for their Probity and Integrity: he said it was a fertile Soile, and abounding in Gold, adding That he had heard from the Por∣tuguezes, that this Kingdom was five and thirty days journey distant from the Indian Ocean; but would not assert it for Truth.

The thirteenth Kingdom is Tatagar; formerly inhabited by Christians, Eastward adjoyning to Bali.

The fourteenth Kingdom is Gafat, bordering upon Da∣mota.

The fifteenth Kingdom is Gajghe; pronounce it as the French do, Gajegue.

The sixteenth Gan, by the Portuguezes called Ganhe.

The seventeenth, Ganz. Erroneously joyned with Bali, and in the feigned Title of the King, contracted into Baleganz.

The eighteenth Gedm, bordering upon Dawaro toward the East.

The nineteenth Gojam;(e) 1.25 pronounce it with the French, Gojam. A Kingdom wonderful for its situation, and famous for the Fountains of Nile therein now discovered. For the River Nile almost surrounds it in manner of a Peninsula. But that it cannot possibly be the Island of Meroe, as Tellezius be∣lieves, we shall prove in our Commentary. Godignus affirms, that it contains twenty Provinces, but conceals their Names.

The twentieth Kingdom is Gombo.

The one and twentieth, Gonga.

The two and twentieth, Guraghe.

The three and twentieth, Ifat, adjoyning to Shewa toward the East.

The twenty fourth is Samen; by Tellezius called Cemen, and numbred among the Provinces.

The twenty fifth Set, whose Inhabitants are Pagans.

The twenty sixth Sewa, in the Amharec Dialect Shewa, as the Portugals call it Xoa, or Xaoa, a very large and most opulent Kingdom; formerly much frequented by the Abessine Kings, and then more famous than Amhara. It is distin∣guished into the Upper and the Lower, there are in it several Monasteries and some Towns, as may be seen in our Mapp. Dabra Libanos, the seat of Jeeghi, chief Overseer of all the Monks, was formerly in this Kingdom.

The twenty seventh is Shat, in Portugueze, Xat.

The twenty eighth is Tegre or Tigra; one of the principal Kingdoms, and the first as you enter into Ethiopia. The Na∣tive Country of the former Kings, who kept their Courts at Axuma. The most noble part of it lyes toward the Red Sea, and is called Bahr, the Sea, or Medra-Bahr, the Land of the Sea, or a Maritim Province, comprehending under it three

Toparchies. The Governour, Bahr-Nagash resides in Do∣barwa.(f) 1.26 The Prefectures belonging to Tegre are,

• 1 Abargale
• 2 Acsum, or the Prefecture of Axuma, the ancient Re∣sidence of the Kings.
• 3 Adet
• 4 Afa-macuonen
• 5 Agamja
• 6 Amba-Sanet(g) 1.27
• 7 Bora
• 8 Upper-Bura
• 9 Lower-Bura
• 10 Beta-Abba Garima
• 11 Doba, near Angora, inha∣bited by Pagans.
• 12 Enderta
• 13 Garalta
• 14 Hagarai
• 15 Memberta
• 16 Nader
• 17 Sahart
• 18 Salawa
• 19 Sanafe
• 20 Sire
• 21 Taderar
• 22 Tamben
• 23 Torat
• 24 Tzam-a
• 25 Tzerae
• 26 Wag
• 27 Wajrat.

All which are inhabited by several Nations and People. But there are not so many Governours as Prefectures: For that sometimes two or three Prefectures are under one Governour. For Bora, Salawa, and Wag, are all under one Tetrarch.

The Prefectures under Bahrnagas, are

• 1 Bakla, whose Inhabitants are all Graziers, and change their habitations, abiding in the Summer in one place; all the Winter-time in another.
• 2 Egala
• 3 Hamacen, It consists of three Towns, which are subject to the King of the Habessines, however they choose their own Magi∣strates, and are Governed by their own Laws, like a Petty Common-wealth, and often give Protection to Exiles and Fugitives.
• 4 Marjan
• 5 Marata
• 6 Sarawe
• 7 Zangaren.

The twenty ninth Kingdom is Walaka, in the Portugueeze Language Oleca, or Holeca.

The thirtieth, Wed, by the Portugals called Ogge.

These are the Kingdoms which Gregory numbred up to me, and left the Names of them written down in the Ethiopic Cha∣racters: to the end I might pronounce them genuinely, and express them as adaptly as could be done in conformity to the Latin Letters. Tellezius reckons more, which nevertheless, he does not distinguish in his Mapps by great Letters, as he does the other Kingdoms; that is to say,

• 1 Alamale
• 2 Aura
• 3 Bahargamo
• 4 Betezamora
• 5 Boxa, which nevertheless he says, is a Country of Enarea, l. 1. c. 8.
• ...Guniar
• ...Manz
• ...Marrabet
• ...Mota.

On the other side some Kingdoms he omits, some of which however he has inserted in his Geographical Mapp, and of some he makes mention in his History; l. 1. c. 13. as

• ...Fatagar
• ...Gafat
• ...Gajghe
• ...Ganibo
• ...Ganga
• ...Set
• ...Shat

The most remarkable Provinces which have their peculiar Governours, are

• 1 Emfras, between Bagem∣dra, and Dembea.
• 2 Mazaga
• 3 Mugar, near to Sewa
• 4 Tzagade
• 5 Wagara
• 6 Walkajit

The rest you shall meet with in our Geographick Tables. Now of all these Kingdoms and Provinces the King of the Abessines enjoys at present,

• 1 Amhara
• 2 Bajemdra
• 3 Cambata
• 4 Damota
• ...

• 5 Dembea
• 6 Enarea
• 7 Gojam
• 8 Samen
• 9 Part of Sewa, with some other Kingdoms of lesser note.

And for Provinces, those of

• 1 Emfras
• 2 Mazaga
• 3 Tzagade
• 4 Wagara
• 5 Walkajit

Which Kingdoms and Provinces comprehend the best part indeed; but not the half of the ancient Habessia. The rest the Galans have either subdued, or else utterly laid wast, as we shall relate in due place.

CHAP. IV. Of the Vulgar Chorographic Table or Mapp of Ha∣bessinia, and the Author's new one.

The New Mapp of the Habessines. The new one found fault with as Erro∣neous: Look'd on as ridiculous by Gregory; by reason of the ill writing and because of the ill understood Names of Barnagassus, Tigremahon, Am∣biancantiva, which are explained. The ambiguous powers of Letters. Advice to concert a certain Geographical Alphabet. The Authors contest about his own Mapps.

BUT to the End that all things may the more clearly appear, we shall produce a new Chorographical Mapp of Habessinia, the old one that goes begging about the World for an Author, being altogether uncertain. I was not a little asham'd to hear the sedulous Ethiopian, Gre∣gory, upbraiding as he did, the vanity and carelesness of our People, to obtrude such absurdities upon the Commonweal of Learning, and to defile otherwise most(h) 1.28 beautiful Pieces of Geography, with such fabulous impertinencies. While they made public to the World Mapps of such consequence,

without any sufficient Authority, or any light by what Pen, of what Nation, or in what Language they were first written, as if they designed on purpose to deceive the Reader, that so he might not be in a Capacity to judge of the Truth: which if it were their aim, they did not miss of their intentions, in regard they led several persons, otherwise eminent, and of great judgment, into foul mistakes, who cryed up the Empire of the Habessines for the largest in the World, as being little less than all Europe, too unwarily trusting to their fictions.

When I first shewed the vulgar Mapps to Gregory, some∣times I made him laugh, sometimes I made him angry. For before I call'd to mind that the Latin Letters were to be pro∣nounced after the Portugal mannet, I asked him concerning the Kingdoms of Xoa, Gojam, and other Regions, from whence the Portuguezes had either taken away, or to which they had added the Latin Letters, a, d, do, as being their Articles of declension,(i) 1.29 without any regard to the Letter h. But when I expected an Answer, he knew not what I meant, till I pronounced for Ksoa, Shoa; for Goyam, Gojam, and so on∣ward: But he laughed outright when I question'd him con∣cerning the Kingdoms of Barnagassus, Tigremahon,(k) 1.30 and Ambiancantiva. For after a short hesitation he understood them to be compound words, in which the Titles of the Vice-Roys, were conjoyned with the Names of the Regions over which they were made Governors; and besides that, very much corrupted by the Portugal pronunciation and spel∣ling. For Barnagasso in the Amharic Language extends it self to Bahr-Nagash, a compound word of Bahr which signi∣fies the Sea, and Nagash a Governour, as much as to say a Commander or Admiral at Sea. Tigremahon corruptly for Tigre-macuonen, that is to say, Judge or President of Tigre: Ambian-cantiva, for Dembea-cantiba, that is, Governour or Pre∣sident of Dembea. The same inference happens to the most noble City and Court of Royal Residence, Axuma, which ne∣ver appears in the Mapps, by reason that the Portugals pro∣nounce Axum, Acassum; for they cast away the A, as an Ar∣ticle of declension, and adding their own termination O, made

it Cassumo. Upon which City we stood pausing a long time, before we could tell what to make of it. I pass by an innumerable company of other mistakes, which rendred the Mapp altogether useless to me. Nor is it to be doubted but the same thing often falls out in other Exotic Tables: So that unless a Man can divine the Language of the Author, or where he was born; it is impossible but he must read the Names of the plaes most extravagantly. For we find that because the Modern Europeans have no Letters of their own, but onely have accommodated the Latin Letters to their own sounds, it comes to pass, that one and the same Letter is variously pronounced by various Nations; which frequently appears in Consonants conjoyned. As for Example, Ch, among the Germans, Belgians and Polonians, is a rough Aspiration like the Hebrew ח, or the Greek Χ. Among the Italians Ch, is pronounced like a k, among the French like an Hebrew ש. But among the English, Spaniards and Portugueses, who alone genuinely pronounce the word China, there is a kind of hissing compos'd between the Letter Z. and sch. which the Italians express by a C before e or i; the Polonians by Ch, the Hebrews more lively in their ש, the Germans Sch, the English by Sh, the French Ch, the Italians Sc before e, and i; and which the Portugueses would do by their Letter X, but that they are unwilling to have it a superfluous Letter in their Alphabet.

For which reason it would be very requisite, that the Publishers of Foraign Mapps, should also Publish their Instructions, and tell the World according to what Pro∣nounciation, the Names of Countries and Cities ought to be read: Or else that in the compiling of some universal Geographical Work, care might be taken to add such an Index as should be the standard of Pronunciation in every Country, to prevent the common mistakes.

We must acknowledge that our Chorographick Table is not without its defects: For though Gregorie were sufficiently skill'd in the Names and Situation of places, yet he was ignorant of the Degrees of the Sphere and Elevation of the Pole. Therefore in the first Mapps of Habessinia which I made, I follow'd the Longitude and Latitude of the vulgar Tables; but because I found them false in that too, we thought it more prudence not to Publish any at all. I must confess being in company with certain Persons of Learning

and Quality, upon a(l) 1.31 discourse that happen'd concerning Ethiopia, after I had made my Apology, I produc'd a Manu∣script exemplar of both sorts: But such they were, that should they ever come to light by any misfortune, I dare not be responsible for their Credit. But at length having happen'd upon the Chorographick Table of Tellezius, de∣lineated by the Fathers of the Society, with the help of the Astrolabe, I made no scruple to retain the Degrees, as by them set down, and then to make them common, together with a new Mapp, for universal information. I have added the Midland Regions, tho without any adventure of justifi∣cation, in regard those Regions by reason of their vast distance, being so seldom visited by Travellers, afford little of certainty.

CHAP. V. Of the Nature of the Soil, Temper of the Air, Tempests, Winds, and such like Meteors.

The Air uncertain. Wonderful effects of heat. The Torrid Zone is nevertheless habitable. The high places cold. No Snow. The temper and wholesomness of the Air. Horrid Thunders. A dirty Winter describ'd by Gregory. Diversity of Tempests in the same situation. The four seasons of the year different from the Europeans. The beginning of the Spring the 25th. of Septemb. They have only three seasons of the year; the days and nights almost always equal. Their dawnings and evenings very short. The most impetuous wind, call'd a Snake. The two sorts of Whirl-winds, Prestor and Typhon, most raging and pernicious.

IN so many and such various Regions, the Constitution of the Air is as various. In low and open places which the Abessines call Kolla, the heat of the Sun is intolerable, such as Seneca describes in these words. The stones burn as if neal'd in the fire, not onely in the middle of the day, but also toward the evening, the Silver unsoders; the footsteps of men are impatient of the scorching sand. The fastening of the standard melts:

No exterior covering of outward Ornament remains. In which respect both coasts of the Red Sea have but a bad report; as also the Islands, especially Suaquena, whose heat Gregorie many times us'd to call Infernal. For said he, it excoriates the Skin, melts hard Indian wax in a Cabinet, and sears your shoos, like a red hot Iron.

But these Persons consider'd not the nature of those People; that inhabit that Country; much less have they weighed with themselves, the strange Patience of those that covet rule and dominion, who can endure the parching beams of the Sun, and willingly too, though unus'd to those immode∣rate violences of raging heat. However the ancient Philoso∣phers were in a very great error that believ'd the(m) 1.32 Torrid Zone unhabitable; or that the middle parts of the Earth, where the Sun continually moves, should be parch'd up with flames, and tosted with the raging fire.(n) 1.33 Assuredly there are some Philosophers who deliver things uncertain and unprov'd for real and assured truths, and discourse in such a manner of the nature of the Air, the Heavens and the Stars, as if their residence had long been there. For that the Air is colder upon the Mountains, all Nations in their own Countries find by experience; but that the Air is cold of it self, and not warmed but by the repercussion of the Suns beams among the exhalations of the Earth, is the opinion of other sage Philosophers: which exhalations in the lower Region near the Earth rise more close and condens'd, in the upper parts, more thin and rarify'd; so that tho the lower parts frie with heat, high places freez, the cool nature of the Air not suffering any alteration through the defect of heat.

Therefore the higher you ascend the Mountains of Ethiopia from the coast of the Red Sea, the more temperate you shall feel the Air; insomuch that as Tellezius witnesses in many Regions of Ethiopia, the Summer heats are more mild then in Portugal, so many degrees distant toward the North. Nay there are some Mountainous Countries, as in Samen where the cold is more dreaded than the heat. Nevertheless there falls none or very little Snow in those parts, only a certain small sort of Hail sometimes covers the ground, which at a

distance looks like Snow. It was a thing not known to Gregorie, for as I Travelled with him over the Mountains of Tirol, toward the end of September, seeing some Snow that had fallen a little before, crying out Haritz, Haritz, full of admiration, he called it Meal. From such a temper of the Air it follows that the Country must needs be healthy; and consequently the Inhabitants sane and vivacious, insomuch that some of them live to a hundred years of Age. Onely in Tigra, toward the beginning of the Ethiopic Spring, that is to say, in the Months of September and October, Feavers are very rise.

However this variety of the Air is the cause of most dreadful Thunders. Which when Gregory describ'd, he astonish'd his hearers. For upon the rising of several Tem∣pests altogether, the Skie is of a sudden cover'd over with black and thick as it were Globes of smokie Clouds; by and by the Thunder breaks forth on every side, ratling con∣tinually, with Lightning as incessantly flashing, enough to amaze the most resolute and most accustom'd to the noise. Their Rains are very violent, powering from the Clouds not by drops, but as it were in streams. With those the torrents being swell'd, rowle along with that rapid fury, that they carry Trees and Stones and all things before 'em. All their Rivers overflow; and then the high ways being either covered with water, or else all mirie and dirtie, 'tis a most tedious thing to Travel: And this enduring three Months together renders their Winters very unpleasant. Gregory describ'd the Ethiopian Winter to me in these words.

The Ethiopian Winters are not caus'd onely by the Rain which falls from the Skie; for the Earth also opens her mouth, and vomits up water. There is a Fountain in every man's house, if it stands low. And therefore we never Build in low places, but in high grounds: So many and so great Rivers, and Springs of water out of the Earth; and such violent Rains are no where the like to be seen as in our Country.

This tempestuous weather is so troublesome and tedious to Forraigners, that in a dispute which happen'd between an Abossine and an Egyptian, about the excellency of their Countries, when the first vaunted to the latter, the natural fertilitie of Abessinia, the temperateness of the Air, their double Harvests, and other benefits of the Country, adding

withall, That the Egyptians cannot live without the assistance of Ethiopia, in regard that Nilus fatten'd Egypt with the Mud of Ethiopia, without which, both Man and Beast would pe∣rish for want of Sustenance; the Egyptian retorted upon the Abyssinian, upbraiding him with the prodigious Showers, the rapid Torrents, the steep and rugged Mountains, and the dreadful Thunders that render'd the Country so unplea∣sant; upon which the Victory was allow'd on his side.

Nor does the season of the Winter keep the same Months, nor the same Temperature in all places alike, tho the situa∣tion may be the same; for it is not only milder in some pla∣ces, sharper in others, but also in different Months from our Climate. Which was of old observ'd by(p) 1.34 Nonnosus, Ambassador from the Emperour Justinian to the King of the Axumites, who travelling those Parts himself.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.

From the City of the Adulites as far as Aüe, the same Sum∣mer and Drouth affects the Air as with us. From Aüe to∣wards Axuma, the Winter is very rigorous, &c. Gregory told me, That the Coast of the Red Sea, and all that two days Journey, from the Shore to the Mountains of Ethiopia the Winter keeps its Station in November, December, and Ja∣nuary, as in Europe; but they differ nothing in the Degrees of Latitude. So that it is not always true what some(q) 1.35 Geographers have written, That the Perioeci, or those that dwell under the same Meridian, have the same Winter and Summer.

Now what the Winter of that Coast is, you may easily guess, from the answer of Gregory, who being ask'd upon a very sultry day, whether it were not very hot in Germany, made answer,

To day has been something hot: Such is the Winter in Suaqena, which is an Island upon that Coast.

Being ask'd concerning the Seasons of the Year, he an∣swer'd,

The Season Matzau, the Season of Flowers or the Spring.

The Season Tzadai, the Season of Harvest or Autumn.

The Season Hagai, or the Summer.

The Season Crampt, or Winter.

Thus he reckon'd the four Seasons: But there is not the same reason for them, nor the same benefits by them, as with us; nor could Gregory himself reconcile them with ours.

Matzau indeed may deservedly be call'd the Spring, be∣cause it succeeds the Winter, and covers the Fields with Grass and Flowers. It begins upon a certain day of the Month, that is, upon the 25th of September.

But the Tzadai of the Ethiopians cannot be call'd properly Autumn, as Gregory imagin'd; for it is the second part of the year that succeeds the Spring, and exhilarates the Husband∣man with ripen'd Fruits, and therefore ought more truly to be call'd Summer. But how Hagai is to be interpreted, is a question; it is the third part of the year, yet cannot justly be call'd Autumn, in regard the Habessines are ignorant of any benefit they receive by it: They get no Vintage in, but are parch'd with extremity of Heat, and therefore they op∣pose this hottest time of the year to the sharpest Cold of Winter.

For which reason we rather ought to conclude, that there are but three Seasons among the Abyssines, that is to say, the Spring which begins upon the 25th of September. Then the Summer, which may be divided into two parts; the first, and the best, call'd Tzadai, which begins upon the 25th of December; and the last, and worst part, call'd Hagai, which begins upon the 25th of June, and ends upon the(r) 1.36 succee∣ding Winter, which is the third part of the Ethiopic year.

The Days and Nights in that Climate, being in a right Sphere, are, for the most part, always equal. Their Daw∣nings and Evenings much shorter than ours. Gregory won∣der'd, that it should be light when he could not see the Sun; and again, after Sun-set, that the Twilight should last so long. For there immediately after Sun-set it grows dark, and all the Stars, in the absence of the Moon, ap∣pear.

The Winds, upon the Mountains frequent and pleasant, render the Air healthful and temperate; but in open and flat Levels, the Air, for want of motion, grows hot and un∣wholsom, especially in the Islands of the Red-Sea. This a certain Merchant attested, who carrying several rich Indian Commodities from the Port of Suaqena to the Court, and being ask'd by one of the King's Daughters, What there was that could not be purchas'd at the Port of Suaqena, answer'd, The Wind; that being only wanting in that place, otherwise a happy and pleasant Island.

But all Winds are not equally grateful or beneficial in Ethiopia, for there are some which are most impetuously violent; among the rest, the Whirlwind, called Sendo, which in the Amharic Dialect signifies a Snake, a Wind so furious, that it throws down all before it, Houses, Oaks, and Stones, and hurries them along in the Air. The Belgioms call this Wind Hoof, and report it frequent upon the Coasts of Asia, as they sometimes experience to the loss of their Ships. The Whirlwind by the Greeks, called Typhon, is that of which Pliny thus writes:

A principal Plague to the Mariners, which not only throws down the Masts, but rives the Ship in pie∣ces.

And again,

The same Wind meeting opposition, carries all before it, and sweeps whate're it meets into the Air.

Gregory affirm'd, it might be seen, and that it repre∣sented the form of a Snake, whose thicker part, like the Head, brushing upon the ground, the Body advanc'd it self in curls and windings to the Sky. Nor do I believe this Wind to differ much from that Wind which the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (Prester), there being the same Equivocal in both; for that Prester signifies a kind of Serpent, and perhaps may be the same which the Venetians call Bissaboba, Biscia signifying a Serpent in Italian.* 1.37 Such a Whirlwind last Autumn happe∣ning in Dalmatia, swept into the Air, Men, Cattel, Carts and Horses laden with Hay and great Bells, if there be any faith in Report; and after the ruin of many Houses, Churches, Towers, and Palaces, left behind it the deplorable Testimo∣nies of the havock it had made. P. Organtino of Brescia wrote from Goa, That a Whirlwind toss'd up several empty Ships from the Water into the Air, and carried them beyond the Shore: Which if it be true,* 1.38 those prodigious showers of Stones, Iron, and Bricks, are the less to be wonder'd at, if we may be allow'd to say, That the time has been when it rain'd Men, Ships, and great Bells.

CHAP. VI. Of the high Mountains of Habessinia, and Rocks of strange forms.

High Mountains. Lamalmona most dangerous. Amhara and Samen the gibbose part of Abyssinia; higher than the Alps and Pyreneans. Steep Rocks of a wonderful shape, not to be ascended without Ropes and Ladders. Spacious at the top. The Rock where the Kings Sons were formerly kept, describ'd. A Rock in Gojam hollow'd like a Looking-Glass. Deep Abysses. Plains very rare, one great one in Dembea. The benefits of the Mountains, temperate Air, security and pleasantness of the Fountains.

ALL Habessinia is egregiously Mountainous: So soon as you have travell'd two days Journey from the Red-Sea, you must presently climb the high Moun∣tains of Tigra; amongst which Lamalmona lifts up her head more lofty than the rest, which they that travel to the Royal Camp in Dembea, are forc'd to clamber over: The Steps of which, if they may be so call'd, are so dangerous, and the Path or Track so narrow, that if Company meet, Men and Horses giving the way, fall headlong into a bottomless Abyss, never to be any more seen. But not only this Region is the Plain that seems as it were planted with Mountains, Bagem∣dra, Gojam, Waleka, Shewa, and all the rest, Dembea ex∣cepted, are but one continued Chain of Mountains. Among the rest, the vast and high Mountains of Amhara and Samen are as it were the Embossment of Habessinia.

Here are many Aorni, or Rocks of an(u) 1.39 incredible height and ruggedness, in so much, that, as Tellezius writes, they strike a terror into the Beholders; the Alps and Pyreneans, compar'd with the Abessine Mountains, are but low Hills. The Mountains of Portugal, tho very high, are but trifles to them.

Amongst those Mountains, and frequently in the Plain it self, and in the middle of the Fields, rise up Rocks every

way steep, yet varying their shape; some looking a far off like Towers, some like Pyramids, some like four-square Towers built by Art, and so even on the sides, as if the Workman's hand had done it so; so that there is no way to get to the top but by the help of Ladders and Ropes, by which means they Crane up their Cattel, and other necessa∣ries: And yet so spacious at the top, that they contain Woods, Fields, Meadows, Fountains, and which is more wonder∣ful, Fish-ponds, and all other conveniencies for humane Support. These sort of Rocks the Natives call Amba; as Amba-Dorbo,(x) 1.40 &c.

This puts us in mind to describe that famous Rock in the Kingdom of Amhara, called Geshen, of which, and of the Moun∣tain Ambacel, we have already made mention, which we shall do in the words of Tellezius. In the Confines of Amhara, toward Shewa, stands Amba-Geshen: It is a Mountain almost impreg∣nable, every way steep, prodigiously high, and in the form of a Castle made all of Free-Stone: At the top it is about half a Portugal League in breadth, at the bottom near half a days Journey about: At first easie to be ascended, then steep and rugged, in so much, that the Abyssine Oxen, that otherwise will clamber like Goats, must be cran'd up and let down with Ropes.

Formerly those miserable Ethiopic Princes were here cag'd up in wild places, in low Cottages, among Shrubs and wild Cedars, starv'd from all things else but Air and Earth; as if they, who were descended from a high Parentage, were to be confind in a high and lofty Exile. In Gojam, as(y) 1.41 Ker∣cher tells us, from the Relation of Peter Pays, there is a cer∣tain Rock so curiously hollow'd by Nature, that afar off it resembles a Looking-Glass; and over against it another, on the top of which there is nothing that can be so softly whisper'd, but may be heard a great way off, and the rever∣beration of the sound is like the encouraging Ho up of Ma∣riners.

Between these Mountains are immense Gulphs, and dread∣ful Profundities; which because the Sight cannot fathom, Fancy takes them for Abysses; whose bottoms Tellezius will have to be the Center of the Earth. Nor did Gregory de∣scribe

them otherwise, than as places most dreadful and for∣midable to the Eye.

Levels are very rare; the largest Plain is that in Dembea, near the Lake Tzanicus, about twenty Portugal Leagues in length, and four or five broad.

A Region so Mountainous, and so like to Switzerland, may be look'd upon justly by all people as a most rude and unhus∣banded Country; but they that consider the benefits which the Habessines receive thereby, will from the same reasons be drawn to an admiring Contemplation of Divine Provi∣dence: For that stupendious height of their Mountains con∣temns the scorching heat; which renders their Country the more inhabitable in those high places, where the people breath a more serene Air. In the next place, Heaven has thereby provided for their security, so many inaccessible Mountains, being like so many Castles, which afford them not only Habitation, but a safe defence against their Enemies. For had it not been for those Fortresses of Nature, they had been ruin'd long e're this, by the Adelenses and the Gallans. Moreover, thorough all those Mountains you shall find most pleasant Springs of Water, which are wanting in the Levels of the torrid Zone: The reason of which, we shall give you in another place.

CHAP. VII. Of Metals and Minerals.

Abassia abounds in Metals and Minerals, especially Gold, which is found in the Sand of the Rivers; and in Damota and Enarrea upon the Superficies of the Earth. Silver they have not, and yet not without Lead. They neither know, nor care to know, what belongs to Metals. Salt plentifully digg'd out of the Earth. Gems they want. They more esteem black Lead, with which they colour their Eye-brows.

THat so many and so vast Mountains afford plenty of Metals and Minerals, the Fathers of the Society attest. And certainly, 'tis a thing easily credible, that that part of the Earth, lying under the fiercest and most maturing heat of the Sun, cannot be without Metals, and more especially Gold, which is found in the shallows of Ri∣vers,

polish'd and pure in great quantities, about the big∣ness of a Tare or Vetch. Whence it is conjectur'd, that the Gold is brought to perfection in the neighbouring Moun∣tains, and carry'd away together with the Sand, by the for∣ces of the Stream. Pliny affirms that sort of Gold to be the finest and most perfect. Damota, but more especially Enar∣rea, enjoy this advantage, it being the chiefest Tribute which they pay. They are destitute of Silver; whether it be that Nature denies them that benefit, or that they know not how to dig it out and refine it: For they have Lead, which is said to be the Mother of Silver.

But they are altogether ignorant of the Minery Trade. For the digging of Wells, boaring of Mountains, suppor∣ting of Mines with massy Timber, hewing of Stones, or forcing Rocks with Gunpowder or Fire, to live in the dark, sometimes hours, sometimes days together, and to be half strangled with Smoke and Damps, to(z) 1.42 search the Vains of the Earth, and examin the Secrets of Rocks, are things altogether unsuitable to the Genius of the Habessines. Ra∣ther they count it a piece of folly to pine after Minerals, and heap up Riches, to encourage the Turk to make War upon them. They think themselves far more safe in Iron, as being that with which Gold may be won: And for Iron, they have no occasion to delve for it, in regard they find it in great plenty upon the Superficies of the Earth, as P. Antonio Fer∣nandez testifies.

Moreover, in the Confines of Tigra and Angora, from a place call'd the Land of Salt, there(a) 1.43 are natural Moun∣tains of Salt, from whence they supply themselves with in∣exhaustible quantities, cutting it out of the sides of the Moun∣tains in great pieces of a white and solid Substance. In the Mountain it is soft, and sliver'd off with little labour; but in the Air it hardens. From thence it is fetch'd by great num∣bers of Merchants, who conveigh it away in Caravans, which are call'd Cafila, and vended through all the neighbouring Nations and Countries where it is a scarce Commodity. Al∣phonsus Mendez the Patriarch, writes, That there is in another place a Mountain of Red Salt, very useful in Physic. So propitiously has Heaven compensated their want of Money

with plenty of Salt; which by virtue whereof, as with ready Coyn, in other places they purchase other necessaries. Thus they abound in Salt, which the Life of Man cannot want; but they are destitute of other things that less conduce to the happiness of Human Being. Nor do they desire those things, of whose dazling Beauties and glittering Colours they are ignorant; I mean Gems and Jewels, rarely yet seen in Ethiopia, whatever that same Trifler, Valentinian Ro∣mances. The Royal Diadem it self glitters only with coun∣terfeit Jewels, thinking it not worth their while to send their Salt or Gold to foreign and barbarous Nations to pur∣chase true ones; and admiring at our imprudence, for expen∣ding our Money so idly. They much more esteem those Minerals, that conduce to the health and preservation of the Body; chiefly among the rest Stibium, or Black Lead, which they in their Language call(b) 1.44 Cuehel, or Cohol, and believe it to be a great preserver of the Sight; nor do they less esteem it for Ornament, and to beautifie their Faces with it: For being powder'd, they mix it with Soot moisten'd, and with a small Pencil which they call Blen, besmear their Eye-brows, according to the frequent and ancient custom of the Orientals.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Rivers of Habessinia, more especially of Nile, its Fountains and Course; as also of the Lake Tzana.

Many Rivers there more precious than Metals. The Fountains originally from Rain-water. An Encomium of Nilus: In Scripture it is call'd, The River 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Schichor, or Niger: By some of the ancients Astapus, and Astaboras: In the Amharic Dialect call'd Abawi, or the Patent of Rivers; it flows not in Paradise, as some of the Fathers thought. Admiration caus'd the desire of knowing its Original, that the Ancients plac'd in the Mountains of the Moon. The Portugals discover'd the true Fountains; their description from Peter Pays, not different from Gregories: It rises in Sicut; it has five Heads. It mixes with the Lake in Dembea. It passes by the principal Kingdoms of Habassia, encircles Gojam, runs through Egypt, and so into the Sea; Gregories Ethiopic Description. He alledges, That all the Rivers of Africa fall into Nile. He limits that assertion. Some fall into the Sea. The true causes of the overflowing of Nile. Jovius blam'd. A double Channel of Nile. Niger the other Channel. The old Relation in Herodotus, explain'd. Whether the King of Hebessynia can divert the Course of Nile. Rivers suckt up in the Sand. Zebeus falls into the Indian Sea. The Habessines unskill'd in Navigation. The Tzanic Lake, with its Islands.

BUT much more excelling, and far more precious Gifts of Nature than those of Metals, flow from the Mountains of Habessinia, that is to say, several remarkable Rivers more profitable to the Natives, and the neighbouring Nations, than Gold it self, so much the Sub∣ject of human Avarice. For the Rain-water soaking through the pores of the Earth, and the clefts of the Rocks, is re∣ceiv'd, and, as it were, cistern'd up in the hidden Caverns of the Mountains, where, after it has pass'd through many secret conveyances of Nature, at length it meets with some hollow place, and breaks forth. Sometimes oppress'd by its own weight, it reascends, and seeks for passage at the tops of the Mountains themselves; which is the reason, that in Countries where there is little or no Rain, there are few or no Fountains; but where there are frequent Rains, the Ri¦vers are large and swelling: The Effect demonstrating the

Cause.(c) 1.45 But Nilus, owing to Habassia for its source, for plenty of Water, for sweetness, wholsomness, and fer∣tility of the same, excells all other Rivers of the World. In sacred Writ, by reason of its Excellency, it is sometimes call'd,* 1.46 The River absolutely, and particularly 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from its black Colour, and by the Greeks, for the same reason, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because it runs with black a muddy Water. Some of the Ancients tell us,* 1.47 that it was then by the Ethiopians call'd Asta∣pus, and that the left Channel of it about Meroe was nam'd Astabora, which others have understood concerning other Rivers that flow into Nile. But this we let pass as obscure and doubtful, whether meant of Nilus and our Ethiopians or no; for the Habessines, in their vulgar Language, have no other name for Nile than that of Abawi: And that, as some think, from the word Ab, which signifies a Parent, as if Nilus were the Parent of all other Rivers. But this deriva∣tion neither suits with Grammar, neither does(d) 1.48 Abawi simply signifie a Parent, neither, if you rightly consider it, is it agreeable to Sense; for Nilus does not send forth from his own Bowels, but receives the Tribute of all other Rivers: So that he may be rather said to be their Captain and Prince, than the Father of them. And therefore the Egyptians, out of a vain Superstition, call'd him their Preserver, their Sun, and their God, and sometimes Poetically, Parent. In our Ethiopic, or the Language of the Books, this River is call'd Gejon, or Gewon, by an ancient mistake from the(e) 1.49 Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Geon, and that from the Hebrew word Gihon, because it seem'd to agree with the Description, Gen. 2.13. which en∣compasses the Land of Ethiopia, whereas it only encircles Gojam, but only glides and passes by all the other Kingdoms of Ethiopia.

If you object, That Gihon had its source in the Terrestrial Paradise; 'tis twenty to one, but that they extol their own Country for Paradise: For you must understand, that many

of the Fathers of the(f) 1.50 Church were of the same opi∣nion; which that they might defend, they brought the Ri∣ver Nile under Ground, and under the Sea, into Egypt, well knowing that no body would follow them thither, leaving their Readers to find out the way.

Certainly the Ancients never inquir'd so curiously into the Nature or Source of any River, as they did in that of Nile, neither were they ever so deceiv'd; for it was a thing altogether unusual for any other Rivers in the World to over∣flow in the most sultry Season of the year; an Inundation so wholsom and profitable to Egypt. So that the ignorance of the cause of it fill'd the minds of the Ancients with so much admiration, that both Princes and private Persons desired no∣thing more than to know the Head of that River, which was the Original of their Happiness; in so much, that there were some Emperours and Kings, who sent great Armies in quest of the satisfaction of their Curiosity, tho with all suc∣cess.(g) 1.51 Most of the ancient Geographers, by meer con∣jecture, plac'd the Fountains of this River beyond the Equi∣noctial Line in I know not what Mountains of the Moon, to the end, they might deduce the cause of its swelling from the Winter Rains of those Regions: For they could not per∣suade themselves, that the Sun being in the Northern Signs, so much Winter or Rain could be so near to cause so great an increase of the Flood, tho there were(h) 1.52 some who made it out plainly enough, but that Credit would not be given to them.(i) 1.53 But by the Travels of the Portugals into Habessinia, and the sedulity of the Fathers, those Fountains and Spring-heads have been since discover'd, so long and unsuccessfully sought for by the Ancients. Athanasius Kir∣cher has describ'd them from the Relation of Peter Pays, who view'd them himself. In the Kingdom of Gojam, saith he, and in the Western Parts thereof in the Province of Sabala, which the Agawi inhabit, are to be seen two round Spring-Heads, very deep, in a place somewhat rais'd, the ground about it being

quaggy and mershy; nevertheless the Water does not spring forth there, but issues from the foot of the Mountain. About a Musquet Shot from thence, toward the East, the River begins to flow; then winding to the North, about the fourth part of a League, it receives another River; a little farther, two more flowing from the East fall into it; and soon after, it enlarges it self with the addition of several other Streams. About a days journey farther, by the Relation of the same Peter, it swallows up the River Jema; then winding Westward some twenty Leagues, it turns again to the East, and plunges it self into a vast Lake. This Relation differs not from what Gregory has discoursed to me, only he particulariz'd the names of the Countries, that perhaps were the more special Denominations of those places, of which Sabala was the more general Name. For as he related to me, the Spring-head of Nile is in a certain Land call'd Secut, upon the top of Dengla, which perhaps is the name of a Mountain. He also affirm'd, that it had five Spring-heads, reckoning in the Heads of other Rivers, which have no particular name, and are therefore taken for the Nile. But it passes through the Lake Tzanicum, preserving the colour of its own Wa∣ters, like the Rhosne running through the Lake Lemann, and the Rhine through Acronius, or the Lake De Zell. Then winding to the South, it washes on the left hand the princi∣pal Kingdoms of Habessinia, Bagemdra, Amhara, Waleka, Shewa, Damota, and takes along the Rivers of those Coun∣tries Bashlo, Tzohha, Kecem, Jema, Roma, and Wancit. Then on the right hand embracing Gojam, its Native Country, almost like a Circle, and swell'd with the Rivers of that Region, Maga, Abaja, Aswari, Temci, Gult, and Tzul, it turns again to the West, as it were bidding farewel to its Foun∣tains, and with a prodigious mass of ramass'd Rivers, lea∣ving Habessinia upon the right hand, rolls to the North through several thirsty Nations, and sandy Deserts, to en∣fertile Egypt with its Inundations, and there makes its way through several mouths into the Sea. For the more certain Demonstration of the Truth, it will be of particular mo∣ment to insert the Relation of Gregory himself, perhaps the first that was ever made public by an Ethiopian.* 1.54

The Course of Nile is like a Circle; it encompasses Gojam, but so, that it never returns back to its Head, making directly to Sennar. And therefore Gojam lies always upon the right hand of Nile; but all the other Kingdoms of Ethiopia, as well those that

lye near, as those at a distance, remain still upon the left. As it flows along, it takes in all the Rivers great and small with several Torrents, as well Foreign as Habessinian, which by that general Tribute, acknowledge him their King; who having thus muster'd together all the Waters of Ethiopia, jocundly takes his leave, and proceeds on his Journey, like a Hero, according to the Command of his Creator, to drench the Fields of thirsty Egypt, and quench the drowth of Thousands.

The Spring-head of this famous River first shews it self in a certain Land, which is called Secut, upon the top of Dengla, near Gojam, West of Bagemdra, Dara, the Lake Tzana, and Bada: Rising thus, it hastens with a direct course Eastward, and so enters the Lake of Dara and Bed, as it were swimming over it. Passing from thence, it flows between Gojam and Bagemdra; but leaving them upon the right and left, speeds directly toward Amhara. Ha∣ving touch'd the Confines of Amhara, he turns his Face toward the West, and girdles Gojam like a Circle, but so, that Gojam lies always upon the right hand of it. Having past the Limits of Am∣hara, it washes the Confines of Walaka, and so on to the extream bounds of Mugara and Shewa. Then it slides between Bizama and Gonga, and descends into the Country of the Shankelites. Whence he winds to the right hand, and leaves by degrees the Western Clime upon the left hand, to visit the Kingdom of Sennar. But before he get thither, he meets with two great Rivers that plunge themselves into his Streams, coming from the East; of which one is call'd Tacazè, that falls out of Tigra, and the other Guangue, that descends from Dembea. After he has taken a view of the Kingdom of Sennar, away he travels to the Country of Dengula, and so comes to the Kingdom of Nubia, and thence turns to the right hand, in order to his intended Voyage for Alexandria, and comes to a certain Country which is call'd Abrim, where the Stream is unna∣vigable by reason of the Cliffs and Rocks; after which, he enters Egypt. Sennar and Nubia are seated upon the shore of Nile, to∣ward the West, so that they may drink of his Waters; besides, that he guards their Eastern Limits, as far as he approaches near them. But our People and Travellers from Sennar, after they have cross'd Nu∣bia, quit the River Nile, leaving it upon the right hand toward the East, and ride through a Desert of 15 days journey upon Camels, where neither Tree nor Water, but only Sand is to be seen; but then they meet with it again in the Country of Riffe, which is the Upper Egypt, where they either take Boat, or travel a foot in Company with the Stream.

But as to what he wrote concerning the flowing of great and small Rivers into Nile, he explains himself in these words.

All great Rivers and smaller Torrents flow into Nile, excepting only two: The one is call'd Hanazo, which rises in Hangota; and the other Hawash, which runs near Dawara and Fatagara.

But as if this had not been enough, he goes on with a far∣ther Explanation in another Epistle, as follows.

But whereas I told you in a Description of Nile, that all the Ri∣vers of Ethiopia flow'd into it except two, I am not to be understood, as if I spoke of all Ethiopia. For those Rivers that are upon the Borders of the Circuit of Ethiopia, which are near the Ocean, they fall into the Sea, every one in their distinct Regions. Now the Coun∣tries adjoyning to the Ocean, are these; Canbat, Guraghè, Ena∣ria, Zandera, Wed, Waci, Gaci, and some others.

The Native Country of Nile being thus discover'd, the cause of his Inundation is manifest: For most of the Coun∣tries under the Torrid Zone, when the Sun returns into the Winter Signs, are wash'd, as we have said, with immode∣rate Showers. So that the prodigious mass of Waters that randevouzes from all parts, cannot be contain'd within his Channel, and therefore when it comes into the Levels of Egypt, it presently disburthens it self. Those Northern Winds, from their Anniversary Breezes, call'd Etesiae, add little to the Increase. Tho some have written, That their for∣cing the Sea against the Mouths of the River, drives back the Waters of Nile, and augments the cause of the Deluge. A thing not likely, in regard they are the most temperate of all the Winds, and blow only in the day-time. Thus far indeed they may prevail, as they blow slacker or stronger, to render the Increase somewhat the more unequal, and that is all. Vainly therefore did many believe, that the Snow that melted from the Ethiopian Mountains, delug'd into the River Nilus; for them, that profound Tracer of Nature, Seneca,* 1.55 has solidly refuted. Which makes it a wonder that Paulus Jovius should report the same, as what he had ga∣ther'd from the certain Conjectures of the Habessines; who at another time speaks of the very same thing, as a great Secret of Nature, which no Man had ever div'd into; nay, he reproves it for weakness, with an ostentatious Wit to be over diligently curious in the search of such matters.

Yet tho the Fountains of Nile are known, the course of it is not so well discover'd to the Habessines themselves after it has left them. But the ancient and constant report is, that it does not fall(p) 1.56 entire into Egypt, but that it is divided into two Channels, and that the right Channel runs to the North, as is well known; but that the left runs Westward, and keeping a long course, divides the Country of the Nigrites, 'till it fall into the Ocean. This the ancient Egyptian Priests were not ignorant of; for Herodotus, the foremost in Hi∣story, after he has discours'd concerning the Springs of Nile, learnedly reports, That he had heard from an Auditor of the Money sacred to Minerva, That half of the Water of Nile flow'd Northward into Egypt, the other half Southward toward Ethiopia: Which none of our Geographers either observ'd or mended.* 1.57 But the Nubian Geographer puts me quite out of doubt, when he writes,

And in this part of Ethiopia are the two Niles parted; that is, Nilus which waters out Country of Nubia, directs his Course from South to North, and most of the Cities of Egypt are seated on each side of his Banks, and in his Islands. The other part of Nile flows from the East toward the West, and upon this part of Nile lies the whole Country of the Nigrites, or at least the greater part of it.

A little after he adds concerning a certain Mountain; And near to that, one of the Arms of Nile turns off, and flows to the West: And this is the Nile that belongs to the Country of the Nigrites, many of their Provinces lying upon it. But near the Eastern side of the Mountain, the other Arm turns off, waters the Country of Nubia, and the Land of Egypt, and is divided in the Lower Egypt into four parts, of which three fall into the Syrian Sea, and the other empties it self in a Salt Lake which is near to Alexandria The words are every way most clear; and very probable it is, That the separation of the two Niles might be caus'd by the resistance of some rocky Mountain that constrain'd the two Streams to part, since they could not undermine it. To which, the words of Leo Africanus relate; The Region of the Nigrites,* 1.58 through which Nilus is said to flow: Which seem to intimate, that he had heard something by report concerning this same

left Channel. Nor am I a little confirm'd by the judgment of Gregory, which he expressed to me by writing, in these words.

But as to what is reported, that Nile does not flow altogether and entirely into the Land of Egypt, but that it is divided another way. This all those persons of whom I have enquir'd, averr to me to be truth. This I also encline to believe, for should it descend en∣tirely thither in the Winter time, the Egyptians could never be safe in their Houses. But as to what concerns its separation, they say, That Parting happens after the River has pass'd by Sen∣nar in the Country of Dengula, before it arrives in Nubia: However, they say, That the greatest mass of Water flows into Egypt, and that the separated part runs directly to the western Ocean; yet so, that it comes not into Barbary, but descends toward the Country of Elwah, and so throws it self into the western Ocean.

Now that the River Niger should be the left Channel of Nile, is most probable from hence, for that as Pliny writes, and Experience confirms,* 1.59 it partakes of the same Conditions with it, agrees in colour and tast of the Water, it produces the same sort of Reed, the same sort of Papyr, and the same sort of Animals; and lastly, encreases and overflows at the same Seasons. Neither does the Name it self contradict the Conjecture, in regard that, as we have said, Nilus it self is by the Hebrews and Greeks call'd Niger. But as to what the Egyptian related to Herodotus, That the left Channel flow'd toward the South, that perhaps might be for such a certain distance of Land, not but that afterwards it might vary its Course, and wind toward the West. Which opinion, after I had communicated to the most famous Bochart, so highly skill'd both in the ancient and modern Geography, and the best Judge of these matters, he wrote me in answer, Il est tres vray, que le Niger est une partie du Nile; Most certain it is, that Niger is a part of Nile.

Now follows a Question, no less admirable than it is of moment; Whether it be in the power of the Abyssine Kings so to divert the Court of Nile, that it should not overflow Egypt? Many Writers assert the Affirmative, trusting partly to Fame, and partly to a Relation, which we shall produce out of George Elmacine; adding, That the Turks therefore pay a Tribute to the Abessines. Others also upon the sight of the Geographi∣cal Map, believe it a thing easie to be accomplish'd, to turn

the Stream of Nilus into the Red-Sea; which Albuquerquez, that magnanimous Portugueze, Viceroy in India, was contri∣ving to do. However(r) 1.60 Tellezius denies it feasable, to turn the Course of such an immense mass of Waters, for so vast a space of Earth, through so many steep and rugged Rocks; and that the Course ordain'd by the Prince of Na∣ture, is no way to be alter'd. Of the same opinion are(s) 1.61 Hornius, and others; but they make no mention of Elmaci∣nus: Perhaps they never read, or never consider'd his words, which we shall here expose to the Readers view, taken from the Saracenic History.

In those days, that is, in the days of Michael the Patriarch, Nilus fail'd extreamly; Mustansir therefore, a Mahumetan, Prince of Egypt, sent him to the Country of the Habessines, with costly Gifts, and other things of high value. Where∣upon the King of the Country came forth to meet him, whom the Patriarch reverenc'd publicly. After that, the King demanded of him the cause of his coming. Then the Patriarch made known to the King, how that the Wa∣ters of Nile fail'd in Egypt, to the unspeakable detriment of the Land and Inhabitants. Thereupon, in favour of the Patriarch, the King commanded the Channel to be open'd, through which the Water ran into Egypt, which was then stopp'd up. Which being done, Nilus encreas'd three yards in one night, and the River was so fill'd, that the Fields of Egypt were water'd and sown. So that the Patri∣arch return'd with great Honour into Egypt.

I could wish to hear the opinions of those that deny this place. The words are clear of themselves, that the King commanded the Channel that was stopp'd to be open'd. The Historian himself is accounted a credible Author, bred and born in Egypt, as also Secretary to the Mahometan Princes of that Country. So that he could not possibly be ignorant of such an accident; and besides, he wrote his History above a hundred and twenty years after the thing happen'd: And therefore had it been an untruth, he durst not have mention'd it for fear of being contradicted, which he might easily have been. But it may be objected, That the Historian does not

mention by whom the Channel was obstructed, or whether it happen'd, as many times it does, naturally, when the course of a Stream is damm'd up by trunks of Trees, Mud and Stones driven by force, and heap'd together in the nar∣row passages of the Water. But this Objection does not re∣solve the doubt; for such remarkable stops rarely or never happen in such large or violent Rivers. Or if Nature could effect so much, what might not be accomplish'd by Art? Athanasius Kircher, a person not only generally vers'd in the Affair of Egypt, but more particularly in what related to the River Nile, in his Catalogue of the Patriarchs of Egypt, re∣lates, That one(t) 1.62 Michael was sent into Ethiopia, for the resto∣ring of Nile to its Channel, from whence the Ethiopians had directed the Course of its Waters; tho it be the fault of that learned Man to write much, rather than accurately; nor does he always commend his Authors. The Question being put to Gregory, he did not remember the Story of Michael, but that he had heard from persons of great Credit, That not far from the Cataracts of Nile, all the Land toward the East lies level; and unless it were for one Mountain that stands in the way, Nile would rather flow that way, than into Egypt or the Northern Sea. So that if that Mountain were digg'd through, a thing to be done with pains and difficulty, the Course of the River might be turn'd and carry'd into the Red-Sea; which is well known to the Turks, and many of the Portugals: And for this reason have the Emperours of Ethiopia obtain'd those advantagious Conditions from the Sa∣racens. Nay, it is said, That once one of the Ethiopian Em∣perours had an intention to have done it, and had comman∣ded his Subjects to undertake the Work, but that he was prevail'd upon to desist at the entreaty of the Egyptian Christians.

I must confess, this thing has very much perplex'd my thoughts; nor are the Reasons that are brought against it to be contemn'd: For either to raise a Mole or Dam of Stones, and then to remove it again, are things requiring so much toyl and labour, that the Task does no way agree with the nature of the Abessines. And it seems somewhat unlikely, that so vast a River, so long accustom'd to a declining and

headlong Course, should be diverted and compell'd to change its Channel. I consider'd also with my self, that if the King of Habessinia had the River Nile so much in his Power, he might have all Egypt easily at his Devotion, and that the Turk could deny him nothing whatever he demanded. Nor would he ever suffer the Christians of his own Religion, and the Patriarch, who is the Head of his Church, to groan under such a miserable Bondage. Lastly, I did not a little wonder, that the Jesuits did not insinuate it into the heads of the Abessines to make use of that Power which Nature had put into their hands, and that they did not use Threats, rather than Intreaties and Bribes to obtain those convenien∣cies which they enjoy by the favour of the Turkish Basha, who commands the Ports of the Red-Sea. But all things consider'd, and rejecting the History of Elmacine, we may answer Tellez from the Relation of Gregory, which is, That a new Channel may be carry'd on, not from those parts of Abessinia, which lie upon the Nile, and are so many Leagues distant from the Sea; but from that part which is near the Cataracts, and formerly perhaps belong'd to Nubia. My first Opinion was, That the Channel of Nile could no where be so easily alter'd as in that place where it divides it self into two Channels, for that there, by the direction of Nature her self, it seem'd, that the whole might be more easily turn'd another way, where a part turns naturally without compul∣sion. For tho other Rivers empty themselves into Nile be∣yond this separation, and flow into Egypt, yet are they not enough to make the Inundation so great as necessity requires; which would not only be the ruin of Egypt, but a great di∣minution of the Turkish Power. But however it be, this I believe to be certain, That the King of Habessinia is now no more Lord of those places where the River Nile ever was, or ever can be diverted from Nile; nor are the Princes of those places now at his Devotion; neither are they indeed Christians, but unhappily revolted to Paganism. So that what∣ever formerly might have been done, cannot now be brought to pass; not that the nature of the place obstructs the design, but that the Prince of the Country wants Power, or else has no inclination to the Project. Otherwise I should not think it either absurd or improbable, that some Rivers that make their way through the high Fields of Habessinia, might be convey'd another way by the descents of the Hill, through

the sandy Levels that lye below to a vast diminution of the Egyptian Stream, provided that skilful Artists were employ'd to survey the declivities of the places, and the places most proper to carry off the Water. For though it be a difficult thing to alter the Course and Limits of Rivers, which Na∣ture has settl'd, yet Examples are not wanting. We read in Herodotus,* 1.63 That Nitocres King of the Babylonians turn'd the Course of Euphratis several ways, by sinking several new Cuts and Dikes. And Cyrus King of the Persians, being in wroth with the River Gyndes, by reason of one of the Sacred white Horses drown'd therein, divided it into a hun∣dred and sixty small Streams, the Summer's labour of his whole Army.

But there are other remarkable Rivers that owe for their Springs to Habessinia besides Nilus. Of these the most fa∣mous is Tacazè, which rising in Angota, not far from Ba∣gemdra, out of the Mountain Ahguaga, divides Tigra and Wal∣kajit, and so passing through the Ethiopian Nomades, and the Kingdom of Dequin, at length falls into Nile. Melegi, accor∣ding to Tellez, takes its rise in Damota, and falls into Nile westward of Habessinia. As for the other Rivers, sufficiently large, which Nilus receives from all the Kingdoms of Ha∣bassia, we have set them down in our Chorographical Table, and therefore forbear to name them here.

All these Rivers, as well as Nile, in the Winter time swell to that height, as not to be contain'd within their own Banks.

Nor must we omit the admirable nature of two more Rivers, of which the one call'd Hawash, rising in the Con∣fines of Shewa and Wed, hastens into the Kingdom of Adel, to quench the drought of those thirsty Soyls. Nor are the Inhabitants wanting to themselves; they gladly go to meet their welcom Guest, and bring it in several large Cuts to water their Grounds. And thus being frequently intercepted, and wasted by degrees, as if asham'd to carry a small portion of Water to the Sea, it plunges it self into the Sand. In imi∣tation of this, the other River Mareb, rising in Tigra, not far from Fremonia, encompasses a great part of that Kingdom; then falling into the Kingdom of the Cafers, as if the Stream disdain'd that Nation, it hides it self for a long space under ground; yet not so, but that it affords both Water and Fish to them that dig eight or ten spans deep, and at length di∣sperses

and leaves its divided Waters in the miry Fields of Dequin.

As for those Rivers that fall into the neighbouring Ocean, Gregory remember'd no more than those already recited. Zeb rising in Enarea, and embracing the adjoyning King∣dom of Zenderò, from whence it turns to the South, and near to Mambasa is thought to fall into the Indian Ocean. For as for the Abyssines themselves, they are utterly ignorant of Navigation, in regard that the Rivers being full of Rocks and Cataracts, will not admit of it; nor have they any Ports upon the Red-Sea. Only upon the Lake Tzana, which they call the Sea of Dembea, they make use of little Cock-boats made of thick Water-torch, or Cats-tail, tho with great hazard and jeopardy to themselves. It is situated on this side the Equinoctial Line, in the thirteenth Degree and a half of Latitude. The length of it is thirty, the breadth twelve Portugal Leagues, or somewhat(x) 1.64 less. It con∣tains many Islands, of which the biggest is

• 1. Tzana, from whence the Lake derives its name, for from thence it is call'd Bahr-Tzana, or the Sea of Tzana.(y) 1.65
• 2. Berghida.
• 3. Dabra-Antons: The Monastery of Antony.
• 4. Dabra-Marjam.
• 5. Daga.
• 6. Dek, famous for the Exilement of great Men.
• 7. Galila.
• 8. Mecrahha.
• 9. Metzlè.
• 10. Qebran.
• 11. Rima.

All which Islands, Dek excepted, are possess'd by the Monks. There are also other Lakes in Habessinia, but it is not of any importance to name them. But since we have given an account of the true Rivers, let us not omit that Fa∣bulous Stream, which they will have to run between Prester John, and their own Country-men, found out among the Figments of the Jews. They call it Sabbation, or the Sabboth

River, because it never runs upon that(z) 1.66 day; but upon the other days of the Week so rapid, that it carries all before it. And therefore their Religion, they say, forbids them to visit their Brethren on the other side; as if they could not send some person of another Religion to bring them News from that Region, or were unwilling to put their Pidgeons upon that Employment. With so frivolous a fiction do they endeavour to comfort themselves for the loss of their Kingdom: Ignorant where this River rises, or where it ends, whether in Asia, in Africa, or in Utopia; nor do they trouble themselves to enquire how those miserable Souls got thither, or how they shall get out, should that unfortunate River deny them passage upon a Calm day. Yet the Story is an∣cient, tho not of any River in the extream parts of Asia or Ethiopia, but of a River in Judea. For Pliny writes of a River in Judea which us'd to be dry'd up every Sabboth day. Josephus(a) 1.67 also makes mention of it, and unless it be corre∣cted, in a plain contrary sense. He reports, it was observ'd by Titus the Roman Emperour, as he march'd along. But the later Jews, more cunning at Invention, lest it should be found no where, have plac'd it in a corner of the World where no body shall find it.

An Addition to part of this Chapter.

What Gregory tells us briefly concerning the Fountains of Nile, Tellez more at large recites out of the Relations of the Jesuits, agreeable to those things which we have produc'd out of Peter Pays: In the twelfth Degree of Northern Lati∣tude, to the West of Gojam, in the Kingdom of(m) 1.68 Sacabala, there is a certain Field, and in that Field a certain Lake fill'd from two Fountains, about a Stone's cast distant one from another. From them, through a Subterraneal Channel (which yet the verdure of the Grass betrays) the Water flows eastward for about a Musquet shot; but by and by bends to the North, and about half a Portugal League farther, bursts forth into a River; and being soon after that enlarg'd with the addition of other Streams, after a Course of 15

Leagues, the River Gema, bigger than Nilus, loses its Name, and gives Nilus the honour of her Torrent. Then insensibly winding to the East, and receiving two Rivers more, Kelti and Branty, it hastens(n) 1.69 directly for Dembea, which it glides through preserving its own Waters entire, as if disdai∣ning to mix more noble Waves with a viler Puddle. These things are all deliver'd by consent, that there may be no far∣ther reason to doubt of the Fountains and Original of Nilus for the future.

CHAP. IX. Of the Fertility of the Soyl in general, and of the Vegetables and Plants in particular.

In Habessinia, sometimes two, sometimes three Harvests. Tef, a sort of Corn unknown to us. They want Rice; despise Oats; feed their Horses with Barley; Grass always; no Hay; sundry sorts of Herbs. Amad∣magda cures broken Bones. Assazoi intoxicates Serpents. The an∣cient Psylli safe by the vertue of this Herb. Oyl of Saffron: They want Hops. Grapes they have, but no Wine. They abound in Sugar; want Spices. The Indian Fig, Manz; perhaps the Dudaim of the Hebrews. No Pears nor Apples. Citrons, &c. they have. Their Trees. Ensete, a Pot-herb. Another Tree that kills Worms in Children.

THE fertility of the Soyl in Habessinia is to be ad∣mir'd; for the Land where it admits of Tillage, abounds in all sorts of Fruits. The long Summers affording that extraordinary plenty, that in the same place you shall find Seed-time and Harvest; which is in some pla∣ces double, in other places threefold. For Grain and Pulse the Habessines have not only those known to us, as Wheat, Barley, Millet, and the like; but also another sort unknown to us, which they call Tef, which makes very good Bread: The Seed of it is extreamly small, less than Pepper, but longer. Rye they have none: Yet when Gregory smelt to a Rye Loaf, he said, It was the true Tef, and that it had the true smell of Tef. He look'd upon Oats as not worth sow∣ing, saying, It was no better esteem'd than Cockle in their Country: For that Barley or Grass only was the general Food of their Horses. They neither sow nor mow, for the sake of their Cattel; Grass abounding in the more tempe∣rate places; by reason of the perpetual heat, and the moi∣sture continually distilling from the Mountains: For the solid Stones not admitting the Rain, the Water falls off from them, and spreading under the fertile Turf, wonderfully recreates and enlivens the growing Plants. For which reason, the Fields are always pleasing and verdant, always smiling with a flowry Grace. From whence an extraordinary superfluity of Honey, the Trees being so plentifully fed. In the midst

[illustration] depiction of the cultivated banana (tree and fruit)

The Herb and Fruite Called in Hebrew Dudaim. Gen. 30.14. and Can^t. 7.13. In the Arabic language Mauz, or Muza The Indian Figg.

Book 1. Chap. 9. P. 48.

• 1. The Herb it self growing like a tree.
• 2. The ripe fruit; 40 or 50 upon one stalke.
• 3. One Figg to the full proportion.
• 4. The young shootes that spring from the root of the tree every yeare.

of such abundance, the Habessines neither lay up, nor pro∣vide against the years ensuing, whether trusting to their Plenty, or destitute of Store-houses. They never stack their Hay; tho for the sake of the Locusts it many times falls out to be very necessary. For that same pestilent Vermin devou∣ring Corn and Grass, occasions frequent Famines, destructive to Man and Beast. Grtgory, observing afar off certain Cart∣loads of Hay, compar'd them to Elephants at a distance.

Herbs of all sorts grow in this Country, not only the fra∣grant and medicinal Plants of Europe, but some more peculi∣ar, and of admirable vertue. The Amadmagda cures broken and dis-joynted Bones, contrary to the Ossifraga of Norway, which snaps the Bones of Cattel that tread upon it. The Herb Assazoe is of that rare vertue against the biting of Asps, that the most hurtful Serpents touch'd with this Herb, are streight intoxicated, and lye for dead. He that eats of the Root of this Herb, may walk without danger in the midst of Adders and Water-Snakes, and for many years shall be free from the fear of them: In so much, that some of the Habessines have been seen, after they have eaten of this Root, to han∣dle the most venomous Snakes like Eels, twist 'em about their Necks; and then to kill 'em, when they had done shewing tricks with 'em. So Providence ordering the most efficacious Remedies where the Poysons are mos pernicious. Which makes me believe that it was not a thing peculiar, or a particular faculty in the Psylli, an ancient People of Africa, that they could cure the biting of Serpents, but got by the use of this Herb; only they kept the thing secret to render themselves the more admired. For they made a Trade of it, by carrying Venemous Animals about the World without danger, for the sight whereof, the more curious gave them Money. Garden Saffron, which the Ethiopians call Denguelet, is frequent in Habesinia; the Seed of it Gregory shewed me for a great Rarity: and cryed up the Oyl which was to be pressed out of it, against the Hypocondriacal Evil, and Obstructi∣ons of the Spleen. They want Hopps, and boyl their Drink with∣out it. And therefore Gregory finding, that it was the vertue of the Hopps, which kept our Drink so long, took great care to carry some of the Seed along with him into his own Coun∣try. Their Vine and Grapes are most Transcendant, but they never make any Wines, whether out of ignorance, or because the Grapes being ripen'd in Summer, the excessive

heat hastens the fermentation and sowers the Liquor before the Lee be setled. They abound in Sugar, but as for Pepper, Ginger, and other such like Spices they have none; rather out of carelesness to Plant, as I believe, than through the fault of the Soyl; which considering the variety of the Air, and the continual heat of some Places, seems most proper for such a sort of Husbandrie. The Indian Figg also, which the A∣rabians call Muz or Mauz, grows plentifully here, a most Ex∣cellent Fruit it is; and you shall have fifty Figgs, about the bigness and shape of a Cucumber hanging upon one stalk, of a most delicious odour and taste. They are ripe in June, as I learnt from the Itinerary of Prince Radzevile, who had seen some of them near Damascus, where they are rare; for they re∣quire a hotter Climate. Which Circumstances make me be∣lieve, that this same Fruit may be the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dudaim mention'd in Genesis, which occasion'd so much discontent between the two Wives of Jacob. Soon after I observ'd that many others, Learned Men, lighted upon the same Conjecture, though they do not give their Reasons. For in my Opinion, it should be some rare and pleasant Fruit, that should move the Boy to gather it; yet not so much a Boy neither, as to think it worth his while to carry home a stinking Mandrake, which could be a fruit little worth contending for. Besides, Rachel might have sent her Servant as well to have gathered Amiable Flowers, (as some render the Word) that is to say, Lillies, Violets, or the like. And besides the Hebrew word seems to confirm this Opinion: as being in the dual Num∣ber, and seeming to infer a relation of more than one Fruit to one and the same Stalk.

Apples and Pears, such as grow in our Climates, they have none. For at what time they Ripen with us, Storms and Tempests rage in Habessinia. For the Trees, as I have heard the Habessines acknowledge, observe our Seasons, sprout forth and shed their Leaves in the same Month with ours; but with the Plants it is otherwise, which Flower there in our Winter. However, they have Pome-Citrons, Abricots, Peaches, and Pomegranates, rip'ned to their full and due Perfection. Gregory admired to behold our Woods of tall Firrs, some seventy, some eighty Foot high; and often call'd them Arbores benedictas, blessed Trees: especially, when he heard how useful they were towards the building of Ships and Houses. However we do not find but that Ethiopia has

its share of tall Trees, as well as other Countries. But the Tree which goes by the Name of Ensete, is not to be pass'd over without Admiration; being like that which bears the Indian Figg, two fathoms in thickness. For being half cut down, it renews again by means of innumerable shouts that spring again from the remaining Trunk, all which is fit to be eaten; so that there is no need that the Tree should bear any other Fruit, it being all Pot-herb of it self. For being slic'd and boyl'd it asswages the Thirst of the common sort of People, who bruise the Leaves and boyl them with Meal, and then eat the Composition instead of a Hastie-pudding. There is another Tree which Godignus praises, most excellent against the Worms in the Belly: a Distem∣per frequent among the Abessines, by reason of their fee∣ding upon Raw Flesh. For remedy whereof the Habessi∣nes Purge themselves once a Moneth with the Fruit of this Tree, which causes them to Void all their Worms.

CHAP. X. Of Fourfooted Beasts.

Oxen of a stupendious bigness; the Cause. Bull-Elephants; their Horns. The Heards of Africa. The Graziers of Bek. Generous Horses, of various Colours; Horses for War. Mules for other occasions; taught to amble by Art. Camells onely useful in level Grounds. The pon∣derous tails of their Sheep: in Sacred Writ, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Alia. Flocks of Elephants: They lay the Countrey waste, make High-ways, they fodder upon Trees; Docible: they observe the Laws of Hospitality. The Ha∣bessines more properly call those things Horns which we call Teeth: they never make any attempt upon Man: they are careful of their Probosces: none tame in Ethiopia. The Camelopardalis, why so called? the name in Arabic in the Amharic Dialect. Zecora, the most lovely of Fourfooted Beasts; described, high priz'd. The Lyon Magnanimous, a Terrour to other Beasts. Tygers and Leopards more truculent: how they differ. Wolves Slothful. The Hyaena Cruel. Flocks of Apes; they greedily devour Emmets, they devour Fruit but warily; they are a Prey to the wild Beasts, they Defend themselves wonderfully. The Cercopitheculus concerning which, a Rythme in three Languages. Whether the Callitrix of the Ancients. Arvvè Harìs the Unicorn, seen by John, Gabriel, and other Portugals: the An∣cient Descriptions of the Unicorn various. Many Unicorns, no Bears, but Harts, Boares, and wild Goates.

BY reason of the Plenty of Grass, and the perpetual heat of the Country, 'tis not to be wondred at, that the Beasts should be larger and fuller grown in those Countries than in other Regions. Their Cows are of an unusual bigness, far exceeding those in Russia and Hungaria. The biggest that I could shew to Gregory, he called Middle-siz'd; for where there is Milk and Fodder sufficient, the bo∣by easily enlarges after the Birth, and extends it self by reason of the heat, which proves to be quite contrary in the Northern Climes,* 1.70 which justifies Elian in his Relation, concerning the Ethiopic Bulls, that they were twice as big again as ours; and this put me in mind of the Bull-Elephants, of which, Philostorgius Writes,* 1.71 that he had seen them at Rome, brought out of the Southern Countries: for it is not to be thought that a Bull twice as bigg as ours differs much in Magni∣tude from an Elephant.* 1.72 And what Pliny reports concer∣ning the Indian Oxen, which he relates to be as high as Ca∣mels,

[illustration] depiction of a large-tailed, curly-horned sheep, pulling its tail behind it in a cart.

Book 1. Chap. 10. P. 53.

An Eastern Sheep drawing his fatt Tayle in a Cart weighing 40 pound weight or More.

[illustration] depiction of a twisted-horned sheep with cropped tail.

Another sort of Sheep whose fatt Tayles are very heavy by which the Sheep mention^d. Exodus. 20.22. Levit. 7.3. and 9.19. are said to be meant.

I rather believe, should be taken for those of Abissinia. For that Habessinia was by many of the Ancients compre∣hended under the name of India. And that Oxen so large should wear vast Horns, four Foot broad, is as probable al∣together, as Pliny relates in the same place.

Africa was formerly Famous for the Heards and Droves of Cattle fed therein; and at this time there are some Na∣tions that support themselves meerly by Grazing: of this sort are the Bektences, not far from Suaquena, who in the Sum∣mer Inhabit the Mountains; in the Winter spread themselves upon the Plains, changing their Seats as the Tempestuous Seasons varie, and settling where they find most Fodder for their Cattel.

Their Horses are courageous and strong; but they never make use of them, unless it be in Battel, or when they run Races; so that they never take care to shooe them: for if at any time they cannot avoid passing through Stony and Rocky passages, they lead their Horses, riding them∣selves upon Mules. They are of various Colours, as our Horses are; bright Bay, Sorrel, cole Black, Roan, &c. but most commonly Black. Elmacin reports, That Cyrtacus King of Nubia brought into Aegypt an Army of a Hundred thou∣sand Blacks, all mounted upon Black Horses. Gregory piti∣ed our Horses, when he saw them drawing great Carts; admiring at the Patience of the Beasts: and our Cruelty, in putting so Noble and Warlike a Creature to such base and servile Exercises. And therefore the Abissines make more frequent use of Mules, as well to carry their burthens, as when they travel long Journeys; for no sort of Beast treads more safely in their rugged ways: and for the greater ease of the Rider, they teach them sometimes to Amble. It was very troublesome to Gregory when he travell'd, to ride a Horse∣back; especially, if the Horse either Trotted or Gallopp'd: a vexation which he frequently complained of.

Camels are never used but in the plain Country, for they tread upon the Sand though scalding hot, without any harm to their Feet; but in Mountainous and Rocky ways, they are altogether useless.

That same sort of Sheep also, so much admired and so well known, both in the East, and in Africa, is here very common; the Tayls of which are so fat and ponderous, that the least of them weigh Ten and Twelve, the biggest of

them sometimes above forty Pound, so that the Owners are forc'd to tye a little Cart behind them, wherein they put the Tayl of the Sheep, as well for the convenience of Carriage and to ease the poor Creature, as to preserve the Wooll from durt and nastiness, and being torn among bushes and stones. And it is a probable conjecture that Exodus speaks of this sort of Ram,* 1.73 where Moses commands, among the rest of the fat parts of the Ram of Impletions that were to be cut off and burnt, the Tayl of the Ram 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Aljah to be cut off for the same purpose; For that the Word Aljah seems to import as much, which signi∣fies only the Tayl of a fat Ram, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Nahab being the ge∣neral word for the Tayl of all other Beasts; among which, the leaner sort of Sheep like ours are included.(b) 1.74 As for other tame Beasts, they have the very same as are to be seen common in these parts of the World.

But as for Wild Beasts, Abissinia breeds more, and more bulkie than any other Region: of which, we shall give a short account, beginning from those which appear most Monstrous in their Creation. In the first place Elephants, conspicuous for bulk of Body and Docility, heard together in the Plain and Woody places in great Numbers. H. Lo∣dowic Azevedez saw in Tigra a hundred of them together differing in Bigness; and he attests, that as great a Num∣ber went but a little before them.(c) 1.75 But it is almost incredi∣ble to be told, what a havock they make in the Fields and Woods: they will shake Trees bigger then themselves in Bulk, so long, till either their Trunks break, or the whole Tree be torn up by the Roots, as with an Earthquake. Smal∣ler Trees they snap off about a hands breadth from the Ground. As for shrubs and underwoods, and all sorts of fruit Trees, they either eat 'em up, or trample 'em under their feet. Gregory was wont to say, That they open'd High ways, and where they had gone before, Travellers would rather choose to follow, as being less cumbersom. But least Food should be wanting to such Massie Creatures, Providence has provided: For in those Places there grow certain Trees about the bigness of Cherry-Trees, full of Pith, like Elder; upon which they ban∣quet,

as upon Grass. Of all the dumb Beasts, this Creature certainly shares the most of Human Understanding: kind u∣sage excites their Ambition, contumely fires their Revenge. Of which many Examples are extant among the Writers of Na∣tural Historie. Gregory told us, that where they like their Entertainment, they are very punctual in observing the Laws of Hospitality; though one of the Females would have serv'd her Host but an ugly trick after her departure from her Lodg∣ing. This Elephant had brought forth a Young one, in a certain Field which her Landlord had sow'd with Corn; who willing to dislodge such an unwelcome Guest, had resolv'd to kill the said Elephant: his Neighbours dissuaded him, assure∣ing him, that the slaughter would not be unreveng'd; but on the other side, that she would defend his ripe Harvest against all others, and therefore advis'd him to let her alone, till she had brought up her Cubb; but withal, so soon as she had done that, forthwith to reap his Harvest. The Husband∣man following this Counsel, preserv'd his Harvest untouch'd, suffering no other Injury than what the Beast spoil'd in her passage to and fro. After the Female had carryed away her young ones from that Place, the Husbandman by the help of his Neighbours got in his Harvest with all speed. The next Night the Elephants came in Troops, with an intention to have Supp'd with their Landlord before their departure, but found the Table taken away, and the Buttery Empty. The People of the Country aver, that they are not their Teeth, but their Horns of which the Ivory is made; and indeed, their substance and situation demonstrate the same thing: for they grow out of the Head and not out of the Jaws: and besides that, they only adorn the brows of the Males; the Females like our Does have none at all. The Elephant ne∣ver offers to attempt upon any person, unless provok'd; if he be threatn'd with sticks or cudgels, he hides his Probosces under his Belly, and goes away braying; for he is sensible it may be easily chop'd off: the extream parts of it being very nervous and tender, which cause him to be afraid of hard blows. At the end of it three little sharp pointed Langets come forth, by the help of which, he can take up the smallest thing that is, as men do with their fingers. They never take care to tame them here, where there is no use of them, either in Peace or War, among so many high Mountains.

The next is, the Camelo-pardalis, or Panther-Camel, which is

and bulkie as the Elephant, but far exceeds him in tallness. For this Beast is so very high, that a man of a just Statue, reaches but up to his knees, so that it seems very credible what is reported, That a Man on horseback sitting upright on his saddle, may ride under his Belly. He derives his Name from hence, that he has a long Head, and a long Neck like a Camel, but a Skin spotted all over like a Panther. The Romans, when they first beheld this Beast, called it a Wild-Sheep, tho being more remarkable for its Aspect, then its Wild∣ness, or Fierceness; as we read in Pliny. By the Abissines, by reason of the smallness of his Tayl, he is call'd Jerataka∣ein; that is, slender Tayl: by the Italians Giraffa: from the Arabian word Zucaffa.

But there is a Beast which is called Zecora, which for beau∣ty exceeds all the Four-footed Creatures in the World. They of Congo give it the Name of Zebra. This Creature is about the bigness of a Mule, and is brought out of the Woods of Habessinia, and the Countries possessed by the Galans, and ea∣sily tam'd. A present of great esteem and frequently given to the Kings of Habessinia. Tellez briefly describes him thus, A Circle of a black Colour encompasses his Loyns like a girdle; adjoyning to which, Nature has pencill'd out several others, some broader some narrower, some black, and some of a bright shining Ash-Colour; with so much Elegancy and Order, as no Painters Art can equalize. His Eares are the only thing that disfigures him; being of a disproportionable length: for which reason he is called by the Portugals Burro do Matto, (though improperly) the wild Ass. But you may guess at his beauty, by his price. For King Susneus having given one of these Beasts to the Turkish Basha of Suaqena, he sold the same for Two thousand Veneti∣an Pieces, to a certain Indian, that bought him for a Present to the great Mogul.

The Lyon, tho he excel in fierceness and cruelty all the rest of the wild Beasts; yet he shews a certain kind of Magna∣nimous respect to Man. For he never injures him, unless he be ready to Famish, so that he do not betray his own(d) 1.76 fear. But there is hardly any other Creature that does not tremble when he either hears or sees a Lyon. The hu∣gest

[illustration] Primates (possibly macaques) playing, digging for food and counter-attacking lions.

Book. 1. Chap. 10. Page. 57

A Description of the APES.

• 1. Scrambling about the Mountains
• 2. Remoueing great huge Stones to come at the wormes.
• 3. Sitting upon Ant Hills and devouring the little Creatures
• 4. Throwing sand or dust in the eyes of wild beast that came to sett upon them.

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

Bulls are so terrified that they tremble every joynt, un∣able to contain their Urine: and yet the Habessines will ven∣ture to Encounter him. Tellez relates a story of a Shepherd, who kill'd a Lyon, that was eight Cubits in length from Head to Foot, without the help of any other Weapon than two Ja∣velins. They also use to tame their Whelps, but there is no trusting to their Education.

Tygers and Panthers are much more Cruel and Fierce than Lyons, for they never spare Mankind: yet they covet the Ethi∣opians before White-men, as more accustomed to that sort of Dyet. These two Beasts differ only in(e) 1.77 Colour; for the Panthers are brown spotted with black: the Tigers gold-Co∣loured, with fine black Spots, like Five leav'd Grass: they are Beasts of a dreadful celerity and boldness; by Night they break into Villages, and make doleful Massacres among the poor innocent Cattle: yet Alvarez affirms, That these Burche∣ries never happen in Midra-Bahrà.

As for their Wolves, they are small and lazie, such as Africa and Aegypt bred in former times, as Pliny testifies:* 1.78 But the Hyaena, or the Crocuta neer akin to the Wolfe, is the most Voracious of all the wild Beasts;(f) 1.79 for she not only by Night and by stealth, but openly and in the day time Preys upon all she meets with, Men or Cattle, and rather than fail, diggs down the walls of Houses and Stables. Gregory de∣scrib'd her to be speckl'd, with black and white spots.

Of Apes there are infinite Flocks up and down in the Moun∣tains themselves, a thousand and more together: there they leave no stone unturn'd. If they meet with one that two or three cannot lift, they call for more Ayd, and all for the sake of the Worms that lye under; a sort of Dyet which they re∣lish exceedingly. They are very greedy after Emmets. So that having found an Emmet-hill, they presently surround it, and laying their fore Paws with the hollow downward up∣on

the Ant-heap, as fast as the Emmets creep into their trea∣cherous Palmes, they lick 'em off with great comfort to their Stomachs: and there they will lie till there is not an Emmet left. They are also pernicious to fruit and Apples, and will destroy whole Fields and Gardens, unless they be carefully look'd after. For they are very cunning, and will never venture in till the return of their Spies, which they send always before; who giving Information, that all things are safe, in they rush with their whole Body, and make a quick dispatch. There∣fore they go very quiet and silent to their Prey; and if their young ones chance to make a noise, they chastise them with their fists, but if they find the Coast clear, then every one hath a different noise to express his joy. Nor could there be any way to hinder them from further Multiplying, but that they fall sometimes into the ruder hands of the wild Beasts, which they have no way to avoid, but by a timely flight, or creep∣ing into the clefts of the Rocks. If they find no safety in flight, they make a vertue of necessity, stand their ground, and filling their Paws full of Dust or Sand, fling it full in the Eyes of their Assailant, and then to their Heels again.

But there is another sort of Creature very harmless, and ex∣ceeding sportive, call'd in the Ethiopic Language Fonkes, in the Amharc Dialect Guereza, (which is a kind of Marmoset) and in Latine Cercopitheculus. Of which the following Rhime is common in several parts of Ethiopia.

I put no Man to pain, I eat not his Grain, They hate me in vain.

They are varie-Colour'd, and skie-Colour'd mixt with gray: India breeds them white, and beautiful; but so tender, that unless they be wrapt very warm, and carry'd in your bo∣some, they cannot be brought into these Parts. Whether it be the Calli-triches, or Fair-hair of the Ancients, I leave to others to judge. Of them, after a Discourse of Apes, thus Plinie, The Calli-tricks differ in the shape of the whole Countenance. The Beard is in the midst of the face, the Tayl is broad in the fore-part; This Creature they say, lives no where but in the Ethiopian Cli∣mate where it was bred. Solinus hath the same words, only ad∣ding; To catch these is easie, to bring away very difficult.

Besides these, Gregory nam'd to me another sort of Beast,

[illustration] depiction of Marmosets, one on the ground and one in a tree.

Book. 1. Chap. 10. Page. 52.

The Ethiopian Fonkes, in the Amharic dialect calld Guereza.

A sort of little Animal of the Kind of those which the Hollanders call Danguinen.

It seems to be the Callithrix or fair-haire of the Ancients.

Wee thought fitt to call it Cerlopitheculus or Galeopitheculus, The marmoset with a tayle or a Capp

[illustration] depiction of a herd of elephants destroying trees.

Flocks of Elephants that lay wast whole Forrests. A cornfeild defended by a She Elephant.

Book. 2. Chap: 10. page 38

both Strong and Fierce, call'd Arweharis, from the Arabic Harish, or Harshaw, which signifies with one Horn. This Beast resembles a Goat, but very swift of Foot; whether it be the Monoceros of the Ancients, which as Jeronimus Lupus reports, is found in Habessinia, I leave to the Scrutinie of others. Many skilful Authors look'd upon this Four-footed Beast as a kind of Chimera, considering the idle Relations as if it could not be taken alive; that it was a Beast compos'd of two Creatures of different Forms: as if Writers were framing Fables concerning some Errour of Nature. However the Portugals tell us, that the Report was not altogether vain. For one of them was seen by John Gabriel, whom we have already nam'd, in the Province of the Agawi, in the Kingdom of Damota; it was a Beast with a fair Horn in the Fore-head, five Palmes long, and of a whitish Colour, about the big∣ness and shape of a middle siz'd Horse, of a Bay Colour, with a Black Main and Tayl, but short and thin (though some have been seen with longer and thicker) a lively Creature, haunting the thickest Woods, and seldom appear∣ing in the Fields. And lest there should be any doubt of the Truth of the thing, there was a young Colt brought to one of the Fathers of the Society, who was an Eye-witness of the reality of the thing. Moreover, several Portugueses, who were banish'd by the Emperour Adamas Saghed, into a certain high Rock in the Province of Nanina, which is a part of Gojam, have attested, that they saw several such Uni∣corns feeding in the Woods that lay under the said Moun∣tain. From whose Relations John Bermudes, and Lodowick Marmolius made their Reports concerning(i) 1.80 this Beast. The Description of the Portugueses seems most agreeable to Truth: For what the Ancient and Modern Writers have written concerning(l) 1.81 Unicorns are so confus'd, that some things have reference to the Monoceros; other things to the(m) 1.82 wild Stag, or wild Goat, somethings to the wild Indian Ass; and other things in reference to the Groinland-Whale, or (h) 1.83 (k) 1.84

Nahrwhale; so many Beasts were required to form this Chinlaena: however there is no question to be made, but that there are many Unicorns up and down the World. Only there is still some Controversie remaining, what those Beasts should be, of which the Scripture makes mention; in regard that all Interpreters, after the Seventy Seniors, agree, that the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.85 Rim, or Reem was a Beast altogether unknown to the Israelites. The Ethiopic Interpreter, whether ignorant of that Beast in Ethiopia; or believing some other Creature to be thereby understood, renders the Greek Monokeros, the Beast with one Horn.* 1.86 The most famous Bochart tells us, That the Arabian Rim, is a sort of wild Goat; or which seems more probable to me, a kind of wild Bear. The Word Dok in the Arabia, and Deb in the Hebrew Language, are the two words that signifie a Bear: yet is that Beast unknown in those Parts.* 1.87 Pliny also Affirms, That there are no Bears in Africa: But as for Boars, Harts, and Goats they are granted to breed there, as in other places; contrary to Plinies Opinion: unless he may be thought to speak only of Africa properly so call'd.

CHAP. XI. Of Creatures Amphibious, and those that live only in the Water.

The River-Horse, whence his Name: the Behemoth of Job: pernicious to Corn. Boars, and Men; frightned with fire; why taken. The Cro∣codile. Job's Leviathan. The Angueg described. Many Fish. The wonderful Nature of the Torpedo. A cure for Feavers, and the Gout: touch'd with a wand it waxes num it self.

VVE shall now Treat of Amphibious Crea∣tures, and such as live altogether in the Water. Among which, the first is that Monstrous Beast call'd Hippopotamos, or the River-Horse: in the Ethiopic Lan∣guage Bihat, in the Amharic Dialect, called Gomari,(n) 1.88 a vast

[illustration] depiction of Hippopotamuses, one on land and one in water.

Book. 1. Chap. 11. Page. 60.

The Behemoth Job the 40. 10.

Hippopotamos The sea Cow or the River Horse By y^e Italians

The sea Horse putting up his head a boue the water; thence calld the river Horse by the Greekes.

Bulk of Flesh, and of a Prodigious Strength. The Greeks when they invented that name for him, beheld only his Head above the Water; for his Snowt, Nose, and especially his Ears are like to those of a Horse. But the shape of his(o) 1.89 Body and Feet is altogether different; and beside that, he wants a Mane;(p) 1.90 as appears by the Picture: for he has very short Feet, and a short Tayl, a rough Skin without any Hair; and for bulk, twice as big as an Oxe.(q) 1.91 This is that Beast, which Job describes by the name of Behemoth, making use of an old Egyptian Word; of which many end in Oth in the singular number. And that as Bochartus learnedly teaches, was the Language that first taught the World. Nor does Job's description disagree from that of the Hippopotamos, if compar'd. There are many of them in the Lake of Tzana, which infest the Neighbouring Fields, to the great dammage of the Corn. They overturn small Boats, which renders all passage by Water very unsafe to the Inhabitants, in re∣gard they lye in wait for the Men themselves. They are afraid of Fire, as are most wild Beasts(r) 1.92 with which alone a Child may scare them. Some poor People there are that make it their livelihood to hunt them, and feed upon their Flesh. Their Skins being very thick, are employ'd for seve∣ral uses, especially, to make Shields.

His Companion the Crocodile is much more mischievous, which however does not frequent the said Lake, so much as the River Tacazè, that flows as we have said into the River Nile. This is that which Job calls the Leviathan,* 1.93 as many Learned Men have(s) 1.94 observed; to whom Bochart also gives his consent.

Water-Lizards are very frequent every where, and those very large. Among which, there is one sort call'd an Angueg, deformed to look upon, with a sharp Tail, and that so strong, as to be able almost to cut a mans Thigh in sunder; and therefore by the Italians call'd, Caudi-verbera. To me it seems

to be the Waril of the Arabians, and the Coahh of the Hebrews, and to have deriv'd its name from Coahh,* 1.95 which signifies strength. Bochart has a more copious Description of it: but that which follows Gregory gave me.

The Angueg lives in the Rivers; but when he comes forth, he feeds upon the Grass; he is Four-footed, very deformed: shap'd like a Dragon, without any hair. His Tayl is sharp like a Sword, strong enough to cut a Mans thigh in two; as big as a Cat, but slenderer.

But setting these strange Creatures aside, the Lakes and Rivers abound with Fish; even those that run under Ground: as we have already related concerning the Mareb.

Among the rest, the Torpedo is very remarkable, frequent in Africa. The Hollanders(t) 1.96 call it Fitterfish, or the tremb∣ling Fish. For it is of that Prodigious Nature, that if it be touched with the hand, it strikes a most intolerable Tremb∣ling into the Members. This(u) 1.97 Peter Almeyda the Jesuit experimenting, paid for his knowledge. The Habessines cure Quartan and Tertian Agues with it. The manner thus, the Patient is first to be bound hard to a Table, after which the Fish being applyed to his joynts, causeth a most cruel pain over all his Members; which being done, the fit never returns again. A severe Medicine, which perhaps would not be un∣profitable to those that are troubled with the Gout, in re∣gard some say that Disease is to be Cured by Torment. Those Ethiopians would certainly believe it, who affirm, That the Vertue of this Fish will dispossess a man of the Devil himself. And yet if you touch this Fish with a Spear or Wand, the sinews of it, though very strong, presently grow numb; and the Feet of it, though otherwise a swift runner, lye as if they were bound, as Plinie reports. Which Modern Writers also Testifie to be no untruth.

CHAP. XII. Of Birds.

The Struthiocamel, and the Casawaw, swifter than Horses; frequent in Africa: a great enemy to Doggs: the flesh of it good against Poy∣son. The Ibis and Ophiomachus kill Serpents. The Pipi betrays the wild Beasts to the Fowlers: the same Bird in Guiny. No tame Geese. Gregory wondred at his lying in Feather Bedds. No Cuccows nor Eagles. The Ruch and Birds of Condora Fabulous.

AS the largest Four-footed Beasts are found in the Re∣gions and Seas of Habessinia; so do also the largest Fowl breed in the same Places. Though indeed, they may not properly be call'd Birds, for that they never rise upon the Wing, as the Struthiocamel or Ostrich, and the Casawaw or Casuarius next to him in Bulk. However, the swiftness of their Feet compensates the slowness of their Wings; they being able to out-run a Horse upon his full speed. As for the Ostrich, he is so well known, that he needs no further description. The Casuarius, or Casawaw is a Bird frequent in Africa: by the Inhabitants of Guiney call'd Eme, but the Habessines, and particularly those of Tygra give it the name of Casawaw, denoting thereby the Bulkiness of the Body. But for the Tinshemeth or Mergus, or as others Inter∣pret it the Swan, mention'd Deut. 14.16. The Abessines are in an Errour to mistake it for this Bird. For that is no more than the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Cygnus in Latine, which perhaps they had heard by report was bigger than all other Birds: this Fowl has a great antipathy against Doggs, which she eagerly pursues though with hazard of her Life. I had a young one sent me out of India which was kill'd by a Mastive; but the Skin I still preserve. The Flesh of the Fowl whether new or smoak'd is made use of in Remedies against the biting of Serpents, which was found out by observing how eagerly they devour them without harm. But Providence has not pro∣vided one single Enemy to their Serpents only. For the Egyptian Ibis, and the Ophiomachus, from his continual Enmi∣ty to those Vermine, call'd in the Amharic Dialect, the Serpent devourer, make great havock of those Venemous Creatures. So that Africa, though it breed most pernicious Animals, yet it affords most excellent Remedies against those Mischiefs.

And indeed, some of those Birds seem to be granted to Man for the Extirpating the Enemies of their well being, which because they cannot vanquish themselves, they betray to them that they think more able. For there is a little Bird, by those of Tygra call'd from the Noise which it makes Pipi, which, strange to tell will, lead the Hunters to the Places where the Wild Beasts lye hid: never leaving their Note of Pipi, till the Hunters follow them, and kill the discover'd Prey. Gregory related to me, That as he was walking with one of his acquaintance, an Inhabitant of Tygra; this Bird cry'd Pipi over their heads; thereupon, understanding the meaning of it from his Friend, he resolv'd to try the Truth of the Story. The Bird conducted them to a shady Tree, about the boughs of which, a Monstrous huge Snake had Curl'd her self; at the sight whereof, he and his friend made more hast back again, than they did coming to satisfie their Curiosity. And indeed, it is not safe to follow this Bird, unless a man be provided with all his Hunting Instru∣ments: nevertheless, the Bird has her own ends in her dou∣ble diligence too: for she is sure to have her share of the Slaughtered Carcase whate're it be. Nor is this Bird to be found only in Habessinia, but also in Guiny in the Kingdom of Quoja, where they give it the Name of Fonton, being about the bigness of a Larke, where it is reported to betray not only wild Beasts, but also Serpents and Bees.

They have no tame Geese: and therefore Gregory obser∣ving a Flock of Geese once driven along by their Keeper; pleasantly demanded of me, Whether those Birds were obedient to their Keeper? to whom, when I reply'd yes; he asked me a se∣cond, Whether if they flew, the Keeper flew too, and Whether before or behind? but when I told him what pro∣fitable Birds they were, he extoll'd them for blessed Feather-bearing birds; especially, when he had layn upon their soft Down at the Castle of Gota: for he had never layn upon a Feather-bed before he came into Germany: So that he thought that the German beds swelling with light Down, had been blown up with the Wind. But he Admir'd that the Ger∣mans were Arriv'd at that height of delicacy, that Men should stoop to so much Effeminacy as to lay themselves, where it was only fit for Children, and Women in Child-bed to lye. For he did not believe they would easily take the Field, un∣less their soft beds followed them. As for other European birds, they have most of them: and for their Water Fowl

I have nothing to relate worth Remark. By the way, I have this further to add, That there are neither Eagles nor Cuck∣ows in all these Parts; and therefore they tell Stories and Fables of their bigness and strength: such as the Arabs recount of their(y) 1.98 Ruch; which as they say, lays an Egg, as bigg as a Mountain. Not to mention the winged(z) 1.99 Horses of Monomotopa, and of other Monsters, half-birds, half-beasts, by the Ancients and Moderns either believ'd or heard to have been in Africa.

CHAP. XIII. Of Serpents and Insects.

Dragons only mischievous by biting; the biggest in India: their Scales and Colour. The Boa. Salamander. Snakes, and water-Snakes most Venomous. Gregories description. Cure from Human Excre∣ment; which perhaps the Panther taught: they are kill'd with a stick bent like a Bow. Torrid places impassable by reason of Serpents. The Oxen put to trample upon and break their Eggs. Locusts most perni∣cious, but good to eat. The Food of St. John Baptist. Bees, some unknown to us, they have no Sting. Emmets, of several kinds.

FRom hence we pass to another sort of Creatures, mischievous to Men and Beasts, of which there are divers kinds. In the first place, Dragons of the lar∣gest size are in Habessinia to be found; mischievous, only in their voracity, but not at all Venomous; Nature provi∣ding that they should not be doubly hurtful to men. How∣ever they grow to such a bigness, that Gregory allow'd there were some in India so large, as to swallow whole Insants, Piggs, Lambs and Kidds: he further said, that they were co∣ver'd with Scales, which in Colour very much resembl'd the bark of an old Tree, and hard to be distinguish'd from the big∣ger boughs. Of the Boa, that devour'd Oxen, he had never heard; neither did he believe that ever any other person

would. Of the Salamander, Gregory could tell me nothing; which of all Venomous Creatures, as Plinie reports, is ac∣counted the most Exquisitely Mischievous. In Java the Grea∣ter, it is called(b) 1.100 Jeko, as some think from the sound that it makes; or as others believe, from the most pernicious Effects of its Poyson. However there are in Habessinia other Ser∣pents, whose Venome is of a most searching Nature. Such are those sort of Snakes called Hydri, inferiour to none for their Poyson; they breed in Ponds and Marshy Puddles which are dry'd up in the Summer: and then the Serpents appear∣ing in the same places, are by the Greeks call'd(c) 1.101 Chersydri: at which time, they are also far more Mischievous, as being ex∣asperated by Thirst and Heat; and of these, unless I deceive my self, is the Description of Gregory to be understood. There is, said he, a Serpent among us, about as long and as bigg as a Mans Arm, of a dark red or brownish Colour, which lurks under Bushes and Weeds: thither if any Person or Beast happen to come, the Serpent breaths forth a Poysonous Breath(d) 1.102 so Pestilent, and of so noisom a smell, that in a short time proves Mortal, unless speedy Antidotes be applyed. Which Nature has afforded ready at hand, where the mischief requires so speedy a prevention. For, as he said, it was to be cur'd by drinking Human Excrement in Water. Which Remedy perhaps the Panther taught: which Beast, if at any time he hath devoured Flesh laid for him by the Hunters rub'd over with Henbane, cures himself by eating Human ordures: for many things which are be∣neficial to Beasts, are in like manner advantageous to Man∣kind. Other sorts of Serpents commonly and generally known I forbear to mention. The vulgar sort of People contemn 'em, walk among 'em, and kill 'em at their plea∣sure. Therefore as often as they go into the Country, they carry with them a croked stick; for being streight, it hits only with the Point; but being bent like a Bow, it strikes with greater force and certainty. Gregory hearing there were a great many Serpents about Helburgh in Franconia, belonging

to the Duke of Saxony, provided himself with such a sort of Weapon, and when he met a Snake, never struck it upon the head, but upon the middle of the back; by which means, ha∣ving disabled the Serpent from creeping any further, he easily kill'd it.

Those parts of Africa which are most subject to heat, are most Infested with Serpents; which being for the same reason uncultivated, are therefore impassable. And therefore Gregory seeing our Boots, said they were excellent defences against the Biting of Serpents. Sometimes they drive their Cattle, as I am apt to believe, fortified before-hand, by feeding upon the Plant Assazoe, into the Fields and places that are strew'd with Serpents Eggs, on purpose that they should trample 'em to pieces with their Hoofs: otherwise, they are so Fruitful that they would encrease beyond Imagination.

But much more pernicious than these are the Locusts, which do not frequent the Desert and Sandy places like the Serpents; but places best Manur'd, and Orchards most laden with Fruit. They appear in Prodigious Multitudes, like a thick Cloud that obscures the Sun: nor Plants, nor Shrubs, nor Trees remain untouch'd: and wheresoever they feed, their leavings seem as it were parch'd with the Fire. Sometimes they enter the very Bark of the Trees, and then the Spring it self can∣not repair the Damage. A general Mortality ensues, and Re∣gions lye wast for many years; in regard the Habessines never take care(e) 1.103 for Stores of Provision, or to stack their Hay. Indeed, for some time they may support themselves by feed∣ing upon the Locusts themselves, which they greedily eat, as well to satisfie their hunger as in Revenge; for it is a very sweet and wholesom sort of Dyet: by means of which, a cer∣tain Portuguez Garrison in India, that was ready to yield for want of Provision, held out till it was Relieved another way. And therefore it is not to be doubted, but that St. John the Baptist fed upon these Locusts in the Wilderness.

Concerning other Insects, of which that Climate is suffi∣ciently fruitful, it will be needless to say much more; on∣ly as to their Bees, we have this to observe; That they swarm in Habessinia, and produce Prodigious quantities of Honey: They are a small sort of black Earthing-Bee, which make

the whitest and the sweetest Honey that is used in Medica∣ments. From their Labours the Habessines gather their wild Honey, of the same nature with that which fed John the Bap∣tist; but in regard they want Stings, they seek for security in concealment; for they build their Architecture under Ground, into which the entrance is so narrow, that upon the sight of a man, five or six of them will fill it, and place their little heads equal with the ground so like Artists, as to delude the quickest sight.

Next to these their Ants or Emmets are very remarkable; of which, there are likewise several sorts, not so bigg as a small Dogg,(f) 1.104 such as Thuanus relates, was sent among other Presents, by Thamus the Persian King, to Solyman Emperour of the Turks, but bigger than those in our Climates; as the African and Indian Insects generally are. Among the rest, the most observable are those which they call Gundan, for they always march in a kind of Military Array, observing Order and Discipline, leaving a kind of High-way behind them. They do not gather with industry, but presently de∣vour; and the pricks of their Stings are not a little painful. The next to these, are those which by the Inhabitants are call'd, the Gundan's Servants, being as it were Slaves to the Greater sort; they march in Order, but carry their Provision in the nippers of their little Snowts, and lay it up; when it is moist they bring it forth again and dry it in the Sun: of these, by reason of their great Industry, it is thought, that Solomon spake. There are some that have Wings at certain seasons, with which they can Fly; which happens some∣times in Germanie: once I saw such in my own Country; and these flying Ants, I remember, were easily devoured by the Poultrie.

CHAP. XIV. Of the Nature and Genius of the Inhabitants.

The Habessines of a towardly disposition. The commendations which Tellezius gives them. The best of all the Africans. Servants of this Nation priz'd all over the World. Prester-Chan, why so called. The Habessi∣nes desirous of Arts and Sciences; especially, the Latine Tongue. The causes of Gregorie's going into Germany. They want the Opportuni∣ties of attaining to Learning, and why? They of Tygra are blam'd. For shape and features the Habessines excell. White Ethio∣pians in Guiny. They prefer Blackness. They paint the Devil White. The Men very strong. So are the Women, and bring forth with little pain. Nor are they unfruitful, and therefore the Country Populous. The Jews Inhabiting among them, formerly enjoy'd their own Priviledges, now Dispers'd and Exiles. They use a corrupt Talmudic Dialect. Mahumetans mixt with Christians, Pagans innumerable, wandring; Naked Creatures, by the Portugals call'd Cafres, or In∣fidels.

HAving thus given an account of the Beasts, Insects, and Fish, peculiar to these Regions, we are now to speak of the Inhabitants; Man being the most per∣fect of all the Creation, and for whose benefit the rest were designed. And first, we must confess, That there is not the same harshness and roughness in the Dispositions of the Peo∣ple, as in the nature of the Soyl: for the Habessines, as Tel∣lezius Witnesses, in other things not so just to them, are well inclin'd, and of an excellent good Nature.

All the Habessines, (saith he) are endu'd with a pregnant Wit, and goodness of Disposition; not Cruel, nor Bloody: they easily for∣give Injuries; there are few Quarrels among them, or if any do arise, they are seldom determin'd by the Sword; only Boxing and Cuffing decides the difference: They are Naturally given to Justice and Equity; so that having Cufft a while, they presently choose Arbitrators, or repair to the Lord of the Place, and there set forth their Complaint in Words, without any of our Parchment Ambiguities, and hearing the Sentence which he gives, submit with∣out any delay or tergiversation: So that they have no need of An∣swers and Replies, and Rejoynders, and Exceptions; but avoid the noise of the Bar, and the expences of Pleading.

And when he inveighs against Adamas—Saghed, the Prince of the Habessines, he adds, That he had forgot the Lenity, Truth,

and Christian Piety, which wonted to be almost natural to the Abes∣sines.

But before all the rest he prefers those of Enarea by the Confession of the Habessines themselves. For(g) 1.105 those he com∣mends above all others, both for their Endowments as well of Body as Mind; and for their Courage and Fidelity. A Testimony which certainly contains a very high Applause of a Nation, otherwise rude and impolish'd; so that if they had but the advantages of Education, most certain it is, that the Abessines, would prove the most ingenious and understanding people of all Africa; which is well known all over the East: And therefore Servants out of this Nation, are sold for more, and more esteem'd than Slaves out of any other of the Black Nations whatever. For which cause some Learned Men are of Opinion, that the King of the Abissines was therefore call'd Prester-Chan, for that in the Persian Language Prester-Chan signifies(h) 1.106 A Prince of the best Servants, being taken in War, or otherwise by Pirates, and sold to the Mahumetans. If they were not well grounded before in the Christian Religi∣on, they are easily seduced to renounce their Christianity, for that there is no Circumcision exacted from them, as being al∣ready Circumciz'd: and then again, though they be Foreign∣ers and bought with Money, yet are they often advanc'd to Dukedoms and Governments, and rise to great Preferments above the Natives and Free-men. They are most Covetous after Learning, and desirous of the knowledg of Arts and Sciences. Nor was there any other greater reason of that kindness which was shewed to the Fathers of the Society to∣wards the beginning of this Century, in Habessinia, but that they were skilled in all sorts of Arts and Sciences, and there∣fore admir'd by the King and Princes of the Nation. For they love and reverence all sorts of Forrain Christians that are adorn'd with the Ornaments of Art and Learning. Gregory related to me, That when the Portuguess Patriarch carried thi∣ther a great number of very fair Books, sundry of the No∣bility, and among the rest, Tine, one of the King's Councel∣lors, expressed himself with a Sigh in these words. Oh hap∣py he that can understand all these Books! And many persons of full years, hearing of the excellency and large use of the

Latine Language, have most Ardently desired to learn it. And that indeed seemed to me to be the most prevailing rea∣son, why our Gregory though stricken in years, undertook so long a journey after me into Germany; and why Acalex a young Habessine followed him soon after; though not being under∣stood in Germany where he pronounced Ehrfaher instead of Erfurt he had the ill fortune to lose his labour. Therefore they neither want ingenuity nor industry, but only Opportu∣nity and Assistance, for they never travel long Journies: our Europeans are hindred by the difficulties of getting into their Country, and the tediousness of the Journey, whether by Land or Sea: and besides all this the Envy of the Turks joyn'd to their implacable Avarice will not permit them to suffer us to Import our Arts of Peace and War, to their own and the disadvantage of the rest of the Mahumetans. Lastly, their continual Civil Broyls, and Forraign Wars with the Gallans are such as will not allow the Nobility leisure to mind the Studies of Tranquillity.

But among such a variety of people, it is impossible, that the same manners and dispositions should be in all; for Nature has brought forth nothing so good in the Universe, which has not something of Evil mix'd with it. Thus Tellez sets a ve∣ry bad Character upon the Inhabitants of Tigra; who, as he says, are a People irresolute and faithless; inconstant, and false-swearer, bloody and Vindictive; so that Enmities in Fami∣lies among them remain from Posterity to Posterity. Godig∣nus gives the same report: saying, That in all Ethiopia there is no Nation like them for their vile manner of living and ill Cu∣stomes.

But as the Habessines generally excell in generosity of Mind and smartness of Understanding, so do they far exceed all other Ethiopians in shape of Body, and symmetrie of Linea∣ments; the rest of the Africans being generally mark'd with a Blubber Lipp'd and Flat Nos'd deformity.

The Habessines, saith Tellez, are remarkable for the compleat shape of their Bodies; of a due procerity, free and chearful Coun∣tenance, and thin Nos'd, that is not flat Nos'd, nor blubber Lipp'd; so that our Europeans exceed them only in Colour: in other Per∣fections of Proportion they differ little or nothing. They are gene∣rally Black, which they most admire: Some are Ruddie Complexioned; some few White, or rather Pale and Wan, without any grace or welfavouredness.

True it is, there are some Whites among the Ethiopians in other places, but they look like the countenances of Dead Men, or as if they had the Leprosie: which other Authors also Testifie, but write withal, that it proceeds for some Disease in the Body, and therefore other Ethiopians avoid being(i) 1.107 breathed upon, or touched by them, as believing them Con∣tagious. Also in the Midland parts of Guiney there is a Na∣tion consisting all of White People, which are therefore call'd Leuc-Ethiopes,* 1.108 or White Ethiopians, and of these the ancient Authors make mention. However, the Ethiopians are pleas'd with their own Blackness, and prefer it before the White Colour. Neither would Gregory permit himself to be overcome with this Argument, That our Children were frighted at the sight of an Ethiopian; averring, that their Children were as much terrified at the sight of our White Europeans: they are not born Black, but very Red; and in a short time turn Black: Some Authors write, that the Ethiopians paint the Devil white in dis∣dain of our Complexions.

Their strength of Body is extraordinary. And by reason of the admirable temper of the Air, they are extreamly vi∣vacious and patient of Labour; nor are they easily wearied with clambering their own Rocks. They live till meerly dissolv'd by pure decrepid Age, unless they fall by the Sword, or are devoured by the Wild Beasts, as Salust writes of the Africans in his time. I am apt to think, that the Macrobii, or Long-livers, formerly Inhabited some part of Habessinia, for that the Ancient Writers report them settl'd beyond Meroe. (k) 1.109 Their Women are also strong and lusty, and bring forth with little pain, as most Women do in hot Countries. When they are in Labour they kneel down upon their knees, and so are(l) 1.110 delivered, without the help of a Midwife, un∣less very rarely. And that they are Fruitful you may well

imagine from the Multitude of People; for though Habes∣sinia be not so numerously Inhabited; yet the Latine Patri∣arch Alphonsus Mendez, going his Visitation, in one little Pro∣vince, reckon'd Forty thousand; in other places, a Hundred thousand: and in other places, others of the Fathers Baptiz'd a Thousand two hundred and five. Nor is it to be question'd but that if the Kingdom were at Peace; if their Cities and Towns were Fortify'd, and that they took care of their Gra∣naries, that the number of Inhabitants in so healthy a Coun∣try would soon be multiply'd.

Besides the Abyssines, several other Nations Inhabit this Kingdom, Jews, Mahumetans, with several Pagans mix'd amongst the rest. The Jews formerly held several fair and large Pro∣vinces, almost all Denbea, as also Wegara and Samen, stoutly and long Defending themselves by means of the Rocks, till they were driven thence by Susneus; at that time they also liv'd according to their own Customs; whence perhaps arose the report, already hinted at by us, That they liv'd either with∣in the Dominions of Prester John, or near them; under a Prince of their own. Now they are dispers'd, though many still remain in Dembea, getting their livings by Weaving, and exercising the Trade of Carpenters. Others have retired themselves without the bounds of the Kingdom, to the West∣ward near the River Nile, adjoyning to the Cafers, whom the Ethiopians call Falusjan, or Exiles. Most of them still keep up their own Synagogues, have their own Hebrew Bibles, and speak in a corrupt Talmudic Dialect. The Fathers of the Society never took care to enquire, when, or upon what oc∣casion the Jews came first into Ethiopia? whether they are addicted to the Sect of the Karri, or the Jews? what Sacred Books they use, whether with Points, or without Points? whether they have any other Books, especially Histories, or whether they have any Traditions concerning their own, or Nation of the Habessines? which to know, would certainly be most grateful to many Learned Men; in regard it seems very probable, that there may be found some Ancient Books among them, since they have liv'd so long and so securely in such inaccessible holds.

Next to these the Mahumetans are frequently admitted into this Kingdom intermix'd up and down the Country with the Christians; employing themselves altogether in Tillage or Merchandizing; Trade being all in their hands, by reason

of their freedom of Traffick which the Turks and Arabians grant them, and the liberty of Commerce which they have by their means in all the parts of the Red Sea, where they ex∣change the Habessinian Gold for Indian Wares.

There are yet many other Barbarous Nations, that wan∣der about in the sandy Deserts, having no knowledge of God, and living without any Government of King or Laws; va∣rying in Customes and Language, having no certain Habi∣tations, but where Night compells them to rest: Savage, Na∣ked, flat Nos'd, and blubber Lipp'd. Agriophagi, devourers of wild Beasts, or rather Pamphagi, All-eaters, for they feed upon(m) 1.111 Dragons, Elephants, and whatever they meet in their way. The most sordid and vilest of Human Crea∣tures.* 1.112 Gregory described them to me, as Pliny described the Troglodytes, for they dig themselves Dens in the Earth, which are instead of Houses; they feed upon Serpents Flesh; their Language being only an inarticulate Noise: the Portuguezes called these sort of people Cafers, borrowing the Word from the Arabians, who call all People that deny one God Cafir, in the plural Number Cafruna, Infidels or Incredulous. There are also other Pagans that have their peculiar Names, and Regions, as the Agawi, that Inhabit the Mountainous part of Gojam: the Gongae, Gafates; and the Gallans themselves, otherwise the most professed Enemies of the Abessines; but being expell'd by Factions of their own; the King Assign'd them certain Lands in Gojam and Dembea; and makes use of them against their own Country-men from whence they Revolted.

CHAP. XV. Of the various Languages us'd in Ethiopia, parti∣cularly of our Ethiopic, Erroneously call'd Chal∣daic, in the last Century.

The Antiquity of the Ethiopic Language; its various Appellations: for∣merly the natural Language of those of Tigra: in that all their Books written. The Tegian Language what. Joh. Potken, first divulg'd the Ethiopic in Europe, and call'd it Chaldee by mistake: more like the Arabic: the use of it in the Hebraics. An Example in the words Adama, and Adam; not so called from the Redness of the Earth. What now the natural Habassian, It differs from the Ethiopic, which is much more noble: to be learnt by reading and use: for that they have neither Grammer nor Lexicon. Few understand it: difficult to pro∣nounce. Multitude of Dialects. Eight Principal Languages. They understand not the Greek. The number of Languages in vain prefix'd: not so numbred in Africa.

AMong so many and such variety of Nations, it is no wonder there should be such diversity of Lan∣guages. The most Noble and most Ancient Lan∣guage of this Kingdom is our Ethiopic, commonly so call'd by the Learned: for the Attaining of which, we set forth a Lexi∣con and Grammer some while since in England;* 1.113 the Abissines call it Lesana Itjopia, the Language of Ethiopia, or Lesana Gheez and sometimes singly Gheez; or the Language of the Kingdom: or if you please, the Language of the Study; for that the Word signifies both: also the Language of Books; either because it is only us'd in Writing, or else because it is not to be attained without Study and Reading of Books: It was formerly the Natural Language of those of Tigra, when the Kings kept their Court at Aexuma, the Metropo∣lis of Tigra; in this Language all their Books, as well Sacred, as Prophane, were written, and still are written: and into this Language the Bible was formerly Translated. For whereas others Write, that the Abessines read the Scripture in the Tegian Language,(n) 1.114 that's a mistake; for the Tegran, or the Language of Tigra, is to be understood of our Ethiopic.

Though it be true, that since their Kings left Axuma, the Dia∣lect of this Country is very much alter'd; yet still it approaches nearest to the Ancient Language, which is as we but lately said, now call'd the Ethiopic: so that the Abissines themselves if they meet any doubtful word in this Language, presently consult those of Tygra, concerning the signification.

John Potken, a German of Cologne, now Ancient and Gray, was the first that divulg'd this Language in Europe; and then setting up a neat Ethiopic Printing-House in Rome, there Im∣printed the first Ethiopic Books, that is to say, the Psalter, with the Hymns of the Old Testament, and the Canticles. In this deceiv'd that he gave too much Credit to certain Idle Habes∣sines, who Affirm'd, That as well their Language, as their Ethiopic Characters were(o) 1.115 Chaldaic. I could not find out the Cause of so Gross an Errour; neither had Gregory ever heard it in his own Country: perhaps it fell out by reason of the likeness of the Language, though indeed it agree with the Chaldaic no more than with the Hebrew or Syriac; for it approaches nearest to the Arabic, of which it seems to be a kind of Production; as being comprehended almost within the same Grammatical Rules; the same forms of Conjugations; the same forms of Plurals, both entire and anomalous; so that whoever understands either that, or the rest of the Orien∣tal Languages, may with little labour understand this our Ethi∣opic. Neither is it useful alone for the understanding of the Habessine Books and Affairs, but for Illustrating and Expound∣ing the rest of the Eastern Languages, and first the Hebrew; of which there is yet a small remainder in the Bible; insomuch that the genuine significations of many words are to be fetch∣ed from the neighbouring Dialects: and many texts of Sacred Writ borrow that Light from hence; as shall be more amply demonstrated by Examples in our Commentary. One more then ordinarily remarkable we shall here produce. The La∣tines called the most Elegant and Delightful piece of Work∣manship of the Most Omnipotent God, Mundum, or the World: in imitation of the Greeks, who nam'd the same thing

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Ornament;(p) 1.116 assuming the same Word not from Native Invention, but from the Phoenicians, by whom the World, but more especially the Earth, is called Adamah, or Beautiful. I know it is vulgarly deriv'd from the signification of(q) 1.117 Redness, because the Hebrew Root Adam signifies to be Red. But how much of the Earth can we aver to be Red; certainly a very small quantity; so that it is most insipid to derive the Etymologie of so vast a Mass from Redness. There∣fore first Created Human Being himself, the common Parent of us all, deriv'd his Name Adam, not from the redness of the Earth, but from the Absolute Perfection of his Frame and Shape, as being the Master-piece, to speak more Hu∣mano, of his(r) 1.118 Creator. For this signification, which has hitherto been unknown to the Lexicon-writers of most of the Oriental Languages, is most apparent from the Ethiopic; in which Language Adamah signifies Beautiful, Elegant, and Pleasant. Nor do the Ethiopians understand the Word Adam, otherwise than of a thing that is Beautiful. And there is no doubt, but that the City Adamah, before it was destroyed with Sodom and Gomorrah, seated upon the Banks of Jordan, which are often compar'd to the(s) 1.119 Garden of the Lord, was so call'd, from the Pleasantness of its Situation.

But Axuma being relinquish'd, and the Empire being tran∣slated into the Heart of the Kingdom, the Vulgar use of this our Language ceas'd. For the Zagean Line failing, when they set up a Sewan Prince, where the Amharic Dialect is vulgar∣ly spoken, and that some others who were Exiles in the Rock of Amhara, were call'd to the Government, the Amharic Dialect came into request. For the new King not well un∣derstanding the Language of Tygra, and having advanc'd about his Person his own Friends that spake the same Lan∣guage with him, brought his own Dialect into the Court and Camp; which being long fix'd there, and in the Parts adjoyn∣ing,

was seldom remov'd into Tygra. In imitation of whom, the rest of the Nobility and great Personages used the same Speech. Thus the Amharic Dialect, otherwise call'd the King's Language, being carry'd along with the Camp and Court over all the Kingdom, (t) got the upper hand of all the other Dialects, and the Ancient and more Noble Ethiopic Language it self: and at length became so Familiar to all the Chief of the Abissines, that you may easily by the use of that one Dialect Travel the whole Empire, though in seve∣ral Parts so extreamly differing in Dialect from one another. It differs from the Ethiopic, both in Construction and Gram∣mer; so that he who understands the one, cannot compre∣hend the other; yet he who understands the one, may easily learn the other, because that for above half the Language, as far as I can judge, the words are common to both. Grego∣ry could hardly be perswaded to Translate me the Lords Prayer, and some few Texts of Scripture into the Amharic Di∣alect, by reason of the difficulty to write it. For it has seven peculiar Characters not usual in the Ethiopic: however the Ethiopic retains its pristine Dignity, not only in their Books, but in their Divine Worship; as also in the Kings Letters Patents, and Commissions, which are dispatch'd in his Coun∣cil.

Therefore they are accounted Learned in Ethiopia, that can but Read and Write it: for it is to be learnt out of Books, and by long use, as also by the Assistance of School-masters too, though they are very rare there; for they have neither Grammer nor Dictionary, which Gregory beheld here, not without Admiration. At first he extreamly wondred what I meant, when I requested of him the Root of any Ethiopic Word, at what time I was compiling my Lexicon; and seem∣ing to be much offended, asked whether I thought the Ethi∣opic Words grew upon Roots. But when he understood the scope and use of the Question, he cryed out, O the Learning of Europe! They are contented only with a Vocabularie, wherein according to several Classes, the Ethiopic Words are Explained in the Amharic Dialect. They call it a Ladder, in imitation of the Arabians, who call such a kind of Book, a(u) 1.120 Great

Scale, or Ladder. The more unskilfull seek for such words therein which they do not understand in the Ethiopic; but there are very few that speak Ethiopic in Ethiopia it self. Gregory was perswaded to speak it for my sake, using at first many Amharic Words, which I observ'd also to happen in the Wri∣tings of their more unlearned Authors, before he could ac∣custom himself to the true Ethiopic. Both, but especially the Amharic are very difficult to pronounce, for there are Seven Letters in both k. t. d. t. e. p. tz. whose true Power unless it be that of d. is altogether unknown to the Europeans, so that it is almost impossible for them to shape their Tongues to speak several words, which makes me very ready to believe Plinie, when he Writes,* 1.121 That the Names of the People and Towns in Africa, are not to be utter'd but in their own Languages. Besides, the sound of their Vowels is so harsh and unplea∣sant, that they almost scare the hearer; the obscurity of their Language and Pronunciation corresponding with the Darkness of their Complexions.

But this variety of Speech is much more conspicuous in other Kingdoms and Provinces of this Empire. Tellezius Elegantly Writes, That there are as many Languages as King∣doms; nay; that there are different Dialects and Inhabitants in one and the same Kingdom. In Gojam, saith he, there are some Towns not far distant one from another, the Damotans, Gafatans, She∣wans, Setans, Shatans, besides the Agawi, the Gonge, and the Natives, whose Dialects differ as much as Portugueze from Itali∣an or French: But the Nobility and Learneder sort, as we make use of Latine, so they speak generally Amharic. That which follows, I had from Gregorie's Lips; by which the difference of their Language may be the better understood.

The Language of Tigra comes the nearest to our Ethiopic; as being least corrupted of all the rest.

To the Amharic Language, those of the Neighbouring Kingdoms come the nearest; though their Dialects are diffe∣rent one from another; for that of Bagemdra is peculiar: Angota, Hata, Gojam, and Shewa, use a Dialect common to one another.

Gafata makes use of many Amharic words, but in so diffi∣cult a Dialect as requires a long time to understand it.

Dembea speaks a Language, altogether different as well from the Ethiopic as Amharic.

The Language of Gonga, is the same with that of Enarea,

but different from all the other Speeches of Ethiopia.

The Inhabitants of Cambat the Gallans, Agawi, and Shankali, have each of them their distinct Languages, so that there are Eight or more Principal Languages in this Kingdom, and many more Dialects. For an Example of some of these dif∣ferences, the following Words signifie all one thing; that is to say, Lord, or Dominus.

Ethiopic.	Amharic.	Tigran.	Dembean.	Enarean.
Egzi-e.	Abet.	Hadari	Ieg-ja.	Donza.

Gregory left me some words of the Gallan Language, which I here insert, to shew the difference between the Amharic and Ethiopic Dialects.

Ethiopic.	Amharic.	Gallan.	English.
Semaj.	Idem.	Kake.	Heaven.
Mabereke.	Idem.	Dagae.	Thunder.
Asat.	Idem.	Jbije.	Fire.
Amatzea Asat.	Anetza Asat.	Hije fuje.	bring Fire.
Maj.	Wahha.	Bisan.	Water.
Firese.	Idem.	Tarej.	A Horse.
Qalebe.	Wesha.	Sareti.	A Dogg.
Hobaje.	Janedjero.	Tledesha.	A Baboon.
Halibe.	Watote.	Anne.	Milk.
Negus.	Idem.	Nekus.	A King.
Quesate.	Setotje.	Fute.	A Woman.
Ahuja.	Wanedama.	Abletsha.	My Brother.
Ahuteja.	Hate.	Ablete.	My Sister.
Hubalte.	Jaba	Budeno.	Bread.

We shall say nothing of the Forrainers scattered over all the Kingdom, who being naturally Arabians, use their own Native Language, which at Court and among the Merchants is well enough understood; and therefore they who can speak that Language, negotiate their own Affairs with ease in any publick Place. The Jews make use of their own cor∣rupt Talmudic, which by Converse with the Natives is daily more and more corrupted. As for the Greek Language, the Habessines are utterly Ignorant of it; though several Greek Words were transferred into their Country, together with their Sacred Writings, upon the Change of their Religion.

When I consider this great Variety of Languages, I cannot sufficiently wonder at the vanity of those People, who have presumed to confine the Languages of the World to a certain Number.(y) 1.122 Whereas all the Nations of the World are not yet known; for if it be true, what I have been told by seve∣ral Mariners, that upon the Coast of Africa, the Languages vary at every Fifteen or twenty German Miles Distance, it fol∣lows, that that one Quarter of the World contains more Lan∣guages then all the rest, by reason of the innumerable num∣ber of Nations which are cherish'd within the Bowels of so large a Continent.

CHAP. XVI. Of the Neighbouring Nations; and particularly of the(z) 1.123 Nation of the Gallans.

The Adelans have almost ruin'd Habessinia; the Turks possess the Sea Ports; The Gallans more formidable: The Relation of Gregory con∣cerning their Original: Another of Tellez: both reconcil'd. Their Laws. Polygamy lawful among them. Incitements to Courage. Their Armes. Graziers. Their Dyet. A formidable, unquiet Nation. Their Prince at present. Their Deitie. Circumciz'd: capable of the Chri∣stian Religion. Their acquisitions: divided into Two Nations: The Kingdom of Zendero describ'd. Inchanters allow'd. The cruel Election of their King; the Kingdom of Alabat, &c.

HItherto of the People at this time or formerly subject to the Kings of the Habessines. Now it remains, that we speak of their Neighbours, that we may the better judge of the State and present Condition of the Kingdom.

The most cruel and bloody War which the Inhabitants

of Adela wag'd in the foregoing Century under the Conduct of their Captain(a) 1.124 Grainus, against the Habessines, so ruin'd their Affairs, that they could never since recover their losses. From whence, as well the Turks as the Gallans have taken an occasion continually to vex them with Wars and wastful In∣roades. And first, the Turks, after they had possest them∣selves of Egypt, and slain the King of the Mamalukes, sent a Fleet into the Red Sea, to secure the Indian Navigation, which is vastly profitable to Egypt: for that the Portuguesses, to the intent they might enjoy the sole Trade of India, took all the Ships of the Saracens they could meet with, pretending a hatred of their Religion. The Turks therefore to shut up all the Ports of that Sea, made themselves Masters of Sua∣qena, and Matzua, Islands that formerly belong'd to the Ha∣bessines, which they might the more easily do, in regard the Habessines having their handsful by Land, took no care of their Sea Affairs. But soon after they became sensible, how vast an Inconvenience it was to have so Powerful a Neigh∣bour; finding what Potent Succours of Men and Fire-arms the Turks sent to assist their Enemies and those that revolted from them. Nor are they less frequently sensible of it to this day; in regard that neither Men nor Merchandize can be admitted into the Gulph, unless they request it from the Basha or his Deputies, with vast Expenses of rich Presents.

But the Fierceness and Cruelty of the Gallans is much more Formidable. For they having Subdu'd many Kingdoms & Pro∣vinces thirst after all the rest; whence 'tis very probable what Tellezius writes, That unless they had fallen into Factions among themselves; or that the Habessines were not so Invin∣cibly secur'd within their own Rocks, they had been e're this utterly destroy'd. Therefore it seems but requisite, that I should here give an Accompt of the Original and Customs of these People: which I shall do as well from Tellezius, as from the Lips of our Gregory himself.

What time Etana-Denghel, sirnamed David was entangled in that fatal War with the Adelenses; that other Plague brake forth about the Year One thousand five hundred thirty seven, from the Kingdom of Bali. A certain number of Ser∣vants being cruelly handl'd by one Matthew a Noble-man,

Revolted; and despairing of Pardon, associated to themselves all the Fugitives and Criminals that fled from the Punishment of their Mis-deeds, and liv'd upon Publick Spoil and Plunder, which they did with more success, in regard the Inhabitants of Bali were not able to oppose 'em: And for the Habessines, they being involv'd in Wars with the Adelans, contemn'd those inconsiderable Robbers. Tellez affirms them a particu∣lar Nation, and the same that Inhabited the Eastern Coast of Africa, and the Places adjoyning to the Indian Sea: perhaps those Servants, of whom Gregory makes mention, belong'd to that Neighbouring Nation, and flying to their own Coun∣try-men for Aid, discover'd Habessinia, and those Countries which were by their Servitude well known to them.

And now the Gallans, puft up with their success and rich Plunder, and increas'd in their number, having Subdu'd Bali, over-ran the neighbouring Kingdoms; But when they saw that what was won by Force must be defended by Force, they began to make Laws among themselves, very advanta∣geous for the Enlargement of their detestable Dominion, and the preservation of their untam'd and barbarous fierce∣ness. They are not so unlimited, as to despise Matrimo∣ny, like the Garamants, nor do they live commonly with their Women; but they have as many Wives as they please. The young Men are not permitted to cut their Hair, before they have kill'd an Enemy in the Field, or some wild Beast, an encouragement of boldness and hardiness to adventure; that by such a conspicuous Mark, the sluggish and cow-hearted should be distinguished, from the bold and da∣ring. . In their Banquets and Feasts the best Bit is alway set in the middle, and he that takes it, must be the first in any Perilous undertaking: nor is there any long consideration: every one prepares to win that Honour to himself, Ambi∣tion stimulating their Fortitude: but then there is a necessity of bringing some proof of an Enemy Slain, first they bring the Head, as the most modest part of the Body; but if there be any doubt of the Sex for want of a Beard, they cut off the most Obscene Parts of the Slain; a thing foul to relate: these they number, and heap up before the Army, as if their barbarous Fortitude could not be made appear without such kind of Testimony. However by those parts it is not ma∣nifest, whether he be a Friend or an Enemy that is Slain, and therefore the Head decides that Question. But their most

prevailing encouragement in Battle is, that because no man should be thought to Fight for base hire, or out of servile Obedience for another man's honour, but only for his own Reputation, the Plunder is equally divided among them all. They go to War, as if they had devoted themselves for Victo∣ry, with a certain Resolution, either to Overcome or Dye: from whence proceeds great obstinacy in Combat. They use but few Weapons, at a distance they fight with Lances or Darts; hand to hand with Clubs or Stakes burnt at the end; relying more upon their Courage, than their Hands: They make their Shield of the skins of Oxen, or wild Bu∣falo's; formerly they fought for the most part afoot, now more frequently a Horse-back. And though the Abessines are generally more in Number, and better Arm'd, as also more skilful Horse-men, yet are they not able to withstand the vi∣olence of their furious Onsets. But how they may be Sub∣du'd we shall then declare, when we come to the Chap∣ter concerning the Power of the Kings of Habessinia.

Being thus bred up to War, they abhor all peaceful Cal∣lings, believing it much better to ravish wealth, then get it by honest Labour; they willingly eat the Bread which they find among the Abessines, but do not love to grind the Corn; for they neither till nor sow their Lands, never minding Agriculture, but only grazing of Cattle: their Herds they drive before 'em, as well in War as in Peace, through the most fertile Pastures; upon the raw Flesh of which they ge∣nerally feed without Bread, and then drink their Milk; using the same sort of Food and Drink, both at home and in the field.

They never cumber themselves with any Baggage, not so much as Kitchin Utensils, only wooden Cups to drink their Milk in. Such wild Nations are generally a Terror to ci∣viliz'd People, whom Aboundance renders slothful, and Riches effeminate. Thus the Cimbrians, Goths, Vandals, and Normans over-ran the more civiliz'd Kingdoms of Europe. Thus the Oriental Tartars formerly Invaded China. The Gallans, if at any time overcome by the Habessines, retire with their Herds into remote Corners; Opposing only wild De∣serts, and Solitudes for their Enemies to Encounter. Every Eight Years they chuse one amongst them for their Leader, as it were a kind of Master of the Horse, whom they call Luva; and him all the rest of the Captains obey; but that

is only in time of War: his first Enterprize is, to Muster the People together, and Invade Habessinia, for the sake of Ho∣nour and Bootie.

They have a Language peculiar to themselves, and diffe∣rent from all the rest of the Habessinian Dialects; which argues their Original both forrain and common to all their Tribes; they admit of Circumcision among themselves, whe∣ther it be by any ancient Custom, observed by many of the Neighbouring Ethnics, or for that they find the Arabians and Abessines to do the same.

They have no Idols, and but very little Divine Worship. If you ask them concerning God, or any Supreme Numen, or who it is that Governs the Earth with so much Order and Constancy? they answer, Heaven, which embraces in their view, all the rest; however they adore that Heaven with no Solemn Worship, more barbarous than the Barbari∣ans themselves: nor yet are they altogether void of Huma∣nity, for they aspire to a large share of Ingenuity, and in aptness to learn equalize the smartest of the Habessines. From whence we may observe, that there is no sort of Human∣kind so fierce and savage which may not be civiliz'd by Education and Learning. Many have submitted to the Instructions of Christianity, and persisted constant in the Faith. Tellezius testifies, and Gregory farther witnessed, That several Thousands of the Gallans were Converted to the Christian Religion, and submitted to Baptism under King Basilides. Now let me tell you, this is that formidable Na∣tion which has ruin'd the Power and Dominion of the Abessines; insomuch, that they have torn from the Abessine King above the half of those Territories which his Ancestors en∣joy'd; for after their Irruption out of Bali, they made them∣selves Masters of the Provinces of Gedmam, Angota, Dawara, Wed, Fatagar, Ifat, Guragea, Ganza, Conta, Damota, Waleka, Bizama, part of Shewa, and many intermix'd Kingdoms. Nor had they stopp'd there, had they not, being rent into Divisions among themselves, turn'd their Arms one against another, and given the Habessines a little breathing time: for Concord among Equals rarely long attends Prosperity. At this time they are divided into certain Tribes, (Seventy or more,) and as it were into Two Nations; of which the more Westerly are by the Habessines call'd Bertuma Galla, those that lye to the East, Boren Galla: those Easterly and Sou∣therly,

in a manner encircle Habassia, and harrase it with fre∣quent Incursions. They have also separated Cambata and Enarea from the rest of the Body, as having subdu'd the Kingdoms that lye between; which makes it very difficult for the Abessine Prince to convoy home the Tribute of those Kingdoms. Thus there is a necessity for the Habessines to be always in War with these People; nor is there any hopes of regaining their ancient and pristine Glory, unless that Nation be first reduc'd into order. The King has prudently made use of their Intestine Discords; for he has plac'd the Revol∣ters in Dembea and Gojam, and successfully makes use of their Arms against their Country-men: for as they are the most excellent Antidotes, which are compos'd of the most Veno∣mous Animals themselves; so the Barbarians themselves are the most prevalent Force against the Barbarians.

Now let us take a view of the Kingdom of Zandero, till lately undiscovered, although contiguous to Habessinia, as be∣ing not above four or five days from it. The Inhabitants are but little more civil than the Gallans, only that they ac∣knowledge a King, and have an awful respect for something, whether it be God or Devil. The King being dead, the next of Kin retire into the Wood, and there modestly wait the Election of the Nobility, who in quest of their King newly Elected among themselves, enter the Wood, guided by a certain Bird, of the Eagle-kind, which by the Noise it makes discovers the Conceal'd Person: presently they find him surrounded with a Guard of Lyons, Dragons, and Pan∣thers, (d) assembled together by a sort of Incantation to the Ancients unknown: At first he makes a resistance against the Electors, and wounds those that he can, that he may seem to be Constrained to take the Government upon him: soon after, as they are going along, another Gang, to whom it be∣longs of ancient Custom, endeavour to Rescue their King from the other Party, claiming to themselves the Honour of being the Persons that set the Crown upon the King's Head, and purchasing the hopes of Royal Favour, by means of a seeming Sport, which oft-times proves very Bloody. Thus instead of Inauguration, the African Gentiles think it Lawful to attone the Devil with human Blood. The King proud in the height of Poverty, not contented with the few steps to his Throne, gets upon the Beam of his House, from whence he looks down, as from a Gallery, and gives Answers to

Embassadors. Antony Fernandez, Travelling with the Habes∣sinian Ambassador into that Kingdom, having viewed this same Lybian Soveraign, compares him for colour and gesture to a Rampant Monkey. Nor does the word Zendero, which is the Name of the Kingdom intimate much less, in regard that Zendero signifies an Ape. Tellezius adds, That it is the Custom of those Barbarians, if their King be wounded to kill him, which is conformable to the Nature of Monkeys, who having receiv'd a wound, tear and scratch it so long, till their Entrails drop out, or that they lose all their Blood.

The next Kingdom is Alaba, conterminous Easterly to Cam∣bat; the Governour of which, in the Sixteenth Year of this Century was call'd Alico. To the East, Habessinia is bound∣ed by vast Deserts, and open Solitary level Wildernesses, and therefore altogether unknown. Southward, it joyns to the Kingdom of Sennar or Fund, Govern'd by its peculiar King, formerly a Tributary to the Abessines, but now Absolute. He Possest a part of the ancient Nubia, near to which ad∣joyn'd the Kingdom of Balou, whose Inhabitants are by the Portugueses call'd Balous: their King was formerly Lord of Suaqena, and in friendship with the Abessines; now he only receives the half of the Maritine Tribute from the Turks. From what we have said, it may be easily gathered, with how many Adversaries and Enemies Ethiopia is sur∣rounded; so that the Abersines may not improperly com∣pare their Country to the Flower of Saffron Denguelat, set about with Thorns. For being perpetually struggling with their Foes, they rather apply themselves to the Arts of War, then Peace; which seldom thrive amidst the Noise of War and public Contention.

An Addition.

It remains to speak of the Portugals in Habessinia, who are neither Africans nor Forreiners; for that some time since they have submitted themselves to the Habessine Jurisdicti∣on. For of the Four hundred, which Christopher Gamez brought to the succour of the Abissines in the Adelan War, about One hundred and seventy superviving, in the space of one Age multiply'd so fast, that when the Fathers of the Society came thither, they were able to Muster Fourteen hundred

Fighting men: a small handful, but very considerable to the Party to which they adhere, as retaining their ancient Cou∣rage and dexterity in handling their Arms; for the use of Fire-arms superiour to the Habessines or any of the Barba∣rians.

When the War with the Adelenses was ended and Grainus slain; having certain Lands and Possessions granted them by Claudius, they chose themselves Wives, got Children, and be∣ing furnish'd after the manner of the Country with Mules and Servants and other necessaries, began to live comfortably; for while the success of their assistance was fresh in memo∣ry they were courted, and every where kindly entertained, and had the free liberty of their Religion: but these Pri∣viledges were abridg'd by Menas successor to Claudius. They impatiently brook'd to see their kindness so ungratefully re∣talliated; it being the nature of Soldiers rather to do, than receive injuries. However, their Lands were taken away, (for jealousie began to Rule) or else exchang'd for worse, and those bordering upon the Enemy; so that at length the Kings of Portugal were forc'd to allow them Twelve hundred Patacks a year to maintain them. In this last Century while the Fathers of the Society flourish'd they wanted for nothing, but liv'd in great Prosperity: but the Fathers losing their Credit, they were again reduc'd to the extremity of Misery. So that it was the fear of Mendez, lest in that miserable Poverty, forgetful of their Native Language and their An∣cestors, they should revolt to the Religion and Customs of the Habessines.

The End of the First Book.

CONCERNING Their Political Government. BOOK II.

CHAP. I. Of the Kings of the Abessines, their Various Titles, their Names and Arms.

The King of the Abessines why called Prester John? The King of Portugal sends to discover the Indian Trade, and to find out Prester John; One of them not finding him in India, causes a false Report in Europe. The true Presbyter John in Asia. Why so call'd? Ridiculous Expositions of his Name. The true Title of the Kings of Abessinia. They have a dou∣ble Name relating to their Baptism, and the Government; sometimes treble, which renders the Story uncertain. Their Arms. Their Titles. The Queens Title, retain'd during Life. The Title of the Noble Women.

THE King of the Habessines has been hitherto known to the Europeans by no other Title than that of Presbyter John, which was first given him by the Portugueses. The Oc∣casion thus: Peter the Son of Peter, Prince of Portugal, returning home from Venice, carried along with him a Treatise of Paulus Venetus, being a Dis∣course of the Affairs of India;* 1.125 wherein many things were more especially and magnificently written concerning Presbyter John: which as the Portuguese Chronicles witness, was the chief Motive to prosecute the Design of the Indian Naviga∣tion, that Henry the Son of John the First had begun. He being induc'd into a certain belief that there might a Compass be fetch'd about Africa, by which means the Pas∣sage would be open into India, as having read in the Rela∣tions of the Ancients, that Hanno the Carthaginian, sailing out of the Streights of Gibraltar, came at length through the Ocean into the Red Sea, and sent a Navy into the unknown Atlantic Sea, to discover the Shore of Africa. Whose Design

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John the Second pursuing, to bring the Discovery to Perfecti∣on, sent two Portugueses, Skilful in the Arabic Language, Peter Covillian, and Alphonsus Payva, to try what they could do; among other things, giving them more especially in charge, to find out that so much celebrated Presbyter John, that most wealthy King as he was reputed, either in Asia or India, hoping easily to obtain a League and Friendship with him, as a Chri∣stian Prince. They Travell'd through Egypt several ways in∣to India, and after a long and vain Search for Prester John, Pay∣va came home; but Peter more inquisitive, at length in some of the Ports of the Red Sea, heard much talk of a most Potent Christian King of the Abessines, that us'd to carry a Cross in his Hands; as also of his Subjects, who were great Favourers if not Followers of the Christian Religion. Believing it therefore to be of little moment whether this famous Mo∣narch liv'd in Asia or in Africa, he certainly perswaded himself, as being Ignorant both in History and Geography that this was the Prince so much sought after; and there∣upon gave Intelligence thereof to his own King, while he himself continu'd his Journey into Ethiopia, with a resolu∣tion to take a view of this Celebrated Presbyter Emperor, who was look't upon as another Pope. These glad Tidings the Portugals sooner believ'd, than consider'd; and so spread the News all over Europe for real Truth; Credulity gaining easily upon those that are ignorant of Foreign Affairs and Kingdoms. And now the Learned Men began to enquire into the Cause and Original of this same Appellation. As it is the Custom generally to search for true Originals of feigned Names, and wrest them after a strange manner to make good their own Opinions.

We find among the most Eminent Historians, that for∣merly there was a certain Christian Prince, that reign'd in the utmost Parts of Asia, not far from the Kingdom of Tenduc toward(a) 1.126 Cataya; who being of great Power and Fame, was by the Neighbouring Persians, to signifie his remar∣kable Sanctity, call'd Prester-Chan, or Prince of the Adorers; that is to say, Christians; or as Scaliger will have it, Friste∣giani, the Apostolic Prince. However the Name is to be pro∣nounc'd, we shall not contend; but this is certain, that the

unskilful Vulgar having learnt the Name from the Italians, who at that time were great Traders into the East, call'd him by the Italian Name of Preste, or Pretegianni or Giovanni: after which, the same Name prevail'd with all the People of Europe.

Thus his Name and his Fame continued for some Ages, though under much obscurity. For few understood, that that same Asiatic Prester Chan was(b) 1.127 driven out of his Kingdom by Cenchi or Cynges, King of the Tartars. There∣fore for this reason, because the Portugueses were greatly mi∣staken, first in the Name, and secondly, in the thing it self; that Name was given to this African King, which belong'd to a King reigning some Ages since in Asia, some Thousands of Miles distance.

Now after this Sir-name prevail'd among the Habessinians, and yet there could be found no Cause or Signification of the same, they began to find out(c) 1.128 words Foreign, and al∣together from the purpose to uphold their own Vanity, as Gian-Belul, Beldigian, Tarasta Gian: one among the rest super-exquisitely Critical, perswading himself that Prete-Janni was faulty, would have it to be Pretious-John, as a Title more becoming the Person of a King. This Epithete the Pope once assum'd, and that he might not be thought to be in an Error, many there were that obstinately maintain'd it;* 1.129 so that Tellezius had much ado to instruct them better. It would be too tedious to rehearse the Originals of these Chi∣mera's: only we must take notice of this by the way, that Beldi-gian, and Taras-ta-gian were the figments of Men of no Credit; but Gian-Belul derives its Original from the Cries of Petitioners, with which they address themselves to the King. But setting aside all these idle Derivations, and Surmises, which are ridiculous even to the more ingenious sort of Habessines themselves, most certain it is, that the Name of the King of the Habessines is no more in the E∣thiopic Language than Negus, King; But in the Titles which both he himself, and all the Habessines use, he is call'd Negusa Nagast(e) 1.130 Zaitjopia; King of the Kings of Ethiopia, (d) 1.131

in Reference to some Rulers of Provinces, and Viceroys that are under him, who are also dignified with the Title of Ne∣gus, or Nagash. In the Amharic Dialect he is saluted Hatzeghe, which they render Supream Prince; and given to none but to the Prince, as the French in their Address use the word Sir. Hence the Arabian word Aticlabassi, or as Ortelius pronounces it, Asiclabassi; compounded from the foremention'd word, Hatzeghe, the Arabic Article El, and the National name Habesh, Hatzeg-el-Habesh; or Supream Prince of the Ha∣bessines. When they add the Proper Name, they cut the word short, Hatzè, as Hatzè-Susneus, Hatze-Jacob; Hatze-Basilides. The Persians and Indians honour him with the Title of Pade∣shah, which is given to none but the greatest Kings in the Empire; as to our German Empire; the Kings of India, Per∣sia, Turky, and China, who have several Governours and Prin∣ces under their Subjection, which the common People call Emperors; and as this King by Tellez is call'd in the Portugal Language, O Emperador Abexim, Emperor of the Abessines: which his Title seems to Intimate, in regard a King of Kings may not unproperly be call'd an Emperor. Neither shall we derogate in the least from his Title, as being so highly Eminent above all the Barbarous Kings of Africa, both for his Power, and the Honour of being a Christian. Among the Ancient Arabians, the Kings were always call'd Na∣jashi, as the Kings of(f) 1.132 Aegypt were call'd Pharo's; and the Roman Emperors Caesars. But as to the Proper Name of the King; it was the ancient Custom, that at his first com∣ing to the Crown, he was saluted by the Souldiery with a new Name, for lucks sake; and generally the change was made of the Christian Name. However they do not cast it quite off, as the Popes do, but assume both together. Thus Zar-a-Jacob in an Epistle to the Tome of Councils, writes himself Zar-a-Jacob, and our Imperial, or Inaugura∣tion Name Constantine. This Name design'd for a good Omen, generally signifies Reverence and Veneration, as Atznaf-Saghed; Venerable to the Ends of the Earth; Melec-Saghed, a venerable Ruler. Sometimes they take the Names of Gems; as Adamas-Saghed, the venerable Diamond. Encua-Saghed, or Wanag-Saghed, a Precious Gemm. This was the

Name of David, the Son of Naod, the Father of Claudius. Whence I believe it came to pass, that his Embassador Tzaga∣zaabus, being sent into Portugal, call'd him Pretious John, instead of Prete-Gianni, as judging that the Person could not but be precious, that bare the Name of a Precious Gem. Sometimes several Names, and those variously pronounc'd are clapp'd together. For that same David, besides the two Names already mention'd, was Baptiz'd Etana Denghel, The Virgins Incense; or as others will have it, Lebna Denghel, The Virgins Storax. But this multitude and variety of Names often renders the History imperfect, while many times that is spoken of many Persons, which should be only said of one. Thus that famous King Caleb, that ruin'd the Kingdom of the Homerites, was by the Greeks call'd Elesbaas.

The King's Seal which they use in Sealing their Letters, is a Lion holding a Cross, with this Motto: The Lion of the Tribe of Juda has won.

Ridiculous therefore are those Arms which are set forth by a certain French Author in the Fabulous History of Tzagaxi, and which the Impostor himself assum'd in his Epistles to John Wisling, a Physitian of Padua.

King David's Titles which are vulgarly published, are very tedious and corrupted; but here by us amended.

I Etana Denghel, The Virgins Incense, by my Name in Bap∣tism; by my Inauguration Name call'd David, beloved of God, the Pillar of Faith, descended from the Tribe of Judah, the Son of David, the Son of Salomon, the Son of the Pillar of Sion, (Amda Tzeonis) The Son of the seed of Jacob, Zar-a-Jacob. The Son of the hand of Mary (Baeda-Mariami) the Son of Nahu, or Naod, according to the Flesh. Here some have interlarded (The Son of St. Peter and Paul, according to Grace) that there might be something to oppose the Flesh. Emperor of the Upper and Lower Ethiopia, and of many other Kingdoms and Provinces; King of Shoa, Gafata, Fategara, Angota, Bara, Dawara, Hadea, Bali, Ganza, Vanga, Gojam, where are the Fountains of Nile, Amhara, Bagemdra, Dembea, Vagna, Tigra, Sabaim, whence the Queen of Sheba, Midre Bahr, &c. Methinks I am now writing out not the Abessine, but the long Scroll of Russian Ostentation. But the Portugals taking the Advantage of the Abessine Simplicie, swell'd up this Title for them, or else over-perswaded the Habessines to

do it themselves, that after the European manner, their Epi∣stles, which Alvarez was to (g) carry to the Pope and the King of Portugal, might render his Negotiation more for∣midable and magnificent. For neither before nor after did the Letters which the Habessinian Kings sent to the Princes of Europe, appear with any such tumid Style or ostentatious Lof∣tiness.

The first Letter from Helena brought by Matthew into Por∣tugal, began with onely a bare Salutation without any Title; to omit the false and forgotten names of Kingdoms in those other forged Titles. Again, how nonsensical it is for a Prince to mention such an uncertainty as the Queen of Sheba's Coun∣try, or the Fountains of Nile among the Titles of his Empire? as if the Fountains of Nile were such a Miracle to the Abes∣sines, as they were to the Greeks and Latines. What a pleasant thing it would be if any one should add to our Emperour's Titles, the Fountains of the Danaw in the Dukedom of Schaw∣ben, which were also unknown to the ancient Philosophers? How idly are those proper names of Son of the Pillar of Sion; Son of the Seed of Jacob; Son of the hand of Mary, turn'd into Appellatives? Then for Naod, Alvarez reads Nabu; which makes me believe him to be the Author of that surreptitious Title; because he mistakes the word all along in his Itinera∣rie. But to insist no longer upon these figments, the Genu∣ine stile of the Ethiopic Letters, which was made known and attested to me by Gregorie is also to be found in Tellezius, where the King writing to the Pope, uses only this Introduction;

Let the little book of the Letter from Malec-Saghed, King of the Kings of Ethiopia come to the hands of the Holy Roman Patri∣arch.

In the same manner, writing to the King of Spain.

Let the little book of the Epistle or Letter from Atznasf-Sagned, King of the Kings of Ethiopia, come to the hands of our Brother, the Lord Philip, King of the Kings of Spain.

Thus he also writes to his Subjects.

Let the Codicile of the Letter sent from Sultan-Saghed King of the Kings of Ethiopia come to the hands of our Servant N. N. Hear what we say to thee, and what wee write to thee.

But Tellezius, a Person of a more excellent Wit, condemns and laughs at this Catalogue, of which, he accompts Damia∣nus-Goez to be the Author. He himself produces another, as appears by the Order of the Kings, and the years of their Reigns, wherein he has traced the Succession as far back as from King Solomon, trusting to the Credit and Tradition of the Habessines. So that he numbers ninety and nine Kings, but does not name them all.

He also omits all the Kings of the Zagean Family, as un∣lawful Successors, though it be the part of a Historian, to re∣count as well the evil as the good, the unjust, as well as the just Princes, in honour, of their Virtues, and in dete∣station of their Vices. Moreover he says, it is not the least part of that Glory which belongs to the Abbessines, that they have such a long and ancient Series of Kings. Nor is it to be question'd, that though they cannot fetch their pedigree from Solomon, yet they are able to deduce it from Atzbeha and Abreha, two Brothers, under whom the Christian Religion was first re∣ceived among the Axumites; and may contend for antiquity of descent, with the most ancient Royal Families of Europe: not to speak of the diuturnity of the Monarchy, which is much more ancient. Formerly the(i) 1.133 Egyptians boasted the antiquity of their Kingdom, before that of all other Na∣tions. The(k) 1.134 Chineses extend the Pedigree of their Kings beyond the Flood. Johannes Magnus reckons up Kings of Swedland from the Deluge. Others in other places take the same liberty, whether out of love to flatter or fiction I cannot tell: as if there were more pleasure in deceiving the Credulous, then shame in being deceived by the Wise. For no wise men will contaminate their works with such Fa∣bles; or if indeed such Kings had ever been, what does it signifie to them, or their posterity, if nothing more be known of them but only a monstrous kind of a name? Our Gregorie had never(l) 1.135 heard of that same Cusus not his Nephevvs, whom these Genealogy Writers put in the Front. But be∣ing ask'd concerning King Arwe, he made answer, that there was an ancient Tradition among them that the most

ancient Ethiopians worship'd for their God a huge Serpent, in that language called Arwe-midre. Whence it came to pass that some would have Arwe for the first King: but however that he was slain by one Angab; who for that bold attempt was created King, and had for his Successors Sabanut, and Gedut; Tellez, omitting all these Ethnic Kings as fictitious, begins from the Queen of Sheba; whom we shall follow, rejecting that fabulous and corrupt Catalogue which num∣bers up a hundred seventy and two.

CHAP. III. Of the Salomonean Family, which is said to have its Original from Menile-heck the Queen of She∣ba's Son, who came to visit Salomon.

The Ethiopians derive their Kings from the Queen of Sheba. The relations of Tellez and Josephus: Both reconcil'd. The Tradition of the Arabians: Their Contention with the Abessines. Mendez his Argumuets for the Ab∣essines. The Opinions of Tellez and Gregorie. The Author suspends his judgment for several reasons.

WE find in Sacred Writt (that we may begin at the Fountain of Antiquity) that the Queen of Sheba came to Jerusalem to hear and behold the Wisdom of Salo∣mon, and that she brought along with her, precious Gifts, as Gemms, Gold, and Spices. Our Saviour tells us, A Queen of the South, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that came from the ends of the Earth to hear the Wisdom of Salomon. The Ethiopic version renders the Queen of the South Nagasta-Azeb,(m) 1.136 which signi∣fies the same thing.

Her therefore the Ethiopians assert to be their Queen; and have her History written at large, but mix'd with sundry Fa∣bles. We shall transcribe the Summ of it out of Tellez, who saith, That the Queen of Ethiopia Maqueda, understanding from her Merchant Tamerin the certainty of the Report which had bin spread abroad concerning the great Power and Wis∣dom of Salomon, with a great train of her Nobility, and Royal

presents gave him an Interview at his own Court; where she learnt from him the true Worship of God: And at her return, after a certain space of time she brought forth her Son Menilehec begot by Salomon, and whom he had nam'd David. This young Prince was afterwards sent to Jerusalem, to his Father, where by his order and care he was Exactly instruct∣ed in the Law of God. Being grown up, he was anointed King of Ethiopia, and sent back into his own Kingdom, ac∣company'd with several noble Israelites and Doctors of the Law, who were joyn'd with him, as Friends and Compani∣ons, and Ministers of State; among the rest went also Aza∣ria, the Son of Zadoc the High Priest. And this is that Prince from whom all the Habessine Kings and the chiefest of the Nobility derive their Pedegrees to this day.

But then follows a Tale no less insipid, then misbecoming the new King. That these noble Jews, nefariously and Sacrilegiously took away with them the Ark of the Covenant, together with the Tables of the Ten Commandements, the Temple being carelesly lookt after, and the Gates being left open as it were by the Providence of God. Pre∣sently the Mother, upon his return, resign'd her Kingdom to her Son David, obliging him and all the Nobility of the Na∣tion, That they should never for the future admit a Woman to rule over them; but onely males of the Line of David.

But it has bin the Long and Serious Enquiry of the An∣cients, of what Countrey and of what Progenie this same Queen of Sheba was. Josephus, while he writes the Antiqui∣ties of the Jews, an Author not to be contemn'd; tho in For∣raign matters not so well vers'd, affirms her to be one Ni∣caule, mentioned hy Herodotus. And yet in the Modern Edi∣tions of Herodotus, there is no such Name to be found, unless she should be the same whom he calls Nitocris. That Nicaule, according to Josephus, was not onely Queen of Ethiopia, but of Egypt; in which 'tis to be fear'd he is foully mistaken. However, that she came out of Ethiopia, many of the An∣cients agree, as Origen, Austin, and Anselm, whom Cardinal Toletus Cites. Others on the contrary, declare her to have come out of Arabia, as Justin, Cyprian, Epiphanius, Cyril, Alexan∣drinus, Cardinal Baronius, Suarez, Lorinus, and at large Pineda in his Treatise of the Acts of Salomon; where he labours by ten Reasons to confirm his Opinion. Of which, those that seem to carry most weight are these: That Saba is seated in Arabia to the South of Judea. That Camels, Spice, Gemms and

Gold are more consistent with Arabia than with Ethiopia. But these different Opinions are easily reconcil'd; if as many of the Old Writers held, the ancient Ethiopia extended it self into Arabia. For they assert the Sabeans and Homerites to have bin Nations of Ethiopia, which without question were formerly seated in Arabia the Happy. That Region which the Hebrews call by the Name, of Cush, by the 70 Interpreters is rendred Ethiopia. From hence Moses chose his Wife, who is call'd the Ethiopess; and yet that County is a part of Arabia, according to the Common acceptation now a days, whence the Arabians are call'd Cushites. Therefore was the Ethiopia of the Ancients two-fold, Asiatic and African, or Oriental and Western. For the Ancients did not limit the principal Parts of the World as we do now; while they extended India into Africa, and brought Ethiopia into Asia, and believed that the Indians inha∣bited beyond the Ethiopians. Nor did they think that Asia and Africa were distinct parts of the Orbe of the Earth, but onely particular Regions. Egypt seemed to belong some∣times to Asia, sometimes to Africa; and others made Nilus, to be the bounds between those two Continents. And, which is most remarkable, the Antient Arabia was not of so large an Extent, as now the Modern is. For the Sabeans and Home∣rites were plac'd beyond the Limits of Arabia. The Arabian Gulph was also taken onely for a part or Bay of the Red Sea. All which things the Geographers of later Times have much more distinctly reform'd. So that altho by Us, the Sa∣beans are accounted to be a Region of the Southern Arabia that lyes upon the Indian Ocean, and consequently toward the utmost Limits of Land there, yet may the Queen of Sheba, according to the Opinion of the Ancients, be said to come out of Ethiopia. Nor does it argue any thing of absurdity to con∣jecture that she might at the same time command that part of Ethiopia which lay upon the Opposite Shore, and at so near a distance.

The Arabians made no question, but that she was descen∣ded from the Line of the Sons of Homer, or the Homerites, and that she was the daughter(n) 1.137 of King Hod-hadi, They call her Belkis, and affirm her to have bin, not the Concubine,

but the(o) 1.138 wife of Salomon: from whence we gather, that they themselves believ'd that Tradition to be true, that she had a Son begotten by Salomon. The Arabs and Ethiopians con∣tend about this, to this very day, as if the Modern Franks should contend with the Germans about Charles the Great. Al∣phonsus Mendez the Patriarch adheres to the Tradition of the Abessines,(p) 1.139 mov'd thereto by these Arguments: because the continuation of Officers both Civil and Military, and o∣ther customes and Ceremonies made use of in the Hebrew Common-wealth so long since, are still observ'd there to this day. So that Ethiopia seem'd to him to be a certain live∣ly representation of the Ancient Hebrew Government. And his other reason was, for that he understood many places of Scripture much better since he came into Ethiopia. Tellezi∣us, none of the mildest Censurers of the Ethiopic Traditions, in this thing, agrees throughout with the Patriarch, adding, That it ought to seem strange to no Person, that Salomon, who took to wife the Daughter of Pharaoh, and also lov'd the Mo∣abitish, Idumean, Sidonian and Hethic Women, should desire to tast the Ethiopic Variety. The Habessines also call'd the Po∣sterity of their Kings Israelites: neither do they think any other persons worthy of the Scepter but the Male Issue of Menilehec; who for that reason bear the Lyon in their Royal Coats, with this Imprese, The Lyon of the Tribe of Judah has overcome: to demonstrate that they are descended from the Tribe of Judah, and the Line of David: nor that Candaces Eu∣nuch learnt the Orthodox Religion from any other then from the Israelites. Gregory also averr'd to me the same things, and that the Book wherein those things were record∣ed, was call'd the Glory of the Kings, and was of great autho∣rity among them; and that no person in Ethiopia doubted of the Truth thereof. He added, That all the Offices, both Civil and Military, of which the Patriarch discourses in his Letter, (q) are still continu'd in the same Families, and that they who Enjoy them, can make it appear how long those Employments have been officiated by their Ancestors, from Generation to Generation. However, I do not think it con∣venient,

to augment or lessen the Credit of these things, un∣till those Ethiopic Institutions, Offices, Customs and Manners, of which the Patriarch speaks in general, shall be more parti∣cularly made known to me; that I see the Genealogies of those public Ministers, whom Gregory mentions; and that I hear the answers to such doubts as I shall propose. I find in∣deed the Consent of the Nation, and the affirmation of their Kings; for Claudius calls his Ancestors Israelitish Kings: and at the time of Inauguration, they proclaim the Creation of the Israelitish King: and they who are kept in the Rock Geshen, bear the Name of Israelites: And lastly, I find some Rites and Customs agreeing with those of the Jews. Nor is it any wonder to me more than to Tellezius, or disagreeable from Salomon's practice, that after so many profound and knotty Riddles unloos'd, he should unty the Queen of Sheba's Mar∣riage Girdle. Again, if the Habessines are Colonies of the Sabeans and Homerites, it may as well be granted that the Queen of the South deriv'd her Pedigree from them. Yet there are many things that seem to perswade the contrary. For as to the Israelitish Rites, we shall hereafter shew, that they might have bin introduc'd long after Salomon's time upon other grounds; and that they were common as well to the Gentiles as to the Christians. For if the true Worship of God began from that time, how came it to be preserv'd without Synagogues, and the Sacred Volumes? But they have them not, either in the Hebrew Language, nor translated into their own. Nor does the Appellation of Israelitish Kings, argue the Verity of their Descent, no more than if any one should assert our Emperours descended from the Ancient Romans. But if, as the Posterity of the Israelites they continue in their Offices, or are so sollicitous to preserve their Posterity; why not as well in preserving the Histories of their Ancestors? and in perpetuating Kindnesses between their Relations and those of the same Tribe or Family? why not more choice in their Marriages? more earnest in Visiting the Temple of Jerusalem? and in giving mutual assistance to their Brethren? Especially when Rehoboam the Brother of Menehelec, suffer'd that great Loss of the revolt of the Ten Tribes? and when he was in∣vaded by Sisack King of Egypt, whom no man better than the King of Ethiopia could have diverted? when the Jews were oppress'd by so many Enemies; when they were carry'd away Captive to Babylon? when ruin'd by the Kings of Assyria? and

when subdu'd by the Romans? For then the Passages were free thorough Arabia or Egypt; and the Red Sea was open. Lastly, which is of most moment, if the Ethiopians receiv'd their divine Ceremonies and Religion from Salomon, why not his human Learning? For Learning and Religion generally go together, as may be prov'd by the Examples of many Nations. But as to this, their manner of writing and read∣ing differs very much, though some of their letters seem to be borrow'd from the Samaritans. Lastly, the Jews inhabit∣ing up and down all over Ethiopia, it would be of great Con∣cern to put these Questions to them, When? and how they came thither? What they think of these Traditions of the Habissines? and what they find in their Books concerning them? it not being probable that all their Books should be lost in a Country so well defended by nature? But we have made too long a Digression: now let us return to Meni∣lehec.

CHAP. IV. of Menilehec, the Son of Makeda, and of his Poste∣rity, to the interrupted Succession of the Salomo∣nians.

Menilehec first King; the interpretation of his name: nothing certain of his Son or Posterity. Christ born in the Reign of Bazen. No mention here of Queen Candaces. She reign'd in Meroe, not in Habessinia. Abreha and Atzbeha, Brothers and Kings: first Christian Kings: A Triumvirate of Kings. Their Successors. The Subversion of the King∣dom of the Homerites by Caleb. He restores Nagra to the Christians. His Successors: Saif-ibn-de-Jazan advanced by the Persians; Slain. Bazen the last, submits to the Mahumetans. The Greek Histories Con∣fused: Caleb's Encomium. The Martyrdom of the Nagranites. Caleb's Successors: The Salomonean Line interrupted.

NOW then they acknowledg Menilehec-El-Haqim to be the first King. Which name some interpret, As He. Others, As God created him like me. Neither of which interpretations can be pick'd from the Ethiopic Language. However, Ebn-El-Haqim, is apparently in Arabic the Son of Wisdome, or of Salomon. Tellezius gives to his Son the name of Zadgur; whereas Gedur, in Marianus Victor's Catalogue pre∣cedes

Queen Makeda. Then, saith he, four and twenty Kings succeeded, till Bazen reign'd; and yet in the next Chapter, writes him to be the Twentieth from Menihelec the Son of Salomon: but neither does he name them, neither will we de∣tain the Reader amidst these uncertainties.

There is less doubt, that Christ our Saviour was born in the time of Bazen, more particularly in the Eighteenth Year of his Reign. Here is no mention made of Candaces, whom some of the Ethiopians acknowledg for their Queen: in this contradictory to themselves, while they will not ad∣mit a Female to the Throne. And therefore it is more pro∣per, that we should in expounding that place in the Acts, c. 8. v. 27. which speaks of the Queen of Ethiopia's Eunuch, find out some other more probable part of Ethiopia bordering upon Aegypt: which with some probability we may conjecture to be the Island of Meroe; in regard that Pliny testifies, That in that Iland reign'd a Certain Woman call'd Candace, and that the succeeding Queens assum'd that name afterwards for ma∣ny Years. After Bazen, for the space of 327 Years Ethiopia was govern'd by Thirteen Kings, as Tellezius records it. But he mentions not one of their names, perhaps because he found there was nothing of certainty. From the time that(t) 1.140 Abreha, and Atzbeha held the Scepter, the Ethiopic History has afforded much more clearness and light, and the names of the Kings are more certainly recited. Of these and several other Successive Kings, there is mention made in the Ethiopic Liturgy, and otherwhere. For in their Commemoration of the Dead, there is this Ejaculation,

Remenber, Lord, Abreha, and Atzbeha, Kings of Ethiopia.

My Ethiopic Poet also gives them this Encomium.

Peace be to Abreha. and Atzbeha, They in one Kingdom did the Scepter sway; And yet in Love, and yet in Concord still, They liv'd as Princes with one Heart and Will;

Like those good Men, that with Religious awe Walk'd in the Precepts of Mosaic Law, Their Lipps the words of Christ's own Gospel taught; To build him Temples with their hands they wrought.

They are applauded for their Concord; rare among Bro∣thers, who are partners in Royalty; yet that it may so hap∣pen, is clear by that great Sentence, A Kingdom may endure Col∣legues in Kingship, so They can but endure themselves. But much more were they to be Extoll'd, for embracing the Christian Reli∣gion, at what time Frumentius Preach'd; of which more in due place. But more then this, the Habessines give us an∣other Example of a Concording and Unanimous Triumvirate. These Royal Triumvers were Atzfa, Atzfed, and Amey, who govern'd the Empire long and prosperously by turns, as they agreed. A thing which the Habessines will hardly perswade most people to believe; unless it were in reference to the hearing such businesses as afterwards requir'd common Con∣sultation, or the executing such Decrees as were made by Common Consent; tho in such Transactions likewise there must be harmony and agreement. To them succeeded Arado; Aladoba and Alamid, at what time several Monks went out of Aegypt into Ethiopia, to propagate the Gospel. To Alamid succeeded his Son Tacena, and after him Caleb his Nephew, who flourished in the time of the Emperour Justin, about the Year 522. The Greek and Latin Authors call him Eles baan: Perhaps from the Ethiopic name of Baptisme, Atzbeha, with the Arabic article El. El-Atzbeha, from whence Eles baas. He was famous for the Subversion of the Kingdom of the Ho∣merites, and revenging the blood of the Christians slain by that Impious Dunawas: for which he was placed in the Kalendar of the Saints. It is a Story most worthy remembrance; wherein the Arabic and Ethiopic Historians very punctually agree with the Greeks and Latins. This(u) 1.141 Dunawas was the Last King of the Sabeans, who were afterwards call'd Homerites, in opinion a Jew; and therefore one that afflicted the Christians with a most dire Persecution. For he caus'd large Pitts to be digg'd, and then commanded the Christians

to be burnt therein in heaps, as it were for quicker dispatch. Three hundred and forty perish'd in this manner in the City of(x) 1.142 Nagra, together with St. Areta, entomb'd in Fire. Caleb, being admonish'd by the Patriarch, would not endure so much barbarous Cruelty; but with an Army of a Hundred and twenty thousand Men, and a Navy of 423 Vessels, he cross'd over into Arabia, and having vanquish'd Dunawas, he he utterly destroy'd the Kingdom of the Homerites, restor'd Nagra to the Christians, and made St. Areta's Son Governor of the place. To Dunawas succeeded Abreha Elasbram, Jac∣sum F. Masruk F. but their Kingdom remain'd Seventy two years under the Yoke of the Habessines. After these, Saif-ibn-Di-Jazan, of the race of the Homerites, by the assistance of Anusherwan, King of the Persians, recover'd the Throne of his Ancestors, but was soon after slain by the Abessines. How∣ever, the Persians at that time prevalent, set up over the Sa∣beans other Kings, whom the Abessines oppos'd, and some they slew. And thus this Kingdom harrass'd with continual Wars between the Persians and the Habessines, at length, when the Saracens began to grow powerful, under Bazen, the last King, became tributarie to Mahomet. And by this perhaps we are to understand what Abdelbachides writes concerning a Nagash of the Abessines, whom he calls Atzhama, as if he had revolted to Islamisin at the invitation of Mahomet. But these things are confused and imperfectly delivered by the Arabes, Greehes and Latins; and besides that, the diversity of names adds obscurity to the History. For as to those Acts which Pro∣copius attributes to Hellesthiaeus, King of Ethiopia, as if he, ha∣ving slain the King of the Homerites, (of which many were Jews) set up another in his place, Emsiphaeus by name, and a Christian, those things are proper to none but Caleb: in re∣gard that Kingdom being destroy'd by Caleb, could not be again subverted by Ellesthiaeus. But as for those things which are reported by Cedrenus and Nicephorus of Adad or David, a certain Ethnic King of the Indian Axumites, who de∣molish'd the Kingdom of the Homerites, and by occasion of a former vow, became a Christian, they are altogether false. For that there is no other History than that which we have related of Caleb to this purpose, we shall hereafter

declare, when we came to discourse of the Original Christi∣anity in Ethiopia. For that the corrupt names of Damian, of Damnus, from Dunaam, or Dunawas, and other Circumstan∣ces demonstrate. But 'tis no wonder the History of the Homerites should be so confus'd among Strangers, when the Arabians themselves complain, that among all other Hi∣stories that of the Homerites is the most imperfect.

Our Poet before cited thus praises Caleb in the following Lines.

Peace be to Caleb, who with the Lawrel wreath'd; Behind him left such Monuments of his Power. To Salem he his Royal Crown bequeath'd An Offering to his dreaded Saviour. For he, great Hero, from his mighty deeds, Vain glory scorn'd, that proud ambition feeds. The dismal Slaughter of Sabean Host, So dismal that not one alive remain'd, Swell'd not his thoughts of Victory to boast; Yet glad to see his Sword so nobly stain'd. Glad that by him the Homerites enslav'd, Martyrs were now reveng'd, and Christians sav'd,

Concerning the Martyrs of Nagra, the same Poet goes on thus.

Your beauteous Starrs of Nagra I salute; Such Themes would force loud Language from the Mute. You brightly shine before the Mercy-Seat, And like rich Gemms the world illuminate. Oh may your Lustre reconcile my Sin Before the Judge of what my Crimes have bin. Shew him your blood which you for him have spilt, And beg Pacification for my Guilt.

To Caleb succeeded Gebra-Meskel, or the Servant of the Cross, so nam'd at his Baptism, whom the Poet thus honours.

Peace to thee also, King of high renown, That in the Strength of God so much hast won. Yet with thanksgiving, to thy heavenly Lord Didst still ascribe the Trophies of thy Sword. Concord and Peace adorn'd thy happy daies

Thy reign resounded only Hymns of praise. Glory to God thy Pious Cares oblieged; And Peace on Earth from fear of thee proceeded.

The next to him in the Ethiopian Liturgy are Constantine, and Fresenna, or the good Fruit.

Then followed an Interruption or discontinuance of this Line, in the time of Delnoad, who reigned about the year of Christ 960. But then the Scepter was usurp'd by another Race, of which we are next to discourse.

CHAP. V. Of the Zagaean Line, and the Kings that descended from that Race.

The Zagaean Line originally from the wickedness of a woman: the Suc∣cessors uncertain: yet some of them very Famous.

UPon the Death of Delnoad, the Zagean Family invaded the Kingdom, and enjoy'd it Three Hundred and Forty years. They first obtain'd it by the devices of a wicked Woman.(b) 1.143 Essat by Name, Stigmatiz'd for Unchastity, Sacriledge, and Avarice in the highest degree. Her Successors are uncertain, and the Names which Marianus Victor produces, together with the several years of their Reigns are very much to be suspected; to omit what Tel∣lezius learnedly writes, That the Queens are never inserted in the Catalogues of those that Reign. Nevertheless, Victorius nomi∣nates one Tredda-Gadez, who Murder'd all the Posterity of the Salomonean Family, that he might Establish the Kingdom to his Son. Yet in the mid'st of the Slaughter, there was one young Lad of the Royal Blood, who making his Escape to the Lords of the Kingdom of Shewa, most passionately zealous for the Salomonean Line, was there privately preserv'd. The Kings of this Line are very enviously traduc'd by Telle∣zius as unjust, and unworthy to be remember'd; tho it has honour'd Ethiopia with many Renowned Monarchs: of whom there is still a happy Memorial both in the Ethiopic Li∣turgy,

and among the Encomiums of my Poet; as Degna Mi∣chael and Newaja-Christos, or the Wealth of Christ, who never appears in Victorius's Catalogue: However he is thus Praised by the Poet.

Peace to Newaja, from whose Royal Loins Illustrious Princes born for high designs, Ennobling more their high Descent, his Praise Advanc'd, and thence their own Renown did raise. No wonder he dy'd Poor; his Zeal was such He stript himself, his Temple to enrich. Himself had built the House of God, and scorn'd To leave God's House behind him unadorn'd.

But the most famous, and most renowned for his Magni∣ficent Structures was,(c) 1.144 Lalibala, whose future Greatness was portended by a Swarm of Bees, that while he was an Infant newly born, lighted upon his tender Body, without doing him the least prejudice. Of him the Poet thus sings:

To mighty Lalibala Peace, Who stately Structures rear'd, And to adorn the Pompous piles For no Expences spar'd.

By vast Expence and hideous pains, The Rock a Church became: The Roof, the Floor, the squared Sides All one continu'd Frame.

No stones in blended Mortar lay'd The solid parts divide; Nature has carved all without, Within the Workman's Pride.

But newly born, and hardly swath'd, The tender Infant lay; When strait a Wonder, that portends The Honour of that day.

A Swarm of Bees, Prophetic swarm! His Princely Head surround, Thus Jove himself on Ida Mount The Martial Insect Crown'd.

It was their Errand thus to shew The grandeur of the Child; That he should Conquer and Command, And yet be wondrous mild.

That done, as if by sight the face Of Majesty they knew, With such a fear as aw'd their stings, Away again they flew.

This great Monarch when he came to Rule, sent for Artists out of Egypt, and after a wonderful and unheard of manner of Building to that day, he did not cement Stones or Bricks together with Lime, or Lome, nor joyn the Roof together with Rafters, but hollow'd whole solid Rocks, leaving Pillars for Ornament where Pillars were requisite, the Arches and Walls being all of the same Stone. Nor do the Rocks of Ethiopia withstand that kind of Structure, for that most of them advance equilaterally toward the Sky, as if they had bin squar'd by Art; and besides, the Stone is so soft and tender, that the Tools of the Artists easily make their way. Alvarez gives an accompt of Ten Temples fram'd after this wonderful manner, which were Four and twenty years finishing. He saw them all, and gives you a draught of them in Picture, and lest any one should doubt of the Truth of what he says, he confirms his Relation with an Oath. This Magnificent King reign'd Forty years; and af∣ter him his Son Imra rul'd as many. The last of this Race was Naacueto-Laab. Of him the Poet thus,

Hail Naacueto-Laab, thy Renown I sing, and all the Glories of thy Crown In Peace and Love, which thou didst love, thy Raign Concord and Peace did mutually sustain. And thnt no fear of Death might him dismay, God plac'd him where there is no end of Day.

CHAP. VI. Of the Salomonean Line, restor'd again by Icon-an-lac.

The Salomonean Family restor'd. The Successors of Icon-Im lac. Etana-Denghel preferred before his Elder Brother. Helena a Woman of a great Spirit. David's various Fortune. Claudius succeeds him: who restores his ruin'd Kingdom by the Assistance of the Portugueses. His Encomium and miserable Death. The Succession decided by Arms. Menas succeeds; his Cruelty. Bahrnagassus revolts. Malac-Seghed succeeds; better than his Father: Prosperous in War, not in Marriage. He designs his Brother his Successor; but repents, and Prefers his Natural Son Jacob: He recommends his lawful Son to the Nobility upon his Death-Bed; but they Imprison him. Susneus in the same Danger, but Escapes. They make Jacob a Child King: afterwards Depose him, and place Za-Dengel in his room; his Mildness and Fortitude: a bold act of his. His Kindness to Pays, and the Latins cause him to be hated. A Conspiracy against him: he Consults the Portugueses; despised the Counsel of Pays: He loses the Day, and dies in the Field.

THE Zagean Family being thus Extinct, about the year of Christ 1300. The Nobility of Shewa restor'd Icon-Imlac, a Prince of the Salomonean Race to the Scepter of his Ancestors; whose Posterity have continu'd in Habessinia to our time. Tellezius reckons up Sixteen Kings to Zar-a-Jacob,(d) 1.145 which we shall insert out of Vecchietti, adding the Ethiopic Names of them which we have found mention'd in the Liturgy, or elsewhere. Icon-amlac, or as the Ethiopians write him,

• 1. Aycuna-amiac.
• 2. Jagrea-Tzegon.
• 3. Bahar Sarda.
• 4. Esbraad.
• 5. Cadem-Saghed.
• 6. Zen-Saghed.
• 7. Vdimrad.
• 8. Amde Tzegon.
• 9. Scifaarad.
• 10. Udmaasfan.
• 11. David.
• 12. Theodorus.

Of whom the Poet thus makes mention in his 29 En∣comium, June 3.

Hail Theodore, wide Ethiopia's King; Thee, by thy Name Anbasa, must I sing. For thee thy Mother Tzejon-Mogusa T' adorn thy great Inauguration Day, Whole Heards of Sheep, and fatted Oxen stew: And not she only, for the Clouds to shew Themselves contributary to thy Feast, Rain'd Fish from Heaven, to supply the rest.

• 13. Isaac.
• 14. Andreas.
• 15. Hesbinaani, whose Son was,
• 26. Amde-Jesus.

To him succeeded Zar-a-Jacob, by the Name of his Inau∣guration, Constantine. An Emperor of great Renown, and inquisitive after Foreign Affairs: for he sent his Ambassadors to the Council of Florence; of which more in due place.

Baeda-Marjam, as I Collect out of Alvarez, came to the Crown, about the year 1465. and dy'd Ten years after, leaving his Widow Helena behind him, of whom more anon.

Alexander ascended the Throne about the year 1475. and dy'd in the year 1491. At what time Peter Covillian found the way into Ethiopia; the first Portuguese that did so.

Amda-Tzejon(e) 1.146 his Son, reign'd but a short time, and dying without Male Issue, made way for his Uncle.

Naod, The Son of Baeda-Marjam, who while his Brother Alexander possess'd the Government, was shut up in the Rock Gheshen; but the Male Issue failing, he was call'd forth by the Nobility, and reign'd Thirteen years. He dy'd a∣bout the year 1505.

Etana Dengel, or Lebna-Denghel, call'd afterwards David, by his Inauguration Name. Some few years expir'd, he assum'd a third Name, Wanag-Saghed, which Tzagazab interprets,

Enkua-Saged, or the Precious Gem. He was the second Son of Naod by his Wife Mogesa, the Nephew of Baeda-Marjam. For the Eldest, whom Naod begat in the Rock of Amhanira, Helena and Marcus, the Metropolitan, who had then the Government in their hands, did not think worthy to Rule, by reason of his Pride and Cruelty; adding, That he was born when his Father was but in a private Capacity before he came to the Crown: unless it were, that they thought that they should carry a greater sway during the Minority of the young Prince. For then was David but Eleven years of Age; as he himself declares in his Letter to King E∣manuel.

Helena therefore his Grandmother, took upon her the Management of Affairs, as his Tut'ress, being preferr'd be∣fore the Mother; in regard the Junior Queens always give place to the Senior, and then too she is always look'd upon as the King's Mother. A Woman of great Prudence and Courage, that has left a great Fame behind her still in Ethi∣opia; insomuch, that King Susneus would often praise her for her Virtue and Moderation. She is famous among the Europeans for her Letters sent to Emanuel the First, King of Portugal, of which we shall hereafter speak more at large. David at the beginning of his Reign very prosperous in his Undertakings (for he had won several Victories from the Adelans) after his Grandmothers Decease, as if he had now the Curb in his teeth, giving himself up to Luxury, and the love of Women, was very Unfortunate toward the end of his days. For being driven out of all his Kingdoms and Territories, he was forc'd to betake himself with some few Soldiers to the Rock Damo, where he dy'd in the Forty sixth year of his Age. In this the more unhappy, that during his Reign, the Nation of the Gallans, the Scourge of Habes∣sinia made their first Incursions out of Bali. He had four Sons; of whom, the first Victor, dy'd before the Father; of the other three we shall have occasion to speak in due place. He was very well vers'd in Holy Writ, and in the three first Councils, as may be understood by his Discourses with Alvarez.

Claudius, by his other Name call'd Atznaff-Saghed, the Son of David, came to a Kingdom miserably shatter'd, and over∣burthen'd with Calamity; and lurking in the utmost Con∣fines of his Dominions, there attended some miraculous assi∣stance

from Heaven; which soon after answer'd his Expecta∣tion; John the Second, King of Portugal sending him Suc∣cour, under the Conduct of that most Valiant and Noble Portuguese Christopher Gamas, who with a small Band of Four hundred Portuguese Foot Soldiers, overthrew vast Armies of the Barbarians, and laid the Foundations of regaining the Habessinian Empire. Claudius was a man of a most Princely Port. For besides the outward Grace of his Person, he was endu'd with many Virtues of the Mind, which made him judg'd by all worthy of the Royal Dignity. The Fathers of the Society applauded him for a most Prudent Prince, though otherwise not so well pleased with him, because he had not shew'd that Affection to the Roman See, as they re∣quir'd; though he did not prohibit the Divine Worship of the Latin Church; nor hinder'd the Roman Priests from the free Exercise of their Religion. He was also Learned, and well instructed in Ecclesiastical Antiquity. So that, as Telle∣zius witnesses, his Teachers seem'd illiterate in comparison of their Scholar. For in Disputes with the Fathers of the Society, he himself for the most part would argue, with so much vehemence, that sometimes he put them hard to it to make him an Answer. And when he observ'd that the Habessines were blam'd for retaining certain Judaic Rights contrary to the Christian Laws, he put into Writing a suc∣cinct Confession of Faith, by which he clear'd all Objections, and excus'd himself and his Subjects. That Confession we formerly(f) 1.147 set forth, and shall publish again in our Com∣mentary: So that the Fathers of the Society could object no∣thing but Schism against so great and famous a Monarch. He reign'd Eighteen years and some Months, with great toil and trouble, by reason of his continual Wars with the Ade∣lans, who mindful of the overthrows they had receiv'd, fre∣quently attempted Revenge. The King stout of hand and indefatigable, never refus'd Battel, till at last in the Month of March, 1559. fighting against Nurus, the Captain of the Adelans, his Army being vanquish'd, guarded only with Eighteen Portugueses, and Combating more furiously than warily, he fell by an Immature but not unrevenged Death. He left no Children behind him; whence it came to pass,

that the Right of Succession being very ambiguous in Ethio∣pia, the Contention was long dubious between his Brother Menas, and Tascar, the Natural Son of Jacob, the second Bro∣ther deceased. For this claim'd the Kingdom in right of his Father, while he liv'd, the Elder Brother, the other alledg'd himself to be the nearer in Blood, than he who was Ille∣gitimate. The Controversie being decided by the Sword, Tascar was taken in the Battel, and thrown headlong down a Rock.

Menas, otherwise(g) 1.148 Adamas-Saghed, having obtain'd the Kingdom by Arms, being of a Cruel Disposition, degenera∣ted altogether from the Lenity, Sincerity, and Piety of the Habessines; as if he had learnt the savageness of the Tvrks and Arabians, among whom he had been long a Captive. For he hated the Portugueses, as minding their own Affairs; and forbid the use of the Roman Religion, not suffering any of the Habessines to go into the Latin Churches. He also re∣vok'd the Liberty which his Predecessor Claudius had granted to the Wives and Families of the Portugueses to frequent the Roman Chappels; which caus'd many to wish again for the Clemency of Claudius, with which they were not contented however before. He despis'd the Romish Bishop Andrew Oviedo, who in the Reign of Claudius, was sent to make way for the new Patriarch; and for some Months kept him in Prison. Nor was he much more kind to his own Subjects. For which reason, out of an aversion to his Proceedings, they revolted from him in several Parts. Among the rest, Isaac Bahrnagassus, a man in great Power, and skill'd in Mi∣litary Discipline, calling the Turks to his Assistance upon the Twentieth of April, 1562. overcame the King in Battel, and slew him: to the great detriment of Habessinia. For ever since that time, the Turks have been Masters of the Coast of the Red Sea. He left three Sons, Sarza-Denghel, Lesanax, and Tazcar. Of which the last dy'd without Children.

Sarza-Denghel, taking the Government upon him, call'd himself Malac-Saghed, and was Inaugurated after the ancient manner at Axuma. His Fortune was equal to his Vertues; for he was stout of Hand, and wise in Counsel. And first he drave the Turks, who were Masters of Dobarva, the Me∣tropolis

of the Maritime Province, out of Tigra. He would also have driven them out of the Port of Arkiko, and the Isle of Matzua, had he not been recall'd to defend his Upland Dominions from the Incursions of the Galans. These People by the Rapines and Plunder of five and twenty years, while the Habessines were busied in so many other Wars increased to that power, that now they over-ran Habessinia not with scattering Troops, but with compleat Armies. So that all the time of his Reign, though otherwise prosperous in War, he was forc'd to struggle with them. However he subdu'd Enarea, and caus'd the Prince thereof to turn Christian. For he carefully observ'd the Christian Religion, according to the Constitutions of the Church of Alexandria. The Latin Rites he left indifferent. And for the Fathers of the Society; he often commended their Conversation of Life, and their Studies, but despised their Doctrine, saying, That their Manners, and not their Doctrine was to be imitated. Cer∣tainly Manners and Doctrine do not always accord. And therefore, sometimes the Doctrine is to be approv'd, where the Man∣ners are not Correspondent; and sometimes the Manners are to be imi∣tated, where the Doctrine is not to be follow'd. But tho he were Prosperous in his Affairs of Government and War; yet in his Marriage he was unfortunate; for his Wife Mariamsena brought him many Daughters, but not one Son. He had two Natural Sons, of which one was call'd Za-Marjam, and the other Jacob; but they could not succeed by the Laws of the(h) 1.149 Kingdom. And therefore it fell out with him as with many others, who are more addicted to illicit Concubinage, than lawful Matrimony, that they want Successors from their own Loins; and frequently expose their Kingdoms to War and Bloodshed upon Disputes of Succession. First, therefore he shew'd to the Nobility Za-Denghel, his Brother Lecanax's Son, as the Son of a Prince adorn'd in Royal Habit. Then again, some few Months before his Death, he began to change his mind, either envying a greater Adoration to the Rising than the Setting Sun; or whether it were that Za-Denghel himself, certain of the Succession gave the less re∣spect

to his Uncle, or whether his Disposition were not grateful to the Nobility. However it were, Jacob, a Child of Seven years of Age, never seen before to the King, came to Court; which was no obscure intimation, that he would be preferr'd before Za-Denghel, as being of the King's own Blood. The Grandees, whether they durst not admonish the King; or whether they had an intention to usurp the Government, under pretence of being Guardians to the Mi∣nor, consented to the King: But soon after they taught us to understand how uncertain the Tranquillity of Kingdoms is, where the Right of Succession is uncertain, or that there are no Rules; but that the grand Affairs of a Kingdom are at the disposal of Courtiers, intent upon their own Interest. Ne∣vertheless, most wonderful to relate, when the King upon his return from the War with the Gallans, fell sick, and found himself near his end, Right and Justice more prevail'd with him, than Hatred against his Brother's Son, or love to his own Illegitimate, and therefore calling before him the chief of his Nobility, he is reported to have spoken thus:

Seeing that the end of my life Approaches, I thought that next the Care of my Soul, that of my Kingdom was the chiefest, the safe∣ty of which I have always held no less dear to me, than the Salvation of my own Soul. True it is, that having none Legitimate, I always lov'd Jacob as my own. And I have observ'd in him Endowments of Mind not unworthy so fair an Inheritance; so that I could not have had any reason to repent, had I Establish'd him my Successor; nor you, had you yielded him Obedience. But now I prefer the Love of my Country, and the Laws of the Kingdom before my private Affe∣ction. Therefore it is, that I recommend to your Allegiance Za-Denghel my Brother's Son, my nearest Kinsman, stout in War, Mature in years, conspicuous for his virtues, and one that by those virtues Merits the high Dignity which is due to him by Birth. Ha∣ving thus said, in a short while after he expir'd.* 1.150

But as it was a thing absolutely unexpected by the Nobi∣lity, that the King would change his Mind; so the Ma∣nagement of Affairs among themselves during the Minority of the King, was that which they had already deeply fix'd in their minds; nay more, they had under-hand already divided the great Offices of the Kingdom. And therefore repining to find the Power thus as it were ravish'd out of their hands, they perfidiously enter into a Conspiracy. To which pur∣pose they conceal the Death of the King, and sending away

some few Bands of Soldiers drawn together in hast, they cause Za-Denghel to be apprehended, and carry'd away into the Island of Udeka, lying in the Tzanic Lake; and then changing his Imprisonment from Rock to Rock, carry'd him up and down to prevent his Conspiring with the Neighbour∣ing People. The same Trap was lay'd for Susneus; for that they fear'd least he being youthful, and brave, seeing the Order of the Succession so disturb'd, should put in for a share and assert his Claim; as afterwards he did. But he escap'd in good time to the Gallans, where he fix'd himself among them against the threatning Danger, resolving if need re∣quir'd to make use of their Assistance. The Chiefs of the Faction were Ras-Athanasius, a man of high Authority; and Keflawahed, Viceroy of Tigra, who having cajol'd into the Conspiracy, the Queen Dowager his Mother-in-Law, cove∣tous of preserving her Power, by means of her Son's nonage, as it were under colour of lawful Power, they presently set the Crown upon the head of Jacob, then a Child of Seven years of Age, and therefore call'd the Infant King; reserving the management of Affairs to themselves. A trium-virate unu∣sual with a Woman, and therefore not like to endure long. For, seven years after Jacob coming to be of Age, impatient of so many Tutors, assum'd the Reins of Government into his own hands; perhaps more imperiously than might be∣come a Lad of 15 years of Age. The Guardians therefore taking it ill to be so soon depriv'd of their Power, seeing their Obedience would immediately follow, chose rather to obey their lawful King, and render themselves deserving of his new Favours. Therefore before Jacob could fix him∣self in his Throne, as it were induc'd out of Repentance, that they had preferr'd an Infant and Illegitimate before a law∣ful Successor and of ripe Age, they recall Za-Denghel then lurking in the most remote Mountains of the Kingdom, and salute him King by the Name of Asnaff-Saghed; which they did the sooner, and that with the more speed, that they might have the less reason to give an Accompt of what was done, to the new King.

Jacob with only Eight of his Guard, for the rest had de∣serted him with his Fortune, hastens to Samena to his Mo∣thers Kindred; but being known in his flight and taken, he was brought back to Za-Denghel, who shewing the Effects of a strange Compassion, receiv'd his Rival with a singular Affe∣ction

and Clemency, and trusting to his own Right, would never incur the censure of being Cruel in cutting off his Nose and Eyes, which was usually done to others in the same Condition, and to which he himself was advis'd. For he scorn'd to pollute himself with a Crime after the manner of Tyrants, who distrustful of their own Right, or the Peo∣ples Affections, count it a piece of Policy to cut off their Rivals in Empire, how innocent soever, imputing to them before-hand the future Crimes that may happen to be com∣mitted not by them, but any Promoters of Sedition: How∣ever he sent the degraded King into Enarea, the most re∣mote Kingdom of Habessinia, under a strict Guard, in a short time to be restored to the Kingdom to his own Ruin.

Za-Denghel, for Grace of Utterance and Majesty of Coun∣tenance was equally Venerable (as are most of the Princes of the Royal Blood of Habessinia) in the most flourishing years of pleasing Youth; and through his Experience of Adversity and Prosperity worthy of the high degree, to which he had arriv'd; and which was more than all, mild and ready to Forgive. For among all the crow'd of so ma∣ny Enemies, he never punish'd any, as by Law he might have done: but without any disgrace, suffer'd them to con∣tinue in their several Offices, and in the same degrees of Ho∣nour even the Queen her self: so mild and gentle even to a fault is the Disposition of those Kings, saith Tellezius. More∣over he behav'd himself with an undaunted Courage in all sorts of Danger: For he had hardly grasp'd the Helm of Government in his hands, when the Gallans understanding the Divisions at Court fell into Habessinia with three Armies, and overthrew the Governor of Gojam, who presum'd to fight against the King's Command, whereupon the King ar∣riving soon after, leading an Army tir'd by a long March, with a greater Courage than Force, he assail'd the Enemy; who pufft up with Victory, bore down the Habessines with so much Violence, that the Captains finding their Battalions recoil, perswaded the King to betake himself to an early flight. When he, disdaining the motion, as arguing Effemi∣nacy, leapt from his Horse, and advancing with his Sword and Buckler, cry'd out, Here will I die; you if you please, may flye; perhaps you may escape the fury of the Gallans, but never the Infamy of deserting your King.

The Habessines mov'd with such a Speech, and the Coun∣tenance of their Prince, cast themselves into a Globe, and with a Prodigious fury, like Men prepar'd to dye, broke in among the Gallans, and constrain'd them to give back; which the Fugitives perceiving presently return'd, and re∣newing the Fight, gain'd a glorious Victory with such a Slaughter of the Enemy, that a greater had not been made among them at any other time. The King believing that the Advantages of such a Victory were not to be let slip, did not indulge himself to be as soon overcome with Banquets and Luxury, under pretence of Refreshment, but with a swift March, led his Army over Mountains and Rocks, against the other Body of the Enemy, which with the same success he put to Flight; The third Army, not daring to withstand the force of the Habessine, retreated into the Fastnesses of their Country. Of these, Four hundred thought themselves se∣cure with their Prey, in a steep, and almost inaccessible Mountain. But the Habessines now contemning their Ene∣mies, already terrify'd with the Slaughter of their own Peo∣ple; couragiously drave them from their Holds, and slew them every Mothers Son.

About the same time Peter Pays a Jesuit, arriving in Ha∣bessinia, at the Request of the King went to Court, and so oblig'd him with several Discourses concerning Matters as well Ecclesiastical as Civil, that at first privately, then publickly he embrac'd the Latin Religion, which he testify'd by Letters as well to the Pope, as to the King of Spain, then Philip the Third; and preferr'd the Portugueses before his own Habessinians. But this same Kindness of his to Strangers, and a Foreign Religion, begat him the Hatred of his People, and caus'd his own Destruction. For the Nobility of the Kingdom took it in great disdain to see their Ancient Reli∣gion chang'd, and that the Patriarch of Alexandria should be deserted: And they were the more enflam'd out of their Envy to the Portugals, and the Rancour which they bore to Laeca-Marjam, the King's principal Friend. Therefore they Conspire against him among themselves. The Head of the Faction was one Saslac, born of mean Parentage, but of great fame for his Experience in War, and for that reason proud. He was exil'd by Jacob, but recall'd by Za-Denghel, and made Governor of Dembea; consequently ungrateful, and out of an inbred Stubborness, frowardly disdaining Obedience. Ras-Athanasius

was drawn into this Society, a famous Captain, and a Man of great Conduct; and being first in Dignity, frown'd to see that he was but Second in the King's Fa∣vour; and therefore he proves a Traitor to a most excellent King, as one that had forgot who set the Crown upon his Head. But the Cause of Religion was the main pretence; the most prevalent to put the Minds of People into disorder: for they were not ignorant what Preparations were making at Court for the introducing of the Latin Religion. Fre∣quent Complaints were therefore divulg'd abroad, That the King was Revolted from the Church of Alexandria, the Common Mother Church: and that there was nothing intended by his fre∣quent Discourses and familiarity with the Jesuits, but the Abroga∣tion of the Institutions of their Ancestors, and the Introduction of new Ceremonies and Foreign Priests into the Kingdom. That the Portugals would come in and establish their Religion by force of Arms; and when they had done that, would endeavour also to take the Kingdom from them. That it behov'd them to succour their Distressed Countrey, and that such a King was not to be endur'd, who had first deserted the True Worship of God. These things were easily inculcated into those that were of the same mind before. But there was nothing which alienated so much the minds of the People, as that the Portugueses had been heard to say, That the Reduction, so they call'd the Conversion of Ethiopia, was but vainly attempted, if it could not be upheld by force of Arms. The King, having detected the Conspi∣racy, calls the Portugueses together, confiding in them, as Foreigners and Men of the Latin Religion: then marching with all speed toward Gojam, he was deserted by the way, first by Ras-Athanasius, whom tho he suspected, he durst not apprehend; then by Jonael, one of his Principal Captains. Their example many others following, forsake the King. The King seeing himself left with a slender Guard, apply∣ing himself to Peter Pays, spoke these words, This therefore befalls me, because I am desirous to shew them the way of Truth, and to set free the Weak from the Oppression of the more Power∣ful. Thereupon Peter, and the Commander of the Portugueses, John Gabriel, advis'd him to Protract the War, till the heat of the Rebels fury waxed cool; that his Friends with his Innocent Subjects would repair to his Assistance; that the rest would in time come to themselves, and repent their folly: That Sedition was like a Torrent, violent at first, but that it abated by degrees.

But the King impatient of delay, look'd upon Protra∣ction as a Diminution of his Honour; and being too full of Courage, and in his boyling Youth, resolv'd to try the For∣tune of War, that rarely accompanies rashness, before the Rebels should encrease their Numbers. So he Marches with a small Army of scarce Twelve thousand Men, thinking to fall upon them e're they were aware of his coming. This over-hastiness had but ill success. For most of his Adversa∣ries were Men experienc'd in War, who did not follow their business negligently; and besides they were as eager to come to a Field decision, before the King should gather Strength.

In the mean time the Enemies of the new Religion Ren∣devouz'd together from all Parts; and among the rest Abuna Peter, the Alexandrian Metropolitan, and chief Head of the Rebellion; who by an unheard of President in Ethiopia, con∣trary to the Laws of God and Man, absolv'd the Rebels from the tye of their Oaths which they had Sworn to their lawful Prince, which they themselves had already broke, by virtue of a detestable Excommunication of his Prince. Thus more and more embold'nd, and contemning the Majesty of the King, they turn'd their Veneration into Hatred. And so with mutual Animosity they joyn Battel. The Portugueses, who fought in the right wing, maintain'd their ground a long time, believing the Kings and the Cause of Re∣ligion to be their own. But in the left Wing, of which the King himself took charge, all things went to rack; for ma∣ny fled over to the Enemy, many look'd on without striking a stroke, resolv'd to follow the Fortune of the Day. Thus the King forsaken by his own, fought bravely for a long time, till Laeca-Marjam, and the rest of his Guard being slain, he was himself struck down from his Horse with the sling of a Lance. After that getting up again to renew the Fight, he was stuck through the body, and slain with several Darts thrown at a distance; reverence of his person not permitting them to come near to hurt him. The third day after the Fight, he was taken up and buried without any Funeral Pomp in a little Chappel hard by the Field of the Battel. Such was the end of the short Life and Reign of this Fa∣mous and Lawful King of Ethiopia. A doleful Warning to admonish us, that the Cause of Religion ought to be mode∣rately and prudently handled. And that it behoves a Prince

not to thrust himself rashly into a Battel, especially when there is no certain Successor. For proof whereof, the fatal Example of Sebastian King of Portugal may serve among the rest.

CHAP. VII. Of the Kings of this Centurie, To our Times.

Susneus aspires to the Crown; acknowledg'd by Ras-Athanasius. He re∣quests the same from Zaslac. Who refuses at first; then submits. But Jacob appearing, he takes his part: So does Ras-Athanasius. Jacob again made King. He desires an agreement with Susneus, but in vain. They take Arms. Zaslac beaten: he goes over to Susneus; A new War. Jacob and Abuna slain. The Victor's Clemency. Zaslac imprison'd; he escapes; invades Waleka, and Gojam. Kill'd by the Pagans. Ras-Atha∣nasius dyes. Susneus kind to the Portugals and Jesuits. He submits to the Pope. A Counterfeit Jacob; but dares not stand the coming of Susneus. An Impostor of the same kind comes into France. His Condi∣tions; his Epitaph. Alibi boasts himself the Son of Arzo. Susneus's Nativity, Conditions, Vertues, Vices, and Death. His Son Basilides drives the Jesuits out of Ethiopia. He kills his Brothers. A General Table of the last Kings of Habessinia.

KIng Zadenghel being thus slain, the War indeed ceas'd, yet Peace did not presently ensue. For the Rebels not dreaming of such a speedy Victory, had not consider'd of a Successor. Wherefore, as it were stupid with Emulation, Ras-Athanasius departs for Gojam, and Zaslac for Dembea, with∣out ever holding any common Consultation. Thereupon Susneus, hearing of the King's death, and believing that the Kingdom was now fallen to Him, as being the Son of Basi∣lides, the Nephew of Jacob, and Grandchild of David; and then being also a Young man, train'd up in the Gallan Wars, belov'd and surrounded with the choicest of the Military Bands, he conceiv'd no small hopes of his design. First there∣fore he sends before one of the Faithfullest of his Friends to Ras-Athanasius, with instructions to declare to him in short, That whereas the Kingdom belong'd to him by right of Inheritance, he should come presently and joyn Forces with his. In the mean time, Susneus, not expecting an Answer, follows the Messenger with the nimblest of his Army, and writes to Athanasius as if

already made King, That he was at hand, and that therefore he should come to meet him and pay him the accustom'd honours due to him. Athanasius amaz'd at the unexpected approach of Susneus, void of Counsel, the Danger being Equal on both sides, either to refuse or admit him, at length, finding all assistance far di∣stant, and no hopes of delay, to give him time to consult with Zaslac, he rather chose to be before-hand with the new King's Favours, than to hazard the uncertain Fortune of a Battel. So that Susneus, being honourably receiv'd into the Camp, was saluted King. Which done, he presently writes to Zaslac, That by the Providence of God he had recovered the Throne of his Ancestors; and was now marching for Dembea: therefore he should take Care that there might be Forces there ready to receive him, and those deserved Favours which he was ready to bestow upon them. But he, tho astonish'd at the suddain News, was unwilling to acknowledg him for King, whom he had not made himself; and therefore consulting with his Friends, return'd for answer, That he would then obey him, if Jacob, to whom he had already by Message offer'd the Kingdom, did not come before June; and therefore begg'd that short delay. Susneus, no way pleas'd with the Condition, wrote back to him again, That he was King already, and therefore would give place neither to Jacob, once before adjudg'd unworthy, nor to his Father Malec-Saghed, though he should return from the other World. Zaslac, having receiv'd this surly Answer, equally mettlesom and diligent, turns his Arms upon him, and comes on briskly to meet him. Susneus finding himself prevented with the spee∣dy March of his Adversary, and perceiving himself over∣match'd, and, which was worse, not well in health, retir'd to the Craggy Mountains of Amhara. Ras-Athanasius also, whose precipitancy Zaslac had upbraided, retreated into other Fastnesses to avoid the Fury of his Associate. In the mean time there being no News of Jacob, the other Captains and Commanders of the Army began to scatterwords of discon∣tent, That they would not be without a King, that if Jacob would not come, there was no Person fitter than Susneus, neither would he be at rest, till he had obtain'd by force, what they would not give him by fair means. Zaslac, fearing the Inconstancy of his own People, and consequently a Revolt, orders Commissioners to be sent; and by them surrenders the Scepter to Susneus, who presently sent a Person to whom Allegiance should be sworn in his Name. Which being done, Ten of the chiefest Peers ride forth to

meet the new King, and to conduct him with a Pomp be∣fitting into the Camp. And now Shouts and Acclamations are to be every where heard. Neither were Banquets want∣ing, with all other Solemnities usual at the Inaugurations of their Kings; when on a sudden new Commissioners from Jacob, quite disturb'd their mirth, with such a suddain altera∣tion, as with which Fortune never more odly mock'd before the hopes of those that thought themselves in the possession of a Throne. For Jacob twice Depos'd, twice restor'd, between the Highest and the Lowest, (which is most rare) had twice Experience of the Mean betwixt both. While the Promoters of these Troubles exercis'd their Hatred and their Love with∣out fear of punishment, that one might think it the sport of Scenes, rather than a serious possession of Royalty. For im∣mediatly Zaslac, without any hesitation, rode forth to meet Jacoh, as if he had bin Susneus himself, to whom he had but just before sworn Fidelity, and receiv'd him with the usual Ho∣nours due to Ethiopic Majesty, and with his whole Army salu∣ted him King, the Commissioners, sent to Susneus, being pri∣vately recall'd. Susneus, knowing Time was to be watch'd, once more gave way to Fortune, and retir'd to his former lurking holes, and hid himself again in the Natural Fortresses of Amhara. For he had learnt from the Example of Zaden∣ghel, to give way to Popular Heats and Tumults, till they cool'd of themselves: for that the People after their first Passions are spent, resume their former Modesty, and return repenting to their duty. Ras-Athanasius also, tho so great a Person, yet accustom'd to follow Fortune, rather than his Faith, he, I say, with the same Easiness that he had acknow∣ledg'd Susneus, fell at the feet of Jacob.

And now Jacob, did not think it prudent to suffer a Rival in his Dignity, and therefore resolving to try what might be done by way of agreement, he commanded Susneus's Mother to go to her Son, and offer him the Kingdoms of Amhara, Wa∣leka, and Shewa, as also all the Lands which his Father pos∣sess'd, and he had hitherto claim'd in vain. But Susneus bear∣ing a lofty Soul, deny'd, That what he had receiv'd by the Gift of God, could be taken from him by Men. That the whole Kingdom was his due, which he would not relinquish but with his Life; That Jacob would deal with more Justice and Uprightness, to quit his Dia∣dem, than to hasten Ruin to himself and his Countrey.

This haughty answer being deliver'd, Jacob decreed to de∣cide the business not with Messages, but by the Sword. How∣ever, Susneus Expert at delays, by the assistance of the Rocks and Mountains, avoyded the pursuit of Jacob, watching for those Opportunities which soon after presented themselves. For Zaslac, whether out of a vain-glory to behold the Event of the Battel, or out of any private Indignation, did not joyn his Forces with Jacob; but on the contrary, and as it were in despight of Military discipline, acted all things carelesly and remissly; believing his fame a Terror sufficient to the Enemy. This was not conceal'd from Susneus, who taking a shorter way came upon Zaslac so of a suddain, that his Soul∣diers had not time to handle their Arms, much less to put themselves into order: so that they were slain like sheep, and utterly routed, and Zaslac, having lost his Army, was forc'd to entrust his Safety to an ignominoous flight. Which Victory as it dejected Jacob's Friends, so it rais'd the spirits of Susneus's Party. Zaslac himself had lost the Kings favour, and began to be suspected. Thus the business began to work; for Zaslac jealous of these disparagements, notwithstanding Jacob had heap'd so many favours upon him, for he had created him Legate Royal, began to Enter into a Correspondence with Susneus, using Treachery as the hire of those that valu'd him most. Susneus standing in need of his Power, accepted his Propositions, and dissembling his Hatred, made him a Con∣federate in the War, to lessen the force of his Enemy. Jacob hearing of his Revolt, judging that it behov'd him to make hast, before the rest should follow his Example, resolv'd to put it to the hazard of a Battel; well knowing that he far exceeded Susneus in number of men: nor did Susneus refuse him, tho inferior: however, he cunningly kept the rough and hilly Grounds, watching like a Lyon when to take his fatal jump.

The Enemy judging his delay to proceed from his fear, and confiding in their multitude, began to act more daringly, and to provoke Susneus with upbraiding Language, until he had brought them into a narrow place where he could not be surrounded by his Enemies. Then Exhorting his Souldiers, Now, said he, the day is come, that You may make me King of Ethi∣opia: and for Your selves, You are to be either Masters or Slaves, as You behave Your selves. I will not be onely the Companion of Your

Victory, but your Dangers: Victory is in your own power, so that you do not turn your backs to your Enemies, before you see me begin to flye.

Having thus Encourag'd his Souldiers, he gave the Signal of Battel. Which seen, they gave so furious an Onsett, that the Enemy was every where beaten down, without resist∣ance, amaz'd and astonish'd, to be so subdu'd by those whom they reck'ned for fugitives. The slaughter was great, with little loss on Susneus's side. Jacob himself, toge∣ther with Abuna-Peter, who had in vain thunder'd out his Anathema's against the Enemy, were both slain. Which Susneus understanding, sounded a retreat, that by his cle∣mency to the Common Soldiery and his own Country∣men, he might win to himself the Reputation of Gen∣tleness, necessary for the Establishment of a New Prince.

But such was the Terror that possessed the hearts of the Jacobeans, forc'd on by the croud of Fugitives, igno∣rant of the Country, tho there was no pursuit, that they threw themselves headlong in the night time from a Rock dismally steep and cragged. Among the rest, there was a certain Portuguese, by name Emanuel-Gonsalvo, who betimes perceiving his Horse as it were flying in the Air, quitting his Stirrups, left him, and taking hold by chance of the branch of a Tree, made a shift to recover a Seat in the bough, where he sate all night. Nor did he well un∣derstand his danger, till day appearing, he discovered, not without horror, at a prodigious distance underneath him, a vast heap of Men and Horses with their Limbs and Members broken all to flitters.

Susneus having obtain'd so great a Victory, exercis'd no so sort of Severity or Reveng against any Person; only Maharhin he commanded to be beheaded, as being a follow∣er of the sect of Islamism, and the Person that had first wounded Zadenghel.

After that he departed for Coga, there to, settle the Af∣fairs of his Kingdom, where Zaslac whom he could not endure to see, was still in his Eye, the grand promoter of all these troubles. He was the first that went over to Susneus's Party, and therefore was look't upon by Susneus as one that would be constantly casting in his Dish the kind∣nesses he had done, and pride himself to be the setter up of kings. And indeed in one of his vain-glorious humors, of

which deserving Soldiers are generally too much guilty, he had unwarily given out, That it was foretold him, That he should pull down three Kings, which was fulfill'd in Two. So that the New King seem'd only to be wanting for the third. It being therefore a Maxim, That jealousie and friend∣ship cannot long remain in one and the same Brest, and that the fruit of Treason being reap'd, there is no farther need of the Trai∣tor, the King commanded him to be apprehended and car∣ried away into the steep Mountain of Gueman, in the Kingdom of Gojam. He would not put him to death, as not believing it became a noble Prince to take away a mans life for fear of a future crime. But he making his Escape, about a year after, invaded Waleka, where having gather'd together some Troops of Vagabonds and dissolute Persons, he supported himself by Robbery and Rapine; till at last, making his Incursions into Gojam, he was there slain by the Pagans. His head being brought to the King, was fix'd upon a Lance, and set up before the Roy∣al Pavillion, to be view'd by all the World; no man pitying his misfortune, in regard that all people knew his advance∣ment had cost the loss of so many innocent lives.

Not so inglorious was the end of Ras-Athanasius, and yet sufficiently miserable. For he every day losing more and more of the Kings favour, was at length the contempt of all men; Insomuch that his wife, the daughter of Malec-Saghed, unaccustom'd to brook indignities, forsook his bed. Thus once the next to Supream authority, now the next to most dejected misery, not able to o'recome the anguish of his mind, he fell into a Fever, of which he dy'd.

But Susneus, to establish himself in his Dominion, by all ways courted the friendship of the Portugueses, as being skilful in the art of Gunnery and Fire-arms, the chiefest terror of those Nations: hoping, & that not without reason, by their assist∣ance, to defend himself as well against his own Subjects, too much addicted to Tumults and Seditions, as the Kin∣dred and Friends of the slain Kings. And not only so, but to render himself formidable to the Gallans. To that pur∣pose he kindly receiv'd the Fathers of the Society then living in Dembea. He sent for Peter-Pays, and most courteously gave ear to him; and treated him as his familiar Friend.

And as he was favourable and bountiful to them; so did he dayly afford many testimonies of his kindness to the rest of the Portugueses, and the more to oblige them he set up the Latin Religion; nothing terrify'd by the example of Za-denghel. And indeed the Fathers had such a power o∣ver him, that at length he surrender'd himself to the Pope, and together with his Son, sware obedience to him as Universal Bishop, and Vicar of Christ, abrogating the Religion of Alexandria. Which was afterwards the occasi∣on of horrid uproars, bloody wars, and the slaughter of many great Personages.

But the possession of a Kingdom won by the Sword, sel∣dom enjoys a perfect tranquility, especially when the death of the Predecessor comes be in question. For presently, that is to say, the very next year, up starts a counterfeit Ja∣cob, who alarum'd all Habessinia with the fear of a new War. Some there were, that acknowledg'd they both knew and saw the dead body of King Jacob, after the blood was wip'd away, but no man durst assert himself to be the Person that kill'd him. The Counterfeit therefore addresses himself to the Monks of the famous Monastery of Bizan, in the prefecture of Bahrnagassus; where he re∣main'd, and to hide the fraud, as if his face had bin dis∣figur'd with his wounds, went always vail'd. Nor was it long before his Story was believ'd. Not so much out of respect to his own Person, as out of malice to Susneus, whom they hated as a Person that was unknown to them, and by his exilement inur'd to the Savage Customs of the Gallans. Neither were they pleas'd with Raas-Seelech; his brother by the Mother's side, whom he had made Vice∣roy of Tigra, whom they look'd upon also as a forraigner. So that he not being able himself to quell the Disturban∣ces, the King was forc'd to advance himself. But the Re∣bels having intelligence of his coming, fled several ways, to avoyd fighting. Their Captain, with only four of his Associates, and some few Goats, which he carry'd with him for their milks sake, secur'd themselves by a painful Pilgri∣mage through the most wild and uncouth concealments of Nature, that the Rocks could afford him, where it was im∣possible to trace him. So that the King dispairing, after a tedious search, to find him out, return'd to Dembea, and ha∣ving solemniz'd his Inauguration at Axuma, after the anci∣ent

Custom of the Country, he made Ansalax Governor of Tigra, in the room of his Brother, who afterwards by the help of two Noblemen that counterfeited themselves their friends, having apprehended the Rebels, put them to death.

But what was more strange, our Europe it self could not, some time after, discern an Aethiopian Counterfeit of the same name.

For in the Year 1631. a certain Impudent Counterfeit, by the names of(i) 1.151 Tzagax, assuming to himself to be the Son of Jacob, came into France, and producing several Recommen∣datory Letters, and Certificates from the Credulous Monks of Palestine, was taken for a Great Prince, and expell'd Heir to the Kingdom of Ethiopia, and Entertain'd with a large Pen∣sion from the King: after the Example of some of the Princes of Italy, which is, to consider what may be Correspondent with their Munificence toward an Exile of so great Dignity, rather then to enquire who he really is. Which was to be admir'd: For that both at Rome and in Portugal there were at that time extant several annual Relations, by which it was apparent that Jacob was slain in Battel, Young, and never marry'd, above Twenty years before. But that which added to the Credit of the Impostor, was his graceful Presence, with a Countenance wherein Seriousness and Frankness were won∣derfully intermix'd, that while he kept company with other Princes, (as Bochart himself told me) he seem'd to excel them all both for beauty of form, and sweetness of disposition; and particularly that his Majestick Aspect strook all his be∣holders with admiration. Whether that Beauty were really in his Person, or whether the Novelty of the thing, or the Opinion that he was of the Race of Salomon, byass'd their Judgments. Tho otherwise, no reason could be given why he acted the part of the Son of an Ethiopian King, unless it were to contend with(k) 1.152 Hercules or(l) 1.153 Messalina for the prize of most enormous Lust: And indeed it may be thought,

that fearing his Imposture should be discover'd, he rather chose to bring himself to his end by the pleasing debaushes of Luxury, than to fall under the Hangman.

Being dead, he was branded with this Epitaph,

Cy gist le Roy d'Ethiopie, L'Original, ou la Copie.

Here lyes the King of Ethiopie, Th'Original, or else the Copie.

Gregory being question'd concerning him, made answer, That the Report of him reach'd Egypt, and the Countries next adjoyn∣ing; and he had heard from the Governess of Ruma, being a Woman of noble descent, that Tzagax came to her, and told her he was the Son of Arzo, who was the Brother of Zadenghel, the Son of Le∣sana, and Grandchild to Menas. The same thing he affirm'd to his Countrymen in Egypt, and to those that liv'd at Jerusa∣lem. For to them he did not dare to counterfeit himself the Son of Jacob, in regard they well knew that Jacob was slain in the Eighteenth year of his Age, or thereabout, without any legitimate off-spring. But for Arzo, he liv'd an obscure life, and whether he had any Children or no, there was no body knew. Let us now therefore return to Susneus.

Susneus, descended from the Royal Line, bigg, tall, and strong Limb'd; and in such a Body a large Soul. His Coun∣tenance affable and pleasing, with a high Nose and thin Lips; nothing different from the Europeans, but only in colour. He was Prudent, Courteous and Liberal, and well read in the Ethiopic Books; and which is most necessary to him that will ruffle for a Crown, he was Warlike, Patient of Labour, and had among the Gallans learnt to be Content with any sort of Dyet. However he was unhappy during his Reign, by rea∣son of his continual Wars, and the frequent Rebellions of his Subjects, whom he sent to compel by force to submit to what he thought convenient to enjoyn them. He swore obedience to the Pope; before he had weigh'd what benefit he might get by it. And therefore toward his latter End, he was forc'd to indulge that Liberty, for the maintaining of which, many Thousands had already lost their Lives. He dy'd in Septem∣ber, in the Year 1632. leaving several Sons and Daughters behind him.

Basilides, by his Inauguration name Seltan Saghed, after the Death of Marc his Eldest Brother, succeeded the Father, Who to quiet the Minds of his Subjects, Exterminated the Jesuits, together with their Patriarch, out of all his Dominions; so that he would not permit the Portugals a Priest to say Mass, which the severity of Menas allow'd them. All the rest of his Brothers, if the Fidelity of Tellezius do not here give way to his Passion, he put to death, upon bare allegation of Crimes committed. Neither do we know any thing more of cer∣tainty concerning him, he refusing any farther Commerce with the Europeans, for fear of the Forces, for which he heard the Fathers were solliciting both at Rome and in Portugal, to revenge the Indignities he had put upon them.

After this I saw certain Letters, which the King of Abysinia Af-Saghed, the Son of Alam Saghed, sent to the Governour of Batavia, written in Arabic; of which we shall have occasion to say more in another place, for I am not certain whether or no Basilides did not make use of a double Sirname, nor whe∣ther he were the Father of that same Af-Saghed. I have here inserted a Genealogic Table of the Last Kings of Habessinia, which I had from Gregory, but now more Corrected out of Tellezius.

A GENEALOGIC TABLE of the Kings of Habessinia, from BAEDA-MARJAM Son of Zara-Jacob, Grandchild of Amda-Jesu, who liv'd about the year of Christ 1460. to the Reign of Basilides, 1632, &c.

• BAEDA-Marjam, Son of Zara-Jacob, otherwise Amda Jesu, Born about the year 1465. whose Second Wife was Helena.
  • 1. ALEXANDER came to the Crown about the year 1475, and dyed without Children, 1490.
  • 2. AMDA-SION dy'd in the year 1491. after he had Reign'd Six Months.
  • 3. Naod fetch'd from the Rock of Amhara to the Crown, dy'd in the year 1504. leaving his Widow Moghesa behind.
    • 1. N.N. The Eldest born in the Rock Amhara, before his Father came to the Crown, there∣fore forc'd to yield to the Second Brother.
    • 2. David, Sirnam'd Etana-Denghel, Lebna-Denghel, and Wanag-Denghel, Born about the year 1492. made King 1504. dy'd 1540. leaving his Widow Kabelo-Wanghel behind.
    • 3. Romana Warck wife 1. to N. N. 2. to Abucher.
    • 4. N. N. who Es∣cap'd from the Rock of Amhara.
      • 1. Victor in the Field, Slain before his Father's Death.
      • 2. Claudius, Sirnam'd Atnaf-Saghed, Born toward the end of 1522, made King 1540. Slain March 1559. in a Battel against the Adelans.
      • 3. Jacob, dy'd be∣fore his Brother Claudius.
      • 4. Menas, Sirnam'd Adamaes-Saghed made King 1559. Slain in Battel, April 20. 1562.
      • 5. N.
      • 6. N.
      • 7. N. three Daughters of whom Alvarez, c. 61.
        • Tascar's Natural Son, made King by the Rebels in Opposition to his Uncle, taken in Fight, July 1561. and thrown Head-long from a Rock.
        • 2. Basilides, Slain in a Battel against the Gallans. His Wife was Hamel-Mala, the Viceroy of Amha∣ra's Widow, who had Three Sons, Rasselach, Afach, and Almanach.
        • 3. Zertza-Denghel, otherwise Malech-Saghed, made King 1562, and dy'd 1579. His Wife was Marjam-Sena.
        • ...AQUIETER, ABALE Lecanaxos.
          • Susneus, Sirnam'd Malech Saghed then Seltan Saghed, Born 1571. made King, Jacob be∣ing slain March 10. 1607. dy'd Sept. 1632. He had many Wives, but dismissed all ex∣cept the First.
          • N. N. The Wife of Ras-Athana∣sius.
          • Jacob a Natural Son, Born 1589. Made King at 7 years of Age, call'd the Infant King, depos'd 1603, Recall'd 1604. Slain March 10. 1607.
          • Za-Marjam, a∣nother Natural Son.
          • Za-Denghel alias Atznaf-Saghed, Born 1577, Slain in Battel by his own Son, Octob. 13. 1604.
          • Arzo whose Son Tzaga-Christos cal∣led himself.

• ...Lecanaxos.
• Marcus—These two De∣ceas'd before their Father.
• Malacotawit, Wife of Elias, Viceroy of Tigra-Basilides, sirnam'd Seltan-Saghed, then Alam-Saghed, Born 1607. made King 1632.
• Claudius, Basilides Brother by the Father's side.
• ...Canafraxos.
• ...Jacobus.
• ...Justus.
• ...Za-Denghel.
• ...Za-Marjam.
• Lebna-Denghel, and o∣thers. For as Tellez writes, he left 25 Sons, and many Daughters behind him, as Wanghelawit, the Wife of Tecla, George Viceroy of Tigra, N. Wife of Za-Mar∣jam Viceroy of Bagemdra, N. Wife of Anda Michael Bahrnagash.

• 1. Constantine dy'd before his Father.
• 2. Justus.
• 3. David.
• 4. John.
• 5. Becuerta-Christos, Wife to the Viceroy of Tigra, with others whose Names are not known.

Place this Table in the Second Book, between Folio 192, 193.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Royal Succession, and the Imprisonment of the Kings Children in the Rock Geshen, now quite out of use.

Certain Succession the Safety of Kingdoms. Two Bonds of Government. How far Prudence, how far Nobility and Power prevail. Election not alwayes to be preferr'd before Succession: more agreeable to Liberty. The Males only succeed in Abassia. Their Claim dubious: hence Wars. The Incon∣veniencies of Hereditary Kingdoms. The ill Events of uncertain Succes∣sion. The Imprisonment of the Kings Children. Tellezius's Relation of it. The Custom for 300 Years, abrogated by Naod. Alvarez's Relation: it disagrees with Tellezius: reconcil'd: No president for half a Century. The pleasantness of those Rocks fabulous. The severe usage of those Prin∣ces there. The severity of the Governour displeasing to the Prince: pleas'd him when King.

FRom what has bin said, it appears that the Succession of the Kings of Habessinia is uncertain; and that there is no great difference made between the Legitimate and he Illegi∣timate. However, the most assured Safety of Kingdoms con∣sists in a Constant and Establish'd Settlement of Succession But if in Hereditary Kingdoms, it may be lawful either for the King to choose one of his Sons; or if it may be lawful for the Nobility, not so much to regard the order of birth, as the disposition and conditions of him that is to govern, or to re∣spect the favour of the People, War and Sedition must of ne∣cessity follow.

They that are set aside will never be quiet; nor shall they want Factious Abettors and Associates. The Grand Pretence, more Especially in Elective Kingdoms, is this, That Conditions cannot be distinguish'd by Nativities; but the best may be taken by Election and Judgment. A specious pretence in words, but vain in Reality; while the Imbecility of human Nature prevails, which is guided by the affections, and obeys rather Favour and Hatred, than Virtue; which usually happens in great Assemblies. But there are two Pillars which sustain the Safety of great Monarchies, Reverence and Authority, which they that Govern never can reconcile to themselves either by Wisdom or Probity alone. For there are many who

will esteem themselves if not their Superiors, yet their Equals: and men very unwillingly obey their Equals, much less their Inferiours: so that it is altogether vain and pedantic, what Plato writes concerning the Felicity of Kingdoms, That they should be Govern'd by Philosophers, while other Aids are wanting. A Philosopher, how wise soever, would hardly find a Sub∣ject that would obey him three days together for his Philo∣sophies sake. There ought to be something External and Visible, which as well the vulgar and ordinary sort, as the prudent, Equally acknowledg, which is not subjected to the fluctuating and inconstant determination of Men. For this reason in the Election of Kings and Princes, Nobility and Power are preferr'd before Wisdom and Sanctity of disposi∣tion. Yet the one requires the assistance of the other. The one is the cause that the Subject willingly and freely obeys; the other compels the refractory to submit. And therefore because Election does not bring much more advantage to a Kingdom, than the chance of birth, but is rather liable to Tu∣mults and Seditions, many People have(m) 1.154 abandon'd it of their own accord. However, it approaches nearest to Li∣berty, because the Electors may prescribe Laws and Condi∣tions of Government to the Person that is to be Elected; tho that same wariness proves many times ineffectual: Because the Prince, upon refusal, either positively cannot, or else will be very unwilling to be brought to an accompt. So im∣possible it is, that there should be a compleat happiness in this World. And therefore it is the part of a good and prudent Statesman to prefer that form of Government which he finds (n) 1.155 Established.

But I return to the Habessines, among whom there is this most prudent Constitution, That only the Male Issue shall govern, or the Male kindred nearest in blood; But because the Determination of the Fathers and Mothers, and the chief Nobility happens frequently to be intermix'd; and that the natural Issue is likewise, if male, allow'd the same Priviledge for want of Legitimate Off-spring: hence it comes to pass,

that their Successions are most unhappy and turbulent; the chief cause of all their Calamities.

We have already declar'd, how Helena, with the consent of Marc the Metropolitan, preferr'd David the second Son before Naod the Elder Brother, as having nothing else to advance him but a meer brutish strength. The Civil Wars between Menas and Tazcar his Brothers Eldest Son; between the Ille∣gitimate Son of Malec-Saghed, and Zadenghel his Legitimate Kinsman; and lastly, between Jacob and Susneus, and all about the doubtful right of Succession, are sufficient Arguments to prove what we assert. Tellezius indeed declares, That ac∣cording to the Lawes of Ethiopia, the natural Sons do not suc∣ceed. But in another place, he so discourses concerning their Law, alledging the Example of John the First, King of Portu∣gal, that the Reader may perceive, that he varies in this, from his other Relation. But the chiefest Inconvenience which uses to arise in hereditary Kingdoms, where the Succession is ty'd to a certain Family, proceeds either from the sence of Rivalship and a jealousie which they that rule have of them that are nearly related in blood; or from their Ambition, which always animates the Factious. Dismal are the Ex∣amples among the Barbarians, where there are no Laws or Rules for Succession, but all things are at the Will of them that bear sway, or else of Fortune her self. What ruin'd the Family of the Caesars? What the Roman Empire? but onely that the Creation of the Emperors was inconstant and un∣fix'd, and at the Will of the Souldiery. Certainly it was a great Oversight in Augustus Caesar, after he had vanquish'd all his Rivals, and had all the Power in his own hands, that he ordain'd no certain Settlement of Succession. The Empe∣rours of the Turks, to prevent the Crimes of their Brothers, more impiously put them to death, and punish that Disloyal∣ty which perhaps was never intended. The Ancient Kings of Abessinia, to rid themselves of these Fears, were wont to shut up their Brothers under safe Custody, where they might abide unknown to turbulent Spirits; and so be uncapable of attempting any thing against the raigning Prince; and yet be ready to supply the want of Successors. The Rocks of Geshen and Ambasel were set apart to this end. The whole Story from the Relations of Antonie d' Almeyda runs thus. The Emperour Icon Imlac had five Sons (others say nine) which he lov'd all alike. Out of which affection he most imprudently

advis'd them to raign all with Equal Power; or which was worse, to govern by turns. The Youngest impatient of the delay of so many Years, design'd with himself not to part with the Scepter, when once he had got it into his hands, but to send away his Brothers to some distant Rock, and so con∣tinue the Kingdom to his own Posterity. But being betrayd by one of his peculiar Friends, who rather chose to accept of a reward from the raigning Prince, than to expect a guerdon from him that was to raign, he was taken in the same snare which he had laid for his Brothers, and sent to the Rock Geshen. But lest the King might seem to have consulted more for his own than the Security of the Kingdom, he also shut up all his own Sons, which he then had, in the same place. After which this Custom continu'd as a Fundamental Law in Ethio∣pia, for above Two hundred and thirty Years, by which means the raigning Kings were secur'd from danger of Civil Wars among Brethren; till in the Year 1590, at what time King Naod was sent for from the Rock to ascend the Throne. He had a Son, about Nine years of Age, whom he dearly lov'd; which Child, one of his chief Courtiers steadfastly beholding, Certainly, said he to the King, this Child grows apace. The Boy was of an acute Witt, and understood what the Courtier drove at, and therefore fixing his weeping Eyes upon his Fathers Face, Oh Father, said he, Have I grown thus fast, to be hurry'd from your sight to the Rock Geshen? Which word strook his Father so deeply to the heart, that having assembl'd the Nobility of his Court and Kingdom, he told them, That such a wicked and inhuman Custom was to be renounc'd. Which was immediatly done, neither he nor his Council con∣sidering that private affections are not to be preferr'd before the Safety of a Nation. And thus it came to pass, through the Kings unseasonable tenderness, that this same Custome receiv'd and continu'd in Habessinia, so much to the Health of the Government, was abrogated to the unspeakable detri∣ment of the Kingdom: And from that time never any Prince was Exil'd to those Rocks.

Alvarez writes, That David being advanc'd to the Throne, his Younger Brother, with the rest of the Sons of Naod, were sent away to the Rock; and afterwards, That one of the Younger Sons Escap'd, but was taken and sent back; and that he saw him there. From whence it may be objected against Tellezius, That this Cu∣stome continu'd after Naod's time. But we have some rea∣son

to believe, That he foresaw this Objection, because he binds it with an Asseveration, saying, The thing is certainly true, and is easie to be confirm'd as well by the Fathers of the Society, as by the Example of Susneus, who tho he had several Sons, yet never went about to send any of them to the Rock. But then again when he sayes Alvarez is to be believ'd in all things that he saw, there is some need of Reconciliation: That is to say, That the Sons of Naod, the Brothers of David, were then carry'd to the Rock, and that one of them after an Escape was taken and sent back. So that the new Constitution might not help them, tho it were a kindness to the Sons of the succeeding Kings. The Reports concerning the Pleasantness of those Rocks, and the splendid attendance upon those Royal Exiles, are all ridicu∣lous Falsities. The Rocks we have describ'd already. And as for the splendidness of Attendance, when the Custome was in force, most certain it is, that those Princes were kept close Prisoners, and they that either attempted to Escape, or were assisting to their Escape, lay under great Penalties. The Prin∣ces themselves were harshly us'd; Neither was any person permitted to come at them, so that their Education could never fit them for a Crown, but was rather to put them out of Hopes of having any thing to do with the Affairs of this World.

It is reported of one of the Keepers, that one morning ob∣serving one of his Royal Prisoners putting on a Garment somewhat neater than ordinary, he not only chidd him, and tore the Vestment, but gave notice of it to his Father: all which the poor Prince was forc'd to take patiently. After∣wards the same Prince coming to be King himself, did not onely forbear to revenge the Injury, but hearing that his Keeper was gone aside, as dreading some heavy punishment, caus'd him to be sought out, and being brought before him half dead for fear, both prais'd and rewarded him; Exhorting him to continue in his Office as Faithful to Him, as he had bin to the King deceas'd. And thus we generally impose upon others, what we are very unwilling to endure our selves.

CHAP. IX. Of the Priviledge and Power of the King in Ecclesiastical and Civil Affairs.

The Kings Power absolute: Experienc'd by the Jesuits. Alphonsus the Patriarch offends the King. He claims the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. He abrogates the Latin Religion; calls Synods: He forbears the right of Nomination: not bound by the Secular Laws. He has no Estates. The benefit of them: He enjoyes all Royal Priviledges, but makes not use of all: Hunting Lawful for all. Private persons have nothing proper. The King takes and gives as he pleases: Certain Families excepted.

THe Power of the Abessinian Kings is absolute, as well in Ecclesiastical as Civil Affairs. Of which the Fathers of the Society have had sufficient experience; in whose favour, and to whose disadvantage he has exercis'd his supream Ec∣clesiastical Authority, without ever consulting the Patriarch of Alexandria: First when he put forth several Edicts, for re∣ceiving the Roman Religion, and abrogating the Alexandrian Ceremonies: which was done with the consent of the Fa∣thers. Afterwards the state of Affairs changing, when he dispenc'd by public Edict with certain Ceremonies that were indifferent, Alfonsus the Patriarch reprov'd him. It is not lawful, said he, for a King to put forth any such Edict, as being purely Ecclesiastical, and belonging to the Priestly Office: and You ought to remember what the High Priest said to King Uzziah. It belongs not to thee, O King Uzziah, to offer incense to the Lord, but to the Priests, the Sons of Aaron, who are consecrated to that Mini∣stry, get thee forth out of the Sanctuary, for it will not be imputed to thee as an honour by the Lord God; to which the Patriarch added the Punishment that follow'd. The King for that time gave way to the Patriarch, and publish'd the Edict in another manner and form. But not brooking the Comparison made between him and Uzziah, among other things he gave the Patriarch this answer. Wherefore didst thou bid us be mindful of Uzziah, and wherefore didst thou compare us with him? He was therefore punish'd by God, for usurping the Office of the Priest which did not become him; and because he offer'd Incense and Sacrifice to God, which We never attempted to do: onely We commanded an Edict

to be publish'd about those Indifferent things which were agreed on be∣tween Us both.

Nothing more incens'd the King, but that he saw his Pre∣rogative call'd in question, which for so many Ages had bin enjoy'd by his Ancestors, and which was never deny'd by the Patriarch of Alexandria, even before the Schisme. Nor was he ignorant what the ancient Emperours after Constantine had done in the same Cases. Nor was he so dull of apprehen∣sion, as not to be able to distinguish between Episcopal rules, and Kingly Jurisdiction, which he thought belong'd to him∣self. Which Prerogative, tho he had a great Reverence for the Patriarch, he would not part with, but rather chose to publish another Edict, which tended manifestly to the Dimi∣nution of the Patriarchal Power. For the Patriarch had or∣der'd a certain Monk to give some part of his Ecclesiastical Revenues to a certain Parish. The Monk would not obey; but complain'd to his Superiour, one Iceg, who obtain'd a Decree from the King, wherein the Patriarch was enjoyn'd to keep to the Rules of the Metropolitans of Ancient Ethiopia; and that Iceg should enjoy his due Priviledges.

His Prerogative in Ecclesiastical Affairs was most apparent∣ly made manifest, by the making of that severe Decree for the abrogating the Latin Worship, and restoring that of Alexandria. Moreover, the King summons the Synods of the Clergy, as often as need requires; he sends for the Me∣tropolitan out of Egypt; exercising plenary Jurisdiction over him and all the rest of his Clergy: and punishing them ac∣cording to the nature of their Offences, which the Examples recited by Alvarez, sufficiently demonstrate. In one thing however he differs from our European Kings, that he never nominates to Ecclesiastical Benefices. For the Patriarch of Alexandria, sends a Metropolitan, at the request of the King indeed; but he knows not who or what he is. He also ad∣mitted the Patriarch, whom the Pope sent, tho not he but the King of Portugal nam'd him.

Neither are there in Ethiopia any other Ecclesiastical Dig∣nities; and therefore the Prerogative of nominating Bishops and Archbishops, signifies little or nothing. In Seculars he acknowledges no positive Laws. And well it were that he did not think himself also altogether free from the Funda∣mental

Laws of his Realm, upon which the Safety of the Kingdom depends.

For Naod dispenc'd with the wholesome Constitutions of his Ancestors, by vertue of which the Kings Children were sent to the Rock of Amhara. And Malec-Saghed would have preferr'd his natural Son Jacob before his Brothers Legitimate Son Zadenghel; both which prov'd very disadvantagious pre∣sidents to the whole Nation.

But such things frequently come to pass, where the King∣dome is without Estates. For they are the most Trusty Guar∣dians of the Law, and the true Bulwarks of the Peoples Li∣berty against the Encroachments of the Ambitious. For they have a more vigilant eye and tender care over the Common∣weal, of which they are themselves Members, than the Friends of Princes, whose Fortunes hardly descend to their Heirs; so that a man may admire at their Counsels, who ta∣king away the Priviledges of Estates, endeavour to assume the whole Power into their own hands, as deeming every slight bond of the Law, to themselves heavy and intollerable. So that they are forc'd to distribute those Favours and Kind∣nesses which are due to their fellow Citizens, among the Souldiery, whose fidelity is brittle and inconstant: not caring who are poor, so they be rich: and many times the Souldiers turn those Arms which were put into their hands for the de∣fence of their Prince, against him; being put upon the fer∣ment either by the Ambition or the Wealth of some parti∣cular person. Which in Habessinia, as in all other absolute Goverments, frequently happens to the destruction of those that bear the sway.

He has also the sole disposal of Peace or Warr, and indeed all the Prerogatives that a King can claim (both the greater and the lesser Regalia) are solely at his devotion; tho he makes no use of many of them, merely because he is igno∣rant of them; as the Prerogative in reference to Metals, Coyning of Money, and the like. As for the liberty of Hunt∣ing, he grants it to all; in regard there are such multitudes of Wild Beasts that breed up and down in the over-grown Woods and high Mountains, that it is not onely troublesome but dangerous to find out their haunts: by which means that

which in other Countries is a Pleasure, to the Abessines be∣comes a Toyl and Detriment.

One thing is much to be admir'd, and rare ev'n among the Turks, which is, that no private person, whether Peasant or Lord, except some few can call any thing his own. All the Lands and Farms in the Country belong to the King, and are held by the Subjects onely at the Kings pleasure, so that no man takes it amiss, if the King takes away their Lands and bestowes them upon another as he pleases himself; and that not onely after two or three years, but also the same year they were given: So that it often happens that one man ploughs, and another man sowes. Whence it comes to pass, that they are more submissive to their Kings, then a Servant to his Ma∣ster, or a Vassal to his Lord: they serve him in Peace and War; and bring him Presents according to their Ability, in hopes of obtaining new Farms, or for fear of losing those they have. For being commanded out of possession, they never grumble, but presently obey without the least distast against the King, or envy to the person that succeeds in their Room. Custome and long use prevailing, while they see the same happening to others. However there are some ancient and Illustrious Families, especially in Tigra, who enjoy by right of Inheritance not only Lands and Possessions purchas'd by their Ancestors, but some certain Prefectures also, retaining their ancient Title; as Bahr-Nagash, Shum Serawè Sirè, Temben, and others; as also Cantiba in Dembea; over whom the King claims no other Authority, than to confer the public Employments every two year, or yearly, or as he pleases, upon others; yet so as that they be of the same Family.

CHAP. X. Of the Power and Revenues of the Habessine Kings.

The Power of the Habessine Kings formerly great; Formidable to their Neighbours; it fail'd after the Saracens came in Play. Yet strong at home till the Adelan War, and Incursions of the Gallans. Easie to be restor'd. The wayes and means. Our Princes unkind to Forraign Chri∣stians. Demonstrated by Examples. They took no care of their Sea Ports. The Kings Revenues the Natural Commodities of the Country; what they are. His Tribute, Farms; Herds; the Prices of things low. The King has enough to supply him both in Peace and War.

SO great and so absolute a Power, and so uncontroulable a Dominion over their Subjects, one would think should render the Kings of Ethiopia vastly Potent: and so no doubt it would, if other things were correspondent. Certainly of old it was vastly great, when they kept their Courts at(o) 1.156 Axuma; for there was no considerable Empire near then to withstand their Fortune: and for that cause the adjoyning petty-Princes were all at the devotion of the Habessinian Kings. But as to what several have written, through mistake or misapplication of the name,(p) 1.157 of their Expeditions into the North parts of Asia, they are all meer fables and figments. Yet this cannot be deny'd, but that formerly they were very terrible to the neighbouring Nations: for they made seve∣ral Expeditions into(q) 1.158 Arabia.

We have already mention'd the Famous and Successful War with Caleb made against the Homerites. With no less Renown, King Cyriacus hearing of the Christian Persecution in Egypt, led a very numerous Army against the(r) 1.159 Muslims. Wherefore Merwan, Captain of the Saracens, upon promise

of mitigating his severity, besought the Patriarch of Alexan∣dria, to perswade the King to desist from his design; which he did, and stopp'd the Progress of the King, till he(s) 1.160 heard that the Christians were better us'd. Which tho it be re∣ported of the King of Nubia, yet several Authors attribute the same to the King of the Abissines; in regard that by the Nubian Geographer, Nubia(t) 1.161 extended to the Fountains of Nile. Gregory also affirm'd the same, and that the History was to be seen in his Country. But when the Saracens grew stronger, and had invaded the Neighbouring Kingdoms, the Abissines, relinquishing Axuma, and turning the force of their Arms against the more upland parts of Africa, enlarg'd their Empire by the Overthrow of several weak and effeminate Nations, no more regarding forraign Countries, or the sub∣duing of far distant Regions: which was the reason that af∣ter that, they perform'd nothing that was memorable abroad. However they were Potent at home, and had under them several petty-Princes that were their Tributaries. And in this Greatness they flourish'd, in the time of Helena and David, till it was not only shaken by that Dreadful Warr with the A∣delans; but so overturn'd, that it never could recover it self af∣terwards. For about that time the Gallans also breaking out, and never after that subdu'd, layd wast and harrass'd the most Opulent and most Noble Provinces of the Empire: and still to this day every year gain upon the rest with their continual Incursions. However, that Power which yet remains is so considerable, that if they would but make use of the Arts and Arms of the Europeans, they might not onely subdue those Barbarians, but also recover their Lost Dominions. For a Kingdom well order'd within, under such a Monarch, where the People are under so much subjection; so large a liberty to do well or ill; if Concord and Unity attended these Op∣portunities, together with a constant method of Counsels, it is impossible, but that they must soon prevail over a wandring Nation, divided among themselves into so many Tribes and Factions. All their truculent and savage fury would be in vain, if the streights of the Mountains were but well forti∣fy'd

and guarded with Field-Pieces. They should also send forth several Colonies, and give them a tast of the Blessings of Peace, by which the wildest of Nations oft-times grow tame. But which is more than all, and which the Habessines most earnestly desire, Towns should be built, and replenish'd with people, and an increase of Wealth be permitted by the En∣couragement of Arts and Arms. Lastly, if the Kng would remit something of his Prerogative which he has over the Estates of the Subject, and reserving those Lands which are already till'd, to himself, would distribute to his Souldiers and the rest of his People such Lands as should be won from the Enemy, every one his proportion, and grant them an ir∣revocable Inheritance of such Lands; settling also Duke∣doms and Earldoms in fee-simple out of the Conquer'd Coun∣tries, upon his Nobility, and best deserving Captains, no doubt but in a short time, it would prove the most flourish∣ing Kingdom in Asia, greatly to the propagation of the Chri∣stian Religion.

And it seems but reason, that in the settling and ordering his Kingdom, the Habessinian Prince should be advis'd and assisted by the European Princes, not onely out of Christian Charity and hopes of propagating Christianity over Africa, but also to lessen the Power of the Turk, which would fol∣low, were the Dominion of the Red Sea but wrested out of his hands, and the Commerce of Egypt spoyl'd. Ah! what pity it is, that we should be so ill affected towards other Christian Nations, that unless they are of the same Opinion with us in all points of Divinity; or unless they promise us large Rewards, or an ample share of their Profits, we can pa∣tiently look on, and see them perish, while the most invete∣rate Enemies of the Christian Faith are enrich'd with the spoyls of their Wealth; not considering that in the end the mischief will redound to our selves: and that we shall one day, unless God in mercy prevent it, dearly pay for our Dis∣sensions.

Thus we forbore to assist the Grecian Emperours, and seve∣ral of the Eastern Princes, till they became at last a prey to the Ottomans. Thus, while none of Us lay'd it to heart, Egypt was reduc'd under the Power of the Turk; a vast addition to their Empire: as if it were a Crime to breed up Doggs to hunt the Wolves. Now the reason why the Abissines do not court with greater ardour the Alliances of the Europeans, is

plain: for it is to be attributed either to their ignorance, or their difference in Opinion from the Latines. Moreover, they fail very much in this, that they permit the Turk to be Ma∣sters of the Ports and Ilands of the Red Sea, whereby it is absolutely at their pleasure what Persons or Commodities shall pass in and out. But they understand not, that there is no Nation can be truly Powerful and Great, that does not Command some Sea-Towns.

As for the Revenues of the King, they are not paid in ready money, but in the natural Productions of the Countries, the most equal sort of Tribute. For some Provinces afford Gold; others Horses, Cattel, Sheep, Corn and Ox Hides, and some few, where Weavers live, send him Garments. They bring their Gold rough and unrefin'd, as they gather it up among the Sands of the Rivers, or digg it out under the Roots of Trees, or else with less Labour find it loose upon the Earth. For they know not how to coyn money, but after the ancient manner, weigh their Mettal, wherein they are many times gull'd by forraign Merchants, who frequently deny the Gold to be pure; and therefore change it for the meanest of their Commodities. How much better might the King provide for himself and his Subjects, should he with Money of his own Coyn, buy up all the Gold in his Kingdom, to his own and the great advantage of his People. Enarea(u) 1.162 pays a Thou∣sand and five hundred Ounces of Gold: formerly much more. To Susneus it pay'd but a Thousand, and sometimes but Five hundred, when the Enareans were either at Wars with the Gallans, or else embroyl'd one with another. Gojam pays every Year Eleven hundred Ounces, and some Garments, to the value of 3000 German Dollars, together with Two hun∣dred Fustian Tapestries, very broad and close woven. Formerly they also pay'd a Tribute of Horses, but Malec-Saghed remit∣ted that, to the end they might be the better able to with∣stand the Gallans. Out of Tigra he receives Five and twenty thousand Patachs. Out of Dembea Five thousand. As much out of other Kingdoms, or sometimes less. There are also several Tolls pay'd, but generally granted to the Nobility for their subsistance; except those of the high Mountain, Lamal∣mona, over which all the Merchants and Merchandize must pass from the Red Sea into Habessinia, which the King reserves

to himself. He also has his Lands and Farms, from whence he is serv'd with Provisions for his Table, ten or twelve Horse-Loads at a time. Lastly, Dembea, Gojam, and Bagemdra find him Corn and Flesh. That which he receives out of Dembea is distributed among the Souldiers which have no Land, or else among the Poor. But his chief Tribute is from the Gra∣ziers, who are bound to pay him every Tenth Oxe or Cow every Three Years: which is as much as if they should pay the 30th every Year. And the whole Empire is so divided, that every Year he has his certain Tribute of Cows and Oxen. Besides, every Year every Christian Weaver pays him a Fu∣stian Garment; Every Mahumetan a Drim, or Patach, which amounts to a Thousand Imperials every Year.

Most certainly the Revenues of this Empire seem to be ve∣ry small, if we consider the Extent of so many Large Pro∣vinces. But on the other side we are to observe, That the Prices of all things are very low. A huge Oxe may be bought for half a Dollar. The Souldiers live upon Flesh and Fish without bread; and Servants Wages are paid in necessary Commodities not in money.

Again, if we consider the plenty of all things; the Abissine Emperour has enough and to spare: not that his Diadem gli∣sters with Gemms or Pearls, or that his Treasuries are full of Money; or that his Cupboards shine with Silver and Gold Plate; or that his Table is spread with Forraign Banquets while his Subjects are in want, -his Courtiers poor, and his Souldiers under penury. But he has that which suffices to afford him moderate Dyet, and slender Cloathing. Then for his Souldiers and his Warlike Subjects, that is to say, his poor People, they, detain'd at home by no delicacies, are ready still to gird on their Swords. Which they who dexte∣rously and courageously know how to weild in a good Cause, need never want Gold nor Silver, nor what ever Mortals esteem pretious and desireable.

CHAP. XI. Of the Royal City of Axuma, and the Inauguration of the King.

Axuma the Metropolis of Habessinia formerly. Now more like a Village. Thus the West forsak'n by the Greek Emperours. The Situation good. The King there formerly Crown'd. The Ceremonies of Inauguration. Some other Towns of Habessinia: They live in Villages. No Forts nor Castles. They wonder great Cities can last.

THe Royal City of the Abissines, and formerly the Me∣tropolis of the whole Empire, is by the(x) 1.163 Habissines call'd Ascum: from whence, as we have already ob∣serv'd, they were formerly call'd Axumites. Of old this City was adorn'd with most beautiful Structures, a fair Palace, and a Cathedral proudly vaunting her Obelisks, Sculptures, and several sumptuous Edifices. Some of the Pillars are still to be seen, with Inscriptions of unknown Letters, remaining ar∣guments of their Antiquity, now demolish'd by the Wars, or defac'd with Age. The City it self, now totally ruin'd, looks more like a Village, than a Town of Note; so fading and in∣constant are those things which men account most durable. How many Cities, how many Monuments now lye in ashes, whose Founders are well known? and how many are yet in being, whose Founders are unknown? As for this, it began to fall to decay by degrees, presently after that the Kings of Habes∣sinia relinquish'd it, and remov'd their Court from thence, as being depriv'd of those advantages that attend the abodes of Princes. Thus the Seat of the Empire being Translated to Byzantium, the West was neglected. And the same Fate, no doubt, had certainly befallen Rome, had it not bin sustain'd by the Care of the Bishops, now the Roman Pontiffs. In the time of the Adelan Warr, the Revolt of the Vice-Roy of Ti∣gra in the Raign of King Menas; and lastly, when the Turks

invaded that Country, it was totally lay'd wast; and now can scarcely shelter a hundred Inhabitants: onely the Ruines still remain, to testifie that once it was great and populous. It is Seated in the Fourteenth degree and a half of Northern Latitude, Encircled with pleasant and fertile Fields which afford a Prospect becoming a Royal Mansion. It lies di∣stant from the Red-Sea Five and forty Portugal Leagues, or six or Seaven tiresom days Journey by reason of the Moun∣tains that lye between. The antient things of Ethiopia were wont to be here inaugurated; nor would Susneus admit of his Coronation in any other place, though when he related the particulars of the Ceremonies to the Commander of the Portugueses, he could not but laugh at them, as ridicu∣lous himself, For many things are to be done by Princes to please the Vulgar, which to others may seem superfluous, Such as were for the most part the Solemn Ceremonies of the Antients inven∣ted by mean Capacities, but retain'd by the more prudent. Tellezius thus sets them down. When Susneus was to be Crown'd, first the Masters of the Ceremonies, read to the King out of their Memorandums, how and in what order every thing was to be perform'd. The Army being drawn up, the Foot march'd first: then follow'd the Horse with their Trap∣pings: after them the Courtiers Comb'd, and neatly habi∣ted: presently appear'd the Emperour himself upon a stately Prauncer, clad with a close Purple Damascene Tunic, and over that a magnificent Attalic Vestment, with narrow Sleeves hanging down to the ground. When they came to a great Stone engraven with Forraign Characters, not far from the Church of Axuma, near to which the Solemnities of the Inau∣guration us'd to be perform'd, the Emperour with all the Courtiers alighting from their Horses, stood upon the Ground that was spread with rich Carpets. At what time the Vir∣gins of Axuma, holding a Silken Cord cross the Street stopp'd the Way, and as the King press'd to go forwards, they hin∣dred him, and ask'd him, Who he was? who answering, I am the King of the Israelites. They reply'd, Surely thou art not our King. Which said, he retir'd smiling. At length being ask'd a third time; he reply'd, I am the King of Sion: and drawing forth his Cimitar, cut the Cord: which done, the Virgin cry'd out, Of a certainty, thou art our King of Sion. Pre∣sently all the Guns they have are fir'd, and the neighbouring Mountains rang with loud Acclamations; the Drums beat

to the noise of the Flutes, and the Trumpets fill'd the Air with harmonious Levets. Which done, the Metropolitan Simeon accompany'd with all the Ecclesiastical Orders of Clerks, Monks, and Canons, singing several Songs and Hymns, conducted the King to the first Porch of the Church, and there set the Diadem upon his Head. The King being crown'd, if it may be so call'd; proceeded forward into the Temple, and there receiv'd the Eucharist; which having done he rode back to the Camp with his Diadem upon his head. For in Ethiopia they use no Scepter. Nor is the Crown any other than a Hatt twice doubled, with an Azure colour'd Silken broad brimm trimm'd with Gold and Silver Plates, in the likeness Lillies; with a row of false stones glistering between every Plate.

Besides Axuma, there are no Cities in Habessinia, and but few Towns. In the Kingdom of Tigra, Dobarva is the Seat of the Vice-Roys: Fremona, the first Residence of the Fathers of the Society, enlarg'd by the Portugueses. Gubay, a Town in Dembea, where the Queen resides. Nanina in Gojam, long inhabited by the Portugueses. Macana celace, in Amhara. To reck'n up more is not worth the while: neither is it certain whether those already mention'd are standing or no. For in regard of the meanness of the Building, there is nothing of invitation to hinder their being deserted and layd wast by the Inhabitants themselves; in regard the Habessines choose ra∣ther to live after the manner of Villagers, not caring that their Houses should joyn one to another; which saves them many Suits in Law. For they never fear any Actions about Party-Walls, stopping up of Lights, or Nusances of Water-Courses. In places that are fertile and till'd, you shall see the Fields, as it were, planted with Houses, which affords no unpleasant Prospect. They have neither Castles nor Forts. The Celebrated Mountains of Amhara are their onely Cita∣dels, where the Kings Children were formerly committed to Custody. The Habessines wonder to hear of so many great Cities among Us. For they do not believe the Country can afford Timber and Food sufficient for so many Houses, nor the Cattel that must support such Numbers of People, remain∣ing so long in one place. For they pitch their Tents up and down the Country, and cut down and make havock of what ever they have need of, without any consideration of the dammage, or regard to the future. For they neither Navi∣gate

their own Rivers, neither do they know what belongs to Carriage or Stores; living without any care of to Mor∣row.

CHAP. XII. Of the Kings Court, his Titles, and his Court-Officers.

The Kings live in Tents: P. Pays built a Palace. The Kings Table. Wo∣men attend: Plain dyet. The King and the Nobility cramm'd. They drink after they have done: They read the whole Psalter before meales. The ancient manner of receiving Ambassadors: now chang'd. Formerly two Court Officers: discontinnu'd. The Ras now chief Minister in Peace and War. Officers beside.

AFter the Kings of Habessinia left Axuma, they never had any constant Mansion, nor any Palaces, but contented themselves to live in Tents. But at length Peter Pays built the King a Palace after the European manner, which cost him an incredible deal of Labour and Industry; for that in regard of the want of Artists, he was forc'd to teach them every thing, and to look after the Work like a Master-Buil∣der. He chose to build this House in a most commodious and delightful place call'd Gorgora, being a kind of Peninsula, almost surrounded by the Tzanic Lake, where the King was wont to take up his Winter-Quarters, and contriv'd it very spacious and beautiful, with Rooms of State, Bed-Chambers, Galleries, Battlements and Balconies, which yielded a most pleasant Prospect over the Lake, and the Neighbouring Fields. Insomuch, that it was not inferiour to the Country Palaces of some of our Europeans Princes. The Abessines were amaz'd when they saw one story rais'd above another, which they thought could never have bin done: and call'd it House upon House. Nor till that time did they believe the Fathers, when they told them of the numerous and splendid Palaces, Sumptuous Cathedrals, and Stately Monasteries in Europe. For those things they related to the Abessines, to make them in love with the Magnificence and Majesty of the Roman Church.

The Garniture of the Kings Table is much different from

ours. For no person is admitted into the Room while the King is at Dinner; or if any of the Nobility be invited, they must stay till the King rises: then they take their places at the same Table, and eat the Kings Leavings, which is look'd upon as a very great Honour. Yet the Fathers of the Society were admitted to Dine by themselves, in the same Room next to Susneus's Bed-Chamber. To which purpose there were two low little round Tables, about Eighteen Spans in Compass, brought in to the Room and plac'd upon the Ground which was spread with Carpets; one lesser for the King, another bigger for the Fathers, but without Table-Cloaths or Napkins: instead of which they made use of thin Wafers made of Wheat or Rie past. So that their Table∣cloaths serv'd them for Bread, which there was no need for the Servants to take away, fold up, or wash: no Trenchers, Knives, Forks, nor Spoons: no Salt-seller, no Pepper or Su∣gar-box; nothing of Extravagant was there to be seen: A great Ease to them in time of Warr; to us an impediment, while so many Carts, so many Waggons are requir'd to carry Kitchin Utensils, and Kitchin Officers, to pleasure our Luxu∣ry. The Meat is serv'd up by Women, not in Gold or Silver Dishes, but in broad Earthen Platters, which would never tempt an European Thief. They are made of black Clay, with covers of Straw neatly woven and painted. The meat is very ordinary, Flesh and Broths of several sorts boyl'd after their fashion. So soon as the Dishes are marshall'd; the Hangings are presently let down, lest any one should see the King while he is eating: and truly there is good Reason why. For, the King and the chief Nobility, a thing you would think almost incredible, account it a great trouble to lift their hands to their mouths. And therefore the Children belonging to Court, take the meat and put it in their mouths, and if the Gobbets be too bigg, they thrust 'em in, as they do that cramm Capons. The crumms that fall, sometimes they put again i' their chopps after they are well soak'd in the Broth. A way of eating that may well deserve a good thick covering: as being a sight, that would certainly cause our squeamish Stomachs, that will hardly eat off of one an∣others Trenchers, to rise a hungry. But this is common both to Lord and Peasant, that they never drink till they have done feeding.

One thing we must not omit, which is, that they always read Prayers both before and after meals: a thing that some of our Courtiers are in a manner asham'd of, who will hard∣ly tarry to hear a short Grace; while here you shall have the whole Psalter repeated at their great Feasts, without any in∣convenience to the Guests: For he whose Office it is, distri∣butes to every one a part. The King and they that are ac∣custom'd to it, know their proper time. The larger Psalmes are divided among more, the shorter to one singly. And thus by several, the whole Psalter is read, as it were, in a moment. For the Psalter is made use of by all: neither have they any other Book for dayly Prayer.

Their manner of giving Audience to Ambassadors is diffe∣rent from what it was in former times. For Alvarez relates how that after long waiting, and a deal of haughty formali∣ty, the Portugal Embassadour, Lodowic Limaeus, was four times ask'd From whence he came? and that he receiv'd no other an∣swer the first day, but that They were Welcome: nor were they admitted to the King; and yet Presents were to be left. Nor was the Embassadour to be Visited by any one, before he had kiss'd the Kings hands. At length, after he had bin several times call'd, he was first admitted to discourse the King, the Hangings being let down between them; and at last, with much ado, to see and salute the King. Of which the chief Reason was thought to be, because he had brought no Pre∣sent (for it is not lawful to appear before the Eastern or Afri∣can Kings, without an acknowledgment) or else because he wanted the Kings Credentials. Which superbness is now a days layd aside; for that being humbled by so many Losses and Calamities, they begin to reckon Urbanity and Civility among the rest of the Vertues.

Among the Court Employments, the chiefest Dignity was that of the Person who was call'd Bahtudet, of whom one was of the Right hand, and the other of the Left. They were the chief Ministers of State, and manag'd all Affairs, and were entrusted with all the Kings Secrets; with them alone the King consulted; few others being admitted into his Pre∣sence: as if Majesty were more Venerable when conceal'd. But afterwards so much Greatness in Subjects began to grow

irksome to the Kings; and some there are also that abuse their Power: few men being able to contain themselves within those Bounds of moderation, to be able to do all things, and yet not to covet all things. For there are many Examples of those, who out of a desire of preserving their Greatness, have requited their Masters with ill Turns for Fa∣vours of the highest nature; making use of that authority which they receiv'd from their Princes, to their mischief. By which means Kings have bin overwhelm'd by the hatred of the People; or else have bin forc'd to pull down that Great∣ness with extream hazard, which they themselves advanc'd. Those Princes act more prudent that keep the Power in their own hands, never trusting to the Management of one single Person. Neither are they less provident Ministers, who ne∣ver affect it: For the Grand Affairs of a Kingdom are more safely and easily manag'd by Plurality.

To these succeeded another Chief Officer whom the Ethi∣opians call Ras, from the Arabic word which signifies a Head. The reason of whose institution at first, was for the Command of the Army. But as Warlike Command, and Martial Fame excell all other accomplishments; it came to pass in a short time, that these chief Generals advanc'd themselves above all others, to govern the Kings Counsels, and so by degrees to be the chief Ministers of State for the management of all Affairs, both Forraign and Domestic, such a one was Ras-Athanasius, who first deposed Zadenghel, and then Jacob, so that Susneus did not hold it convenient to confer so great a dignity upon any person, unless it were by his Brother by the Mothers side, by name Ras-Selach. Next to him, there are two Comptrollers of the Court. The upper Comptroller, who is called Bellatenot-Gueta, as much as to say Master of the Officers, whose jurisdiction reaches all Inferior Vice-Roys, Prefects, Governors of Provinces, and Judges. The other is called Dakaka Bellatenot-Gueta who comtroles the Houshold Servants, the Grooms and such like, who are ge∣nerally of mean Condition, and of several Nations. Slaves also set free are admitted to Dignities and Offices. For the Kings believe their Slaves, when freed, will be most faithful, as owing to their Fortunes to none alive besides.

Next in Dignity to the Court Officers, are the Vice-Roys, and Princes, Camp-Masters, Senators, and Kings-Counsel∣lors, who are called the lesser Judges and Magistrates with∣out any distinction of Superior or Inferior Judges: for they have equal Jurisdiction and Cognizance of all Crimes. The Captain of the Kings Guard they call the Guardian of the Fire, not without reason comparing the King to Fire. For that they who are Servants to Kings and Princes, receive heat and warmth from them as from the Fire; though if they act not prudently, they may chance to be cruelly burnt.

CHAP. XIII. Of the King's Camp.

The Kings Tent described: The Camp pitch'd in great order. The same al∣ways. It consists of four parts: formerly in Shewa, now in Dembea. How large. As it were a Marching City; the great Power of the Camp-Masters.

WHatever others have feign'd concerning any other Royal City or Metropolis, besides Axumas, are meer Fables. For the Kings of Habessinia live continually in Tents, whether it be that they are not accustomed to Houses, or that their frequent Wars and tedious marches will not ad∣mit of long rest. The Kings Pavilion is a very large one, of white colour placed in the middle of the Camp; there being a large space of Ground left void round about it; as well to prevent the Casualties of Fire, as also to receive the Horses of the Nobility and those that bring Provisions. Next to him, the Grandees, the Friends and kindred of the King and the rest of the Courtiers pitch up their Apartments. The whole Camp consists of four parts, every one of which has his Camp-Master. The first part is call'd the Front; and the Camp-Master is call'd Fit-aurari. The Hindmost part is call'd Chuala. The First Camp-Master goes before to take up convenient Ground where there is store of Wood and Grass, chiefly near some River or Lake, to prevent want of Water. Having chosen out his Ground; he fixes a Pole in the Earth with the Royal Banner at the Topp; upon the sight whereof, they that measure for the Nobility, set up

their Masters Lodgings. After them the Common Soul∣diery, and others that follow the Camp either for Victuals, or else upon business. And thus in a few hours time the whole Camp appears in the same Order as it was before. For every one knowes his place and his proportion, there being never any alteration of the Order, but the same Streets and Lanes, the same distance of Tents, so that were it not for the variation of the Prospect, other Mountains, other Rivers, and another Face of the Country, you would think your self still in the same place. When the Cryer has once proclaim'd the day of Removal, they presently know how to pack up their Baggage, and in what order to march without any more ado; who are to march in the Front, who in the Rear; who on the Right, who on the Left hand: so that all things are done without Noise or Tumult.

Neither is there any thing which more commends the In∣dustry of the Abessines. For what they have acquir'd by long use and continual War, they still retain; never pester'd with confusion either marching or sitting still. The constant disposal and largeness of the Camp may be understood from hence, that the same Dialect and the same words continue in the same Streets and Quarters: in other Quarters another sort of words, and a different Dialect: as for Dala, a word used in the Front of the Camp, which signifies to put in; the Vulgar in the Rear Quarter say, Tshammara. Of old, before the Gallans conquer'd it, the Camp was pitch'd in Shewa, a fertile and most plentiful Countrey. But for the most part in December, and that for three or four years together in one place. In the beginning of Susneus's Reign in the year 1607, they pitch'd at Coga. Thence they remov'd to Gorgora, in the year 1612, from thence to Dancaza; and lastly to Guen∣dra which place, Bernier because he had heard perhaps that it was the Residence of the King, calls the Metropolis of Ethiopia; of which perhaps in a few years there will be no∣thing to be seen.

These Camps take up a vast deal of room, as well in the Summer as in the Winter, for they do not onely contain the Souldiers, but their Wives and their Children, whose work it is to bake their Bread, and make their Hydromel. So that the weak and helpless multitude far exceeds the number of

the Souldiery. Nor are they without Merchants and Trades∣men of all sorts, besides Slaves and Lackeys, necessary for such a Multitude: So that the Camp looks more like an Am∣bulatory City, and moving Houses, then a Martial Camp. So many Tents and Pavilions seeming a far off to repre∣sent the Prospect of some great Town. But less wonder∣ful is that which is reported out of India; That near the Island of Sumatra, there are certain Cities, if they may be so call'd, which are always swimming, and yet great Markets and Fairs are kept therein; and many People live there who have no other Country or Habitation.

Now for the Camp masters whom the Ethiopians call Sebea Catine, they carry a great sway in managing the Succession of the Kings, and affairs of greatest moment. The Kings also themselves are guided by them in making and abrogating Laws; and generally they are the first springs of Faction and Sedition. And as formerly the Pretorean Bands gave Laws to Prince and People, so among the Habessines the effect of all Consultations good or bad derive themselves from the Camp.

CHAP. XIV. Of the Military Affairs of the Habessines.

Continual war. The Winter causes a Truce. The Habessines good Soldiers. Strong and active. They serve without pay. They plunder the Countries as they march. The Gallans secur'd by their Poverty. The Habessines igno∣rant in Fire-Arms. Few Muskets, and fewer Musketeteers. Their Armies consist most of Foot. Light Armour. Drumms us'd by the Horse. Their Weapons. Bad Discipline: because they count it no shame to flie. Their Onsets furious. Their Rocks are their Fortresses. The King Commands in chief. Theives unpunish'd.

THat the Habessines are a Warlike People and continually exercis'd in War, we have already declar'd: neither is there any respit but what is caus'd by the Winter, at what time by reason of the Inundations of the Rivers, they are forc'd to be quiet. For they have neither Ships nor Boats: neither do they know how to make Bridges to com∣mand a passage over their violent Streams. Concerning which, Gregory wrote to me in these words.

There is no making War in Ethiopia in the Winter time; neither does the Enemy attack us, nor we them; by reason of the great falls of Rain and the Inundations of the Rivers.

Tellezius also further testifies, That the Habessines are good Souldiers. They ride and manage a Horse well; and rea∣dily take Arms; as well in obedience to their Soveraign, as for other causes already mention'd. They are strong, They endure hunger and thrist beyond belief, and with lit∣tle sustenance can brook any unseasonable sort of weather. They serve without pay: contented with honour and ap∣plause, and such Lands, as the King after the Roman Cu∣stom bestows upon the well deserving. Therefore they must certainly be thought to sight much more generously and faithfully in the defence of their Countrey then Hire∣lings. They expect no part of the Enemies Booty, nor no redemption, and therefore never serve them in the Field. and because they know not the art of protracting a War, therefore they never are sparing of themselves to return home rich. However the Poverty of the Souldiers impo∣verishes

the Countries through which they march. For in regard it is a difficult thing to carry Provisions over such steep and rugged Mountains, and long wayes, they take by force what is not freely given them; and by that means lay wast their own Countries no less then their Enemies: whereby the poor Countrey people are constrain'd to turn Souldiers, and so taught to deal by others, as they were dealt with them∣selves. For which reason they neither can vanquish nor make any long pursuit after the Gallans; who being retir'd with their Droves, the Pursuers find nothing left behind but Lands untill'd, and empty Cottages. So invincible a Fortress is Poverty to withstand the stoutest Enemy. But, as we have said already, Those Gallans might easily be van∣quish'd, did but the Habessines know the use of Muskets. Tel∣lezius writes, that they have among them about fifteen hun∣dred Musquets, but not above four Musqueteers, and they but very bad Fire-men neither; neither do the Comman∣ders know how to place and order them to the best advan∣tage: and therefore after they have once discharg'd, the Enemy rushes on so furiously before they can charge again, that they they are forc'd to to throw their Musquets away: and then another thing is; they have but very little Pow∣der.

The biggest Army which the King brings now into the Field hardly amounts to Forty thousand Men, among which he has not above Four or Five thousand Horse, the rest are all Foot. Their horses are couragious and mettlesome, but they never get upon their backs till they are ready to charge the Enemy: at other times they ride their Mules, and lead their Horses. They are slightly arm'd after the manner of the antient Velites; and tho their Stirrups are no bigger then onely to thrust in their great Toes, least if the Horse should fall, their feet should be hung in the Stirup, yet they sit ve∣ry fast. Their Weapons are Swords and Darts, as also Launces and short Javelins, with which they fight at a distance; after which they dispute it hand to hand with their Swords or Launces, and Bucklers. Their War like Musick for the Horse are Drums much bigger then ours, and the King's, which are the biggest, go by the name of the Bear and the Lyon. Besides which, several Hornes and Fifes march before Him. They for the most part, are

arm'd with two Spears, of which they dart away the one at a distance, and maintain a close fight with the other, de∣fending themselves with their Bucklers. The Horse never fight a foot, nor the Foot a horseback: a practice very necessary in such a Country, where many times there is no use of Horse. In brief, the Military Discipline of the Habessines is very irre∣gular; rather the fault of the Captains that know not how to command them, than of the Souldiers. For they run away without any fear of Infamy or Punishment: neither do they know how to rally when they are once disorder'd; so that the first array being broken, the rest are carry'd away like a Torrent: neither do they strengthen their Wings with Re∣serves; neither do they separate the Veterans from the Raw Souldiers, disheartning the Courage of the one, by the unequal mixture of the other. The fury of the first Onset for the most part wins the Field: for which reason, the Gallans surpassing the Habessines in heat and violence, have so often vanquish'd them. They are not easily perswaded to avoid the Combat, believing it sloathful and dastardly to tire out an Enemy by delay, and wait for opportunities. Which has bin the Ruin of many of their Kings, that have joyn'd Battel with more Cou∣rage, than Prudent Advice. The Kings themselves, for the most part bred up in the field, command their own Armies themselves; or else they create a Ras, to command in their stead.

One thing more remains behind, That this Country is ve∣ry much infested with Robbers as well as Enemies; who many times robb in Troops like Souldiers, and very much in∣fest the Roads; and this without any searching after, or care taken to punish them; by reason that the King and the Gover∣nours being wholly busied with continual Wars, have no time to ridd the Nation of these Vermin, who being pursu'd, pre∣sently shelter themselves among the Rocks and Mountains.

CHAP. XV. Of the Wars in the last Century, Especially of the Fatal War of the Adelans.

Their ancient Wars incertain; the distance between Egypt, and our Ethio∣pia. Caleb's Expedition into Arabia. The Wars of the last Century: First the Adelan dreadful. The Lamentations of the Ethiopians at Rome. Caus'd by the sloath and voluptuousness of their Princes: The assistance of the Turk, and Fire-Arms: The Portugals assist the Habessines. The Enemie vanquish'd by Gomez. His Fame; His Fidelity tempted by Grainus: but in vain: They both act warily: Grainus fights, and his Horse shot under him. A second Battel. The Enemies Camp taken. Go¦meus forces the Jews Rock. Gomez wounded, kill'd, his death reveng'd by Claudius. Grainus overcome and slain. The Kingdom at quiet. The Adelans recover strength, vanquish and kill Claudius. To whom Menas succeeds, who is also slain in the Field. Serzadenghel vanquishes the Turk. Civil Wars after his death.

WE shall forbear to set down over-ancient or incer∣tain Relations, concerning the Expeditions of the Kings of Ethiopia into Egypt, in regard it does not ap∣pear to us, what part of Ethiopia those Writers mean; or how far the Empire of the Abessines of old extended. For those things which Historians have deliver'd to memory in refe∣rence to the Ethiopians adjoyning upon Egypt, are not presently to be apply'd to the Ethiopians. For that the distance between Egypt and our Ethiopia, comprehends Eight or nine degrees, or a hunder'd German Miles and more. In which wide space, Nubia was seated, so that there might be Kings of other Ethi∣opick Nations next to that. And therefore till we see the Histories themselves of the Abissines, we are unwilling to publish Incertainties for Certainties. But that the Habessines did make several Famous Expeditions into Arabia, is a thing not to be question'd; insomuch, that some of them have made a Computation of their Years from thence: and that the Kingdom of the Homerites was totally subdu'd by Caleb, we have already declar'd. To omit then several other Wars wag'd with their Neighbours, the Stories of which are to us unknown: as for example, that with the Nubians in the 25th Year of the former Century, recorded by Alvarez; the most lamentable and most fatal was that War which they enter'd

into with the Adelans their Ancient Enemies. True it is in∣deed, that in the beginning of his Raign, David vanquish'd them in several Battels. But after the Turks had vanquish'd Egypt, and some Ports of the Red Sea, the Adelans, strengthen'd by their assistance, turn'd the Scale of Fortune, and were al∣ways Victors. For King Adelis sent one Ahmed, a Mahumetan, vulgarly call'd Grainus, or Grannus, that is to say, Left-handed, with an Army to invade Habessinia, and revenge the Losses of the Adelans. He, about the Year 1526, subdu'd all Fata∣gara. For the first two Years the War was carry'd on with various Success; but the next Twelve Years to the Year 1540, at what time King David deceas'd, the Habessines had the worst of it. The King having lost the choicest of his Kingdoms, and his Second Son Menas, who was taken Prisoner, languish'd out the rest of his days in the Rock Da∣mus. And indeed the Habessines were brought to that low and miserable Condition, that they began to despair of their Countrey. For such are the Lamentations which we find made by those that liv'd at Rome, in the Epilogue printed after the Gospel of St. John.

Not without reason do we weep, when we call to mind the Captivity of our Brethren, our Countrey layd wast, Our Temples Burnt, our Books and our Sanctuaries consum'd with Fire, and the Profanation of our Monasteries by that wicked and impious Grainus, a Companion for Goats, a Perscutor and Invader of the Sheep, from Waigaci, to the Red Sea.

Among the Causes of such a Torrent of Calamities, these may be reck'nd not to be the least: for that the King, van∣quish'd by his own sluggish humour, had given himself whol∣ly up to the Temptations of Pleasure; so dedicated to Wo∣men, that he permitted some of them to have their Idols in his Palace. Next, the Turks, out of their inbred hatred to Christianity, had supply'd their Mahumetan Friend with Fire-Arms, and such as knew well how to use them; whose Thunder, then by the Abessines first heard, they were not able to endure; nor did they know how to cure the Wounds which the Bullets made, as not being accustom'd to them: besides, that on the other side, the Mahumetans so nu∣merously abounding throughout Abessinia, favourably every where entertain'd those of their own Sect. Many also of

the Abessines themselves, following, as is usual, the Fortune of the Victor, forsook their Native Soveraign: So that now every thing threaten'd utter destruction and desolation, when the King, lurking among the Rocks, began to bethink him∣self of craving Succour from the Portugals. To that purpose in the Year 1535, one John Bermudes, a Portuguese, was sent. Who first arriv'd at Rome in the Year 1538, where he was made Patriarch joyntly of Ethiopia and Alexandria, and after∣wards went into Portugal in the Year 1539, and there ob∣tain'd a Commission from John the Third, to the Vice-Roy of India, to send Assistance to the Abessines. Their Commander was Christopher Gomez, a Person of great Valour, who in the Month of July, in the Year 1541, enter'd the Kingdom with Six small Field-Pieces, and Four hundred and fifty Musque∣teers. At first they had a very severe March: for they wanted Horses and Teams: the Country being so wasted, that they were forc'd to carry their Luggage and Convenien∣cies upon their shoulders over most rugged and steep Moun∣tains. Nevertheless, these Souldiers, few in number, but all choice men, and coveting the honour to restore the King of Habessinia to his Kingdom and his Liberty, patiently under∣went all sorts of hardship. This caus'd a change of Fortune, so that now the late Victors were every where put to flight, astonish'd at the Execution of the Guns. In the first place, Gomez assail'd the Rock Amba-Sanet, which was thought in∣vincible, and forc'd the Enemy to quit it. Whereby he won to himself great Fame, and highly Encourag'd the Habessines. First therefore the Kings Mother, confiding in this small Force, left a certain Rock, which gave access to none, nor permitted any to ascend, but as they were drawn up or let down with Ropes, and chear'd them with her presence. Claudius, who lay sculking in the Kingdom of Shewa, had writ word he would be suddainly with them, but durst not adven∣ture through so many Numbers of the Enemies that lay in the way. So that Gomez with some few of the Habessinians, was constrain'd to bear the whole burthen of the War with a most incredible Courage. The Barbarians were not ignorant of the Gallantry of the Portugals, nor did they believe their own People had hearts sufficient to withstand the Fury of the great Guns. And therefore thinking it convenient as well to try the Disposition of Gomez, as to spie what Force he had, they sent certain Commissioners to him, pretending to blame

blame his rashness, and to offer him safe Conduct, as being deceiv'd by the Abessines, if he thought fit to return. But Gomeus, as it were provok'd with the indignity they had put upon him, gave them an answer that favour'd both of fierce∣ness and contempt, telling them, That he was sent by the most Potent King of the Portugals, to revenge the Injuries done to the Habessines; and that his coming was not to return again, but to fight Grainus. The Enemies Force in that place was 15000 Foot, and 1500 Horse, together with 200 Turkish Musque∣teers, whom Gomeus had most reason to fear. But he confi∣ding in the Courage of his own men, tho but a small parcel, resolv'd upon a Battel. However, he keeps within his Camp. On the other side, Grainus would not stir, well knowing the Portugals had Provision but for a few days; which being spent, they would be forc'd to forsake the Hill where they lay En∣camp'd, and so might be easily environ'd by his Numbers. Nor did that cunning in part fail the Barbarian; for the Por∣tugals were forc'd to forsake their Camp, but could not be sur∣rounded by the Enemy, in regard their Field-Pieces and Mus∣quets struck such a Terror into the Mahumetans, that they, contemning all Orders of their Captain, would not stir. And it so happen'd, that Grainus himself, riding about to force his men on, was wounded in the Hips with a Musquet Bullet, and had his Horse shot under him. The fall of the Captain quite damp'd the Courage of the Souldiers; so that they pre∣sently retreated, and the Portugals keeping the Field, look'd upon themselves as Victors. Twelve days after the Barba∣rians renew'd the Fight, for which the Portugals were pre∣par'd. While both sides fought at first with equal Success, an Accident happen'd, lamentable in sight, but yet the cause of the Victory. For while the Souldiers went with their lighted Matches to fetch Powder, a Barrel took fire, the noise of which so terrify'd the Barbarians Horses, that their Riders not being able to rule them, they disorder'd the Body of the Army; which the Portugals observing, lay'd all their force upon the Turks, who being put to flight, the rest easily fol∣low'd. However, they could not pursue them far, because they had but Eight Horses. Nevertheless the Enemies Camp was taken and plunder'd. This was the work of that Sum∣mer: for the Winter coming on, put an end to farther Action. The Winter now declining, the Portugals, who thought no∣thing too difficult for them to undertake, attack'd another

steep Rock in Samen, call'd the Jews Rock, which was kept by the Adelans, with a Garrison of 1500 men. For it was large, and contain'd many Fields, Meadows, Fountains and Streams. The attempt was occasion'd by a Jew, who had bin formerly Governor of the Rock, who hearing of the Courage of the Portugals, advis'd the taking of it, in regard there were ma∣ny Horses in it, which the Portugueses principally wanted: and the more to encourage them, he promis'd to shew them such by-ways, that they might be able to surprize the Garri∣son; adding withal, That there would be no safe Passage for Claudius, so long as the Enemy held that Pass. Gomez understanding by the Queen that the Jew spake truth, un∣dertook the Enterprize with prosperous Success: for having slain all the Barbarians, he got a Booty there of Fourscore brave Horses, Three hundred Mules, several Slaves, and other good Plunder beside. After which he restor'd the Rock to the Jews, understanding they had always bin faithful to the Habessines.

In the mean while Grainus finding there was no good to be done against the Portugals without Guns and Fire-Arms, sent for immediate Assistance from the Neighbouring Turks, and petty Basha's of Arabia. So that he obtain'd from the Bashaw of Zebid a fresh Supply of Seven hundred, some say, Nine hundred Musqueteers, and Ten Field-Pieces. Some noble Arabians also that were his Friends came to his assistance. Gomez, either knowing nothing of this, or else heighten'd by his two former Victories, never staying for Claudius, as he ought to have done; in regard he delayed somewhat longer than was expected, nor yet tarrying for some of the Portugals who brought Horses along with them: Or whether it were, that he was constrain'd to it, as having no place of Retreat, and did not believe that Grainus himself would appear before the Winter was over, gave the Enemy the opportunity of a Battel. But being over-powr'd by the Turks, he was wound∣ed with a Musquet Bullet in the Thigh. He himself, having lost many of his own Souldiers, and the stoutest of his Com∣manders, by the help of the Night escap'd to a Rock. The wounded and weary were all slain, the rest dispersed them∣selves into the Woods, while the Camp became a Prey to the Enemy. Fourteen only accompanied Gamez, the most of them wounded; who void of all assistance, without food or medicaments, refresh'd themselves by the Fountains

which afforded but small relief. There they were appre∣hended by the Turks and Arabians, and carried to Grainus ex∣ulting for joy of his Success. He causing about a hundred of the heads of the Portuguezes to be brought and laid down before him, upbraided Gomez for his madness in undertaking a War against him: and then after he had receiv'd a stern answer from his Captive, caus'd him to be tormented to death.

After that misfortune, the King came up, sad for the loss of Gomez, whom he desired most earnestly to have beheld with his Eyes. Nor were they less sad to whose assistance he came, as well for the loss they had receiv'd, as because he had brought so few Forces with him. Therefore they lay still three or four months, till they could raise more. They being come, the Portugals, who were now reduc'd to a hundred and twenty, and yet zealous to revenge the death of their Captain, were very urgent with the King to fight, giving him great hopes of Victory. For they had intelli∣gence that the Turks were return'd home, leaving only two hundred behind them: whether by Command of their Bas∣sha, or taking it ill that Gomez was not deliver'd to them. The King, though he had not above Eight thousand Foot, and Five hundred Horse, resolv'd to follow the Inclinations of the Portugals. And first in a slight skirmish he routed some of the Barbarian Forces that marched before; Then sets upon Grainus himself, who led an Army of 13000 men, and vanquish'd him; Grainus himself, the Terror of Habessi∣nia for so many years, was shot with a Musket Bullet by a Portugueze, who reveng'd the death of his Captain. All the Turks but fourteen were slain. The head of Grainus was exposed to the view of the People in several Provinces and Kingdoms of Habessinia, to the great comfort of the behold∣ers. For upon the sight of it, the Abissines recover'd Vigour and Courage; They congratulated their Kings Success; and they who had revolted, return'd to their duty, pretend∣ing necessity for the fault committed. The King consider∣ing the condition of those times, thought it convenient to par∣don all, to confirm the wavering, to win the hearts of his People by Clemency, to rally his scatter'd Forces, and to do all those things which were necessary for the re-establish∣ment of his Kingdom. Onely one of the principal Com∣manders,

to whom the King had granted his pardon, the Portuguezes put to death as laying to his charge the Murder of Gomez. His perfidiousness was thought to have deserv'd death; and so justice prevail'd, without any further notice being taken of it. In the mean time, the Gallans, till then an obscure Nation, were neglected, tho they had invaded many Provinces already laid wast by the Adelans; not being look'd upon as such as would have encreas'd so much to the future dammage of the Kingdom. There was still a greater fear of the Adelans, who having in time repair'd their Losses, onely waited an Opportunity to make a New Invasion. Soon after their Spies returning with intelligence that the Habessines were grown secure, and consequently careless, under Nurus their Captain, they again broke into Habessinia with a migh∣ty Force; overthrew Claudius who advanc'd to oppose them, and slew him. After his Death, Menas obtain'd the Crown, hated by the People for his Cruelty. From thence Intestine Wars ensuing, the Turks being call'd into the Kingdom, over∣threw the King in Battel and slew him; which gave them an easie advantage to make themselves Masters of the Port of Arkiko, and the Iland of Matzua. His Son Zerza-Denghel, much more fortunate than his Father, perform'd many brave Atchievements, and beat the Turks of Tigra, but could not regain Arkiko, nor the Iland of Matzua. He raign'd Thirty Years continually vex'd with the Gallans, or harrass'd with Intestine Broyls. After his Death, Civil Dissensions, and deadly Strifes between the Royal Off-spring about the Crown, so weakn'd the Habessines, tormented at the same time with the Gallans, that from that time to this day, they could never Master that Potent Enemy. As to their Wars about Religion, that arose in the time of the Fathers of the Society, we shall speak more hereafter.

CHAP. XVI. Of the Leagues and Embassies of the Habessinians.

To the Portugueses. Helena sent Matthew an Armenian, and wherefore. After a long stay in India. he Arrives in Portugal, Suspected. From Portugal, Odoardus Galvan sent Ambassador. To whom Roderic Linaeus Succeeds. Alvarez his Priest. He after six years dismis'd with Tzagazaabus to the Pope. Which Letters Alvarez carried to Rome. Read at Bononia, and with what effect. Ʋpon receiving the Portugueze Succour, they do not refuse the Latin Religion. Whence hopes of their Embracing the Roman Faith. Letters sent to the Pope. An Ambassie appointed: without Effect. Commerce with the Europe∣ans interrupted: nor admitted unless try'd by Matrimony. Embassies rare in Habessinia, unless to Constantinople: or to Batavia. Embas∣sadors Forrainers. A League with the Persians.

AT what time the Portugueses, making several Voyages into India, made War upon several Nations, their fame reach'd the Abessinians also; who glad that the Power of the Saracens was brought low, and that Egypt and their Patriarch of Alexandria was restor'd to freedom, were in hopes that the Passage to Jerusalem would be open. At the same time also was Peter Covillian among the Habessines, who had given them more certain Relations concerning the Portugue∣ses. Therefore Helena, the Grandmother of David, and Go∣verness of the Kingdom, as we have said, sent an Embassa∣dor into Portugal, one Matthew an Armenian, skilful in Foraign Affairs, and one that understood the Arabic Language, joyn∣ing with him a Young Nobleman of Habessinia. She was willing to employ a Forraigner, either because she could find none among her own People that were fit for such an Em∣ployment; or that she believ'd none of that Nation could get safely into Portugal, that Kingdom being hated by the Neighbouring Nations, by reason of the Pyracies of the Sa∣racens. Mattheus was certainly in danger, and sometimes de∣tain'd a Prisoner among the Arabians, out of whose hands he us'd many devices to escape; and at length got safe to God, to Albuquerquez, Vice-Roy of India, together with his Col∣league. By whom, tho he were nobly there entertain'd, yet he question'd the sending him into Portugal: Because such

an Embassie seem'd no way Correspondent to the Dignity and Grandeur of the famous Presbyter John. And therefore he resolv'd first to expect the Kings Pleasure. Thereupon Matthew being detain'd Three Years in India, at length in the Year 1513. he arriv'd in Portugal. The(z) 1.164 Letters which he brought from Helena, being written with the Ethiopic plain∣ness, without any bombast of gaudy Titles, seem'd to con∣tain more than they that sent them were able to perform. For they freely offer'd safe Conduct, and a Thousand other necessary Conveniences for Ships, which was look'd upon as a piece of boasting Vanity by the Portugals, who perhaps thought the Queen had spoken of the Indian Vessels of those Nations that lay upon the Red Sea. Matthew himself an ordi∣nary Merchant, without any Magnificence of Train, was hardly thought worthy so high an Employment; and they were afraid of future shame for having acknowledg'd a false Embassadour. After many and long delays, at length they were satisfy'd; and in return, another Embassie was decreed to the Habessines, and Odoardus Galvan was sent upon that Employment. He dying by the way, Rodorick Limez was sent in his room, whose Priest was Francis Alvarez, who left behind him an Itinerary, written in the Portugueze Language in a plain and ordinary style, tho afterwards, for Curiositie's sake, translated into several(a) 1.165 Languages.

Six Years Rodoric Limez resided in Ethiopia, before he was dismiss'd by the King, that he might be in a Capacity to make the same return of Kindness to the Portugals. At length he sent him back, joyning with him Tzagazaabus, with Let∣ters to the Pope and the King of Portugal, flourish'd at the beginning, with those usual Titles, which we have already recited. But what is to be admir'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tzagazaabus arriv'd not at Rome, till the Year 1539, being detain'd at Lisbon. Certain other(b) 1.166 Letters were also recommended to Alvarez,

who carry'd them to Bononia, and made a long Discourse of the Respect and Reverence which the Kings of Habessinia had to the See of Rome. They were read before Clement the Seventh, and the Emperour Charles the First, with the general Applause of the Court of Rome; but with no Success. For that Claudius the King plainly deny'd to ratifie either those things, or what John Bermudes afterwards related at Rome to the same effect; as if never given in Command, nor so under∣stood, but that the business of the Embassie, and consequent∣ly the Letters themselves had bin faign'd and contriv'd by the Portugals. However, the Habessinians being reduc'd to very great streights, at the Intercession of Bermudes, had an assistance of Four hunder'd and fifty men granted, and sent into Habessinia by the Command of John the Third. But Peter Pays positively writes, That this was done at the request of the Queen of Ethiopia. And that Stephen Gomez who sail'd into the Red Sea to burn the Turkish Ships, and by chance came to an Anchor before the Iland of Matzua, after he had consulted his Councel of Warr, resolv'd to send the said Sup∣ply, as seeming to be for the honour of God and the King. Of which Consultation there had certainly bin no need, if the King had Commanded the Supply before. However it were, that Succour was not onely very necessary, but very advantageous to the Habessines. From which time the Ha∣bessines were not onely gratefully, but honourably receiv'd among the Habessines: nor did they then refuse the Latin Religion, but frequently went to the Portugueze Chappels, and admitted Them into Theirs. Moreover, they also gave Liberty to the Habessinian Women that were marry'd to the Portugueses, to go to Mass with their Husbands, and to par∣take of the same Ceremonies with them. So that during the Raign of Claudius, there was great Hopes both at Rome and at Lisbon, that the Habessinians might be perswaded to embrace the Romish Religion. But that Hope proving vain, there was for some time a Cessation of Embassies, and the Abessi∣nian Friendship with the Lusitanians was almost interrupted; untill by the Artifices of the Fathers of the Society, the Minds of the later Kings were somewhat more inclinably dispos'd to give Obedience to the See of Rome.

Upon that, Letters were written to the Pope and the King

of Spain, who was then also King of Portugal, and answers upon them, which gave an Occasion to Susneus to decree an Embassie into Europe. To that purpose(c) 1.167 Fecur-Egzie was chosen, and with him Antonie Fernandez was joyn'd; who were commanded by unknown and by-ways to Travel Southward, till they reach'd Melinda, upon the Shore of the Indian Ocean, from whence the Passage was more Easie and Safe into India. Thereupon setting forth out of Gojam, they Travell'd through Enarea, from thence into the Kingdom of Zendero, and so to Cambata, the Last Kingdom under the Habessine Dominions. Thence Travelling into Alaba, they were forbid to go any farther, by the Governour of the Pro∣vince, who was a Mahumetan. He apprehended the Embas∣sador with his Train; and had not the Law of Nations bin of some force among the Barbarians (for they had about them to shew both their Letters and Presents from the Emperour) they had bin put to death, with the Law in their own hands. Being by that means set at Liberty, after a Years and seven Months time spent in hard Travel, after many sad Experien∣ces of Savage Barbarity and a Thousand Jeopardies, they return'd home without effecting any thing. Nor can any reason be certainly given, why those unknown and dange∣rous Ways were chosen, thorough so many Barbarous Na∣tions, so many Wild and Desert Countries, when the Road lay so plain through the Kingdom of Denoale in Friendship with the Abissines, to the Port of Baylur, which the Patriarch of Portugal afterwards securely made use of: as if so tedious a Journey had bin impos'd upon the Undertakers, not so much to go upon an Embassie, as for the Discovery of For∣raign Countries, and By-Roads, for the Direction of Travel∣lers.

After that, there happening a difference between them and the See of Rome, all manner of Commerce and Communi∣cation with the Europeans ceas'd: Insomuch, that now they would with great reluctancy admit those whom before they so highly admir'd, and with great difficulty would dismiss, out of their affection to Arts and Sciences; especially, if they suspected them to be Clergy-men, or under Religious Vows.

For which reason they try'd them first, by offering a Wife to every Stranger.

Otherwise, they rarely send any Embassadors abroad, un∣less it be into Egypt, when they have need of the Metropoli∣tan. For they are not onely ignorant of forraign Affairs and Languages, but of the Ways and Roads of other Countries. By reason of their Vicinity to the Turks, and thence their fre∣quent Commerce one with another, sometimes they are forc'd to send Embassadors to Constantinople, as in the Year 1660. So in the Year 1661, one Michael was sent thither with the wonted Presents; a living Tecora; several Skins of dead ones; Pigmies and the like, as Thevenot writes. In the Year 1671, another Embassador was sent, with some of those painted Beasts, and Letters to the Dutch Governour of Bata∣via. But they who are sent, are generally Forrainers, Maro∣nites, Armenians, or else Arabians. But as for what Leonardus Rauchwolf writes in his Itinerary, it is altogether vain and false: That Presbyter John having made a League with the Persians, sent a Persian Bishop with so many Priests, that in Two years time they converted Twenty Christian Cities to the Christian Religion. It seems to be an old and confus'd Relation, and to be understood of that same ancient Asiatic Prester Chan, Neighbouring at that time upon the Persians. But he ascribes this passage to the Emperour of the Abessines, and that it came to pass Twelve years before his coming. Philip Nicolai believ'd him, and inserted this Figment into his Book concerning the Raign of Christ, adding the Year 1562, at what time the Affairs of the Habessines were in their most afflicted Estate.

CHAP. XVII. Of the Vice-Roys, Presidents and Governors of Provinces.

The various Titles of Vice-Roys and Governors. Ded Azmat the Common Title of Presidents. The cause and Original of this Variety; And of the Imperial Title.

THE Vice-Roys, Presidents and Governours of Coun∣tries which the King appoints and layes aside at his plea∣sure, are not call'd by any common sort of Title: but according to the several Kingdoms which they govern, de∣rive to themselves particular Appellations. Some there are who are honour'd with Royal Titles; as,

• Negus Gan. King of Gan,
• Enareja Negus, King of Enarea.

Others are thought worthy the ancient appellation of Na∣gasi, in the Amharil Dialect, Nagash; which word signifies a Ruler, Commander or Lord. And was formerly more espe∣cially attributed to the Ethiopian Kings by the Arabians, as has bin already said: as,

• Bahr-Nagash, Ruler or Regent of the Sea Coast.
• Gojam-Nagash, Regent of Gojam.
• Walaka Nagash, Regent of Walaka.

The word Ras, put absolutely, or with the proper name of the person signifies the Chief Commander or General of an Army: but if the name of the Kingdom be added, it sig∣nifies the Governor thereof; the same with the Germans, Hauptman or Lands-Hauptman; as,

• Angot Ras, Captain of Angot.
• Bugna Ras, Captain of Bugna.

This Title Tzagazaabus assum'd, altho he were but a Monk, while he subscrib'd to the Confession of Faith by him set forth, as followes.

• Bugna Ras, Arch-Presbyter, Tzagaza-ab, Embassador from Jan Beluli Hatze Lebna Denghel.

Some suffice themselves with the Title of Shum, which is otherwise common to all the Governors of Guraga and Cam∣bata.

• Guraga-Shum, Governor of Guraga.
• Cambata-Shum, Governor of Cambata.

whom at other times they call the King of the Hadians.

The Vice-Roy of Tigra, is call'd Macuenen, as Tigre Macuenen, President or Judge of Tigra.

The names of the rest are not to be expounded out of the Ethiopic Language; being perhaps words significative in the vulgar Dialects; as,

• ...Amhara, Tzabfaldam.
• ...Damota, Tzabfaldam.
• ...Shewa, Tzabfaldam.
• ...Dembea Cantiba.
• ...Bagender Azmat.
• ...Gedma-Katen.
• ...Ifata Walasma.
• ...Fatagar Asgua.
• ...Samen Aga-fari.

The Governor of Diabai is call'd Ded-Asmat, which is pro∣perly the common Title of all Presidents, and signifies the Captain of a Provincial Militia, or a Colonel. This diver∣sity of Titles seems to arise from hence, for that the ancient Possessors of these Kingdoms, before they came to be reduc'd under the Power of the Habessines, assum'd those Titles of Dignity to themselves, which afterwards the Vulgar People gave to their several Governors in their distinct Idiomes. Or else the Governors themselves retain'd the ancient names; the Kings of Ethiopia conniving at it, as esteeming it for their Honour to have so many Persons of several Dignities at their devotion. For because the Governors and Vice-Roys of Provinces assum'd to themselves the Titles of Negus, and Na∣gasi, therefore the Ethiopic Kings took an occasion to give themselves the Title of Negusa Nagast, or King of Kings.

CHAP. XVIII. Of the Princes that are Tributary to the Kings of Ethiopia, and of others subject to him, that claim absolute Dominion in their own Territories.

Tributary Princes never Forty, much less Sixty; Gregory acknowledg'd but Four: appointed by the King for a time. That Dignity heredita∣tary to some few. The next equally Subject. The reason. All call'd Ser∣vants, even the Queen herself which seem'd very severe to the Portugals. The same Custom among the Rasses. The Kings Pavilion sacred. The strange behaviour of Suppliants: and various manners of supplicating. How the King carries himself toward Suppliants. The Ceremonies of Suppliants among the Turks and the Indians. The gentleness of the Eu∣ropean Princes begets them love.

THat the Kings of Ethiopia formerly had several Tribu∣tary Kings under them, we have already declar'd.(f) 1.168 Matthew the Armenian reckn'd them up, tho untruly, to the number of Fifty, tho most erroneously. Nor did they write with more Truth, who tell us of Fifty or Forty; when as they have not so many Vice-Roys. Gregory knew but Four, that is so say, the Kings of Sennar, Dancala, Garaga, and Ena∣rea. As for the King of Sennar, he has often revolted and made Warr upon the Abessines. The King of Dencala is a firm Allie, but oblig'd to no sort of Tribute. All the rest, whe∣ther Kings or Governors, are by the King himself appointed to govern such and such Kingdoms and Provinces, and are only pro tempore. Some few there are, that claim a supreme Dig∣nity by right of Inheritance. But all of Royal descent; and all other of the Nobility, who are reputed to derive their Pedigrees from the Israelitish Race, are equally subject to the King; without any distinction of Dukes, Earls, Marquesses and Barons, as(g) 1.169 Matthew fabulously asserts. For the Kings of Ethiopia, as most of the Eastern Kings, deem it not a

decent thing to command Illustrious Families. Not belie∣v••ng that Servitude can be expected from those that are ac∣custom'd to Command themselves. Moreover, they pre∣sume that Hereditary Dignity is an obstruction to Vertue; that Men are more certainly made, than born great; and that they will prove more faithful, whom they have rais'd from the Dust, then such as claim their Fortunes from their Ancestors. Therefore the Kings of Ethiopia accompt them∣selves onely Lords; all others they look upon as Servants: in that particular not sparing their Brothers or their Kindred. So that when they bestow any Government upon them, they use this form, We have created our Servant such a one Go∣vernour of this, or that Province. Nor do they ever discourse them but in the singular number, Thou: whereas we gene∣rally make use in our Language of the second person plural. No other Epithite do they afford their own Queens, tho of the highest Rank of Nobility. We have caus'd to Raign, that is, We have taken to Wife our Servant such a one. Nor do they disdain these Titles: but on the contrary call themselves reciprocally his Servants. This word Servant, was very ill digested by a generous Portuguese, as looking upon the title of Slave, to be a disgrace to him that was a Freeman. And therefore he offer'd a good Summ of Money to him, that, according to Custome, was to proclaim the Government con∣ferr'd upon him, to leave out the word Servant, and onely to proclaim his bare name; but could not obtain it. Nor is the Negus of Ethiopia to be tax'd for this alone, seeing all the Princes of Africa and Asia use the same Custom. The same So∣vereignty is claim'd and maintain'd by the Russian Emperour; whose Grandees never call themselves any other then Golop, his Servants; nor in their Letters which they write to him do they subscribe their names any otherwise than in the(h) 1.170 Di∣minutive. We are also to understand, That the word Gabre, or Servant, has a more diffusive signification among Them than among Us. For it extends not to real Slaves alone, but their Subjects and Domesticks. And indeed, to say truth, they differ but little from Slaves, who are bound to observe their

King at all times with Body, having nothing at all of Pro∣perty, to which they can lay the least claim. Nor are the Ceremonies less servile by which they testifie their Submis∣sion and Reverence to their King. The Bah-tu-ded himself the Chief of his Ministers, as Alvarez relates it, stood before the King's Pavillion, naked up to his Thighs, with his Head and his right hand almost touching the Earth, and a poor Linnen swath-band about his forehead, crying out thrice, Abeto, or most merciful Lord. Being ask'd according to Cu∣stome, Who he was? he answer'd, He was the meanest of the Court, that Saddl'd the Kings Carriage Horses, ready prepar'd to obey all Commands. When the Kings Messenger, whom they call Kol Hatzè, the King's Voice, declares the King's Com∣mands afoot, it behoves all that hear to be afoot. Neither is it lawful to ride up to the King's Pavillion, no more than if it were to some Altar, but the person must always alight at a distance.

Suppliants having occasion to make their Petitions to the King, stand in a certain place, and instead of Petitions which they know not how to write, betimes in the Morning with loud Voices and different Tones, whereby they may be se∣verally distinguish'd by their Countries, they wake the sleeping King, beseeching him to hear their complaints. They of Amhara and Shewa, and those that use the same Dialect, redouble these following Exclamations as fast as they can speak, Shan Hoi, Shan Hoi, My King, My King. Some add Belul Hoi, Shan Hoi, Belul Hoi; My Apple of my Eye, My King, My Apple of my Eye.

Hence Tzaga-za-abus compos'd his ridiculous Shan Belul, (by others more corruptly Beldigian) King Apple of my Eye, much more ridiculously render'd(i) 1.171 High or Pretious John.

The Tigrenses, in their Supplications, cry out, Hadurije, My Lord.

The Inhabitants of Dembea and Dara, Jegja, or Our Lord.

Those of Gafata and Gojam, Abkawo, O Father of Orphans.

The Mahometan implores his own Ja Siddi, or, O my Lord.

Those of Gonga and Enarea, Donzo, Lord.

The Lusitanians in their own Language make use of their own Senhor, Senhor, Senhor, till they are heard. The Barba∣rians, the more savage they are, so much the more harsh and obstreperous in their Tones. For the Gallans, like so many Wolves, howl out their Hu, Hu, Hu. Others bark like Doggs, or imitate the inarticulate noises of Wolves, Apes, and other Wild Beasts, to the end they may be thereby the better distinguish'd. But the more Civiliz'd, and those that be∣long to the Camp use no other exclamation, but that of their Abeto, Abeto, Abeto, or Lord, Lord, Lord: which Appellation of Honour is attributed not onely to the King, but to all those whom we call(k) 1.172 mild and merciful Lords. Others addressing themselves for relief, make use of other expressions, by which they think the King may be most honour'd; salu∣ting him by the name of Sun, or Lord of their Hearts. But the Monks, unless access be permitted them, sing a certain Hymn.

These particular Tones of Suppliants are taken norice of; and as soon as day appears, such and such are commanded to be admitted, and heard: or if it be a business of moment, the King himself gives them audience and returns them their answer. And surely it is the chief Office of Kings to hear the Complaints of their Suppliants, and to administer timely Justice to their Subjects. Of which the Barbarian Kings not being unmindful, gave opportunity to poor and miserable people, to whom their Court was shut up from access, to convey their Complaints to the Kings Ears. Among the Turks, the Suppliants always carry a lighted fire upon their heads before the Window of the Sultan. In the Bed-Cham∣ber of the Great Mogul, there always hangs a Bell, which it is lawful for the Suppliant to ring, standing at the farther∣most end of the Palace, but he is taken into Custody by the Guards; and if afterwards he do not make good his Accusa∣tion, he loses his Life for his presumptuousness. Our Prin∣ces after a more noble manner receive Petitions from the hands of their Suppliants, and thereby greatly win the love

of their Subjects. They who despise that sort of Clemency, or whip out at their back doors to avoid the sight or giving Ear to the miserable, do but onely procure Sadness to their People, and Hatred and Contempt to themselves.

CHAP. XIX. Of their Judiciary Proceedings and Punishments.

Their Judicial Proceedings very plain. Witnesses slightly and cursorily exa∣min'd. Appeals rare. Their Punishments, Stoning, Drubbing, and Ba∣nishment. Homicides how punished. A Discourse of Like for Like.

THe manner of their Judicial Proceedings is very plain and ordinary. For all Controversies are determin'd by word of Mouth, without any noise of Process, without any Writs, or Writings, of which the most part of the Nation is ignorant. The Plaintiff has liberty to produce his Witnes∣ses, which the Defendant may refuse, if he have any reason to suspect them But in regard of their ignorance of the true Proceedings by way of Interrogatory and proof, nor under∣stand how to examin a Witness, it must of necessity follow, That Justice is but ill administer'd, where the Witnesses are so cursorily heard. It is lawful to appeal from Inferiour Sentences either to the King or the Court-Tribunals: but that is seldom done; by reason of the Poverty of the People, and the tediousness of Travelling: and partly out of the Little hopes they have of redress. For the Governours and Judges of Provinces are offended with appeals, as seeming to them an accusation of Injustice; and therefore the wrong'd Parties fearing their displeasure, rather choose to lose their right, than the favour of the Judges. Neither does the re∣signing of Office afford any relief against an unjust Sentence. For either through Favour or for Money they obtain a Par∣don for all things done amiss in their Magistracy.

Among the sorts of Punishments inflicted upon Offenders, besides Beheading and Hanging, the most ready at hand is Stoning to death: the Soyl affording sufficient materials for that sort of Execution. The next is Drubbing, if the Crime be not Capital.

The punishment of the Nobility, is Exilement into the Zanic Lake, or into their high and steep Rocks, which are in a manner like Ilands; from whence however they frequent∣ly escape by reason that the People are easily corrupted by Bribery.

Homicides are deliver'd up to the next of(l) 1.173 Kin to the Party murder'd, at whose free will it is, to pardon the Male∣factors, sell them to forraign Merchants, or put them to what death they please. If the Homicide escape unknown, the Inhabitants of the place and all the Neighbourhood are ob∣lig'd to pay a Fine; by which means many Murthers are ei∣ther prevented or discover'd.

Most certainly the Law of Like for Like, was always and still is accompted the most just, and plainest among several Nations. Hence that of Moses, An Eye for an Eye, and a Tooth for a Tooth. But because there is not the same use of all mem∣bers among men, some men according to their various Cal∣lings having more use of one Member than another; some being better able to lose their Hands than their Leggs: others the••r Leggs than their Hands: therefore among the Civiliz'd Nations this Law grew out of custome. And it seems unjust to surrender the Offender to the Malice and Fury of the Offended Party, when they may have unbyass'd Jud∣ges, to give Sentence without Favour or Affection.

The End of the Second Book.

OF THE Ecclesiastical Affairs OF THE ABISSINES. BOOK III.

CHAP. I. Of the ancient Religion of the Abissines, and their Judaic Rites.

The Ecclesiastical History of the Abissines corrupt: and why. The first Relation of Matthew the Armenian false; Tzagazaabus's Confession as little to be credited. Those of the Fathers, and Tellezius more certain. Ecclesiastical History commended. The Tradition of some concerning the Original of the Judaic Rites. Circumcision us'd by many. How it dif∣fers from the Judaic. No piece of holy Worship among the Habessines. Females circumcis'd. Why the Abissines abstain from Swines Flesh. The Various Customs of Nations concerning Meats. The Sabboth observ'd in the Primitive Church; Different from the Lords Day, and how. Whe∣ther lawful to marry a Brothers Wife. They abstain from the shrunck sinew What to be thought of Candaces Eunuch. Menihelec's Posterity revolted from the true Religion. Claudius disclaims the Judaic Reli∣gion.

NOw we proceed to the Ecclesiastical History of the Habessinians, then which there is not any other more corrupt. For whatever we find scatter'd in our Re∣lations, were neither collected out of the Books which are publickly authentic in Habessinia, nor taken from the report of any persons there skill'd in the Ecclesiastical Affairs of that Country, but partly ill related through the Rashness of the Writers themselves; partly by the same persons or others ill understood through their ignorance of the Ethiopic Lan∣guage.

The first Relation concerning the Religion of the Habes∣sines, was set forth by Damianus a Goez, a noble Lusitanian, from the Report of Matthew the Armenian, First Ethiopic Em∣bassador to Emanuel King of Portugal; which Narrative of his(a) 1.174 contains many things ambiguous, many other things alto∣gether false. Insomuch that Tzagazaabus, the second Habes∣sinian Embassador, plainly tax'd the Author of it,(b) 1.175 for his ignorance. Tho he himself in the Confession of his Faith, which the same(c) 1.176 Goez set forth, did not much excel him either for truth or probability, for which reason Tellezius not undeservedly reprehends him. Certainly Gregory was very much offended with him; And when he heard his following Doctrines,

1. That Jesus Christ was the Son of the Father, and the beginning of himself: in the same manner that the Holy Ghost, was the Spirit of himself, and proceeded from the Father and the Son.

2. That he descended into Hell where was the Soul of Adam, and Christ himself, which Soul of Adam Christ received from the Virgin Mary: and toward the latter end of the Book, That Christ de∣scended into Hell for the Soul of Adam and not for his own.

3. That the Souls of men piously deceas'd are not crucify'd in Pur∣gatory upon the Sabaoth and Lords Day.

4. That by the Decree and Commandment of Queen Maqueda the Women were also to be Circumcis'd, as having a certain glandulous piece of Flesh, not unfit to receive the Impression and mark of Circum∣cision.

I say, when Tellezius heard these things, and many other of the same mixture, in no small heat and Passion, he cry'd out, That they were Fictions, Dreams, nay meer Lyes: frequently repeating these words; If he said this, he was a Beast of the Field.

Yet out of these Books most of those Stories have flow'd, which our Writers have made public, concerning the Reli∣gion

of the Abessines. But the Fathers of the Society, having bin conversant so long in Ethiopia. and view'd the Habessine Books, after several Disputations and Discourses with them, have bin able to afford us more Truth, whose Acts and Wri∣tings being free for the perusal of Tellezius, we shall cull the choicest of his accurate Relations, and what he has reported more ambiguous or more partially, out of his dislike of the Alexandrian Religion, we shall correct out of their own Wri∣tings, or from the Discourses of Gregory himself.

Certainly to Christians, no History can be more pleasant than that of Ecclesiastical affairs; especially if we look back to the Primitive Church. For whom would it not ravish into a high admiration of the wonderful Providence of God as well in founding as preserving his Church? when he shall consider that it grew up, and increas'd, not by the Propaga∣tion of Arms or human Arts, but by the Oppression of Hea∣thenish persecution. To whom can it be unpleasing to con∣sider with a Pious Contemplation, the undaunted Courage of the Martyrs, the Constancy of her Doctors, the Sincerity of the Christian People, the Purity of the Faith, the Strife of Good Works, the Patience of the Weak, the plainness of the Rites and Ceremonies? Which when they once began to be alter'd, with the reverence to the Church be it spoken, then also enter'd in Pride instead of Modesty, Ambition instead of Charity, together with Faction and Contention. As if our leisure and our Quiet were therefore granted us by Heaven to consume that time in making Scrutinies into all the miste∣ries of Faith, and moving such impertinent Questions, which ought to be spent in exercises of Charity and Piety.

But I return to the Religion of the Habessines, concerning the Original of which, there are various Opinions of sundry Authors. They that admit the Tradition of the Habessines concerning Queen Maqueda, are of Opinion, that the Abes∣sines had the true knowledge of God, ever since the Raign of King Salomon, and that their Judaic Rites, such as Circumci∣sion, abstaining from meats forbidden, Observation of the Sabboth, Marriage of the Brothers Wife, and the like, had their Original from thence. But in regard these things were commonly practis'd as well in other Nations, as among the Primitive Nations, who conform'd to the Jews in several things, It is not a thing to be easily affirm'd, that these were the foot∣steps of those Ceremonies receiv'd so many Ages before from

the Jews. For not onely the Jews, but several other Na∣tions made use of Circumcision, and still so do to this day, tho not out of any knowledge of its Original, or any Conside∣ration of Divine Worship. The most(d) 1.177 ancient Histo∣rians tells us, That the Aegyptians were the first that institu∣ted that Ceremony, or else learnt it from the Ethiopians. From thence it came to be in use among the Colchi, Phoenicians, and Syrians. They of Alnajah, an Ethiopian Nation, circumcise with sharp Stones. And Ephinanius expresly mentions the Ho∣merites, from whence the Habessinians are descended, for the same Custome. We omit the Troglodytes, Nigrytes, and other in∣numerable Nations, which either do not understand the cause of it, use it for(e) 1.178 cleanliness; or else pretend it to be conducible(f) 1.179 to generation; or that they have a longer Preputium, and therefore thought it convenient to have it cut away, as(g) 1.180 Thevenot writes: for fear those more pure Musulmen, should be polluted with their own Urine.

Neither did Mahomet recommend it to his Arabians, as learnt from the Jews; but left the Custom as he found it; nor does he make any mention of it in all his Alcoran. Besides, there is a great difference between the Circumcision of the Jews and that of other Nations. For other Nations onely round the Skin with the Knife, but the Jews slit the Skin with their nailes, till the Prepution falls down, and leaves the Nut altogether bare; for unless there be Perignah denudation, they do not think the Circumcision accomplish'd. For so their Doctors teach, Who circumcises and does not lay bare, is as one that never circumcis'd. So that if the Skin should happen to grow together again, it must be again dissected. Whence it is easier to understand what is meant by those Places in Scrip∣ture which mention the(h) 1.181 drawing over of his Preputium. For being cut off, it can never be restored by any Art, but being onely slit or torn, it may be sowed together again. Whence

it is easie to find that the Habessines do not use the same manner of Circumcising with the Jews. Neither is it per∣formed with any signal Ceremony or Commmemoration. For it is done privately by some poor woman or other, with∣out any Standers by, not so much as the Father himself. But the Confession of Claudius King of Ethiopia, takes away all doubt, who to clear himself and his people from all Suspition of Judaisme, says thus.

But as to the Custome of Circumcision, we do not Circumcise like the Jews, For we understand the words of St. Paul, the Fountain of Wisdome, who saith, It profits not to be Circumcis'd, nor doth Circumcision avail: but rather the new Creation, which is Faith in our Lord Jesus Christ. And then to the Corinthians he sayes, again, who hath taken upon him Circumcision,(i) 1.182 let him not keep his Preputium. All the Books of St. Pauls learning are among us, and tell us of Circumcision and the Preputium; but our Cir∣cumcision is done according to the custom of the Countrey, like incisions of the Face in Ethiopia and Nubia, and boaring the Ears among the Indians.

This puts us in mind of the Circumcision of Females, of which Gregory was somewhat asham'd to discourse, and we should have more willingly omitted it, had not Tzaga∣zaabus in his rude Confession of Faith, spoken of it as of a most remarkable Custom introduced by the command of Queen Maqueda; or had not Paulus Jovius himself, Bishop of Como, insisted in the same manner upon this unseemly Custome. This same Ceremony was not onely us'd by the Habissines, but also familiar among other people of Africa the (k) Aegyptians, and the Arabians themselves. For they cut away from the Female Infants something which they think to be an Indecency and Superfluity of Nature. The most impudent women that inhabit about the Cape of good Hope, still retain this Custome, and for a small mat∣ter, expose themselves to the Sea-men. Jovius calls it, Ca∣runniculam, or a little piece of Flesh. Golius, an oblong Excres∣cence. The Arabians by a particular word called it Bedhron or Bedhara, beside which they have many other words to

the same purpose. Among their Women it is as great a piece of reproach, to revile a woman by saying to her, O Bandaron: that is, O uncircumcis'd, as to call a man Arel, or uncircumcis'd among the Jews. A strange thing, that onely in Africa and some Parts of Asia, the Women should be noted for those ex∣tuberancies: for the Jewish women in Germany, being ac∣quainted by their reading with this Custome, laugh at it, as admiring what it should be that should require such an am∣putation.

Nevertheless this seems to have some reference to the for∣bidden use of Swines Flesh, and other Meats not allow'd by the Mosaic Law, as the same King Claudius manifestly gives us to understand in his Confession.

But as to what relates to the Eating of Swines Flesh, we are not for∣bid it, out of regard to the observance of the Mosaic Law, as the Jews were. For we do not abhor him that feeds upon it; nor do we force him that does not, to make it his diet, as our Father Paul writing to the Romans hath written. Who eats, let him not contemn him that eateth not, for the Lord accepts all. The Kingdom of Heaven con∣sists not in meat or drink. But it is not good for a man to eat to the scandal of another: And Matthew the Evangelist sayes, Nothing can defile a man but that which goeth out of his mouth. For what ever goeth into the belly, and is retain'd in the stomach, that at length is cast into the Draught. And thus he pronounces all meat clean. Now while he spoke those words he destroy'd the whole structure of the Jews Error, who were learned in the Books of the Mosaic Law.

Most Nations have a particular Dyet, some by custome, some through superstition.

Not to speak of the Mahumetans, who abstain not only from Swines flesh, but from Wine, is not the custom of the Ban∣nians, not much different from the ancient Pythagoreans, to be strangely admir'd? who onely feed upon Herbs and Meats made of Milk, which we hardly believe sufficient to sustain Nature. Others there are that devour all sorts of Creatures which the flesh consuming Beasts themselves refuse, and other∣wise nauseous to the most part of Men. The Oriental Tar∣tars feed upon Camels, Foxes and all sorts of wild Beasts. Some of our Europeans indulging their appetites, please their palats with a sort of Dyet abominated by all other People, as Frogs, Cockles, and I know not what sort of Insects. Gregory had

an utter aversion to Lobsters, Crabbs, Crayfish and Oysters, which we accompt our chiefest Delicacies: and it turn'd his stomach to see Turkies, Hares, and several other Dishes to which he was unaccustom'd, brought to our Tables. Being ask'd, why he abstain'd from Swines flesh? he retorted still, and why we from Horse-flesh? And most certainly were we to banquet with the Tartars, there are but very few of us that would easily be induc'd to eat Horse-flesh with an Appetite, tho it be one of their principal junkets. Nay their Embassa∣dors to our Princes desire fat Horses for their Kitchins.

However they abstain from blood and things strangl'd, not out of any observance of the Mosaic Law, but an Apostolic Decree always in force in the Eastern Church: which was also for many Ages observ'd in the Western Church, and re∣viv'd in some Councils. They also rebuke us, for that we suffer'd that Decree to be laid aside.

Nor do they allow the Jews Sabboth out of a respect to Judaism, or that they learnt it from some certain Nations that kept the Seventh day holy. But because the ancient Custom of the Primitive Church, who observ'd that day per∣haps out of complacency to the Jews, being long retain'd in the East, was at length carry'd into Ethiopia. For thus we find it written in some ancient Constitutions which they call the Constitutions of the Apostles.

Let the Servants labour five days, but let them keep the Holydays, the Sabboth, and the Lords Day in the Church for the sake of Pious Instruction.

The Council of Laodicea decreed that the Gospels with other parts of Scripture should be read upon the Sabboth; when before the Paragraphs of the Law of Moses were onely read upon the Sabboth, and the Gospels upon the Sunday: the Texts of the old Law being thought most agreeable to the Old Sabboth, and the Texts of the New Testament, to the New Sabboth.

Socrates also farther testifies that the People us'd to assemble at Church upon the Sabboth and Lords Day.

And Gregory Nyssen, whose Writings the Ethiopians have among them, saith,

With what Eyes dost thou behold the Lords Day, who hast defil'd

the Sabboth? Know'st thou not that these two days are Twins, and that if thou injur'st the one, thou dost injury to the other?

But Claudius makes so much difference between both days, that he prefers the Lords day before the Sabaoth.

But as to what pertains to our Celebration of the ancient Sabaoth, we do not celebrate it, as the Jews did, who Crucify'd Christ, saying, Let his blood be upon Us and our Children. For those Jews neither draw water, nor kindle fires, nor dress meat, nor bake bread; neither do they go from house to house. But we so celebrate it, that we administer the Sacrament, and relieve the Poor and the Widow, as our Fathers the Apostles commanded Us. We Celebrate it as the Sa∣baoth of the first Holiday, which is a new day of which David saith, This is the day which the Lord made, let us rejoyce and ex∣ult therein. For upon that day our Lord Jesus Christ rose: and upon that day the Holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles in the Ora∣tory of Sion. And in that day Christ was incarnated in the Womb of the Perpetual Virgin St. Mary: and upon that day he shall come again to reward the Just, and punish the Evil.

Gregory also testify'd, That the Habessines abstain from no sort of Labour upon the Sabaoth, but from the most servile sorts of Labour. This Custom continu'd long in the Church, till it was abrogated by degrees; for by the 22^d Canon of the said Council of Laodicea the Christians are forbid to work upon the Sabaoth. Nevertheless the Sacred Lectures were con∣tinu'd for a time, as appears by the Canon above mention'd, till at length those were also left off; perhaps because that the People having a licence to work, there were but few that repair'd to Church.

Moreover, according to the Custom of the Jews, it is law∣ful in Abessinia to marry the Widow of the Brother deceas'd, as Alvarez testifies. Adding, That the Habessinian defend their so doing by the Laws of the Old Testament. But Gregory positively deny'd that it was lawful, but onely con∣niv'd at by the Magistrate. However, that such Wives are also prohibited from coming to the Holy Communion, wherein Alvarez agrees with him. However it does not therefore follow, that this Custom was translated from the Jews to the Habessines, no more then if any one should assert

that the Laws of Polygamie and Divorce were deriv'd from the Jews. And yet this is somewhat strange, I must confess, that they abstain from that Muscle, which the Hebrews call Ghid Hannesheh, or the Sinew mutilated: the Ethiopians, Sereje Berum, the forbidden Nerve: the Amharies, Shalada. Which very probably they might learn from the Jews in their own Country, of which Nation there are several Colonies in Ethiopia.

But as to what is reported concerning Queen Candaces Eu∣nuch, we have already shew'd that she was not Queen of Habessinia, but of the Ethiopians that inhabited the Iland of Meroe: and if the Eunuch were a Jew, it does not follow that his Lady the Queen shall be so too. Others there are who tell us. That Menilehec's Successors in a short time return'd to the worship of Idols. Which if it be true, the assertion of the Continuation of the Jewish Religion till the time of the Apostles, will prove altogether vain: tho in Europe most certainly the Habessines were long suspected of Judaisme, and so are many to this day. Which King Claudius observing by his Disputations with Gonsalo Rodriguez, and the Writings which he compos'd to refute the Errors of the Habessines, set forth a Confession, of which we have already cited several parcels, as they related to our business. The chief Scope of which was, to remove that Suspition of Judaism from him∣self, and his Subjects, which in my opinion he very effectual∣ly did.

CHAP. II. Of the Conversion of the Habessines to the Christian Faith.

The Conversion of the Habessines attributed to Queen Candace's Eunuch; but contrary to authentic Histories. Candace no Habessinian. Other Traditions nothing better. Demonstrated when, and by whom: To which the Book of Axuma agrees. The Reasons of doubting and deciding, Frumentius how call'd. His Encomium. Cedrenus and Nicephorus refuted.

IT is the Common Fame among the Europeans, That the Conversion of the Habessines to the Christian Faith was be∣gun by that Ethiopic Eunuch, Acts 8.27. And perhaps the Habes∣sines themselves, believing it to be for their Honour, were the authors of the Story: confiding in the Credit of the Book of Axuma, where, the same history is set down as in the Acts of the Apostles, and without any other Circumstances: by which it may seem this story had not its first original among them, but was transcrib'd. Neither was Tzagazaabus better inform'd, as appears by his Confession of Faith. Nevertheless it seems very strange, that King David should either assert or give his assent to Alvarez asserting the same thing: whereas the Cre∣dit as well of the Ethiopic as Greek History absolutely tells us the contrary. Some endeavour a Reconciliation of this dif∣ference, as if the first dawnings of Christianity, tho but very dark and obscure, began at that time first to glimmer. But then this should have bin demonstrated by solid Reasons rela∣ting not onely to the Ethiopic Nation in general, but to the Habessinians in particular. Whereas the Testimonies which we shall cite by and by do not speak of the Conversion of those that were half Christians before, but either of the Jews, or Heathens. For we have already shew'd that Candaces was never Queen of the Habessines. Neither is her Proper Name Lacasa, which we find in the Vulgar Catalogues to be found in Tellezius. For Hhendaqe, or Hindaqe, is a quite different word from Candace, from whence others casting away the Aspirate, derive the name Judith: others, as if they would correct the Error, have strain'd it to Judith. Nor was the name of Can∣dace ever known to the Habessines, tho familiar to the Inha∣bitants

of Meroe. Others refer the Conversion of the Ha∣bessines not to Candace's Eunuch, but to the times of the Apostles, and particularly ascribe it to St. Bartholmew: others to St. Matthew; or because there is no such thing to be found in his life, to St. Matthias. Of all which Fancies the Habes∣sines knew nothing, who hearing such Whimseys from our Countreymen, not without reason answer'd, That perhaps those things were to be understood of the Lower Ethiopia, that lyes between Abassia and Egypt. However we can never find out what the Success of those Apostles Preaching was: what Kings or People withstood that Conversion: what Pastors, what Ce∣remonies, what Books they made use of: what form of Disci∣pline, or what was the Doctrine of that time. Concerning all which things, in regard there is so deep a silence, we can∣not acknowledg any such beginnings of the Christian Reli∣gion in Habessinia.

However this is certain, That both the Habessine, Grecian, and Latin Writers, Especially Ruffinus and his followers, agree with one consent, That the Conversion of the Ethiopian, hap∣pen'd in the time of St. Athanasius, Patriarch of Alexandria un∣der Constantine the Great, about the Year of Christ 330. or not long after, and that in this manner. One Meropius, a Merchant of Tyre, (Ruffinus calls him a Philosopher) intending for India, put into Harbour upon the Coast of Ethiopia in the Red Sea, which at that time was also call'd the Indian Sea. There dy∣ing, or, as Ruffinus will have it, slain by the Barbarians, he left two Young men, Frumentius and Adesius, Fremonatum and Sy∣dracum, the Habessines call them, who being taken and brought to the King, became highly favour'd and caress'd by reason of their Ingenuity and Industry; and at length being made free of the Country, were preferr'd by the King to keep his Books and Papers. The King dying, they remain'd in the same Imployment under the Queen Regent, till the Young King came of age.

All this while they entertain'd the Christian Merchants that Traffick'd into those Parts, with all kindness, and did them all the good offices Imaginable, and made themselves so remarkable for their Vertue and their Integrity among those Nations, that the Christian Religion was highly esteem'd by all. Which foundation being laid, Frumentius took a Journey to St. Athanasius, Patriarch of Alexandria, and was by Him, for his great parts, and Constancy in the Faith,

created the first Bishop of Ethiopia. Thereupon returning into Ethiopia, he initiated the Inhabitants in the Christian Re∣ligion by Baptisme, then he ordain'd Presbyters and Dea∣cons, built Churches, and so introduc'd the Christian Religion into Ethiopia. Agreeable to this, are those Relations which the Ethiopians have in their Book of Axuma, onely that there is this addition to the Story of the Conversion made by Can∣dace, that these Tyrian Young men admir'd, that the Ethiopians should believe in Christ and adore the Holy Trinity, and that the Women wore Crosses upon their heads, seeing that the Gospel had bin preach'd among them by none of the Apostles. We wonder much more, that Ethiopia should be converted in the time of the Apostles, and yet have no Bi∣shop, no Baptism, no Priests nor Deacons, and that all these things should be first settled in the time of St. Athanasius. Be∣sides, no man can be easily perswaded that such a beginning should remain so long time without a farther progress, and that the Ethiopians themselves, or the Bishops of the Neigh∣bouring Christians should be so neglectful as not to lend their helping hands to the advancement of such fair Beginnings, Especially at such a time, when the Christians over the whole Roman Empire, chiefly in Egypt, suffer'd a most dreadful Per∣secution under Dioclesian. How came it to pass that they did not seek for refuge in this Kingdom out of the reach of their Enemies, where they were sure of Sanctuary and Protection from a Prince of their own Religion? Could all the Eccle∣siastical Histories, and the Annals of the Patriarch of Alexan∣dria have forgotten a Prince, the first in all the World that had receiv'd the light of the Gospel? Were there no Martyrs, whose memories the Habessines are so sollicitous to preserve? No War, no Seditions upon the change of Religion, but so great an Alteration without any noise? To assert a thing of so much moment, and yet to bring no Circumstances, no par∣ticular Events and Casualties, seems very discrepant from the Truth of History.

It is sufficient that the Ethiopians agree with us in the prin∣cipal matters. For whether Meropius dy'd or were slain, whe∣ther Frumentius and Edesius were call'd Fremonatus and Sydrac, signifies little. Yet in that Place Ruffinus was strangely de∣ceiv'd. For he seems with others to have meant India proper∣ly so call'd, when he neither knew the Bounds or Situation of it, where he sayes, That the Hithermost India adjoyns to

Ethiopia: Between which and Parthia he places the farther∣most India. So that he makes the farthermost India nearest to Ethiopia, and Parthia more remote. This was the reason that Baronius believ'd there were two Frumentius's; and that one was a Preacher of the Gospel at Axuma: whereas it was but one and the same person, that was Apostle and Bishop of the Habessines, call them Indians or Axumites, which you please.

This reconciliation of differing Writers was not known till this time, nor does he undeservedly give the honour of the discovery to the Jesuites: and that then and not before the Christian Religion was first introduc'd in Form, as he calls it; as being led by tradition also, that Christianity had some kind of bloomings before in Ethiopia. But what it was, or to what growth it arriv'd, there is no man that can unfold. Neither does Ruffinus make mention of any Jewish Religion, or any other deformed Sect that preceded. On the contrary, to use his own rough expression, he sayes, That this Land (meaning Abassia) was never broken up with the Plough-share of personal Preaching. In short, Gregory affirm'd to me, that there was not any other Preaching of the Gospel in Habessinia, then what was first begun by Abba Salma, in the time of St. Athanasius, and in the Reigns of Atzbeha, and Abreha, Brethren. And this Abba Salma was Frumentius. He is celebrated among the Metropolitans of Ethiopia, in the Ethiopic Liturgie, as also by our Ethiopic Poet, as being the first that display'd the light of the Gospel in those Parts; for which he gives him this Encomium.

Peace to the Voice of Gladness I pronounce, The fair Renowned Salama, for he at once Did open wide the Gate of Mercy' and Grace: And Ethiopia shew'd the splendid Face Of Truth and Zeal by which we Christ adore, Where onely Mist and Darkness dwelt before.

Where we are to take notice of the words Mist and Dark∣ness, which the Poet would not have made use of, if, accord∣ing to the Tradition aforesaid, there had bin any knowledg of Christ in Habessinia, before that time.

Moreover the same Poet makes this addition upon the same subject.

Peace to thee Salama, who didst obey Divine Command, Hid Doctrine to display; That Doctrine which in Ethiopia shone, Like the bright Morning Star, and which alone To Ethiopia first by Thee conveigh'd, Still makes the Grateful Ethiopian Glad.

Which Story of the first Conversion of Ethiopia being grounded upon a firm foundation, must of necessity over∣throw what(z) 1.183 Cedrenus, and after him(a) 1.184 Nicephorus Cal∣listus, a Historian of little credit, have deliver'd concerning the Conversion of the Habissines, as happening a long time after this. For they write, That Adad, King of the Axumites, (who are no other than our Abessinians) about the Year of Christ 542, and the 15th Year of Justinian's Reign, made a Vow, That if he overcame the King of the Homerites, he would Embrace the Christian Faith. Whereupon succeeding in his Enterprize, he sent Embassadors to Justinian, and desir'd him to send him certain of his Bishops, who were the first that divulg'd the Doctrine of Chri∣stianity in those places. But we have already shew'd, that the Kingdom of the Homerites was utterly subverted near Seventy Years before by Caleb, Emperour of the Ethiopians: after∣wards it fell under the Dominion of the Persians, the Habes∣sines who were then Masters of those Territories, and the de∣fenders of Christianity, in vain contending with the Persian Power, which not long after was also constrain'd to yield to the Victorious Arms of the Saracens. How then could it hap∣pen, that the King of the Homerites should be overthrown by Adad? Neither is it likely that Adad, if there were any such King, would send for Bishops so far off, altogether ignorant of the Language and Customs of his Country, which he might have had at that time, much nearer at hand, either from Alexandria or Jerusalem. Besides that, if it had bin so done, Justinian would not have sent Jacobites, but Melchites; and so the Habessines would have follow'd the Opinions of

the Melchites, whereas they always were and still are known to be Jacobites. Not to mention the(b) 1.185 36. Nicene Canon, in which the Seventh Seat of Dignity in the Council, is assign'd next after the Prelate of Seleucia, to the Prelate of Ethiopia. Which may certainly teach us, That our Ethiopians, at the time of that Council, were most certainly Christians, and were under a Christian Superintendent or Metropolitan. And therefore it is apparent that those Historians were false in all their Circumstances.

CHAP. III. Of the Increase of Christianity in Habessinia; the Original of their Monastical way of Living, and of their Saints.

After Frumentius many Monks. Some out of the Roman Empire, and some out of Egypt. Nine, more remarkable, nam'd. The first Aragawi Ex∣toll'd by the Poet for destroying the Kingdom of Arwè. What that King∣dome was. Pantaleontes Cell, his Sepulchre and Encomium. The En∣comium of Likanus, another of the Nine. Other Doctors and Martyrs. Portentous Miracles of their Saints. Their Austerity. Gabra Monfes-Kaddus, the restorer of Monastical Living, which began in Egypt by the Institution of Anthony. Imitated by several Anchorites. Their Spon∣taneous torments. Anthonie's Successors. The Tradition of the Mona∣stical Scheme. Icegue the Abbot—his Habitation. Abba Eustachius famous for Miracles: He left Successors, but no Institutions. Habessinia full of Monks. Their Institutions and Habits different from the Greek and Latin. They practice Husbandry, and bear Civil Offices.

THe Conversion of Ethiopia being thus begun by Frumen∣tius, many Pious men, partly call'd by him to his assi∣stance, and partly of their own accord, repair'd thither to Him. We find in the Chronicle of Axuma, that in the Raign of King Amiamid, the Son of Saladoba, many Monks came from Rome, and grew very Numerous in the Country. But by the name of Rome, the Ethiopians mean the Roman Em∣pire.

For in Imitation of the Arabians they call the(c) 1.186 Greeks Errum, who at that time were most prevalent in the Eastern Parts. Nine of these Persons were more Famous then the rest, who seated themselves in Tygra, and there erected their Chappels. It is most probable that they came out of the Neighbouring Parts of Egypt, which at that time was under the Greek or Constantino Politan Emperours; but their names were all chang'd by the Habessinians, except that of Panta∣leontes, by whom they are number'd in this Order.

• 1. Abba Aragawi.
• 2. Abba Pantaleon.
• 3. Abba Garima.
• 4. Abba Alef.
• 5. Abba Saham.
• 6. Abba Afe.
• 7. Abba Likanos.
• 8. Abba Adimata.
• 9. Abba Oz, who is also call'd Abba Guba.

I find the most of them mention'd by my Poet, who highly applauds them for their singular Piety, and their extraordi∣nary Miracles.

Of Aragawi, otherwise call'd Michael, he has this Enco∣mium.

Peace be to Michael, Aragawi nam'd, Wisdom his Life, his Death true Prudence fam'd. With him was God, the Holy Three in One. To all those Saints an everlasting Crown, Who by their Prayers true Concord did enjoy, That they might Arwe's Kingdom quite destroy.

By Arwè, which signifies a Serpent, he either means in ge∣neral the Kingdom of Satan, which was destroy'd by the pro∣pagation of Christianity; or in particular the Ethiopic Genti∣lism. For, as we have already said, the most ancient Ethio∣pians worship'd a Serpent, as their supream Deitie, to which the Poet seems to allude. There are to be seen to this day the Cells wherein those holy Men sequester'd themselves, by the names of Beta Pantaleon, the Domicil of St. Pantaleon

in Tigra: where his Sepulcher also remains. Of whom the Poet thus,

Peace to Pantaleon's Bones, who study'd here, In th'inner Cell, next to his Sepulcher. Who by the aid of Heavens most pretious Word, Speech to the dead miraculously restor'd. Who by his Prayers, and his Soul-saving Voice, Made the afflicted Widow soon rejoyce. Her Sins were dead, but he unlock'd the grave, And freed those Souls which Death did late enslave.

He also makes mention of the Nine Saints in his Hymn to Likanos.

Peace be to Likanos, who of the Nine Makes one, who did their Lives to God resign; With lasting wreaths would they my Temples crown, How should I then set forth their high renown! Like lighted Lamps his fingers burn'd in prayer, His Hand was pierc'd, when he the Staff did bear.

Besides these, there are several other great Doctors among them, who have highly merited for propagating the Chri∣stian Religion; as also many Martyrs, frequently celebrated by the Ethiopians and Coptices in their Religious Panegy∣ricks. But as to their Saints, they relate of them, several Miracles more than Extraordinary: as the removing Moun∣tains, appeasing the rage of most Tempestuous Seas; raising the Dead; causing Water to spring from smitten Rocks, and walking over Ri∣vers, which are reported for common Miracles among them: so that if the Truth of the Ethiopic Church were to be groun∣ded upon such Wonders, there could be no purer Religion in the World. For tho we have a St. Martin, that gave a piece of his Cloak to one in necessity, they have among 'em a Saint, that parted with his whole Garment to relieve the distressed. There are among them not onely several Stories of persons that have walk'd upon the Asp and the Basilisk, and trampled upon the Dragon and the Lyon, but also those who have rode upon those Beasts, as upon Horses and Mules. Never were the Ascetae more austere. There are some who have liv'd for whole days together upon three little Dates, others upon no more than one poor little dry Bisket.

But there is not one more renowned for Sanctity among them, then Gabra-Menfes-Keddus, or the Servant of the Holy Ghost, in honour of whom they keep a Holyday every month.

Next to him is Tecla-Haimanot, or the Plant of Faith, who restor'd the Monastical way of Living, in Ethiopia, about the Year of Christ 600. Whom the Ethiopic Poet extolls in a most singular manner.

All hail to thy Navity, great Saint, It was at first thy Mothers great Complaint, That she should barren dye, till th' Angels Voice Declar'd thy Birth, and made her Son rejoyce. Then Tecla-Haimanot Thou didst appear Like to the Sun, that rules the Day and Year: Thy Glory fill'd the Earth from end to end, And to the Heavens thy Luster did ascend.

This Austere way of Living was first practiz'd in Thebais; a Desert of Egypt, whither many Pious men had retir'd them∣selves from the Persecution of the Heathen, that through abstinence and temperance they might be more intent upon the Duty of Prayer. Among the rest, St. Antonie, as it were the Captain of the Hermites, prescrib'd certain Lawes to be observ'd by the Professors of this sort of severity: for which reason, next to Paul, he was look'd upon as its first Institutor. The Affairs of the Church being settl'd, many Anchorites, in imitation of him, voluntarily chose a solitary way of Living: for that reason call'd Monachi, Monks, or People that liv'd alone by themselves. Some meerly out of a Pious and godly end; some out of an opinion of merit; some out of vain∣glory and a desire of worldly fame; because they found that austerity of life, as being a thing hard to be undergone, was vulgarly much admir'd and highly applauded. Many also did not think it sufficient to abstain from lawful enjoyments, or to bridle and restrain the ordinary desires of Nature, but voluntarily tormented themselves with new invented Tor∣tures, or macerated themselves with hunger and famine. This Custome spread it self also into Ethiopia, where some without any advantage to themselves or others, invented se∣veral ways of afflicting their own Carcasses: as for exam∣ple, To stand whole days together in cold water, to gird their Loyns with a heavy Chain, to feed onely upon Pot-herbs and Roots, and that very sparingly too. Nay, which is hardly to be credited, some there were, who would thrust themselves into the clefts

of Trees, and so as those clos'd together again, suffer'd them∣selves to be bury'd alive.

To Antonie succeeded Macarius, after whom liv'd St. Pa∣chom, to whom in Ethiopia succeeded Aragawi, the first Abbot or Ruler over Monks among the Abessinians.

His Successors were

• ...Abba Christos Bezana.
• ...Abba Mesket Moa.
• ...Abba Johanni,

Who left bequeath'd his Asqema, that is, the Badge of his Ab∣botship, or his Monastical Habit to Tecla-Haimanot. For the Tradition is among them, That the Arch-Angel St. Michael brought that Habit to St. Antonie, for which reason it was afterwards deliver'd from Successor to Successor, as it were from one hand to another. The Greek word it self is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Schema. Alphonsus the Patriarch compares it to a Scapulary. The Life of this Saint is extant in Ethiopia, written at large, and stufft with several Miracles, and render'd famous for several Apparitions and Pilgrimages. Mention is also made of him in the Ethiopic Church Registers after this manner.

Remember Lord the Soul of thy Servant our Father, Tecla-Haimanot, and all his Companions.

This Tecla-Haimanot gave new Rules and Precepts to his Monks, and order'd them to submit themselves to a Gover∣nour, who is call'd Icegue, and is always of highest authority and dignity next to the Abuna. He either Visits his fellow Monks himself, or sends some one in his stead to reform Errors and punish transgressions. Before the Kingdom of Shewa was won by the Gallans, he had his habitation in a place call'd Debra Libanos, or the Mountain of Libanus, which was af∣terwards translated into Bagemdra. And hence it is, that Tesfa-tzejon, who set forth the Ethiopic New Testament, in the Epilogue to St. Matthew, thus speaks of himself and his fellow Monks.

We are all the Sons of our Father Tecla Haimanot, of the Monastery of Mount Libanus.

The other Abbot or Governour of the Monks call'd Eusta∣thius, is no less famous than he, nor is his Memory less esteem'd in their Sacred Registers, while they cry,

Remember, Lord, our Father Eustathius, with all his Chil∣dren.

Of him the Ethiopic Poet thus sings:

Hail to thy pretious Mantle, once the Boate, Which with thy Burden on the Sea did floate; Thy Pilgrimage a mighty Wonder shew'd, Th'Obedient Ocean smooth and smiling slow'd And Rocks remov'd, abandon'd ancient Rest, To give free Passage where thy footsteps prest.

He also prescrib'd Laws to his followers, but impos'd no Governour upon them, neither are they very solicitous about that neglect; pretending, That Eustathius went into Armenia, having nam'd no Successor; and that therefore it is not lawful for them to appoint any one. Every Abbot therefore is Supreme in his own Monastery; and if any one dye, another is chosen by the Suffrages of the rest of the Monks. Habessinia is full of these sort of people, to the great burthen of the Common∣wealth, to which they are no way profitable; as being use∣less in the Field, and free from Tribute. However their Rules and Orders are very much different both from the Greeks and Latins. For excepting their Sheemas and Crosses which they carry, you can hardly distinguish them from the Laitie: in regard they neither wear any Coat or Monastical Habit. Nor do they live in Monasteries, but in some Village in scat∣ter'd Cottages near to some Church or Temple. They have certain Prayers of which they say such a number, believing their Piety fully satisfy'd if they finish their Task; which that they may make the more hast to accomplish, they huddle over the Psalms of David with such a dextrous celerity, that I who have heard 'em at Rome, holding the same Copy in my hand, could never follow them with my voice, and hardly with my eyes. Every one manures his own Ground, and lives upon the product of his Labours, of which they are also very liberal. Otherwise they go and come, every one without controul, as they please themselves. So that by no means

their Farms can be call'd Cloysters, nor they be said to be re∣ally Monks, but onely unmarried Husbandmen, and that onely while they preserve their Continency intire. How∣ever they are branded with infamy, if they forsake their Monastical way of living to marry Wives. Nor are their Children capable of being admitted into the Clergy; and it is taken for an affront to call any man the Son of a Monk. Nevertheless they bear Civil Offices, and are sometimes made Governors of Provinces, as is apparent by the Example of Tzagazaabus; who was a Monk, as appears from Alvarez's Itinerary. Of such as these the Question may be ask'd with St. Jerome, If thou desirest to be accompted a Monk, what doest thou do in the Cities, what in the Camp, or why dost thou undertake Civil Employments? They could not choose but highly displease the Fathers of the Society; which is the reason, that they have always spoken of them with contempt: on the other side, the Monks have bin the main Obstacles of the Fathers Successes; for which Reason, Tellezius calls them Persecu∣tors of the Catholic Faith. Their Monasteries (if we may so call their Villages) are very numerous and dispierc'd over all Parts of the Kingdom: and commonly go by the name of Daber, a Mountain; in the plural number Adebaruti, Moun∣tains: as, Dabra Bizen, Dabra Hallelujah, Dabra Damo, Alba∣mata, and the like, as being formerly built upon steep Hills: Beside which, they possess all the Ilands in the Tzanic Lake, except Deka.

An Addition to the Third Chapter, concerning their Nuns.

THat there are also Nuns in Ethiopia, I gather from Telle∣zius. But they are very ignorant, and therefore the more obstinate in their devotion. For proof of which, the same Tellezius produces a very remarkable Story of one, who by chance becoming blind, was admonish'd by one of the Fathers, to make Confession, and embrace the Latin Religion, unless she intended to go headlong to Hell. To which the Nun made answer, That she was willing to go thither of her own accord, for that she found there was no Room for her in Heaven, as being a person with whom God was displeas'd, and had therefore de∣priv'd her of her sight, without any cause of offence by her committed.

Upon which the Father press'd her the more urgently, in hopes to deliver her from that more dangerous blindness of her Mind. But finding her to continue obstinate after all his pains. Since then, said he, thou refusest Heav'n, get thee to Hell with all the Devils, with Dathan and Abiram. But I would not have thee take thy Religious Habit along with thee, which is onely proper for those that desire the Joyes of Heaven. And so saying, he presently order'd her to put off her Nuns Vestments, and to put on a sordid Vulgar Habit; which wrought in her such a sadness and contrition, that she soon after made her con∣fession, and reconcil'd her self to the Church of Rome.

CHAP. IV. Of the Sacred Books of the Habessines.

The Ethiopians, together with the Christian Religion, receiv'd the Holy Scripture, according to the Version of the 70 Interpreters—the New Testament from an Imperfect Copy and ill Printed. The Old Testament divided into four parts: The New Testament into as many- The Reve∣lation added as an Appendix. To the New Testament are added the Constitutions and Canons of the Apostles, as they call them, divided into Eight parts: Therefore they reckon several Sacred Books. Three Oecu∣menical Councils. A fair Manuscript of the Councils at Rome. Books therein contain'd. A Counterfeit Book of Enoch. Magical Prayers. Where∣in Monstrous words seeming to be taken from the Jews. The Form of the Jewish Anathematizing.

DIvine Worship is seldom found among any sort of Nations in the World to be without Books, by which we apprehend from whence every particular kind of worship derives it self, and by what means it got footing among the People: for the words and the worship generally go together. Which is the reason there are so many Hebrew and Greek words in all the Versions of the Bible, and that we have so many Latin words in our Theologie.

The Habessines together with the Christian Religion re∣ceiv'd the holy Scripture. And this Scripture was translated into that Idiom of the Ethiopic Language, which was at that time more peculiar to the Inhabitants of Tigra, from the Greek Version of the Seventy Interpreters, according to a certain Copy us'd in the Church of Alexandria; which the in∣numerable

various Readings, that are inserted into the English Polyglòtton Bibles, from one of the same Copies, plainly de∣monstrate, with which the Ethiopic Translation perfectly agrees, Especially in the 35 & 39 Chapter of Exodus, which in other Copies are wonderfully mutilated. Nor is it with∣out reason that a Colonie, as it were, of the Alexandrian Church, should follow the Sacred Copies of their Metropolis. As for the Author and Time of the Translation, I find no∣thing certainly deliver'd concerning either: however it is most probable that it was begun at the time when the Habes∣sines were(f) 1.187 converted, or a very short time after, and not in the time of the Apostles, as some have reported; and brought to perfection by several; because the more rare and difficult words, such as are the names of Gemms, are not all alike in all the Books. For example, the Topaz in the 118 Psalm, 127 Verse, is call'd Pazjon, in Job 28.19. Tankar, in Revela∣tions the 21.20. Warauri: and so in many other words the same difference is observ'd.

But for the New Testament, they have it Translated from the Authentic Greek Text, tho as yet it has not bin brought into Europe pure and intire. For the Roman Edition is printed from a lame imperfect Copy, so that I was forc'd to fill up the Gapps which Tesfa-Tzejon had left, from the Greek and Latin Exemplars. This was observ'd by some Learned Men, but not understanding the Cause, it made them think that the Ethiopic Version had bin drawn from the Vulgar Latin. Per∣haps they did not understand these following Ethiopic Lines.

These Acts of the Apostles, for the most part, were translated at Rome out of the Latin, and Greek, for want of the Ethiopic Origi∣ginal. For what we have added or omitted, we begg your pardon, and request of You to mend what is amiss.

More then this, the Publisher of the Book beggs pardon, and excuses the defect of the Edition, in regard of the igno∣rant Assistants which he had to help him.

Fathers and Brethren, be pleas'd not to interpret amiss the faults

of this Edition; for they who Compos'd it could not read; and for our selves we know not how to compose. So then we help'd them, and they assisted us, as the blind leads the blind; and therefore we de∣sire you to pardon us and them.

This Excuse he also repeats in other places, as being con∣scious of its being defective in several other places. Never∣theless the same Edition was afterwards printed in England, as an addition to that famous Poly Glotton; of which there is no other reason to be given, but that there was no other to be pro∣cur'd.

However they enjoy the holy Scripture entire, and reck'n as many Books as we do, tho they divide them after another manner. For they distinguish the Old Testament, which contains 46 Books into four Principal parts; to which they joyn certain other Books of a different Argument consult∣ing more, perhaps, the Convenience of the Volumes, then the Dignity of the Matter. They also mix the Apocryphal with the Canonical, whether out of Carelesness or Ignorance is uncertain. And as for Gregory, he plainly confess'd he had never heard of any such word as Apocrypha.

The first Tome is call'd Oreth, or the Law, and the Octa∣teuch; for it contains Eight Books, which are call'd

• 1. Zasteret, or the Creation, call'd also by another name Kadami Aret, or the First Book of the Law, or Zaledate, or the Generation or Genesis.
• 2. Zatzat, Exodus.
• 3 Zalewawejan, of the Levites.
• 4. Zahuelekue, or Numbers.
• 5. Zadabetra, of the Tabernacle.
• 6. Ejashu. Joshua.
• 7. Masafenet, of the Dukes.
• 8. Rute. Ruth.

The Other Tome is call'd Nagaste, or Kings, and is divi∣ded into Thirteen Books.

• 9, 10. 1 Samuel, or Samuel 2. Which nevertheless they call after the manner of the Greeks, the 1.2.3.4. of Kings.
• 11, 12. Ebrewejen, of the Hebrews. II. Which nevertheless they call after the manner of the Greeks, the 1.2.3.4. of Kings.
• 13, 14. Hatzutzan. Of the Lesser, or Inferior. II. Thus they seem to understand the Greek word Paralipo∣pomena.
• ...

• 15, 16. Ezra, or Ezra II.
• 17. Tobed, Tobia.
• 18. Judic. Judith.
• 19. Ester. Ester.
• 20. Jjob. Job.
• 21. Masmare. Of the Psalmes.

The Third Tome is call'd Salomon, and contains Five Books.

• 22. Maste, the Proverbs.
• 23. Maqebeb. The Sermon. Properly a Circle, or an As∣sembly of Men Assembled together in a Ring.
• 24. Mahaleja, Mahuleje, the Song of Songs.
• 25. Tobeb, the Book of Wisdom.
• 26. Sirach. Sirach.

The Fourth Tome is call'd Nabijat, or the Prophets, and contains Eighteen Books.

• 27. Esjajas, Isaiah.
• 28, 29. Eremjas. Tanbitu, Wakkakibu. The Prophesie of Jeremie and his Lamentations.
• 30. Baruch.
• 31. Ezechiel.
• 32. Daniel.

The next that follow, as among us, are Nesan Nabjat, or the Minor Prophets.

• 33. Hoseas.
• 34. Joel.
• 35. Amos.
• 36. Obadijah.
• 37. Jonas.
• 38. Michejas or Micah.
• 39. Nahum.
• 40. Habacuc.
• 41. Sophonijas.
• 42. Hag. or Hagjah.
• 43. Zacharias.
• 44. Malaqijas.

To these they add,

• 45. Maqabejan, the two Books of Maccabees.

Of all which there are at Rome in Manuscript, the

• 1. Pentateuch.
• 2. Joshuah.
• 3. Judges.
• 4. Ruth.
• 5. Four Books of Kings.
• 6. Isaiah.

In Print are Extant

• 1. The four first Chapters of Genesis.
• 2. The Book of Ruth.
• 3. The Psalter.
• ...

• 4. The Song of Songs.
• 5. Joel.
• 6. Jonas.
• 7. Sophoniah.
• 8. Malachi.

With the Hymns of the Old Testament.

The New Testament contains Four and twenty Books, and is also divided into Four parts, of which the first is call'd Wenghel, or the Evangel, comprehending the Four Evan∣gelists.

• 1. Matthew,
• 2. Mark,
• 3. Luke, and
• 4. John.

The second the Gober, or the Acts, viz. of the Apostles.

The third call'd Paulus, comprehends the 14 Epistles of St. Paul.

• 6. To the Romans.
• 7. To the Corinthians, II.
• 8. To the Galathians.
• 10. To the Ephesians.
• 11. To the Philippians.
• 12. To the Colossians.
• 13, 14. To the Thessalo∣nians.
• 15, 16. To Timothy. II.
• 17. To Titus.
• 18. To Philemon.
• 19. To the Hebrews.

The fourth Hakreja or the Apostle, containing the Seven Books of

• 20. St. James.
• 21, 22. St. Peter II.
• 23, 24, 25. St. John, III.
• 26. St. Jude.

To which they add as a Supplement, the Vision of John, sirnam'd Abukalamsis: A word corrupted out of the Greek Apocalypsis, which they ignorantly took for the Sirname of St. John, as compounded of the Arabic word Abu & Kalamsis. Here we are to observe, that in the written Eastern Copies, the Epistles of St. Paul are found single by themselves; and this is the reason that in the Roman Copy of the Ethiopic New Testament, they were Printed apart, and not in the Order by us observ'd.

To the New Testament they generally annex a Volume, which they call, according to the Greek word, Synodum, or the Book of Synods. It contains those most ancient Constitu∣tions, which are call'd the Constitutions of the Apostles: in their Language Tazazate, Precepts, or Canons, being an Explana∣tion

of the Primitive Rites and Ceremonies, written by the Industry of St. Clement, but they are very much different from those that are dispers'd among Us under the name of the Apostles. These the Habessines divide into eight parts, add∣ing withall to the Canonical Writings of the Evangelists, and Apostles, as it were certain Novels, as if they were of the same Authority, and the most absolute Pandects of Christiani∣ty. Hence it was, that King David said to Alvaresius, That he had Fourscore and one Books of Sacred Scripture; that is to say, Six and forty of Old Testament (reck'ning the Lamenta∣tions by themselves), and Thirty five of the New Testament, adding to the Twenty seven, those Eight Books of Constitu∣tions and Canons, which the Ethiopians call Manda & Abte∣lis, the Signification of which were unknown to Gregory, as being words altogether Exotic. This was also the reason why Tefa-Tzejon has this Expression in the Title of the New Testament, I have caus'd a New Copy to be Printed, but without a Synod, because he did not Print together with the said Co∣py, those Canons and Institutions before specify'd. Next to this Book which is also call'd Hadas, or absolutely New, the chiefest Reverence is given to the three Oecumenic Councils, the Nicene, Constantinopolitan, and Ephesine, with some other Provincial Councils, which were receiv'd in the Church till the Schism of Chalcedon. But we are to under∣stand, that beside the Twenty Nicene Canons, always re∣ceiv'd by the Greek and Latin Church, they also admit of Eighty four other Canons, which are extant among the Copies in the Arabic Language. And these in the foregoing Century, Baptista the Jesuit Transcrib'd and brought to Rome, where they were Translated into Latin. They were all formerly fairly written in Parchment, and by Zer-a-Jacob or Constantine, Emperor of the Habassines in the year 440. sent to Jerusalem, and thence brought to Rome in the year 1646. where I saw it in the Habessine House, in the year 1649. It contains the following Books:

• The Synod of the Holy Apostles for the Ordering of the Church of Christ, together with all the Precepts Decrees and Canons, which Clement the Disciple of Peter wrote.
• The First Synod is that of the Council of Ancyra.
• The Second Synod is that of the Council of Caesarea.
• The Third the Council of Nice.
• ...

• The Fourth of Gangra.
• The Fifth of Antiochia.
• The Sixth of Laodicea.
• The Seventh of Sardis.

Afterwards follow the Acts of 318 Orthodox Holy Fathers. Then a Treatise of the Sabboth Compos'd by Retud-Hal∣manor. Next a Declaration of the Doctrine of the Law, by Constitutions and Exhortations. Lastly, a Decree and Ca∣non of Penitence. The Book was written at Axuma, with a Preface of the Kings written, dated from Shewa.

Adjoyning to this Book are the Liturgy, or the Publick Prayers for the Use of the whole Ethiopic Church. They call it Kanono Kedasi, the Canon of the Eucharist, as being the Rule of Administration, and of all the other Liturgies; They are Printed in the Roman Copy of the New Testa∣ment, before the Epistles of St. Paul, but intermixed with Foreign Insertions. For there we find it written concerning the Holy Ghost, who proceeds from the Father and the Son; which latter proceeding neither the Greeks nor Ethiopians admit.

Besides this General Liturgy, they have several other Li∣turgies, which are appropriated for several Holydaies.

• Kedasi Za-gezen, the Liturgy of our Lord.
• Kedasi Za-Ghezeten, the Liturgy of our Lady.
• Kedasi Za-Warjat, the Liturgy of the Apostles.
• Kedasi Zawedus Martium, the Liturgy of St. Mark.

Which Inscriptions have deceiv'd some Learned Men, who have branded them with the Characters either of Apocryphal or false Titl'd, for that they were not call'd so by the Compo∣sers of them, both the Text it self, and the Name of the Author sometimes added to the Title, demonstratively evince; as for Example.

The Liturgy of our Lady Mary, which Abba Cyriacus, Metro∣politan of the Province of Behens compos'd.

Of this Nature, they have also sundry other Manuscript Liturgies, which the Ethiopians call Equtet Korban, or the Thanksgiving of Oblation: It being their Custom to use Eucha∣ristical Prayers and Homilies in the Administration of the Sacrament.

But their Symbolic Book, or Compendium of the whole Habessine, Religion, is call'd Hajma Monoto-Abaw, The Faith or Religion of the Fathers; of which Tellez writes, That it is a Book among them, almost of great Authority and Credit, as being as it were a Library of the Fathers: it being Col∣lected out of the Homilies of St. Athanasius, St. Basil, St. Cyril, St. John Chrysostom, and St. Cyril, as also Ephrem the Syrian, and the St. Gregories, of which there are Four whom they ac∣knowledge and highly esteem.

• Gregory of Neo-Cesarea, the Wonder-worker.
• ...Gregory Nazianzene.
• Gregory Nyssene, and
• Gregory the Armenian.

Tellez adds St. Austin; but of that I very much doubt the Truth, the Writings and Names of the Latin Fathers, being utterly unknown to the Abessines. And indeed had that Book been Compos'd out of the Writings of the Fathers above∣mention'd, it might have been easily admitted by the Jesuits as an equal Judge between both Parties in their Disputes con∣cerning the two Natures in Christ. They have besides these several other Books that treat upon Sacred Subjects, as Books of Martyrs, and Lives of Saints, which are call'd Synaksar in the Ethiopic Idiom; Among the rest,

• ...The History of the Fathers.
• ...The Combats or Wrestlings of Martyrs.
• ...The History of the Jews.
• ...The Constitutions of the Christian Church.
• A Book of Mysteries, which Treats of Heresies, written by St. George.
• A Book of Epiphanius upon the same Argument.
• ...The Spiritual Old Man.
• The Harp of Praise, in honour of the Trinity and the Virgin Mary.
• Padab Tzahje, The Splendor of the Sun, which Treats of the Law of God.
• Wedasi Ambatzi, The Praise of God.
• Matzehfe felsit bagzeten Marjam, The Book of the Death of our Lady Mary.

In whose Praise and Honours there are several Hymns and Verses, among which, the most extoll'd is that which

is call'd Organon Denghel, The Virgins Musical Instrument, Composed by Abba George, an Abassine Doctor, a Book not very ancient, but in high esteem by reason of the great number of Similitudes and Allegories; as also for the Ele∣gancy of the stile and words. But as to what Egidius the Capuchin writes to the famous Petreskius, concerning the Prophesie of Enoch, as if such a thing were extant in the Ethiopic Language, in a Book call'd Matzhe Henoch, the Book of Enoch, the Story is altogether fabulous. So soon as that noble Gentleman heard of this Book, he spar'd for no Cost to get it into his hands; till at length the Knave∣ry of those he employ'd, impos'd upon him another Book with a false Title. The Book was afterwards lodg'd in Cardinal Mazarine's Library, and the Preface, Middle and End being Transcrib'd by a Friend of mine, was presented to me, but there was nothing in it either of Enoch or his Pre∣dictions; only some few Notions there were, and some very clear discourses of the Mysteries of Heaven and Earth, and the Holy Trinity, under the Name of one Abba-Bahaila-Michael.

There is another little idle and impertinent Pamphlet, hardly worth taking notice of, were it not so frequently currant in Europe, Gregory call'd it Tzalot Betzet, or a Magi∣cal Prayer, and averr'd, That it was not only not esteem'd, but rejected in Ethiopia; tho by us charily hoarded up in se∣veral Libraries. It is writ with so much stupidity, that you shall find therein many Prayers of the Virgin Mary to her Son, stufft with monstrous words, to which are attri∣buted Vertues and Efficacies more than Divine; as,

• ...Adnael,
• ...Adotavi,
• ...Adotael,
• ...Tilelmejus,
• ...Cuercuerjam,
• ...Flastaslaque,

With many others more horrid to Pronunciation. But from hence it is apparent how much the Habassines resemble the Jews, as affecting words of uncouth and unheard of insig∣nificancy, by which they thought to command both Heaven and Hell, which carrying a kind of a dreadful sound, the Habessines also use them in their forms of Anathematizing, they cry,

And let him be accurs'd by Addirion and Actariel, by Sandal∣phon,

and Hadarmel, by Ansiciel, and Patchiel, by Seraphiel, and Zeganzael, by Michael and Gabriel, and by Raphael and Meschartiel, and let him be interdicted by Tzautzeviv, and Haue∣heviv, He is the great God; and by the Seventy Names of that great King; and on the behalf of Tzortak, the great Ensign-Bearer.

CHAP. V. Of the Religion of the Habassines at this Day.

The Reports of Matthew the Armenian and Tzagazaab false or uncer∣tain. The Fathers have omitted their soundest Opinions—And fix'd their several Errors upon them. The Confession of Claudius Genuine. The great Authority of the Synodal Writers. They admit the Nicene and other Councils till that of Chalcedon. They acknowledge the Trinity, one Person of Christ, and his sufficient Merit. The Proceeding of the Holy Ghost from the Son they deny. Gregorie's Dispute and Opinion. The Ethiopian interpretation of the word Proceed. The Sacraments, Baptism, Communion under both Kinds. The real Presence. The words they use in Reference to it. Gregorie's Opinion of Transubstantiation. Of the Soul after Death. They pray for the Dead. Deny Purgatory. Gregorie's Opinion concerning it. The Original of Prayer for the Dead. They pray to Saints and Angels. Their Catechism for Chil∣dren and Neophytes.

WEre the Symbolical Book of the Habessines, which they call Hajmanot-Abau to be found in Europe, we might easily Collect from thence, the true and genuine Sence and Doctrine of the Ethiopic Church concerning the Heads and Articles of the Chri∣stian Faith: for hitherto we find the most of them uncer∣tainly deliver'd, and for the Confession of Faith set down by Matthew the Armenian, and Tzagazaab, we have already taken notice of the failings in it. The Fathers of the Socie∣ty, that have been conversant among the Habessines both in this and the former Century, and frequently discours'd with their Learned Men, passing by their sound and serious Opinions, tax them of many Errors which they have receiv'd from the Greeks and Jews. As for Example,

That the Spirit proceeds only from the Father.

That the Human Nature of Christ is equal to his Divinity.

They acknowledge but one Will and one Operation in Christ; for which reason they believe that we affirm Four Persons in the Godhead, seeing that we confess two Wills and two Natures in Christ.

They repeat the Ceremony of Baptism every year upon the Feast of the Epiphany.

They believe that the Souls of the Just shall not be receiv'd into Heaven before the end of the World; nor do they think them to be Created, but produc'd out of Matter.

They neither confess the Number, nor the particular Species of their Sins, but cry in general, I have sin'd, I have sin'd.

They use not the Sacrament of Chrism, nor Extream Unction upon the approach of Death; nor do they mind the Consolation of the bread of life. Insomuch that many of them stick not to say, That they who follow the Roman Religion, are not only Heretics, but worse than the Mahumetans.

They reject the Council of Chalcedon, casting many reproaches upon Leo the Great; but highly applauding Dioscurus.

They deny Purgatory.

These things I chose to deliver almost in the very words of Godignus, who Collected them out of the Relations and Letters of Gonzalez Rodoric, Alphonsus de Franca, Emanuel Fer∣nandez, and others of the Society. Neither do they seem to be improbable; but how they evade or excuse them, we shall shortly declare. As to what is said that some of them believe the Followers of the Romish Religion to be worse than Mahumetans, I could not hear any such thing from Gregory: neither did he think it was to be understood in reference to their Doctrine, but their Tyranny over their Subjects; it being the Custom of the Mahumetans only to vex and oppress all those who are under their Power, professing a Religion contrary to theirs, but never to rage against them with Fire and Sword.

In the mean time we have a Confession set forth by King Claudius; but the scope of that Confession was only to clear himself and his Subjects from the Imputation of Judaism, which he found to be the only reason that impeded the Amity between him and the Portugals. Therefore leaving this Confession, by what we can gather from their Publick Liturgies, and the Writings and Sayings of Persons, both Publick and Private, the sum of the Habessinian Doctrine seems to consist of the following Heads.

First, They acknowledge the Holy Scripture to be the sole and only Rule of what they are to believe, and what they are to do: insomuch that King David said to Alvarez, That if the Pope should impose upon Him or His Subjects, any thing what the Apostles had not written or permitted, he would not obey him; nor his own Metropolitan if he should attempt to do the like. But with the Scripture they are so much in love, that there is nothing more de∣lightful to their Ears, than the repetition of it. There∣fore saith Tellez,

Nothing more pleas'd the Habessines than to hear the Scripture often quoted in Sermons; and the more Citations a man brings out of Scripture, the more learned be is accompted.

Nor do they give much less Credit to the Three Oecu∣menical Councils, as appears by the Confession of Claudius. They generally make use of the Nicene Creed, which they call Tzalot Hajmanot, the Prayer of the Faith. That which we use they have not, no more than all the rest of the Eastern Churches; a strong Argument, that it was not compil'd by the Apostles, tho' in regard of the Doctrine which it con∣tains, it may be truly call'd Apostolic. For certainly the Ni∣cene Fathers would not have stifl'd such a Creed, or set forth another of their own, had the Apostles left such an Epitome of their Doctrine behind them. The Ancient Greek Coun∣cils then are the Councils which the Habessines have in reve∣rence, together with the Eighty four ancient Canons added to those of the Nicene Council, till they come to that of Chal∣cedon, which they do not only utterly reject, but also Crimi∣nally reproach.

Whatever therefore the Catholic Church admitted and believ'd before that Council, concerning God, Three in one; the Three distinct Persons in one Essence; the Eternity of the Son of God, the Existence of the Holy Ghost, and o∣ther Articles of Faith, all those things the Habessines willing∣ly consent to and allow, condemning those that Dispute against them. By the way, we are here to observe, that the Ethiopic words, Sabsatu Gaz Gaz Egza Bahr, Three Persons and one God, are vulgarly ill Translated, being to have bin render'd, Three Faces, One Lord; for the word Gaz, signifies as well the Face or Countenance, as it bears the force of the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Person.

The Nestorian Heresie asserting two Persons in Christ, they so abhor, that for that very reason they will not ad∣mit of his two Natures, and two Wills, tho they positive∣ly acknowledge his Divinity and Humanity. For they af∣firm Christ to be true and perfect God; and also true and perfect Man, and to consist in one Individual Person of Divinity and Humanity, without Confusion and Com∣mixtion.

Farthermore, They acknowledge the most Sacred Merits of Christ; to be most sufficient and efficacious for the Sins of the whole world, and consequently of all Mankind; and this Gregory himself affirm'd to be true: nor have I found in any of their Books which I have happen'd to see, any thing that contradicts what he asserted. However, as the Greeks do, they deny the Proceeding of the Holy Ghost from the Son; yet all this while they acknowledge him to be equally the Spirit of the Father and the Son, and to be a Person subsisting of himself. For thus they declare in their Liturgy.

We believe the Father sending, that the Father is in his own Per∣son. And we believe the Son who is sent, that the Son is in his own Person, and we believe the Holy Ghost who descended upon Jor∣dan, and upon the Apostles, that the Holy Ghost is in his own Person; Three Names, One God. Not as Abraham who is elder than Isaac, nor as Isaac who is Elder than Jacob. It is not so, The Father is not Elder than the Son, because he is the Father, nor the Son Elder than the Holy Ghost, nor the Holy Ghost lesser or Younger than the Father and the Son, nor is the Son Younger than the Father, because he is the Son. Not as Abraham who command∣ed over Isaac in respect of Generation, because he begat him, nor as Isaac who commanded Jacob. It is not so in Divinity; The Father does not command the Son, because he is the Father; nei∣ther is the Son greater than the Holy Ghost, because he is the Son. The Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost are Equal; One God, one Glory, one Kingdom, one Power, one Empire.

But concerning the Hypostasis, or Person of the Holy Ghost really distinct from the Father and the Son, the Author of the Organon thus discourses.

But least any one, from what has been already said, should infer, that the Holy Ghost is not a perfect and distinct Per∣son;

therefore said Christ to his Apostles, I will send you ano∣ther Comforter. By which we know that the Holy Ghost doth exist together with the Father and the Son, and also to∣gether in his own proper Subsistance or Person. Not that the Holy Ghost is partly in the Son, partly in his own Person, but one and the same, existent in his proper Person, and exi∣stent with the Father and the Son.

Gregory being ask'd, whether this were the unanimous and constant Opinion of all the Ethiopian Doctors? reply'd, It was. I thereupon urg'd, Why they deny'd that the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Father? seeing they asserted, that he was equally the Spirit of the Father and the Son? He desir'd, That I would first expound what was meant by Proceeding from the Father, and then he would give the reason of the Denyal; and that for his part, he kept to the words of the Scripture, John 15.26. and 16.24. Who goeth out from the Father, and takes from the Son; and that he sought no farther. For that it was not lawful in Disputes concerning the most abstruse Mysteries of the Holy Trinity, to argue by Consequences; but to stick close to the very words and Expressions of Scripture them∣selves. That I should consider what would follow, if we should argue from the Unity and Equality of Essence to the Characteristical Proprieties of the Persons. As if any one should undertake to averr, That Christ is the Son of the Holy Ghost, because the Holy Ghost is one and Coeternal God with the Father. Some such kind of Argument his Countryman Tzagazaab may be thought to have had in his Brain, when he wrote, That Christ was the Son of himself, and the Beginning of him∣self, because he was co-essential with the Father, whose Son he was. By the way we are to understand, That the Ethiopi∣ans, instead of the word Vazzea, went forth or proceeded, and in the Preterperfect tense, use the word Saraz, to budd or sprout forth. Thus Claudius in his Confession.

I believe in the Holy Ghost, reviving Lord, Zasratz em Ab, who proceeded or sprung from the Father.

They never add from the Son, altho the Liturgy Printed at Rome, and Tzagazaab's Confession runs thus, Zasraz em Ab vavalde, who sprouted forth or proceeded from the Fa∣ther and the Son. Where 'tis much to be doubted, that from the Son was inserted by another hand

We proceed to the Sacraments, of which they neither have the common name nor number. For they are utterly igno∣rant

of Confirmation and Extreme Unction. They make use of the word Mastar, for a Mysterie, whenever they go about to intimate the Mysterie of the Participation of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ. Otherwise they do not think it necessary, to signifie the Seals of Faith, by any other Vulgar name not us'd in Scripture, or to make much dispute about the Number. Only said Gregory, They make use of Bap∣tism according to the Institution of Christ, and with the Ce∣remonies anciently made use of by the Church. But the Fathers of the Society reported, That the Ceremonies of Baptism were so deprav'd and corrupted among the Habes∣sines, that they were constrain'd to Rebaptize great Num∣bers under a Condition.

As for the Holy Communion, they Administer it indifferently to all, both Layety and Clergy, as it is the Custom in all the Churches of the East. Neither has any thing more alienated their minds from the Fathers, than their finding the Layety to be depriv'd of the Cup by the Latins. Gregory being de∣manded what he thought of the real Presence of the Body and Blood in the Lord's Supper? made answer, That he ac∣knowledged it. Adding withal, according to his manner, when any Discourses arose of Matters more difficult and ab∣struse than ordinary, Retzitze nagare vet, 'tis a nice business; or, Mastar vet, It is a Mystery. When I produc'd him these words in the Liturgies.

Lord now lay thy hand upon this Dish, Bless it, Sanctifie it, and Purifie it, that so thy Body may be made holy therein.

Again,

Lay thy hand upon this Cup, and now bless it, sanctifie it, and purifie it, that thy Blood may become holy therein.

In another place.

Lay thy hand upon this Spoon of the Cross, to prepare the Body and Blood of thy only Son our Lord and God.

And in another place,

Convert this Bread, that it may become thy pure Body, which is joyn'd with this Cup of thy most precious Blood.

And out of the Eucharistic Prayer, which bears the Title of the 318 Orthodox Divines, these following words:

Let the Holy Ghost descend, and come and shine upon this Bread, that it may be made the Body of Christ our Lord, and that the taste and savour of this Cup may be chang'd, that so it may be made the Blood of Christ our Lord.

And when I ask'd him withal the Exposition of the words Majete vat valto, to be chang'd or converted; and then demand∣ed of him, Whether he did not think that the substance of the Bread and Wine was not chang'd and converted into the Substance of the Body and Blood of Christ? He made answer, That no such sort of Transubstantiation was known or understood by the Habessines. That his Countrymen were not so scrupulous, nor us'd to start such thorny Questions. Nevertheless it seem'd to him probable and like, that the vulgar Bread and Wine was chang'd into the mysterious Representation of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ; and so was alter'd from Prophane to Sacred, to represent the true Body and Blood of Christ to the Communicants. Tellez confesses his dissatisfaction touching their Consecration, it being their Custom to say over the Body of Christ, This bread is my Body; and over the Wine, This cup is my Blood. Which words have not in them the true force of Consecration. For the Doctors of the Roman Church are of Opinion, That whoever speaks those words, does nothing; These words, This is my Body, being only of Efficacy to operate a true Transubstantiation. Which being true, no man can pretend that the Abessines ac∣knowlege Transubstantiation, especially seeing they do not attribute those Divine Honours to the Sacraments, which the Consequences of real Transubstantiation require.

Concerning the state of the Soul after Death, there are se∣veral Opinions among the Habessines, every one having free Liberty of Opinion in those things that do not directly con∣cern Eternal Salvation. So that it is no wonder that so ma∣ny various Sentiments of private persons are brought away by our Doctors, as the publick Opinions of the Habessines.

Some of them believe that the Souls of Men piously de∣ceased, shall not behold the Beatifical Vision of God before the Resurrection of the Body; which is also the Opinion of many of the Ancient Latins: as if the Soul remain'd in Ex∣pectation of the Body in some certain third place. Others, convinc'd by the Authority of the Scripture, acknowledge on∣ly two Mansions of the Souls, Heaven and Hell; believing no Damnatinn to those that are in Christ, and dye in his Faith.

Which they gather from the Example of the Penitent Thief, and the words of Christ, thus Translated by the Ethiopians,

Verily I say unto thee, firmly believe, that thou shalt be with me in Paradice.

Therefore, as for those that Piously sleep in Christ, they believe them not to be in a worse Condition than this Thief, who at the point of Death was sav'd through Peni∣tence actuated by Faith, without any satisfaction given for his Thieveries. Now to prove that the Soul of Man is not created, they produce this Argument, That God perfected the whole Work of his Creation upon the Sixth day. Never∣theless they believe it to be in its own Nature immortal, as being inspir'd into Man by God, at his first Creation. But on the other side, they think it very absurd that God should be ty'd to create new Souls every day for Adulterate and In∣cestuous Births.

However the first Opinion seems to be the more vulgar∣ly receiv'd among them; in regard of their Prayers for the Dead: As for example.

Remember, Lord, the Souls of thy Servants, and our Father, Abba-Matthew, and the rest of our Fathers, Abba-Salama, and Abba-Jacob.

And a little after,

Remember, Lord, the Kings of Ethiopia, Abreha; and Atzbeha, Caleb, and Gebra-Meskah, &c.

Then they add,

Release, O Lord, our Fathers Abba Antony and Abba Ma∣carius.

Remember, Lord, the Soul of thy Servant, our Father Tecla-Hajmanot, with all his Companions.

From whence it may be fairly justify'd, that the Abessines admit of a Purgatory. And yet Gregory constantly deny'd it. And Godignus confesses, That there are no sacred Services said for the deceas'd among the Habessines. The same thing Tellez confirms. However he derides them, as not constant to themselves; for that, to pray for the Dead, and distribute Alms

to the Poor, is no other than to assert Purgatory. Nor do I see how they can reconcile their Praying for the Rest of happy Souls; and at another time, their imploring the In∣tercession of the same Souls.

But they nothing mov'd with these Arguments and Infe∣rences, affirm them to be the Pious Conception of their good wishes, and only a Commemoration of the happy Estate of the deceas'd; and that it is none of their business to make any farther scrutiny into the Traditions of their Ancestors. Gregory added, That many Prayers of the Christians were so conceiv'd, that many times those things were Petition'd for, which were already perform'd and answer'd. That the Lord's Prayer contain'd Petitions of that kind. For that it would be a thing but badly inferr'd, that the Name of God was not Hallow'd, or that his Will was not done both in Heaven and Earth, because we daily put up those Prayers: be∣sides we all begg every day for Daily Bread, when most of those that make that Prayer, do generally live in wealthy abundance. He had heard perhaps among us our general good Wishes for the departed, That God would vouchsafe to grant the Interr'd Body a Quiet Repose, and at length a joyful Resurrection. And thereupon, said he, Do not you your selves wish the same good wishes for the Dead? Do not you believe that the Carkasses of the Dead may be vexed with Spiritual Evils? or that a happy Resur∣rection may be obtain'd by your Prayers. And he took so heinously the suspition of his belief of Purgatory, that he cry'd out, Would it not be an irreverent Injury to so many Kings and Fathers, should we interpret the Commemoration of their Souls to that height, as to think they should be tormented for so many Ages in Purgatory, and want the aid of our indefatigable Prayers to release them after so long an Imprisonment? For those Kings and Fathers were men among the Habessines most Innocent, and had bin dead above a Thousand years since or more. So that whether they be in Paradice, or remain in any other place, expecting the Resurrection of their Bodies, in both cases Prayers of that Nature seem superfluous.

Besides, were there any Question to be made of the happy Condition of Men Piously deceas'd, we should rather pray for those whose lives were more loose and vain, than for those whose Conversations were without blame. And there∣fore what has bin deliver'd about the Opinions of the Ha∣bessines concerning Purgatory, leans rather upon Conjecture than any sufficient Authority, they being ignorant of the

very Name. Insomuch that Jacob Wemmers the Carmelite, in his Ethiopic Lexicon, was constrain'd to forge a Word, by calling it Mantzehi Hatate, the Purger of Sin. But we are to understand, that it was the most Ancient Custom of the Church first of all to read the Names of the Holy Martyrs out of the Public Registers, as being a Duty owing to the memory of the invincible Testimonies for Christ. Which the following Ages strain'd another way, as if they had need of our Intercession; and others, as if we could not be with∣out their Intercession, made it a presence to invoke the Holy Saints, as if they were present and heard them. To which we may add, That the Ancient Christian Orators, and Wri∣ters of Homilies, making use of their Rhetorick, by vertue of that Figure, commonly call'd Prosopopocia, bespoke the blessed Saints, and introduc'd them as it were returning An∣swers; from whence it is not improbable that Suspition might introduce the Custom of giving the same Adoration to them as to God himself, and worshipping them with Temples, Altars, and other Divine Honours. Which ne∣vertheless the Habessines do not do; for though they keep Holydaies in memory of their Saints, they do not call them Bagnabat, Solemnities; but Tjabarat, Remembrances. They also invoke them, tho they know not after what manner they may be able to hear them; and beg their Intercessions also, especially of the most Holy Virgin Mary, to whom they bear such an affectionate Reverence, that they think whatever the Church of Rome has invented to her Honour, all too little; and yet they erect no Statues to her memory for all that, being contented only with her Pictures. When they were in a rage against those of the Roman Religion, and pursu'd 'em in their fury with Sticks and Stones, they cry'd out, Kill, Kill; whoever is not an Enemy of Marie, let him take up a Stone to stone her Enemies to Death.

But more than this, they many times invoke the Angels, as having for that perhaps a more specious pretence, because they have bin frequently said to appear to good Men and Women, and hear their Prayers.

Of these the Ethiopians reckon no less than Nine Orders, which they borrow from their Names and Epithites given them in Sacred Scripture.

Malaeket, Angels particularly so call'd, or by another Name, Manofsat, Spirits; Bitean Malaeket; Arch-Angels.

• ...Agaezet,
• ...Saltanot,
• ...Manoberet,
• ...Hujebat,
• ...Maqinenet,
• ...Qirubil,
• ...Surafel,
• ...Lords, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• ...Magistracies, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• ...Thrones, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• ...Powers, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• ...Princes.
• ...Cherubims.
• ...Seraphims.

Some there are who give them several other Sirnames, as Bikanot, Primores or Cheiftains, and Arbabe, or Arbab Asat, as much as to say fierie Myriads.

Others there are who affirm, That first of all there were Ten Orders, of which the first, whose Chieftain was Satanael, together with his Associates, revolted from God; and that the Blessed hereafter shall succeed into their places; which they assert to be the cause of the Devils inveterate hatred toward Man.

As to their forms of Catechizing Youth and Neophytes, the following Accompt may afford very great Satisfaction; as being written by Gregory with his own hand, and all that he could then call to mind.

A Brief Accompt of the Heads of the Ethiopic Faith, in which they usually instruct their Youth and Neo∣phytes. They are Extant more at large in Ethio∣pia, but more succinctly, as follows.

What God dost thou Worship?

The Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, three Persons, but one Deity.

Of these Three Persons, which is the first, which the last? which the greatest, which the least?

Their is no Person first or last, no Person Superior, or Inferior; but all equal in all things.

How many Persons?

Three.

How many Gods?

One.

How many Deities?

One.

How many Kingdoms?

One.

How many Powers?

One.

How many Creators?

One.

How many Wills?

One.

Is God limited by time?

No, For he is from all Eternity, and shall endure to all Eternity.

Where is God?

Every where, and in all things.

Is not the Father God?

Yes.

Is not the Son God?

Yes.

Is not the Holy Ghost God?

Yes.

Dost thou not therefore say there are Three Gods?

I do not say Three Gods, but Three Persons, and One only God.

Who begat the Son?

God the Father. But the Holy Ghost proceeds from Father, and takes from the Son.

Pray shew me some Similitude how Three Persons can be in one Deity?

The Sun, tho he be but one in Substance, yet in him are found three distinct Things, Rotundity, Light and Heat. Thus we also believe that in one God there are three Persons, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, equal in all things.

Of those Three Persons, which was born for our Re∣demption?

The second Person, viz. The Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ.

How many Nativities had he?

Two.

Which were they?

His first Nativity was from the Father, without Mother, without time; The second from the Virgin Mary our Lady, without Father, in time she always remaining a Virgin.

Is Jesus Christ our Lord a Man, or is he truely God?

God and Man both, in one Person, without Separation, and with∣out Change; without Confusion or Commixture.

In the same manner do the Habessines Believe and Teach all matters of Faith; viz. Concerning the Baptism of Christ, his Fast∣ing, his Passion, his Death, his Resurrection, his Ascention into Heaven, and sending of the Holy Ghost. Moreover, That he shall return in Glory to Judge the Quick and the Dead. That he is present in the Holy Sacrament. That the Dead shall rise at the last Day. That the Just shall inherit the Kingdom of Heaven; but that Sinners shall be condemn'd to Hell. They also believe the Ca∣tholic Church, according to the Creed compil'd by the 318 Orthodox Fathers, that met at the Council of Nice.

We shall not add more at present, till more and those Pub∣lickly approv'd Books shall come to our hands, that we may not imprudently attribute, as some have done, the Opinions of private persons to the whole Church.

CHAP. VI. Of the Rites and Ceremonies of the Ethiopic Church, as also of the Habessine Temples.

Sacred Rites often an Occasion of Disturbance in the Church. The Prudent Decree of the Apostles. Paul's Condescension necessary. Judaish Rites retain'd. Many new Ceremonies invented by the Pope, by the Alexan∣drian Metropolitan none. The most ancient Ceremonies retain'd by the Abessines. Their Churches dark, like the Synagogues. The Divisions of them, and Quires. The Nobility made Deacons. The Bishops Lodgings. Much honour'd. They admit of Pictures. They sign with the Cross. Bap∣tism of grown People. Ʋndertakers why so call'd. The Eucharist given to baptiz'd Infants. Some frivolous forms of the Habessines constrain'd the Fathers to Rebaptize. The Custom of Annual Bathing not effectual for Baptism. The abuse of it. The State of Ecclesiastical Affairs mi∣serable in Habessinia. The Reasons. General Confession. Absolution. Before 25 years of Age they believe themselves Innocent. Much Preach∣ing. Gregorie's Opinion of their Sermons. They Read Homilies, &c. The Sacred Vessels for the Eucharist. Why the Stone Consecrated by the Romans is call'd a Chest by the Habessinians. A particular Discourse of the Author. Leavened Bread. The Wine distributed in a Spoon. The defect of it supply'd, The time and place for the Holy Supper. Two Holydaies in a Week. They want Bells. Their Music unpleasing, yet they Daunce about. Fastings, and fourth and sixth Holydaies whence. None during Easter. Of the Fasts of the Protestants in Europe. The beginning of the year. Their manner of Computation, Nuptial Rites. Polygamy. Marriages of Cousin Germans, or first Cousins. Divorces. Burials.

HItherto we have set forth what the Habessines believe concerning the Trinity, & the Principal Articles of the Christian Faith. The order of our Story now requires that we should say something of their Rites and Ceremonies. For tho it nothing avail at what time or in what manner sound Doctrine be Preach'd, so that all things be done de∣cently and in order; nevertheless these Rites and Ceremo∣nies have begat great Disputes, and produc'd great Distur∣bances in the Church.

For indeed from the very Infancy of the Gospel, vari∣ous were the Contentions of Holy and Pious men about Ce∣remonies. Some believ'd that the Judaic Rites, not being ex∣presly abrogated by Christ, were of necessity to be observ'd, together with the Doctrine and Sacraments of the New Te∣stament,

even as helps to Salvation. Others there were who judg'd that they might be profitably retain'd, though not of absolute necessity, as well in remembrance of the ancient Church of God, as to gain the Souls of the Jews. The first Opinion the Apostles themselves Condemn'd. In other things using Apostolic Prudence and Moderation, they made a distinction betwen Jews and Ethnics newly Converted. For they not only permitted the Jews to retain their ancient Rites, but perswaded Paul to comply with so many Millions of unbelieving Jews, who were Zealous Admirers of the Law, and accus'd Paul, for teaching a Defection from the Law, for forbidding Infants to be Circumciz'd, and for not living according to the Jewish Customs. Paul obey'd, and purify'd himself with his Companions, shav'd his Head, and so entring the Temple together, offer'd up an Offering for every one of them. Nay, more then this, what would be now accompted a heinous Crime, he caus'd Timothy to be Circumciz'd, being induc'd thereto by the Necessity of those times. Yet at another time he condemn'd Circumcision, if it were done with a Judaic Intention.

Thus an Action in it self indifferent, becomes bad or good, from the Reason and Intention of the Agent. But then, what what was to be done with the Gentiles that embrac'd the Faith of Christ, the Apostles took into their Deliberation. Never∣theless they would not oblige them to the Observation of the Mosaic Law, but only in answer to their Doubts, they com∣manded them only to abstain from those things, which might not only create in the Jews a dislike of the Gospel; but also very much scandalize those that were already Proselytes, and disturb mutual Charity and Friendship in daily Converse and Society. For the Jews would not Dyet with those who eat things Sacrific'd to Idols, or strangled, nor the blood it self. From that time some of the Judaic Rites prevail'd as indiffe∣rent among most, who did not contend against Piety and Christian Doctrine. Till at length by degrees they were either abrogated by the Church, or worn out of Use. Nor had the most ancient Institutions of the Christians any other Originals, as the Building of Churches, Plunging the whole Body in Baptism, Two Fast Dayes in a Week, Festivals and the like. However there were but few Ceremonies in the trou∣blesome times of the Church; but in the times of Peace, they increas'd to Infinity: and the worse the state of the Church

was, the more Ceremonies; insomuch that St. Austin com∣plain'd in his time, That the most wholsom Precepts of Divine Books were not so much regarded, as the fictitious Comments and In∣ventions of Men upon them. The Church of Rome, by how much more opulent and powerful than the rest; so much the more sedulously and industriously it compos'd all things to Splendour and Pomp. The Roman Pontiff being the sole Judge of all things, whether convenient, or not commodi∣ous, and what he thought fit to Abrogate or Establish. But the Patriarch of Alexandria, whom the Ethiopians obey as their High Pontiff, what with the unhappy Contentions between the Melchites, and Jacobites, and the Persecutions of the Sa∣racens, has had enough to do to keep his own Station, not be∣ing at leisure in the midst of so many Storms, to think of di∣vulging new Ceremonies. Nor would the Habessines out of their wonted simplicity and plain heartedness, the best Pre∣server of ancient Custom, attempt to alter or abrogate any thing without his leave or Command. Whence it comes to pass, that many of the most ancient Customs of the Primi∣tive times, in other places out of date or abrogated, are still retain'd to this day among them. Which makes us hope that our Labour will not be ungrateful to the Reader, cu∣rious of Ecclesiastic Antiquity, if we compare the Old with the New. First, only their Churches are briefly to be de∣scrib'd, which formerly were sufficiently Magnificent, and by King Ladibela hewn out of the Bodies of the Rocks them∣selves. Some were also Built by the Succeeding Kings; but Grainus, out of his hatred to Christianity, ruin'd the greatest part of them. There are yet remaining some Footsteps of that famous Cathedral, which Helena, David's Grandmother Built: In which there is more want of Light than of Gold or Silver. The Structure of most resembles the Ancient Architecture. For the ancient Christians, when first they had obtain'd the Opportunities of building Churches for Public Use, choosing rather to imitate the Jews, than the Gentiles, Built them in imitation of the ancient Temple of Jerusalem, or of the Jewish Synagogues; nor did they give them the heathenish Names of Temples; but call'd them Ilyriacas, as it were dedicated to God, or else Oratories, or Martyria, Places of Public Testimony. Now as the Tem∣ple of Jerusalem being encompassed with a spacious Wall, consisted chiefly of three parts; that is to say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or the

wide Porch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or the body of the Temple; and lastly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or the Holy of Holies, so the Cathedrals of the Ancients, had a Porch before the great Folding Dores surrounded with a Wall, where the Excommunicated, and Penitents, and Novices were oblig'd to tarry, till the latter more fully instructed in Christianity, were admitted to Baptism; or the former brought forth the real fruits of Amendment. Then there was the Body of the Church, in the middle of which was a secret Place, screen'd with a Curtain, which was call'd the Sacrificatory, as also the Suggestum, or place where the Pulpit stood, in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which represented the Holy of Holies. Such a Suggestum, or Place of Ascension is still to be seen in the Jewish Synagogues, and call'd in imitation of the Greek word Bimah. But this the Europeans afterward thought more convenient to remove to the farther end of the Church: we call it now the Quire, for the most part separated with Iron Lattices from the Body of the Structure. These Antique Forms of Building were accommodated to the ancient Cere∣monies. For as the Jews were admitted no farther than the Dores, and the Priests only suffer'd to pass beyond the Thre∣shold, so here none but the Baptiz'd were admitted as it were into the Bosom of the Church, the rest, like the Gen∣tiles among the Jews, prohibited from approaching nearer than the Dores. The Quire none but the Ecclesiastical Per∣sons enter'd, which was so rigidly observ'd by the An∣cients, that St. Ambrose commanded the Emperor himself Theodosius, to withdraw; whereas the Greek Church allow'd that Priviledge to their Emperors, and gave them Liberty to enter the Sanctuary when they offer'd to the Sacred Ta∣ble. After the same manner, the more famous Churches of the Ethiopians were Built; and they have also the same sort of Sanctuaries, which they call by the Hebrew Name, Heichel, at the entry whereof the Layety stand and receive the Communion. Least therefore their Nobility and their Children should be forc'd to stand among the Vulgar Croud, or they be constrain'd to break their Law and Custom, Pro∣hibiting the Layety to enter their Heichel, and participate of their Sacred Mysteries, they have found out a new Evasion, by Creating the Nobility and their Children, tho' ne're so young, or under Age, Deacons or Sub-deacons; in that only deviating from their ancient Simplicity. The King's Chil∣dren assume that Dignity of course, carrying a Cross, as a

badge of their Deaconship, which they ne'r leave off when they come to the Crown. Which the Portugueses looking upon as an Ornament of Priesthood, it gave them an occasion to give the Habessine Emperor the Title of Presbyter John. There is also a little Chappel adjoyning to the Eastern part of the Church, in which the Bread and other Necessaries belonging to the Eucharist are prepar'd. Such little Chap∣pels or Rooms were Built of old near to the great Church, where the Bishops were wont to put on their Vestments: now they are small Apartments made within the Walls of the Church, call'd by the Name of Vestries. They have no Seats in their Churches, for they neither sit nor kneel, but always stand during Divine Service; according to the an∣cient Canons, which the Greeks and Russes observe to this day, as believing it more becoming the Reverence due to the Place, and more proper for Attention than to sit. The next Age providing more kindly for Infirmity, permitted sitting, least Attention should be tyr'd by weariness. But the Habes∣sines have found out a way between both; that is to say, little Crutches to lean and rest their Bodies, which when they go away, they leave in the Church Porch. If there be any who out of weakness chance to sit upon the Ground, they are in the mid'st of Prayers commanded by the Dea∣cons to rise, in these words, Eb Tarber, Tanse, You that sit, Rise. Nay, such is their Reverence to their Churches, that tho at this day they are only poor low dark Buildings, thatch'd with Straw or Reeds, yet when they approach near to any of them in their Travels, they alight from their Mules, and walk a foot till they are past them: They also put off their Shooes at the Door, and never spit upon the Pavement. No Females are admitted during their Im∣purities, nor Wives that have known their Husbands, all the day following. In this none more Rigid then the Ancients, who only admonish'd such to Abstain from the Holy Communion.

Pictures they admit into their Churches; but as for Sta∣tues or Sculptures Engraven or Cast, they abominate them, with the same antipathy as they do Idols. Perhaps because they never had any in the Primitive times of the Church. For it was the Saying of the Ancients, Why should Men go about to make any likeness of God, when Man himself was his Image, and no better could be made? And therefore it is a hei∣nous

Offence for any one to carry about them the Picture of Christ Crucify'd. However the Clergy carry bare Crosses in their hands, which they who meet them, reverence with a Kiss; thereby Professing themselves Christians. For they often sign both themselves, and the things that belong to them, with the Sign of the Cross, after the Custom of the most ancient Christians; who were wont so to do.

We shall now proceed to the Sacred Ceremonies of the Habessines, beginning with the first initiation into Christia∣nity, Baptism. The Priest being to Baptize a Person or Per∣sons of full Age, which there many times happens, by reason of the frequent Conversion of the Heathen, begins with the 52 Psalm, then having Perfum'd the Persons with a Censor of Frankincense, he enquires the Names of them that are to be Baptiz'd. Then after the Recital of certain Prayers, the Deacon at the same time frequently Exhorting the Hearers to joyn with the Priest, he Anoints several parts of the Body with the Holy Oyl, and lays his Hand upon the Neophyte's Head. Which done, the Neophytes, lifting up their right Hands, and looking toward the West, abjure Satan, as the Prince of Darkness. Then turning to the East, as to the Sun of Justice, and lifting up again their Right hands, they make as it were a kind of Vow to Christ; which don, they say over the Creed after the Priest, who putting the Question, They answer, They do Believe. Which ended, the Parties again are anointed, and some certain pieces of Chapters are read out of the Gospel of St. John, the Acts of the Apostles, and the Epistles of St. Paul. At length the Oyl is so pour'd into the Water prepar'd for the Baptism, as to resemble in falling the Signature of the Cross, and after the Rehearsal of several other Prayers, the Priest descends into a certain Pool, made on pur∣pose before the Doors of the Church, whither the Persons being conducted by the Deacon, the Priest takes them, and plunges them three times over Head and Ears, saying, I Baptize thee in the Name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. At the same time the Men have Men, the Women Women to assist them, who lending their Hands and Arms to their Friends, support them in going out of the Pool, and were therefore call'd Susceptores or Upholders by the Ancients. Be∣ing thus wash'd, and once more anointed, they are first

clad with a White Under-garment, to signifie the Purity of the Mind; and over that, with a Red Vestment, in token of their Salvation purchas'd by the Blood of Christ; and so introduc'd into the Church, where, being intermixed with Christians, they are made Partakers of the Holy Commu∣nion. At their departure they are presented with Milk and Honey, and so the Priest laying his Hand upon their Heads, dismisses them with this Benediction, Sons of Baptism, go in Peace. For the Habessines frequently call the Christians Velda Temqet, Sons of Baptism. All which Circumstances are agree∣able to the Rites of the Ancients. Let us thrice be plung'd, saith Tertullian, and thence supported, let us tast the Society of Milk and Honey. These are the Ceremonies observ'd toward those of ripe years.

The Ceremonies of Baptizing Infants are much shorter. Males were formerly never Baptiz'd before the Fortieth day, Females before the Eightieth day, unless upon imminent danger of Death. But now they hasten Baptism much sooner, especially if the Infant be weak and sickly. The Godfathers and Godmothers make answer to the Priest in their behalf. Nor are they plung'd in the Water, but only Sprinkl'd and Dipp'd, and that at the Entrance only of the Church; there being no admittance for them into the Church before Baptism. Lastly, Because the Holy Com∣munion is given to those of riper years presently after Bap∣tism, therefore least Infants should be in a worse Condition, in former times they dropt two or three drops out of the Sa∣cred Cup, having crumbl'd a little piece of the Holy Bread into it before: to shew there was the same regard to be had to them, as to those of riper Age. Which being long observ'd in the Latin Church, the Ethiopians, together with the Armenians, observe the Custom to this day. Gregory told me, That they did no more than only dip the top of one of their Fingers in the Wine, and moisten the Childs tongue. Now that they use the same form of words with us, Alvarez is Positive, that is to say, I Baptize thee in the Name of the Fa∣ther, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Nor could I apprehend any otherwise out of their own Liturgies.

Which makes it more to be admir'd, what the Fathers of the Society, making no mention at all of this Form, have written into Europe, That several partly unwonted, partly frivolous Forms, and quite altering the Essence of Baptism,

were made use of by the Habessine Clergy: For Example, I Baptize thee in the Name of the most Holy Trinity; I Baptize thee in the Name of Christ; I Baptize thee in the Name of the Holy Ghost only; I Baptize thee in the Water of Jordan; The Lord baptize thee; Let God wash thee; Let Baptism wash thee; Blessed be the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, with seve∣ral others of the same Nature. For which reason they were constrain'd to Rebaptize many People, not permitted by the Catholic Church, but upon extraordinary occasions. So that at length they promiscuously Rebaptiz'd all the Habessinians, tho with this Condition, That the first Baptism was not rightly perform'd, which drew upon them the Ha∣tred and Envy of the Habessinian Clergy.

Many Writers have believ'd, and reported, That the Ethi∣opians were branded with a Mark after Baptism, in order to the fulfilling the words of St. John, He that cometh after me shall Baptize you with the Holy Ghost, and with fire. But Gregory himself deny'd any such Custom, nor do the Fathers of the Society make any mention of it in their Writings. But this is certain, that the People of Africa, as well Gentils, as Mahumetans, do cauterize the Temple-Veins of Children newly Born, to preserve them from Catarrhs. Which being perhaps done by some of the Habessines to the same end, was by some ignorant Foreigners taken for a Religious Ce∣remony. As having heard that formerly there were a sort of silly Heretics, who misinterpreting the word Fire, pro∣perly so taken, and wresting it to the Improper significa∣tion of Baptism, preferr'd the Caustic Signature of Fire, be∣fore the Ceremony of washing in Water.

But now for what concerns their Anniversary Baptism, with which the Abessines are so much reproach'd, we are to give this Light. Upon the XI. of January, which with us is upon the Sixth, in the mid'st of their Summer, and the Feast of the Epiphany, they keep a most joyful Festival in Commemoration of the Baptism of our Saviour, which with many of the Ancients, they certainly believe, was per∣form'd upon that day. By the first Dawn of the Morning Light, the Clergy begin the Solemnity with certain loud and chearful Hymns. The King with all the Nobility of the Court, the Metropolitan with the Clergy, Nobles and Plebeians, Old and Young, before Sun-rise, throng into the Rivers and Ponds, and there delight themselves in the Wa∣ter,

plunging and diving over Head and Ears. As they meet any of the Priests, they crave a Blessing from them, who return them generally their desires in these words, God bless thee; or, God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost bless thee. Hence it was that many believ'd that the Ethiopians renew'd their Baptism every year. But as excess of Joy fre∣quently begets wantonness; so is it frequent for the Young men upon this day to leap, and dance, and swim and duck one another; and by and by to fill the neighbouring Fields with Hoopings and Hallowings, the usual Consequences of such kind of Sports. So that they make of it rather a day of Jollity, than a Pious Christian Festival. All this I relate from Gregorie's own Lips. The Relation of Alvarez is quite different, as if it were a real Baptism, and that the Men and Women were at that time promiscuously rebaptiz'd. Whe∣ther they did so, or whether Alvarez rightly understood the words of the Baptizer, I very much question. And yet I cannot but very much wonder at what Tellez reports, That at other times, and for slight causes, both Men and Women cause themselves to be rebaptized, and that after a most indecent manner. For should such a thing have been customary, King Basilides would never have upbraided the Fathers with their reiteration of Baptism, so frequently as he did. For my part, I never read or heard of any such thing. However, if any such thing were ever practis'd, it is to be attributed rather to the stupid ignorance of the Priests, then to allow'd Custom.

For in the last Century such was the most miserable Condition of the Ecclesiastical Affairs in Habessinia, that nothing could be more deplorable: at what time, by rea∣son of the continual Invasions and Irruptions of the Gallans and Adelans, the People were dispierc'd and scatter'd up and down the Mountains and Rocks, like a Flock without a Shepheard, without Law, and almost without either King or Metropolitan; all Sacred Worship ceas'd; their Clergy were dissipated, and their Temples and Monasteries every where ruin'd and burnt. What wonder then that Ignorance and Sloth should grow upon them? and that the illiterate Priests, for want of Books, not to be supply'd by Printing, and through the scarcity of Learned Men, should rashly ob∣trude many things altogether Foreign from the Rites of their Ancestors. For such Accidents frequently happen in great

Calamities, when Bishops and Princes cannot perform, or else grow careless of their Offices; when little regarding their own Eternal Salvation, they leave that to fate, or the pleasure of every private Person, which should be their chief and principal care. Such was the Sluggishness that overwhelm'd all Greece, in the time of Maurice the Empe∣ror; so that neither Gregory understood Greek, nor any one at Constantinople could understand Latin, such was the misery of that Age, in the Latin Church, as Baronius testifies, when nothing but meer Barbarism and Ignorance Triumph'd, when all Arts and Vertuous Studies were Exil'd, and only Vice prevail'd in Church and State. At that time there was a certain Priest, who neither like a Latinist, nor a Christian, had Baptiz'd several Infants in Nomine Patria, & Filia, & Spi∣ritual Sancta, which Baptism was however confirm'd by Za∣charias the Pope, by reason of the good intention of the Baptizer.

That Sinners after Baptism are reconcil'd to God and the Church, they make no Question: However they teach that there must be a Repentance for these Sins, and that Re∣pentance to be made known by Confession. But to enume∣rate all and singular their particular Sins, with all their cir∣cumstances, they think it neither commanded of God, nor at all necessary. And therefore, they only say in general words to the Priest, Absan, Absan, we have Sinn'd, we have Sinn'd. So that when the Roman Priests press'd them to par∣ticular Confession, they never acknowledg'd any more than three, if they had been guilty, Homicide, Adultery, and Theft. To confess any more they could not be induc'd without great difficulty. The Offender is Absolv'd in very few words, together with some gentle stripes upon the Side with an Olive twigg, which is thought sufficient to de∣liver him from the Power of Satan. But as for them that have committed any of those great Crimes before-named, they are not only chastiz'd with severe Reprehension and bitter Language, but many times also severely Scourg'd, to the end they may not only hear, but be sensible of their Ab∣solution. Tellez reports, That the Metropolitan some∣times hears Confessions himself; and that when he un∣derstands the heinousness of the Crime, he rises up, and after a sharp rebuke of the Penitent, he cryes out, Hast thou done this? Dost thou not fear God? Go too, let him be Scourg'd

thirty or forty times. Presently the Executioners are ready, who streight prepare their Scourges, and give the misera∣ble Sinner six or seven cutting lashes; the rest being remit∣ted at the Intercession of the Standers by. There was one who to avoid so sharp an Absolution of his Crime, re∣quested of the Metropolitan sitting in his Seat of Judicature, that he might make his Confession in Private; to whom the Metropolitan, How! Shall not thy Sin be made manifest at the last day, before all the World? Tell therefore, what it is? The unfortunate Offender believing it his duty to obey, openly confess'd, it was the stealing of Oxen. By chance the Owner of the Oxen was there; who being glad that he had appre∣hended the Thief, presently accus'd him, so that the poor Fel∣low being Convicted of the Fact by his own Confession before so many Witnesses, was constrain'd to restore the Oxen, and undergo a severe Punishment beside.

But as the Habessines are generally of a soft and mild Dis∣position, for the most part, so soon as they have committed any notable Offence, they presently run to their Confessors, and confessing they have sinn'd, desire to receive the Com∣munion for the quiet of their Consciences. But this they do not do, till they come to be at least Five and twenty years of Age. For till then they prolong their years of Indiscretion, pretending Childish Innocence. So that if a Young man die before he be Twenty years old, they bewail him in these words, Oh! let my Soul be like the Soul of this Innocent. So great a Confidence they have in the honest Inclinations of their Youth.

The whole Divine Service of the Ethiopians is compleated by the sole Administration of the Sacrament, and reading some few broken parcels of Chapters out of the New Te∣stament: for they neither make use of Sacred Hymns nor of Preaching. Which when we seem'd to wonder at, Gre∣gory ask'd me, Whether we thought our Preachers could speak any thing better then what was written in the Sacred Scripture, or the Homilies of the Fathers of the Primitive Church? Whe∣ther we thought their Sayings more efficacious than the Word of God? Whether we did not fear, lest those Preachers should utter something which might be repugnant to our Faith and Salvation, which might prove of dangerous Consequence, especially among the Plebeian and rustic sort of People? We answer'd, That the Worship of God requir'd it; and that the use and end of

Preaching was at large set forth in Scripture; to the end we might understand the benefit of them. But the Ethiopians to supply this defect, have Compos'd several Li∣turgies and Homilies, of which mention has been already made. To these they add several Portions of Scripture usually appointed to be read, which are fourfold, out of the Evangelists, the Acts, the Epistles of St. Paul, and the rest of the Canonical Epistles; to which they give the Titles of Wengel, the Evangils, Gheber, the Acts, Paulus, and Hawarja the Apostle. But in the general Liturgy, which they call Canon Kedasi, the Canon of the Mass, there are all their Cere∣monies to be found, with all their Prayers accustom'd to be apply'd to the several Varieties of Duties to be perform'd; all their Instruments and Vessels being sanctify'd by certain Prayers and Ejaculations. For in the Sanctuary stands the Holy Table, which they call Kedesat Terphez, vulgarly Manbar. It differs from their Common Tables, for that you may go round about it, and place what you please upon it. Only it is cover'd with a Canopy, sustain'd with four Pillars at each Corner. Upon this they place the Sacred Vessels. First the Tabot, or Chest: A little Table so call'd; but the reason why, I never yet could find; for that it has no re∣semblance of a Chest; it being an Oblong Quadrangular Table, upon which the Dish and the Cup are set; and therefore I must repair to conjecture, which I shall willingly submit to the Judgment of the Learned.

The most ancient Christians, when for almost three Ages together, they could not have the Opportunity of Admini∣string or receiving the Communion in Public, were con∣strain'd to take their Opportunities in Dens and Caves; but for the most part in the Church-yards, in the silence of the Night. To which purpose, they either carry'd the Bread, Wine, Cup, and other Utensils wrapp'd up in Linnen, or otherwise conceal'd to the place where the Congregation met. Whence it seems very probable to me, that they might make use of the Coffins themselves, or some Chest in the fashion of a Bier, to conveigh their Sacred Utensils, under the pretence of carrying forth their Dead. Which Chest being thus conveigh'd into the Church-yard or Cave where they met, serv'd also instead of a Table, about which the Communicants sate, and receiv'd in their Order. If they found any Bones of the Holy Martyrs scatter'd about,

they gather'd them up, and put them up in this Chest, which Custom in after Ages became a Law. If they were driven from their Habitations, or constrain'd for fear of Tyrannical fury to seek new abodes, this Chest was still carry'd from place to place, where the Bishop or Presbyter resided, who was to perform the Sacred Duty. And thus they came to be call'd either Chests by their proper Names, or Tables in reference to their Use, the Name of Altar growing out of Mind. For so Minutius Felix; D'ye think, says he, that we conceal the Deity whom we serve, because we have not Temples and Altars, properly so call'd? Afterwards they began in respect of the Oblations to be call'd Altars. But in process of Time, when the Sacrament came to be Admi∣nister'd without controul, there happen'd a great Change. For that some thought it not lawful to perform the Sacred Duty, otherwhere then at those wooden Chests, which long Custom had now made Religious. And therefore being brought forth of the Caves where they had been Consecra∣ted, they were set apart for the Administration of the Eu∣charist; and it is not unlikely, that in regard they were to be plac'd upon low Tables, they were made the more plain, and the lesser, that they might be more fit for use; till at length they came to be made like the Tables themselves; so that now the form being chang'd, the name only ap∣pears among the Ethiopians. But after that, when Christians began to rear great and stately Fabricks, those Arks or Chests together with the Tables, were plac'd in the Sanctuary; and in most Churches the Name of Table remain'd; but in Latin Church the Name of Altar, as the more worthy and decent Appellation prevail'd.

But this was an establish'd Custom among the Ancients, That the Basis upon which the Sacred Vessels were to be set, should be first consecrated. Whence it came to pass, that the Tables or Altars themselves were consecra∣ted; and so the use of those Arks or Chests ceas'd. But where there were no Altars, or that the question was, whe∣ther they were consecrated or no, there the Greeks had their Antimensae, or little Crickets; the Latins, their Portalia or small Portative Tables, which they set upon those Altars that were not consecrated. But for the Ethiopians, they make use of their Chest and their Table both together; to the end the Service may be the more fully and absolutely

perform'd, and nothing left undon. Now in regard these Chests were formerly made of Wood, it was not material what sort of Wood. But after the Popes had commanded that the Altars should be made of Parget, the little Porta∣tive Altar was also made of the same matter, for that reason call'd Lapis Sacratus, or the Consecrated Stone. The little Chest which the Ethiopians use, is generally of Wood, though they do not Prohibit those that are made of Stone, or cast Metal. However the Fathers of the Society would not permit them to make use of any but of Stone; the rest they either burnt or melted down.

Now the better to support and give credit to Conjecture, and to shew that the Primitive Christians had besides their plain and fix'd Tables, real Chests, like Chests of Drawers, we shall produce a Marble Monument digg'd up in one of the Christian Church-yards. Which, if you observe it, is like a Trunk or arched Bier, cover'd with a Linnen Cloth in folds, not a Half-Moon Table like a C. as Aringhus ima∣gin'd. Neither am I apt to believe that they who sate about it were celebrating their Love Feasts, but the Holy Commu∣nion. Which is plain from the Sacred Loaves that are there represented, sign'd with a Saltir Cross, which the Ethiopians still use in the Holy Communion. Thuanus, it seems, saw one of those sort of Altars, when he came to Aux in the Province of Armagnac, and describes them to be like certain Chests. Here, says he, we view'd the Temple of St. Orentius, of most re∣mote Antiquity, where we beheld several Altars plac'd up and down in the Temple, being the Coffins of the Martyrs, round about which the Christians formerly held their Meetings; not plain and level like our Tables, but rising with a kind of Gibbosity, in the manner of a Trunk lidd: which were marked with two Greek Letters, (χ.χ.) represent∣ing the Name of Christ. With Thuanus agrees Gabriel Biel, who discoursing of Wooden Altars, Nor is it contradictory, says he, to what has bin said before, that there is a wooden Altar in the Lateran Church, which Altar is preserv'd out of a par∣ticular Reverence to the Prince of Apostles, and the preceding Holy Martyrs, who were said to have Celebrated the Holy Commu∣nion upon that Altar. This Altar was fix'd by Bishop Silvester, to the end that no Person, unless the Pope himself should presume to make use of it, for the Celebration of Divine Service. But the rage of Persecution continuing from the time that the Prince of the Apo∣stles was Bishop, till the Pontificate of Silvester, there was no

[illustration] depiction of a marble sarcophagus lid depicting men at table eating bread, and a male profile.

A MARBLE COFFIN diggd up in a Church Yard nere the high way, calld Priscillas Salter's Way Representing the Communion of y^e Ancients in a Caue. Book 3^d Chap 6 P 296

a The Arke or Arched Bier Coverd with a Linnen cloath in stead of a Table.

b. The holy Loaves Signd with the Cross

fix'd Episcopal See, So that they were forc'd to perform holy Duties either in Caves or other private places upon a wooden Altar, in the form of a hollow Chest, which was carry'd about by the Priests, where∣ever the Roman Bishop kept his secret Habitation. Which is confirm'd by Father Tellez, who thus writes, where he Discourses concerning the Chest made use of by the Ethio∣pians.

Moreover 'tis well known, that in the Infancy of the Catholic Church, the Altars were of Wood, like little Chests, and there were no other Altars of Stone, till the time that Silvester began to Conse∣crate Altars of kind. However he left remaining in the Cathedral of St. Peters, others say in St. John Laterano, a little wooden Chest, which for so many years had bin the Altar which so many Pious Popes had made use of, and upon which it is not law∣ful at this day for any Person but the Pope himself to Ce∣lebrate.

Thus the Studious Reader may perceive frequent men∣tion to have bin made of these Chests; and if the little Chest of which Tellez has given us a Relation, be still Extant at Rome, there can be no room left for any farther doubt concerning the Matter or the Form: and our Conjecture concerning their Original will stand good, till the Learned shall give us better Information. Now, that the Martyrs Bones were anciently put into these Chests, we gather from the Council of Carthage, which approves and confirms the Custom. For so runs the 14 Canon of the Fifth by Name, but Third in Order of Time. The Altars, In which (he doth not say above, nor under) there are no Reliques of Martyrs, shall be remov'd. Neither could those Bones be dispos'd of in Tables, nor in the Altars, so call'd, of the Ancients. And in this we have bin the more prolix, to the end the Original and Use of the Ethiopic Chest, appropriated to the Communion, might be the better understood.

The other holy Vessels are Pahal, the Dish, Tzevae, the Cup, and Spoon for distribution of the Wine, call'd Eref Mas∣kel, the Spoon of the Cross; by reason that the handle ends in a little Cross. Besides these, they have their consecrated Urns and Censors, in regard they frequently fume with Frankin∣cense, which Necessity constrain'd them to do while they were forc'd to make use of Caves and Subterraneal Places.

In the Administration of the Sacrament, they use a sort of leaven'd Bread (as was done in the Latin Church for many

Ages) Mark'd with a Cross ✚, imprinted into the Mass of the Loaf. This Bread they call Korban, and Bake it new every day, admiring at the Latins for keeping their Holy Bread till the Morrow. But upon the Fifth Holy-day of the great Week, in Memory of Christ's unleaven'd Loaves, they also use unleaven'd Bread; pieces of which the Priest distributes to the Communicants. For they all participate of one Loaf. The Wine is by the Deacon given out of the Cup in a Spoon indifferently to all, as well Layety, as Cler∣gy. True it is, they want real Wine; the defect of which they supply by steeping the bruis'd Stones of Raisins in Water, and then squeezing and straining the Infusion, which makes a kind of Raisin Liquor. Yet not believing it thus made to be small enough, the Subdeacon pours a Spoonful or two of Water into the hollow of the Communicants hand, with which he first washes his mouth, and after that, sups it up. Tellez will not allow this Liquor to be other then meer Wa∣ter; and for that reason laughs at the Habessines, for believ∣ing they Communicate in both kinds, when they Commu∣nicate in neither; tho the Fathers of the Society, for want of Wine, were forc'd to use the same Liquor in the former Age. Which Sandovall calls a Holy and Provident In∣vention. Most certain it is that many Countreys, especially inhabited by barbarous People, and remote from the Sea, are destitute of Wine; as the Copts in Egypt, and the Christians of the Order of St. Thomas in India. Nay, some there were, who were put to harder shifts than all this: having no other way but to dip a linnen Cloth in Wine, when they could come at it, and dry it again. This Cloath they kept very charily, and when they had an occasion to Administer the Sacrament, they moisten'd a part of the Cloath in water, and wrung the moisture out again with their hands. Which wa∣ter so relish'd and tinctur'd, they gave to the People.

These Shifts Pope Julius condemns, however in a case of Necessity, he permits the cluster it self to be squeez'd into the Cup, and the Liquor to be mix'd with water.

The time of receiving the Sacrament, is left to every man's liberty; some receive every Week, some every Month; but always within the Church. For they hold it a great Sin to carry the Holy Mysteries out of the Church into private Houses: Neither does the King, nor the Metropolitan assume to themselves that Priviledge. They never spit,

that day they have receiv'd. They also receive Fasting, and toward the Evening too, if it be a fasting day.

But now to Administer the Sacrament in large and crowd∣ed Churches, and upon Solemn days, it requires four or five Men at least. Bahen, the Priest; or Kasis, the Presbyter. Nefek Kasis, the Sub-Presbyter; Daj-kan, the Deacon; and Nefeh Dajkan, the Sub-Deacon. There are also present other Assistants, to hold the Candles, and to attend upon the Priests. These every one taking his particular part, per∣form the whole Duty, reading of several Prayers, as the va∣riety of Action, and the use of distinct Vessels require. Lastly, they recommend both the Living and the Dead to God, which they call receiving the Dapdukon, the Diptych, or Church Register; which among the Ancient Greeks, consisted of two Tables, wherein the Name of those were written, who were to be Pray'd for in the Register. There are some that bring their Offerings to the Holy Table, as Bread, Oyl, Tithes, first Fruits, and the like; which at the Conclusion of the Sacrament, are distributed to the Poor. Which I take to be understood of that ancient Custom mention'd by Clau∣dius, in his Confession of Faith. Vangaber Bat Mesah, that day, meaning the Sabbath, we make a Charitable Feast. These Holydaies they keep two days every Week; that is to say, upon the Sabaoth and the Lord's-Day. That they call San∣bat Ejehude, which they say they celebrate in commemora∣tion of the professed Creation, and therefore they do not keep it so solemnly as the Lord's-Day. But upon the Lord's-Day, which they call Sanbat Ehad, or the Sabbath of the first Holyday; or Ehude, the first Holyday, singly, or Sanbat Chri∣stejan, the Christians Sabbath, they keep after the custom of the Catholic Church, and read over all the Offices and Ser∣vices requir'd.

They have no Bells of Brass, or mix'd Metal like ours; in∣stead of which, they only use a kind of hollow Vessels resembling Bells, made of Iron, Stone, or Wood, more for Noise, than delightful to the Ear. Neither is their Church Music any thing more pleasing. For besides that, the Voices of their Singing Priests, whom they call Dabetra, are very harsh and ungrateful, the Instruments they make use of after the Egyptian manner, such as Cimbals, Morrice Bells, and Kettle Drums, which the Grandees themselves think no dishonour to rattle upon those Solemnities, are no

way agreeable to the Harmony of Europe. With their Music they use Skipping and Dancing, in imitation of David Dancing before the Ark of the Covenant. At what time they make the Floor ring again after such a rude manner, that you would believe them rather at a Wedding, than at a Christian Solemni∣ty. This they call exulting, rejoycing, and clapping hands to the God of Jacob, as they are commanded in the Psalms; and this they call Praising God upon the Harp and Organ, and with Cymbals, tho it cannot be said they are so sweet sounding as those in David's Time may be imagin'd to be. Which things tho they seem to us, not to correspond with the gra∣vity of Christian Worship, yet will not they much admire, who well know, that in some places among the Latins, the Feast of the Body of God was solemniz'd with Dancing; which as it could not be done without Music, there were others that play'd in disguise before the Dancers upon Harps.

Fasting days are no where more exactly observ'd. Not that they abstain from some Meats, and gluttonize upon others. For that they look upon as a mockery of Fasting. For they keep themselves whole dayes without either Food or Drink, even till Sunset of the third Evening. Others there are that abstain the two Holydaies of the Passion Week. The Monks put themselves upon greater Extremities than all this; by which means they not only mortifie but destroy. Besides all which they fast twice in seven days, upon the Fourth and Sixth Holyday, like the rest of the Eastern Churches. The reason of which was by Tzagazaab said to be, for that the Fourth day the Murther of Christ was concluded upon, and the Sixth it was executed; according to what many of the Ancients taught. But we believe that these two Fasting-days, as many other things, were admitted and observ'd in imi∣tation of the Jews by the Primitive Christians, who were ei∣ther Jews, or else had learn't from the Jews, that this Custom was introduc'd and us'd as a Duty both Pious and Necessary for these times. For the Jews fasted twice in a Week; which is that which the Pharisee boasted, I fast twice upon the Sab∣bath, that is within the two days in seven, viz. upon the Se∣cond and Fifth Holyday; which the Christians, because they would not fast upon the same day with the Jews, alter'd for the Fourth and Sixth. Afterwards Innocent, and Gregory the Seventh, abrogating the Fast of the Fourth Holyday, im∣pos'd

Abstinence from Flesh upon Sunday, not minding the ancient Canon, If any Clergy-man shall be known to Fast upon any Sabbath or Lord's-Day, one excepted, let him be suspended from his Office.

That one Sabbath is Easter Eve. Otherwise to fast upon the Lord's-Day, the Ethiopians account it Criminal, like the ancient Christians; as Tertullian witnesses. Besides these, and other Fasts of the Eastern Church, they observe in the first place, the Forty days Lent, which they make up Fifty. For it begins Ten days before the Roman Lent; That is, upon the second Holyday after Sexagesima Sunday. And this as a Command of God, they observe both healthy and sick Peo∣ple, most exactly and religiously; only as we said before, upon Sundays they eat Flesh. After Easter, they supply the pinching hardship and sobriety of the past Weeks with the Jollity and Mirth of those that succeed. For during all the time of Pentecost, so formerly was the interval of the Fifty days call'd, (from the Feast of the Resurrection till the Feast of tending the Holy Gost) they spend their time in all manner of Feasting and Jocundry, suitable to the Country. All that time, as of old with the Latins, so among the Ethi∣opians, being still observ'd as one continu'd Festival. Gregory considering these things, and admiring that the Protestants in Germany observ'd no other Fasts, but what were command∣ed by their Princes in case of Public Calamity, was an∣swer'd out of St. Ambrose; we do not Fast because the Lord abi∣deth with us, not only those Fifty days, but all the year long, nay as long as we live. Thus Christ answer'd them, who objected to his Disciples.

Can the Sons of the Bridegroom mourn while the Bridegroom is among them. But the time shall come, that the Bridegroom shall be taken from them, and then they shall fast.

Therefore the ancient Christians, when those days came that Christ had foretold, that is to say, the days of Persecu∣tion and Affliction, did well and truly in that they frequent∣ly fasted. But we, in regard our Bridegroom is return'd with his favour and his Grace, and has restor'd Peace and Tran∣quillity to his Church, have no need to observe set Fasts as necessary; but to say with St. Ambrose, That true Fasting is an alienation from Incontinency of Language, Suppression of wrath and ill Desires, and Abstinence from Slander and Reproach. And with St. Austin, The Great and General Fasting is to abstain

from Iniquity, and the unlawful Pleasures of the Age, which is per∣fect Fasting.

Besides the Sabbath and Lord's-Day, they observe all the chief and ancient Festivals of the Catholic Church; The Annunciation, Nativity, Circumcision, Baptism, Passion, Resur∣rection, Ascension, and the Descension of the Holy Ghost, call'd Bagnab Arbgna, or the Feast of Forty days; as also that most ancient Festival of the Primitive Church call'd Rakeb, in the Middle of the Pentecost, by the Latins call'd Cantate, at what time the Bishops are commanded to assemble a Synod, by the Canons commonly call'd Apostolical. As for the other Festivals, which were introduc'd by the Kopts, Greeks or Latins, after the Variances of the Council of Chalcedon, some they admit, some they receive, according as they think most agreeable to their Religion.

They begin in the year from the Calends of September, with the Greeks, Armenians, Russians, and other Oriental Christians. For they believe that the World was created at the time of the Autumnal Equinoctial. They farther also compute Five thousand and five hundred years to the Nativi∣ty, Eight years less than the Greeks, and they who follow the Translation of the Seventy Interpreters, from whence that Computation was made. The Supputation of the Christians is the same, which Scaliger says was therefore don, because the Christians believe the World to be less ancient by Eight years then the Greeks do, but he does not apply his reason home. We are apt to believe it came to pass through some erroneous Substraction of the years of the World. For that finding perhaps that the Greeks, to perfect the Calculation of the Years of Christ, had substracted 5508 years of the World; they also did the same, forgetting that those Eight years were already wanting; or else having settl'd the years of Christ, according to the Greek Computation, and coming afterwards to reform the Age of the World, they found these Eight years to be over and above. However it fall out, let any one year of Christ be granted by them, Eight years must be added to their Computation, if you desire to know the agreeing time of any certain Transaction.

Their year consists of Twelve Months, as among us; But each Month, as among the Egyptians having but Thirty days; therefore to supply the Solar Year, to every Three years they add Five days, to every Four years Six days; which by

a word borrow'd from the Greek they call Pagomen. Hence it happens, that their Feasts go according to the Julian Ac∣compt, and fall upon the same days; yet are otherwise number'd. For the Feast of the Nativity of Christ is cele∣brated the same day with us, which happens among the Eu∣ropeans using the Julian Accompt, to be upon the 25 of De∣cember, but with them falls upon the 28 of December. Nei∣ther did the Catholic Church in any part of the World ever observe it upon any other days; So that it is to be admir'd that Scaliger should go about to Translate it into Autumn. It is farther observable, that to the space of Four years they give the Denomination of one of the Evangelists; it being the Custom to finish the reading of one Evange∣list quite through in that time. Which is the reason that in some of their Chronological Computations, you shall find added, in the days of Mark, in the days of John the Evan∣gelist, &c.

As to what concerns their Nuptial Rites, most certain it is, that Polygamy is not allow'd by the Habessine Church, however it be tolerated by the Civil Magistrate. For they that Marry more than one are not punish'd by the Magistrates; yet they are prohibited from the Holy Sacrament: as be∣ing of those sort of People, that do no injury to the Com∣mon-wealth, but only contradict the Rules of Christian Sanctity; as if it were not the Office or Duty of Kings and Princes, but of the Bishops of the Church to make Men God∣ly and Christianly vertuous. This Alvarez asserts upon his own Knowledge: Whose Host at Dobarra had Three Wives which had brought him Seven and thirty Children; for which there was no other notice taken of him, but only that he was not admitted to the Church, or to the Com∣munion, until he at last put Two of them away. Here it may not be improper to inquire how the Metropolitan be∣haves himself toward their Kings, who have more Wives than one. For the Habessinian Kings, by vertue of an old Ill custom, besides several Wives lawfully Marry'd, are not asham'd to keep several Concubines; as if they did it in imitation of Solomon, from whom they boast their Descent. True it is, That the Fathers of the Society would not grant Absolution to Susneus, before he had dismiss'd all his Super∣numerary Wives, retaining only the first. Indeed it is to me no small wonder, that the Laws of the Church, and the

Kingdom should no better agree; that the one should be so loose in point of Marriages, the other so strict; especially where the dispute arises, not so much as to the Matter, as to the Name. Thus we find the Marriages of Kindred for∣bidden, even to distant degrees; for that the Ethiopians want∣ing terms of distinction, call one another all by the Names of Brothers and Sisters. Thus a Church-man may not Mar∣ry his Brother's Wife, but a Lay Person may. However no Marriages but those that are approv'd by Divine Autho∣rity, are honour'd with Sacerdotal Benediction; nor those neither publickly in the Church, unless they be such Clergy∣men, to whom the Hallelujah is Sung. Other People are Marry'd either at home, or before the Dores of the Church. However all Secular Persons have also this Priviledge, that they can throw off the Yoke when they please. For upon any slight Difference between a Man and his Wife, if they cannot be reconcil'd, the King's Judges presently dissolve the Marriage. But as for the Clergy, if it be their desire to put away their Wives, or to Marry another, the first being Deceas'd, they are oblig'd to renounce their Function. Where∣by it happens, that their Marriages are much more peaceful, and more durable.

To conclude with their Burials, the Dead Bodies being well wash'd and sum'd with Incense, they wrap them up in proper Garments. If the Party deceas'd be of Noble Ex∣traction, he is lay'd upon the Bier, cover'd with a Bulls Hide; which done, the Clergy carry him to the Grave, laden with Crosses, Censors, and Holy-water; and that with a pace so swift, that it is a difficult matter to follow them. The Body is for some time set down by the Grave, during the reading of a certain Paragraph out of St. John's Gospel; after which, the Body, being found and sprinkl'd with Holy Water, is not let down, but thrown into the Sepulcher.

King Claudius being desirous to Solemnize the Exequies of Christopher Gomez, upon the Anniversary Day, that he had lost his Life, for the Recovery of Abassia, summon'd toge∣ther all the Priests, Canons, Monks, and all the Neighbour∣ing Poor People; and to the first, being about Six hundred, he gave a Royal Funeral Supper; to the last, being about Six thousand, he distributed a large and noble Alms. They on the other side recited the whole Psalter quite thorough, and made the Sky ring with innumerable Allelujahs, a Ceremony, that

serves alike as well upon sad, as joyful Occasions. Thus when Marcus, the Eldest Son of Susneus, was Buried, they sounded forth,

Marcus is Dead, Hallelujah, Marcus is Dead, Hallelujah.

And this they repeated so often and so loud, that the Fa∣thers, but newly then arriv'd in. Ethiopia, were astonish'd to hear such an unwonted cry; not being able to tell, whether the Ethiopians rejoyc'd, or lamented. So strangely are all Nations delighted with their own Customs.

CHAP. VII. Of the Constitution and Form of Ecclesiastical Go∣vernment in Ethiopia, as also of the Priviledges of the Clergy.

The Clergy enjoy no immunity. Their Head or Abuna created by the Metropolitan of Alexandria. His Place in Councils. The present State of the Alexandrian Church deplorable. The Clergy ignorant, the Pa∣triarch Illiterate. The Habessine Metropolitans ordain the Clergy only. No Bishops, nor Arch-Bishops. The Icegue governs the Monks. They acknowledge but four Oecumenical Patriarchs. The Catalogue of Metro∣politans incertain. They do not reck'n these sent by the Pope. After Mendez, one call'd the Cophtit. His Successors. The Orders of Deacon, Presbyter, and Sub-Presbyter. The Clergy Marry, but not twice.

WE have already declar'd, That the Supream Power in Ecclesiastical Affairs, is invested in the King. Therefore all Ecclesiastical Causes, except only in very slight Matters, are all determin'd by the King's Judges. Neither do the Clergy or Monks enjoy any sort of Ecclesiastical Immunity, or Priviledge of Exemption. Nor does the Canon, Siquis suadente diabolo, hujus Sacrilegii reatum incurrerit, quod in Clericum vel Monachum violentas manus injecerit, &c. help them at all, but that upon offences com∣mitted they are punish'd, as Lay Persons, by the Secular Judges: And many times they are sensible of the rough and violent hands of wicked Men, without any fear of Excom∣munication.

But as to what concerns the Law of Order, or the Diocesan Law, those things are left to the Clergy. Their Chief Head is call'd Papas, or Metropolitan. Tho the Title or Sirname of Abuna, that is to say, Our Father, be more fre∣quently given him. He by ancient Custom, at the King's desire, is Consecrated to that Dignity by the Patriarch of Alexandria, and sent out of Egypt into Ethiopia. For they do not think it fitting for the Patriarch to nominate any one out of their own Nation, tho never so skilful in their Language, Laws and Customs. It being provided by those Nicene Ca∣nons, extant in the Arabic Language, That the Ethiopians shall not Elect or Create a Patriarch, but that their chief Chief Pre∣late shall be under the Jurisdiction of Him that resides at Alexan∣dria. And a little after, That if the Council be held in Greece, and the Prelate of Ethiopia be present, he shall have the seventh place, next the Prelate of Seleucia. For they are very obstinate in maintaining their old Customs, tho it happen to be one of their greatest Misfortunes. The State and Condition of the Alexandrian Church, being quite different now from what it was formerly; that is to say, altogether miserable and de∣plorable. For both the Patriarch and his Clergy, are a poor sort of contemptible and rustic People, and void of all com∣mon Endowments. They are as it were the Servants and Slaves of the Turks, whose continual vexations so terrifie them from undertaking Ecclesiastical Employment, that many times they receive their Ordination by constraint, and with Tears in their Eyes; which requires nothing more from them than to read Arabic.

For the Coptic, or ancient Egyptian Language, as it was spo∣ken in the times of the Grecian Kings, and as Athanasius Kir∣ker has given a view of it to the Europeans, is now almost buried in Oblivion. Their Churches are either all destroy'd, or very near to Ruin; the Turks not suffering them either to Rebuild or Repair. The Patriarch, if he can but only read and write, and understand the Scripture after an ordinary manner, is thought sufficiently worthy of St. Mark's Chair. Hence it may be easily conjectur'd, what sort of Persons are sent into Ethiopia for the Government of so many Churches. In the time of the Fathers of the Society, there was sent such a sad Tool into Habessinia, to be the Abuna, that being re∣jected for his Simplicity, he was forc'd to Grind Corn for his living. To whom another Succeeding, not much better

gifted, gave occasion to the Courtiers to jest, and cry, We have a Miller still. Now as these Patriarchs know very little, so they do as little, only in set forms of Words, they ordain Under-Clercs, just as wise and learned as themselves.

For this reason the Fathers of the Society, little regarded the Ordinations of the Abuna, but when any of the Abessine Priests came over to them, they ordain'd them again after the Roman manner, not without the great resentment and indig∣nation of the rest.

In none of their Kingdoms or Provinces have they any Bishops or Arch-Bishops. So that unless the Icegue, with the assistance of his Monks, had taken some care of the Church, all thought of Religion had fallen to the ground long e're this.

This Abuna is by some, tho improperly call'd Patriarch, his truer Title being that of Bik Papas, or Bik Papaste, Prince or Master of the Metropolitans; of whom they acknowledge only Four to be of equal Power and Dignity among them∣selves. Among these they reckon the Roman Patriarch to be the First, and call him Bik Papaste Zaromeja, or the Roman Pa∣triarch. For they have no higher Title to give to any one who may be thought Superior to a Patriarch.

The first Metropolitan of Habessinia was Frumentius, the Ethiopic Apostle. From him to Simeon, who dy'd with Elius in defence of the Alexandrian Religion, they reck'n in order Ninety five Metropolitans. We have not yet seen the Cata∣logue, but in the Ethiopic Register, they are Number'd up in this Order.

• ...Abuna Abba Matthew.
• ...Abba Salama.
• ...Abba Jacob.
• ...Abba Bartholomew.
• ...Abba Michael.
• ...Abba Isaac.
• ...Abba John.
• Abba Mark, who was Metropolitan in the Time of David.
• ...Abba Joseph,

In the Reign of Claudius was receiv'd into the Kingdom with great Pomp; without any regard had to John Bermudes,

whom the Pope had sent into Abessinia, with the Titles of Patriarch of Alexandria and Ethiopia. As little respect did the Habessines give to John Nonius Barret, and Andrew Ovieda, Por∣tugueses, dignify'd at Rome with the Titles of Patriarch, and sent into Ethiopia by the King of Portugal. About the begin∣ning of this last Century, one Peter, upheld by the Factious Party, withstood Za-Denghel, who favour'd the Romanists. In the Time of Susneus, Simeon, already mention'd, came into the Kingdom, who being Slain, and the Miller depos'd, Alphonsus Mendez was by the Pope at the Instance of the Fa∣thers of the Society, preferr'd, and by the Abessinians admit∣ted to be their Patriarch, tho not acknowledg'd under any other Title then that of Abuna Zaromeja, or the Roman Abuna. But he, together with his Companions being soon after ex∣pell'd, another call'd the Cophtit was sent, in whose Compa∣ny Peter Heyling of Lubeck travelled to the Habessine Court. To him succeeded one John, and about the year 1651. ano∣ther call'd Mark, who being depos'd for his vitious life, Mi∣chael succeeded him. Lastly, about the year 1662. one Ga∣braxos was order'd to supply his Decease.

As for the Cathedrals or Principal Churches, they have their chief Overseers, which they call Komasat. Such a Komos was Peter the Ethiopian, whose acquaintance was courted by Paulus Jovius. It is their Duty to take care of the Secular Matters of the Churches, and to compose the differences between the Clergy-men, so far as their Jurisdiction extends. Over the Churches that belong to the Camp, the Deb∣tera Gueta Presides, as much as to say, the Ruler of the Canons.

The Debterat, or Canons, being those Persons who are particularly employ'd in those Offices that require the addi∣tion of Hymns and Sacred Melody. The Nebrat seems to be their Dean. Next to whom in Dignity are the Kasis or Presbyter, and the Nepheh Kasis, or Sub-Presbyter; the Deja∣kon or Deacon, and Nepheh Dejakon, or Sub-Deacon. As for those Under-Ministers, which in the Primitive Church were known by the Name of Readers, they are quite out of Use: as are also Deaconesses, of which however they have the great∣est need, by reason of the frequent Baptizings of full-grown Women, to whom their assistance, while the Ceremony of their Baptism requires them to be naked, is most ne∣cessary.

All Ecclesiastical Persons, when they walk publickly a∣broad, carry a Cross in their hands, and offer it to all they meet to be Kiss'd, having hardly any other note of Distin∣ction from the Layety. The same sort of Cross the Seculars also carry, who to the end they may be admitted into the Sanctuary, desire to be ordain'd Deacons; as also most young Children.

All the Clergy, except the Monks, are permitted to Mar∣ry. Neither will any man deny, but that it was Lawful for the Catholic Bishops of the Primitive Church, the Presbyters and Deacons to do the same; which was also upon the Per∣suasion and Arguments of Paphnutius a most Holy Man; al∣low'd of and approv'd by the Fathers of the Nicene Coun∣cil, as both Socrates and Sozomenus testifie: whose Credit ju∣stify'd by all Antiquity, was never yet call'd in question; especially being confirm'd by the practice, and so many clear and undeniable Presidents of the Primitive Church, till Siri∣cius and Innocent the First, took upon them to order it other∣wise in the Latin Church.

Among the Eastern Churches, honest and lawful Matri∣mony was in much more high esteem, than faithless Batche∣lorship, obnoxious to perpetual concupiscence. Wherefore the Grecians, Armenians, Russians, but more especially our Ethiopians not only permitted their Presbyters to Marry, but soonest prefer the Husbands of Wives; insomuch that the nearest way to that Preferment is to Marry. For they take the words of the Apostle, Let him be the Husband of one Wife, for a Precept; yet understand it only so, as not to extend any farther, but to one single Marriage. And therefore their Clergy never offer to covet repeated Wedlocks, which even by the Seculars were not approv'd in the Eastern Churches. The Novatians detested a second Wedlock after Baptism, as equal to the Crime of Adultery. The Latin Fathers also gave it an Ignominious Character, reproaching it with the Scandalous Title of honest Adultery. But in after Ages, the Matter being more wisely consider'd, it was not thought material, whether the same Person Married one or more Wives, after Death had once made the Seperation, so that the Matrimony were lawful; since there appear'd no reason to the contrary. For which was alleadg'd the fa∣mous example of one Woman at Rome, that had surviv'd the Two and twentieth Wedlock. But the Habessines still

observe their ancient Laws: in regard that by the ancient Canons, they that Marry twice, are accompted unworthy of Holy Orders.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Separation of the Habessines from the Greek Church, in the Time of the Council of Chalcedon.

The Council of Chalcedon. Dioscurus Condemn'd. From thence the Mel∣chites, and Jacobites. The great Damage to the Church by that Schism. The Ethiopians defend Dioscurus. The Ethiopians Condemn the Coun∣cil of Chalcedon; and call Timotheus and Eutyches Hereticks. They acknowledge two Natures in Christ. The words Essence, Substance, Person and Nature, ambiguous to the Abessines. A doubt concerning the Disputations of the Fathers with the Abessines about the two Natures. How they are to be Disputed with. The Jacobites abstain from the Arabic word for Nature, which the Eutychians use. The Dis∣sention deplor'd.

THE Alexandrian Church remain'd in Unity with it self, and with the Greek Church, till the Council of Chalcedon, by us call'd the Fourth Universal Council, which Marcian the Emperor Summon'd, to appease the Dis∣cords and Dissentions that were risen among the Bishops and Divines, by reason of the Doctrine of Eutyches. This Eutyches, a Constantinopolitan Abbot asserted, That both the Natures of Christ, the Divine and Human, upon his Incarnation, immediately became one and the same; and that therefore there was but one Na∣ture, and one Will in Christ. For which reason, they that held this Opinion were call'd Monothelites. Thereupon it was Decreed in this Council, That Christ was of the same Substance with the Father, according to his Deity, but Sin excepted; of the same Substance, and like to us in all things, according to his Hu∣manity. One and the same in two Natures united, yet without mixture, mutation, division or distance, both Natures acting that which was proper to it, by Communion with each other Dioscurus also, the Pa∣triarch of Alexandria, was condemn'd as a Heretic, & Defender of Eutyches; and not only so, but being publickly whipp'd, he was sent into Exile, and another put up in his room, who because he follow'd the Emperors or the Royal Religion,

was therefore call'd a Melchite, or Royalists according to the Arabic word. The Contradicters of this Opinion were call'd Eutychians, afterwards Jacobites from one Jacob, a Syrian, who stoutly defended the Doctrine of Eutyches. Hence arose a most fierce and outragious Schism in the Church of Alexan∣dria, defil'd with Blood and Slaughter, which was the rea∣son that not only the greatest part of the Alexandrian Church was rent and torn from the rest of the Catholic Church; but that Egypt also, weaken'd with it's own civil Dissentions, became a Prey to the Saracens, who taking advantage of the Discords of the Christians among themselves, overcame and subjugated the upholders of both Opinions: so that now there is little or nothing remaining of Christianity in Egypt. Thus our Ecclesiastical Writers.

But the Ethiopians relate, that Dioscorus, his Successors, and their Followers, heavily complain'd of the Injury done them: for that he never follow'd Eutyches, nor ever deny'd nor con∣fus'd the Divinity and Humanity really existing in Christ; only he would not acknowledge the word Nature to be common to the Divinity and Humanity of Christ: and that he only endeavour'd to prevent the Asserting of two Persons in Christ, contrary to the Opinion of the Catholic Church, and the Decrees of the Council of Ephesus; believing that absurdity would follow, should we admit two Wills and Natures in Christ. Lastly, That the word Nature, sig∣nifying something Born or Created, did no way quadrate with Divinity, neither could two Wills in two Natures, united without Division, Separation, or Distance be con∣ceiv'd by the understanding of Man: That it was not to be thought that Human Nature exalted to a State of Glory, would desire, act, or suffer, what is suffer'd, acted, or de∣sired in the State of Mortality; or that Humanity in a pre∣sent State of Glory, should desire or be sensible of that which Divinity was not sensible of or desir'd. Which Opinion of his being heard and understood, it seem'd an idle Question, a meer brangling Dispute, that little deserv'd to be the occa∣sion of so much Enmity among the Christians; as being become rather a Quarrel to be decided by the Sword, and not by Argument. And therefore these things consider'd, it was evident that Dioscurus, was neither sufficiently heard nor rightly understood, but in his absence condemn'd as an obstinate Heretick, rather out of Hatred and Envy then by

Law. These and such like things when I heard Gregory dis∣coursing, I began to apply my mind more particularly to this Affair, as being willing to know whether he only ex∣pressed his own Thoughts, or according to the Opinions and Writings of his own Country Doctors.

In the first place therefore I found it beyond all doubt, that the Habessines do reject the Council of Calcedon, tho they un∣derstand not what was done therein, as having never re∣ceiv'd or thought worthy of their Transcription the Canons there made. Nevertheless they inveigh most bitterly against the Council, and the Fathers there assembled, and load them with most injurious reproaches, calling them Mahebar Abdan, a Convention of Fools, & Qualqedanowe jau, reck'ning the Chalcedo∣nians among the worst of Heretics and Malefactors. In the second place, I observ'd them fix'd in this Error, as believing the Fathers of the Council of Chalcedon went about to divide the Substance of Christ, and contrary to the preceding Coun∣cil of Ephesus, to make two Persons of one, which they also attribute to the Latins. For this reason they condemn Pope Leo, and extol Dioscurus to the Skies, as the Champion of the Orthodox Faith, as being the Person, that out of a just and zealous Indignation, tore Leo's Diploma, as soon as it was deliver'd to him; and reck'n him among the Number of Mar∣tyrs, for suffering himself to be scourg'd, his Teeth struck out, and his Beard pull'd off, for standing to the Truth.

Peace to Dioscurus, that still reproach'd The vain Opinions that the Melkites broach'd, United God dividing into Two: Then to confirm his Own in what was true, His broken Teeth and Beard torn from his Chin, Sends round the World t' evince Chalcedon's spleen.

They also ascertain themselves of a great reward laid up for Him in Heaven, in recompence of his so rigid Suf∣ferings.

In the third place, I found that they expresly condemn Eu∣tyches as a Heretic, but on the other side applaud Timotheus, the Patriarch of Alexandria, (whom our Writers affirm to have bin condemn'd in the Sixth general Council) by whose Doctrine, the followers of Eutyches were convicted; for so the same Poet, tho otherwise a cruel Enemy of the Chalcedo∣nian Fathers writes of him.

They that believ'd the Heretical Doctrine of Eutyches, were burnt by the Flames of his Expressions.

Tho Gregory being demanded what he knew concerning him, made answer,

That there were in Ethiopia, aswel they who believ'd that Eu∣tyches had made a confusion of the two Natures of Christ, as they who believ'd he had not done it.

Whence it appears that Eutyches, not his Errors, is defend∣ed by some of the Ethiopians.

Fourthly, it is apparent, That they acknowledge both Mabqot and Tesbet the Divinity and Humanity to be both Ab∣stractively and Conjunctively in Christ. Which is as much as to allow two Natures together in Christ.

Fifthly, Tellez attests from the Relation of the Fathers of the Society, that both Natures are to be found in their Books, and imputes it to their Contumacy, that they will not ac∣knowledge in words what they believe concerning the Ca∣tholic Truth, when they teach the same thing in their Wri∣tings, That the Catholic Habessines suffering Persecution from the Hereticks, cry'd out, God and Man, whereby they both asserted the Catholic Faith, and the two Natures in Christ. But more then this, we have the Testimony of Susneus, in one of whose Orations to his Soldiers, we find that all the Habessines con∣fess, That Christ is the true God, and true Man; and consequent∣ly, we must allow what the Fathers of the Society relate, that they acknowledge two Natures in Christ.

Sixthly, we are to take notice, That the words which the Greeks use, and which the Latines have made use of in these difficult questions of Faith, as Essence, Substance or Subsistance, Person, Nature, among the Ethiopians are interpreted by words Equivocal, from whence it is no wonder there should be such a spring of Errors. For Helave, sometimes signifies Essence, sometimes Hypostasis or Substance. Gregory also affirm'd, That there were some who assert Qalet Helwejet, two Essences, that is the Divinity and Humanity in Christ, and that each Nature retains its proper Essence. Others for fear of falling into the Nestorian Error, rather chose to make use of the word Bakreye, which properly signifies a Pearl, affirming there are in Christ Qalit Bah reyat, two precious Substances; in imitation of the Arabians, who use their own word, which signifies a Pearl, by which to express the Divine Subsistance. Which others again dislike, as being a

word no less Equivocal, because it may be taken either for Subsistance or Person; as when they of the Son, Zatwalda em∣baha reju Baab, who was born of the Substance of the Father. Thus the Author of a certain Manuscript call'd, The Ecclesiastical Computation concludes,

Who were witness of one Person of Christ, Synodius Patriarch of Alexandria, &c.

From whence we gather, that when we from the Council of Chalcedon dispute of the Nature, they mean the Person. Now adays, when they speak of the Person, they make use for the most part of the word Agal, as being less Equivocal; tho sometime we shall meet with the word Gaz to signifie Person, ill render'd when taken for the Countenance or Face. Which Circumstances, when I read and consider, I find all things to be perplex'd and obscure; no certain State of the Question; and the words themselves without limitation Equi∣vocal. Perhaps Eutyches himself could not explain what sort of Nature was meant, how it was made out of the two? How it was call'd? or what the Qualities of it were? But that he was so egregiously stupid, as to think the two Natures so mix'd in Christ, as Water with Wine, and that he had so many Wise and Learned Men to follow him in that Opinion, is almost incredible. As for the Ethiopians, they are most certainly not guilty of so sottish a Heresie. For which reason I confess, I cannot apprehend what these frequent Disputations were, which the Fathers of the Society had with the Habessines, wherein, they say, the Ethiopians were always forc'd to sub∣mit, as being convicted out of their own Books. Which is the more easie to believ'd, in regard they so willingly ac∣knowledge the Divinity and Humanity of Christ. But that they should out of Contumacy and Heretical Pravity con∣tradict the Fathers, and choose to suffer Exilements, and other Punishments, or run the hazard of Civil Dissentions, rather than forego their Opinion, is hardly to be credited. To me it seems therefore more probable, that they could not agree about the words. For if a man should first explain his meaning, and tell them, that by the two Natures in Christ, we understand as well his Divinity as his Humanity, and then upon this Explanation ask them, Which Nature was wanting in Christ, seeing they acknowledge but one? Certainly

they would answer, That neither his Divinity nor his Humanity were wanting; but that both continue and endure for ever. And thus it will appear, that they understand the word Nature far otherwise than we do, and that the true state of the Question among the Habessines consists in this, Whether by any, or by what name both the Abstract Natures (which undoubt∣edly they admit) are to be call'd? Now therefore because Tellez does not say in what Language they Disputed (for the Habessines understand neither Latin nor Portuguese) how they express'd themselves when they mention'd the words Essence, Person, and Nature, how they explain'd Equivocal words, or how the Interpreters render'd them, whether they could not agree upon the common word, or whether the word Substance displeas'd, as fearing that to grant two Substances, would be to grant two Persons, I leave to farther enqui∣ry. Nor can I find out in so much Variety and Ambiguity of words, what word is most proper to be us'd in our sense for the word Nature. For the Jacobites when they make use of the Arabic Tabia, or the Ethiopic Tabaje, which answers to the Greek word Physis, and by the Copts is call'd D Physis, apply it only to things created, more especially to the Elements, but never to the Godhead: which the Melkites and Greeks being destitute of any other, make no scruple to do. Hence the Contention. For thus saith Eutychius, Patriarch of Alexandria, a Melkite; In Christ there are,

Two Substances, a Substance of Divinity, and a Substance of Humanity; but one Person. To every Substance there belongs a Nature; and so two Substances, two Natures, but one Person.

For this reason, in Egypt, where this unhappy difference still remains, when the Copts cry out in Arabic Mashiah Wahid, Tabiah Wahid, One Will, one Nature; the Melkites answer, Mashiatan tabiahtan, Two Wills, two Natures.

In the year 1634. an European of great Quality residing in Egypt, and having vievv'd and read the Books of the Copts, deliver'd his Opinion aftervvards, That the difference and quarrel of the Parties proceeded more from a fear of the Con∣sequence, than from the Thing it self. For the Greeks are for the Destruction of those Hereticks that confuse and mix the Divinity

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and Humanity of Christ. The Cophtites oppugn those that assert two Persons in Christ.

Which if it be so, that the Contention and Debate, either formerly, or now, is only about the sence of words, What Tears and Lamentations can suffice to bewail the sad Effects of such an Unfortunate Pedantic Brabble? What breast that lodges a heart so hard, that can refrain from bemoaning the sad and calamitous Contentions of those, to whom Christ has so earnestly recommended the most strict Bonds of Charity by his own Example? Humanity one would think, should not be so inhuman, for the sake of one word Nature misunderstood, to tear up the foundations of Concord between those, whose Nature the Eternal Word has assum'd into his most Holy Subsistence. But as it is the Infirmity of our most corrupted Nature, where Ambition, from Ambition Emulation, from Emulation Envy, from Envy Hatred have taken root, that the Mind possess'd with various Passions and Affections, seeks no farther after Truth, hence it is that Men with Ears obstructed, and blinded Eyes, pursue disputes to sa∣tisfie their private Ends; not considering the true end of Arguing and Dispute.

CHAP. IX. Of the Differences which happen'd between the Ha∣bessines and the Church of Rome, more especially the Fathers of the Society to the beginning of this Century.

The Patriarch of the Melkites and Jacobites, which the Habessines follow∣ing, disunited themselves from the Greeks and Romans. They had Knowledge of the Pope. Alexander the Third writes to the King of Ethiopia. An Embassie to Eugenius the Fourth, and Clement the 7th. John Bermudes confirm'd by Paul the Third. Whence Hopes of sub∣jecting the Habessines to the See of Rome. Barret and Oviedo made Patriarchs. They send before to sound the King. They Dispute with the King concerning Religion. The Portugueses suspected. Barret stays in India, Oviedo kindly receiv'd. Claudius acts moderately. Grants Liberty to the Latins. Oviedo desires more. The King delays. Mov'd with Oviedo's Epistle. Oviedo Attempts Severity but in vain. To Claudius his Brother Succeeds. The Latins Liberty revok'd. Oviedo threaten'd. Melech Saghed milder to the Portugueses. All their Priests Die.

THE Horrid flames of Discord being thus broken forth, all those Nations that were Subject to the Alexandrian See, separated themselves into Parties almost equal in Strength. And every Faction chose its par∣ticular Faction. The Grecian Christians, who were in Sub∣jection to the Constantinopolitan Emperor, adher'd to the Pa∣triarch of the Melkites; The rest who inhabited the inner∣most Parts of Africa, and among them the Axumites, follow'd the Patriarch of the Jacobites; and thus being rent not only from the Greek, but Roman Church, they had little or no knowledge of either. After this, the Power of the Saracens increasing, and all Egypt being by them subdu'd, all Corre∣spondence and Communication of Arts and Knowledge ceas'd between Them, and the Christians of our part of the World. Nevertheless some glimpses they had of the Roman Pontiffs, from the Acts of the Ancient Councils, and reve∣renc'd them as Chief among the Oecunomical Patriarchs. On the other side the Pope laying hold of the occasion, en∣deavour'd to Re-establish the former Correspondence and Amity, not taking any notice of their being Monothelites,

or Favourers of the condemn'd Dioscurus. To this purpose Baronius has set forth an Epistle taken out of Roger's English Annals, written by Alexander the Third, with this Super∣scription. To our most dear Son in Christ, the Illustrious and Mag∣nificent King of the Indians, the most Holy of Priests. Which Epistle he erroneously believes to have bin written to Prester John, whose Dominions were then very large in Ethiopia. For that when Baronius wrote, the King of the Habessines was reputed and commonly taken for Prester John. But when Alexander the Third liv'd, the real Prester John was then reigning in Asia. Neither is any thing to be gather'd out of that whole Epistle, that has any Relation to Africa, or Ethiopia, or the King of the Habessines; nor are the Consequences of that Letter known to Baronius. Only upon that occasion, he conjectures that the Church of St. Stephen, with the Buildings behind St. Peter's Cathedral, were there∣upon assign'd to the Habessinians; though he is not certain by whom that Assignation was made, whether by Alexander or any other Succeeding Pope. Therefore, if the Epistle were real, we rather think it was written to the Asiatic Prester John, then to the King of the Ethiopians. Others there are, that believe there was an Abessinian Embassy to Clement the Fifth, residing at Avignon. Nor is there any doubt made of the Embassy which Zera-Jacob sent to Eugenius the Fourth, in the year 1439. toward the Conclusion of the Council of Florence. Gregory had known nothing of it, had he not seen the Embas∣sador and his Retinue painted at Rome, and known his own Countrymen by their Habit.

In the former Century, Francis Alvarez, Priest to the Por∣tugal Ambassadors sent into Ethiopia, brought Letters from David to Clement the Seventh, which he delivered to the Pope in a public Assembly of the Cardinals, Charles the Fifth being there also present, promising Reverence and Obedience withal to the Holy See, in the Name of the King of Ethio∣pia. It was a thing very grateful to the Pope, that at a time when so many Northern Nations had revolted from the Ro∣man See, so many Kingdoms of the East and South, should voluntarily submit to his Jurisdiction. For which reason, neither Alvarez's Credentials, nor the words of the Epistle were over-nicely examin'd, nor any extraordinary Scrutiny made to what Church, or what sort of Religion the King him∣self was enclin'd, to the end that had it been needful, he might

have bin absolv'd from the guilt of Heresie, before his Ad∣mission into the Bosom of the Church. For as we shall afterwards declare, the Habessines made quite another In∣terpretation of their King's Intention. In the mean time a certain form of Friendship long remain'd. For when John Bermudes came to Rome to crave Assistance from the Europeans in the behalf of David, so often vanquish'd by the Adelans; Paul the Third, hearing that the said Bermudes was by Mark the Metropolitan, nominated his Successor, and invested with Holy Orders, made no scruple to confirm him, and to ratifie the Ordination of a Schismatical Prelate. There were then residing certain Habessines, very good Men, who Printed the New Testament with their Liturgies in the E∣thiopic Language, whom the Pope did not only tolerate, but assisted at his own Expences. In recompence of which Kindnesses, they extoll'd and applauded the Benevolence of the Romans, the Munificence of the Chief Pontiff, and his Spiritual Daughter Hyeronyma Farnesia, and acknowledg'd the Pope as the Head and Supream over all the Orthodox Christians. Pius the Fifth also in his Letters to Menas, tho a professed Enemy to the Romans, call'd him his most dear Son; whether he were ignorant of his hatred to the Latins, which was a wonder; or whether he had hopes to reclaim him by flattering Titles, which Godignus rather conjectures to be the Pope's true Intention. For this reason, some there were who believ'd the Habessines to be Catholicks in the highest perfe∣ction, and subject to the See of Rome; tho Tellez deservedly taxes and derides their Credulity. Nevertheless a vain hope had possessed the Minds of many of the more Zealous sort, that that vast Kingdom, then look'd upon to be four times as big as really it was, might in a short time, with little diffi∣culty, be annexed to the Pontifical Jurisdiction. Among the rest, the Founder of the Society of Jesus, Ignatius Loyola, bent all his Study to bring it to pass, and to that end he shew'd a most Ardent desire to go himself, and win the honour of Converting Ethiopia. Which tho Julius the Third would not grant him the liberty to do, nevertheless he so far pre∣vail'd with him, that by the connivance of John the Third King of Portugal, the Patriarchal Dignity was conferr'd up∣on John Nonius Barret, one of his Companions, contrary to the Institutions of his Society, tho Bermudes were then in Ethiopia already dignify'd with the same Title. With him

was joyn'd Andrew Oviedo, a Bishop, that if Barret through Mortality should miscarry, he might not want an immedi∣ate Successor. They, Embarking in several Ships, sayl'd into India. In the mean time Claudius was become Successor to Da∣vid his Father, whose affection they thought it first expedient to sound, before the Patriarch should expose himself to Casu∣alties and Indignities. Jacobus Dias was therefore sent be∣fore, together with Gonsales Rodriguez, and Fulgentio Freyre, Jesuits; who toward the beginning of February setting Sail from Goâ, and a Month after arriving at the Port of Arkiko, were there curteously receiv'd by the President of the Ma∣ritime Province, and within the space of two Months brought to the King. Who understanding that the King of Portugal was about to send Priests, and other Ecclesiastical Persons to teach him and his People a new Religion, was very much perplex'd in his Mind, and long in Suspence what answer to return; for he neither thought it convenient to admit them, neither was he willing to offend the King of Portugal. However he ventur'd upon several Colloquies with the Envoys, the sum of which, manag'd for the most part by Gonsalez, tended to this, That the Pope of Rome was Christ's Vicar upon Earth, and the Supream Head of all Christia∣nity, and therefore if the Habessines were desirous of Eternal Hap∣piness, they should once more return and joyn themselves to their Law∣ful Head; for that Christ himself had from his own lips asserted, that his Church was but one Fold, and over that but one Shepheard, &c. On the other side, the Habessines made answer, That an Af∣fair of so great Consequence was to be consider'd and consulted upon with the other Patriarchs; for to abandon their ancient Rites and Ceremonies upon private admonition, and receive new ones, was a thing full of danger and offence. At length the King told them, That if those Persons whom the King of Portugal should send, would take the pains to come to Matzua, he would order some Per∣son to be there, both to give them a befitting Reception, and Con∣duct them to his Court. Besides all this, the King was no less fearful, least the Portugals, as it had befallen several other Kings in India, should make him their Tributary, and un∣der the pretence of Religion, powre into his Country a great force of Soldiers, Arm'd and furnish'd with Fire-Arms; Especially remembring what great Exploits a small Num∣ber of Portugals had perform'd in his Kingdom but a few years before. A Jealousie that not long after increas'd to

that height, that when King David had seriously negotiated with Roderigo Limez, the Portugal Embassador, about the Re∣covery and Fortification of Matzua, and Suaqena, and had also offer'd assistance of Forces, Provision and Money, afterwards the Business was not only no farther mention'd, but also the Portuguese Aid, so necessary, and so much desir'd was ut∣terly refus'd; so that he chose rather to leave the Port of Arkiko, with the Island adjoyning, in the hands of the Turk, then to give Admission to the Portugals. So prevalent is the fear of Foreign Domination.

But now Claudius's answer being return'd into India, strange∣ly surpriz'd the Patriarch Barret, and his Associates, who imagin'd that all things would have bin smooth and easie according to their wishes. Thereupon after long delibera∣tion, they came to this result, Lest the Patriarchal Dignity should be hazarded with a Prince ill affected, which would be to the Detri∣ment of the Pontifical Authority, and a contempt of the King of Por∣tugal, by whose recommendation and favour they were sent, that the Patriarch should remain in India with Melchior Caymero Bishop of Nice, and that Oviedo should go alone, to the end he might take his measures by the Event of Oviedo's Success. Oviedo being thus dispatch'd away with Five more Associates, was kindly receiv'd by Isaac at that time Bahrnagass, or Go∣vernor of the Sea-Ports. The Common People ignorant of their Errand, nor altogether averse to the Romish Ceremo∣nies, receiv'd the Bishop and his Associates with great testi∣monies of Kindness, even to the kissing their hands. The Romanists laying hold upon the occasion, resolv'd upon a Procession from their own to the Habessine Church, and were by them beheld with mutual Charity, without the least up∣brading or reproach of the Novelty. The King also en∣tertain'd them with great kindness; only he took it ill that they should talk to him of yielding obedience to the Roman Pontiff. Nevertheless as he was a most Prudent Person, and worthy the high Dignity he enjoy'd, he always carry'd him∣self with so great Moderation toward the Bishop, that he still left him with some hopes of Success. In the mean time the Roman Religion was every where freely exercis'd, and no man forbid who defir'd to embrace it. But the Bishop not content with so much favour, began to press the King more urgently, That at length without more delay, he would sub∣mit himself to the Roman Pontiff. He reply'd, That his An∣cestors

had in sacred things given their Obedience to none but the Successors of St. Mark; nor did he see any cause why he should desire Innovation, and disturb his People well contented with their Abuna? But the Bishop still continuing his Importunity, The King told him, That since he was come to him from a Region so far di∣stant upon so honest a Negotiation, he would consult with his Friends and his Learned Men upon a Matter of so great Importance. Oviedo understanding that the King did nothing but spin out delays; and hearing withal, that the King's Mother, and all the Blood Royal, together with the Nobility and greatest Do∣ctors of the Nation were utterly averse to any Alterations, wrote an Epistle to the King, wherein he put him in Mind, That his Father had acknowledg'd the Pope of Rome for the Vicar of Christ; that several of his Learned men had besought him; that Claudius had wrote to the King of Portugal; and that his Father had Commanded, that they should not desire an Abuna from any other place then from Rome: and that He himself had publickly promis'd Obedience to thee See of Rome. That if any doubt remain'd con∣cerning any Articles of Faith, he should bring those things to a Pub∣lick Dispute, and hear the Arguments on both sides: it being but just, that the Party that was foil'd, should acknowledge and fol∣low what the other had maintain'd for Truth: and that the King should well consider whose advice he took, or what Persons he consulted in so important an Affair. That the Ends and Interest of Parents or Kindred were not to be regarded: That the love of Christ was to be preferr'd before the love of Relations, who be∣ing busied in Teaching his own Doctrine in the Temple of Jeru∣salem, would not make use of his most Holy Mothers advice; by which he shew'd, that in the Cause of God no Man is bound to Communicate his Intentions to his nearest Friends. Whether the King made any Answer, or what it was, is not known. But Gregory told me, That the sence of the King's Com∣mands and Letters, was quite different from the Exposi∣tions of Alvarez, Bermudes and others addicted to the Ro∣man Religion made of them at Rome: and that it could not be otherwise, in regard that before the Reign of Susneus, the Habessines had never known what that Obedience meant. Hower the King, that he might not seem to distrust the strength of his own Cause, and the learning of his own Sub∣jects, permitted frequent Disputes, not yet made Publick by the Fathers of the Society. From this Tellez reports, That the Habessine Doctors appear'd very ignorant and illiterate in all

their Disputes; as never having Study'd Logic, Syllogisms, nor En∣thymemes, nor having any knowledge of the Subtleties of Scholastic Divinity. From whence the Reader may readily Judge of the Progress and Events of such Disputes. Tellez goes on, and says, That Claudius ••••ary of the illiterateness of his own People, for the most part undertook the Discourse himself, and gave Oviedo not a little Trouble. Moreover he complains, That the Habessines, when they were worsted, would never acknowledge it, but always boasted of the Victory, and so all those Disputes came to nothing. It was therefore thought more convenient to be∣take themselves to writing. Nor did the King decline the Combat, but answer'd them with other Writings, tho they have not as yet bin permitted to visit the European Regions. Oviedo impatient of his ill Success, and finding he could not bring the Ethiopic Prince to do as he would have had him, re∣solv'd to a more severe but unseasonable course. And there∣fore, to testifie his Indignation, he left the Court, and pub∣lish'd a Writing, Where in he branded the Habessines with several Heresies, and exhorted his Portugueses to have a care of them. Which did not a little offend Claudius. For a mind free, and subject to none, when once it refuses the persuasion of Ar∣gument, is the more exasperated by affront and reviling. Nor can it be thought that any Prince will suffer himself and his Subjects to be traduc'd for Heretics within his own Do∣minions.

Not long after Claudius was slain in a Battel against the Adelans; to whom, in regard he dy'd without Issue, his Bro∣ther Adamas-Saghed Succeeded, a Person quite of another disposition, as one that retain'd nothing of his Moderation or Clemency. For whatever Indulgencies Claudius had granted to Oviedo, and the Embracers of his Doctrine, he re∣call'd them all; nor would he so much as permit that the Habessine Women, who were Marry'd to the Portugueses, should exercise the Religion of their Husbands; to which he added many other severe Edicts, declaring openly, That his Brother was therefore punish'd by God, because he did not per∣secute the Religion of the Franks; as it is frequent to attribute Adversity or Prosperity to neglected or protected Religion. Nay, he proceeded so far, that having sent for Oviedo, he threaten'd him with Death, if he continu'd divulging and sowing Roman Paradoxes in his Dominions. Which when the Bishop refus'd to consent to, saying, That God was to be

obey'd, rather then Man, he drew his Scymiter in a rage, and unless the Queen, and some of the chief Nobility had pre∣vented him, had undoubtedly dispatch'd the Bishop to the other World. The Bishop therefore, in this desperate Con∣dition of Affairs retires to Fremona, where he lay conceal'd, thirty whole years together, and assuming to himself, after the Death of Barret, the Title of Patriarch, officiated among his own Portugueses, without any further molestation: in re∣gard that Melec-Saghed after his Father's violent Death, shew'd himself more mild, and temperate to the Portugueses, who behaving themselves more modestly, gave him no cause of Provocation. But at length all the Avenues into Habessinia being shut-up by the Turk, and the Fathers that were sent thither being all taken and slain, the State of Religion among the Portugueses was reduc'd to that extremity, that all the Fa∣thers being deceas'd, there was none remain'd alive to offi∣ciate Divine Service. At length Melchior Silvanus an Indian, Vicar of the Church of St. Anns in Goa, and for that reason disguis'd both by his Language and Colour, ventur'd into Ethiopia, and there officiated till the Arrival of Peter Pays; after which he return'd into India, leaving the said Peter, as he had bin before, all alone in his office of Priesthood.

CHAP. X. Of the New Mission, and its Success, till the Coming of the Roman Patriarch.

The Religion of the Portugueses very low in Habessinia. New Hopes upon the arrival of Peter Pays. Who Taught School at Fremona with the ad∣miration of all. The King sends for him. Curiously receives him. And permits Obedience to the Pope. He abrogates the Observation of the Sabbath. He obtains the King's Friendship by the Pope's, and K. of Portugal's Letters. The King therefore hated, and slain. Susneus Suc∣ceeds. He perceives the Ignorance of his own Doctors, and applys to the Fathers. Several Disputes. The King's Brother Embraces the Roman Faith. Susneus promises Obedience to the Pope. He causes a publick di∣spute concerning the two Natures in Christ. The Habessines confuted. The King's Edict. A disobedient Monk punish'd. The Metropolitan complains. The Event. The Edict renew'd. The Alexandrinians pro∣vok'd. They Excommunicate the Romans. The King resists. Simeon replies. Thence a Rebellion. The Metropolitan's Anathema. Elius the Head of the Conspirators slain. So is Simeon. The Sabbath abrogated. The Effects. Jonael the Viceroy Revolts. The King defends the Abro∣gation. Jonael hides himself. Slain by the Gallans. The People of Da∣mota Rebel. Vanquish'd. The King publickly Embraces the Roman Faith. New Commotions by his Son Gabrael. He is slain.

THE Arch-Bishop of Goa, and the Fathers of the So∣ciety were not ignorant of the afflicted Condition of the Roman Worship in Habessinia. And there∣fore, whereas before they had conceiv'd vast hope of Total Conversion of Ethiopia, now the case was so far alter'd, that they found themselves put to a Necessity of providing for their own few Countrymen, least they should be utterly de∣stitute of Provision for the Salvation of their own Souls, as not having any Priests to perform Religious Duties among them. Mov'd therefore by the Instigation of Conscience, they took it into serious Consideration, least while they were busyed about Subjecting Abassia to the See of Rome, that nothing belong'd to it, they should loose their own Countrymen, Professors of their own Religion, who had reason enough to forsake those that forsook them. And therefore they made it their whole study how to supply them with Priests, to govern their Ecclesiastical Affairs. And indeed many had attempted the Journey, but in vain.

Till at length with the dawn of the new Century, new hopes began to shine forth. For Peter Pays, after his first unfortunate Attempt, which had expos'd him to various Hazards, and a Captivity in Arabia, undertook a second Journey into Ethiopia, wherein he prosperously Succeeded; being well skill'd both in the Countries, Customs and Fo∣reign Languages, and able to endure the temperature of those Climates. John Gabriel a famous Portuguese Collonel, had given King Jacob then reigning, notice of his coming, and had so possess'd the young Prince with the worth of the Per∣son, by the high Commendations which he gave him, that so soon as the Winter was over, the King sent for him. But he being soon after depos'd, Zadenghel was advanc'd in his Room. Thereupon Peter Pays kept himself still at Fremona; where, not believing his time could be better spent than in instructing the Portuguese Children, he chose out some of the riper Ingenuities, and in a short time so manur'd them, that they were able to answer to any Question propounded to them concerning the Christian Faith. A thing both un∣wonted and wonderful to the Habessines, to hear from Chil∣dren what they could hardly expect from Persons of years and Experience. But considering the Person, he was not so much wonderful neither; for he was a Man of a quick and ready Wit, that could fit himself to all Humours, of an affable and complaisant Temper, and well skill'd not only in the Liberal Sciences, but Mechanic Arts. The fame of so acute and laborious a Person, and so happy in his Instruction, being spread over the Neighbouring Regions, in a short time reach'd the young King's Ears; who being covetous to see such a Master and such Scholars, by his Letters invited him to Court. Thereupon in the Month of April, 1604. accom∣pany'd with two Portuguese Youths arriving at Court, he was honourably receiv'd by the King, as if he had bin one of the Nobles of his Kingdom, not without great distast taken by the Monks, whose Sloth compar'd to Peter's Diligence and Industry, render'd them contemptible to most. The next day several Disputes began about Controversies in Religion, which the King was pleas'd both favourably and patiently to hear; Mass was also said after the Roman manner, and a Sermon Preach'd; with which Zadenghel was so taken, that having Communicated his Intentions to some of his inti∣mate Friends, he resolv'd to submit himself to the Pope.

But in regard he durst not adventure to do it publickly, he first conjur'd Peter not to reveal the Secret, and then told him, That he was Convinc'd by his Arguments, that there was no other Universal Pastor and Vicar of Christ upon Earth beside the Pope of Rome. That to deny it to him, was to deny it to Christ; that who∣ever did not follow his Example, was not of the true Church; and that therefore he had Decreed to request a Patriarch and Fathers from Rome to instruct his People.

Altho so sudden and so unexpected a Declaration of a King could not choose but infuse a joy unspeakable into the heart of Peter, yet he contain'd himself; only what his duty bound him to, he could not but highly extol the Pious Inten∣tions of the King. Nor did the King delay: The Secret with which he had trusted Peter under Oath, he himself made Publick, and presently set forth an Edict, That no Person should any longer observe the Sabbath as a Holy day. And indeed he was so forward, that Peter was fain to check his Celerity, and put a stop to his Career. However Letters were writ∣ten to Clement the VIII. and Philip the Third, King of Spain and Portugal, and deliver'd to Peter's care, for their safe and honourable conveyance. In these Letters he offer'd his Friend∣ship, his Soldiers, and his Workmen; and withal requested some of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus to instruct his Subjects. These things were not so privately carry'd, but that they were dis∣cover'd by some of the chief Nobility of the Kingdom, who were no way satisfy'd at these underminings of their ancient Religion: wherefore they conspir'd against their Prince, and flew him in Battel. Zadenghel being slain, all Peter's great Hopes vanish'd of a sudden, not only through Za∣denghel's fall, but by reason of the Civil Wars that ensu'd be∣tween Jacob and Susneus, contending for the Royal Diadem. And so all Promotion of the Roman Religion surceas'd, till Jacob being vanquish'd and kill'd in the Field, Susneus became Lord of Habessinia. Who again kindly receiv'd and entertain'd Peter together with his Companions, and to all his Requests lent a most gracious Ear.

The Ecclesiastical Affairs of Habessinia, were then but in a Low Condition, there not having bin any Peace in the Country for about Fourscore years: so that perpetual Wars had almost extinguish'd the Studies of peaceful Arts; nor were there enough to perform Religious Duties in their Chur∣ches, but less to obviate the Encroachment of insinuating

Errors and Abuses in Religion. The Metropolitans, Per∣sons for the most part the most ignorant that could be ima∣gin'd, took no more Cognizance of the Churches which they were appointed to govern, then if they had bin under Foreign Jurisdiction, only they took up their time in the Or∣dination of all sorts without any due Examination. There∣fore the King and his Nobility observing the Diligence of the Fathers in instructing the Habessine Youth; their Zeal in the Conversion of the People; their Eloquence in Preaching un∣heard of before, their Sanctity of living, so necessary among Neophytes and Proselytes, were possess'd with so much Admi∣ration and Affection toward them, that they could promise to themselves no other way for restoring their decay'd Eccle∣siastical Worship, but by their means. Therefore Letters were sent to the Pope and the King of Spain, to request their Friendship, and the Assistance of the Portugueses. Peter Pays enlarg'd upon the same Subject, and added much more con∣cerning the King's Affection to the Roman Religion. Fre∣quent Disputations also were appointed, of which the chief Theme was concerning the two Natures in Christ, which, be∣ing easily demonstrable out of the Writings of the Habessines themselves, gave the Fathers great Advantage over the Ethio∣pian Doctors.

The Chiefest of all the Nobility, Ras-Seelaxus the King's Brother by the Mother's side, publickly professed the Roman Religion, and receiv'd the Eucharist openly, according to the Roman Manner, whose example many of the Great Com∣manders in the Army, both Collonels and Captains follow'd; especially seeing the King's favour so constant toward the Fa∣thers of the Society. At length the King himself, having re∣ceiv'd the Answer of Paul the V. in a Letter dated the 31 of January, 1623. Promis'd to yield him Obedience as Universal Pastor of the Church, and that he would admit a Patriarch sent from Rome, so that necessary Succors were sent him withal, without which, it was impossible to accomplish a business of so much Difficulty and Impor∣tance. He also signified his Intentions to send an Embassador with Father Antonio Fernandez, after another manner, and in another Equipage, then had yet bin usual. To say truth, the King publickly favour'd the Roman Religion, without any opposition; in regard that the Sword had cut off the greatest part of the stiffest and most obstinate Defenders of the Alexandrian Worship. Only the Monks remain'd behind,

who were baffled still in all their Attempts of Dispute. Therefore the King, to the end he might make it mani∣fest to his whole Kingdom, that he had not rashly, but upon Mature Deliberation, and as it were overcome by the force of Truth, given way to a new Religion, appointed a So∣lemn Dispute, where he enjoyn'd most of the Nobility of his Kingdom to be present. The Subject of the Disputation was again the repeated Question concerning the two Na∣tures in Christ; as if that had bin the utmost limit of all their Controversies. And no question it might be true what Tellez has written, that the Habessines were vanquish'd upon the first onset. For the reality of the thing supported by so many Authorities and Reasons afforded an easie Victory. Nevertheless there was another Dispute appointed some few days after, which prov'd no less successful than the for∣mer. Wherefore the King, as if the War had now bin at an end, and that now Truth had merited her Triumph, put forth an Edict, that all Persons for the future should believe and hold, That there were two Natures in Christ, between them∣selves really distinct, but united in one Divine Person. This Edict was little regarded by one particular Monk, more wilful and stubborn than truly zealous, who being for his Contumacy brought before the King, and speaking in his presence more irreverently than became him, was severely Scourg'd for his sawciness. Of the Pain and Anguish of which Chastisement, tho the Monk was only sensible, yet the fear of it kept others in awe, who not understanding that he was punish'd for his malapertness, thought he had bin so severely dealt with for denying the two Natures.

These things being spread abroad, Simeon the Metropoli∣tan, at that time absent, hastens to the King with his Com∣plaints, That unusual things had bin done without his knowledge, and that Disputes about Religion had bin appointed in his absence. The King well understanding how unable he was to grapple with the Fathers in Dispute, made him answer, That since he was come, he would appoint the same Disputations to be heard over again. To which Simeon had not a word to say. And thus a second Victory being won from the Primate of Ethiopia him∣self, a more severe Edict concerning the two Natures was publish'd by the Cryer, making it Death for any Person to deny the contrary.

By this so sharp a Decree, as if it had bin the loud signal to Battel, it is incredible to think how the minds of the Peo∣ple were incens'd. As for the Controversie it self, they did not think it of so high a Concernment, as to engage divid∣ed Parties in Blood and Massacre about it. In regard that all acknowledg'd both Divinity and Humanity in Christ; so that the Question was only about a word. But let the Question be what it would, such a severe way of proceeding was never heard of before in Ethiopia, as being altogether contradictory to the mildness of Christ and his Apostles, and the Lenity of the Primitive times. So then if Men were to be scourg'd and whipp'd, because they could not apprehend two Natures in Christ, what must they expect if other Questions should be started about Innovations of greater difficulty in the Doctrine and Ceremonies of the Fathers?

Exasperated with these fair pretences, Simeon the Metro∣politan, together with several of the Nobility; and among the rest Jamanaxus, alias Emana Christos, another of the King's Brothers by the Mothers side; and lastly, almost all the In∣terested Clergy and Monks met, and held Consultations together to prevent the threatning Mischiefs; and lastly, combin'd to live and dye for the Defence of their ancient and settled Religion. To this end Simeon, under pretence of incumbent Duty, which was to be watchful over the Preservation of the Constantinopolitan Religion, fix'd an Excommunication Pub∣lickly upon the Dores of the great Church belonging to the Camp, against all that embrac'd the Religion of the Franks, or ventur'd to Dispute concerning it. The King, tho high∣ly offended with this unexpected boldness of the Metropoli∣tan, durst not adventure to revenge himself; However he Publish'd another Edict, whereby Liberty was granted to every Person that so pleas'd, to embrace and exercise the Fathers Reli∣gion already establish'd by fair Disputes and Arguments on their side. Which so little terrify'd the undaunted Metropolitan, that he thunder'd out his Anathema's against all that main∣tain'd two Natures in Christ.

The Moderate Party bewail'd these Paper Skirmishes, which they foresaw would break forth, and end in Slaughter and Misery, and that the King's Decrees would never be establish'd without the effusion of much Blood. Sensible of these Fears, se∣veral of the great Personages of the Kingdom, together with the King's Mother, Ite-Hamelmala, most earnestly besought the King, to desist from what he had begun, and not to raise

up implacable Seditions to the Ruin of himself and his King∣dom. After which the Metropolitan, with many Monks and Nuns came to the Camp, and implor'd the King, not to innovate any thing in Religion, otherwise that they were prepar'd to lay down their lives for the Religion of their Ancestors. At last the King referr'd the whole Business to a∣nother Colloquie, which continu'd for Six days one after another, but without any Success: A clear Testimony that Controversies in Religion are not to be decided by Disputes. After that, all the Clergy throw themselves at the King's Feet, and with Sighs and Tears beseech him, Not to change a Religion so quietly Establish'd in Ethiopia for so many Ages, by so many of their Emperors. But nothing would prevail; the King remain'd inexorable and immoveable; so that the Pe∣titioners departed full freighted with Exasperation and Re∣bellion. Immediately, all hopes of Concord and Agree∣ment being lay'd aside, the Sword was next unsheath'd, whence follow'd those terrible Commotions and Bloody Wars that have almost ruin'd the most flourishing part of Ethiopia.

The Chief of the Conspirators were Jamanaxus, Aelius the King's Son in Law, Viceroy of Tigra, the Eunuch Caflo, and several others. But to give the better Colour to their Rebellion, and Design of Killing the King, the Metropoli∣tan, caus'd a new and more severe Excommunication to be fix'd upon the Chief Church in the Camp, by which all the partakers of the Latin Religion were Anathematiz'd. In the mean time the Fathers of the Society relying upon the King's Favour, hasten'd to get all things ready that might be of advantage to Establish their Doctrine. To that end they translated Maldonatus upon the Four Evangelists; Tole∣tus upon St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans, Ribera upon the He∣brews, and some others, into the Ethiopic Language, which some esteem'd, others by reason of the intermixture of Am∣haric words, contemn'd, as full of Barbarisms and Soloecisms. But as for the Lord's Prayer, and the Salutation of Mary, be∣ing nothing but the Latin written in Ethiopic Characters, they abhorr'd 'em, as looking upon them to be nothing but Ma∣gic Spells. On the other side, the Alexandrians fell upon the Fathers with all the bitterest Invectives that might be; those Paper Skirmishes being generally the fore-runners of more Bloody disputes. In pursuance of which, Aelius by an

Edict, Commands all the Franks to depart out of Tigra, and the Alexandrians to follow him: by which means, having muster'd up a compleat Army, he openly Rebels. Simeon Curses the Franks, but loads Aelius with his Blessings; upon which he no doubt relying, resolv'd to fight his Father in Law, then upon his March against him with a strong Force, notwithstanding all the Perswasions of his Wife to the con∣trary. Fierce therefore, and in the heat of his young Blood, and over-confident of his own Faction, not staying so much as to take his Breakfast, but as it were Drunk with Fury and Rage, only with a small Troop about him, he leaps his Horse into his Father's Camp, asking, Where the King was? and so what between the astonishment of some, and the wonder of others what the Matter should be, he rode up without any hurt to the King's Pavilion; where at length the Alarum being taken, he was soon surrounded, Ston'd and Stabb'd to Death, and so dearly paid for his rashness. The Captain thus Slain, the Soldiers betake themselves to their heels; Simeon, between the Fugitives and the Pursuers, stood alone by himself, like a man stupifyed, whether not at first observ'd, or neglected as a Clergy-man, but at length being known, he was Slain among the Crowd. Both their Heads were sent about the Kingdom, and expos'd as a Public Spectacle. The Eunuch Caflo had his Head struck off: Jamanaxus was pardon'd. Thus the Kindred of Kings for the most part escape the Punishment of those Rebel∣lions to which they themselves have given Life and Encou∣ragement.

The King who was never fearful, now more emboldened by his Victory, now questions other Heads of Religion: and soon after by Public Edict prohibits the Observation of the Sabbath, as Judaical, and Repugnant to Christianity. In answer to this Edict, some Person without a Name, had written contemptuously of the Roman Religion, reflecting severely upon the Fathers of the Society, whom he call'd the Kindred of Pilate, as being a Roman, and withal sharply menacing the King himself. Tellez reports, That it was stufft with places of Scripture, but nothing to the purpose. The King more incens'd by this Writing, renew'd the Edict about the Sabbath, and commanded the Husbandmen to Plough and Sow upon that Day, adding as a Penalty upon the Offenders, for the first Fault the Forfeiture of a weav'd

Vestment to the value of a Portugal Patack; for the second, Confiscation of Goods, and that the said Offence should not be prescribed to Seven years; a certain form usually in∣serted in their more severe Decrees.

Certainly it must of necessity be true what Tellez reports of the Natural Piety of the Habessines, since they were thus to be compell'd to the Neglect of the Sabbath by such Se∣vere Laws, when we can hardly be induc'd by stricter Pe∣nalties to observe the Lord's-Day. Among the rest, one Bu∣cus a stout and famous Soldier, felt the utmost rigour of this Decree, for being accus'd to have observ'd the Sabbath, he was made a most severe Example, that others of less conse∣quence might not think to expect any Mercy.

From thence Jonael Viceroy of Bagemdra took an occasion to Revolt, alluring all to his Party who were displeased with the Edicts. Upon which News, many of the chiefest of the Court, both Men and Women, of which several were near allyed to the King, with Tears in their Eyes besought him once more, not to expose himself and the Kingdom to Calamity, but to take Pity upon so many poor afflicted People, offend∣ing out of meer Simplicity and Ignorance, and not to disturb the Minds of his People with such unseasonable Changes.

The King far from being mov'd with their Tears, but rather the more displeas'd to see so many all of one Mind, that at once he might answer all, confirm the wa∣vering, and terrifie the Headstrong, having summon'd to∣gether the Chief Nobles and Commanders of his Army that attended the Court, in a short, but grave Oration, put them in mind of past Transactions, upbraiding them a∣mong the rest, For that they had depriv'd Zadenghel both of his Life and Kingdom, because he had forsaken the Alexandrian Religion to embrace the Roman Faith. That for his part, after his Victory obtain'd against Jacob, he had bin severe to none; but rather had pardon'd all; nevertheless he was disturb'd with daily Seditions and Rebellions, under pretence of changing his Reli∣gion, when he only reform'd it. For that he acknowledg'd as much and the same that others did, That Christ was true God, and true Man: but because he could not be Perfect God, unless he had the Perfect Divine Nature, nor perfect Man without perfect Humane Nature, it follow'd, that there were two Natures in Christ, uni∣ted in one Substance of the Eternal Word. Which was not to aban∣don but explain his Religion. In the next place he had abrogated

the Observation of the Sabbath Day, because it became not Chri∣stians to observe the Jews Sabboth. These things he did not be∣lieve in favour of the Portugueses; but because it was the Truth it self determin'd in the Council of Chalcedon, founded upon Scripture, and ever since the time of the Apostles deliver'd as it were from hand to hand; and if there were occasion, he would lay down his life in defence of this Doctrine; but they who deny'd it should first examine the Truth of it.

Having finished his Oration, a Letter was brought him from Jonael, containing many haughty Demands, and among the rest the Expulsion of the Jesuits. The King believing there would be no better way than to answer him in the Field, Commanded the nimblest of his Armed Bands to March: of which the Rebel having Intelligence, and not willing to abide his Fury fled for shelter among those in∣accessible Rocks, whither it was in vain to pursue him. Thereupon Susneus, well-knowing that the Revolters would not be able long to endure the Inconveniencies, and Fa∣mine that lodg'd among those inaccessible places, blockt him up at a Distance. So that Jonael at length, weaken'd by daily desertions, fled to the Gallans, who being at variance among themselves, kept their promis'd Faith but a short time; for being underhand tempted with Rewards by the King; they at length turn'd their Protection into Trea∣chery, and slew the Unfortunate Implorer of their Se∣curity.

This Bad Success however did not terrifie the Inhabitants of Damota, inhabiting the Southern parts of Gojam, who up∣on the News of the Prophanation of the Sabbath, as they called it, with their Hermites that sculk'd in the Deserts of that Province, ran to their Arms. Ras-Seelax, otherwise their Lord and Patron in vain Exhorting them to continue their Obedience, whose kind Messages of Peace and Pardon they refus'd, unless he would burn the Books Translated out of Latin into the Habessine Language by the Fathers, and deliver up the Fathers themselves to be Hang'd upon the highest Trees they could find. Thus despairing of Peace, Ras-Seelax set forward, tho deserted by the greatest part of his Forces, who favoured the Cause of their Countrymen; so that he had hardly Seven Thousand Men that stook close to him, while the Enemies Body daily encreas'd. However he resolv'd to Fight them, knowing his Soldiers to be more Experienc'd,

and better Arm'd, besides that he had about Forty Portuguese Musquetiers in his Camp. When they came to blows, the Victory fell to the King's Party, tho it cost dear; in regard that about Four hundred Monks, that had as it were devoted themselves to die for their Religion, fought most desperate∣ly: of which a Hundred and fourscore were Slain.

Hitherto the King had not made Publick Profession of the Roman Religion, partly out of fear of stirring up Popular Tumults against him; partly being loath to dismiss his Super∣numerary Wives, and Concubines; but at length encourag'd by so many Victories he lay'd all fear aside, and publickly renounc'd the Alexandrian Worship, and confessing his Sins after the Roman manner to Peter Pays, dismiss'd all his Wives and Concubines, only the first of those to which he had bin lawfully Marry'd. His Example convinc'd many others, who were not asham'd to keep many Mistresses, but Adul∣tresses also. Not long after, the King signify'd his Conver∣sion to the Roman Religion to his whole Empire, by a Pub∣lick Instrument, not without the Severe reproof of the Alexandrian Patriarch. The sum of his Manifesto was, That having deserted the Alexandrinian, he now reverenced only the Roman See; and had yielded his Obedience to the Roman Pope, as the Successor of Peter, the Prince of the Apostles; for that that See could never err either in Faith or good Manners, and then he exhorted his Subjects to do as he had done. He also discoursed at large concerning the two Natures in Christ, and tax'd the Ethiopian Primates as guilty of many Errors. But neither the King's Example, nor his Exhortation wrought upon many. For at the same time his Son Gabriel began to study new Con∣trivances, tho with no better Success than they who had taught him the way. For when he had intelligence that Ras-Seelax was marching against him, finding himself Infe∣rior in Force, he betook himself to the inaccessible Rocks of Shewa; from whence at last by the Craft of a certain well∣brib'd Gallan, he was allur'd to come forth; who feigning himself to be highly offended with Ras-Seelax, came to the unwary young Prince, and promis'd him the Assistance of all his Friends; which while he was inveagled out to expect, in a neighbouring Wood, he was there surrounded by a select Party of the Enemy, and pay'd for his rash belief with the loss of his Life.

CHAP. XI. Of the Coming of the Roman Patriarch into Ha∣bessinia, and how he Managed his Affairs there.

Alphonsus Mendez made Patriarch of Ethiopia. His Inauguration and Journey to Goa, &c. Their miserable Reception at first. His difficult Passage by Land. Met by the Jesuits. He comes to Fremona, thence to the King. The King swears Obedience to the Pope. So does the Court. Ras-Seelax's behaviour blam'd. The Solemnity concluded with an Ana∣thema. New Edicts in favour of the Romish Worship. The Women Commanded to swear. The Patriarchal See. New Disturbances occa∣sion'd by the new Computation. Baptism and Ordination reiterated: Ser∣mons. Visitation and Confirmation. A Countryman's Joke. A Seminary. Tecla-George Revolts. Suppress'd and Hang'd. The Captain of the Guards excommunicated upon a slight Occasion by the Patriarch; but Pardon'd at the King's intercession. Their Courtiers offended. Their Indignation increases, and why. A Witch imprison'd by Command of the Patriarch: Which alienates the King's Affection from him. His Authority decreases, through private Grudges, and an Act of Ras Seelax. The Agawi Revolt. The King's ill Success. Ras-Seelax more Prosperous against Luca-Marjam. Kebax kill'd and Teker-Egzi. These Mischiefs attributed to the Ro∣mans. Melcax takes upon him the Regal Power. Ras Seelax accus'd; His Goods confiscated. The Fathers render'd odious to the King. Their In∣dulgencies laugh'd at. Serthax's unhappy Revolt. A New Expedition against the Lasti, Prosperous at first, at last Ʋnfortunate. The Fathers tax'd. The King indulges the Old Ceremonies. The Patriarch offended. Another more mild Edict; but too late.

OF These prosperous Successes, the Fathers wrote presently to Rome, and into Portugal. But very prudently, there was nothing rashly decreed at first, lest the Design of another Patriarch, like that of No∣nius Barret should come to nothing. But when King Sus∣neus himself, had by his own Letters requested a Patriarch, and had made publick Profession of the Romish Religion, the Conclave then thought it not expedient to make any longer delays. And therefore, as if they had bin to send into some Portuguese Province, upon the Nomination of Philip the Fourth, then King of Portugal, as well as Spain, Alphonsus Mendez, a Person of great Eminency, by Nativity a Portu∣guese, a Doctor in Theology, and of the Society of Jesus, which claim'd Ethiopia peculiarly to it self, as a Province by them wholly converted to the Faith, was created Patriarch.

Besides, that it might have occasion'd great Emulation, had a Person bin chosen out of any other Nation or Society. Being inaugurated with the usual Ceremonies, at Lisbon, in the Month of May 1624. he set Sail, and arriv'd at Goa, where understanding that all things succeeded to the wishes of the Fathers, he prepar'd for his farther Journey. In No∣vember of the same year he arriv'd at Dios, hoping there to find some of the Bannian Vessels, to carry him into the Red-Sea: But they being the year before over-burthen'd by the covetous Exactions of the Turks, and fearing the Arabian Pirates had left off Trading into those Parts. While he stay'd at Dio, he was seasonably forewarn'd by the King's Letters, by no means to come near Suaqena or Matzua, but to make to rights for Baylur a Port of Dancala. There he arriv'd the Third of April following with six Companions, four Fathers; and two Friers.

The Fathers were,

• 1. John Velasco Castellano.
• 2. Hierome Lobo, or Wolph. Which Name, lest the Ethiopians should take an occasion to turn to an ill Omen, they made a shift to change for another.
• 3. Bruno de Santa Cruce.
• 4. Francesco Marquese.

The Friers were,

• Emanuel Luis, Steward.
• ...John Martin.

Attendants he had Thirteen:

• ...One Servant.
• ...Five Musicians.
• Three Habessines.
• Two Bricklayers, and their Apprentices; for the Building of Churches and Houses, which the Ethiopic Fathers had desir'd him to bring with him.

The King had recommended him to the care of the Vice∣roy of Dancala, a Mahometan, but in Friendship with the Habessines. But the recommendation was so early, and he

came so late, that the Viceroy had forgot it. So that his Reception there was very lamentable, there being little or no Provision, so much as of Necessaries made for him. And their Hosts where they Lodg'd, were so poor and cove∣tous, that instead of receiving any Kindnesses from them, they were forc'd to purchase their sorry Convenience with the continual Supplies of their Avarice. They could not get Mules or Horses anow to carry themselves and their Luggage; so that most of them were forc'd to travel over the rugged and parch'd Earth in continual conflict with hun∣ger, thirst, and intolerable heat.

Neither were they much better entertain'd for Sixteen days in the Court of the Viceroy himself, all their Presents not sufficing to gratifie the impatient Appetite of his Avarice. Parting from thence, at the Mercy of those wicked and co∣vetous Varlets that were their Guides and Owners of their Carriage-Horses, they travel'd as they were led, in daily fear of the Gallans, over places where Battels had bin fought, as it were Pav'd with the Skulls and Bones of the Slain, till at last all these Difficulties and Dangers overcome, they were met by Emanuel Barradas, with some other Portugueses and Habessines upon the Confines of Tigra, who furnish'd them with Provisions, Carriages, and all other things necessary. Upon the strength of which Refreshments, they began to ascend the towring Mountains of Abassia, and the Fifth day after, through more gladsom and verdant Fields, and more grateful opportunities of resting themselves, they arriv'd at Fremona; where they stay'd not only all the Winter, but all October and November, being both unhealthy Months. In December they arriv'd at Gorgora, where upon a day appoint∣ed, with a Noble Attendance, and great Applause, the Pa∣triarch enter'd the Camp, and after Mass said, was condu∣cted into the King's Pavillion, and there by the King Com∣manded to sit down by him in a little Chair equal to his own. In which great Pomp and State, at length the Patriarch came to the point, and agreed with the King, that upon the XI day of February, 1626. he should publickly swear Obedience to the Pope.

Upon which day, together with the King and his Eldest Son Basilides, appear'd the King's Brothers, the Viceroys and Governors of Provinces, and all others that were conspicuous for their Dignity and Quality. In the Room were two

little Chairs, but very rich, set one by the other; upon which the King sate down on the right hand, and the Patri∣arch in his Pontifical habit upon the left. Being so sate, the Patriarch made a most lofty Panegyric in Praise of the Pope, not without some Reflections upon the Blindness of former Ages: then he fell to commemorate what had been done of later Times, How, That the Emperors of Habessinia had sent their Embassadors formerly to Rome, and that lately one of them had requested thence a Pastor, and Evangelical Preachers: that therefore now the Time was come, wherein his Majesty was bound to satisfie the desire of his Ancestors, and to submit himself and his Subjects to the See of Rome. The King Commanded the Grand Chamberlain of his Houshold Melca Christos, Prince of Samena to return an Answer; who after he had extoll'd the Merits of the Portugueses, It is now the King's Intention, said he, to fulfil the Promises of his Ancestors, by yielding Obedience to the Roman Pope; But as he was going on, the King interrupted him, saying, That this was not the first day of his Intention to sur∣render his submission to the Roman Pope, as having long before promis'd it to the Superior Father of the Society of Jesus. Present∣ly the Patriarch after a short answer, unfolded a Book con∣taining the four Evangelists; and then the King falling upon his Knees, took his Oath after this manner:

We Sultan-Saghed King of the Kings of Ethiopia, believe and confess, That St. Pe••er, Prince of the Apostles was by Christ our Lord, Constituted Head of the whole Christian Church, and that Principality and Power over the whole World was given to him when he said, Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock will I build my Church, and I will give to thee the Keys of Heav'n; and at another Time when he said to Him, Feed my Sheep. In like manner we believe, That the Pope of Rome lawfully Elected, is the true Successor of St. Peter the Apostle, in his Government, and that he has the same Power, Dignity, and Primacy of the whole Church of Christ. Therefore we Promise, Offer, and Swear true Obedience, and humbly submit our Person and our Empire, at the feet of our Holy Father Urban the VIII. of that Name, by the Grace of God Pope, and our Lord, and to his Successors in the Administration of the Church. So God help us, and these Holy Evangils.

After the King had done, his Son Basilides, the King's Brothers, all the Viceroys and Peers; as also all the Clergy and Monks then present took the same Oath.

After this, Ras-Seelax, hastily Drawing forth his Scimi∣ter, brake forth into these passionate Expressions: What is done, let it be done; that is to say, Let past things be forgotten; But whoever for the future shall not do it, since it becomes every one so to do, shall feel the weight of this. An Act, which to most that were present, seem'd very severe, especially to those who had taken part with Gabriel, at whom those words were constru'd to be principally levell'd. Moreover, he added an unusual Clause to his own Oath; That he also swore Allegiance to Basilides as Heir and Successor to his Father; and that he would also be his faithful Vassal, so that he would promise to Protect and Defend the Holy Catholic Faith; otherwise that he would be the first and most profess'd of his Enemies. As if it had bin lawful for a Subject to impose new Conditions of his Subjection upon a most Absolute Prince and Monarch, not bound by any Laws of Man, such as is the King of Ha∣bessinia. However the King said nothing, nor durst Basilides, as being under the Tuition of his Father, take notice of it. Nor indeed was this Condition added to his Oath, any advan∣tage to the Roman Church, but rather serv'd to hasten the Ruin of Ras-Seelax. This Solemnity concluded with an Anathema, after the Ethiopian manner, upon all those that for the future should forget or break this Oath. Immediately after, several Edicts were Publish'd, That none for the future should say Mass, or Exercise the Priestly Office, except such as were licens'd by the Patriarch. Thereupon, the Ordinations of the Alexandrian Metropolitan not being accompted lawful, most of the Priests were constrain'd to receive new Ordinations from the new Patriarch, upon this Condition, That they should all observe the Roman Forms of Worship, and not give any succour or harbour to Rebels; who offended in that Nature was to be severely punish'd. It was also farther enjoyn'd that in the Celebration of Easter, and Observation of Lent, the Canons of the Church of Rome should be faithfully follow'd. There was also one thing more than usual exacted by the Patriarch, who having a great mistrust of the Ladies of the Royal Blood, caus'd a * 1.188

Decree to be made, that they also upon a prefix'd day, as being more zealous for the Alexandrian Opinions than the Men, should take the Sacred Oath of Supremacy to the Pope, as if they had bin a distinct Body Politic from the Men. But whether it were put in Execution, or how done I do not find.

In the next place, great care was taken for Building a Pa∣triarchal Seat, and for settling an Annual Revenue for sup∣port of the Dignity of the new Primate; to which purpose a place was chosen out in the Confines of Bagemdra, and Dem∣bea, call'd Debsan; as also another in the Imperial Camp near Dancaz. Residencies also for the Fathers were built in several Provinces of the Empire to stock it with Jesuits.

• Maiguagua or Fremona in Tigra.
• Ganeta Jesus, with a fair Church.
• Gorgora in Dembea.
• ...Azazo.
• Enabeesse, vulgarly Nebesse.
• Hadash, by the Portugals Adaxa.
• ...Kolala.
• ...Leda-Negas.
• ...Serca.
• ...Temhhua.
• Atthana in Bagemdra.

The same year also Lent was kept after the Roman manner, with all the Solemnities of the Passion Week, as also Easter ac∣cording to the Roman Calendar. Which occasion'd most vio∣lent Commotions over all the Empire, and more especially among the Clergy and Monks. Who being ignorant of the Computation and the Cause, thought it a high breach of the Canons of the Nicene Council, and the Paschal Cycle therein prescrib'd. Neither could the Edict be equally dispers'd over so many far distant Regions for want of Printing.

In the mean time they were very busie in Baptizing the Converted, and ordaining of Ecclesiastical Persons, many of which had bin already Baptiz'd and Ordain'd. Sermons were also Preach'd in several places after the manner of Eu∣rope, wherein it was necessary for the Fathers to Cite many places of Scripture, if they desir'd to be accompted Learned.

Thus the Fathers of the Society made a daily and very great Progress, insomuch that the Number of Baptiz'd and Converted to the Roman Religion amounted to many Thousands.

About two years after, the Patriarch made a Visitation assisted by some of the Sodality, in which vast Numbers of People were some of them Rebaptiz'd, others Con∣firm'd; to the great good-liking and applause of the King and his Peers, who had never seen such things perform'd by any of their Metropolitans before. Others look'd asquint upon these prosperous beginnings, seeking all Occasions of new Disturbances. Some there were that openly resisted, and would not permit any Priest under Roman Ordination to officiate in their Churches, nay some of them they kill'd out-right. As for the Countrey People, tho they were pas∣sively Obedient to the King's Commands, yet they lik'd their own old way best. Among the rest there was one, who having receiv'd the Cuff of Confirmation, as their manner is, and being ask'd by his Neighbour how he did? Never worse, said He, than I have bin since I receiv'd the Patriarch's Box o'th' ear.

More than all this, there was a Seminary set up, for the Education as well of the Habessine as Portuguese Children: for the Encouragement of whom, and to invite others, they caus'd some of the young Lads to Act a Comedy after the European manner. But when they brought in Devils upon the Stage, as the Scene requir'd, some of the ignorant Peo∣ple, believing them real Hobgoblins, were so terrify'd, that they flung out of the School, crying out, Wajelan, Wa∣jelan, Sajetanet ametzea: O Dear! O Dear! they have brought us Devils.

But the ensuing Tragedies more terrify'd the wiser sort. For Tecla-George, another of the King's Sons in Law, for his Wives sake, at difference with his Father, having drawn in∣to the same Conspiracy with him two Noblemen, Gebra-Marjam, and John Acayo, revolted openly, and by a Cryer solemnly proclaim'd, That he renounc'd the Roman Worship, and would Protect the Alexandrian by force of Arms. And that the world might believe he was in Earnest, he caus'd all the Crucifixes, Rosaries, and other Ornaments of Popish Super∣stition to be burnt in a publick fire; and to the end there might be no hopes of Reconciliation left for the Expectation

of Confederates, he took his Chaplain Abba Jacob; who offi∣ciated after the Roman manner, and after he had dispoyl'd him of his Stole and Hood, put him to Death.

The King could not brook so great an Indignity, and there∣fore sent Kebax, Viceroy of Tigra, with an Army against him, who us'd such extraordinary Diligence, that he soon sur∣priz'd the secure and unprovided Rebel, overthrew his Army, and took him and his Sister Adera Prisoners: who, because they had so furiously and contemptuously acted against the Roman Religion, were both hang'd upon a high Tree. Nor could all the Intercessions of the Queen, nor of all the Noble Ladies could prevail, tho they pleaded hard the disgrace done to their Sex, and that it was never before known in Ethiopia, that a Noblewoman was Hang'd: especially being call'd by the King to behold so sad and infamous a Spectacle. For they did not pity her because they thought her Innocent, but for the Ignominy of her Punishment.

After this follow'd several other Accidents, which as they brought a very great Odium upon the Patriarch and the Fa∣thers, so were they reckn'd to be the Causes of the general aversness of the People to the Roman Religion. The Patri∣arch, that he might exercise all his Authority in one single Act, and shew the full extent of his Power, having taken a pett against the Captain of the King's Guards, for some fri∣volous Business that nothing belong'd to his Jurisdiction, publickly in the Church, in the presence of the whole Court, thunders out an Anathema against him, and sent him Post to the Devil. It seems he had taken Possession of certain Farms, which the Monks lay'd claim to, and refus'd to restore them, notwithstanding all the Admonitions of the Patriarch. The Nobleman, tho a Soldier, hearing such a most Dreadful Ex∣communication, by vertue whereof he was sent packing to Hell, laden with all the Curses of Dathan and Abiram, like one Thunder-strook, fell into a Sound, and lay for Dead. But the Storm did not continue long: For presently the King stept in to his relief, by whose interposition, and the Media∣tion of several of the Nobility, he was re-admitted into the state of Grace. However it was an Act which the Nobility took most heinously to heart; among whom there were some that frown'd and chaf'd out of meer Indignation, to see that their Church should be brought to such a degree of Ser∣vitude, that a Foreign Priest should take upon him with so

much Arrogance to Excommunicate and Bequeath to Eternal Damnation, one of the Chief Counsellors of their King∣dom, an Ancient and Famous Personage, for the sake of a Litigious Farm, which the King might take when he pleas'd from the Monks themselves, if they were the Owners.

This Flame was fed by the addition of more fuel; For the Icegue or Chief Abbot of the Monks being at that time lately Deceas'd, who as we have already said, is the next in Dignity and Authority to the Abuna, he was Buried in a cer∣tain Church, consecrated after the Roman manner, tho he had bin an obstinate Zealot for the Alexandrian Religion. Thereupon the Patriarch, after he had soundly reprov'd the Rector of the Church, Pronounc'd the Church profan'd by the Burial of a Heretic; and therefore that Mass could not be said in it. The Rector dreading the fatal stroak of the same dismal Da∣than and Abiram Thunderbolt, that lay'd the Great Comman∣der sprawling, without expecting any new Command, causes the Carkass to be digg'd up again, and thrown by. This the Habessines heavily exclaim'd against, crying out, That the Franks exercised more cruel Severities upon them, then their most ex∣asperated Enemies ever practis'd among them, to deprive their Dead of decent Burial: now they might all see what the Living were to expect. Tellez adds, That a certain old Woman was cast into Prison, upon Suspition of being a Witch, but was pre∣sently set at liberty, because it gave distaste. For that the most Learned of the Habessines are of Opinion, That there are now no more Magicians or Witches in the World; and therefore that the Woman was unjustly wrong'd, who was thrown into Prison by the Command of the Patriarch.

Thus the Minds of the People being generally incens'd, the King himself began to look upon these acts of separate Jurisdiction in the Patriarch, as Diminutions of his Prero∣gative (the ancient Metropolitans never daring to attempt such things), and consequently to alienate his Affections both from him and from the Fathers, so that at length he gave ear to their Adversaries. Who to bring down and curb the Excessive Power of the Patriarch, which seem'd so into∣lerable to them, more especially because they found him still inexorable in Matrimonial Causes, prohibited by Divine and Canon-Law; but chiefly in cases of Polygamy and Divorce; they began their Addresses to him for those things, which

they knew he could not deny without bringing great mis∣chief upon himself. First, That they might have liberty to say Mass after the ancient Ethiopian manner; for that the Patriarch might mend the ancient forms, where Necessity requir'd, without abrogating the whole. That the People hearing their ancient Ser∣vices, would be the more quiet, in regard they would not so much mind the difference between the New and the Ancient form of Worship. The Patriarch gave way to their desires, only mending the Ethiopic Mass, but with apparent Detriment to his Authori∣ty. For now the ancient Liturgies were every day read again without Contradiction; the Report running abroad that the Emperor was return'd to the Old Religion. The Patriarch's Power thus shaken, the Courtiers still whisper'd in the King's Ears, That the Roman Religion was become odious to all the People, and that his Person would be in great Danger, un∣less he also forsook it himself.

These Insinuations were back't by an Accident, which tho ridiculous in it self, gave a being to several Rumors and Reports. For one day an Enthusiast came into the Palace, and cry'd out, That he was sent from God and the most Ho∣ly Virgin, to declare in their own words to the King, that unless he forthwith return'd to the antient Religion, he should with∣in a Fortnight undergo most severe Chastisements. The King made answer, That he would live and die in the Roman Religion: and that the Messenger might the more speedily return his answer, Commanded him to be Hang'd. But at the Intercession of several who asserted the poor Fellow to be Frantick, he only receiv'd a severe drubbing, for the reward of his sawcy Prophesie. Howevet tho he were laugh'd at by the Cour∣tiers, yet he so strangely stirr'd the minds of the Vulgar, that they publickly reported, That an Angel had bin sent from Hea∣ven, and that he had admonish'd the King to return to the ancient Alexandrian Faith. In the mean while the inbred hatred against the Fathers daily increasing, was greatly augmented by the envy of the Courtiers. For they incens'd the King and his Eldest Son against Ras-Seelax, the Fathers chief Friend, and Patron of the Portugueses, under pretence of their great care, admonshing the two Princes, To take heed that he did not abuse the Renown he had won in War, and the favour of the Portugueses, to invade the Royal Dignity. That which more heighten'd these growing Jealousies, was a misinterpreted act of Ras-Seelax, who having order'd one Lecanax to be ap∣prehended

for Calumnies and Scandalous Reports thrown upon himself, caus'd him afterwards to be put to Death, tho he had appeal'd to the King. This they said was done by Seelax, not that the Person was guilty of the Crimes which were lay'd to his Charge, but to remove out of the way one that was Privy to the Treasons and Conspiracies of See∣lax. Whereupon the King depriv'd him instantly of great part of his Lands, remov'd him out of Gojam, and took from him his Military Commands.

In the mean time, tho Tecla-George had suffer'd, and that the Heads of the Rebellion were taken off, yet the Rebellion it self continu'd, and the strength of it daily increas'd in such manner, that it became the Original of Dismal and Diutur∣nal Commotions. For the Agawi, that inhabit the Moun∣tains of Bagemdra, had not yet lay'd down their Arms; but being, as they pretended, more and more provok'd by-the King, kept them in their hands to revenge their Injuries. And the better to defend themselves, they call'd to their Aid, one Melcax, a young Man of the Royal Blood, who had bin bred among the Gallans, and created him their Lea∣der. To him therefore, as to a Sanctuary, flock'd all those that bare any disaffection to the King, all that hated the Ro∣man Religion, especially the Monks; and lastly, several of the Villagers and Country People. All these thus embody'd, were call'd Lasteners, from Lasta, a most invincible Rock, and the chief Seat of the Rebellion. And indeed it seem'd a vast Torrent of War, ready to break forth to the utter Ex∣tirpation of the Fathers, and all those of the Roman Reli∣gion, if it prov'd so kind to spare the Royal Family it self. Against these therefore the King, having rais'd an Army of Seven and twenty Thousand Men, marches himself in Per∣son, but with ill success at first. For the Country People, defended by the Security of the place, as the Royalists came on, still beat them off, by rolling down whole Quarries at a time of ponderous Stones upon their heads, which having put the Royalists into great disorder, they came down, and sur∣rounded all the King's Left Wing, so that had not Kebax come to their relief with 300 fresh Men, they had bin all cut to pieces. The Soldiers being discourag'd by this over∣throw, the King who for that reason durst not adventure any further for that time, left part of his Army to defend the Borders, and hast'ning home, was forc'd to recall See-lax,

lurking like an Exile in Gojam. In the mean time the Tute∣lar Bands, whether for fear, or finding themselves too weak, forsook their Posts, so that the Lastaneers ravag'd all the Country as they pleas'd, without Opposition, till Seelax be∣ing got within their reach, drave them back into their for∣mer Holes.

While this Rebellion rag'd in Bagemdra, another broke out in Amhara; being headed by Luca-Marjam, near in Blood to the Royal Family; but he being prevented and surpriz'd by the swift March of Ras-Seelax, ended his Days and his Design together, by falling from the Precipice of a Rock.

But the same good Fortune did not attend Kebax, who impatient of delay, and observing the Avenues more negli∣gently guarded than they us'd to be, the bait that betray'd him, conceiv'd no less than that Opportunity it self had now proffer'd him the Victory. So in he marches, finding all clear before him for the present; but no sooner was he in, when those Mountaneers accustom'd to clamber their own Rocks, and us'd to the By-ways and conceal'd Passages of that Rock, were all on a sudden before and behind him; so that after a great Slaughter of his Men, deserted by the rest, he was himself after a matchless defence, oppress'd by Multi∣tudes, and Slain.

His, and the Fall of Tegur-Egzi, which soon after fol∣low'd, gave the Fathers no cause of Thanksgivings, but af∣forded their Enemies great Opportunities, and great Argu∣ments to press the King to withdraw his Favours from them. For observing their time, when they perceiv'd him sad, and perplex'd at so much ill Success, and so many Revolts, Oh Sir, said they, What will be the Issue of all these Combats and pernicious Wars? Those illiterate Swains understand not the Myste∣ries of the Roman Worship, nor any other Service of God then what they have bin bred and brought up to. They call us Turks and Mahumetans, because we have abandon'd our ancient Litur∣gies; for this reason they have taken Arms, and chosen to them∣selves a King.

For Melcax, pufft up with the Success of his Affairs, was arriv'd at that height of boldness, that nothing now would serve him but the assum'd Title of a King. He had distri∣buted his Court-Employments after the manner of the Kings of Ethiopia among his Friends; and daily increas'd in Num∣ber.

For all that abominated the Fathers, chiefly the No∣bility of Tigra, privately gave him Encouragements, and exhorted him, not to desist from what he had so prosperously begun; and that then, neither the Affections of the People, nor the Assistance of his Friends would be wanting. Elated with these golden Promises, his Temerity carry'd him so far, as to send, as if he had now bin the undoubted King of Ethiopia, a Vice∣roy into Tigra. To this Viceroy he allow'd a Select Band of Soldiers for his Convoy; but they, neglectful and care∣less of their Military Duties, took their Pleasure so much, that at length surpriz'd in the midst of their Jollity by the Royalists, they were forc'd to leave Four thousand of their Party behind them, Slain upon the Spot; while the shatter'd Remainders speeded back, to lay the blame of their ill Suc∣cess upon the unwary Conduct of their Leaders. But the Lastaneers, intent upon revenge, had at length the same ad∣vantage against the Royalists, who were stragling to destroy the approaching Harvest, and pay'd them home with equal Slaughter for Slaughter. Thus Fortune ballancing both sides, the Author of these Miscarriages was enquir'd after, and as soon found by those that watched their Opportunities. For presently Ras-Seelax was accus'd, as if he had bin negligent in Executing the King's Orders, and had not sent timely Succors to the over-power'd Combatants. And his Enemies so far prevail'd, that Articles were fram'd against him, to which he was compell'd to answer: which he did, and justify'd himself so well, that in words indeed he was acquitted, but in Fact condemn'd. For he was again de∣graded, and all his feudary Possessions and Military Employ∣ments granted away to Basilides.

Thus Ras-Seelax being once more lay'd by, it was no diffi∣cult matter to undermine the Patriarch and the Fathers. For against them the general Complaint was made, That they had no other Design, but as they had subjected the Empire in Ecclesiasti∣cal Affairs to the Roman Pope, so to bring it under the Dominion of the King of Portugal in Seculars. To this end under the pretence of Temples and Residencies they rear'd up Castles and Walls, from whence they could never be expell'd with Spears and Arrows. Many other things of the same Nature, they suggested, which if the King now through Age more jealous, did not absolutely believe, yet he hearken'd to them with a more easie Attention. However outwardly and publick he shew'd

the same Kindness and Affability to the Fathers as before, and kindly receiv'd the Bishop sent from Rome to be a Coadjutor to the Patriarch. But when he brought the Diploma's of the Jubilee open'd at Rome in the year 1625. and then granted to Ethiopia, he was derided by most Men, who could not comprehend those great Vertues of Indulgencies which the Bishop boasted of. For some began to Discourse among themselves like the Pharisees, Who is this who also forgives Sins? Who can forgive Sins but only God? To which the King made answer with a severe Countenance, That the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven were given to Peter, and that the use of those Keys belong'd to the Pope, for the Granting Indul∣gencies.

However the Habessines, as if those Indulgencies had afforded Materials for Sin, bent themselves still more and more to Sedition and Tumult. For the Revolt of the La∣staneers so well succeeding, Sertzazax, newly made Viceroy of Gojam, so ill repay'd the King for his new favours, that he not only revolted from him himself; but which was more detestable to think, he would have drawn in the young Basilides to have conspir'd with him against his own Father. And when he could not prevail upon the young Prince, he endeavour'd to have advanc'd another young Noble Gentleman of the Blood Royal, to the end he might have reign'd himself under his Name. But being over∣thrown and taken, he was drubb'd to Death. Seven of his Accomplices lost their Heads. One of his chief Agents, because he had vented horrid Blasphemies against the See of Rome, and opprobrious words against the King, was hung up upon an Iron Hook driven into a high Stake; upon which, after he had hung a whole Day, because he repeated the same Provocations in the midst of his Torment, he was at length run thorough the Body with several Spears; and so ended his miserable Life. So many, and such lamentable Accidents as these pierc'd the very hearts of most People, and the Lastaneers, dispairing of Pardon, hearing of such horrid Executions, were the more resolute in their Re∣bellion.

Thereupon the King undertook a new Expedition with all his Forces against them, and had taken the very Head and Ring-leader of all the Rebels, had he not with a small Reti∣nue made a shift to Escape; yet he left behind him great

store of rich Plunder. But he could not be utterly Subdu'd, in regard that so many Sculking Holes, so many wide and spacious Rocks, where those Savages liv'd and hid them∣selves, like so many wild Beasts, could neither be assail'd nor taken. It happen'd therefore, that Fortune wheeling about, the Rebels overthrew a Select Party of the King's Forces: and by and by with all their force lay hovering about the King's Army, which they foresaw would in a short time want Provision. The King therefore fearing to be clos'd up in those narrow Streights, retir'd into Dembea, before the War was at an end. Which he did with so much hast more then it was thought he needed to have done, that as it diminish'd his own fame, so it gave Courage to the Rebels.

And now the Fathers great Enemies beholding the King's Melancholly, redoubled their Complaints. That there would never be peaceful Days in Ethiopia, so long as the Roman Reli∣gion bare so much sway. That it was a very good Religion, but above the Capacity of the People, who would still prefer the Wor∣ship of their Ancestors, to which they had bin bred from their In∣fancy, before foreign Innovations, which they understood not. For who should perswade them, That Circumcision was evil, That the Holydaies of the Sabbath are not pleasing to God; that the ancient Liturgy cannot be prov'd, That the Roman Ca∣lendar is better then the Ethiopic; That the Fasts of the Fourth Holyday are less acceptable to God, then the Fasts of the Seventh? How much more expedient and profitable were it, to retain the ancient Ceremonies in such things as do not contradict the Substance of Faith? But as for Ras-Seelax, and others that endeavour the Contrary, it was apparent they did it meerly to advance their own Designs against the King and Kingdom.

With these and such like Expostulations, the King being overcome, especially finding no other way of appeasing and quietting the Lasteneers, and that Bagemdra was almost all in the Hands of the Enemy, and at the same time all his Friends, especially the Ladies of Quality laying before him the Danger he would be in, should he be deserted by his Sol∣diers, he at length press'd the Patriarch, to remit whatever possibly might be remitted. He foreseeing a terrible Storm, tho sore against his Will, thought 'twas high time to lower his Sails, for fear of Losing all, while he hazarded the Saving of all. Whereupon he submitted to the King's request; never∣theless

upon Condition, That nothing Decreed should be remitted by Publick Acts, but only by a Tacit Connivance, and that in the mean time there should be a Cessation of all Penalties, and Mulcts.

Upon this the King intending a Third Expedition against the Lasteneers, to make his Soldiers the more stedfast and obe∣dient, he put forth an Edict; by which, in general words an Indulgence was granted for the Exercise of all ancient Ceremonies, not repugnant to Faith. Thus every Person being left to his particular Liberty, the Alexandrian Worship was again, to the great Satisfaction of the People, freely ex∣ercis'd; but to the great grief of the Portugueses, especially the Patriarch, who presently wrote to the King, complain∣ing, That contrary to his advice, a Lay Prince should publish an E∣dict of that Nature in reference to spiritual Affairs: for that it belong'd to him to set forth such Decrees; putting him in mind of the words of Azariah the High-Priest to King Uzziah, and of the Punishment that follow'd, and admonishing him to amend that Fault, by publishing some other Edict, which should be propos'd by the assistance of some one of the Fa∣thers of the Society. The King obey'd and propounded an Edict, which contain'd Three Articles.

• 1. That the Ancient Liturgy, but Corrected, should be read in the Mass.
• 2. That the Festivals should be observ'd according to the ancient Computation of Time, except Easter, and those other Festivals that depended upon it.
• 3. That whosoever pleas'd, instead of the Sabbath, might fast upon the fourth Holyday. And then as for answer to the Patri∣archs Complaints, he made this reply, That the Roman Reli∣gion was not introduc'd into his Dominions by the Preaching or Mira∣cles of the Fathers, but meerly by his Edicts and Commands, not by the assent of his People, but of his own free will, because he thought it better then the Alexandrian. Therefore the Patriarch had no rea∣son to Complain. But these Concessions not being sufficient, and coming too late, prov'd altogether ineffectual; not serving in the least to pacifie the Lasteneers, or any other of the Dis∣contented Parties.

CHAP. XII. Of the Decrease of the Roman Religion, and the Restoration of the Alexandrinian.

The Fathers ill Success. The King prepares to restore the Alexandrian Re∣ligion. Over-perswaded by the Queen and his Son. The Decrees resolv'd on in Council. The Patriarch makes a grave Speech to the contrary. Ʋpbraids him with his Victories and threatens him. At length he Suppli∣cates, but in vain. The Edict passes. Signify'd to the Patriarch, who proposes a Medium. The Edict publish'd to the great Satisfaction of the People. The Ancient Ceremonies us'd. An Invective Satyr against the Fathers. The sudden Change censur'd.

WEE have hitherto seen the great Progress of the Roman Religion in Ethiopia; the Authority of the Patriarch advanc'd to the utmost extent; the King and his Brothers, together with a great many of the Nobility, some sincerely, some feignedly favouring the Je∣suits. For the Latin Worship was with great diligence im∣pos'd and exercis'd all over several Provinces of the King∣dom. Many of the Habessine Priests were Ordain'd by the Patriarch; and great diligence was us'd for the building of Churches and Colleges. Already besides the Patriarch they had increas'd their Number to One and twenty Companions, that is to say, Nineteen Fathers, and Two Brothers of the Society, distributed into Thirteen Residencies. Nor could the Fathers but be well pleas'd with so many Thousands of Baptized and Converted People; for certainly the gaining of so many lost Souls by Baptism was not to be despised. When on a suddain behold a suddain Change, upon which the Banishment of the Fathers, and the Subversion of the Roman Religion ensu'd.

For the Fathers believing that the opportunity of the time was not to be neglected, made it their Business to abrogate all the Alexandrian Rites, even those which were formerly tolerated under the Roman Bishops: on the other side, the Common People Wedded to their Old Customs; but more especially the Monks and Clergy, the chief Supporters of the old Religion, most stoutly oppos'd their Proceedings. Besides them, several of the Nobility, either out of Hatred

of the Romans, or out of Ambition, frequently revolted, and through the strength of their unaccessible Rocks easily eluded the King's more mighty Power. A most remarkable Lesson to teach us, That that sort of Worship to which the People are averse, is not easily to be introduc'd by the Prince; and that it is no piece of Prudence or Policy to attempt the Liberty of those who are well defended by the Situation of their Country.

Therefore the King, tho otherwise most addicted to the Fathers, wearied with so many Exclamations of his own Peo∣ple, growing in years, utterly disliking the present posture of Affairs, and fearful of what might ensue, tormented with the continual Importunities of his Friends; his Jealousie of his Brother, the Contumacy of the Lasteneers, the Diminu∣tion of his Prerogative, and the dread of losing his King∣dom, at length began to think of abrogating the Roman, and restoring the ancient Alexandrian Worship. And which was more to be admir'd, a prosperous Fight with the Lasteneers, was that which settled his wavering Thoughts. For making a fourth Expedition against them, he came upon them so unlook'd for, that he gave them a Total tout, Killing eight Thousand upon the place, with several of the Leaders of the Faction, and chief Deserters of their King and Country. The Portugueses rejoyc'd at the News, believing the Rebel∣lion quietted by this Victory; and that for the future nothing would presume so much as to hiss against the Roman Religion. But it fell out quite otherwise. For they who favour'd the the Alexandrian Religion, the next day carry'd the King to view the Field of the Battel, and shewing him the multi∣tude of the Slain, thus bespake him. Neither Ethnics nor Mahumetans were these, in whose Slaughter we might have some reason to rejoyce. No, Sir, they were Christians, once your Sub∣jects, and our dear Countrymen; and partly to your self, partly to us related in Blood. How much more laudable would it have bin for these couragious Breasts to have bin oppos'd against the most deadly of your Enemies? This is no Victory, because obtain'd against your own Subjects. With the same Sword wherewith you Slaughter them, you Stab your own Bowels: Certainly they bare no hatred to us, whom we make War upon so cruelly. Only they are a verse to that Worship to which you would compel them. How many have we already kill'd upon this Change of Ceremonies? How many re∣main behind reserv'd for the same Slaughter? When will these Bloody Conflicts end? Forbear, we beseech your Majesty, to constrain them

to Novelties, and Innovations, lest they renounce their Allegiance: otherwise we shall never behold the Face of Peace again. We are hated even by the Gallans and Ethnicks for abandoning our ancient Ceremonies, and are therefore by them call'd Apostates. For it seems that the King of Adel, having apprehended and put to Death two of the Fathers travelling into Habessinia thorow his Country, in the accompt which he gave to Susneus of what he had done, haughtily call'd him Apostate. Nor is it to be question'd but that the Mahumetans and Neighbour∣ing Nations were much Scandaliz'd at the Alteration of the Habessinian into the Roman Religion; not out of any love to the one, or hatred to the other; but for fear the Portugueses, strengthen'd by the Habessines should become their Masters. The Turks also were mad that the Metropolitan of Ethiopia was no more to be sent for out of Egypt; for by that same Tye they held the Habessines fast, and lyable to what Con∣ditions they pleas'd.

To these incessant Importunities, the Queen joyn'd the pow'rful Charms of her own Supplication, conjuring him by all the Obligations of Sacred Wedlock, and common Pledges of their undoubted Offspring, To be well advised what he did; and not to ruin his Kingdom, Himself, his Fortune, and his whole Family. With the same importunity his Eldest Son Basilides, and his Brother by the Mothers side Jamanax, hour∣ly sollicited his disturb'd mind: and the better to accom∣plish their ends, they underhand procur'd the Gallans that serv'd the King, to desire a dismission, as being unwilling to fight any longer against the Habessines in a quarrel about a new Religion. Thus the King's rigor mollify'd at length, Basilides, after he had summon'd the Nobility and chiefest of his Father's Counsellors together, held a Council, wherein it was concluded, That there was no other remedy to allay the Disorders of the Kingdom, but by restoring the Alexandrian Religion. And the better to perswade those that were of the Contrary Opinion, they gave it out that the Romanists and Alexandrians were of the same Opinion in points of Faith; That both affirm'd that God was true Christ, and true Man. And as for the asserting One or Two Natures, they were only words of little Moment, and not worth the Ruin of a Mighty Empire. So that the King induc'd by these reasons, gave liberty to every one that pleas'd to return to the Alexan∣drian Forms.

The Patriarch was not ignorant of these Transactions. Whereupon being accompanied with his Coadjutor, & the chief of the Fathers, he desir'd Audience of the King. Which being granted, after a short Pause, Sir, said He, I had thought that we had lately bin the Victors, but now I see we are Vanquish'd: On the other side the Lasteneers, being overthrown and put to flight, have obtain'd their desires. Before the Battel was fought 'twas then a time to Vow and Promise, but now to fulfil. The Victory was gain'd by the Catholic and Portuguese Soldiers, the God of Hosts fa∣vouring the Catholic Religion. These are therefore but ill returns to his Divinity; For I understand, here has bin a Decree made, giving free toleration again of the Alexandrian Religion. But this is not a place I see to advise with Bishops and Religious Persons; the illite∣rate Vulgar, the Gallans and Mahumetans, Women here give their Judgments in Matters of Religion. Consider how many Victories you have gain'd from the Rebels, since you have embrac'd the Roman Religion: Remember, that you embrac'd it, not compell'd by force or fear, but of your own free choice, as believing it the Truer. Neither did we come hither as Intruders; we were sent hither, by the Pope and the King of Portugal at your request. Neither did they ever design any other thing in their thoughts, but only to unite your Empire to the Church of Rome. And therefore beware of exciting their just Indignation. They are 'tis true far distant hence; but God is at hand, and will require the Satisfaction which is due to them. You will throw an indelible blemish upon the Lion of the Tribe of Juda, which you bear for your Atchievement; You will blur your own re∣nown, and the Glory of your Nation: Lastly, you will be the un∣doubted occasion of innumerable Sins by y••ur Apostacy; which that I may not see, nor feel the threatning revenge of the Almighty, Com∣mand this Head of mine to be immediately strick'n off. This said, with tears in their Eyes, the Patriarch and his Companions fell Prostrate at the King's feet, in expectation of his Answer. The King not any way concern'd, reply'd in few words, That he had done as much as he could, but could do no more, neither was a total alteration of Religion intended, but only a Concession of some Ceremonies. To which the Patriarch answer'd, That he had already tolerated some, and was ready to indulge more, which did not concern the Substance of Faith: So that he would put forth another Edict, that all things might remain as they were. To which he receiv'd no other reply, but That the King would send certain Commissioners to Treat and Discourse with the Fathers. Nor had they a better answer from the Prince, who being an Artist

at Dissimulation, sent them away unsatisfy'd, with ambi∣guous words.

Upon the 24th of June, The favourers of the Alexandrian Religion, to the end they might get the Decree already men∣tion'd put in Execution, Address themselves to the Empe∣ror, and choosing Abba-Athanasius for their Prolocutor, be∣seech him, That he would by a Publick Edict be pleas'd to give his Subjects Liberty to return to the Religion of their Ancestors; that otherwise the Kingdom would be utterly ruin'd. The King assent∣ed, and order'd certain Commissioners to signifie his Pleasure to the Patriarch. They presently fell sharply to work with him, and upbraided him, with the frequent Rebellions of the People; Aelius, Cabrael, Tecla-George, and Sertzac, and with the Slaughter of so many Thousands as fell with them. That the Lasteneers were still in Arms for their ancient Religion; that all ran to them, and deserted the King, because all the Ha∣bessines pin'd after their ancient Religion. However, that for the future it should be free for every one to be at his own choice which to follow: for so from the Time of Claudius till lately, there had bin Peace and Quietness between different Opinions, while the Portugueses exercis'd theirs, the Habessines their own Re∣ligion.

After a short time of Deliberation, an Answer was car∣ry'd back to the King by Father Emanuel D' Almeyda; That the Patriarch understood that the Exercise of both Religions would be free in his Kingdom. That for his part he had an equal love for Ethiopia, as for his own Native Country; and therefore for his part he was ready to grant whatsoever might be done, with safe∣ty to the Purity of sound Doctrine. But that there was still a difference to be made between those who had not yet embrac'd the Roman Religion, as the Lasteneers, for that they might be con∣niv'd at; but they who had positively embrac'd the Roman Faith, and had bin admitted to Confession and the Sacraments, no indulgence could be granted to them, without committing a great Sin, to return to the Alexandrian Schism.

By this Temperament the Patriarch design'd to have put a Bar upon the King and all the Court, which had already publickly made Profession of the Romish Ceremonies. But the King, almost spent with Vexation and Grief, made no other answer than this: How can this be done? I am now no more Lord of my own Kingdom. So they were forc'd to de∣part as they came. Presently the Drums beat, the Trum∣pets

sounded, and Proclamation was made by the Voice of the Cryer. O yez, O yez; In the first place we propounded to ye, the Roman Religion, esteeming it the best. But an innumerable multitude of Men, have perish'd through dislike of it with Aelius, Cabriel, Tecla-George, Sertzac, and lastly, with the Rustick Lastaneers. And therefore we grant you the free Exercise of the Religion of your Ancestors. It shall be lawful for you hencefor∣ward to frequent your own Churches, make use of your own Eucha∣ristic Arks, and to read the Liturgies after the old Custom. So fare∣well and Rejoyce.

It is a thing almost impossible to be believ'd with what an Universal Joy this Edict was receiv'd among the People. The whole Camp, as if they had had some great Deliverance from the Enemy, rang with Shouts and Acclamations. The Monks and Clergy, who had felt the greatest weight of the Fathers Hatred lifted up their Thankful voices to Heaven. The promiscuous Multitude of Men and Women danc'd and caper'd; The Soldiers wish'd all happiness to their Comman∣ders: They brake to pieces their own and the Rosaries of all they met, and some they burnt. Crying out, that it was sufficient for them to believe, That Christ was true God and true Man, without the unnecessary Disputes concerning the two Natures. From thenceforward the old Ceremonies were made use of in the Communion; Grapestone Liquor instead of Wine. And the Holy Name of Jesus forbidden to be so frequent in their Mouths, after the Roman manner; and some that did not observe this Caution, they ran through with their Lances. Some few days after, a general Cir∣cumcision was appointed, not minding the pain of such a piece of Vanity, so they might not be thought to have neglected any thing of their ancient Rites in favour of the Fathers. Some there were also that us'd the ancient manner of washing themselves upon the Festival of the Epiphany, be∣lieving themselves thereby purify'd from the guilt of hav∣ing admitted the Roman Religion.

Others ran about Singing for joy that Ethiopia was deliver'd from the Western Lyons, Chanting forth the following Lines.

At length the Sheep of Ethiopia free'd From the Bold Lyons of the West, Securely in their Pastures feed,

St. Mark and Cyril's Doctrine have o'recome The Folly's of the Church of Rome. Rejoyce, rejoyce, Sing Hallelujahs all, No more the Western Wolves Our Ethiopia shall enthrall.

And thus fell the whole Fabrick of the Roman Religion, that had bin so long rearing with so much Labour and Ex∣pence, and which had cost the Effusion of so much Blood to pull it down. So vast and haughty Tow'rs that have bin long time Built, if once you undermine the Foundation, tumble in a moment. Some there were who accus'd the Fathers of the Society, as if they had ruin'd the fair Pro∣gress they had made by double Diligence, and over-hasty Zeal. For most of the Portugueses, and many of the Ha∣bessines themselves that were well affected to the Roman Reli∣gion took it ill, that things should be so suddainly chang'd, which might have bin longer let alone, without the least in∣jury done to fundamental Faith. For as tall Trees, that have taken deep root, are not easily Eradicated, so inveterated Opinions, which we have as it were suck't in with our Mo∣ther's Milk are not to be overcome but by length of time, great Lenity, and much Patience. For Humane under∣standing, if compell'd, puts on Obstinacy as it were in re∣venge of injur'd Liberty. Nor did some that were the Fa∣thers great Friends make any Question, that had they left some things indifferent, which the Pope himself many times freely tolerates, so it be acknowledg'd as the Act of his Be∣nignity and Dispensation, as the Computations of the holy Times, the Communion under both Kinds, and some other things which the Primitive Church without any Scandal to∣lerated and permitted, as the Marriage of Priests, the Fast of the fourth Holyday, the Observation of the Sabbath, and some other things which depended meerly upon Custom, and not upon Divine Precept, and had only minded in the mean time the Business of Conversion and Preaching, they had gain'd not only the Habessines, but the Pagans themselves, and working by degrees, had brought their design at length to perfection. But they relying wholly upon the Favour and Successes of the King were presently for compelling the Ha∣bessines to conform of a suddain in all things to a strange and uncouth Innovation. The Latin Tongue must be us'd in

their Publick Sacred Worship, and their daily Prayers, the Angelical Salutation, the Lord's Prayer and the Apostolic Creed must be said in Latin, written in the Ethiopic Chara∣cters, in which Eve Maria grazia Plena, &c. sounded strange∣ly and odly to the Habessinian Pronunciation. Which by de∣grees so alienated the Affections of the Habessinians from such a sort of aukward Devotion, so that at length all the Wars, Seditions, Pests of Locusts, Famine, and all the Ca∣lamities that follow'd, and the severe Penalties that were inflicted upon the Alexandrians were lay'd upon the Fathers; which begat them Hatred instead of Reverence, and Banish∣ment in the room of Favour and Affection.

From what has bin said, Men of Prudence will easily find the causes of so great a Mutation. Nevertheless it will not be improper to add those other which Tellez. has assign'd.

First he says, That the strict Tyes and Laws of Matri∣mony according to the Catholic Faith, were not so well brook'd by the Habessinians, being allow'd by the Alex∣andrian Religion, to Marry one or more, and to Divorce, as they saw good.

Secondly, That besides Incontinency, Avarice, Ambition, Envy, Hatred had got a head among them, especially a∣gainst Ras-Seelax, whose Power they could find no better way to pull down, than by Persecuting the Fathers; for whom he had so indear'd a Kindness.

Thirdly, That many were possess'd of the Church Lands, of which they were unwilling to make restitution.

Fourthly, That the Secular Judges complain'd that the Patriarch summon'd all Matrimonial Causes to his Tribunal.

Fifthly, That others were enrag'd to see Churches built with Lime and Stone; for they call'd them Castles, not Churches, built by Ras-Seelax, to the end he might make himself Master of Ethiopia.

Sixthly, That the Monks were incens'd, to see the Fathers only in Esteem, and themselves formerly so high∣ly reverenc'd, afterwards contemn'd and slighted; so

that as the other grew great, they should become nothing at all.

Seventhly, That the Habessines always appeal'd to the Manners and Rites of their Ancestors, not believing it to be just, to condemn them of Error, who had bin accompted Holy Men for so many Ages; or to hear and follow Inno∣vations, neglecting the Laws and Customs of their Fore-fathers. For through the vitiousness of Humane Malignity, saith Quintilian, Old things are always applauded, Novelties held to be loathsome. So that although you overcome the reason by Argument, you can never subdue the Will.

Eighthly, That the Devil had put it into the Heads of se∣veral Catholicks to make a corresponding Agreement be∣tween the Catholick and the Alexandrinian Religion; assert∣ing all to be Christians, as well Alexandrians as Romans. That all believe in Christ; That Christ saves all; That there is little Difference between both Religions; That both have Conveniencies and Inconveniencies, their Truths and their Errors, but that the Wheat was to be separated from the Cockle.

Ninthly, That the Ecclesiastical Censures seem'd very hea∣vy to the Habessines; especially when they heard the Patriarch name Dathan and Abiram in the Excommunication.

CHAP. XIII. Of the Expulsion of the Patriarch, and the Exile∣ment of the Fathers of the Society.

The Alexandrians quarrel with the Fathers; who are accurs'd. Their Churches taken from them. Susneus Dyes. Ras-Seelax renouncing the Alexandrian Religion is Overthrown and Banish'd. Others put to Death. The Fathers Dispossessed of their Goods. Sent to Fremona. The Pa∣triarch by Letters Demands of the King the Causes of his Banishment, and a New Dispute. The King's Answer. The Fathers depart for Fre∣mona; Afterwards quite thrown out of the Kingdom.

AFter the Publication of the King's Edict, the Alex∣andrians being now absolute Victors, endeavour'd with all their industry to be quit with the Fathers, and expel them quite out of Habessinia. To which purpose they omitted no occasion of daily quarrel and contention: First accusing the Patriarch for endeavouring by Seditious Sermons to stir up the People to Sedition, and to turn them from the Alexandrian Religion; for that he had openly exhorted his Hearers to Constancy. But understanding that Basilides was displeas'd, and gave out threatning words, they thought it requisite to act more moderately. Soon after the Fathers Churches were taken from them, believing that would be a means to put a stop to the Roman Worship. And first they were constrain'd to quit their Cathedral at Gorgora, a stately Structure after the Eu∣ropean manner. At their departure they carry'd with them all their Sacred Furniture, brake all the Sculpture, and spoil'd the Pictures, that they might not leave them to be the sport of their Adversaries: doing that themselves, which they thought the Habessines would do. And this Example they follow'd in all other places from whence they were expell'd. In the mid'st of these Transactions, Susnèus's Distemper increasing, and more and more aug∣mented by his continual anguish of Mind, he ended this Life the 16th day of Decemb. 1632.

The King being Dead, the Fathers Adversaries set upon Ras-Seelax in the first place, as the Principal Favou∣rer and Protector of the Roman Religion: and first of all they promise him all his former Dignities, all his Possessions and Goods, upon Condition he would return to the Alexandrian Religion. Upon his refusal, they bring him bound in Chains before the King, and pronounce him guilty of Death. But the King declaring that he would not pollute his hands with the Blood of his Un∣cle, commanded him to be carry'd to a certain remote Place, near to Samenar, and sequester'd his Goods. And as he was great, so was he attended in his fall by se∣veral others, as Atzai-Tino, Secretary of State, and the King's Historiographer, Walata Georgissa, the Queens Cou∣sin. In short, whoever had favour'd the Fathers, were all sent into Exile, and some put to Death, perhaps be∣cause they had bin more bitter in their Expressions than others against the Alexandrian Religion. For some had call'd it, a Religion for Dogs. After all this the Enemies of the Fathers still insisted, That nothing was yet done, so long as the Patriarch and the Fathers were suffer'd to abide within the Confines of the Kingdom: Neither would the La∣staneers be quiet till they heard the Fathers were all thrown out of Ethiopia, but would look upon all things transacted for the re-establishment of the Alexandrian Religion as fictitious Stories.

There needed not many words to press him that was already willing. First of all therefore, their Goods and Possessions were taken from them; then all their Arms, especially their Musquets and Fire-Arms. But before that, they were sent to Fremona, where, as we have already declar'd, Oviedo the Patriarch resided for some time. But before their Departure, the Patriarch wrote a certain Letter to the King, to this Effect:

I did not adventure to come into Habessinia with my Com∣panions, of my own accord, but by the Command of the Roman Pontiff, and the King of Portugal, at the request of your Father, where having taken the King's Oath of Obedience, I officiated the Office of Patriarch in the Name of the Roman Pontiff, and the King of Portugal. Now because you Com∣mand

me to depart, my humble request is, that your Majesty would set down the Causes of my Exilement in Writing, sub∣scrib'd with your own, and the hands of some of your Counsellors and Peers, that all the World may know whether I am compell'd to suffer for my Life and Conversation, or for the sake of my Doctrine. I granted the Ceremonies desired by your Father, ex∣cept the Communion under both Kinds, which only the Pope himself can dispute with. The same also I again offer, so that you and your Subjects will yield Obedience to the Church of Rome as the head of all other Churches. My last re∣quest is, That as the Matter was Debated at first, so it may be referr'd to another Dispute; by which means the Truth of the whole affair will more manifestly appear.

To this Writing the King thus reply'd, Whatever was done by me before, was done by the Command of my Father, whom I was in Duty bound to Obey; so that I was forc'd to wage War under his Conduct, both with Kindred and Subjects. But after the last Battel of Wainadega the Learned and Un∣learned Clergy and Layety, Civil and Military, young and old, all sorts of Persons made their Addresses to my Father, Crying out, How long shall we be perplexed and wearied with un∣profitable things? How long shall we encounter Bre∣thren and Kindred, cutting off the right hand with the left? How long shall we thrust our Swords into our own Bowels? Especially since we learn nothing from the Roman Religion but what we knew before. For what the Romans call the two Natures in Christ, his Divinity and his Humanity, that we knew from the beginning to this time. For we all believe that our Lord Christ is perfect God and perfect Man; perfect God in his Divinity, and perfect Man in his Humanity. But in regard those Natures are not separated nor di∣vided; for neither of them subsist of its self, but both of them conjoyn'd the one with the other; therefore we do not say that they are two things. For one is made two, yet so as the Natures are not mix'd in their Sub∣sistence. This Controversie therefore among us is of little mo∣ment; neither was it for this that there has bin so much Bloodshed among us, but chiefly because the Blood was deny'd to the Layety, whereas Christ has said in his Gospel, Unless ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man, and drink his blood,

ye shall not have life everlasting; and when he instituted the Holy Supper, he did not say, The Blood is in my Body, which I have given to you alone; but take and drink, and partake all. From that time the Disciples did as they were commanded. The In∣termission of the Fast of the fourth Holyday, which is neverthe∣less enjoyn'd by the Canons of the Holy Apostles: as also a va∣rious manner of Fasting in the Time of Lent. Besides by al∣tering the Order of the whole Ecclesiastical Computation in reference to the Annual Festivals, and the Permission of all Per∣sons to enter into the Church, without any distinction of clean or unclean; these are the things that gave offence to our People. But they detested nothing more, than the reiteration of Baptism, as if we had bin Heathens, before we had bin Baptiz'd by the Fathers. They re-ordain'd our Priests and Deacons, they burnt the wooden Chests of our Altars, and Consecrated some Altars of their own, as if ours had not bin Consecrated before. The Monks also complain'd, that their Institutions were abrogated. These and others of the same Nature were the true Causes, that we abandon'd the Roman Faith, tho it was not we who gave it Protection but our Father. And therefore, because the Alexandrian Abuna is now upon his Journey hither, and hath sent us word, that he cannot live or joyntly act in the same Kingdom with the Roman Patriarch, and the Fathers, we command you to hasten to Fremona. Those things are offer'd now too late, which might have bin easily at first allow'd: For now there is no return∣ing to that, which all the whole Nation abhors and detests: for which reason, all farther Colloquies and Disputes will be in vain.

The Patriarch relates in his Epistle to the King of Spain, That that same Metropolitan, of whom the King makes mention, came some years before into Ethiopia, but lay pri∣vately conceal'd in Enarea, where hearing of the disown∣ing and casting off the Patriarch, he brake out into this far∣ther Expression, to the King, That he could not officiate in his Office, unless the Patriarch and the Fathers were either put to Death, or Banish'd to perpetuity. So that the Patriarch and the Fathers were forc'd to obey the King's Command, not without a long Dispute about their Guns, which they would willing∣ly have kept for their own Preservation; but they were forc'd to deliver them up, that they might be of no use to the Portugals, who were coming, as it was fear'd and report∣ed, to their assistance. Thus the Patriarch with all the Fa∣thers that were then in the Country, were constrain'd to leave

their warm Seats after an Enjoyment of Eight years standing. In their return they met with various Misfortunes, and were frequently infested with Thieves, before they could get to Fremona. But because they foresaw, that would be no abi∣ding place for'em of any long continuance, they presently resolv'd to send away some of the Fathers before into India, to give the Vice-Roy an accompt of the state of their affairs, and to desire some remedy, that is to say, a good sufficient strength of Portuguesis. But before they could obtain that, they receiv'd fresh Commands from the King (who 'tis very probable smelt their Design) to remove from Fremona and be gon. But they sang loath to depart a great while, and to spin out time, privately retir'd to one John Akay, formerly an Enemy to the King, who not being able to defend them, they were pull'd out thence by the Ears, and in May 1634. deliver'd to the Turks, and first carry'd to Arkiko and Matzua, after that to Suaqena, and brought beore the Turkish Basha. And indeed there was nothing more that provok'd the Ha∣bessines, as Gregory told me, then that they should require aid of the Military Power from India to establish their Religion: They might, said he, have shaken the dust from their shoes at their departure, as the Apostles were commanded; but they were for settling Religion with Swords and Guns. Which was not done so secretly but it came to the Ears of the Habessines; for it seems that some of their Train, vext at some Misfortune or other, had imprudently threaten'd it. Which was one reason among others that their Churches built of Stone and Morter, and their Guns were taken from them.

CHAP. XIV. Of what happen'd after the Departure of the Patriarch and the Fathers out of Ethiopia.

The Condition of the Bishop and his Associates privately left behind. The Patriarchs misery among the Turks. Peter Heyling a German Disputes with him. Peter entertain'd by the King of Habessinia. Various reports concerning his Death. The Patriarch redeems himself. He sends Hie∣rom Lobo for Assistance, who cannot speed. The favourers of the Fa∣thers put to Death in Ethiopia. Now admitted into Habessinia. Six Capuchins sent again; their ill success. Three more sent after them; their sad Misfortune. Nogueira Hang'd. Mendez dyes in India. After that no News from Habessinia.

NOtwithstanding the King's Commands to all in ge∣neral, the Patriarch left behind privately in several places Apollinaris Almeyda, Hiacynthos Francisco, Ludo∣vigo Cordeyra, Bruno Bruni and some others, who after they had liv'd miserably for some time, lurking up and down, at last were most of them Hang'd. In the mean time he himself spent almost a whole year in great Vexation, and full of sorrow among the Barbarous Turks in Suaqena, al∣most melted by the Sun. But nothing more increas'd the anguish of his Mind, than the News of the New Metropo∣litan's arrival out of Egypt, and that it should be his mis∣fortune to be constrain'd to behold him as he pass'd by. He had in his Train a certain German, whose Name was Peter Heyling, a Native of Lubeck, a young Gentleman emi∣nent for Probity and Learning, a Professor of the Augustan, or Lutheran Religion, and generally call'd by the Title of Muallim, that is in Arabic, Doctor Peter. He being desirous to see the world, and learn the Arabic Language, was arriv'd about that time in Egypt, and was very much esteem'd for his Piety and Modesty by the Coptites, and hearing that the Metropolitan was going for Ethiopia, he obtain'd leave to go in his Train, and by that means met the Patriarch Alphonsus at Suaqene. Presently he undertook to encounter him, opposing several Opinions and Tenents of the Roman Church, and expounding in Arabic to the standers by, whatever was said on both sides. The Patriarch in a heat

desir'd him to forbear that Explanation, because he did not understand the Arabic. To which the other answer'd, That he Disputed, for others to hear as well as himself. The Disputation being ended, The Patriarch, turning to his Companions, sighing, told them, That if that Doctor went into Habessinia, he would precipitate the whole Country into Heresie. He was no sooner arriv'd there, but he became very accepta∣ble to the King, who gave him a Tent, and all things ne∣cessary. Concerning his Death, various Reports were spread abroad. For some said, That being most graciously and kindly entertain'd by the King, he dy'd in Habessinia: Others, that being honourably dismiss'd by the King, he was murder'd by certain Arabian Thieves.

As for the Patriarch, after a long Captivity and very bad Usage from the Turks, he was at length set at Liberty, after he had pay'd for himself and his Companions a Ran∣som of 4000 German Dolars, and so at length got safe to Goa. Where, tho he were advis'd to go himself into Portu∣gual, and give an accompt of the afflicted State of Ethiopia, he thought it the better way to send Jeronymo Lobo, with or∣der to desire the Aid of a sufficient Military Power, to restore him to his lost See. Thereupon the diligent Jesuit, not only went into Portugal, but also to Mantua to Philip the Fourth, and from thence to Rome. But all his Negotiations prov'd ineffectual; whether it were that they did not think it at that instant so Apostolical a way to propagate the Gospel by force of Arms; or whether it were that they did not like the Charge of an Expedition, from whence they could hope for little good, there being no considerable Party in the Kingdom to give them footing, and the encouragement of Assistance. For the King watchful over all casualties, put all to Death that favour'd the Roman Fathers. Which occasion'd the Ruin of many of the No∣bility; among the rest Tecla-Selax; and several Priests that had taken Roman Orders; and all the Fathers, except Ber∣nard Nogueyra, whom the Patriarch had created his Vicar. For tho the Patriarch attempted afterwards to send seve∣ral other Fathers, yet all their Endeavours were in vain; so that for a long time he could learn no News concerning the State of Ecclesiastical Affairs in Habessinia. For the King fearing lest the Portugueses should invade his Dominions in revenge of the Fathers, had brib'd the Turkish Basha's of

Suaqena and Matzua, willing enough to that of themselves, not to admit entrance to any of the Franks.

The News of which coming to Rome, the Minds of men were variously affected. The greatest part were sorry that all their fair hopes of retaining Ethiopia in Pontifical Obedi∣ence were quite cut off. Others blam'd the Fathers of the Society, that through their Arrogance and Imprudence in managing the Temper and Disposition of the Habessines; they had ruin'd both themselves and the Roman Religion; whereas they ought to have made it their Business to have acted chiefly and in the first place for the Majesty, and Au∣thority of the Pope over the Universal Church, and willingly to have suffer'd all Miseries, and Martyrdoms, rather than have quitted their Station. Tellez involves these particulars in a general Relation, saying, That several Malevolent Re∣ports were spread about in Rome; and some there were who gave out, That the Fathers, out of meer detestation of their Persons, and hatred of the whole Nation of Portugal were ejected out of Habessinia: and that if other Preachers were sent, the Habessines would willingly embrace both them and their Doctrine. Which was a thing to be done with much less Expence, and more probable to come to effect than Lobo's Project of sending an Army.

Therefore the Congregation for propagating the Faith, took another Course, and sent Six Capuchin Fryers, all Frenchmen, with Letters of Recommendation and safe Conduct from the Emperor of the Turks himself, with Orders to try what they could do in Habessinia. Two of these going by Sea, landed at Magadoso, seated upon the Eastern Coast of Africa; but before they could get many Leagues up into the Countrey, they were knock't o'the head by the Cafers. Two of them got as far as the Confines of Habessinia; but being discover'd, they were presently Commanded either to return back, or make Profession of the Alexandrian Religion; and upon their refusal to do either, were presently ston'd to Death. Of which, when the other two that stay'd at Matzua had notice, they rather chose to return home again than suffer Martyr∣dom to no purpose.

Nevertheless Three other Capuchins, in hopes of better Fortune, resolv'd to make one tryal more; who when they arriv'd at Suaqena, I know not by what advice, wrote Let∣ters to the Abyssine King, as it were to Congratulate him upon

[illustration] depiction of the martyrdom of three Jesuit priests by beheading.

Book. 3. Chap. 14. P 369

Three Capuchins beheaded in the yeare 1648 by the Comand of Basilides King of the Habessines

• 1 The Citie and Iland of Suaqin.
• 2. The red Sea.
• 3. The Turkish Basha Gouernour of the Iland
• 4. F. Felix de S. Severino
• 5. F. Antonio de Patra Pagana
• 6. F. Joseph Tortulano

from the Italian Originall.

their arrival. But the King to retaliate their Kindness, wrote back not to them, but to the Basha of Suaqena, to send him only their Heads; which the Basha in hopes of a Reward, very readily did, with a more than ordinary Ceremony. For after he had caus'd their Heads to be strucken off, he or∣der'd the Skins to be flea'd off, and so sent them to the King, that by their Colour he might know them to be Franks, and by their Shaving to be Priests.

At length also Bernard Nogueira was apprehended, the last of all the Fathers, and fairly Hang'd. As for the Patriarch Mendez, he liv'd in India till the year 1656. Where in the 22d of his Exile, and the 77th of his Age he dy'd upon the 29 day of January. He was endu'd with most accomplish'd gifts both of Body and Mind, very Tall, and of a firm Constitu∣tion of Body, well read both in the Greek and Latin, and every way fitted for his Employment. Neither had he want∣ed Prudence, had not the King's Favour and Success which oftentimes intoxicate the Wisest of Men, trans∣ported him out of the way to act with that violence and severity where gentleness and caution were so requisite. By which means, instead of gaining, he was forc'd to suffer the shameful detriment of that Authority, which he had too far extended. Others, as Gregory told me, excus'd him, for that upon his arrival he found things so far driven on by the Mis∣sionaries, that he could not with Honour recede from what they had done. Since the Death of the Patriarch we have had no certain Relations out of Habessinia. In the year 1652. a new Metropolitan was sent into Ethiopia, who had bin seen by many Europeans in Egypt, and was succeeded afterwards by several others, as we have gather'd from certain Relation. From whence we may infer, That the report of Tellez was a thing fram'd out of Envy; as if the King of the Habessines had sent his Ambassadors into Arabia, to desire thence Maho∣metan Doctors, with an intention to embrace Turcism, which no man can think probable, from what has bin alrea∣dy related. For how is it likely that he who could not Pro∣tect the splendid Religion of the Romish Church, and the spe∣cious Doctrines of the Fathers, because they were thought by the Habessines to be repugnant to Scripture, and the De∣crees of the Primitive Church, should be able to admit of the Vanity and Absurdity of Mahumetism: the Original and Progress of which is so well known to the Habessines already.

A Religion that did not prevail by suffering and well-doing like the Christian Religion, but by force of Arms was obtruded upon Barbarous and Discording Nations. The Clergy and Monks so wedded to their Alexandrian Religion would no more endure it than they did the superstition of Susneus. So that should the King and his Peers be so vain as to attempt a thing so detestable to his People, he could not expect but to be more vigorously and generally oppos'd than ever his Father was. But lastly, the King's Letters of the last Date to the Governor of Batavia beginning with a Christian Preface sufficiently demonstrate, that he was a Christian, when Tel∣lez rais'd that report. However if any thing of fresher in∣telligence shall come to our hands at any time, we shall freely and truly impart it to Public view.

The End of the Third Book.

OF THE Private Affairs OF THE HABESSINIANS: More particularly of their OECONOMIES. BOOK. IV.

CHAP. I. Of the Letters used by the Ethiopians.

They obtain'd the use of Letters with their Divine Worship. The Ori∣ginal of the Greek and Latine Letters. The Ethiopic more agreeable with the Samaritan then Hebrew Characters. The Inventor of theirs, ignorant both of the Hebrew and Greek: The Letters ancient, but not all invented at the same time. The Amharic Characters. The story of the Chaldaic and Holy Character refuted.

THat Learning and Divine Worship generally go together, we have hinted already. For we see it has so happen'd among most Na∣tions of Europe; which when they gave the name to the Latine Church, entertain'd also its Letters, and most of its words. Sometimes also New Letters have abolish'd the use of Old ones, as we find by the Example of the(a) 1.189 Runic Letters of the Ancient

Goths, in the time of Christianity. Thus the Russians receiv'd their Letters, together with their Divine Worship from the Greek Church. Over all the East, and the greatest part of Africa, the Arabic Literature and Language crept in, toge∣ther with Islamism, the Ancient Persian being thrown out, and all other Nations, if there were any that us'd the Arabic Letters before. And as for our own Native Characters, as we express them in Writing, though they seem to differ very much from the Latine and Greek, especially while the Letters are so vary'd and transform'd with the strokes and dashes of various hands as fancy and swiftness of Writing guides the Pen, yet if we more accurately consider the old Characters, and those the same as they appear in Printing, we shall find it no great difficulty to derive them from the Ancient Latine.

It is the Ancient Opinion of the Learned, That Cadmus re∣commended the Phenician Letters to the Greeks; and the Greeks to the Latines; and they to all the rest of Europe; first by means of their Conquests, then of their Religion, though there be every where a great difference in the shape of the Letters: among those Nations also that use the Arabic Let∣ters, there is a vast variety of Writing. Not to speak of the Persians and Turks, but of the Moors, and Western People of Africa, whose Letters, though Originally Arabic, you shall hardly understand.

But as to what concerns our Ethiopic Letters, some of them indeed may correspond in Name, but in shape there is not the least appearance of similitude: so that if an Argument were to be drawn from the Letters, we might say, that the Ethiopians receiv'd neither their Divine nor Civil Worship from the Israelites. Nevertheless they seem to have some cor∣respondence with the Samaritan Characters, which many most Judicious Men acknowledge for the Original and Genu∣ine Letters of the Ancient Hebrews: and yet neit her will these without a great deal of Labour, be brought to any Assimu∣lation. We shall give you a view of the two Alphabets both together.

Samar.	Ethiop.	Samar.	Ethiop.
Aleph 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Alf.	Lamed 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Lawi.
Beth 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Bet.	Mem 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Maj.
Gimel 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Geml.	Nun 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Nahas.
Daleph 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Dent.	Samech 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Saat.
He 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Haut.	Ain 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Ain.
Wau 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Waw.	Pe 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Af.
Zajin 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Zaj.	Trode 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Tzadai.
Cheth 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Hharm.	Kuf. 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Kof.
Teth 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Tait.	Resh〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Rees.
Jod 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Jaman.	Shin 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Saur.
Caf. 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Caf.	Tau 〈☐〉〈☐〉	〈☐〉〈☐〉 Tawl.

In this Scheme, we have not follow'd any Samaritan Al∣phabet, but selected them out of the several Figures, which the most Famous Walton has produc'd in his preparation for the Polyglotton, which seem'd more like our Ethiopians. For my part I am not apt to believe, that the Inventor of the Ethiopic Letters who is yet to me unknown, had any knowledge either of the Ancient Greek, or these Samaritan Letters; or that he receiv'd them from any other for the certain use of Religion, but that they were found and ordered by particular fancy, for the use of the Ethiopic Pronunciation, which is manifest from the different disposition of the Letters, the different Order of the Points, and manner of Reading, contrary to the Custom of all the Eastern People, who begin from the Left to the Right; and lastly from the Greek Numerical Characters. But that they are very old, is apparent from hence, for that several Characters carry the same Pronunciation, and are therefore by the Abessines promiscuously us'd in their Writing. Former∣ly I am of Opinion, they had a different sound; for it seems not probable that the first Inventor would accommodate two or three Letters various in shape, to one pronunciation. Then again they were not invented together, nor at the same time; for the Greek II or the P of the Latines was wanting of old among the Ethiopians, and the other Oriental Languages that were of the same Pedegree;(b) 1.190 instead of which, they us'd either their Forrain Pait, in pronouncing Peter and Paul; or else the Letter Bet B. after the manner of the Arabians, who

say and write Beter, Baul, Ibraxis, or the Acts of the Apostles from the Greek Word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

The Ancient Germans also wanted the Letter P, and there∣fore in Forrain, they put forth the Letter F with a kind of straining.

• Pfaff Papa.
• Pfeben A Melon.
• Pfaal A Lake.
• Pfund A Pound.
• Pfan A Peacock.
• Pfrund A Prebendary.

Or else they used B, for P, as Babenburgh, now Bamburgh for Papenburgh, Popes-Town. Bapst from the Greek Word Pappas. At length the Habessines also receiv'd the Letter Pa, and plac'd it last in their Alphabet. But after the Amha∣ric Dialect took place of the Native Language, seven new Characters were to be added, that so the casual Words of this Dialect might be expressed: besides these, they have no other Letters either in Sacred or Prophane Books. The Book of Councils written Two hundred and forty Years ago, extant at Rome, has no other Characters; so that I am constrain'd to admire, what those good honest Habessinian Priests, living then at Rome, otherwise very ignorant, meant, by talking to Athanasius Kircher, concerning a double Cha∣racter; telling him, That the Priests and more Learned sort made use of the Ancient Surian and Holy Character; but that now all the Habessine promiscuously spoke the Vulgar and Common Habessine. For where are any such Ethiopic Books extant, written in the Surian or Chaldaic Characters? When, and where the Sacred Books began to be Written in the Vulgar Character? There never was any such thing either written or said by any Per∣son of Credit.

CHAP. II. Of the Books and Learning of the Ethiopians.

Books not holy reckon'd Ethiopic. Their Studies what? No written Laws. Lamentable Physicians. Nor better Philosophers. Of the mix∣ture of the Elements in Humane Bodies. They hold two Souls. In Mathematicks not absurd. They love Poetry, but only Divine; all in Rhime, various sorts. Riddles and Proverbs. Desirous of the Latine: The Fathers would not teach them. Arabic frequent. Their Epistolary Style.

BEsides Sacred Books, the Habessines have but very few others. For the Story of(f) 1.191 Barratti, who chatters of a Library containing Ten Thousand Volumes, 'tis alto∣gether vain and frivolous. Some few we had an Account of. One call'd the Glory of Kings already mention'd. I know not whether it be that of which Tellez Writes, because it is of high Authority among the Habessines; and as it were a Se∣cond Gospel, and preserv'd in the Pallace of Axuma. In that is Recorded the History of the Queen of Sheba and others, to which the Habessines give great Credit. A Chronicle, cited by King Claudius in his Confession of Faith.

The Book of Philosophy, much esteem'd in Ethiopia.

The Ladder, a Vocabulary; in that the most difficult words are Expounded in Amharic, and Arabic, but very unfortunately and perversly: As the following Example about Gemms will Testifie: It was sent me by Gregory.

The Jasper in the Pentateuch, and Apocalyps, in the Arabic: the Colour of it is White and Red.

The Saphyr in the Pentateuch and Apocalyps in Arabic.—The Colour of it, is like a burning Cole: he meant the Carbuncle, now call'd the Ruby.

They meddle with no Studies, but those of their own Learned Language, and Sacred Matters. Most believe, they

have enough, if they can but Read and Write: and that either the Parents teach their Children to do, or else certain of their Monks for a small stipend. They have no written Laws, Justice and Right is determined by Custom, and the Ex∣amples of their Ancestors: and most differences are ended by the Will of the Judge.

Their manner of Administring Physick is most Deplorable, They Cure Men by cutting and burning, as they do Horses. They cure the Yellow Jaundies, by applying a hot burning Iron in manner of a Semicircle, toward the upper end of the Arm, laying a little Cotton upon the Wound, that the Humour may issue forth, so long as the Disease remains. In most Distempers, every Person is his own Physitian, and uses such Herbs as he learnt were useful from his Parents. Some are of Opinion, that it is not a Pin matter, whether they make use of Physitians or Apothecaries or no, not believing it worth their while to be recover'd at so great Expences. If the King be sick, they come to him, ask him, as if it were out of pity, What he ayles, and what is his Distemper? And if any one have been ill of the same Distemper, he tells, what did him good, deeming the same Remedies applicable to all Con∣stitutions. If a Pestilence chance to break out, they leave their Houses and Villages, and retire with their Heards in∣to the Mountains, putting all their Security in flying from the Contagion. Tertian Agues they Cure, by applying the Cramp-fish to the Patient, which is an unspeakable Torture. Wounds they Cure by the help of Myrrhe, which is very plen∣tiful among them.

I have not as yet ever seen the Treatise of Philosophy, which I mention'd at the beginning of the Chapter; but it appears by the Theological Disputations of their Divines, that they are none of the Acutest Logicians; nor have they any know∣ledge of Natural Philosophy, as is apparent to any one that reads their Books, concerning the mixture of the Four Ele∣ments in the Creation of Man; as also, concerning the Soul, the Author of the Organum gives this accompt.

God made a Miracle when he Created our Father Adam, and Formed him of the Four Elements: he mixed the Elements, yet so that they should not disagree among themselves; the First with the Second, and the Third with the Fourth: he mix'd the dry with the Moist, and the Hot with the Cold; the Visible with the Invisible, the Palpable with the Impalpable: He made Two out of the Pal∣pable

and Two out of the Impalpable: He made Three of the Dry, and One of the Moist: He made Three out of the Visible, and One out of the Invisible. The great Architect knew where the In∣ner Chamber was to be Seated, and plac'd the Corners of the House in the Four Elements; and understanding that a vessel of Clay could not move nor speak, without the mixture of a Spirit that must come from Himself, therefore he Breath'd upon his Face and made him Rational and Self-moving; as saith the most Holy Law. He Breath'd into the Face of Adam, the breathing place of Life; and he became Man by the Breath of Life. Therefore the Soul dies not with the Body; for that proceeding out of the Mouth of the Lord, it was mixt with the Body: as saith our Lord in the Gospel, Fear not those who kill the Body, but cannot kill the Soul. Now as to what he said, Thou shalt not kill the Soul; be spoke concerning the sensitive Soul: because there are two Souls in Man; one the Spirit of Life, which proceeded out of the Mouth of God, not reckon'd among the Elements, and which never dyes. The other is, the Blood of the Body; that is to say, the Sensitive Soul, which has its Original from the Elements, and that is Morral. Wherefore God said, Thou shalt not eat the Flesh with the Blood; because the Blood is the Sensitive Soul. But the Pillar of the House of God, is the Spirit of Life. Now after the Spirit of Life is departed, the Body becomes a Carcass; therefore the Law pronounc'd the Carcass Unclean, because the Spirit of Life is de∣parted from it. But among us, we reckon the Dead Body of a Chri∣stian to be clean, because the Human Body was mix'd with the Blood of Divinity: besides that the Grace of Baptism departs not from it: and concerning the Carcass of the Son of the Virgin, David said, They cast away their Brother as an unclean Car∣cass. That is, they did not understand it to be holy; because the Jews were his Brethren in respect of his Mother: and by their Law the Carcass was reputed unclean.

It is to be wondred, that the Habessines, who cannot un∣derstand two Natures in Christ united in one Existence, should find out two Souls in the body of Man. And yet it is no wonder when we consider, that there are some, who imagine Three Souls in Man; whereas they might feign a great ma∣ny more, should they but take every Animal Faculty for a Soul.

But these, and such like Conceptions admit of Excuse and Interpretation, though what the vulgar believe concerning the Fabrick of the World, are altogether absurd, and not worth

relating, viz. That the Earth is a round Globe and pendent in the middle of the Air; this they look upon as a meer Fa∣ble. What think ye, they would say, should any one teach them, that the Planets are Animals, and instead of the Sun, that stands still, always walking the rounds of the Heavens? Or assert the Antipodes to them, with their Feet upwards, and their Heads downwards, and yet keeping a steady Motion? certainly they would think, that such people would necessari∣ly drop into Heaven; though as to this we are not to deride their Ignorance, in regard several Holy and Grave Men have deny'd the Antipodes: nevertheless, they most idly dream that when the Sun rises and sets, he goes and comes again through a certain kind of Window; but which way he gets under the Earth, they are not very sollicitous about: and yet in this, they seem much wiser than Mahomet the great Prophet of the Mussel-men, who fancy'd, That the Sun went to sleep in a Well; Gregory was taken for a very great Philosopher in his Country, for that he had made a certain Convex Model of Pastboard, like the Arch of Heaven, to the inside of which, he fastned several graines of Wheat, to represent the Stars of the First Magnitude, and then turn'd the Concavity upper∣most, to shew how the Heavens mov'd about the Earth, en∣compas'd about by the Air.

As to the Liberal Arts they love Poesie above all the rest, but only that which is Divine: for Prophane Verses they hate, which made Gregory extreamly wonder, that after the Wor∣ship of the Heathen Gods was quite taken away, and the Temples of their Gods were wholly destroyed, that the Books and Verses which Treated or were Dedicated to them, were not as utterly Abolish'd. For that it was not fitting for Christians to read the Rude and Obscene Fables of their feigned Divinities, much less to imitate them, and fetch from thence the chief Ornaments of their Poems; seeing that the very Footsteps of Idolatry ought to be an abomination to Christianity. These Verses of the Ethiopians consist in meer Rithmes; if we may Assert Consonants of the same Order differing in the Vowels, to be Rithmes. For beside those, there is no other Matter to be observ'd: Of these they have several sorts, as we shall teach in another Place. They are also very much delighted with abstruse Sayings and Proverbs; as for Example, The Mountains of Kobol as with a burning-Glass and so the prefix'd time of Man, is consum'd by the passing of his days.

They are extreamly Covetous of Learning, and were extreamly importunate with the Jesuits to teach their Chil∣dren the Latine Language. But they were more eager in pro∣moting the Latine Religion, then the Language; pretending the difficulty of the Undertaking, and the vast difference be∣tween the Latine and Amharic Pronounciation. Indeed, it cannot be deny'd, but that it is a most difficult thing to teach a Person who never heard of Grammar, as I found by the tryal of Gregory. For the Habessines learn Languages only by Con∣verse, more especially the Arabic, which is frequently spoken by the neighbouring Merchants, the Mahometans who are sub∣ject to the King, and the Courtiers themselves; and in this Language the King Writes his Letters to Forrain Princes. On the otherside the Arabians themselves, as they are very much inclin'd to propagate their Fables among the Christians, write them in the Arabick Language, but make use of the Ethiopic Letters, that thereby they may the more easily impose upon the simple people. Private persons seldom write Letters, nor do they know the method of sending them. But if any one has a desire to write, he goes to the Scribe of the Province, who is call'd, Pahafe Hagare, and for a small Sum of Money causes him to Compose them an Epistle: and you must know that the Exordiums of their Epistles are various in their Forms, for that in the Elegancy of their first Ad∣dresses, they place the chiefest ornament of their Comple∣ments.

CHAP. III. Of the Names of Men among the Habessinians.

Their proper Names are significative not to be expounded Appellatively, ta∣ken most commonly from the Sacred names of the Trinity, Christ, Ma∣ry, &c. The Heathenish Names detested. The Names of their Wo∣men, common with the Arabian Appellations; some peculiar.

THe Native Names of the Habessinians, as well Men, as Women, which were not first introduc'd with their Divine Worship from the Hebrew or Greek Languages, or were not deriv'd to them from the Copts or Arabians, as David, Jacob, Andrew, Theodore, Gregory, are all Sig∣nificative.

And therefore they that take them for Appellatives may thereby strangely disturb and confound the sense and meaning of them: and therefore we thought it worth our while to expound some of them, to the end that by that means the rest may be the more easily understood. Those which have the Article Za affix'd before them as a mark of the Genitive Case, denote either some Devotion or Subjecti∣on: as for Example,

• Zaslasse, That is, a Subject or Votary to the Holy Tri∣nity.
• Zachristos: that is, devoted to Christ.
• Zawalda Marjam, Of the Son of Marie. Servant or Subject.
• Za Marjam, Of Mary. Servant or Subject.
• Zadenghel, Of the Virgin. Servant or Subject.
• Za Michael, Of Michael. Servant or Subject.
• Tecla Slasse, The Plant of the Trinitie.

Many are compounded with the Name of Christ; as,

• Gabra Christos The Servant of Christ.
• Sula Christos, The Image of Christ.
• Tzaga Christos, The Grace of Christ.
• Acala Christos, The Substance of Christ.
• Tenssa Christos, Christ arose.

Which in speech are Contractedly pronounced thus, Ga∣braxos, Seelaxos, Tzagaxos, Acalaxos, Tanseaxos.

Otherwise they are Compounded with the name of Mary or the Virgin; as,

• Habta Marjam, The Gift Of Mary or the Virgin.
• Tecla Marjam, The Plant Of Mary or the Virgin.
• Mahtzentza Marjam, The Gage Of Mary or the Virgin.
• Laica Marjam, The Servant Of Mary or the Virgin.
• Atzfa Marjam, The Mantle Of Mary or the Virgin.
• Serza Denghel, The Blossom Of Mary or the Virgin.

Other Names are fram'd out of other Divine and Sacred Words; as,

• Tzaga-zaab, The Grace of the Father.
• Fekur-Egzi-e The Beloved of God.
• Jesus Moa, Christ hath overcome.
• Kesta-Wahed, The Portion of the only Son of God.
• Amda-Tzehon, The Pillar of Sion.
• Tesfa Tzejon, The hope of Sion.
• Ber-a-Jacob The Seed of Jacob.
• Zer-a-Johans The Seed of John.
• ...

• Bahaila Selus, By the Vertue of the Trinity.
• Bahaila Michael By the Vertue of Michael.

For they think it not becoming Christians to give their Children Heathenish Names; believing that their Children, by those Names which they bear, which were formerly those of Famous and Pious Men, are to be put in mind of their duties in matters of Religion and ordinary Converse: However the name of Homodei, so well known in Italie is found among these People, by the Name of Seb-Waamla which signifies Man and God.

The usual Names among the Women are,

• Malacotavit, Or Divine.
• Wangelawit, Or Evangelical.
• Amataxos, The Handmaid of Christ.
• Romana Wark, The Golden Pomgranat.

The Men have also several Names which are common with the Arabians and Copts: as,

• ...Bazen.
• ...Abreha.
• ...Atzbeha.

They have also some other Names which are peculiar among themselves, as Susnejos, or Susneus which are won∣derfully corrupted and mistaken by our European Authors: as when they write Sacinos, and Socignos, instead of Susneus.

CHAP. IV. Of the Domestick Oeconomie of the Habessines: Their Marriages, Dyet, Cloathing, Habitati∣ons and Burials.

Their Marriages Christian. Polygamy lawful by the Civil Laws, not by the Ecclesiastical. Divorces. Nuptial Ceremonies. Benediction Sacerdotal. Their Dyet raw Beef, or half boyl'd; and Herbs half con∣cocted by the Cattle. What Bread. Their way of making Butter. Their washing their Cloathes. Their Drink. Hydromel Ale. Their Cloathing thin. Very Parsimonious, accustom'd to go Naked. They Curl and anoint their Hair with Butter. Mean Habitations. The Kings Palaces. Their manner of bewailing the Dead. The Funeral Pomp of their Kings.

THe Habessines Marry with every one of their Wives after the Christian manner: neither are they hin∣dred by any Law of the Land from Marrying several, though they are Prohibited by their Ecclesiastical Penalties, as being contrary to the Sacred Canons and In∣stitutions of the Christians: and therefore they that Exer∣cise Polygamie are not admitted to the Communion, as we have already said: For they are of that Opinion, That whatever is not prejudicial to the Publick, or to the securi∣ty and Tranquillity of private Persons is not to be Prosecuted with secular Punishment; Neither are they scrupulous in suing out Divorces; assuming the same liberty to put away as to marry their Wives.

As for the particulars of their Nuptial Ceremonies, they are not of that importance as to Merit a Relation; nor are they the same in all Countries. Those which Alvares re∣counts, of the Nuptial Bed being brought forth and plac'd before the Doors of the House by Three of the Presbyters, and then walking round it singing Hallelujas; or the cutting off the Locks of the Couple to be Wedded, for each to make an exchange, they were altogether unknown to Gre∣gory; and that if it were the Custom any where so to do, it was only as he said, in some parts of Tygra: but that the Sacerdotal Benediction was necessary to all Weddings he ab∣solutely granted.

Their Diet is not only very homely, but also far diffe∣rent

from ours; for they feed either upon raw Flesh, or half boyl'd. Alvares gives you an Example of the Governour of Hangot, (Angot-Ras) who entertain'd Rodoric Limez at his Table with no other sort of Junkets then such mean Fare, very loathsom to the Portuguess Embassadour; for instead of Sauce they bring the Gall, which pleases their vitiated Pa∣lates far better then Honey: but what is worse than all this, they covet as a daintie, the half Concocted Grass and green Herbs which they find in the Maws of the Beasts which they kill, and greedily devour those morsels, having first season'd them with Pepper and Salt, as if the Beasts better understood what Herbs were most wholsom then themselves: a sort of Dyet which none of our Europeans will envy them. Their Bread they bake upon the Embers, made in the fashion of thin Pancakes, which they call Apas.

We have already declared, That in some of the Ethiopian Territories, the People live all upon Grazing; their Flocks and Herds are their only Riches, they eat their Flesh, and drink their Milk. Thus that King and no King Jacob, lurking in the recesses of the Rocks and Mountains, always carry'd his liv∣ing Kitchen and Cellar with him, which were only three or four Goats at a time. Where the Air is temperate, they make excellent Butter and Cheese; but in the violent hot Countries they want that Food, by reason that the Excessive Heats hinder the Milk as well from thickning as turning. Al∣so their manner of Grinding is both very difficult and very laborious, for they put the Grain into a dish, and rub it round about with a wodden Pestel till it be all bruis'd; afterwards they sift it, and make Bread of the Flower: this is proper∣ly the Maids and the Womens work, so that you cannot com∣pel the Servants to this sort of Labour: but the Men wash their leathern, or woollen Clothes if they have any them∣selves, for Linnen is very scarce; and indeed the general Co∣verings of their Nakedness, are the Skins of their own Beasts.

Their Drink is somewhat more dainty, and is the Glory and Consummation of all their Feasts; for so far they still retain the Custom of many of the Ancients, that as soon as the Table is clear'd, they fall to drinking; having always this Proverb in their mouths, That it is the usual way to Plant first, and then to Water: they drink themselves up to a merry Pitch, and till their Tongues run before their Wit, and never give off till the Drink be all out. They make excellent Hydro∣mel

by reason of their plenty of Honey, which inebriates like Wine, they call it Tzed; they make it smaller for their Fa∣milies, mixing six parts of Wine, with one of Water. Ano∣ther sort of Liquor they have of their Fruits; whether an Invention of their own, or that they learnt it from the Aegyp∣tians, they call it Tzal; and it may be said to be a kind of Ale rather than Beer; as being boyl'd without Hopps, and there∣fore it will not keep: it is white, and sweet, insomuch that our Ale was much more bitter to Gregories taste.

Their Apparel is no less mean and poor, only the Princes wear Silk; the Clergy and richer sort make use of Cotton: the poorer sort half-naked, cover themselves with Skins, that hardly hide their privy Parts; which is also common among some of the Nobility and Priesthood: which by the Europeans would be lookt upon as a great Scandal, to appear in the Church or the Chancel without Breeches. However the more noble sort wear a kind of Breeches, or rather Trou∣ses down to their heels, yet with such a frugality, that the King is not asham'd of; for from the Waste to the Knees, so far as the cloak covers them, they are only Linnen or else of some courser stuff, and only that which appears below is of Silk: nor are they concern'd though the other be seen as they sit, or Mount their Horses. The Boys and Girls go stark Na∣ked, which the heat of the Country may excuse, yet Pover∣ty is the main occasion; till riper Years calls upon them to hide their Shame; yet then having been so accustomed to go Naked, they the less regard it. But what they want in de∣cent Habit, they endeavour to supply in the Ornament of their Hair, for you may safely say, it is a full year before they Trim and Comb themselves. They not only curl their Hair which makes it grow the streighter, but also anoint it, not with fragrant Balsoms, or Oyles of Amber or Musk, but with Butter; not considering that they who are forc'd to turn their Noses from the stench of their Locks, have not the opportu∣nity to admire the lustre of their Matted Tresses: yet lest an Ornament so slick and glittering should be rumpl'd or squeez'd in the Night, they by means of a most exquisite In∣vention preserve it, resting their Necks in a forked stick, that so their Heads may hang at liberty, preferring their Pride be∣fore Pain and Torture.

Nor does their Poverty less appear in their Houses, for they that belong to the Camp, live all either in Tents, or in

Hurts made up of Reeds and Rubbish, daub'd over with Clay or Lome, and cover'd with Straw or Sedge, which they leave behind them when they remove their Camp with no dammage, or condoling for the loss of their Tenement, when they can as easily build another at the same rate. Not much better are their Villages, scarce secure against the Incursions of the Beasts of Prey. The Cafers like Wild Beasts lye with∣out any other Curtains or Canopie than that of Heaven, in the open Field, where Night constrains them to rest. The Kings Houses are of two Fashions, the Longer which are call'd Sakala; and the Rounder, which if they be bigger then ordi∣nary, are call'd Beta Negus, tho Kings Houses.

They bewail their Dead after a most doleful manner; for no sooner do they hear of the Death of any great Perso∣nage, or any near Friend, but they prostrate themselves upon the Ground, where they lye knocking and bruising their Heads against it, with a cruelty very injurious to their Sculls. The Funeral of Susneus as being most Remarkable, I shall here set down, to shew their solemnities in burying their Kings. The Body, being wrapt up and covered with a most rich and cost∣ly Garment, was carryed from Dancaza, where the Camp then lay, to the Church call'd Ganeta—Jesus. Before the Hearse the Banners and Ensignes were born, not Revers'd, as among us, but upright and display'd, without any Impreses or Motto's, but only adorn'd with various Colours: the Drums beat slow and mournfully: after them followed Three of the best Horses which the King us'd to Ride, Magnificently capari∣son'd, as if it had been for some Triumphal Pomp: next to them follow'd several of the Noblemens Sons, carrying the Kings Royal Robes, and Ensigns of Regality, as his Di∣adem, his Sword, his Belt, his Spear, his Buckler, &c. taking their turns, and by their gestures and postures using all means to excite the People to Tears and Lamentation. To the same End the Queen her self, following at a good distance wore upon her Head her Husbands particular Diadem; ac∣companied with her Daughters and all the Ladies and Vir∣gins of Noble Extraction, all riding upon Mules, and having their Tresses cut off: after them followed the Kings Son and Successor, with his Brothers and all the Nobility, some on Horseback, and some on Foot, in old tatter'd Habits, instead of Mourning: no Torches or Flambeaus lighted them along in their Procession: no Tapers burning in the Church, nor

was any thing to be heard from one end to the other of it, but Groans and Lamentations, till the Body was laid in the Tomb: only some few Monks standing before the Doors of the Church, read some few of the Psalms of David. Next day they return'd to Dancaza; and then so soon as they came in sight of the place, another sort of Pomp was order'd. For the Hearse being brought back again empty, was carry'd first, by which rode a certain Horseman, adorn'd with the Emperours Habit and Robes; and before him rode another upon a Horse richly caparison'd, and arm'd with Helmet and Spear: in which manner after they had proceeded a little way, some certain Bands of Armed Soldiers March'd forth of the Camp to meet them, testifying their Sorrow, by their bitter Lamen∣tations and Howlings. Then the Princes of the Kingdome and chiefest Lords of the Court entring the new Kings Pavil∣lion, renewed their Moans with all expressions of Sorrow, and concluded the Solemnity at length, with congratulations and well-wishes for his happy Government, and prosperous success in all his undertakings.

CHAP. V. Of their Mechanic Arts and Trades.

Very few Handicrafts. The Jews Weavers and Smiths. No Societies of Trades-men. Certain Families of Trumpeters. Architecture formerly known, now forgotten; compar'd with the Ancient Germans. Churches and Colledges built by the Fathers of the Societie. The Kings Palace Built after the European manner, admir'd. They are covetous of Learn∣ing and Sciences. What the King of Ethiopia chiefly wants.

ALL this while, there is nothing of which they stand more in need then of Handicraft Trades: for there∣by they are destitute of so many conveniencies of Hu∣man Life, as we abound in by the help of our Arts and Sci∣ences. The Jews are almost the only persons that employ themselves among them in weaving of Cotton: they also make the Heads of their Spears and several other pieces of Workmanship in Iron, for they are excellent Smiths; a sort of Trade otherwise abhorr'd by the Habessines; which Gregory confirm'd with a smile; saying, That the silly vulgar peo∣ple could not endure Smiths, as being a sort of Mortals that

spit fire, and were bred up in Hell. As for other things, every one takes Care to supply his own wants either by his own or the pains of his Servants, which it is no hard matter to do; considering how little they have to use. And for the great Men, they have particular men for all their particular Em∣ployments: therefore there are no Guilds, or Fraternities of Trades-men among them, which are so frequent in all our Cities, who have their By-laws contriv'd by themselves, more for the good of themselves, than for the benefit of the Commonweale: for amongst us, the skilful and unskil∣full, the just dealer and unjust, are all alike; as be∣ing all under the same By-laws; and they exercise a kind of Monopolie of their Trade, so that their fellow Citizens are as it were Forraigners among them, and compell'd to obey their Injunctions. But in Habessinia, what ever Art any one Professes, that he teaches his Children. The Trumpeters and Horn-winders are all of the same Families, and have their particular Country and Mansions by themselves. Formerly Architecture, as it was in request, so it was an Art well known among them, as is evident by the Ruines of the City of Axuma, and the Structures of Magnificent Temples cut out of the Live Stone Rocks: but the Imperial Seat being removed into Amhara, it grew out of date. For the Kings having deserted Axuma, by reason of their long and frequent Marches being accustomed to their Camps, rather chose to abide in Tents and Pavillions. Besides that, after the havocks of the Adelan Wars, and the Invasions of the Gallans, found that the Ca∣verns and Recesses of their Inaccessible Mountains were far more safe and convenient and better shelter then sumptuous Palaces. Therefore what Tacitus hath written concerning our Ancient Germans, may be rightly apply'd to the Habessines. It is sufficiently known, that Cities are not inhabited by any of the Habessine People, neither do they permit contiguous Buildings among them. They place their Villages not as we do, building our Houses close one to another; but every one encompasses to himself a space of ground peculiar to his Habitation, whether to prevent the accidents of Fire, or whether it be their ignorance in the Art of Building. They neither use Cement or Tiles, the whole composure of their Fa∣bricks, being all of rude and Course Materials, without the least ap∣pearance of Elegancy or Ornament.

But the Fathers of the Societies, having design'd their Eu∣ropean Structures before, carry'd an Architect with them out of

India, and having found out Lime, unknown to the Habessines for so many Ages, built their Churches and their Colledges of Stone and Mortar, and encompass'd them with High-walls, to the amazement and dread of the Habessines, lest they should in time be made so many Impregnable Forts and Castles. But there was nothing which they so much admir'd as the Palace which they built for the King; of which the chief Architect was Peter Pays, both Labourer and Work-master, both Surveyer, Carpenter, and Mason himself, and In∣structor of others. A Work which afterwards the People from all parts of Ethiopia, far and near flock't to see. How∣ever that the Habessines have a great desire to learn all those Arts and Sciences which are necessary both in Peace and War, is apparent by King David's Letter to John the Third King of Portugal,* 1.192 wherein he desires of the King to send him Prin∣ters, Armorers, Cutlers, Physitians, Chirurgians, Architects, Carpen∣ters, Goldsmiths, Miners, Bricklayers, and Jewellers. Ernestus also, Duke of Saxony, demanding of Gregory, What the King of Ha∣bessinia most desir'd out of Europe? made answer, Tebebat, Arts and Handicraft Trades; well understanding, that neither Merchandize nor any other Calling could well be follow'd without the help of the Workmans Tool.

CHAP. VI. Of their Journies, and Travelling, as also an Account of the ways to Habessinia.

Pilgrimages now rare. They Travel upon Mules. No Inns or Wagons. Their Hospitality. The way into Ethiopia dangerous. An account of the several ways to it.

HOwever in the midst of all this penury of Exotic Arts and Conveniencies, the Habessines of their own ac∣cord never care to stir out of their Native Coun∣try, as being ignorant of Forraign Languages and Regions; nor can they distinguish between the European Nations, which they believe to be all Franks, and their Religion the Latine Worship; only they can tell the English from the Dutch Mer∣chants. Neither do they understand the way of Exchange,

or keeping Correspondence: Besides, they are deterr'd by their own Poverty from undertaking such dangerous Jour∣neys through so many uncouth Deserts.

Formerly indeed they frequently made their holy Pilgri∣mages to Jerusalem, and so back again to Rome, when the Mamalucks were Lords of Egypt; their Government being more gentle, and the ways then far less dangerous then after∣wards: but the Covetousness of the Turks has quite alter'd the Case, for the Basha's and Governours of the Islands of the Red Sea, and the upper Egypt, Men for the most part of base and sordid Condition, having bought their Employments at Court with Mony, without any sense of Law or Equity, so torment and vex all sorts of Travellers, and suck the Mer∣chants Purses in such manner, though to the utter impove∣rishing the Subject and utter decay of Trade, have ruin'd all Commerce and Society with those Places: so that the Ha∣bessines now very rarely visit Jerusalem; and more rarely go to abide there, as they were wont. For though there, they are somewhat more free from the exactions of the Church, yet are they more oppress'd by want; in regard that the Re∣venues settled by the Habessines Kings upon Pilgrims in those Parts, are in the hands of the Turks; so that unless the Alms of the Place which are very sparing, God knows, support them, hunger presently destroys them.

In their Travelling, they only make use of Mules; neither can any other Creature perform that kindness to Man as they do, over so many craggie Rocks and Mountains, where it is impossible for Waggons, Carts, or Coaches to pass. Their Horses they preserve very charily for War, and Racing. Gre∣gory wondred when he saw our cover'd Wains: He call'd that wherein He and I travell'd together Bet, a House, and wish'd he had such a one to carry him into Ethiopia. The Great Men and richer sort, carry all their Domestick Houshold-stuff along with them upon their Mules; and where Night over-takes 'em, there they pitch their Tents, and kindle Fires about them to skare the Wild Beasts. The poorer sort; when they have occasion to Travel beg upon the Rode; for there is not an Inn to be seen among them; and for Cooks Shops and Ordinaries, they know as little what belongs to them. Upon which happen'd a pleasant accident at Rome. Where the simple Habessines newly arriv'd out of the East, being walking in the Suburbs, were invited by a Cook into

his Shop. They believing all Invitations to be made gratis, at first admir'd the Hospitallity of the Man; but then consider∣ing, that it might be done out of Curiosity, to see and discourse with strangers, went into the Shop, and very chearfully ac∣cepted of what was set before them: but at length, when they were going away, they consulted together for Phrase and Language to return their thanks to so kind an Host for his liberal Entertainment, which one among the rest, who best understood the Language was to deliver to the Cook in the behalf of his Companions. The Cook having listen'd a while to their Learned Speech, and not hearing a word of any Mony, without any respect to the smoothness of their Language, Gentlemen, said he, who pays? The Habessines like Men Astonish'd made answer, That they came not into his Shop of their own accord, but by his Invitation, without any mention made of Expectancy of Payment; and that he, when he set his Wine and his Meat before them, never bargain'd for any Money, for that was the very thing they wanted. But all this would not satisfie the Cook, who forc'd them to leave their Cloaks in Pawn, which were afterwards redeem'd at the Popes Charity, which made the Courtiers not a little Merry.

However the Habessines themselves are not ignorant of Hospitality, for that in their Villages they appoint the Chief∣est of the Inhabitants for the Relief of the Poor: and in∣deed the Exercise of Hospitallity is highly recommended by the Apostolical Doctrine, for the Relief of poor People driven from their abodes by the misfortunes of War, or other Ca∣lamities. Nor were our Ancestors defective in their Christi∣an Charity, as having founded several Magnificent Pallaces, and endowed them with ample Revenues, were they but employ'd according to the Founders Design.

And here it may be very proper to set down the several ways that lead into Ethiopia by Land, and where they that go by Sea are to put in for a Landing Place.

The way from Egypt into Habessinia is most troublesome, difficult, and subject to many dangers, as well by reason of the Extortions of the Turks, the Robberies committed by several vagabond Nations, through which they are to pass, and the unwholesomness of the Climates; though formerly when those Kingdoms and Satrapies were under a stricter Government, the Passage was safe enough, and more frequen∣ted. Nevertheless there are at this day several Troops of

Merchants, who setting out from Gran Caire, are carry'd up the Nile against the Stream as far as Monfallot, and thence Tra∣velling in Caravans, first come to Sijut, and so in order to the following Towns.

Places.	Days Journeys.
Wach	3.
Meks	2.
Scheb	3.
Sellim	3.
Moschu	5.
Dungala	5.

Which is accounted the Metropolis of Nubia: Then they come into the Kingdom of Sennar under a Mahumetan Prince, now neighbour to the Habessines, and sometimes also their Enemy, and therefore suspected by the Christians. From Dungala therefore they Travel to

Places	Days Journeys.
Kshabi	3.
Korti	3.
Trere	3.
Gerri	1.
Helfage	1.
Arbatg	3.
Sennar.	4.

In Travelling from Wacha to Sennaar, the Merchants staying in many places about the affairs of their Traffick, are wont to spend Three whole Months, though it might be done in a far shorter time, without stop or lett. From Senna∣ar in Fourteen days time they arrive at the Confines of Ha∣bessinia. The Entrance is call'd Tshelga; but the safest and shortest Cut is through the Red Sea, so you can agree with the Turks; this Passage is Two-fold, for either the Merchants set out from Caire for Suesso a Port upon the Red Sea, from whence they set Sail for Gidda another Port upon the same Sea; from thence they set Sail again for Suaqena and Mat∣zua; or if they cannot so long brook the Sea, they mount against the Stream from Cairo to Girgea, then by Land they travel to Gidda in Two days, thence to Alcossir in Four days,

where they take Shipping for Gidda, and so to Suaqena, &c. This way the Metropolitans use to take, as did Abdelmesih in the Year 1662. with whom it is the safest Travelling, if any of the Europeans are desirous to visit Abassia. Michael, the Ha∣bessinian Embassadour to the Emperour of the Turks, told Thevenot, That a Man may reach from Guendra to the Island of Suaqena in a Fortnight; and from hence, in forty or fifty days to Grand Cairo by Land. So that to Travel from the Royal Camp to Grand Cairo, will take up three Months. There is another way by Sea, round about Africa; but then you put in to some Port of Africa, that so you may take your op∣portunity to get into the Persian Gulph: Many would prefer this way as most facile, tho tedious and troublesom had the Habessines any Sea Port at their Command. They that have business at Moccha in Arabia, have the advantage of crossing over to Matzua that lyes over against it; and so from Arkiko the Passage lies easie: nor do they amiss that make for Baylur a Sea Port belonging to the King of Denkala, in Amity with the Habessines; only the Journey by Land from thence is tedi∣ous and very much infested by the Robberies of the Gallans; though they that can Travel with a good Band of Musque∣teers need little fear them.

Zeyla a Port belonging to the Adelans is more Remote, and altogether unsafe, because of the deadly hatred between them and the Habessines; as two of the Fathers of the Society found true. For mistaking this Port, for that of Baylur, they paid for their mistake with the loss of their Heads. The other more Southern Ports as Melinda, Magodosh, &c. are too far di∣stant from the Habessines; besides the whole Region is Inha∣bited with none but wild and savage People, whose petty Princes are in continual Wars one with another, and exercise their Fury against all Strangers as Spies, nor are there any Guides to be found.

CHAP. VII. Of the Merchandize, and Exchange of Merchan∣dize in Habessinia.

The Arabians chiefly, next the Armenians the chief Merchants; all bargains by Exchange, of Gold, Iron, Salt. What Goods Exported, what Imported.

FRom what hath been said, it appears that the Ethiopi∣ans are no way addicted or expert in the Art and In∣treagues of Merchandizing; for they that will not Travel into Forraign Parts must yield their gains to others; for gain is to be sought, not coming of it self. Therefore the Arabians who Inhabit the Ports of the Red Sea; espe∣cially, the Mahumetans scattered over the Kingdom, are the Chief Merchants in Habessinia, for being of the same Reli∣gion they have the free liberty of all the Ports of the Red Sea: next to these the Armenians, not much differing in their Form of Worship, from the Abessines, carry the greatest Trade, as be∣ing great Dealers in all parts of the World. They Import sundry sorts of Commodities, but carry out all the Gold; that 'tis no wonder the Ethiopians should be so poor: for neither Gold nor Silver is imported into their Country, but only an Exchange is made for Indian Wares. And then be∣cause there is no Money coin'd in Ethiopia, the more silly and ignorant sort of People, because they come easily by their Gold, as finding it among the Sand, or at the Roots of Trees, let it go again at low Rates. For if the Merchant de∣ny it to be good, they exchange it for as much as they can get, never questioning the Merchants exception. But the Nobility and more cunning sort, carry a Touch-stone always about 'em, with which they try their Gold, then weigh it out, and pay it by the Ounce. The Ethiopic Vaket, or Ounce amounts, as Gregory told me, to the value of the Spanish Patacoon, or our Imperial Dollar: Therefore it is, that Exchange is far more frequent in Habessinia, then buying and selling; which Ex∣change is made with Iron sometimes, but chiefly for Salt hewn out of the Mountains; which in most Countrys supplies the Place of Mony, with which you may purchase all things. In the more remote Parts of Ethiopia you may buy a good

Mule with two or three Bricks of that Salt. Formerly Pepper had the same pre-eminence.

The Commodities Imported, are Babylonian Garments of all sorts, Velvet, Silken; but chiefly Woollen and Fustian, which the great Men wear instead of Purple, which at this day they have lost the skill of Dying. Spices, and especially Pepper they covet to season their insipid Dyet. Wares for Exportation they have few, besides Gold, Skins, Hides, Wax, Honey, and Ivory: scarce any thing else remarkable. Many more they certainly might have, did the Habessinian Kings encourage Traffick and Merchandizing, and if the Country were more commodious for Carriage. The best Merchan∣dize in Habessinia, and most important for the Prince, were a more cultivated Ingenuity of the People; together with a perfect knowledge of the Latine Language, together with addition of our Arts, and Handicraft Trades, which would advance the Affairs of those poor Christians to a more flou∣rishing Estate, and weaken the strength of the Barbarians.

The Almighty God stir up the Hearts of our Princes, to lend their Assistance to this Ancient Christian Nation, which might prove so useful to Propagate Christianity in those Re∣mote Parts of the World; and so glorious to themselves and their Posterity.

THE END.

Notes

• (a) 1.1

  For Habesha, speaking of a multitude of People, is no more than Convenit, or the multitude gathered together, in the Second Conjugation Habesha, congregavit, or Congregated together: From whence the words Habesh &c. signifie a multitude of men gathered together from several Tribes of People. So that the Abessines may not be improperly called by one Latin word, Convenae, or such as come together.
• (b) 1.2

  The Germans sound it Shabash or Hhabash, the Italians, Habascia; the French, Habech, the Portugueses, Abex, pronounced after the same manner with vari∣ety of Letters; in regard of the Arabick, Habesh, which is the Original of all these words. Ill written Chabatti for Chabassi, in the Prolegoniena of Walton's Poly-Glotton. Cap. 15. Pag. 98.
• (c) 1.3

  Hence Ethiopia was by the Ancients divided into Oriental and Occiden∣tal, into African and Asiatick: Of which those Places of Scripture that speak of the Cushites are to be understood. Now adays Ethiopia is only Attributed to Africa.
• (d) 1.4

  For which Gregory is my Author in a Letter to my self.
• (e) 1.5

  See my Ethiopick Lexicon. Col. 405.
• (f) 1.6

  Which I believe, as Agreeing with those Authors cited by Pontanus con∣cerning the Original of the Franks.
• (g) 1.7

  For the Sabeans and Homerites are the same from the Region of the Axumites, the Red Sea lying between, as saith Procop. Gazeus upon the Tenth Chapter of the Third Book of Kings, Ver. 1. upon the words, Queen of Sheba.
• (h) 1.8

  Stephanus in his Book concerning Cities, upon the word Abasseni, writes, Abas∣seni, a Nation of Arabia, and relates out of the Arabicks of Uranius, that they bordered upon the Sabeans.
• (i) 1.9

  Scaliger in Comput. Eccles. Ethiop. de Emendat. temp. Lib. 7.
• (k) 1.10

  Stephanus makes mention of these in the word Axumites. Cedrenus, An. 15. of Justinian, and Ptolomie. Scaliger mentions the Name of Axumite upon certain Pieces of Coyn, in the fore-recited place.
• (l) 1.11

  So Procopius Gazeus, calls it in his Comment upon the forementioned Tenth of Kings; and others, as Scaliger observes in Comp. Eccles. Ethiop. &c.
• (m) 1.12

  In his Relation of the Embassie of Mattheus to the King of Portugal.
• (n) 1.13

  Which chiefly happens in the History of the Conversion of the Habessines, set sorth by Adesius and Frumentius; which the Writers of Ecclesiastical History, have hitherto almost all of them understood, concerning the true or Asiatic Indians. Theo∣doret in Hist. Ecclesiast. Lib. 1. Cap. 22.
• (o) 1.14

  Posken in Paersat. Psalt. Ethiopic. Edit. Rom. Ambrose Theseus Intred. in Ling. Orient. Pag. 1••.
• (a) 1.15

  Sub Egypto most write, but erroneously.
• (b) 1.16

  So B. Tellez, Historia general. de Ethiopia alta.
• (c) 1.17

  In the Vulgar Mapps, tho of later Editions, mistakenly called Babelmandel. The Interpreters of the Nubian Geographie, pronounce it Bab-Almandab, and render it, The Dreadful Mouth, Pag. 20
• * 1.18

  Hist. l. 18.
• * 1.19

  In Epist. Ev. Johan.
• (a) 1.20

  Dam. à Goez. de legat. Indorum ad Emanuel. 3. Lus. Reg.
• (b) 1.21

  Ludovic. Capell. in Critic. Sacr. Lib. 1. Cap. 10. brings an Example of Sam. Bochart. in Hieroz. suo. lib. 2. cap. 27. ad Maccab. 1.6.36. concerning thirty two Soldiers upon one Elephant.
• (c) 1.22

  Certainly Godignus's enumeration is most confused: for the most part ill pro∣nounced, as Leca, for Waleka. And why does he reckon Adela, and Aucagurecè among the number of the Kingdoms, when the latter is onely the Metropolis and no King∣dom; watered by the River Hawashi (for so it ought to be written:) and yet confesses that the Inhabitants are no way Subject to the Abessine Emperor.
• (d) 1.23

  This was very necessary by reason of the great variation and corruption of Names, so frequent in all Authors.
• (d) 1.24

  By the Portugals called Narea, by Godignus Nerea. lib. 1. cap. 4.
• (e) 1.25

  Erroneously Goyame in the Mapps. Worse Goroma by Godignus. Lib. 1. cap. 4. pag. 15.
• (f) 1.26

  In the Mapps of Dobarua, Erroneously Barva; worse Barna.
• (g) 1.27

  By Tellez called Ambacanet. Pag. 119.
• (h) 1.28

  As those of Ortelius, Jansonius; the Atlas's of Gerand, Mercator, Bleau, and others.
• (i) 1.29

  As Abugno, for Bugna, Barua; worse Barua, for Dobarua; Amara for Amhara; Ambadora, for Ambadarho, &c.
• (k) 1.30

  In the vulgar Tables also you shall find Tigre and Tigray, as if they were two distinct Kingdoms: Which error B. Telles severely reprehends. L. 1. Ch. 4.
• (l) 1.31

  There not makes mention of that which I gave to the Elector of Ments, in his Remarks upon the History of Ethiopia. I presented one also to Frederick 3d. King of Danemark, another to Charles Lewis the Elector Palatine, and some others I could not refuse the same satisfaction of their curiosity.
• (m) 1.32

  Aristot. Meteorotog. L. 2. c. 11. and his followers.
• (n) 1.33

  The Spaniards have a Proverb, he that is intent upon his own Interest, minds not in conveniences.
• (p) 1.34

  In the History of his Embassy, some Collections out of which are to be seen in Bibliothec. Photii. n. 3. p.m. 2.
• (q) 1.35

  See the Notes upon Cluverius's Introduction to Geography, l. 1. c. 5. and Aristot. l. 2. de Meteorologic. who without experience writes, That the Heat and Cold do not exceed in regard of the Longitude, but in regard of the Latitude.
• (r) 1.36

  Gregory differs from our Poet one day, who puts it upon the 26th.
• * 1.37

  Anno 1679.
• * 1.38

  Plin. l. 2. c. 56.
• (u) 1.39

  A Rock in India called Aornos, as being above the slight of a Bird, Curt. 8. n. 2. There are also Lakes of this name, but from another cause, for that the pestilent Exhalations that they send up, kill the Birds that fly over them, Plin. 2.4. by the Latins call••d Averni.
• (x) 1.40

  That is the Rock of the Hen, in the Map erroneously call'd Ambadora.
• (y) 1.41

  In Mulurgia sua Univers. T. 3. l. 9. c. 6. where instead of Iches Fays, read Pe∣trus Pays.
• (z) 1.42

  Thus Pliny discourses concerning Minerals.
• (a) 1.43

  Concerning such kind of Salt, see Pliny, l. 31. c. 7.
• (b) 1.44

  A word well known in all the Eastern Languages, from the Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifies Stibium from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Fucavit, or besmear'd with Fucus; and whence the Greek word Collyrium, as it were Cohollyrium, seems deriv'd. The Arabic word Elcohol still remains in the Spanish Language, wherein there is a Proverb, Elpolve de las ovejas, Elcohol es para el Lobo; The Dust which the Sheep raise is a Collyrium to quicken the Wolf's sight.
• (c) 1.45

  No truer opinion concerning the Original of Rivers. Aristotle quotes it in his Meteorologies, l. 1. s. 4. c. 1. but without reason dissents. Most Neoterics defend it. See Isaac Vossius, De Origine Nili & Fluminum. c. v.
• * 1.46

  Isa. 23.3.
• * 1.47

  Plin. 5.9. & 7.3.
• (d) 1.48

  It is in the form of an Adjective, Heavenly, Golden; So Abawi signifies Paternal.
• (e) 1.49

  For in the time of the 70 Interpreters it was so called, who render'd Shichor, Jer 2.18. where the Prophet speaks positively of Nile, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Gihon. The same you shall find in the Book of Syras.
• (f) 1.50

  Theodoret, in c. 2. Gen. 9.19. Austin, l. 8. de gen. c. 7. Abulens, in c. 2. Gen. 9.15. & 26.9.2.
• (g) 1.51

  As Cambyses, Alexander, Ptol. Philadelph. J. Caesar, Nero, &c.
• (h) 1.52

  So Pliny, l. 17. c. 18. wherever Summer Rains are not as in India and Ethi∣opia.
• (i) 1.53

  Photin. in Bibl. n. 249. in the Life of Pythag. Agatharchides, Strabo, and others. See Vossius, d. l. c. 20.
• * 1.54

  Epist. d. 20. Octob. 1657.
• * 1.55

  Quest. natu∣ral, l. 4. c. 2.
• (p) 1.56

  Jul. Solin in Polyhist. c. 43. The Ethiopians and Atlantic Nations are divided by the River Niger, which is believ'd to be a part of Nilus.
• * 1.57

  Clim. 1. Part. 4.
• * 1.58

  In Descript. Afric. l. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.59

  l. 5. c. 8.
• (r) 1.60

  Alf. d'Albuquerque, in Comment. ejusd. part. 4. c. 7. as Tellez alledges, p. 20.
• (s) 1.61

  In Orbe imperante. tit. Africa. Period 2. Sect. 2.
• (t) 1.62

  In Supplement. Prod. and Lexic. Capt. p. 524. c. 2. This Michael was the 68th Patriarch of the Jacobites, and dy'd about the year 1110.
• * 1.63

  L. 1. call'd Clio.
• (x) 1.64

  R. T. says, where longest, 35 Leagues. Pet. Pays allows it 14 in breadth. It is more largely describ'd by Kircher, in his Oedipus. Synt. 1. c. 7. p. 57.
• (y) 1.65

  In some Maps Barcena, but ill plac'd.
• (z) 1.66

  Consult, Buxtorf's Lexicon concerning this word.
• (a) 1.67

  Of the Wars of the Jews, l. 7. Nic. Fuller, Miscel Sacr. l. 1. c. 9.
• (m) 1.68

  So write for Sabala.
• (n) 1.69

  A Lake by others call'd the Tzanic Lake.
• * 1.70

  L. 17. c. 45.
• * 1.71

  L. 3. 11.
• * 1.72

  L. 8. c. 45.
• * 1.73

  Exod. 29.22
• (b) 1.74

  Bochart in Hierozoico. L. 2, c. 45. p. 494.
• (c) 1.75

  This number may easily be believed by them who shall read Nennosies in Bibliothec. Photii. n. 3. Where he writes of Elephants, no small Number near five thousand.
• (d) 1.76

  Solin. in his Polyhist. c. 17. al. 40. allows them many marks of Clemency: they sooner assail Men then Women; they never kill Infants, unless pinched with hunger.
• (e) 1.77

  Panthers and Tygers are the only Beasts remarkable for the variety of their Spots, saith Pliny, L. 8. c. 17. In which place, the Panther is taken for the Leopard; but when the Panther is oppos'd to the Leopard, then it is to be taken for the Tygre. For the Antients have not accurately enough distinguished these Beasts, as being very much like to one another, and very rarely or never seen together. They knew there were two sorts of Beasts, but to which to give the true name, they either knew not, or very much doubted.
• * 1.78

  L. 8. c. 22.
• (f) 1.79

  Begot between a Hyena and a Lioness: familiar to Ethiopia. See Solinus c. 65. and Salmatius upon him.
• (i) 1.80

  In his Relation Translated into English; Tit. a short Relation of the River Nile.
• (l) 1.81

  At large by Bochart, in the place already cited.
• (m) 1.82

  In the relation of Paulus Venetus concerning the Unicorn in Java the less. L. 3. c. 15.
• (h) 1.83

  Plin. L. 8. c. 39. Solin. in Polyhist. c. 30. al. 43.
• (k) 1.84

  By Bochart in Hierozoico. L. 3. c. 26.
• * 1.85

  Numb. 23.22. & 24.8.
• * 1.86

  L. 3. c. 27. & l. 6. c. 12.
• * 1.87

  L. 8. c. 36. L. 9. c. 28.
• (n) 1.88

  So correct Bochart in Hieroz. l. 5. c. 15. for Bicht. and Gomar.
• (o) 1.89

  Thus Tellez Writes, They are rightly called Horses, for that their Noses and Ears are much alike.
• (p) 1.90

  Otherwise than Plinie thinks, who makes them to Neigh. L. 8. c. 25.
• (q) 1.91

  The Italians considering the vastness of his Bulk, call him Bomarin, or the Sea-Oxe.
• (r) 1.92

  Even Lyons themselves. Solin. Polyhist. c. 27. al. 40. And therefore the Abyssines keep Fires all Night next the Gates of their Towns.
• * 1.93

  c. 41.
• (s) 1.94

  Beza, and Diodati, as Bochart alleadges. c. 15.
• * 1.95

  Levit. 11.30. L. 4. c. 3.
• (t) 1.96

  O. Dapper in his Description of Africa.
• (u) 1.97

  They shewed him says Tellez, meaning Almeyda the Fish, called in Latine Torpedo, which he had no sooner taken in his hand, but immediately he felt such a cruel pain in his hand and Arme, that he threw it presently away again, not able to endure such a tormenting Experiment. More see in Godignus. L. 1. c. 11. See the Author himself. L. 9. c. 42.
• (y) 1.98

  Of which Bochartus in Hieroz. L. 6. c. 14.
• (z) 1.99

  P. Bolivar the Jesuite says, that he saw one of the smaller Feathers of that Bird, twenty Spans long, and three broad: and the Quill it self being three Spans long, and as thick as an ordinary Mans Arme: He is cited by the Most Noble Theuenot in his Remarks upon the relations of Ethiopia.
• (b) 1.100

  See the Itinerarie of Volcard Iversen, L. 1. c. 7. It is somewhat like an Est or Newt. Consult Bochart Likewise Hieroz. P. 1. l. 4. c. 4.
• (c) 1.101

  As much as to say 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Aetius L. 13. c. 35. or Water-Snake upon the Land.
• (d) 1.102

  This circumstance induced me to believe, that Gregory meant the Serpents call'd Hydrus and Chersydrus, or Land-water-Snake, by reason that Authors allow them a venemous noysom breath. Virg. L. 3. Georg. Aelian. Hist. L. 8. c. 13.
• (e) 1.103

  Dapper in his Description of Guiny, or the Golden-shoar, p. 459. but in this he is deceiv'd; because he says, they came out of Arabia the Happy, so far off.
• (f) 1.104

  This I rather believe, than the story of Plinie, L. 11. 9. 30. concerning Emmets among the Northern Indians, that dig up great pieces of Gold; themselves as big as Egyptian Foxes. Soline also makes them as big as great Doggs. Polyhist. c. 40. al. 27.
• (g) 1.105

  For those are his words, L. 4. c. 30. pag. 177. a.
• (h) 1.106

  Jacob Golius, at Blancard alleadges in his Notes upon Curtius.
• (i) 1.107

  The Famous Isaac Vossius in his Book of the Original of Nile and other Rivers, believes that those Ethiopians are truly Leprous, and that the difference of Colour pro∣ceeds from the Disease: but with submission to so great a person, I should think that a Nation so Infected could not long endure: nor that the King of Lovangi would ad∣mit Leapers into his Guard.
• * 1.108

  Plin. l. 5. c. 8.
• (k) 1.109

  Solin in Polyhist. c. 43. al. 30. out of Pomponius Mela. The Long-livers, or Macrobii, saith he, Honour Justice, Love Equitie; they are very strong, and particularly well-favoured. But presently after he brings in the old Fable, the Fable of the Sun; which Herodotus sets forth at large, L. 3. where he Treats of the Am∣bassie of Cambyses to the King of the Macrobii.
• (l) 1.110

  Thus did the Hebrew Women; as it is said of Elis Daughter in Law, She fell upon her knees and brought forth.
• (m) 1.111

  For many of the Barbarians have been nam'd from the particular Dyet they fed upon, as the Man-Eaters, Fish-Eaters, Ostrich-Eaters, &c. Solin in Polyhist. c. 30, al. 43. Plin. L. 6. c. 30.
• * 1.112

  L. 5. c. 8.
• * 1.113

  1661.
• (n) 1.114

  Walton in his Prolegomena before the Bible, c. 15. out of Alvarez, for the r. and the i. written without a Point after the Italian manner, deceiv'd the Readers.
• (o) 1.115

  Ambrose Theseus, his Contemporary, mildly reproves him for it, in his Intro∣duction to the Oriental Languages; for saith he, with tenderness to his age and friendship, Thy Learning very much fails thee in this matter. Now Theseus stifly affirms, The Habessines to be Indians, and their Language Indian: perhaps the more tolerable Errour of the two.
• (p) 1.116

  For the Greeks borrowed their Letters, and many other things from the Phoenici∣ans, as Bochart and many others declare at large.
• (q) 1.117

  So most Lexicon-Writers; Buxtorf tells us, that Adamah, Earth, is so call'd as being of a Red, or Clay Colour. Schindler affirms, The true Earth, before it is dig'd is Red; and that Adam was Form'd out of Red Earth. Which are said vainly and gratis; neither does Kimchi in his Book of Roots mention any such Derivation.
• (r) 1.118

  But after his Fall, having lost his Primitive Beauty, he was admonish'd of his Mortality, by an Allusion to the Word Earth, out of which he was Created.
• (s) 1.119

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gaz-Jehovah, the Paradise of God, according to the Vulgar La∣tine Version.
• (u) 1.120

  Such is the Great Kopto-Arabic Scale, which Kircher published at Rome.
• * 1.121

  L. 5.
• (y) 1.122

  Clemens Alexandrinus believed, there were Seventy sorts of Languages. Eu∣phorus reckons up Seventy five upon an idle computation. Plinie tells a strange thing, That when the Citie of Dioscurias a City of the Colchi flourish'd, by the relation of Timosthenes it held three hundred Nations of different Languages; and that after∣wards the Romans were forc'd to make use of a Hundred and thirty Interpreters to ma∣nage their Affairs in the same place: but mistakes in Figures are easily committed.
• * 1.122.1

  Lib. 6. c. 5.
• (z) 1.123

  They are called Galla, briefly by the Habessines: we give them the name of Gallans; lest while we discourse the Barbarism of the Galli, we should injure one of the Politest and Civillest Nation in the World.
• (a) 1.124

  The French read the word Gragne, the Portuguezes Granhe.
• * 1.125

  Itiner. c. 52.
• (a) 1.126

  The most Skilful Geographers teach us, That Cataya is no peculiar Kingdom, but a Part of North China. See Newhostus's China Embassy.
• (b) 1.127

  Scal. in his Notes ad Comp. Ethiop. but by what Authority he writes that the Ethiopians were beaten out of Asia by the Tartars, I cannot apprehend.
• (c) 1.128

  In the Itineracie of Hierome Wolsus.
• * 1.129

  l. 2. c. 2.
• (e) 1.130

  Erroneously Nuguca Nagasta in Tellezius, l. 1. c. 2. p. 5.
• (d) 1.131

  As Urreta, and Tzagaxi.
• (f) 1.132

  Pharao in the Egyptian Language signifies a King, Joseph. L. 8. c. 5. al. c. 2. Bochart in Hieroz, P. II. L. V.
• (i) 1.133

  See the learned Egyptian Cronical Canon of Sr. John Marsham, and the Authors by him cited.
• (k) 1.134

  See John Newhoff's description of China, c. 8.
• (l) 1.135

  See the Catalogue annexed to Tzagaxi's fabulous History, and Jerome Veechietti, c. 39.
• (m) 1.136

  Tellez erroneously takes Azeb for a proper name, p. 63.
• (n) 1.137

  He was the twenty first, as is to be seen in the Catalogue of the Home∣rite King, which the learned Pocock set forth in his Specimen of an Arabian History p. 59.
• (o) 1.138

  Anubian Geographer, speaking of the City Mareb, There, saith he, was Belkis born, the Wife of Salomon the Son of David.
• (p) 1.139

  In his Epistle to Tellez us.
• (t) 1.140

  Abreha is an Arabic word, contractedly spoken. Abra: Erroneously taken for Abraham, which they pronounce Ibrahim.
• (u) 1.141

  You have the History at large in Baronius Anuals, who, sayes he, had the Story from an Author of an unspotted Credit, and the Writings of that time.
• (x) 1.142

  Negra by Niceph. Cullisto. l. 18. c. 6. by others Najram
• (b) 1.143

  The word signifies Fire.
• (c) 1.144

  Alvarez makes mention of him, c. 54. and 55. where he relates the same Story of the swarm of Bees.
• (d) 1.145

  In his Accompt of Sacred Times, L. VI. Ʋlt. Success. c. 44.
• (e) 1.146

  This Succession is taken out of Tellez, and agrees with the vulgar Order of the Ethiopic Kings, which Gregory himself did not contradict. Alvarez here err'd very muth, or else forgot himself: for he apparently leaves out Ambda-Tzeon. c. 59. and makes Alexander the Father of Naod, c. 98. and 89. when he was really his Bro∣ther. He also calls Helena the Mother of David, when she was his Grandmother; but, only look'd upon as his Mother in respect of her care. Neither is Tellezius without his Mistakes, for L. 2. c. 4. He omits Ambda-Tzion, and writes that Helena never had any Children.
• (f) 1.147

  In England, Anno 1667. It is also added to our Ethiopic Lexicon and Grammar.
• (g) 1.148

  Erroneous here, some Historians ignorant that the word signifies a Gem, call him Adam.
• (h) 1.149

  Tellezius tells us, l. 3. c. 14. that the Ethiopian Laws will not allow Bastards to succeed. Which nevertheless is not agreeable with what he says in another place, l. 3. c. 29.
• * 1.150

  An. 1596:
• (i) 1.151

  For so the Ethiopic word Tzaga, Christos is pronounced. There is a Relation of this Person extant, Entitl'd, The Strange Accidents of the Travels of His Highness Prince Zaga-Christ of Ethiopia, &c. very absurd, and full of Fables.
• (k) 1.152

  Relating to the Daughters of Thespius.
• (l) 1.153

  See Suetonius in Claud. Juvenal. Sat. 6. Tacit. Annal. l. XI. Plin. X. 23.
• (m) 1.154

  The Swedes in the last Century. The Danes in our memory; The Chi∣neses of old. Joh. Newhoft. Descript. Chin. c. 18.
• (n) 1.155

  That the Wise call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to preserve the present state of the Republic. Isoc. against Collimalh.
• (o) 1.156

  Nonnosus in Bibliothec. Phot. n. 3. calls the Ethiopians, the Homerites and Saracens 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the stoutest of the Nations at that time.
• (p) 1.157

  Scal. in his notes ad Comp. Eccl. Ethiop, but I know not by what Autho∣rity.
• (q) 1.158

  The Arabians wont to use this Computation. From the Invasions of the Abessines. For so Altcodajus. They computed their years from the Arabians invading Abessina.
• (r) 1.159

  So the Mahometans call themselves.
• (s) 1.160

  Elmacinus Hist. of the Saracens l. c. 17.
• (t) 1.161

  Bochapts Sacred Geography l. 2. c. 23. However most certainly Cyriacus had another name.
• (u) 1.162

  15000 Patachs of Portugal or German Dollars.
• (x) 1.163

  Of which Nonnosus in Bibliothec Phot. n 3. p. m. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Auxuma is a very great City, and as it were the Metropolis of all Ethiopia; erroneously Chaxumo in Alvarez, c. 17.
• (z) 1.164

  They are to be found after the Preface of Alvarez's Itinerary, as also in the Treatise of Damianus a Goez, concerning the Great Emperour of the Indians, to Emanuel, King of Portugal, first printed at Dordrecht. But Tellezius forgot himself, when he writes, That Matthew brought David's Epistle full of Titles: for that is to be attributed to Alvarez or Tragazaabus.
• (a) 1.165

  By Michael de Selves, into Spanish; by others into Italian and Dutch: Jovius promis'd also to do it into Latin, but fail'd.
• (b) 1.166

  Extant in Alvarez. Damianus a Goez. of the Ethiopian Customes. and Tom. 11. Hispian. Illustrat. p. 1250.
• (c) 1.167

  Mistakenly Tecur-Egzy in Tellezius, l. 2. c. 3.
• (f) 1.168

  This Dam. de Goez. relates of him, in his Book, concerning the State and Kingdom of Presbyter John, 11.11.
• (g) 1.169

  Ibid. n. 13. There are, saith he, in Abassia, Lords, Dukes, Earls and Ba∣rons innumerable. I would be willing to know how they are call'd in the Ethiopic Language.
• (h) 1.170

  As for Example; Hansellus, Stephanuel, Laurentioll, thy Servant. Olear. his Itinerary.
• (i) 1.171

  In his Confession of Faith above mention'd. Tom. 2. Hispan. Illustrat. p. 1311.
• (k) 1.172

  See the Relation of Jerome Lupus, Printed in English, Entitl'd a short Re∣lation of the River Nile. p. 40. see more in Sandovall de Restaur. Ethiop. Salut. 250.
• (l) 1.173

  A Custome still us'd in Persia, as you may read in Tavernier and Olearius.
• (a) 1.174

  In a little Treatise often quoted, Of the Embassie of the Great Emperor of the Indians.
• (b) 1.175

  For thus he sayes in his Confession of Faith, Matthew, in regard he was an Armenian, could not so perspicuously understand our affairs, especially those that rela∣ted to our Faith. And therefore he reported many things to King Emanuel, which are not in use among Ʋs. Which he did not out of desire to tell an untruth, because he was a good man, but because he knew little concerning our Religion. But in my opinion, that good man Matthew spake many things, which he knew much better.
• (c) 1.176

  Extant in the 2. Tom. of Spain illustrated, p. 1302.
• (d) 1.177

  Herodot. in Thalia.
• (e) 1.178

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for cleanliness sake. idem.
• (f) 1.179

  Philo Judaeus in his peculiar Chapter of Circumcision, brings these and many more reasons.
• (g) 1.180

  In his Oriental Itinerary. c. 32. p. 1.
• (h) 1.181

  If any one be Circumcised, let him not draw over, &c.
• (i) 1.182

  The Printed Copy varies from this, where the words are more obscure. If any one goes in uncircumcised, let him not go forth.
• (z) 1.183

  In the 15 year of Justinian. N. 14.
• (a) 1.184

  Many famous men were deceiv'd by their Authority, as Joseph Scaliger. in emendat tem. Calvisius in Op. Arron. John Laet in Comput. Hist. Univers. & Cherer. in Hist. Univers. in Justinian.
• (b) 1.185

  So in the Edition of Turrian, but the 84. in the Version of Abrahamus. Ecchellensis. They are both in the Arabic and Ethiopic languages, and brought into Europe in the last Century.
• (c) 1.186

  Frequent in the Saracen History of Elmacin, where by the Lantin Language, of Greek is still meant.
• (f) 1.187

  There is one who has written a certain Ethiopic Martyrologie, who as∣serts, That Frumentius, otherwise Abba-Salama, was the Author of the first Translation; but before I see it, I will not undertake to affirm it.
• * 1.188

  It is still a Proverb among the Ethiopians, Zaqon Qawino, What is done, let it be done.
• (a) 1.189

  They are call'd Runer in the North, and are to be seen engrav'd upon Stones in several places. See Wormias's Runic Literature and the Runic Lexicon Printed at Copenhagen.
• (b) 1.190

  Many Learned men make use of Dagesh soft, instead of the invented Ma∣soretick one; otherwise the Seventy Interpreters, who themselves were Jews, had ex∣pressed the Initial Letter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which we now pronounce Pe, by a α and not φ in the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which the Jews at this day utter Peleg, Paraoh.
• (f) 1.191

  Ʋrreta did not think worth while to tell so modest an untruth: The most celebra∣ted Libraries, saith he, that ever had Renown, were nothing in respect of Presbyter John's; the Books are without Number, richly and artificially Bound: Many to which Solomon's, and the Patriarchs Names are Affixt. Godignus explodes him, l. 1. c. 17. Yet Gallesius, in his late Discourse concerning Libraries averrs the same: and adds, That Chancellor Seguiers Library contains more Books than any Ethiopic Library.
• * 1.192

  Alvar. Tom. 2. Hispan. illustrat. p. 1297.