The Roman history written in Latine by Titus Livius. With the supplements of John Freinshemius and John Dujatius from the foundation of Rome to the middle of the reign of Augustus.

DECADE V. (Book 5)

BOOK I.

The EPITOME.

The Fire in the Temple of Vesta went out. 7. Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, the Proconsul, conquer'd the Celtiberlans accepted of their surrender; and, for a monument of his Atchievements, built a Town in Spain call'd Gracchu∣ris. Postumius Albinus, the Proconsul, subdued the Vaccaeans and Lusitanians. Both of them triumphed. Antio∣chus Son to King Antiochus, whom his Father had given as an Hostage to the Romans, upon the Death of his Bro∣ther Seleucus, who succeeded his Father, lately Dead, was sent away into the Kingdom of Syria. The Censors e∣rected a Pole, at which there was an account taken of two Hundred seventy three Thousand two Hundred forty four Citizens. Q. Vocomius Sarca, Tribune of the People, proposed a Law, that no Man should make a Woman his Heir; which Law M. Cato stood up for, and enforced in an Oration of his that is yet extant. The successful Actions of many Generals against the Ligurians, Istrians, Sardians, and Celtiberians. The grounds of the Macedonian War, which Perseus, Son to Philip, raised. For he had sent an Embassage to the Carthaginians, which had its audience in the Night. 22, &c. He sollicited other Cities of Greece in like manner. This Man, excepting his Religion (for he built many stately Temples in several places) (as at Athens, that of Jupiter Olympius, and at Antiochia, that of Jup. Capitolinus) was the worst of Kings.

The beginning of this Book is wanting.

〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉 TO have armed that which he had in Peace received from his Father; and for [ I] that reason, they say, he was very much beloved by the young Men, who were mighty desirous of plunder. When the Consul was deliberating con∣cerning a War in Istria, some were of opinion, That they ought to go about it immediately, before the Enemies could muster up their Forces, though others said, They ought first to consult the Senate. But their advice took, who were not for making any delay. The Consul there∣fore march'd from Aquileia, and encamped at the Lake Timarus, that lies near the Sea side. Thither also came C. Furius, the Naval Duumvir, with ten Ships; he and another having chosen to oppose the Illyrian Fleet, and with twenty Ships, in the upper, to defend all the Sea Coasts, of which Ancorca was (as it were) the hindge: L. Cornelius having the care of all the right hand Shore as far as Tarentum, and C. Furius of the left, as far as Aquileia. Those ten Ships were sent to the next Port, into the Confines of Istria, with other Vessels of burden, full of Provisions; and the Consul following after with his Legions, pitch'd his Camp five Miles from the Sea. In a short time there was a full throng'd Mart set up in the Port, from whence were conveyed all manner of necessaries to the Camp; which that it might be the more secure, there were Guards set on all sides quite round. Towards Istria [in particular] there was a Garrison planted, consisting of a tumultuary Regiment of Placentines, between the Camp and the Sea, which might be a security also to them, when they went to water at the River. M. Aebutius, a Tribune Military of the second Legions, was commanded to add [unto them] two Companies. T. and C. Aelius, both Tribunes

Military too, had led the third Legion by the way that carries you to Aquileia, to protect the Foragers and those that went to fetch in Wood. From that place about a Thousand Paces was the Gallick Gamp; in which there was one Carmelus, a petty King, who had under him three Thousand Men, or somewhat more.

[ II] When the Romans came and encamped near the Lake Timavus, the Istrians sate down in a close place behind an Hill; from whence they followed the Army [as it march'd] through crooked ways, ready to take all advantagious opportunities, as having notice of all that was done either at Sea or Land. So, when a company of their Men, who were unarm'd and merchandizing between the Camp and the Sea, saw the Guards before the Camp very weak, without any defence either at Land or by Sea, they attack'd the two Guards toge∣gether, namely, the Placentine Regiment, and the two Companies of the second Legion. Their enterprise at first was concealed by a Morning Mist, which beginning to disperse with the first heat of the Sun, the light began, in some measure, though very dimly, to shine through it, but in such a manner (as it uses to do) that it represented every single thing manifold to the Eye, and then especially deceived the Romans, shewing them a far greater Army of Enemies than there really was. At which the Soldiers that were upon both Guards, being affrighted, fled into their Camp in great disorder, and there caused far more distraction than that which they themselves had brought along with them. For they were neither able to say why they fled, nor to give an answer to those that ask'd them; besides that a noise was heard at the Gates (where there was no Guard to receive the blow, or effort [of the Foe]) and the running together of People in the dark, who fell one over another, had made it uncertain whether the Enemy were within the Bulwark or no. The only cry, that was heard, was of those who called out, To Sea, To Sea; which being by chance set up by one single Person, rung presently all through the Camp. Whereupon at first (as though they had been commanded so to do) they ran to the Sea, some few of them arm'd, but the greater part without any Weapons at all. Af∣ter them follow'd more still, and at last almost all, yea the Consul himself, having in vain attempted to recal them (for neither his Command, Authority, or even Intreaties at last, would prevail upon them) went after them. M. L. Strabo, a Tribune Military of the third Legion, was the only Man that staid behind, being left by all his Legion except∣ing three Companies. The Istrians therefore, having made an eruption into the empty Camp (since no body was there but him, to resist them) surprised him as he was mar∣shalling and encouraging his Men in that part of the Camp by the Generals Tent. The fight was much sharper than could well be expected where there were so few to make re∣sistance; nor was it ended before the Tribune, and those that were about him, were all slain. Having thrown down the Generals Tent and all that were about it (which they also rifled) they went to the Market Place before the Questor, or Treasurers Tent, and into the street call'd Quintana [which was between the great Officers Quarters and those of the common Soldiers] where they met with great plenty of all things ready to their hands; and, within the Questors Tent, Tables spread. Thereupon the petit King immediately sate down and fell to eating; and so, by his example, soon after did all the rest, as if they had forgot they had either Arms or Enemies, glutting themselves with Wine and Meat, like People that had never been used to eat or drink at such a liberal rate.

[ III] The Romans at that time were in a quite different condition, for they were consternated both by Land and Sea; the Sailers pull'd down their Tents, carryed the Provisions that lay upon the Shore as fast as possible into the Ships; and the Soldiers, who were all terri∣fyed, ran to the Sea side to get into the Boats in all hast. The Mariners, for fear their Vessels should be overladen, some of them stopp'd the crowd, whilst others put off with their Ships to Sea; insomuch that the Soldiers and Sea-men fell together by the Ears, wound∣ed and kill'd one another, till by the Consuls order the Fleet was removed a great way from the Land. After that, he began to separate the unarm'd from the arm'd; of all which there were scarce twelve Thousand found that had Arms, and very few Horse men that had brought their Horses thither with them; the rest being a rascally sort of People, as scullions, snapsack-boys, and the like, who were like to be only a prey to the Enemy, if they once bethought themselves of the War. But then at last came a Messenger, to re∣cal the third Legion and the Gallick Garrison; whereupon they began from all parts to at∣tempt the recovery of their Camp, and clear themselves from that dishonour [which then lay upon them]. The Tribunes Military of the third Legion Commanded the Soldiers to throw down their forage and fewel, and charged the Centurions to mount the elder Men two and two upon the Beasts, which they had unloaded; bidding the Horse-men to take up behind them each one a lusty young Foot-Soldier; and telling them withal, what a mighty honour it would be to the third Legion to recover by their valour that Camp, which the second Legion by their fear had lost. For it was no hard task (they said) to regain it, if the Barbarians, who were imploy'd in plundering of it, were but surpris'd, and taken as they took them. This exhortation of his was heard with the greatest alacrity that could be among the Soldiers. Whereupon they presently carried forth the Ensigns in all hast, but the Soldiers staid not for the Ensign-bearers, though the Consul and the Forces that were brought back from the Sea, came first to the Bulwark.

L. Atius the Eldest Tribune of the second Legion did not only exhort the Souldiers, but also demonstrated to them; that if the Istrians, who were now Victorious, had ever intended to keep the Camp with the same Arms wherewith they took it, they would first have pursu'd their Enemy (whom they had forced out of it) and then have set good guards at least before the Bul∣wark: but it was likely enough that they were all now drown'd in Wine and sleep.

With that he commanded A. Baculonius, his own Ensign Bearer, a person of known Cou∣rage, [ IV] to carry forward his Ensign. To which he reply'd, that if they would follow him, he'd so order the matter, that the business should be done so much the sooner: and thereupon with all his strength, having flung the Ensign over the Bulwark, he was the first man of all that enter'd in at the [Camp] Gate. On the other side T. and C. Aelius, Tribunes of the third Legion, were come up with their Horse: being presently follow'd by those, whom they had put two and two upon the labouring Beasts [for Carriage] and, after them, by the Consul also with his whole Army. But some few of the Istrians, who were not quite drunk, had wit enough to run away by times, whilst others of them were kill'd as they lay asleep; and the Romans recover'd all their goods again, except only the Wine and Meat that was devoured. The Roman Souldiers also, who being sick were left behind in the Camp, when they perceived that their own party was come within the Bulwark, took up their Arms again and made a great slaughter. But above all the rest, one C. Popilius, sur∣named Sabellus, behaved himself after a signal manner: for he, who was left in the Camp, as having a wound in his Foot, slew far the greatest of the Enemies; of whom there were eight thousand Istrians kill'd, but not a man taken: for that their fury and indignation had made the Roman Souldiers unmindful of the booty. Yet the King of the Istrians was taken in hast, drunk from the Table, and being by his own men set on Horseback, made his escape. On the Conquerors side there fell two hundred thirty seven Souldiers; but more in their morning flight than in recovering their Camp.

Now it so fell out, that Cn. and L. both surnamed Gavillius, new Inhabitants of Aqui∣leia, [ V] as they came thither with provisions, had like to have fallen into the hands of the Istri∣ans, whilst they had possession of the Camp. They therefore leaving all their Carriages behind them, and flying back to Aquileia, fill'd all people, not only at Aquileia, but at Rome too with fear and tumult within some few days after: there having been a report brought thither, that the Enemies had not only forced the Camp, and that the Romans were run away (which was true) but that they had lost all, and the whole Army was ut∣terly destroy'd. Wherefore, as is usual in such an hurry, there were extraordinary Le∣vies appointed to be made, not only in the City, but through all Italy too. There were two Legions raised of Roman Citizens, besides that the Latine Allies were injoin'd to send out ten thousand Foot, and three hundred Horse. M. Junius the Consul had Orders to go over into Gaul and muster up out of the Cities of that Province as many as each place could afford. It was likewise decreed, That Tib. Claudius the Praetor should give notice to the Souldiers of the fourth Legions, with five thousand Foot, and two hundred and fifty Horse of the Latine Allies, to rendezvous at Pisae; and that in the Consuls absence he should defend that Province: as also, that M. Titinius the Praetor should appoint a day whereon the first Legion, and an equal number of Foot and Horse should meet at Ariminum. Then Nero set forth in his Warlike Garb for Pisae, his Province; and Titinius having sent C. Cassius a Tribune military to Ariminum to Command the Legion there, made a Levy at Rome. M. Junius the Consul marched out of Liguria into Gaul, and having raised Auxiliaries as he went out of all the Cities and Colonies in those parts, arriv'd at Aquileia; where he heard that the Army was safe. Thereupon having written Letters to Rome, to allay their tumults, he discharged the Gauls for their obligation to raise such and such Auxiliaries, and went to his Collegue. There was great joy at Rome upon this unexpected news; the Levies were omitted, the Souldiers disbanded, that had taken the military Oath, and the Army, which at Ariminum was sick of the Plague, sent home again. The Istrians, though Encamped with great Forces, not far from the Consuls Camp, when they heard, that the other Consul was come with a new Army, betook themselves every man to his Native City; whilst the Consuls led the Legi∣ons back to take up their Winter-Quarters at Aquileia.

The tumults in Istria being thus appeas'd, there was an Order of Senate made; that the [ VI] Consuls should agree between themselves, which of them should return to Rome to hold the Assembly. At which time, whereas A. Licinius Nerva, and C. Papirius Turdas, in their publick meeting, inveighed severely against Manlius, whilst he was absent, and promulga∣ted a Law to this purpose, That he, after the Ides of March (for the Consuls were already continu'd in Commission for an year longer) should not keep his place; that, when he laid down his Office, he might presently be called to make his defence: Q Aelius, one of their Col∣legues, opposed the Bill, and after much debate prevailed so far, that it was thrown out. At the same time Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, and L. Postumius Albinus, being return'd out of Spain to Rome, had Audience given them by the Praetor M. Titinius in the Temple of Bellona, to tell what they had perform'd, and to demand their just honours, to the end, that all due praise and worship might be likewise given to the immortal Gods. At the same time they were inform'd by a Letter from T. Aebutius the Praetor, which his Son had brought to the

Senate, that there were great commotions in Sardinia. For the Ilians, united with the Ba∣larians, had invaded the Province, when it was now in a peaceable state. Neither was he able to cope with them, having so weak an Army, that was great part of it destroyed by the Plague. The Sardian Embassadors also brought the same News, humbly begging of the Senate, that they would succour their Cities at least, for their Country was now in a desperate condition. This Embassy, and all things else relating to Sardinia, were referr'd to the new Magistrates; and then there came as lamentable an Embassy from the Lycians, who complained much of the cruelty of the Rhodians, to whom they had been subjected by L. Cornelius Scipio, saying, That they were once under the command of King Antiochus, but that servitude under him, compared to their present circumstances, seemed to us even a glorious liberty. For they were now not only oppress'd by publick Authority in general, but every single Person was made a mere slave. They themselves were abus'd, and not only they, but their Wives and Children also. That their Bodies and their Backs felt the effects of the Rhodian severities; yea their good names too (which was an indignity not to be born) were bespatter'd and defam'd; nor did they stick even openly to commit outrages upon them, to gain and usurp a greater Authority over them, lest they should question, whether there were any difference between themselves and slaves bought for Money. The Senate being concerned at this complaint, sent Letters to the Rhodians to this effect, That they never intended the Lycians should be slaves to the Rhodians, any more than any other Men, that were free born, to any other State or Person; but they de∣sign'd that the Lycians should so live under the command and protection of the Rhodians, that both Cities might continue in alliance under the Roman Empire.

[ VII] Then followed two Triumphs over Spain one after another; in which, first, Sempronius Gracchus triumphed over the Celtiberians and their Allies; and the next Day L. Postumius over the Lusitanians and other Spaniards of that same Country. Tib. Gracchus carried, in his Triumph, through the City forty Thousand Pound weight of Silver, and Albinus twenty Thousand. Both of them divided among their Soldiers twenty five Denaru a piece, to each Centurion double, and to every Horse-man treble; given as much also to Allies as they did to the Romans. It happened at that time, that M. Junius the Consul came out of Istria to Rome upon occasion of that Assembly. Whom when the Tribunes of the People, Papinius and Licinius had in the Senate tired out with their Interrogatories concerning what had been done in Istria, they brought him forth before the People also. To which when People reply'd, That he was not above eleven Days in that Province; and that, as to what was transacted in his absence, he knew no more than they did, but only by common report; they went on still asking him, Why A. Manlius came not to Rome to give the Roman People an account, wherefore he went out of the Province of Gaul (which fell to his lot) into Istria? When the Se∣nate resolved upon that War? or the People of Rome consented to it? But (you'l say, no doubt on) though the War was undertaken upon a private design, yet it was carried on with prudence and valour. To which I answer the quite contrary, That 'tis impossible to tell, whether it were undertaken more absurdly, or carryed on more unadvisedly. For there were two Posts of Guards sur∣pris'd by the Istrians, and their Camp taken with all their Horse and Foot that was in it, the rest scatter'd and disarm'd; among whom the Consul, before all the rest, ran away to the Ships that lay upon the Sea side. Of all which things he should give an account when he was a private Man again, since he would not do it whilst he was Consul.

[ VIII] After this the Assembly was held, wherein there were Elected for Consuls C. Caudius Pulcher, and Tib. Sempronius Gracchus. The next Day after the Praetors were chosen, P. Aelius Tubero (a second time) C. Quintius Flamininus, C. Numisius, C. Mummius, Cn. Corne∣lius Scipio, and P. Valerius Laevinus. Tubero happen'd to have the City Jurisdiction, and Quintius the Foreign; Numisius, Sicily, and Mummius, Sardinia. But that by reason of the great War in it was made a Consuls Province, and so Gracchus had it; Claudius had Istria, and Scipio, together with Laevinus, had Gaul divided between them into two several Provin∣ces. Upon the Ides of March, on which Sempronius and Claudius entered upon their Office, there was only some mention made concerning the Provinces of Sardinia and Istria, and both their Enemies, that had stirred up Rebellion in those parts. The next Day the Sar∣dian Embassadors, who were referr'd to the new Magistrates, and L. Minucius Thermus, who had been Lieutenant to to the Consul Manlius in Istria, came into the Senate. By them the Senate was informed, how great the War was in those Provinces. The Embassadors of the Latine Allies, who had teaz'd both the Censors, and the former Consuls, were at last brought into the Senate, the summ of whose complaint was, That most of their Citi∣zens, who had been taxed at Rome, were settled there. Which if it were permitted, it would so come to pass within a very few surveys of the People, that their Towns and Country being deserted, would not be able to afford any Soldiers. The Samnites also and the Pelignians complained, That four Thousand Families were gone from them over to Fregellae, and yet they did not for all that raise a lesser quota in the Army. Now there were two kinds of fraud introduced by this way of single Persons changing their place of abode. The Law allow'd, that all the Allies and Latines who left issue behind them at home, might be made Roman Citizens. But by ma∣king an ill use of the Law, some injur'd the Allies, and others the Roman People. For as those, that had Children (that they might not leave any issue in their own Country) made

them Slaves to any Roman Citizens that would take them, upon condition, that they should [after a while] he made free; so those, that had none to leave, were made Roman Citizens themselves. Nay afterward, despising these shadows of Law, they went over promiscu∣ously, with any Law, and without any issue at all, by removing and being taxed, and were admitted into the freedom of Rome. The Embassadours therefore desired a redress of these things: first, that they would order their Allies to return into their several Cities; and next, that they would make a Law, that no man should make any other person his [Slave or alienate him, so as that he might change the place of his abode; or, if any man were in that manner made a Ro∣man Citizen, he should be disfranchiz'd. These things were accordingly commanded by the Senate [to be observed.]

After this, the Provinces, that were at War (Sardinia and Istria) were taken care of. [ IX] For Sardinia there were two Legions order'd to be raised, five thousand men in each of them, with two hundred Foot, three hundred Horse, twelve thousand Foot of the Allies and La∣tines, six hundred Horse, and ten Gallies of five Banks, if he [that had the charge of that Province] would take them out of the Docks. For Istria also there were allow'd as many Foot and Horse, as for Sardinia. The Consuls were likewise commanded to send into Spain, to M. Titinius, one Legion, with three hundred Horse, five thousand Foot of the Allies, and two hundred and fifty Horse. Before the Consuls chose their Provinces, there were several Prodigies related: That a Stone fell in the Crustumine Territories, from Heaven, into the Lake of Mars. That a Boy was born in the Dominions of Rome without Legs, Arms, or an Head, and that there was a Snake seen with four feet. That at Capua, a great many Houses in the Market-place, were burnt by Lightning; and that, at Puteoli, two Ships were burnt by the stroke of a Thunderbolt. Besides these things which came by report, a Wolf also that was coursed at Rome in the day time, having enter'd in at the Colline Gate, got out again at the Esquiline, with a great crowd of people pursuing him. Upon the score of those Prodi∣gies, the Consuls sacrificed the bigger sort of Victims, and there was a Supplication made one whole day in all the Temples. When these Sacrifices were duly perform'd, they chose their Provinces: of which Claudius happen'd to have Istria, and Sempronius Sardinia. Then C. Claudius pass'd a Law by Order of Senate, and set out a Proclamation thereupon; That whoever of the Allies and Latines, they or their Ancestors, were taxed (when M. Claudius and Titus Quintius were Censors, or since that time) among the Latine Allies, should every man of them return into their own Cities before the first of November [then ensuing.] The inquiry con∣cerning those that did not so return, was committed to L. Mummius the Praetor. To which Law and Edict of the Consuls there was added this Order of Senate; That the Dictator, Con∣sul, Interrex, Censor, or Praetor, for the time being, then upon the Bench, should not admit any man to his freedom, upon any other terms, than that the person, who came to be made free, would swear, that he did not do it with design, to change the place of his abode: and that he who would not take that Oath, should not be made free. This charge and jurisdiction was afterward committed to C. Claudius the Consul.

Whilst these things were transacted at Rome, M. Junius, and A. Manlius, who had been [ X] Consuls the year before, having Winter'd at Aquileia, in the beginning of the Spring brought their Army into Istria. Where since they made an extravagant ravage, grief and indignation, more than any confidence that they had strength enough to cope with two Ar∣mies, excited the Istrians, when they saw their Country plunder'd in that manner. There∣upon, the youth flocking together from all the quarters of their Country, they made up a tumultuary Army of a sudden, that fought at the first onset more keenly than that they could long hold out. There were four thousand of them kill'd in the Battle, and the rest, quitting the Field, fled several wayes into their respective Cities. Thereupon they sent Em∣bassadours, first into the Roman Camp, to desire a Peace, and afterward Hostages, as they were commanded. When these things were known at Rome, by means of Letters from the Pro-Consuls, C. Claudius the Consul fearing, lest that perchance might be the occasion of his losing the Province, and the Army, he went with all speed in the night time into his Pro∣vince, without making any Vows, without his Warlike Garb, and without any Lictors, telling no body in the World but his Collegue of his departure; but behaved himself there more unadvisedly than he came. For when, in a publick Assembly, that he called, he had given out that A. Manlius fled from the Camp, very disagreeably to the Souldiers (for they themselves were the first that moved) and had reproached M. Junius, for having made himself his Collegues Partner in the dishonour, at last he commanded both of them to de∣part the Province. Whereupon when the Souldiers said, They should obey the Consuls Order, when he, according to the custom of his Ancestors, was come from the City, after he had made his Vows in the Capitol, with Lictors, and in his Warlike Garb; he was raving mad with anger, and calling to him one, who was as Questor to Manlius, bid him bring thither Chains; for he'd send Junius and Manlius bound to Rome. But that person too contemn'd the Consuls Order; and all the Army, standing round about, and favouring the cause of their Generals as much as they hated the Consul, gave him encouragement not to obey it. At last the Consul, being tired with the reproaches of particular persons, and the taunts (for they jeered him too) of the multitude, he return'd to Aquileia in the same Ship, wherein he

came. Then he wrote to his Collegue; to give order to that part of the Souldiery, who were design'd for Istria, to meet at Aquileia; lest any thing should keep him at Rome longer than he could make his Vows, and go out of the City in his Warlike Garb. This his Collegue did very carefully, and gave them a short day to make their Rendezvous in. Claudius almost o∣vertook his Letter: and when he came, having made a publick Speech concerning Junius and Manlius, he staid not above three dayes at Rome, but, after he had got on his Armour, and made his Vows in the Capitol, went with Lictors into the Province in the same hast as before.

[ XI] Some few dayes before Junius and Manlius with all their force attack'd the Town of Ne∣sattium, into which the Istrian Princes, and their petit King Aepulo himself was fled. To which place Claudius having brought the two new Legions, and dismiss'd the old Army with all its Officers, himself beset the Town, and began to attempt it with Galleries; turning a River that ran by the Walls (which was not only an hinderance to the Besiegers, but afforded Water also to the Istrians) by many days pains and toil into a new Channel. That terrified the Barbarians, who were amazed to see their Water cut off: though even then they never thought of Peace; but turning their fury upon their Wives and Children (that their barbarity might appear to the Enemy also) they kill'd and tumbled them down from the Walls. Amidst the cries and cruel slaughter of the Women and Children, the Souldiers got over the Wall and enter'd the Town. Upon the taking whereof, when the King heard the hurly-burly by the frightful noise of those that endeavour'd to make their escape, he ran himself through, that he might not be taken alive: the rest were all either taken or slain. After that, there were two other Towns, Mutila and Faveria, taken by storm and utterly destroy'd. The booty, for a poor Country, was more than they hoped for, but all given to the Souldiers. There were sold for Slaves five thousand six hundred thirty two persons. The Authors of the War were lash'd with Rods, and beheaded with an Axe. So Istria in general was reduced into a peaceable condition by the sacking of three Towns, and the Death of their King; and all the Nations round about came with Hostages and made their surrender. About the end of the Istrian War there were consultations held in Liguria about another.

[ XII] Tib. Claudius, the Pro-Consul, who had been Praetor the year before, was Governour of Pisae, where he had a Garison consisting of one Legion. By whose Letters the Senate being inform'd, thought fit that those very Letters should be carry'd to C. Claudius the other Con∣sul, who was gone over into Sardinia: and added a Decree; that, since the Province of Istria was now setled, if he thought fit, he might bring his Army over into Liguria. At the same time, upon the account of the Consuls Letter, which he wrote out of Istria, concerning his atchievements there, there was a Supplication appointed for two dayes. The other Consul also, Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, had good success in Sardinia. For he led his Army into the Territory of Ilian Sardians; whither there came a great number of Auxiliaries from the Balarians. He therefore engaged hand to hand with both Nations; utterly rout∣ing the Enemy, and forced them from their Camp, twelve thousand of them being slain. The next day the Consul gave order, that the Arms should be all gather'd together into an heap, which he burnt as a Sacrifice to Vulcan. Then he led his victorious Army back into their Winter Quarters, which were the associated Cities; and C. Claudius, having receiv'd Tib. Claudius's Letter, together with the Order of Senate, brought over his Legions out of Istria into Liguria. The Enemy by that time having marched forward were Encamped in a Plain near the River Scultenna: where he fought them; kill'd fifteen thousand and took above seven hundred, either in the Field, or in the Camp (for that he also made himself Master of) with fifty one military Ensigns. The Ligurians that escaped alive fled several wayes into the Mountains, nor did any of them appear in Arms all the while the Consul was pillaging the Champaign Country. Then Claudius, being Conqueror of two Nations in one year, which seldom any one had been before him, and having setled the Provinces, return'd in his Consulship to Rome.

[ XIII] There were certain Prodigies related that year: That at Crustuminum a Bird, which they call an Osprey, cut a sacred Stone [or Statue of some God perchance] with its Beak. That in Campania an Oxe spoke. That a brazen Cow, at Syracuse, was bull'd by a Bull of that Country, that had straid from the Herd, and sprinkled with his seed. For which, at Crustuminum, there was a Supplication one whole day in the very place. In Campania, the Oxe was given to be kept by the publick: and the Syracusan Prodigy was expiated by supplication to such Gods as the Soothsayers named. M. Claudius Marcellus, who had been Consul and Censor, dy'd that year: and in his place was chosen M. Marcellus his Son. There was also a Colony of two thousand Roman Citizens carry'd to Luna the same year, by three persons [chosen for that purpose] whose names were, P. Aelius, L. Egilius, and Cn. Sicinius. There were fifty one Acres and an half of Land given to each man; which Land was taken from the Ligurians, having belong'd to the Tuscanes before it did to the Ligurians. C. Claudius the Consul came to the City, and, (having discours'd in the Senate concerning his prosperous Atchievements in Istria and Liguria) upon his request, had a triumph decreed him. So he triumph'd, in his Magistracy, over two Nations at once: and carry'd in his triumph three

hundred and seven thousand Denarii, with eighty five thousand seven hundred and two Victoriati [i. e. pieces of money with the Goddess of Victories Image upon them.] He gave to every private Souldier fifteen Denarii; double to a Centurion, and treble to an Horseman: and to the Allies half as much as to Citizens: wherefore they follow'd his Cha∣riot, and (that you might perceive they were angry) said nothing.

Whilst that Triumph over the Ligurians was celebrated, the Ligurians, perceiving that [ XIV] not only the Consular Army was carry'd away to Rome, but the Legion at Pisae disbanded by Tib. Claudius, were delivered from their fear, and therefore, having raised an Army pri∣vately, they went through cross-wayes over the Mountains into the Plains, where having plunder'd the Territory of Mutina, they surpriz'd the Colony and took it. Of which when the news came to Rome, the Senate order'd C. Claudius the Consul to call the Assembly as soon as possible, and, when he had chosen Magistrates for the year ensuing, to return into his Province, to rescue the Colony from the Enemy. Accordingly, as the Senate would have it, the Assem∣bly was held; at which there were Created for Consuls, Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispalus, and Q. Petillius Spurinus. Then the Praetors were Elected, viz. M. Popillius Lenas, P. Licinius Crassus, M. Cornelius Scipio, L. Papirius Maso, and L. Aquilius Gallus. C. Claudius was conti∣nu'd in Commission for another year (Gaul being his Province) and order'd, lest the Istrians also should do the same, that the Ligurians had done, to send those Latine Allies, whom he had brought out of the Province upon the score of his triumph, into Istria. As Cn. Corne∣lius, and Q. Petillius the Consuls, that day they enter'd upon their Office, were sacrificing to Jupiter, each of them an Oxe (according as the custom is) in that Victim, which Q. Petillius offer'd, the Liver was found without an Head [or upper Lobe.] Which when the Senate heard of, they order'd him to make a new Sacrifice of another Oxe. After that, the Senate, being consulted concerning the Provinces, assign'd Pisae and Liguria to the Con∣suls; with a charge, that he, to whose Lot Pisae fell, when the time for electing of Ma∣gistrates came, should come home, to hold the Assembly. To which Decree there was this addition made; that they should raise two new Legions, and three hundred Horse, in∣joining the Allies and Latines, to bring in ten thousand Foot, and six hundred Horse. T. Claudius was continu'd in Commission till the Consul came into the Province.

Whilst the Senate consulted about these affairs, C. Cornelius, who was called out [of the [ XV] House] by a Messenger, having gone forth of the Temple, return'd immediately with a troubled Countenance, and told the Senate, that the Liver of an Oxe, which he had sacrificed, turn'd all to Water: which because he did not believe upon the Sacrificers bare relation, he himself caused the water to be poured out of the Pot, in which the Entrails were boiled, and saw all the rest of the Entrails whole, but the Liver strangely consumed. The Senate being affrighted at this Prodigy, the other Consul also made them yet more concern'd, by telling them, that he could not make a grateful Sacrifice, though he had offer'd three Oxen, the head of the Li∣ver having been wanting. Thereupon the Senate gave Order, that they should Sacrifice the bigger sort of Victims, till they found a pleasing Sacrifice. Now they say all the other Gods were pleased, but that Petillius did not make any Sacrifice that was acceptable to [the God of] Health [or Safety.] Then the Consuls and Praetors chose their Provinces. Cn. Cornelius happen'd to have Pisae, and Petillius Liguria. The Praetors, L. Papirius Maso, the City, and M. Aburius the Foreign Jurisdiction. M. Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis the far∣ther Spain, and L. Aquillius Gallus Sicily. Two of them desired, that they might not go into their Provinces: M. Popillius into Sardinia; saying; That Gracchus was at that time setling that Province, and that T. Aebutius was assign'd him by the Senate to be his assistant. That therefore it was not at all convenient, that the tenour of affairs should be interrupted, in which the very continuation of them was most effectual toward their performance. For between the resigna∣tion of a command, and the rawness of a Successor, who was to be informed before he could do any business, the occasions of good management were often lost. Popillius excuse was approved of: and then P. Licinius Crassus said, That he was hinder'd from going into his Province by so∣lemn Sacrifices [which he had offer'd:] (He happen'd to have the hither Spain) but he was order'd, either to go, or to swear in a publick Assembly, that he was hinder'd by solemn Sacrifice. Which being so resolv'd upon in the case of P. Licinius, M. Cornelius also desired, that they would take an Oath of him too, that he might not go into the farther Spain, Both the Praetors swore the same thing. So M. Titinius and T. Fonteius, the Pro-Consuls were order'd to stay in Spain with the same Commission as before: and that, for a Supple∣ment to them, there should be sent thither three thousand Roman Citizens, with two hun∣dred Horse, five thousand Latine Allies, and three hundred Horse.

The Latine Holy-Days were then kept upon the fourth of May, on which because at the [ XVI] making of one Sacrifice the Lanuvian Officer did not pray in these Words, Populo Romano Quiritium [i. e. for the People of Rome call'd Quirites] it was look'd upon as matter of Religious concernment. Which being reported in the Senate, they referr'd it to the Col∣ledge of Priests, who, seeing the Latine Holy-Days had not been duly kept, resolv'd, that the Lanuvians, by whose default it became necessary to celebrate them anew, should pro∣vide the Sacrifices for the instauration thereof. It increas'd their Religious dread too, in that Cn. Cornelius the Consul, as he came back from the Mountain of Alba, fell down; and

being disabled in part of his Limbs, went to the Waters at Cumae, but there (his distem∣per growing upon him) dy'd; and being brought from thence to Rome, had a Noble Fune∣ral made for him, and was buried. He had been High Priest. Then the Consul Q. Petillius being commanded, as soon as he could by any tokens from the Sooth-sayers, to hold an Assembly for Electing of a Collegue, and set forth an order for the keeping of the Latine Holy Days, appointed the Assembly to be on the second of August, and the Latine Holy-Days to begin on the tenth of the same Month. But now when their minds were full of Religious thoughts, there were Prodigies also related, That at Tusculum there was a blaze seen in the Sky; that at Gabii the Temple of Apollo and many private Houses, and, at Graviscae, the Wall and a Gate were burnt by Lightning, all which the Senate ordered to be expiated, as the Priests should think sit. In the mean time, whilst, first, Religious Mat∣ters, and next the Death of one the other (together with the renewing of the Latine Ho∣ly Days) hindered the Consuls, C. Claudius advanced with his Army to Mutina, which the Ligurians the Year before had taken. Before three Days were past, from the time that he began to attack it, he retriev'd it from the Enemy, and restor'd it to the former Inhabitants. There were eight Thousand Ligurians slain within the Walls of it, and a Letter immediate∣ly sent to Rome, in which he did not only tell the story, but boasted also, That, through his valour and good success, there was no Enemy of the Roman People now on this side the Alps; and that he had taken as much Land, as might be divided, share and share like, among many Thousands of Men.

[ XVII] Tib. Sempronius also at the same time in Sardinia subdu'd the Sardians in several success∣ful Battels, in which he slew fifteen Thousand Men. All the Sardians, who had revolted, were reduced: the old stipendiaries had a Tax laid upon and exacted from them, and the rest contributed Corn. Having settled the Province, and received two Hundred and thirty Hostages out of the whole Island, he sent Embassadors to Rome to tell the News, and to de∣sire of the Senate, That for those things which had been so prosperously carryed on, by the conduct and good fortune of Tib S••mpronius, all honour might be paid to the Immortal Gods, and he might have leave, when he quitted the Province, to bring his Army home with him. The Senate, having given the Embassadors Audience in Apollo's Temple, appointed a Supplication for two Days, ordered the Consuls to sacrifice forty of the bigger sort of Victims, and Voted that Tib. Sempronius the Proconsul, with his Army, should stay that Year in his Province. Then the Assembly, for choosing of one Consul [in the place of him that was Dead] which was appointed to be on the second of August, was held that very Day; on which Q. Petil∣lius created M. Valerius Laevinus for his Collegue, to begin his Office forthwith. He having been a long time desirous to have a Province (to comply with his desire) there were Letters brought, That the Ligurians had renewed the War; and therefore on the fifth of August he put himself in Armour, and to appease that Tumult sent the third Legion into Gaul to C. Clau∣dius the Proconsul, ordering two Naval Duumvirs [Admirals] to go with a Fleet to Pisae, and Coast about Liguria, to terrifie them from the Sea also. Q. Petillius likewise had ap∣pointed his Army a Day to Randezvous at the same place. And C. Claudius the Proconsul too, having heard of the Rebellion in Liguria (besides those Forces that he had with him at Parma) muster'd up a Body of subitary Soldiers, and march with an Army to the Confines of the Ligurians.

[ XVIII] Upon the arrival of C. Claudius (by whose Conduct they remember'd they had been late∣ly conquer'd and routed near the River Scultenna) resolving to defend themselves against that Force of which they had had such fatal experience, more by the strength and secure situ∣ation of the places, than by their Arms, possessed themselves of two Mountains call'd Laetus and Balista; which though they had encompassed, besides, with a Wall, yet, going some∣what too late out of the Plains, they were surpris'd and perish'd, to the number of fifteen hundred. The rest kept up in the Mountains, where, not forgetting (even amidst their fear) their native barbarity, they commit many outrages upon the Booty that they had got∣ten at Mutina. For they kill'd (and not only so, but shamelesly tore) the Captives, rather killing than duly and properly sacrificing Beasts in every Temple. When they were glutted with the slaughter of living Creatures, they hung up upon the Walls things that were inanimate (Vessels of all sorts, made more for use than ornament) for a shew. Then Q. Petillius the Consul (for fear the War should be ended in his absence) sent a Letter to C. Claudius, To come to him with his Army into Gaul, and that he would stay for him in the Macrian Plains. Claudius, as soon as he received the Letter, decamped out of Liguria, and delivered up his Army to the Consul upon the fore-mentioned Plains. Thither also, some few Days after, came the other Consul, C. Valerius. And then, dividing the Forces, be∣fore they parted, they both survey'd and purified their Armies; and, after that, cast lots which way they should go, because they resolv'd not to attack the Enemy both on the same side. Now it was evident that Valerius made a due choice, because he was in the Temple; but the Augurs said, that Petillius had done it with some defect, for that he put the lot into the balloting box without the Temple, and then brought it in. After this, they went into se∣veral parts of the Country; Petillius being encamped against the top of Balista and Laetus, that joyns those Mountains together with a perpetual ridge. There, they say, as he was

publickly encouraging his men, he, not taking notice of the ambiguity of the word, said (ominously) Se eo die Letum capturum esse [i. e. either, that he would take the Hill Letus, or (which he did not intend to say) that he would, that day, catch his death; Letum signifying death also.] Thereupon he began to ascend the opposite Mountains in two places together: and that part [of the Forces] where he himself was, came up very nimbly after him: but the other was beaten off by the Enemy. Whom when the Consul rode up to retrieve, he recover'd his Souldiers from their flight; though he himself, whilst he stood too negli∣gently before the Ensigns, was struck through the Body with a Javelin and fell down dead. But the Enemy did not perceive that the General was kill'd; besides that those few of his own men, who saw it, were very careful to conceal the Body, as knowing, that thereupon depended their Victory. The other multitude of Horse and Foot, having forced the Ene∣my down, took the Mountains without a General. In which action there were full five thousand Ligurians slain; though there fell not of the Roman Army above fifty two. Be∣sides the manifest event of so sad an Omen [as was in the Consuls own words] they were informed by the Augur also, that there was a defect in their divination by the Birds too, and that the Consul knew. C. Valerius having heard 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉 Those that were well skill'd in religious Rites, and the common Laws of the Na∣tion, said, that, seeing the two ordinary Consuls of that year were dead; one of a Disease, and the other in the Wars, the Consul, [Laevinus] who was chosen into the room of the former, could not old the Assembly, 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉 carried away.

Now on this side the Apennine were the Garules, Lapicines, and Hercates, and beyond [ XIX] the Apennine, the Briniates. Near the River Audena P. Mucius made War against them, who had plunder'd Luna and Pisae, and, having reduced all of them, took away their Arms. Upon the score of those things which were perform'd in Gaul and Liguria, by the Conduct and good Fortune of the two Consuls, the Senate appointed supplications to be made three dayes together, and forty Victims to be sacrificed. The Gallick and Ligurian tumult also, which arose in the beginning of that year, was quickly and with ease supprest. And now the concern of a Macedonian War came on, since Perseus did what he could to create animo∣sities between the Bastarnians and the Dardans: besides that, the Embassadours, who were sent into Macedonia, to see how things stood, were now come back to Rome, and brought word, that there was War already made in Dardania. There came likewise at the same time from King Perseus certain Envoys, to acquit him; [saying] that he neither sent for the Ba∣starnians, nor did they do any thing by his instigation. The Senate neither clear'd the King of their Charge, nor yet condemn'd him: only bid the Embassadours advise him, to be very careful religiously to preserve the League, which he was known to be obliged by to the Romans. The Dardans, seeing that the Bastarnians would not only not depart their Country (as they had hopes they would have done) but that they grew more intolerable also every day than other (as relying upon the assistance of the Neighbouring Thracians, and the Scordians) thought fit to make even some rash attempt, and so met all together from every part of their Country, at a Town that lay next to the Bastarnian Camp. It was Winter and they had chosen that time of the year, that the Thracians and Scordians might go into their own Ter∣ritories. Which being done, when they heard that the Bastarnians were now alone, they divided their Forces into two parts; the one to go strait forward and attack them openly, the other round about through a pathless Wood, and set upon them behind. But before they could get round the Enemies Camp, the Battle was begun: and the Dardanes being con∣quer'd were forced back into their City, which was near twelve thousand paces from the Ba∣starnian Camp. The Conquerers presently beset the City, not doubting, but either the Enemy would surrender the next day for fear, or they should take it by force. In the mean time the other Party of Dardans, that went about, not knowing what their fellows had suffer'd, [attack'd] the Bastarnian Camp, which was left without defence 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉

—Manner, sate on an Ivory Throne as Judge, and debated the smallest points in Con∣troversie: [ XX] and so fickle was his mind to every kind of Fortune (wandering through all con∣ditions of life) that neither he nor any Body else knew, what a sort of a man he was. He would not speak to his best Friends, nor hardly smile upon those that were his most intimate acquaintance. He would Fool both himself and others with his unequal munificence: for to some, persons of quality, that thought very greatly of themselves, he would make childish Presents, as Sweet-meats and toys, and to enrich others, who expected nothing from him. Wherefore some people thought he knew not what he did: others, that he did it in a kind of an humour; and others, that he was absolutely mad. Yet in two great and ho∣nourable things he shew'd himself much a King, that is to say, in his Presents that he made to several Cities, and his worship of the Gods. He promised the Megalopolitans in Arca∣dia, that he would Wall their City round, and actually gave them the major part of the money [toward it.] At Tegea he began to build a magnificent Theatre all of marble. At

Cyzicum, he gave the golden Vessels of one Table to the Prytaneum, that is, the Council-House of the City, where, those that arrived to that honour, were publickly maintain'd. To the Rhodians he gave many gifts of all sorts, as their use required, though ne'r an one of them were very remarkable. But of his magnificence to the Gods, that one Tem∣ple of Jupiter Olympius at Athens, which is the only one in the World, design'd to sute the grandeur of that God, may be a witness: though he adorn'd Delos too with curious Altars and a great number of Statues. At Antioch also he promised to build a Temple to Jupiter Capitolinus, not only cieled with gold, but cover'd (all its Walls) with golden Plates; be∣sides many other things to several other places, which, because his reign was so very short, he had not time to perform. He likewise outdid all former Kings in the magnificence of his publick shows of all sorts; particularly in those that were proper to his own Country Fashion, and in variety of Grecian Artists. He set forth a Prize of Gladiators, [i. e. Sword∣men] after the Roman way, which, at first, rather terrified than pleased the people [of Macedonia] who were not used to such sights: though in process of time, by often repeat∣ing of it, sometimes, till they wounded one another, and sometimes even to death, he made it a grateful sight to their Eyes, yea, and thereby enflamed many of the young sparks with the love of Arms. So that he, who, at first, was wont to send for Gladiators from Rome at a great rate, now by his own 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉

[ XXI] L. Cornelius Scipio had the Foreign Jurisdiction [of the City;] and M. Atilius the Praetor happen'd to have Sardinia: but was order'd to go over into Corsica with the new Legion, which the Consuls had raised, consisting of sive thousand Foot and three hundred Horse. Whilst he was making War there, Cornelius was continu'd in Commission, and to have the Government of Sardinia. Cn. Servilius was to go into the farther Spain, and P. Eu•••••• Philus into the hither, with three thousand Roman Foot, a hundred and fifty Horse, five thousand Latine Foot, and three hundred Horse; L. Claudius being to have Sicily without any supply. The Consuls were likewise order'd to raise two new Legions, with a due num∣ber of Horse and Foot, to impose the raising of ten thousand Foot and six hundred Horse upon the Allies. The Levy of the Consuls was so much the more difficult, for that the pe∣stilence, which was so rise the year before among the Beasts, was then turn'd to a distemper among men. They who happen'd to have it, scarce ever out-lived the seventh day; or if they did escape, were troubled with some tedious Disease, most commonly a Quartan [Ague.] The Slaves died most; for there were heaps of them unburied in every street; nor could they bury all even of the Freemen. The dead Bodies lay untoucht by Dogs or Vulturs, till the plague consumed them, and it was well known, that, neither that nor the year before, though there were such a mortality of men and Beasts, there was ne'r a Vultur seen. The publick Priests dy'd of that Plague; viz. Cn. Servilius Caepio, the Priest, Father to the Praetor; Tib. Sempronius, Son to Caius; Longus Decemvir of the sacred Rites; P. Aelius Paetus the Augur; Tib. Sempronius Gracchus; C. Mamilius Vitulus the Grand Curio [Chief Alderman] and M. Sempronius Tuditanus the Priest; in whose place was chosen C. Sulpicius Galba; For Augurs there were Elected into the room of Gracchus, T. Veturius Grac∣chus Sempronianus: into that of P. Aelius, Q. Aelius Paetus; C. Sempronius Longus being made Decemvir of the sacred Rites, and C. Scribonius Curio, chief Alderman of all the Wards in the City. Then, seeing the Plague continued, the Senate decreed, that the Decemviri should consult the Sibylls Books: and by their Order, there was a Supplication for one day. Besides that, Q. Marcius Philippus saying the words before them, the people made a Vow in the Forum; that, if the Disease and the Pestilence were once removed out of the Roman Ter∣ritory, they would keep Holy-Day, and make supplication for two dayes together. In the Veian Dominions there was a Boy born with two Heads, as at Sinuessa, with one hand; and at Oximum, a Girl, with Teeth. There was a Bow likewise seen bent in the Sky, by day, when the Heaven was clear, with three Suns shining at one time: besides that several bla∣zes the same night streamed through the air in the Territory of Lanuvium. The Cerites also affirmed that there appeared, in their Town, a Snake with a Crest, adorn'd all over with golden spots: and it was well known, that in the Territory of Campania, an Oxe spoke.

[ XXII] The Embassadours return'd out of Africa on the fifth of June, who, having first waited upon King Massinissa, had gone to Carthage: but they had been informed somewhat more certainly by the King of what was done at Carthage, than by the Carthaginians themselves. Yet they affirm'd, of their own knowledge, that there came Embassadours from King Perseus, and that they had an Audience of the Senate there, by night, in the Temple of Aesculapius. Moreover, as the King had said, That there were Embassadours sent from Carthage into Macedonia, so they themselves could scarce deny it. The Roman Senate too thought fit to send Embassadors into Macedonia; and accordingly three were sent, viz. C. Laelius, M. Valerius Messala, and Sex. Digitius. At that time Perseus, because some of the Dolopes did not obey him, but, besides that, referr'd the Debate concerning some things in question, from him, again to the Romans, went out with an Army, and forced the whole Nation to submit to his power and determination. From thence he went over the Aetean Mountains, having some religious thoughts in his mind, and so up toward the Oracle at Delphi. But when he ap∣peared

in the middle of Greece, he gave great disturbance, not only to the adjacent Cities, but the news of that tumult came even into Asia also, to King Eumenes. Having staid not above three dayes at Delphi, he return'd through Achaia Pthiotis [in Thessaly] and Thessaly, without doing any damage or injury to the Countries through which he travelled. Nor was he satisfied with making those Cities only through which he was to go, his Friends: but he sent either Embassadours or Letters, to desire them, that they would no longer remember those animosities, that had been between them and his Father: for they were not so fatal, but that they might and ought to be composed and made an end of with him. That he, for his part, was en∣tirely disposed to contract an Alliance with them. But he desired most of all to find out a way, how he might reconcile the Achaeans to him.

This Nation alone, of all Greece, and the City of Athens, were arrived at that pitch of [ XXIII] anger, That they forbad the Macedonians from coming to their Dominions. Wherefore when the slaves fled out of Achaia, Macedonia was their refuge; because when the A••haeans had forbidden the Macedonians their Country, they themselves durst not enter into the Confines of that Kingdom. When Perseus had observed, he seis'd them all, and then sent a Letter to the Achaeans, wherein he told them, That he had freely and kindly sent back their Servants, who had fled away into his Kingdom; but they themselves ought to take care, that there were no such flight of their slaves for the future. This Letter being read by Xenarchus, the State-holder, who sought an opportunity of contracting a private friendship with the King; and many of them being of opinion that the Letter was written with moderation and kind∣ness (especially those, who, beyond all expectation, were to receive their shares again, whom they had lost) Callicrates (who was one of them, that thought the safety of their Nation depended upon their keeping their League with the Romans inviolably) said, Some of you, Achaeans! think 'tis a small, indifferent business which we are now upon; but I am of opi∣nion, that the greatest and most weighty affair, that we have, is not only now in hand, but also, in a manner, done. For we, who had interdicted the Kings of Macedon and the Macedonians them∣selves, our Confines, and have resolv'd that that Decree should stand good; viz. that we would not admit of any Embassadours, or Messengers from those Kings, by whom the minds of any of us might be disturb'd, we even we, in some sense, hear the King himself making Speeches to us, though at a distance, and (in good time) approve of his Oration; and though wild Beasts most commonly are shy, and fly from meat that is laid for a bait to them, we are so blind, as to be drawn in by the specious offer of a small Courtesie: and out of hopes to have a few inconsiderable Slaves again, suffer our own liberty to be struck at and subverted. For who does not see, that an Alliance with the King is aimed at, by which the Roman League, wherein is contain'd all we have, is certainly violated? Ʋnless there be any body, that question, whether the Romans must have a War with Perseus, or that what was expected when Philip was alive, but interrupted by his death, will come to pass now since he is gone. Philip, you know, had two Sons, Demetrius and Perseus: of whom Demetrius was far beyond [the other] as to his extract by the Mothers side, for Courage, Wit, and in the favour of the Macedonians. But, because he had made his Kingdom the reward of ha∣tred to the Romans, he murder'd Demetrius for no other crime, than because he was a Friend to the Romans; and made Perseus, who, the Roman People resolv'd, should inherit punishment, be∣fore the Kingdom, King. Ʋpon which score, what hath this Perseus done ever since his Fathers death but prepare for a War? He first sent the Bastarnians (to the terrour of all people) into Dar∣dania: who if they had kept that seat, would have been more troublesome Neighbours to Greece, than ever the Gauls were to Asia. But, though he were disappointed of that hope, yet he did not totally lay aside the thoughts of a War: but rather, if we would tell the truth, hath already begun a War. For he hath by his Arms subdu'd Dolopia, nor would he hear them when they call'd him back to take the judgment of the Roman People concerning the Provinces in debate. From thence going over Aeta, that he might be seen of a sudden in the very Centre of Greece, he went up to Del∣phi. What do you think this usurpation of an unusual rode means? Then he travelled through Thessaly: which because he did without doing any of them the least injury, I fear his design so much the more. From thence he sent a Letter to us with a specious show of a present: and bids us take care, that we do not want such a kindness another time; that is to say, that we rescind the Decree, whereby the Macedonians are prohibited to come into Peloponnesus: and that we [so order the business as that we] may see the Kings Embassadours again, Friendships contracted with our great men, and soon after the Macedonian Army, yea the King himself from Delphi (for how small a streight runs between us?) coming over into Peloponnesus: that we may be mixt with the Ma∣cedonians who are arming themselves against the Romans. I, for my part, am of opinion, that we ought not to make any new Decree, but keep all things entire as they are, till we come to a certain resolution, whether this fear of mine be true, or false: If the Peace shall continue inviolate be∣tween the Romans and the Macedonians, let us also contract a Friendship and Commerce with them; but at this time I think it dangerous and unseasonable to think of any such matter.

After him Archo, Brother to Xenarchus the Stateholder, discours'd to this effect: Calli∣crates [ XXIV] hath made it an hard matter, either for me any body else of us, that dissent from him, to speak upon this occasion; for he, by pleading the cause of the Roman Alliance, and saying, that it is attempted and attack'd, when no body either attempts or attacks it, so order'd the business, that whoever should dissent from him, might seem to speak against the Romans. And first of all, as

though he had not been here with us, but either come from the Roman Senate, or had been of the Kings Cabinet Council, he knows and tells us all manner of things, though done never so privately: yea he divines too, what would have come to pass, if Philip had lived. Why Perseus was made Heir to the Crown; why the Macedonians obey him, and what the Romans think. But it be∣hoves us, who neither know for what cause, nor how Demetrius died; nor what Philip, if he had lived, would have done, to accommodate our Counsels to things, that are publickly transacted. We know indeed, that Perseus, when he had received the Kingdom, sent Embassadours to Rome, and that he was stiled King by the Romans: and we hear also, that there came Embassadours from Rome to him, whom he very kindly received. Now all these things I take to be signs of Peace, and not of War: nor that the Romans can be offended, if, as we follow'd them, when they waged War, so now also we agree with them, as the Authors of Peace. For truly I don't see, Why we, above all mankind, should undertake an inexpiable War against the Kingdom of Macedonia. A•••• we ob∣noxious to Macedonia by our being too near that Kingdom; or the weakest people in the World; even like the Dolopes, whom he so lately subdu'd? No, quite contrary; we are s••c••re in our own strength, through the blessing of the Gods, or by the distance of place: But granting that were equally subject unto him, as the Thessalians and Aetolians are; admit, that we who were alwayes their Friends and Allies, had no greater credit and authority with the Romans, than the A••••olians, who were but t'other day their professed Enemies, why should not we have the same priviledge and correspondence with the Macedonians, as the Aetolians, Thessalians, Epirotes, and all Greece hath? Why should we alone so execrably desert, as it were, the very Laws of humane Society? Suppose that Philip did do somewhat, to give us occasion of making this Decree against him, arm'd as he then was, and making War upon us; yet what hath Perseus done, the new King, who is inno∣cent of any injury to us, yea by his own kindness blots out the memory of his Fathers ammosities? Why are we, above all others, his Enemies? Though I could tell you too, that the merits of the former Macedonian Kings toward our Nation were so great, that we ought to forget the particular injuries of Philip, if he did us any, especially after his death. When the Roman Fleet stood at Cenchreae, and the Consul was with an Army at Velatia, we were three dayes in debate, whether we should side with the Romans, or with Philip. The present fear of the Romans somewhat in∣clined our minds: yet certainly there was something, that caused so long a deliberation; and that was really the ancient Alliance between us and the Macedonians, together with the former and great deserts of their Kings toward us. Let those therefore at this time too prevail with us, that we may be, though not their greatest Friends, yet at least, not their greatest Enemies. Let us not pretend, Callicrates, to that, which is no part of our present business: no man desires a new Al∣liance, or a new League whereby we should engage and oblige our selves: but only that we may have a free Commerce, to do and require what is right and just; lest by forbidding them our Country we should keep our selves out of that Kingdom, and so prepare a place for our Slaves to fly to. What's this to the Roman League? Why do we make a small, and an evident thing so great and so suspected? Why do we stir up vain tumults? Why do we make other people suspected and ha∣ted, that we our selves may have an opportunity of flattering the Romans? If there be a War, Per∣seus, to be sure, does not question, but we'll join with the Romans. However, whilst there is Peace, let our animosities (though they are not ended) be at least intermitted. Now though the same persons who had assented to the Kings Letter, agreed to this Speech also, yet through the indignation of some of the Nobility, who were mightily concern'd that Perseus should think to obtain that by a few lines, which he did not think worth so much as an Embassy, the Decree was deferr'd. After that there were Embassadours sent from the King, when the Council sate at Megalopolis: where they, who were afraid of offending the Romans, endeavour'd to hinder their being admitted.

[ XXV] About this time the fury of the Aetolians, being turn'd upon themselves, seemed likely by their much bloodshed to be the utter ruine of their Nation. But then both Parties, be∣ing tired out, sent Embassadours to Rome, and among themselves also treated concerning a reconciliation: though that was impeded by a new unhappy accident, which reinforced all their former animosities. For though the banish'd Hypataeans, who were of Proxenus's Faction, were promised to return into their Country, and that Eupolemus, the Governour of their City had given them his word upon it, yet eighty brave men, whom, at their arrival, among the rest of the multitude, Eupolemus went out to meet (after they had been received with all kindness and shook hands one with another) as they were going into the Gate, were murder'd, though they conjured him by his promise, of which they call'd the Gods to witness. Upon that the War broke out more vehement than before. Wherefore C. Vale∣rius Levinus, Appius Claudius Pulcher, C. Memmius, M. Popillius, and L. Camuleius, being sent by the Senate were come thither. Before whom, when the Embassadours of both par∣ties pleaded very earnestly at Delphi, Proxenus seemed to outdo them all, both in his cause and his Eloquence: who some few dayes after was poyson'd by his Wife Orthobula; for which she was Condemn'd, and Banish'd. The same rage also tore the Cretans in pieces: though soon after, upon the arrival of Q. Minucius, the Lieutenant, who was sent with ten Ships to appease their differences, they had some hopes of Peace: but they made only a Truce of six Months; after which the War grew much more violent than before. The Lycians too, at the same time, were teaz'd by the Rhodians. But 'tis not my business to

prosecute the story of Wars that Foreigners made, one with another, or to shew how they were carried on, who have work enough upon my hands, to write the actions of the Romans.

The Celtiberians in Spain, who, being subdu'd in War, had surrender'd themselves to Tib. [ XXVI] Gracchus, remained quiet, whilst M. Titinius the Praetor govern'd that Province; but re∣bell'd a little before the coming of Ap. Claudius, beginning their War with a sudden at∣tempt upon the Roman Camp. It was about break of day, when the Sentinels upon the Rampier, and those that were upon the guards at the several Gates, seeing the Enemy come at a distance, gave the Alarm. Thereupon Ap. Claudius having set up the signal for Battle, and made a short Speech to encourage his men, drew them forth at three Gates together. The Celtiberians made such resistance at their coming out, that at first the fight was equal on both si••es: because all the Romans could not engage in those strait places, by reason that they had not room enough. But soon after, thrusting one another forward, they got without the Rampier; so that they then could spread their Army, and make them∣selves equal to the Enemies Wings, by whom they were Encompassed: and they broke forth so suddenly, that the Celtiberians could not endure the shock of them. Before seven a Clock in the Morning they were beaten, and fifteen thousand of them either slain, or ta∣ken, with thirty two military Ensigns. Their Camp was also that day seiz'd; and the War made an end of. For they that survived the Battle, made their escape into their several Towns, where they afterward lay quiet, and were obedient to Government.

The Censors created for that year were Q Fulvius Flaccus, and A. Postumius Albinus, who [ XXVII] survey'd the Senate, chosing M. Aemilius Lepidus, the High-Priest, President thereof. They turn'd nine out of the House; of whom the most remarkable persons were M. Corne∣lius Maluginensis, who two years before had been Praetor in Spain; L. Cornelius Scipio the Prae∣tor, who had then the jurisdiction among Citizens and Foreigners; and Cn. Fulvius, who was the Censors own Brother, and, as Valerius Antias tells us, a sharer with him in the same Patrimony. The Consuls also, having made their Vows in the Capitol, went into their Provinces. Of whom the Senate imploy'd M. Aemilius, to suppress the insurrection of the Patavians in Venetia, who, according to the report even of their own Embassadours, were, through the opposition of different Factions, engaged very hotly in a Civil War. The Embassadours that went into Aetolia to suppress the like Tumults, sent word back, that the fury of that Nation could not be restrain'd. But the Patavians were advantaged by the arri∣val of the Consul: who, having nothing else to do in that Province, return'd to Rome. The Censors agreed for paving of the streets in the City with Flint-stones, and with gravel without the City, being the first Censors that ever made Borders of stone to that kind of pavement. They also took order to have Bridges made in many places, and a stage for the Aediles and Praetors [to set forth Playes upon] with Barriers in the Circus [where the Hor∣ses ran] and Ovals to tell the several heats with. 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉 They also caused the descent from the Capitol to be paved with Flint; and the Portizo also that reaches from the Temple of Saturn into the Capitol, as far as the Senaculum, and Court above it. They likewise paved the Exchange, or Wharf, without the Gate Tergemina with Stone, and propt it up with pieces of Timber; taking care also to repair the Portico of Aemilius, and made ascent by stairs from the Tiber to the Exchange, or Key aforesaid. Without the same Gate also they paved the Portico going toward the Aventine with Flint, and that at the pub∣lick charge from the Temple of Venus. Those same persons took Order also for building of Walls at Calatia and Oximum: where having sold certain publick places, they laid out the money, which they had for them, in building of Shops round the Market-places of each City. One of them also, that is to say, Fulvius Flaccus (for Postumius said, he would order nothing to be done with their money but what the Senate and People of Rome comman∣ded) built the Temple of Jupiter at Pisaurum, and at Fundae, and at Pollentia too caused the Water to be brought by Conduits, and at Pisaurum order'd the street to be paved with Flint 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉 At these places he likewise caused a common shore to be made, and the Market places to be all Encompassed with Porticoes and Shops, as also three Januses to be made. All these works were taken care for by one Censor, who upon that score was mightily beloved of the Inhabitants. This Censorship was also diligent and severe in re∣gulating peoples manners; and many [of the Knights] had their Horses taken from them.

When their year was almost out, there was a Supplication for one whole day, upon [ XXVIII] the score of the success, which they had in Spain, under the conduct and good fortune of Ap. Claudius the Pro-Consul: at which they sacrificed twenty of the bigger sort of Vi∣ctims. There was likewise Supplication made another day at the Temple of Ceres, Liber & Libera, for that they had news out of the Sabine Territories, that there had been an Earthquake in those parts which had thrown down many Houses. When Ap. Claudius was come out of Spain to Rome, the Senate decreed, that he should enter the City Ovant. By this time the Consular Assembly came on, which being held with great stickling, by reason

of the great number of Candidates, L. Postumius Albinus, and M. Popilius Lenas were created Consuls. Then the Praetors were made, viz. Nunerius Fabius Buteo, M. Matienus, C. Cice∣reius, M. Furius Crassipes (a second time) A. Atilius Serranus (a second time) and C. Clu∣vius Saxula, a second time. When the Assembly was over Ap. Claudius Cento, coming out of Celtiberia into the City Ovant, brought into the Treasury ten thousand pound of silver, and five thousand pound of gold. Cn. Cornelius was inaugurated as Flamen Dialis [Jupiters High Priest:] and the same year there was a Table set up in the Temple of the Goddess Matuta with this Inscription:

By the Conduct and good Fortune of Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, the Consul, the Legion and Army of the Roman People subdu'd Sardinia. In which Province there were slain or taken, of the Enemies, above eighty thousand. He, having managed the publick affairs with great success; retrieved and cleared the Revenues 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉 brought home the Army safe and sound, and loaded with booty: so that he return'd a second time in triumph to Rome; upon which score he set up this Table, as an offering to Jupiter.

There was also the Map of Sardinia, and upon it several painted representations of Bat∣tles. There were some other small Sword-prizes that year exhibited, but there was one very signal above the rest, set forth by T. Flamininus, which he gave upon the account of his Fathers Death, with a dole of Flesh, a Feast and Stage-Playes. But of that great show the chief part was, that seventy four men fought in three dayes.

DECADE V. BOOK II.

The EPITOME.

3. Q. Fulvius Flaccus, the Censor, robb'd the Temple of Juno Lacinia, of its marble Tiles, to cover a Temple, that he had dedicated. But the Tiles were brought back again by order of Senate. 11, 12, &c. Eumenes, King of Asia complain'd, in the Senate of Perseus, King of Macedonia; whose injuries to the Roman People are related. 32, &c. For which, they having declar'd War against him, P. Licinius Crassus the Consul, who had Macedonia decreed him, went thither, and in slight Expeditions, fought against Perseus several Horse Battles in Thessaly, though with no very good success. 23, &c. There was a day given by the Senate, to debate the matter between Mas∣sinissa and the Carthaginians, concerning that [tract of] ground [which each of them pretended to.] There were also Embassadours sent to the associated Cities, and to ask the Kings, whether they would continue faithful, because the Rhodians doubted of it. 10. There was a Survey of the people appointed by the Censors: at which there were poled two hundred fifty seven thousand two hundred thirty one. 7, &c. The fortunate success of the Romans against the Corsians and Ligurians.

[ I] L. Postumius Albinus, and M. Popilius Laenas, having first proposed to the Senate the setling of the Provinces and the Armies, they had Liguria decreed to them both: That each of them should raise new Legions (two apiece) whereby to preserve that Province; and of the Latine Allies ten thousand Foot, and six hundred Horse; with a supply for Spain of three thousand Roman Foot, and two hundred Horse. Besides these, they were order'd to muster up fifteen hundred Roman Foot, and a hundred Horse, with whom the Praetor, to whose Lot Sardinia fell, should go over and make War in Corsica: and M. Atilius the old Praetor was appointed in the mean time to take care of the Province. Af∣ter that the Praetors chose their Provinces: A. Atilius Serranus had the City jurisdiction; C. Cluvius Saxula that between Citizens and Strangers; Num. Fabius Buteo the hither Spain, M. Matienus the farther; M. Furius Crassipes Sici••y; and C. Cicereius Sardinia. Before the Magistrates went to these commands, the Senate thought fit, That L. Postumius the Consul should go into Campania to bound and separate the publick from private Lands: because it was well known, that private persons had by degrees gotten possession of a great deal thereof, in that they stretch'd their bounds still farther and farther. He, being angry with the Pre∣nestines (for that, when he once came thither, as a private person, to Sacrifice in the Tem∣ple of Fortune, they did nothing either publickly or privately that shew'd any great respect

to him) before he went from Rome, sent a Letter to Praeneste, to tell them, that their Ma∣gistrates must come out to meet him; that they must provide him a Lodging at the publick charge, and all Beasts necessary for his Journey, when he went thence. Before him, no Consul ever put the Allies to any cost or trouble. Wherefore the Magistrates were furnished with Mules, Tents, and all other military instruments, lest they should command any such thing from the Allies: had private Lodgings [upon the rode] at their Friends Houses, whom they at another time as kindly entertained: and their Houses at Rome were open for such guests, as they had formerly been entertained by. So that Embassadours, who were, on a sudden, sent to any place, exacted of the Towns through which they went, but one Sumpter Horse a piece; nor were the Allies put to any farther charge upon account of the Romans. But this anger of the Consuls (which though just, was not to be shown in his Magistracy) and the silence of the Praenestines (which was the effect of too much modesty, or too much fear) gave the Magistrates ever after a right every day to impose heavier burdens of that kind, as if the Example had been approv'd of.

In the beginning of this year, the Embassadours, that were sent into Aetolia and Mace∣donia, [ II] brought word, That they could not have admission to King Perseus, some of his Courtiers (though falsly) pretending, that he was not there, and others, that he was sick. But for all that they were well enough satisfied, that he was preparing for a War, and that he would no longer de∣fer putting himself in Arms. So also, that in Aetolia the sedition grew daily higher and higher, nor could the heads of the Factions be by their authority taken off. When the Macedonian War was in expectation, before it was undertaken, the Senate thought sit that the Prodigies should be expiated, and the favour of those Gods, who were appointed by the fatal [Sy∣bylles] Books, by Prayers begg'd. At Laruvium 'twas reported, that they saw the form of a great Fleet in the Sky: at Privernum, that black Wooll grew out of the Earth, and that in the Veian Territories, at Remens, it rained Stones: that all Pomptinum was cover'd with Clouds (as it were) of Locusts; and that in the Gallick Dominions, as they Plowed there arose up Fishes out of the Furrows. Upon the score of these Prodigies the fatal Books were lookt into, and the Decemviri declar'd, to what Gods, and with what Victims they should Sacrifice, as also, that there should be a Supplication made, to expiate those Prodi∣gies; besides that other and the holy dayes, which had been vowed the year before upon account of the Roman Peoples health. So they sacrificed, as the Decemviri gave di∣rections.

The same year the Temple of Juno Lacinia was uncover'd. For Q. Fulvius Flaccus the [ III] Censor built the Temple to Fortuna Equestris, which he had vow'd in the Celtiberian War, when he was Praetor, in Spain, with great ambition, that ne'r a Temple at Rome should be either larger or more magnificent. He therefore thinking, that he should add a great Or∣nament to the Temple if the Tiles were of Marble, he went into the Bruttian Territories and uncover'd half the Temple of Juno Lacinia, supposing that would be enough to Tile that which he was then a building. He had Ships ready, to receive and bring the Tiles away; the Allies being deterr'd from withstanding that Sacriledge by his Authority, as Censor. When the Censor return'd, the Tiles being landed were brought to the Temple. Now though they did not tell, whence those Tiles came, yet it could not be concealed. Where∣upon there was a murmur arose in the Senate-House; and they desired of all sides, that the Consuls might make report of that matter to the Senate. But as soon as the Censor, being sent for, came into the Court, they (every particular person of them, as well as all in general) more bitterly inveigh'd against him there present: That he should think it a small matter to violate the most august Temple of that Region, which neither Pyrrhus, nor Annibal had violated, unless he sacrilegiously uncover'd it too, and almost pull'd it down. That he had taken the Tiles off, and left the roof quite bare, to be rotted by the showers. That he, who was created Censor, to re∣gulate mens manners; and whose care it ought to have been (according to ancient custom) to see that the publick Temples were in repair, and to keep them so, went about through the associated Ci∣ties, demolishing Temples and uncovering the roofs of holy places. Yea that, which, if he should do even in the private Houses of our Allies, would seem an indignity, he does, in demolishing the Tem∣ples of the Immortal Gods: and layes the Roman people under religious obligations, by building one Temple out of the ruins of another: as though there were not the same immortal Gods in all pla∣ces, but that some of them were to be worshipped and adorn'd with the spoils of others. Now whereas, before the report was made, it appeared what the Senate intended to do, the re∣port being made, they all were of opinion, that those Tiles ought to be carry'd back to the same Temple again, and that there should be atoning Sacrifices made to Juno. What concern'd Reli∣gion was accordingly done with all diligence: but the Persons that undertook, at such a rate, to carry them back, brought word, that they had left the Tiles in the Court before the Temple, because there was never a Workman, that could tell how to place them as they were before.

Of those Praetors, that were gone into their Provinces, Num. Fabius died at Massilia, [ IV] as he was going into the hither Spain. Wherefore when that was told by the Massilian Em∣bassadours, the Senate decreed, that P. Furius and Cn. Servilius, whom he was to succeed, should cast Lots between them, which should continue in Commission, and have the Govern∣ment

of the hither Spain. The Lot fell very luckily, for P. Furius, the same person, whose Province that had been, should stay there. The same year, since part of the Ligurian and Gallick Territories, that was taken in the War, was now vacant, there was an Order of Senate made, that that Land should be divided among so many men. A. Atilius the City Praetor created Decemviri [i. e. ten Officers] for that purpose, by Order of Senate, whose names were M. Aemilius Lepidus, C. Cassius, T. Aebutius Carus, C. Tremelius, P. Cornelius Cethegus, Q. and L. Apuleius, M. Caecilius, C. Salonius, and C. Munatius. They divided ten Acres to each Roman, but to the Latine Allies only three apiece. At the same time that these things were transacted, there came Embassadours out of Aetolia to Rome concerning their discords and seditions, and the Thessalian Embassadours too, to tell what was done in Macedonia.

[ V] Perseus revolving in his thoughts the War which, whilst his Father was alive, he design'd, he reconciled to himself, not only all the Nations of Greece, but the Cities also, by send∣ing Embassies to them, and promising more than he performed. But indeed the minds of the people were generally inclined to favour him, and that something more than they did Eumenes; though all the Cities of Greece, and most of the Nobility were obliged to Eu∣menes for his many kindnesses and favours that he had confer'd upon them, and though he so behaved himself in his own Kingdom, that those Cities, which were under his Govern∣ment would not change conditions with any free City. But, on the other hand, it was re∣ported, that Perseus, after his Fathers Death, kill'd his Wife with his own hand; and that he privately murder'd Apelles, who was formerly the instrument of his treachery in ta∣king off of his Brother (for which, when Philip sought him out, to punish him, he went into exile) though he sent for him after his Fathers Death, with great promises of reward∣ing him for doing so great an action. Yet him, who was infamous for many other dome∣stick as well as Foreign Murderers, and no way at all commendable upon the score of me∣rit, the Cities commonly preferr'd, before a King; who was so kind to his Neighbours, so just to his Subjects and Countrymen, and so munisicent toward all men: whether out of a prejudice, taken up through the Fame and Grandeur of the Macedonian Kings, which mo∣ved them to despise the origine of a new Kingdom; or through desire of innovation; or because they had a mind he should be exposed to the Romans. Now, not only the Aetolians were in an uproar upon the score of their vast Debts, but the Thessalians also: by which contagion, that evil, like a Plague, had got into Perraebia too. When the news came, that the Thessalians were up in Arms, the Senate sent Ap. Claudius the Lieutenant to inspect and compose those matters. Who, having checked the Heads of both Factions, and eased the Debtors of a great part of their use money which they were to pay, even with the good liking of some that had occasion'd that burden upon them, he order'd all that was justly and truly due to be paid at such and such dayes, or terms, for several years to come. By the same Appius, in the same manner, were the affairs in Perraebia composed. As for the causes of the Aetolians, Marcellus heard them then at Delphi, where they were pleaded with hostile vehemency, as fierce as a civil War. Wherefore when he saw, that both sides con∣tended as rashly as boldly, he would not, by his own Decree, or ease or load either party; but desired of them both together, that they would desist from War, and, by forgetting what was past, make an end of all differences between them. The promise of this reconciliation was back'd with Hostages that were given to and fro: for performance whereof they met at Corinth, where the Hostages were to be deposited.

[ VI] From Delphi and the Aetolian Council Marcellus went over into Peloponnesus, where he had appointed a Convention of the Achaeans. And there, having commended that Nation, in that they had constantly adhered to that old Decree, for keeping the Macedonian Kings out of their Dominions, he made the hatred of the Romans against Perseus very evident: which that it might the sooner break forth, King Eumenes, bringing a Book with him, which he had made, after a full inquiry into all things, concerning the preparations for the War, came to Rome. At the same time there were five Embassadours sent to the King, to view the state of Affairs in Macedonia: who were also order'd to go to Ptolomy at Alex∣andria, to renew their Alliance with him. The Embassadours were these, C. Valerius, Cn. Lutatius Cerco, Q. Babius Sulca, M. Cornelius Mammula, and M. Caecilius Denter. There came Embassadours also from Antiochus about the same time: of whom Apollonius, who was the chief, being introduced into the Senate, for many and just causes, excused the King, and said; that they had brought all that stipend, which the King was a little behind hand in the payment of, as to the day; that the King might not be beholding to them for any thing more than time. That they likewise had brought golden Vessels of five hundred pound weight. That the King desired, that what Friendship and Alliance they had contracted with his Father, they would renew the same with him: and that the Roman People would injoin him to do, what was fit for a good and a faithful Ally, that was a King, to do: that he would not be backward in any duty. That the Senate deserv'd so well of him, when he was at Rome, and the young Gentlemen were so civil, that he was treated by all degrees of people like a King, not like an Hostage. The Fmbassa∣dours received a very kind Answer, A. Atilius, the City Praetor, was order'd to renew that Alliance with Antiochus, which they formerly had with his Father. The City Questors re∣ceived

the money, and the Censors the golden Vessels: who were imploy'd to lay them up in what Temples they thought fit. To the Embassadour they sent a hundred thousand Asses for a present, and gave him an House by himself to live in Rent-free, bearing his charges all the while he was in Italy. The Embassadours, that had been in Syria, brought word back; that he was in greatest favour with the King; and a very great Friend to the Ro∣mans.

In the Provinces that year there were these transactions. C. Cicereius, in Corsica, fought [ VII] a pitch'd Battle: in which there were seven thousand of the Corsians slain, and above seven∣teen hundred taken. The Praetor, at that Battle, had vowed [to build] a Temple to Juno Moneta. After that the Corsians, upon their Petition, had a Peace granted them, and two hundred thousand pound of Wax exacted of them. From Corsica, when he had subdu'd it, Cicereius went over into Sardinia. He also fought a Battle in Liguria, in the Statiellian Ter∣ritory, near a Town called Carystum: where a great Army of Ligurians had Rendezvous'd. At first, upon the arrival of M. Popilius, the Consul, they kept within their Walls: but soon after, when they saw, that the Roman was about to attack their Town, they went forth, and before the Gates set their Army in Battalia; nor did the Consul (who, by threatning to attack them, had aimed at that very thing) make any delay of the fight. So they fought three hours and more, before they could tell which would win the day. But when the Consul saw, that the Ligurian Ensigns did not stir in any part, he commanded his Horsemen to mount, and on three sides together run in upon the Enemy with all the force they could. Accordingly great part of the Horse broke through the midst of the Ar∣my, and got as far as the Reer of the Battle. Thereupon the Ligurians were dismay'd, and ran several wayes on all sides; but very few of them back to the Town, because the Horse came most from that way upon them: so that not only the resolute fight had destroy'd a great number of the Ligurians, but they were kill'd all along as they fled too, to the number, they say, of ten thousand. There were above seven hundred men taken about the Country, and eighty two military Ensigns carry'd off. But it was not a bloodless Victory, on the conquering side, for they lost above three thousand Souldiers; by reason, that neither of them yielding, the Front of each Army fell.

After this Fight the Ligurians being muster'd up again, after their stragling flight into [ VIII] one Body, when they saw that far more of their fellow Citizens were lost, than were alive (for they were not above ten thousand men) they surrender'd themselves, without making any conditions at all: because they hoped that the Consul would not be more severe upon them, than former Generals had been. But he took all their Arms from them, demolish'd their Town, and sold both them and their goods, and sent Letters to the Senate concerning his own atchievements. Which when A. Atilius the Praetor had read in the Senate (for the other Consul was gone into Campania to settle the Lands there) they thought it a cruel thing: that the Statiellians, who were the only Nation of all Liguria, that had not born Arms against the Romans, who were then attack'd, and did not make War of their own head, but sur∣render'd themselves into the hands of the Roman People, should be torn and destroy'd by such ex∣tream Cruelty. That so many thousand people who put themselves under the protection of the Ro∣man People, would [in that case] be so sad an Example [of ruine and destruction] that it would deter all others from ever daring hereafter to surrender themselves: and that being carried to se∣veral distant parts of the Country, they were Slaves to those who had been formerly avowed Enemies to the Roman People, though, now, they were reconciled. For which reasons, the Senate made an Order; That M. Popillius the Consul, should give the Buyers of such men their money, and restore the persons to their liberty: and that he should take care, that all their goods, that could be recover'd, should be render'd back unto them; and Arms made as soon as pos∣sible in that Country. That the Consul should depart out of the Province, after he had re∣setled the surrender'd Ligurians in their Town again: [and said.] That a Victory became famous by conquering those that opposed us, not by tyrannizing over the afflicted.

The Consul maintain'd the same briskness of mind in opposition to the Senate, as he [ IX] had shewn before in Liguria; and therefore when he had sent his Legions into their Winter Quarters at Pisae, being angry at the Senate, and vexed at the Praetor, return'd to Rome. Where the Senate being immediately called in the Temple of Bellona, he inveighed mightily against the Praetor; who, when he ought to have proposed to the Senate, that, upon the score of his good success in the War, all honour might be paid the immortal Gods, had made an Order of Senate against him, for the Enemy: whereby the Praetor transfer'd his Victory to the Ligurians, and com∣manded almost the Consul himself to be deliver'd up to them. Wherefore he laid a Fine upon him: and desired of the Senate, that they would cause the Order of Senate made against him, to be annull'd; and decree that supplication (first, in honour to the Gods, and then out of some respect to him also) now he was there, which they ought to have appointed when he was at a distance from them, upon receipt of his Letter concerning his good and prosperous management of the Common∣wealth. But being blamed by some of the Senators, as much as when he was absent, and having obtain'd neither thing, that he desir'd, he return'd into his Province. The other Consul Postumius, having spent the Summer in setling the Lands, having ne∣ver so much as seen his own Province, return'd to Rome, to hold the Assembly. He

[U. C. 578] created for Consuls, C. Popillius Laenas, and P. Aelius Ligur. Then the Praetors were made, viz. C. Licinius Crassus, M. Junius Pennus, Sp. Lucretius, Sp. Cluvius, Cn. Sicinius, and C. Memmius, a second time.

[ X] That year there was a Survey of the people set up: at which the Censors were Q. Fulvius Flaccus, and A. Postumius Albinus. Postumius took the Pole; and there were enroll'd, of Roman Citizens, two hundred sixty nine thousand and fifteen Souls: somewhat fewer than would have been, because the Consul L. Postumius had publickly proclaimed, that all those Latine Allies, who ought, by vertue of the Edict of C. Claudius the Consul, to return into their respective Cities, should not any one of them be poled at Rome, but every man in his own City. This Censorship was managed with Concord, and for the good of the Common wealth. All that they turn'd out of the Senate, or degraded from their Knighthood, they disfran∣chized so as to make them pay all duties, like strangers, and put them out of their Tribe: nor did one of them set a mark of disgrace upon any men whom the other approved of. Fulvius dedicated a Temple to Fortuna Equestris, which he had vow'd in Spain at a Battle against the Celtiberians, six years after he had vow'd it: and set forth Stage Playes four dayes together, keeping one day in the Circus. L. Cornelius Lentulus the Decemvir of the holy Rites dyed that year, in whose place they put A. Postumius Albinus. There were such Clouds (as it were) of Locusts brought on a sudden from the Sea into Apulia, that with their swarms they covered all the Fields. For the removal of which pest from the Fruits, C. Sicinius who was design'd for Praetor, being sent with command into Apulia, got a great body of people about him, to gather them up, in which he spent some time. In the beginning of the following year, in which C. Popillius and P. Aelius were Consuls, there arose the remaining part of the animosities that had been the year before. For the Senate would needs have a report made touching Liguria, and the Order of Senate renew'd; of which the Consul Aelius accordingly made report to the House. Popillius desired both his Collegues and the Senates pardon for his Brother; and by pretending, that, if they decreed any thing, he would interpose against it, deterr'd his Collegue. The Senate being so much the more incens'd at both the Consuls, persisted in their design. Wherefore when they began to Discourse of the Provinces, and Macedonia, now that the War with Perseus was at hand, was aimed, Liguria was assigned to both the Consuls. But they said they would not make any determination at all concerning Macedonia, unless there were a report made concerning M. Popillius. Afterwards, when they moved for the raising of new Forces, or at least that the old might be recruited, both were deny'd. The Praetors also, requiring a supply with them into Spain, were refused; M. Junius into the hither Province, and P. Lu∣cretius into the farther. As for C. Licinius Crassus, it was allotted him to have the jurisdicti∣on over the Citizens, and Cn. Sicinius over the Foreigners; C. Memmius was sent to Sicily, Sp. Cluvius to Sardinia. The Consuls for these reasons highly offended with the Senate, cau∣sed the Latine Holy-Days to be immediately celebrated, purposing to retire soon after to their Commands, and not to ingage themselves in the publick affairs any farther than what related to their own Governments.

[ XI] Valerius Antias writeth, That Attalus Brother of King Eumenes, the year that these were Consuls, came Embassadour to Rome, to accuse Perseus for making preparations of War; But the Annales of many other Writers (of greater Authority) report that King Eumenes, came himself in Person, where, after an honourable reception, such as the people of Rome thought due to his merits, and sutable to those great favours they had already conferr'd up∣on him, he was brought before the Senate. He told them, The occasion of his coming thither was, a desire he had to see those Gods and Men, by whose bounty he did possess so large a Fortune, than which he durst not wish a greater, as also to incite the Senate to obviate the designs of Perseus; Then continuing his Speech with the purposes of Philip, he recounted the death of his Son Demetrius, for opposing the War with the Romans; and that he had compell'd the Bastarnians to quit their own Country to assist him in his passage into Italy; That, during these agitations, death having seiz'd upon him, he determin'd to leave his Kingdom to him whom he knew the most inveterate Enemy to the Romans: Perseus therefore inheriting this War, together with his Fathers Crown, had, since the first step to the Throne apply'd his greatest efforts to nourish and foment it; besides, his Kingdom flourished with strong and hardy youth for War, encreas'd by a long Peace; his Treasuries repleat, himself in the vigour of his Age, and to a strenuous body a mind no less expert in the Discipline and Arts of War; brought up from bis infancy in his Fathers Tent, frequently imploy'd in Expeditions, and always acquainted with the Wars, not only of other Nations, but those also against the Romans. That he had himself since he first possest the Kingdom, which marvellous felicity accomplished many things, which Philip in spite of all his force and subtilty could ne'r perform; and to encrease his greatness, had already purchaced repute and authority in the World, the reward of age and merito∣rious actions.

[ XII] Thus Greece and all the Asian Cities paid homage to his Scepter; But whether they honour'd him for any personal merits of his own, or munificence towards them, he could not tell; or whether it pro∣ceeded from the peculiar felicity of his Fortune, or (what he fear'd himself to speak) from the ha∣tred themselves had conceiv'd against the Romans, he could not determine. Kings themselves esteem'd and honour'd him; The Daughter of Seleucus he had lately married, without any suit of

his own, but by the voluntary request of her Father, and after great importunity had given his Sister in Marriage to Prusias. Both these Weddings were solemniz'd with great pomp and infinite Embassies of the noblest Nations. That the Boeotians having been much solicited by Philip could never be brought into any Friendship or Confederacy; but now there was to be seen a League ingraven in no less than three Cities, one at Thebes, a second at Sidenum, within the famous Temple, and the other at Delphis. In the Achaian Counsel, had not the designs been quash'd by some few that es∣pous'd the Roman interest, the result would have been no less than the invasion of Achaia. But on the contrary, those honours I deserve from that people, both for private and publick obligations, are through base neglect, or envy, forgotten and withdrawn. As for the Aetolians, none were so ignorant, but well knew in their civil Wars they sought not aid from the Romans but from Perseus; Being thus supported with these Confederacies, he had made such domestick provisions of his own for War, that he needed no Foreign assistance. His Army consisted of thirty thousand Foot, and five thousand Horse, stored with Corn for ten years, whereby he might the better forbear his own Coun∣try, nor trouble himself to seek for Forage in that of his Enemies. That he had so large a Trea∣sure, that besides the Forces of his own Territories he kept in pay ten thousand mercenary Souldiers, and had besides his annual revenue sufficient for the expences of ten years more. His Armories were full of Arms, and all accoutrements of War, enough for three such Armies. And for a continual supply of Souldiers, if Macedonia should prove deficient, all Thrace being subject under him, he could not fail of constant recruits, which he might draw from thence as from an unexhaustible Fountain.

The remainder of his Speech was by way of perswasion. My Lords! I relate not these things, [ XIII] said he, from the mouth of uncertain Fame, or a greedy desire to be••ieve or wish, that the truth of ill things should be prov'd upon my Enemy, but on my own knowledge and experience, in the same man∣ner as if I had been sent a spy to report to you the things I saw: nor would I have left my own King∣dom, and the share of glory, which by your benignity I possess, to pass so vast a Sea to bring you trifling Tales, to forfeit your esteem. I have survey'd the noblest Cities of Asia as well as Greece, discovering daily their intentions, in which, if they should be suffer'd to proceed, they would not have it in their power to retrieve their safety by repentance. I have observed, how Perseus not contented within the limits of Macedonia, sometimes by force of Arms, sometimes by favour and benevolence obtains those Countries he ne'r could get by Conquest. I have weigh'd the unequal con∣ditions, whilst he prepareth War on you, and you perform the terms of Peace with him, although it appears no less to me than his being already in actual Hostility. Adrupolis your Friend, he hath driven from his Kingdom. Artetarus the Illyrian, another of your Allies, he slew; because he found he had written Letters unto you. Eversa and Callicrates, Thebans and Princes of that City, because in the Boeotian Council they spoke something too freely against him, declaring they would relate to you those proceedings, he commanded they should be put to death. He sent Auxiliaries to the Bizantines, contrary to agreement. He made War on Dolopia, invaded Thessaly and Doris, and subdu'd them both, that in civil War, by the help of the stronger side he might afflict and trouble the other. He made a mixture and confusion of all things in Thessaly and Perroebia, hoping thereby to cancel Book-Debts and other accounts, by which, releasing Debtors from their Engage∣ments, he oblig'd them to assist him in oppressing their Creditors and principal Officers. While this is doing you quietly look on, your suffering him to act these things in Greece without controul, makes him presume, that not a man will dare to arm himself to oppose his passage into Italy; how this con∣sisteth with your honour and safety is not for me to judge; it was my duty as your Friend and Ally, to prevent your being surpriz'd in Italy by Perseus. And now, having perform'd this necessary Office, and in some measure acquitted my self as became my fidelity, what more remains? but that I pray the Gods and Goddesses, you may protect your own Republick, and defend your Allies that de∣pend upon you.

This Oration extreamly mov'd the Fathers; but for the present, none knew more than [ XIV] that the King had been before the Senate, so silent were they all; but the War being fi∣nish'd, both the Kings Speech and the Senates Answer were divulg'd. Some few dayes after the Senate gave Audience to Perseus's Embassadours; but being prepossess'd by King Eumenes, their defence and supplications were rejected; the fierce deportment of Harpalus the chief Embassadour, did not a little exasperate the Senate, who endeavour'd to perswade them to credit the Apology of his Master, that he never acted any thing tending to Hostility, but if he perceiv'd they came upon him in this manner, seeking occasions of War, he resolv'd to defend himself with courage; for the hazard of the Field was common, and the event of War uncertain. All the Ci∣ties of Greece and Asia were extreamly solicitous to know the proceedings of Perseus's Em∣bassadours, and King Eumenes, with the Senate; for upon his coming most of the States (supposing he might occasion some commotion) had sent their Embassadours to Rome, speci∣ously pretending other affairs. Among others there was an Embassy from the Rhodians, the chief of which was Satyrus, who doubted not but that Eumenes had join'd the crimes of his City with those of Perseus, and therefore by interest of his Patrons and Friends, he had ob∣tain'd leave to debate their business with the King before the Senate; wherein he invey'd against Eumenes with too much heat, upbraiding him for his fomenting Wars between the Lycians and the Rhodians, and that he had been a greater Enemy to Asia than Antiochus; This Oration was well receiv'd by those of Asia, who began already to incline to Perseus, but it prov'd

not so with the Senate, nor was it in the least advantagious to their City; but on the con∣trary, these Conspiracies against Eumenes rais'd his estimation with the Romans, still increa∣sing their honours and gifts upon him, presenting him a Chariot of State, with a Staff and Scepter of Ivory.

[ XV] These Embassies being dispatch'd, Harpalus returns with all speed into Macedonia, and tells the King, That he had left the Romans making no preparations as yet for War, but so of∣fended, it easily appeared they would not long defer it; nor was Perseus displeased with this re∣lation relying on the valour of his Souldiers; But of all others he hated Eumenes most, with whose bloud he laid the foundation of the War; for suborning one Evander a Candiot and Captain of some Auxiliaries, and with him three Macedonians (accustom'd to such acti∣ons) to kill the King; He gave them Letters to one Praxo an Hostess of great esteem and wealth among the Delphians, being well assured Eumenes would be at Delphis to Sacrifice to Apollo. These Traytors with Evander watched all opportunities to execute their design; in the passage where men ascend from Cirrha to the Temple, before they come to the place frequented with the usual concourse of the people, there stood on the lest of the path a Mud-Wall or Bank, arising a little above the foundation, by which one at once could only pass, for on the right hand the Earth was fallen down, and a breach made of a great depth; behind this Bank the Traytors hid themselves, and rais'd some steps like stairs, that from above, as from the top of a Wall they might discharge their Treason on the King. Be∣fore him, coming from the Sea, there march'd his Friends and Guards disorderly mixt; when the way grew streight and narrow, his train by degrees waxt thinner; but when they came to the place where they could not go but one by one; Pantaleon an Aetolian Prince, with whom the King was then ingaged in some Discourse, enter'd first that narrow passage; immediately the Traytors roll'd two mighty stones upon the King; one fell upon his head, the other on his shoulder; the people seeing Eumenes fail, confusedly deserted him, Panta∣leon only had the Courage to stay and relieve the King.

[ XVI] The Traytors by a short compass about the Wall might soon have reach'd the place where the King lay, and finish'd what they had begun; but supposing the deed was done, they fled to the top of Parnassus with that hast, that they kill'd one of their Companions, being unable to keep pace with them through that steep and craggy Mountain, lest being taken he should have discover'd their Treason. The Kings Friends and Guards coming at last about him, and raising his body from the ground, found him astonish'd with the stroke; by the motion of his Pulse, and some warmth they perceiv'd he was not dead, although but little hope of life. Some of his Guards pursu'd the Villains with great difficulty by their foot∣steps as far as the top of the Mountain, but finding it ineffectual, gave over the pursuit. The Macedonians, as they had begun their attempt inconsiderately, so they fearfully left it unfinish'd with as little discretion. By this time the King return'd to himself, and the morrow after was convey'd to his Ship; from thence to Corinth, and from Corinth sailing along the straights of Isthmus, they arrived at Aegina; where his care was performed with such secrecy that a report of his death ran over all Asia. His Brother Attalus gave a willinger credit to the rumour than became a Brother, expressing such things to his Brothers Wife, and the Commander of the Castle, as if he had been the undoubted Heir of the Crown; All which was afterwards deliver'd to Eumenes; at first he purposed to dissemble and bury those matters in silence; nevertheless he could not refrain at their first interview, to tell his Brother he was too hasty so suddenly to make a love-address to his Wife. The Fame of Eumenes death was also carried to Rome.

[ XVII] About that time C. Valerius was return'd from Greece, sent thither Embassadour to ob∣serve the state of that Country, and to watch the Counsels of King Perseus; all his intelli∣gence was agreeable to the report of Eumenes, and withall he brought with him from Delphis the Hostess Praxo, whose House had been the receptacle of those Traytors, and with her, one L. Raminius a Brundusian, who gave the following information. This Raminius was one of the principal Citizens of Brundusium, and used in his House to entertain not only the Ro∣man Captains, but all Embassadours of the greatest quality, especially such as were sent from Kings; by this means he came to be known to Perseus; being invited by the Kings Let∣ters, the hope and promises of his favour and friendship brought him to the Court of Ma∣cedon; and shortly after he was carress'd with the greatest familiarity, and received farther than he himself approv'd of into the closest secrets; the King endeavouring to oblige him by promises of large rewards; That, seeing the Roman Captains and Embassadours were con∣stantly entertain'd at his House, he would take care that such persons whom he mentioned by his Let∣ters, should be dispatch'd by poyson; and because he knew it both difficult and dangerous to effect this design, but with all the caution and secrecy imaginable, the event being also uncertain, either through deficiency of the drug, or the secret working of it, or discovery, if known to many; he would himself deliver him such a poyson which neither in giving nor being once receiv'd should ever be disco∣ver'd by any mark whatever. Amnius fearing if he refused he might be the first should make experiment of the poyson, promised the performance and then departed; but he would not return to Brundusium before he waited on C. Valerius the Embassadour, who resided somewhere about Chalcis; to whom he first revealed this Plot, and went with

him by his Command to Rome, where he discover'd the whole matter before the Se∣nate.

This discovery being added to those of Eumenes, gave occasion, that Persius was the sooner [ XVIII] declared an Enemy; whom they saw beginning an unjust War, not with Princely magnani∣mity, but with secret poysonings and other base perfidious acts and treasons. The ma∣nagement of this War was refer'd to the new Consuls; however for the present it was de∣creed, That Cn. Sicinius the Praetor, whose jurisdiction was between the Citizens and Stran∣gers should levy Souldiers, who being conducted to Brundusium, should with all expedition put to Sea for Apollonia in Epirus, to fortify the Maritime Cities, where the Consul to whom the Macedonian Provinces should be committed might have safe harbour for his Fleet, and conveniency of landing his Forces. Eumenes after a long retention at Aegina, as soon as he might with safety, went to Pergamus, and being incited by his antient hatred as well as the late practices of Perseus, prepar'd for War with all his power. Embassadours were sent from Rome to congratulate with him for his escape from so eminent a danger. When the Macedonian War was deferr'd for a year, and the other Praetors retired into their Pro∣vinces, M. Junius and Sp. Lucretius (who had the Government of the Spanish Province) with great importunities, at last obtained from the Senate to recruit the Army, with addi∣tional Forces consisting of three thousand Foot, and a hundred and fifty Horse, for the Ro∣man Legions, five thousand Foot and three hundred Horse for the Army of the Allies; These new Levies were transported into Spain with the new Praetors.

The same year, after that a great part of the Campane Territory, which private persons [ XIX] every where possessed without regard of title, was (upon a diligent survey of Posthumus the Consul) recover'd for the Republick; M. Lucretius a Tribune of the Commons, pro∣claim'd a Law, That the Censors should let out to Farm the Campane Lands for an annual Rent; which had not been done since the taking of Capua, that private men should cove∣tously incroach upon the wast and common. The Macedonian War being now determined though not proclaimed, and the Senate in expectation what Princes would join with them, and what with Perseus; there came Embassadours from Ariates, bringing with them the Kings Son a Child; who told the Senate, That their Master had sent his Son to Rome to be educated in the Roman manners, and to be accustomed to the dispositions of the Roman People; that he desired they would receive him into their protection, not only as a private person, but also afford him their publick Patronage as their Pupil. The Embassy of this King was very grateful to the Senate; whereupon they decree'd that Cn. Sicinius the Praetor should prepare an appartment for the Prince and his Attendants: The Thracian Embassadours likewise presented themselves to debate their affairs, and Petition for the Friendship of the Senate; their Suit was granted, and were dismiss'd with a Present to each of two thousand Asses. The affection of these people much rejoiced the Senate, in regard that Thrace joins to the back of Macedonia: But to the end they might have perfect intelligence of the affairs of Asia, they sent Embassadors thither. T. Claudius Nero and M. Decimius; commanding them also to visit Creet and Rhodes, as well to renew their annuities as observe whether the minds of those Allies had been solicited by King Perseus.

While the City was in suspence and expectation of this new War, there arose in the [ XX] night a tempest of thunder and lightning, which rent asunder the Rostrate Pillar, erected in the Capitol by M. Aemilius the Consul during the first punick War: this was esteem'd a Prodigy, and related to the Senate. The Fathers command that the Southsayers should be consulted, and that the Decemviri should bring their Books [of Sibyl]. The Decemviri declared, the City to be purg'd by Sacrifice, and that great Victims should be sacrificed, as well in the Capitol at Rome, as on the Plains near the Promontories of Minerva; That Games should be forth-with prepar'd in honour of Jupiter; all which was religiously observed. The Soothsayers declared that the Prodigy portended the good and inlargement of their own Territories, because those Beaks of Ships thrown down by the Tempest, were the spoils of their Enemies. There happened many other things which added no less Religion to their minds; It was reported, that at Saturnia it rained bloud three dayes together; at Galatia an Ass foled a Colt with three Feet, and a Bull with five Cows were struck dead by Thunder, and that at Oximum it rained Earth: These Prodigies proceeding from divine causes, produced likewise new Devotions.

The Consuls were not as yet departed to their Provinces, because they would not obey [ XXI] the Senate in the debate concerning Popillius, the Fathers were also resolv'd, that no Decree should pass before that were determin'd. Their hatred towards Popillius was increas'd by his Letters, wherein he told them, That being Pro-Consul he had fought the Ligurians, and slain ten thousand of their Souldiers, provok'd by the injuries and extremities of this War, others of the Ligurian People had taken Arms. At which news the absent Popillius was not only blamed for inciting to Rebellion by an unjust War those people who were before at Peace; but the Consuls were also reprov'd in open Senate for not retiring to their com∣mands. M. Martius Sermo, and Quintius Marcius Scylla, two Tribunes of the Com∣mons, being animated by this proceeding of the Fathers, threatened to Fine the Consuls unless they hasten'd to their Provinces; And also recited a Law which they had provided

concerning the submitting of the Ligurians, and intended speedily to promulge; which was to this effect. It was decreed, that if any person of Statellae submitted himself, and was not restored to his liberty before the Calends of August following, the Senate would order a Commis∣sioner to inquire by whom he was detain'd in servitude, and punish him accordingly. Which was published by Authority. Before the Consuls took their leave, a Senate was held in the Tem∣ple of Bellona, in favour of Caius Cicereius, Praetor of the former year; He told them what he had done in Corsica, and demanded triumph, which being deny'd him in the Alban Moun∣tain (which was now a custom grown without authority) he rode in triumph. The Mar∣cian Law was now by a general Sanction ratified and enacted. C. Licinius, moving the Se∣nate to nominate the person for the execution of that Edict, the Fathers placed it on himself.

[ XXII] At length the Consuls departed to their Provinces, and receiv'd the charge of the Army from Popillius. However Marcus Popillius durst not as yet return to Rome, greatly dreading to answer the Praetors accusation before the incensed Senate and inraged multitude: But the Tribunes had found another Law to punish this delay of his; That if he came not to Rome before the Ides of November following, it should be lawful for C. Licinius to pronounce Sentence against him in his absence. Being drawn by this Cord, he return'd to Rome and presented himself before the Senate, fill'd with the sharpest Envy; where after he had been torn with infinite reproaches it was decreed, That as many Ligurians as had not been Enemies since the Consulships of Q. Fulvius and L. Manlius, should be re-established by the Praetors C. Licinius and Cn. Sicinius, in their former liberties; And that the Consul C. Popillius should give them Lands beyond the Po. Many thousands were by this Decree restor'd to liberty, and a Country ac∣cordingly bestow'd upon them. M. Popillius upon the Marcian Law, twice made his de∣fence before the Praetor C. Licinius; The third time, the Praetor being overcome with the respect he bore the absent Consuls, and the supplications of the Popillian Family, adjourn'd the Defendants appearance to the Ides of March; on which day the new Magistrates en∣ter'd on their Offices, and himself then resigning his Authority should become a private person; and thus the Ligurian Act was by this fallacious Art evaded.

[ XXIII] There was at this time at Rome, Embassadours from Carthage, and Gulussa the Son of Ma∣sinissa; between whom a great contention arose before the Senate: The Carthaginians com∣plaining, That Masinissa within two years, had (besides that Country about which Commissioners had been sent from Rome to consider the affair) by force of Arms possess'd himself of more than seventy Towns and Castles within the Carthaginian Dominions; this, to him who regarded nothing, was very easy to be effected, since the Carthaginians were obliged by capitulation quietly to suffer all; as being prohibited bearing Arms beyond the limits of their own Country; And although they were assured the War would be within themselves if they repell'd the Numidians; yet were they doubtful lest they should stretch too far that part of their Articles which strictly forbad them to make War on the Roman Allies. Nevertheless the Carthaginians no longer able to endure his Pride, Cruelty and Avarice, sent them therefore to implore the Senate would grant them one of these three Propositions; That since they were both Allies, their differences might be debated before them; or to permit the Carthaginians to defend themselve•• by a just War against unlawful force; or at the worst, if partiality was more prevalent with them than truth, they would then determine what part of their Country should be given to Masinissa; that by their prescription they might be satisfied in what they gave; well-knowing that to his unsatiate desires there were no limits; But if neither of these could be obtain'd, or if they had committed any crime since the Peace granted them by Scipio, that they themselves would punish them; chusing rather to live in safety under the Ro∣man servitude, than be exposed to these injuries; it being better at once to perish, than suffer such Butcheries under the rugged yoke of bloody Masinissa. These expressions accompanied with tears and prostration, procured no less compassion to themselves than Envy to the King.

[ XXIV] Gulussa was then demanded what he had to offer against those complaints, or if he had ra∣ther to declare the occasion of his coming to Rome. To which he reply'd, it was a difficult thing for him to answer those matters, having no authority from his Father; nor was it easy for his Father to give it him, since the Carthaginians neither declared their negotiation at Rome, nor any intention of their going thither; it was only heard, that in Esculapius's Temple for some Nights they held a secret Council, from whence the Carthaginian Governours had dispatch'd an Embassy to Rome, with Credentials of privacy. This was the reason his Father had sent him thither, to implore the Senate would not credit such false accusations as should be prefer'd by those who were no less theirs than his Enemies, for no other cause but that he alwayes preserv'd a constant fidelity to the Romans. The Senate having heard both their Allegations, Commanded this Answer to be return'd to the demands of the Carthaginians; That Gulussa should immediately return to Numidia, that his Father might soon after send Embassadours to answer those complaints of the Carthaginians, and that the Carthaginians should also have notice given them to come and debate the business: If any thing should be in their power to express their honour for Massinissa, they would be as ready to perform it for the future as they heretofore had always been; That affection did not sway their Justice; desirous that every one should possess their own, they were unwilling to prescribe new limits, but rather exhort to observance of the old; that since the Conquest of the Carthaginians, they had given them Cities and Possessions, not that those things should be torn

away in Peace by private injuries, which never could be taken from them by a lawful War. Thus the young Prince with the Carthaginians, after they had receiv'd their Presents, and the usual Ceremonies were dismist.

About the same time Cn. Servilius Caepio. Ap. Claudius Cento, T. Annius Lascus, Embassa∣dours [ XXV] sent into Macedonia, to demand restitution, and to renounce the Friendship of that King, return'd to Rome; The relation they gave of what they had there seen and heard, added fuell to that Fire which had already inflam'd the Senate against King Perseus.

They observ'd through all the Cities of Macedonia open preparation for War; after they had attended many dayes without admission, at length despairing of their access to the King, prepar'd for their departure; but were recall'd from their Journey which was al∣ready begun to receive their Audience; the intent of their Oration was to remind him of the League contracted with Philip, and confirm'd by himself since his Fathers Death, wherein he was prohibited to make War on any of the Roman Confederates; then they recounted the whole particulars of that Declaration themselves had heard from King Eu∣menes, who openly asserted the truth of those things he reported on his own knowledge; moreover, that the King had held a secret Consultation with Embassadours from the Asia∣tick Cities; In regard of which injuries, the Senate thought it just he should restore to them and their Confederates those things he had unjustly taken from them, and contrary to the Covenants of their League. The hearing of these matters greatly incens'd the King; his passion transported him into revilings, often reproaching the Romans for their Avarice and Insolency; and esteem'd their Embassadours which came so fast upon him, no otherwise than Spies to watch his words and actions, they thinking it necessary that all his measures should be receiv'd from them: After he had finish'd this fierce Speech, he commanded them to repair to him again the next day, and they should re∣ceive his Answer in writing; then he deliver'd them a Paper, wherein he affirm'd, That the League his Father had sign'd had no force at all on him; if he suffer'd it to be re∣new'd, it proceeded not from his approbation, but because he was newly possess'd of his Kingdom, he was compell'd to endure all things; But if they were desirous of a new Confederacy, it was requisite a capitulation were made concerning the conditions; should they be induc'd to accept of reasonable Proposals, yet he thought it necessary first consi∣derately to weigh his own advantages, as he doubted not but they would well consult those of their Republick; and thus he abruptly left them, they immediately withdraw∣ing themselves from the Palace. Whereupon according to our Commission we abandon'd his Friendship and Alliance; which made him return upon us in great fury, and with a loud Voice commanded us within three dayes to leave his Kingdom; In fine, they accord∣ingly forthwith departed, having found but an inhospitable Entertainment during the whole time of their aboad.

When they had finish'd this Relation the Aetolian Embassa∣dours receiv'd their Audience. The Senate, that they might forthwith understand what Commanders were to be imploy'd by the Common-wealth, dispatch'd their Letters to the Consuls, that one of them should hasten to Rome, to the Election of new Ma∣gistrates.

No action worthy commemorating was done that year by the Consuls. The Republick [ XXVI] esteem'd it more expedient to suppress and appease the exasperated Ligurians. The Issean Embassadours, considering the expectation of the Macedonian War, gave no small occasion to suspect Gentius King of the Illyrians,

complaining he had twice over-run their Coun∣try; that the Macedonians and Illyrians unanimously prepared to make War upon the Romans; and that the Illyrian: were then at Rome disguis'd under a specious Embassy, but sent thither by Perseus's instigation to observe their motions. The Illyrians being sent for before the Senate, declared their business there was to obviate such accusations which their Master suspected might be brought against him by the Isseans; It was urged, why they did not present themselves to the Magistrate, in order to receive the usual Ceremo∣nies of the City, and the appointment of their Appartments, that their coming and their business might both be publick; but hesitating in their reply, it was commanded them to leave the Court, not deserving an Answer as became Embassadours who had not offer'd themselves as such before the Senate; determining rather to dispatch Embassadours to the King, to advise him which of his Associates had complain'd against for committing out∣rages on their Territories, and to animadvert the injustice of those injuries offer'd their Confederates.

A. Terentius Varro, C. Pletorius, and C. Cicereius, were employed in this Embassy. Those Embassadours sent to visit the Confederate Princes, returning from Asia, reported, they saw Eumenes there, Antiochus in Syria, and in Alexandria they confer'd with Ptolomy; All which had been solicited by sundry Embassies from Perseus, but still continued firm in their fidelity to the Romans, and assur'd them to perform whatever should be com∣manded them. They had also visited the associate Cities, finding them all, except the Rho∣dians, who began to stagger (having too deeply imbibed the poysonous perswasions of Per∣seus) thoroughly stedfast to their interest. The Rhodian Embassadours were now at Rome to obviate those crimes they knew were publickly alledg'd against their City; but the Senate would not allow them Audience before the new Consuls were initiated into their Consulships.

[ XXVII] The War was now determin'd. C. Licinius the Praetor was order'd to draw from the Docks as many Gallies as should be necessary for that Expedition; and also to fit out a Fleet of fifty Ships of War, but if he could not equip so many, to send to C. Memmius his Collegue to rig out those Ships as were in Sicily, and immediately transport them to Brun∣dusium: He was also commanded to muster as many of the Roman Citizens, and Enfran∣chis'd Bondmen as might serve in five and twenty Ships; C. Licinius was also Commissioned to raise a proportionable number out of the Latine Allies for the like Service, and likewise to charge them with eight thousand Foot, and three hundred Horse. A. Attilius who had been Praetor the preceding year, was chosen to receive those Forces at Brundusium, and to conduct them into Macedonia; Cn. Sicinius the Praetor was appointed to put the Army in readiness to be transported; C. Licinius the Praetor was directed to send to C. Popilius the Consul, a Commission to command the second Legion, which had been longest employ'd in Liguria, and consisted of the most experienc'd Souldiers; together with four thousand Foot, and two hundred Horse out of the Latine Allies, and to be in readiness at Brundusium on the Ides of February. With this Fleet and Army, Cn. Sicinius was commanded to keep the Macedonian Province until another was appointed to succeed him; and to this purpose his command was continued for a year longer. All which directions of the Senate were mana∣ged with great vigour and celerity: thirty eight Gallies were drawn from the Docks, which were conducted by L. Porcius Licinius to Brundusium; twelve were sent from Sicily. Sex. Digitius, T. Juventius, and M. Caecilius, were sent Embassadours into Apulia and Calabria, to buy Provisions for the Fleet and Army; Thus all things being fully adjusted, Cn. Sici∣nius departing from the City in his Warlike Accoutrements arrived at Brundusium.

[ XXVIII] About the end of that year C. Popilius the Consul came to Rome, something later than the Senate had ordain'd, who considering the approach of so great a War drew near, com∣manded him to hasten to the Election of new Magistrates; Therefore when the Consul in the Temple of Bellona rehears'd his Exploits in Liguria, the Fathers instead of applauding the Relation, reprov'd him for not restoring to their former Liberties those Ligurians that had been oppress'd by the Tyranny of his Brother? The twelfth day before the Calends of March was held according to the Edicts the Election of the Consuls, wherein P. Licinius Crassus, and C. Cassius Longius were created. The following day, Caius Sulpitius Galba, L. Furius Phi∣lus, L. Camilius Dives, C. Lucretius Gallus, C. Caninius Rubutius, and L. Villius Annalis were Elected Praetors; to these Praetors the Provinces were thus assign'd; two of them were to administer the Laws in Rome; three to have the Government of the Spanish, Sicilian and Sar∣dinian Provinces; the other was reserv'd for such affairs as the Senate should have occasion to imploy him in. The elected Consuls were commanded to celebrate the day of their in∣auguration with Sacrifices and Prayers, that the gods would be auspicious to the War the Roman People were now preparing. The same day the Senate decreed, That C. Popillius should offer Vows, that (if the Republick continued for ten years in the same state) ten dayes sports should be dedicated to Jupiter, and gifts devoted to all the Shrines; the Con∣sul accordingly exhibited those Vows in the Capitol, and that the donations should be per∣form'd to what value the Senate should propose; this was pronounc'd in the presence of an hundred and fifty people, and Lepidus the chief Priest recorded the Vow. This year dyed these Priests of quality, L. Aemilius Pappus one of the Decemviri or Priests of the holy Rites, and Q. Fulvius Flaccus the chief Priest, who had been Censor the year before; This man had but an ill end; news having been brought him of his two Sons, who had serv'd in the Illyrick Wars, that one was lately dead, and the other labouring under a dan∣gerous distemper, this report so opprest his mind with grief and fear, that his Servants entering his Bedchamber in the Morning found him hang'd. It was the common opinion he had not been Compos sui since his Censorship, that Juno Lacinia, angry at the spoil he committed on her Temple, had depriv'd him of his right mind. M. Valerius Messala suc∣ceeded the Decemvir Aemilius, Cneus Domitius Aenobarbus, the chief Priest Fulvius, too young a man for such a Function.

[ XXIX] That year P. Licinius and C. Cassius were Consuls, not only the City of Rome, with the whole Country of Italy, but all the European and Asiatick Princes and Cities, had converted their minds on the prospect of the War between the Romans and Macedonians. Eumenes was urged by a double stimulation, as well the core of his old hatred, as the late treachery at Delphis, wherein he had almost fallen a Victim to Perseus's rage; Prusias King of Bithynia, resolv'd to stand neuter and attend the issue, esteeming it unjust to bear Arms for the Romans against the Brother of his Wife, by whose intercession he doubted not if Perseus prov'd Victoricus to obtain his pardon. Ariates King of the Cappadocians, besides the promise he had made to aid the Romans on his own account, since the time his Alliance with Eumenes shar'd with him in all his Counsels both of Peace and War. Antiochus bent his purposes on the Kingdom of Aegypt, despising the Kings Childhood and insufficiency of his Guardians, resolved to re∣new his pretensions to Coelosyria; supposing to manage this War without impediment, while the Romans were busied about that of Macedonia, contrary to the large promises he had made the Senate. Ptolomy [the young King of Aegypt] in regard of his youth, was wholly at the disposal of others: His Protectors not only made preparations to oppose Antiochus

in Coelosyria, but likewise assur'd the Romans to assist them against the Macedonians. Massi∣nissa [King of the Numidians] purposed to furnish the Romans with Corn, and that his Son Misagenes should attend them in that service with an Auxiliary of Elephants; however he took those measures to provide for himself against both Fortunes; if Victory declar'd for Rome, his affairs would not be at all advanc'd, or in a better posture than before; nor would they ever suffer him to exercise his Arms against the Carthaginians; But if the Roman greatness fell, who then could protect the Carthaginians, or hinder the subduing all Africa under his subjection? Gentius [King of Illyria] had given the Romans occasion of suspi∣tion rather than a demonstration which part he would join with, and that if he declared for either, it would proceed more from the impetuosity of his temper than a mature re∣sult. Cotys the Thracian, King of the Odrysians, openly appear'd for Macedonia.

These were the inclinations of the Kings concerning the War; the generality of the com∣mon [ XXX] people almost thorough all the liberal Nations (leaning as they usually do to the baser side) inclin'd their affections towards the Macedonians; but one might easily perceive the Nobility to be differently affected: some therefore with great eagerness joined with the Romans, by which immoderate favour they impair'd their authority at home; few being induc'd by the justice of the Roman Government, but rather with an opinion that the more vigorous they appear'd for them, the more should they encrease their power in their own Cities. On the Kings side were three sorts, the first whereof were of profuse Court-Flat∣terers, who being too deeply involv'd in credits of others, and desperate in their own For∣tunes, without some turns of State, endeavour'd to precipitate all things into confusion; another, that ill resented the favour Perseus seem'd to shew the popularity; a third consist∣ed of persons of the greatest ability and integrity, who (had it been in their power to give the preheminency) would rather have been subject to the Romans than the King; but if they had been absolute Arbiters of Fortune, neither part should get advancement by the depression of the other, but rather their Forces being preserv'd intire, Peace should have been embrac'd by both; from whence the Cities would have remained in a flourishing condition, while that the weaker was preserv'd from the oppression of the stronger; however they kept these opinions to themselves, and with a di∣screet silence beheld the deportment of those that adher'd to either side. The Consuls that day they took possession of their Government, when they had done the Sacrifice in all the Temples, where the sacred Beds for most part of the year were prepared, and presaging their Prayers were accepted by the Gods, made a ••eport hereof to the Senate. The Auru••pi∣ces likewise presaged a happy event to all new Enterprizes they should undertake, promising Victory, triumph and inlargement of their Dominions. The Fathers commanded the Consuls on the first day the Centuries made their general Parade to publish to the People, That whereas Perseus Son of Philip King of the Macedonians had (contrary to the League made by his Fa∣ther, and since his death by him renew'd) invaded the Territories of the Roman Allies, harrass'd their Countries, and possess'd their Cities, had enter'd into Counsels of War against the Romans, had raised Armies and fitted out a Fleet; that unless he made satisfaction for these wrongs, War should be made upon him. The Gods preserve the happiness of the Roman People.

This Proclamation was published to the People. Afterwards the Senate decreed, the [ XXXI] Consuls should either agree the matter between themselves, concerning the Provinces of Italy and Macedonia, or else to be determined by Lot; and that he to whom the Province of Macedonia fell, should vigorously prosecute the War against that King, and his Adhe∣rents, unless they made satisfaction to the Romans. It was also concluded, that sour Le∣gions should be rais'd and divided between the Consuls. The Macedonian Province was chiefly consider'd, that seeing, according to the old institution, there went in the Legions of the other Consul but five thousand Foot, and two hundred Horse to each, it was comman∣ded they should now be advanc'd to six thousand Foot, and three hundred Horse a-piece. The number of the other Consul in the associate Army was likewise augmented, that (be∣sides those six hundred Horse Cn. Sicinius had already conducted) out of those Allies he should transport sixteen thousand Foot and eight hundred Horse into Macedonia, twelve thousand Foot of the Confederates, and six hundred Horse were thought sufficient for Italy. This further care was taken concerning Macedonia, that the Consul might at his own di∣scretion make Captains and private Souldiers out of the Elder sort, that exceeded not the Age of fifty. The old method of chusing Colonels in respect of the Macedonian War was this Year changed; That the Consuls by the Senates Authority should move the people that those Colonels might not that year be Elected by their Suffrages, but according to the judg∣ment and discretion of the Consuls and Praetors. The commands among the Praetors were thus divided. The Praetor, whose Office it was to be the Senates Itinerant, was dispatch'd to the Fleet at Brundusium, to muster the Squadron of the Associates, dismissing such as were unfit for service, and supply their vacancy out of the Libertines; and to take care that two parts consisted of Roman Citizens, the third of the Alliances. That Provisions of the Fleet and Army should be supplied from Sicily and Sardinia; the Praetors of those Pro∣vinces were commanded to levy a Tax of two Tenths on the people, and transport the Corn to the Army in Macedonia. The Sicilian Province fell to C. Caninius Rebulus, the Sar∣dinian, to L. Furius Philus, and that of Spain to L. Canuleius. C. Sulpitius Galba possess'd

the jurisdiction over the City, and L. Villius Annalis over the Strangers. C. Lucretius Gal∣lus was the Senate's Itinerant.

[ XXXII] Between the Consuls the debate of the Province was rather a cavil than a great conten∣tion. Cassius affirm'd it was his right, without obtaining it by Lot, to fight in Macedonia, nor could his Collegue put it to the hazard with him without perjury; for being Praetor he had sworn in a great Assembly (to defer the return to his Province) that in a particular place, on certain dayes, he purposed to do some Sacrifices which could not rightly be per∣form'd in his absence; which now in his Consulship could be no better effected in his absence than when he was Praetor; But if the Senate should not have respect rather to the Oath in his Praetorship, than his ambition in his Consulship, himself would notwithstanding preserve his obedience to the Senate. The Fathers were consulted, who judg'd it insolence to deny him a Province on whom the people of Rome had plac'd the dignity of a Consul, and there∣fore commanded that Lots should be cast; Macedonia fell to P. Licinius, Italy to C Cassius. Afterwards the Legions were also divided by Lot, the first and third were to be transported in∣to Macedonia, the second and fourth to remain in Italy. The Consuls in their musters were stricter in their view of the Souldiers than they had been at other times. Licinius drew out of the elder sort both Captains and Souldiers; many also voluntarily listed themselves, ob∣serving the riches that others had procured in the former Macedonian War, and that against Antiochus in Asia. When the Colonels called over the names of the private Captains (the principal first) they were found twenty three in number, who had formerly been plac'd in the first ranks of the Piliers; when they had been call'd over they appeal'd for redress to the Tribunes of the people; but M. Fulvius Nobilior, and M. Claudius Marcellus, two of those Tribunes refer'd them to the Consuls; Alledging that it only belong'd to those who had been chosen Generals of the War to determine in those matters; The rest assum'd the authority to themselves, and if any injury were offer'd their Fellow Citizens, they should not want their assistance.

[ XXXIII] This was done in the Tribunes Court; M. Popillius, a Consular person was called thither, and with him the Consul attended by the Centurion Captains; He mov'd the matter might be decided in a publick Convocation of the people, who were accordingly assembled; where M. Popillius, who had been Consul two years before, spoke these words in behalf of the Centurion Captains: These military men (said he) have serv'd the state during the time the Law prescribes, and carry now about them Bo••ies harrass'd with labour, in the publick service, and are ready still to serve their Country; they only beg they may not be dispos'd in more inferiour posts than those they have possess'd in former Wars. Then P. Licinius the Consul commanded the Senate's Decree to be openly read, wherein it was ordain'd, That War should be levy'd on Perseus, to raise as many as they could of the old Centurion Captains for that service, and that none should be exempted that exceeded not the Age of fifty; after this he humbly ex∣horted them; That in a War so nearly concerning Italy, and against so formidable an Enemy; they would not hinder the Colonels in raising Souldiers, nor the Consul appointing to every one such Posts, as should be thought most advantagious to the Common-wealth; and if any thing arose that should be dubious they would submit it to the Senate.

[ XXXIV] After the Consul had finish'd his Discourse, Sp. Ligustinus, one of those who had appeal'd to the popular Tribunes, beg'd leave of the Consul to speak a few words to the people, and having obtain'd it, he thus spoke. I Spurius Ligustinus of the Crustuminian Bands, am de∣scended, Fellow Souldiers! from the Sabines; My Father left me an Acre of Land, and a small Cottage, wherein I was born and nourished, and at this day inhabit; when I came to full Age I married my Fathers Neece by the Brother, who brought with her no other portion than a free birth and chastity, and with these a foecundity would have befitted a plentifuller Fortune; we have had six Sons and two Daughters both now marriageable; four of our Sons are arriv'd to manhood, two are under Age; I first became a Souldier in the Consulships of P. Sulpicius and C. Aurelius, and serv'd a private Souldier in that Army transported into Macedonia against King Philip; the third year T. Quintius Flaminius, to incourage my forwardness, assign'd me the command of the tenth divi∣sion of the Spear-men; our Army being disbanded after the Victory over the Macedonians, I im∣mediately went a Voluntier under M. Porcius the Consul into Spain, than whom there is not a Com∣mander now living could better judge of a Souldiers Courage and Vertue, which those who by long service in the Wars under him, and other Leaders have well experienc'd; This great man (I say) thought me worthy the command he bestow'd upon me; a third time I went a Voluntier in the Ex∣pedition against the Aetolians and Antiochus, where from Manius Acilius I receiv'd the command of the first Centurion division; Antiochus being repuls'd, and the Aetolians vanquish'd, we re∣turn'd into Italy, and two years together I received pay with the pentionary Legions; twice after this I bore Arms in Spain, once under Q. Fulvius Flaccus, a second time under Tib. Sempronius Grac∣chus the Praetor; By Flaccus I was brought home from that Province, among those who had pur∣chac'd his favour by their courage and merits, to attend his triumph; At the entreaty of Tib. Gracchus I went with him into that Province, where in few years I was advanc'd to the command of the first division of the Piliers; thirty four times I have receiv'd from my Generals hand the re∣wards of Valour and Vertue; six civick Coronets I have obtain'd; twenty two years have followed the Wars, and am now above fifty years old; Thus, since I have serv'd the State during the age of

prescription, and may plead the immunity of my years, it is but just methinks, Licinius! I should now retire, considering too I leave four Souldiers to supply my room; But this I speak no otherwise than what might be modestly said in my own behalf; for as long as I am able to bear Arms, I will never excuse my self, or oppose the authority of such deputed Officers as shall think me fit for service, and shall readily obey their commands in any Post they shall esteem me worthy of; nor shall the Army hew a bolder Souldier; as all my cotemporaries in the Wars can testify (both Officers and my old Comrades) hath ever been my constant industry; And you also, my Fellow Souldiers! that exer∣cise the priviledge of appealing to the Tribunes, it is necessary ye now preserve that reverence and obedience to the authority of the Senate, and their Officers, which ye kept inviolate in your younger age; and esteem all places honourable wherein ye are posted for the defence of the Re∣publick.

When he had finished his Speech, the Consul highly applauded him, and brought him [ XXXV] from the people into the Senate, where he was graciously received, and the military Tribunes commanded to assign him the Post of the right hand Pilier, in the first Legion; and so the rest of the Centurion Captains letting fall their appeal obediently submitted. That the Ge∣nerals might hasten the sooner to their Provinces, the Latine Anniversary was celebrated on the Calends of March; which annual solemnity being ended, C. Lucretius the Praetor, after he had provided all things necessary for the Fleet, departed for Brundusium. Besides those Forces levyed by the Consuls, a Commission was directed to C. Sulpitius Gala the Praetor, to raise four Legions of Roman Citizens, with a just proportion of Cavalry and Infantry, and to chuse out of the Senate four military Tribunes to command them; to levy likewise out of the Latine Alliances fifteen thousand Foot, and twelve hundred Horse, and to prepare them in readiness to obey such Orders as should be sent them from the Senate. P. Licinius the Consul desiring an addition might be made to the civil and associate Armies, obtained an Auxiliary of two thousand Ligurians, and as many Archers as the Cretensians thought fit to send; and also a certain number of Numidian Horse and Elephants; to which purpose L. Posthumus Albinius, Q. Terentius Culleo, and C. Aburius, were sent Embassadours to Mas∣sinissa and the Carthaginians; It was likewise thought expedient to send A. Posthumius Albi∣nus, C. Decimius, and A. Licinius Nerva Embassadours into Creet.

At the same time arrived Embassadours from King Perseus; but it was not thought fit [ XXXVI] they should be admitted into the City, seeing it was decreed by the Senate, and the peoples Suffrages, to make War on their King, and the Macedonians; they had Audience in the Temple of Bellona where they deliver'd this Message. That the King their Master much won∣dred that an Army should be landed in his Dominions; if he could obtain of the Senate to recal them home, he was ready to repair the injuries he had offer'd their Alliances, and therein to obey their directions; there was at that time in the Senate-House Sp. Carvilius, sent back from Greece by Cn. Sicinius, on purpose to present the state of that affair; he remonstrated that Perrhoebia was over ran by Arms, and certain Cities of Thessaly vanquished; with other designs that King had either effected, or was ready to act. These Allegations the Embassadours were commanded to answer; who after some hesitations declared, their Commission did not ex∣tend to those particulars; they were therefore bid tell their Master, That P. Licinius the Consul would shortly be with the Army in Macedonia, to whom he might send his Embassadours if he intended (as he said) to make satisfaction, for that his Ministers should have no further pasport thorough Italy. Being thus dismiss'd, P. Licinius the Consul was commanded to bid them depart from Italy within eleven dayes; and that Sp. Carvilius should guard them till they went aboard. These Occurrencies happen'd in Rome before the Consuls went to their Pro∣vinces. Now Cn. Sicinius, before he quitted his jurisdiction, was sent before to the Fleet and Army at Brundusium; having landed in Epirus five thousand Foot, and three hundred Horse, Encamped before Nymphaeum in the Poloniate Campane; from hence he sent a De∣tachment of two thousand men to possess the Forts of the Dassaretians and Illyrians, them∣selves having desired their Garisons might be fortified, to defend them from the incursions of the Macedonians.

A few dayes after Q. Marcius, A. Atilius, P. and Ser. Cornelius Lentulus, with L. Deci∣mius, [ XXXVII] who were sent Embassadours into Greece, brought with them to Corcyra a thousand Foot, where they divided between themselves their Souldiers and the places they were to go to. Decimius was sent to Gentius King of the Illyrians, with advice, to sound him whe∣ther they could find him any way inclinable to the Friendship of the Romans, and if possibly, to draw him into the League of War. The two Lentuli were sent into Cephalania, from thence to cross over to Peloponnesus, and before Winter to scour the Western Seas. Martius and Attilius were assigned to visit Epirus, Aetolia, and Thessaly; from thence they were bid to touch at Boeotia and Eubea, and so to sail over to Peloponnesus, there to meet the Lentuli: But before they departed from Corcyra Letters were brought from Perseus; wherein he de∣manded for what reason the Romans had landed Forces in Greece, and seized Cities? they thought not good to return an answer in writing, but only bid the Envoy tell his Master, That the Romans did it for the defence and safety of those Towns. The Lentuli, as they made their progress thorough Peloponnesus, exhorting both Nobility and people indifferently, to assist the Romans against Perseus, with the same courage and fidelity they maintain'd in the Wars

against Philip and Antiochus; they observed a murmuring through the crowd; The Achaeans ill resented that they (who from the beginning of the Macedonian Wars had shew'd themselves in all things no less Friends to the Romans than Enemies to King Philip) should be plac'd in the same rank with the Messenians and Eleans, who had born Arms against the Romans for Antiochus their Enemy; and being lately added to the Achaean community, complain'd they were deliver'd to the Victorious Achaeans as a reward of their Conquest.

[ XXXVIII] Martius and Attilius, when they arrived at Gitana, a Town of Epirus ten Miles from the Sea, in an Assembly of the Epirots, receiv'd their Audience with a welcome reception, four hundred young men were sent to the Orestians to ly in Garison to defend those Mace∣donians that were by them set at liberty; From thence they arriv'd in Aetolia, where after tarrying some dayes (while a new Praetor was Elected in the room of the deceased, and Lyciscus appointed Governour, a man the Romans knew firm to their interest) they pass'd over into Thessaly. Thither came Embassadours from the Acarnanians and the banish'd Boe∣otians; the Acarnanians were bid declare what they had committed against the people of Rome, deceived by the promises of Philip and Antiochus, during those two Wars, since occasion of atone∣ment was now offer'd them, for if they had experienc'd the Roman Clemency when they ill de∣serv'd, they had reason to hope their benignity when they well deserv'd. The Boeotians were re∣prov'd for entering into an Alliance with Perseus; But when they began to lay the fault on Ismenias a Captain of the other Faction, and on certain Cities that had been drawn away by different opinions; Marcius told them, that the truth of that should soon be manifest by the several Examination of each City. The Diet of Thessalia was now held at Larissa; where the Thessalonians took occasion of rendering their acknowledgments to the Romans by whose munificence they enjoy'd their Liberties, the Roman Deputies on the other side, as readily own'd the obligations receiv'd by the Romans from the Thessalians, who first in the War with Philip, and afterwards that against Antiochus, had assisted them with so much vi∣gour and constancy. This mutual commemoration of benefits inflam'd the mind of the multitude with a zeal to follow the Romats in all their undertakings. After the Council broke up there came Embassadours from Perseus to Marcius, in confidence of that private Friendship that had pass'd between Philip and Marcius [the elder;] The Embassadours began with commemorating that familiarity, desiring he would permit the King might have some Conference with him; Marcius reply'd, that he had heard his Father speak of that mu∣tual affection betwixt him and Philip; and himself being a religious observer of Friendship, had on purpose undertaken that Embassy; as to the Parley he would not in the least have defer'd it, if it could have been commodiously done; but assur'd them he would very suddenly send a Courier to ad∣vertise the King, to meet him at the River Peneus, where a passage lyeth from Omolium over to Dium.

[ XXXIX] And truly at that time Perseus retired from Dium to the interiour parts of his Kingdom, entertaining some light hopes, in that Marcius had confess'd it was for his sake he had un∣dertaken that Legation. After some few dayes they repair'd to the appointed place; The King came attended with a great train of Guards and other Officers of State; The Roman Legates were accompanied with no lesser a Troop of Followers; as well those that came with them from Larissa, as the Deputies of those States which were assembled at Larissa; who were desirous to report at home the things they had seen there; every one was fill'd with ambition to behold the approaches of that great King, and the Representatives of the mightiest people of the Universe; when they came to an interview they stood still on both sides of the River which separated them, and spent some time in disputing by their Messen∣gers which should first pass the River; They insisted on the respect due to the majesty of a King, and these thought no less was due to the Roman greatness, especially since Perseus was the first aggressor to the Parly; Marcius being mov'd at these delays; let the younger (said he pleasantly) because his own surname was Philip) come to the older, the Son to the Father, to which the King was easily perswaded; but now another doubt arose, with what number he should pass over; the King thought it requisite to come with his whole Train; but the Romans that he should pass either with but three attendance, or if he came with all his Fol∣lowers, that he should deliver them hostages that no violence should be committed during the Parly; Perseus therefore sent as Pledges Hippias and Paentanchus his greatest Favourites, whom he had before imployed in the Embassy; nor were these Hostages required so much for their security as to let their Allies see that the King parlied with them upon unequal terms of grandeur; their salutation was not like that of Enemies, but benign and affable, sitting down by each other on Chairs already prepar'd.

[ XL] After some little silence; Tis expected I suppose (said Marcius) we should answer those Letters you sent to Corcyra, wherein you demanded why we came thus with Forces and placed Garisons in every City; to which, should I not answer at all, I fear you might interpret it pride in me, and to answer truly it may seem ingrateful to your self; but since he who breaks the League must be chastis'd by word or Sword (although to make War on you, I had much rather were anothers charge than mine.) I shall accost you (however it be receiv'd) with a friendly roughness, following the Physicians method who uses bitter remedies for the sake of curing. Since the coming to your Kingdom, the

Senate thinks you have done but one thing you ought, your sending Embassadours to Rome to renew the League, nevertheless they judge you had better not to have renew'd it than being once done to break it: you have driven Adrupolis out of his Kingdom, their Friend and Ally; you receiv'd the murderers of Artetarus that it might appear (to say no more) you were not displeased with them who had kill'd a Prince of all the Illyrians the most faithful to the Roman interest; thorough Thessaly and Malia you have march'd an Army (contrary to the League) as far as Delphos, and have also sent relief to the Bi∣zantines against the same agreement; you have confirm'd by Oath a secret Confederacy with our Allies the Boeotians, which you ought not have done; concerning the death of the Theban Embassadours, Eversa and Callicritus (coming from us) I had rather enquire than accuse; and to whom should I impute the civil Wars and slaughter of the Nobility in Aetolia but the Macedonians? nor do the Delopians owe their ruine to any other arm than yours; It troubles me to tell, whom King Eumenes accuses for contriving his destru∣ction at Delphi; where on his return from Rome to his own Kingdom in that sacred place before the Altars he had well nigh like a Victim been sacrificed: The wicked practices re∣lated by your Brundusian Host, I am well assur'd you have receiv'd by Letters from Rome as well as the report of your own Embassadours; if you would not have had me related these things, you might have avoided it by forbearing these demands, why our Army was transported into Macedonia, and the Cities of our Confederates fortified; which to have obviated with silence would have been a greater argument of our pride than with ingenuous truths; and do withal assure you the memory of our Fathers Friendship makes me grant you this request, and also wish you'd shew me how my interest may serve you with the Senate.

I shall now defend a cause (reply'd the King) before those who are at once both Judges [ XLI] and Accusers; but were the debate before impartial Judges, I should not doubt its good∣ness. As to the matters objected against me, they are partly such as I know not whether I may not glory in them, or such I cannot blush to own, and partly such as are meerly verbal, for which a plain denial may serve; For, were I this day accus'd by your own Laws, what could that Brundusian discoverer, or Eumenes object against me, that would not seem rather a reproach than a fair accusation? Is it likely Eumenes (considering his many both private and publick wrongs) should have no other Enemy than my self, or that I could find no fitter a minister of mischief than Rammius? one whom I ne'r had seen before, nor was ever likely to see hereafter; must an account of the Theban's death (who, 'tis manifest, have perished by Shipwrack) be rendered by me, and of the murder of Artetarus; wherein there is nothing farther objected, than that his murderers were banished into my Kingdom? and yet I will not refuse this hard imposition, if you will also agree to own your selves to be the Authors of all those crimes committed by such banish'd Malefactors as have transported themselves into Italy or Rome; but if you as well as other Nations shall excuse your selves from this, I shall not among others exempt my self; and, by Hercules, the banishment of one place will signify but little to him that may not be suffer'd to live in another; and yet as soon as I was inform'd by you that they were in Macedonia, I immediately commanded them to depart my Kingdom, and forbad them ever after to appear in my Dominions; and thus far I have answer'd these objections like one accused at the Bar; those things which regard me as a King, and your Confederate, must be disputed; for if it be mentioned in the Treaty, that if any one should levy War upon me it shall not be lawful for me to defend my self and Kingdom, then indeed it must be confessed that in defending my self by Arms against Adrupolis (a Confederate of Rome) the Treaty was violated; but if this might be done by vertue of the League, and that by the Law of Nations Arms may be repuls'd by Arms, what measures pray should I then have taken when Adrupolis had invaded the Frontiers of my Kingdom as far as Amphipo∣lis, seiz'd many free-born Subjects with a great multitude of Peasants, and drove away many thousands of Cattle? should I have sat still and suffer'd him till he came to Pella, even arm'd into my Palace? No! I pursu'd him with a just War, though to vanquish him I would not, nor ought he to suffer those calamities that attend the conquer'd; if I, who was provok'd to arms underwent the chance of War, how can he complain to have tasted the same fate, who was the first aggressor? I shall not, Romans! in the same manner defend my Arms for the suppression of the Dolopeans; having done therein what was agreeable to my own right, if not to their merits, seeing they were of my own King∣dom and Jurisdiction, made subject to my Father by your own Decree; neither, if the thing were now to be disputed (not before you, nor my Confederates, but) those who approve not of unjust authority, even our Slaves, can I be thought to have been more ri∣gorous towards them than Equity and Justice will allow; having murdred Euphranor the Governour, I set over them, so barbarously, that death was the lightest of his suf∣ferings.

From thence as I made my progress to visit Larissa, Antrona and Peleon, I ascended [ XLII] up to Delphi to do sacrifice, and pay those Vows I had long before promised; and here 'tis thrown upon me to augment my crime; that I was there with my Army, to seize on

Cities, and fortifie their Garisons, the thing for which I now complain of you: Assemble all the Cities of Greece through which I pass'd, and let any Souldier complain I injur'd him, I will not then deny, but that under a pretence of Sacrifice I might seem to seek another thing; we sent assistance, I confess, to the Aetolians and Byzantines, and made a League with the Boeotians: These things of what sort soever they were, by my Em∣bassadours were not only declared, but often excused before your Senate; where I had some Arbiters, not so equal to my cause as you Quintius Martius my Fathers Friend and Guest; For, Eumenes my Accuser was not as yet come to Rome, who by wresting and ca∣lumniating, had rendered all things odious and suspected; endeavouring to perswade you, that Greece could not possess it's liberty, and injoy your benignity, as long as the King∣dom of Macedonia flourished: But, you'll see a new face of things; and there will be e'r long some that may shew, it was to little purpose Antiochus was removed beyond the head of Taurus; and that Eumenes is become a much greater troubler of Asia than Antio∣chus ever was; nor your Confederates be able to live in Peace as long as his Palace is at Pergamus, that Cittadel o'r topping the heads of all the adjacent Cities. I know, O Q. Marcius, and you A. Atilius, the things which are by you objected and me excused, will be such as are the Ears and Opinions of the Auditory; nor will it be reflected, with what intention I have done them, as being done, how you may censure them: I am conscious to my self of nothing wherein I e'r offended willingly; and if I have done any thing thorough inadvertency or imprudence, it may by this reprehension be corrected and amended; I have committed nothing that you may judge incurable, or worthy to be pursued with War and force of Arms, or surely it is in vain the fame of your clemency and gravity hath spread it self thorough all Nations, if for such trifling matters (scarcely worth complaint or disputation) ye take up Arms and levy War against your Confede∣rate Princes.

[ XLIII] Marcius then assenting to these things, moved him to address Embassadours to Rome, see∣ing all things ought to be pursued to the last, nor should he in the least despair. The re∣mainder of the consultation was, how his Embassadours might pass in safety; to this pur∣pose, though a Truce of Arms might seem but a reasonable request, and Marcius himself willing to it, (nor had he any other intention by this Treaty) yet he conceded with some difficulty, as if it had proceeded meerly from his respect and favour of the Petitioner. For the Romans were not at all as yet sufficiently prepared for the War, neither in their Army nor Leaders; whereas Perseus (had he not been blinded with a vain hope of Peace) had all things in full order and preparation, and might have begun the War, in a time most advan∣tagious to himself, and unseasonable to his Enemies. From this Conference (a cessation of Arms being on both sides concluded) the Roman Deputies determin'd to advance to∣wards Boeotia; there being now begun some commotions, occasioned by the dissenting of certain people from the Society of the common Council of the Boeotians, ever since it was reported back, the Roman Legates to have answered, that it should appear particularly what people misliked to be joined in Aliance with the King. First, Embassadours from Chaeronea, then others from Thebes met them on their way, assuring them they were not in that counsel wherein that Alliance was decreed; at this time no Answer was returned, they were only commanded to attend them to Chalcis. At Thebes also there was begun a tumult, arising from another contention: In the Assembly for the electing of the Boeotian Praetors, that part which received the repulse (resenting the injury) gathering the multitude toge∣ther, made a Vote; That the Boeotarchees should not be received within their Cities; who like banished men retired all to Thespia; From whence (for they were received there with∣out delay) being upon second thoughts recall'd, they made a Decree; That if the number of twelve private persons had Congregated themselves into an Assembly and Council, they should be condemned to banishment: After this Ismenias the new Praetor, a Nobleman, and of great power, by Decree in their absence, condemn'd them to lose their lives; They had fled to Chalcis, and from thence they went to the Romans at Larissa; laying the occa∣sion of their Alliance with Perseus wholly on Ismenias; From these contentions they grew to a fierce Conflict, nevertheless Embassadours from both sides came to the Romans, as well the banished and accusors of Ismenias as Ismenias himself.

[ XLIV] When they arrived at Chalcis, the Nobility of other Cities (a thing most grateful to the Romans) every one by his own particular suffrage renouncing Society with Perseus, united themselves to the Romans. Ismenias thought it just the Boeotian people should be committed to the trust of the Romans, whereupon arose so fierce a contention, that unless he had fled into the tribunal of the Legates, he had with no small difficulty preserved his life from the inraged exiles and their party. Thebes it self, which is the Metropolis of Boeotia, was like∣wise in great commotion; these indeavouring to draw the City to the King, and those in∣clined it to the Romans; besides, a great multitude of Coronaeans and Heliartians had resor∣ted together to assert the Decree of Alliance with the King; but the constancy of the Nobility remonstrating by the Calamities of Philip and Antiochus, the power and fortune of the Roman Empire, so over-ruled the multitude, that they not only decreed the regal Alli∣ance should be dissolv'd; but also sent those who had been the promoters of that contracted

Friendship, to render satisfaction to the Legates at Chalcis; and commanded them to sub∣mit their City under their protection. Marcius and Atilius heard the Thebans and the pro∣moters very gladly, and advised them separately to send Embassad••urs ••o Rome, to renew their amity; but before all things they commanded the restoring of the Exiles; and the Authors of the regal Society they condemn'd by their own Decree. Having thus dissol∣ved the Boeotick Council (a thing they earnestly coveted) they went to Peloponnesus with Serv. Cornelius, whom they had sent for to Chalcis; a Council was ass••mbled for them at Argos; where they requested nothing of the Achaians, but that they would supply them with a thousand Souldiers; this recruit was sent to fortifie Chalcis till the Roman Army was tran∣sported into Greece: Thus Marcius and Atilius having finished what affairs were to be done in Greece, about the beginning of Winter return'd to Rome.

About this time an Embassy was sent round the Asiatick Isles wherein were three Embas∣sadours, [ XLV] Ti. Claudius, P. Posthumius and M. Junius: These, as they travelled round, in∣cited their Allies to join with the Romans in this War against Perseus; and the more opulent each City was, the more forcible were their perswasions; because the lesser, they conclu∣ded, would follow the authority of the greater. The Rhodians of all others were esteemed of the greatest moment; because they could not only favour, but with their Forces aid the War; and by the advice of Hegesilochus had fitted out a Fleet of forty Sail; Who, seeing he was their chief Magistrate (which they call Prytanin) had overcome the Rhodians by ma∣ny reasons, That abandoning all hope of regal Patronage (which they had too often proved but vain) they should adhere to the Alliance of the Romans, the only support as well for fidelity as power that was then to be found in the whole Ʋniverse: That since the War was drawing near with Perseus, the Romans would suddenly desire the same Fleet, which they had lately seen in the War against An∣tiochus, and formerly in that against Philip; and, unless they had already begun to refit the Ships and furnish them with Mariners and Souldiers, they would be then in a hurry and confusion when the Fleet was to be prepared and fitted out; And this ought to be done with greater solicitude, that by the proof of these proceedings, those related by Eumenes might be refuted. Incited by these motives, upon the arrival of the Roman Legates, they shew'd them a Fleet of forty Ships repleat and fitted out, that it might appear, perswasion was not by them expected: And this Embassy was of great moment in procuring the affections of the Asiatick Cities. Decimius alone without any effect (and not without the disgrace of being suspected for ta∣king bribes of the Kings of the Illyrians) return'd to Rome.

Perseus, when he had retired himself from the Parly with the Romans into Macedonia, [ XLVI] sent Embassadours to Rome concerning the conditions of Peace, already begun with Marcius; He also dispatch'd his Credentials by his Embassadours to Byzantium and Rhodes; the pur∣port whereof was to the same effect in all; That he had had some Conference with the Roman Deputies; But he had express'd as well the things he had heard as those he spoke, in such a manner, that he might seem to have gain'd the advantage in the dispute: The Embassadours likewise added, They were confident that Peace would be concluded, being sent themselves Embassadours to Rome by the instigation of Marcius and Atilius; But if the Romans contrary to the Treaty should proceed to War, that then the Rhodians with all their power and interest should endeavour to reunite the Peace: if all their attempts should prove in vain, it would require their care, lest the right and power of all things should wholly devolve on this one people; and if this consideration was of such import to others, then chiefly to the Rhodians, who among other Cities so much excell'd in dignity and wealth; all which would be obnoxious and inflav'd, should there be no regard to any other than the Romans. The Kings Letters and Discourse of the Embassadours, found rather a civil entertainment than an effectual perswasiveness in changing their minds, which, the authority of the better part had already begun to sway. This Answer was voted to be re∣turn'd; That Peace was wished by the Rhodians; But if War should happen, their King should neither seek nor hope any thing from the Rhodians, that might dissolve their antient Friendship with the Romans, purchaced by many and great obligations both in Peace and War. Returning from Rhodes, they visited those Cities of Boeotia, Thebes, Coronea and Haliartus: From whom it did seem a thing forced from them against their wills, that quitting the royal Alliance, they were joined with the Romans: The Thebans continued stedfast, although they were something discontented with the Romans, in condemning their Nobility, and re∣storing the Exiles: The Coroneans and Haliartians, possessed with a certain affection to∣wards Kings, sent Embassadours into Macedonia, intreating a Garison, whereby they might he protected against the excessive insolence of the Thebans; To which Embassy the King thus answered; That a Garison was not in his power to send them, because of the Truce with the Romans, but only to perswade that they should in such a manner defend themselves from the inju∣ries of the Thebans, as thereby they offer'd no occasion to the Romans to exercise severity against them.

When Marcius and Atilius had arriv'd at Rome, they thus related their Legation in the [ XLVII] Capitol; That they gloried in nothing more, than the Kings being deceived by a Cessation from Arms and the hope of Peace; for so well appointed as he was in all things requisite for War, and they so ill, all places of advantages might have been prepossess'd by him, before their Army could be transported into Greece: That the King would not return any thing advantaged by the interval

of that Truce; though the Romans might thereby be more repleat in all things to begin the War: They had also by a stratagem divided the Council of the Boeotians, that they could not any more hereafter be joined in any Confederacy with the Macedonians. These things were approved by the greatest part of the Senate, as perform'd with the greatest discretion; But the old Se∣nators, who remembered the customs of elder times, did refuse to allow the policies of that Negotiation, That their Predecessors used to make War, not by Ambushes, and nocturnal Skirmishes, or by a dissembled flight to make sudden rallies on their unwary Enemy; nor were they wont to glory more in their subtilty than true Valour and Vertue; They us'd to declare, nay pro∣claim War before they made it; and sometimes to appoint the place where they would fight the Battle: With the same confidence they discovered the Physician to King Pyrrhus that designed his death, and delivered to the Faliscians the betrayer of the Children of their King. These were the Roman Arts of War; not those of the crafty Carthaginians, or the subtle Greeks, with whom it was more glo∣rious, to beguile their Enemies than conquer them by Courage; That sometimes, indeed, cunning might more avail than valour, although the mind of an Enemy was then only said to be o'rcome, when he was forced to confess, the conquest was not deriv'd from policy or chance; but hand to hand by grapling force with force in just and pious War. Thus spake the Fathers, who were not much taken with this new policy; nevertheless that part of the Senate overcame, whose care extended more to that which was profitable than honourable; and so far that Marcius was not only commended for his former Embassy, but was imployed a second time into Greece, with certain five-oar'd Gallyes, and commanded to act all other things as should appear to himself most advantagious for the Republick. A. Atilius they likewise sent to possess himself of Larissa in Thessalia; fearing lest when the Truce had been expired, Perseus, sending thither a Garison, should have seiz'd into his power the Metropolis of Thessaly, to effect which, Atilius was commanded to take two thousand Foot from Cn. Sicinius; And to P. Lentulus who had returned from Achaia, was given three hundred Souldiers of the Italian Nation; that at Thebes he should indeavour to bring Boeotia under their sub∣jection.

[ XLVIII] Things being in this readiness, although War was absolutely determined, yet the Senate thought good to give Audience to the Embassadours of Perseus; where almost, the same things uttered by the King in the Conference, were deliver'd by the Embassadours; they earnestly endeavoured to wipe off that imputation of treachery towards Eumanes, but with little probability, the thing appearing too manifest; other things were matter of supplication, but they were heard with such minds which would not be inclined or inform'd; and were commanded to depart immediately from the Walls of the City of Rome, and within thirty dayes from Italy. It was afterwards ordered, That Licinius the Consul (who had the Government of the Spanish Province) should appoint the Army the first day he could a general Rendezvous. C. Lucretius the Praetor, Admiral of the Fleet, left the City with forty five-oar'd Gallies, (for the Ships that had been refitted were kept at home for other uses about the City) sending his Brother Lucretius before with one Quinquereme, to receive those Ships from the Allies which were promised by Treaty, and with them to meet the Fleet at Cephalenia; From the Rhe∣gines one Trireme Galliot, from the Locrians two, and from the Ʋrites four; with which compassing the extream promontory of Calabria in the Ionian Sea, along the Italian shore, he sailed to Dyrrhachium; there he found ten Barks of the Dyrrhachians, twelve of the Isse∣ans, and fifty four belonging to King Gentius; taking all these along with him (pretending that he supposed they were all provided for the use of the Romans) the third day he clear'd Corcyra, from whence he soon after arrived at Cephalenia. C. Lucretius the Praetor having put to Sea from Naples, and crossing the Streight, the fifth day arrived also at Cephalenia; where the Fleet came to Anchor, expecting the Land-Forces should be transported thither, and that those Vessels of burthen which had been scattered thorough the Sea from the Fleet should there also overtake them.

[ XLIX] It happened about this time, that P. Licinius the Consul, having offered up his Vows in the Capitol, in his accoutrements of War, took leave of the City; which Ceremony was always certainly performed with the greatest state and dignity; but then their Eyes and Minds were both especially imploy'd, when they beheld their Consul marching against so noble an Enemy, great no less in Fortune than in Courage; nor was respect and duty the only inducive hither, but also to behold the shew, and see their Captain, by whose Con∣duct they had consented the whole Commonwealth should be preserved: From hence the mind proceeds to some reflections, on the chance of War, the unconstancy of Fortune, the event of Battle, common unto both; The bad and good success, and those things which too often by the inadvertancy and temerity of Leaders, have been the occasion of fatal overthrows; as well as those which on the contrary, have been produced by prudence and fortitude: what mortal could di∣vine whether of these Conducts or Fortunes should attend the Consul they imploy'd in War; whether they were likely to behold him not long after, triumphantly ascend the Capitol with his Victorious Army, to revisit those Gods which he was then about to leave, or whether they should give the like opportunity of rejoicing to their Enemies. Perseus, the King against whom he was now a going, had purchased Fame by being Prince of the Warlike Macedonians, as well as from his Fa∣ther Philip, who among many fortunate atchievements, was renowned for his War against

the Romans, nor was the name of Perseus (since the time he first possess'd the Kingdom) ever given over to be celebrated in expectation of this War. With these cogitations, men of all Orders followed the Consul at his departure; C. Claudius and Q. Mucius, two military Tribunes that had been Consuls, were sent along with him, and P. Lentulus, and the two Manlii Acidini, three young Gentlemen of quality, one the Son of M. Manlius, the other of L. Manlius: with these the Consul went to the Army at Brundusium, and from thence carrying his whole Forces over to Nymphaeum, he Incamped in the Territory of Apollonia.

Perseus, some few dayes before (upon return of his Embassadours, relinquishing all hope [ L] of Peace) call'd a Council; which was a good while divided with different Opinions; some advised, That if the Tribute should be injoined to be paid, or if they should condemn them to yield some part of their Country; nay it seem'd to them that no conditions were to be refused, but to sub∣mit to all things for the sake of Peace; nor that the King should throw himself and Kingdom on the chance of so great an uncertainty; for if the real possession of his Kingdom remained in his own power; opportunity might offer many advantages, which being improved, he might be able hereafter not only to recover his past losses, but also become terrible to those whom now he fear'd. But a much greater number was of a fiercer Opinion; Affirming, that whatsoever Perseus had yielded, he must, not long after, have given his Kingdom with it; for 'twas not Money or Land the Ro∣mans wanted; But this they were assured that all humane things were subject to changes, nor were the greatest Kingdoms and Empires exempt from revolutions; That they had themselves subdued the Carthaginian Power, imposing on their necks a mighty King their Neighbour; Antiochus too with all his race remov'd beyond Mount Taurus: That Macedonia was the only Kingdom, both near in Region, and which (if at any time the Roman People should decline in Fortune) seem'd able to restore their Kings their antient magnanimity; Therefore while things stood intire, Perseus ought to resolve; whether he had rather (conceding to particulars) and being at last divested of his King∣dom, and his wealth extorted) be forc'd to intreat the Romans, either for Samothracian, or some such petty Isle; where like a private man, surviving his Royal State, he might grow old in base contempt and poverty; or whether arming himself in defence of his dignity and fortune as became a gallant man, he would suffer the utmost chance of War, or victoriously release the World from the Roman sway: nor would it be a greater wonder to chase the Romans out of Greece, than that Annibal was driven out of Italy; nor could they see how it did consist, that he who had re∣sisted with the highest courage his ambitious Brothers injurious attempt upon his lawful Kingdom, to yield it up to strangers. Lastly, Peace and War was so disputed, that in the end they all consented, That nothing was more shameful than to abandon a Kingdom without a Battel, nor any thing more honourable than for a Throne and Majesty to attempt all Fortunes.

This Council was held at Pella, in the ancient Royal Palace of the Macedonians. Let us [ LI] then make War, said he, since you are so resolv'd, and may the Gods be propitious to us. Then sending Letters to all his chief Officers, he drew up all his Forces near Citium (a Town in Macedonia; After he had offer'd the Princely Sacrifice of an Hecatomb to Minerva, whom they call Alcides, with a great Train of Guards and Courtiers he went to Citium; where al∣ready were gathered his whole Forces, both of Macedonians and Auxiliary Strangers; He incampe•• before the City, and drew up his Army in the Plain, which consisted in the whole of forty thousand men; almost the half part of which were composed of the Pha∣langitae, commanded by Hippias a Beraean; There were also two Companies selected for their youth and agility out of the whole number of the Targetiers, which they called the Legion, commanded by Leonatus and Thrasippus Eulyestaus; The rest of the Targetiers, al∣most three thousand were led by Antiphilus of Edessa; The Paeonians, and those of Parorea and Pastrymonia (places subject to Thrace) and the Agrians, with some Inhabitants of Thrace mixt amongst them, amounted almost to the number of three thousand, and Didas the Paeo∣nian (who murder'd the young Demetrius) was he who had armed and mustered them; There were also two thousand Gauls under the command of Asclepiodotus; From Heraclea among the Sintians three thousand Free-born Thracians, having a Commander of their own; almost the like number followed their Leaders Susus the Phalasarnean, and Syllus the Gnossian; Leonides also the Lacedaemonian brought five hundred out of Greece, being a mixt number of all Nations; This person was reported to be of the bloud Royal, condemn'd to banishment in a publick Assembly of the Achaeans, certain Letters being intercepted that were sent to Perseus; The Aetolians and Boeotians, in all not above five hundred, were commanded by Lycus the Achaean; From these mixt Auxiliaries of so many people and Nations, he made al∣most the Complement of twelve thousand; and he himself had drawn out of all Macedonia three thousand Horse, and Cotys Son of Seutha, King of the Odrysians, had brought thi∣ther a thousand well appointed Horse, and well nigh as many Foot; The whole Army amounted to thirty nine thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse; which manifestly ap∣peared to have been the greatest Army (except it were that second Army which Alexander the Great carried into Asia) that any King of the Macedonians ever had.

The twenty sixth year was now expired since Peace was granted to the Suit of Philip; du∣ring [ LII] which peaceable interval, Macedonia had brought forth a new Progeny, great part whereof were ripe for Martial Discipline, and by the light Skirmishes with the Thracians

their Neighbours (which rather exercised than fatigu'd them) were always kept in War∣like Discipline; And now, that Roman War (which had been long ago design'd by Philip, and afterwards by Perseus) was in all things fitted and prepared. The Army moved gently, not in a full march, but only, that they might not seem to have stood still in their Arms; And thus armed as they were, he call'd them to a Council of War; The King sat on a Throne, having about him his two Sons, the Elder of which was Philip, his natural Bro∣ther, but his Son by adoption, the younger whom they called Alexander, his Son Legiti∣mate; He incourag'd the Souldiers to the War, telling them the injuries done by the Ro∣mans, both to his Father and himself: That his Father (being compell'd by all sorts of indigni∣ties to renew the War) in the midst of his preparation was seized by the hand of fate; That at one time Embassadours were sent to himself and Souldiers to possess the Cities of Greece; afterwards, by a fallacious parly under pretence of a Peace to be reconciled, a whole Winter was wasted, that they might gain time to prepare themselves; That then the Consul was advancing with two Roman Legions, each having three hundred Horse, and about the like number of Horse and Foot from their Confederates; and if the Auxiliaries of the Kings Eumenes and Massinissa should happen to come along with him, they would not exceed the number of seven thousand Foot, and two of Horse; having heard these things of the Enemies Forces, they should reflect upon their own Army, how much they excell'd them in number, how much in the disposition of their Souldiers, mere novices hurried to the War in hast, while they, from their Childhood had learn'd the martial Arts, hard∣ned and exercis'd by frequent Wars; That those who aided the Romans were none but Lydians, Phrygians and Numidians; but they had Thracians and the Gauls the fiercest of all Nations; Their Arms were no better than every poor Souldier could provide for himself, but the Macedoni∣ans were furnished with those that were ready fixt out of the Royal stores, so many years provided by the care and great expence of his Father: That provision was a great distance from the Ro∣mans, and liable to the Casualties of the Sea; while that they had (besides the revenue from the ruines) both Money and Corn reserved for ten years; and that the Macedonians enjoyed all things which the gods indulged, and which the Royal care had made accumulate; That they ought to have the courage of their Ancestors, who, all Europe being subdued, and passing over into Asia, have by their Arms discovered a World unknown to Fame; nor did they give o'r their Conquests till de∣bar'd by the red Sea, having then no more to conquer; But now Fortune had rais'd a dispute, not for the farthest shores of India, but concerning the possession of Macedonia it self: The Romans in the War with his Father, pretended to have made it for the liberty of Greece; but their ambi∣tion was now to bring the Macedonian People into servitude, lest any King should be Neighbour to the Roman Empire, or that a gallant people should have Arms for War; All these things with their King and Kingdom, they would be compell'd to resign to those proud Lords, if they refrain'd the War, and did what they would have them.

[ LIII] Hitherto thorough the whole Oration he had been sufficiently applauded by the general assent; but then there arose so great an exclamation, partly of indignation and menacings, and partly of bidding the King be of good Courage; that he was forced to make an end of speaking, only bidding them to make ready for their march, for that the Romans were already reported to remove their Camp from Nymphaeum. The Assembly being dismiss'd he prepared himself to give Audience to the Embassadours of the Macedonian Cities, who were come to promise money and grain to maintain the War, every one according to his ability; Thanks were returned to all (remitting those charges) with this Answer, that the Kings provisions were sufficient for that purpose; Carriages were only commanded to be provided, for the Ordnance, and a large number of hurling Darts, with other Warlike in∣struments. Then he march'd with his whole Army towards Eordea, and near the Lake which they call Begorrites he Encamped, from whence he came to Elimia on the River Ha∣liacmona; then passing over those they call the Cambanian Mountains thorough a narrow passage, he descended among the Inhabitants of Azorus, Pythius and Doliche, which place they call Tripolis; these three Towns held out a little while, because they had given Hostages to the Larissians; but being o'rcome with the present fear, yielded themselves into his power; these he saluted courteously; not doubting but that the Perrhaebians would also do the same, nor did the inhabitants make the least resistance, but at his first approach they surrender'd the City; Cyretia endeavouring to make resistance, the first day in a sharp Skir∣mish he was repulsed from the Gates, but the day following attacking it with all his force, they all before night yielded him submission.

[ LIV] Mylae was the next Town, and so strong, that the hope of it's being impregnable, had render'd the Inhabitants a great deal fiercer; thinking it not sufficient to shut the Gates against the King, but they also cast out many scurrilous reproaches o•• him and the Mace∣donians; which proceeding, seeing it had more inraged the Enemy to the assault, and themselves likewise despairing of pardon, enflam'd them the more fiercely to defend them∣selves; so that for the space of three dayes they were attack'd and defended with much gallantry on both sides; The number was so great of the Macedonians, that relieving one another by turns, they easily maintain'd the assault; but the Townsmen that defended the Walls night and day, not only their wounds but continual watching and labour had quite worn them out: The fourth day when the Scaling-Ladders were every where raised on the

Walls, and the Gates assailed with greater force, the Townsmen being driven from the Walls ran to defend the Gate, and made a sudden sally on the Enemy; which was rather an effect of blind rage than a true confidence of their strength, but (being few in number and quite tired out) they were beaten back by those that were fresh and vigorous, and in the pursuit their Enemies were received with them thorough the open Gate: Thus the City was taken and sacked, and the free people that survived the slaughter were exposed to sale; The greatest part of the Town being burnt and ruined, the Camp moved to Phalanna, and the day after came to Gyrtone; but hearing that T. Minucius Rufus and Hyppias the Thessalian Praetors had fortified that place, he passed by without making any attempt, however he surprized Elatia and Gonnus, being smitten with terrour at his unexpected approach; which two Towns are situate in the Streights which lead to Tempe, Gonnus especially, and there∣fore he left it fortified with a very strong Garison both of Horse and Foot, and a triple Ditch and Rampier; He determined to go himself to Sycurium, there to expect the Enemy, and commanded his Army to Forage all the Country of the Enemy that lay under him; For Sycurium is seated at the Foot of the Mountain Ossa, having on the South-side lying under it the Thessalian Plains, and behind Macedonia and Magnesia; To these commodities may be added the extraordinary healthfulness of the clime, and the multitude of Fountains conti∣nually running round about it.

The Roman Consul by this time marching with his Army towards Thessaly, at first began [ LV] his expedition with some celerity thorough Epirus, but when he had passed over into Atha∣mania, with great difficulty and slow marches thorough a rough and almost unpassable Country, he arrived at Gomphi: If the King at that time and place, with his Forces in order, had met him at the head of a young disciplin'd Army, compos'd of tired men and Horses, the Romans themselves cannot deny, but that they must have received a very great overthrow; but when they arriv'd at Gomphy, without any opposition, besides their joy for overcoming those difficulties, they began also to despise their Enemies for their ignorance of their own advantages. The Consul having duly sacrificed and distributed Corn to the Soul∣diers, remained there some few dayes for the refreshing of his men and Horses; When he heard that the Macedonians overran all Thessaly, and destroyed the Countries of their Al∣lies, being now sufficiently recruited, he led his Army to Larissa; afterwards when he was about three miles distant from Tripolis (which they call Scea) he incamped by the River Pe∣neus. About this time Eumenes came by Sea to Chalcis, with his Brothers Attalus and Athe∣naeus; leaving his Brother Philetaerus at Pergamus Protector of his Kingdom; departing hence with his Brother Attalus, and four thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse, he came to the Consul; leaving at Chalcis two thousand Foot under the Command of his Brother Athenaeus: Thither also came other Auxiliaries to the Romans from all the parts of Greece, many of which particulars (being so inconsiderable) are lost in oblivion. The Appolloniats sent three hundred Horse and a hundred Foot; From the Aetolians came one Company only the greatest number of Horse the whole Nation could raise: nor did all the Thessalonians which were separated and quartered asunder in the Roman. Camp exceed three hundred Horse; and the Achaeans sent a thousand of their youth armed for the most part like the Cretesians.

About this time also came C. Lucretius the Praetor, who went before with the Ships to [ LVI] Cephalenia; after he had appointed his to sail above Malea with his Fleet to Chalcis, him∣self went aboard a Trireme Galliot, passing the Gulf of Corinth to pre-possess the affairs in Boeotia; his Voyage was the slower because of the infirmity of his Body; M. Lucretius com∣ing to Chalcis, and hearing that the City of Haliartus was besieged by P. Lentulus, sent a Messenger to command him in the name of the Praetor to depart thence; The Lieutenant having entered on that affair with the Boeotian youth, who had taken part with the Romans left the Walls; The raising of this Siege made room for another; For M. Lucretius with a Naval Army of ten thousand Souldiers, with two thousand of the Kings which were un∣der Athenaeus, immediately besieged Haliartus, and being just ready to make an attack, the Praetor from Creusa joined with them; And about the same time Ships from the Allies ar∣rived at Chalcis; Two Punicaean Quinquereme Galliots, two Trireme Galliots from Heraclea in Pontus, four from Chalcedon, as many from Samos, and five four-oar'd Gallies from Rhodes; the Praetor because there was no where any Sea-War, remitted all these again to the Allies; Q Marcius also, after he had taken Halops and assaulted Larissa which is called Cremaste, came by Sea to Chalcis. This was the State of affairs in Boeotia, when Perseus (as was said before) lay incamped at Sycurium; having drawn together all the Forage of that Country round about, sent Souldiers to destroy the Territory of the Pheraeans; supposing that the Romans, being drawn far from their Camp to the relief of their Confederates might be sur∣prized; But when he found them nothing moved by tumult, he gave the Booty (except the men) which was large in Cattle of all sorts to be merrily devoured among his Souldiers.

Afterwards, about the same time, the King and Consul both consulted where they should [ LVII] begin the War. The King's Courage was much increased by the devastation of the Pherae∣ans permitted by the Enemy; and therefore resolved (nor to give any space of further

prolonging) to march immediately towards their Camp. The Romans also were of opini∣on, that delay would have rendered them infamous among their Confederates, resenting it as a thing extreamly dishonourable, that the Pheraeans were not succoured; as they were consulting what they were to do (Eumenes and Attalus being both in Council) a Scout in hast reported, that the Enemy were at hand with a mighty Army; The Council being risen, a sign was immediately given to arm; in the mean time an hundred Horse was ordered to march forth, drawn out of the Royal Auxiliaries, with an equal number of Foot Darts. Perseus about the fourth hour of the day, being about a thousand paces from the Roman Camp, bid the Ensigns of the Foot to halt, himself advancing with the gens d'arms, and light-armed Souldiers, with King Cotys and the Captains of the other Auxiliaries marched before; when they came about fifty paces from the Camp, the Enemies Horsemen were in view: They were two Cornets most part Gauls commanded by Cassignatus; besides about an hundred and fifty light-armed Mysians and Cretensians; here the King halted, the Ene∣mies number being uncertain; Then he sent out of the Regiment two Companies of Thracians, and two of Macedonians, with two Cohorts of Cretensians, and as many Thracians. The Skirmish (s••eing both s••des were equal, nor any recruits sent from either side) was finished with uncertain Victory; about thirty of Eumenes Souldiers were slain, among whom fell Cassignatus Captain of the Gauls; for that time Perseus retired with his Forces back to Sycurium: The next day about the same hour, and to the same place, the King advanced his Army, certain Carriages with Water following after; for all the way for a dozen miles was without Water and very dusty, and if they had been forc'd to fight when they were first in view, and almost choak'd with thirst, they had encounter'd with great disadvantage: But seeing the Romans ly still, drawing their Centinels within the Curtain, the King also re∣turned to his Camp: This they did for some days, hoping still the Roman Horse would charge their Reer in the Retreat; that being once begun, and the Romans inticed far from their Camp, they (who were best able in Horse and light-armed Souldiers) could every where face about.

[ LVIII] The King perceiving that this design did not succeed, moved his Camp nearer the Enemy, and fortified it for five miles: Then by break of day in the usual place he drew up his Ba∣tallion of Foot, and led all the light-armed Horse near the Enemies Camp; the sight of greater dust and numbers, and nearer than usually, occasion'd a great consternation in the Roman Camp; at first the Scout was hardly credited, for during the former dayes the Ene∣my never appeared before the fourth hour, then 'twas but Sun-rising; afterwards (by the clamour and running from the Gates, all doubt being removed) there arose a mighty tu∣mult; The Tribunes and chief Officers, with the Centurions, ran to the Praetors Tent, the Souldiers every one to his own. Perseus had marshall'd his men about five hundred pac••s from the Rampier; near an Hill, which they call Gallicinus. King Cotys commanded the left Wing, with all those of his Nation: and the light-armour was placed between the seve∣ral ranks of Horse. In the right Wing were the Macedonian Horse; among whose Troops the Cretans were mixt. This Regiment one Milo a Beraean led, but Meno of Antigonia com∣manded the Horse, and the chief part of it. The Kings Horse stood next the Wings, and a mixt sort of people, which were choice Auxiliaries of several Nations. Those that com∣manded these men were Patrocles of Antigonia, and Didas, Praefect of Paeonia. The King was in the middle of them all; about whom stood the Agema (as they call it) [i. e. a Ba∣talion of Horse] and the sacred Wings of Horse. Before himself he placed the Slingers and Darters; both of which made up the number of four hundred; being commanded by Ion of Thessalonica, and Timanor of the Dolepian. Thus stood the Kings men. The Con∣sul also, having marshall'd his Foot within the Rampier, sent out all his Horse, who were set in Array before the Rampier. The right Wing was commanded by C. Licinius Crassus the Consuls Brother, with all the Italian Horse, the light Horsemen being mixt among them: and the left Wing by M. Valerius Laevinus, who likewise had the Horse of the Gre∣cian Allies, and the light-armour of the same Nation. But Q. Minucius led the main body with the extraordinary choice Horse. Before the Ensigns of these there were two hundred Gallick Horse ranged of Eumenes's Auxiliaries, who were Cyrtians, in number three hun∣dred. There were also four hundred Thessalian Horse planted at a little distance above the left Wing; whilst King Eumenes and Attalus stood with all their Forces behind, between the Reer of the Army and the Rampier.

[ LIX] The two Armies being ranged much after this manner, and consisting of almost an equal number of Horse and light armour, fell to it, the Battle being begun by the Slingers and Darters, who were the forlorn hope. First of all the Thracians, like savage Beasts, that have been long shut up in a Den, ran in, with a mighty shout, upon the right Wing consisting of the Italian Horse, to put that Nation, which by their experience in War, as well as their natural disposition, were not to be daunted [if possible] into disorder. The Foot with their Swords struck at the [Enemies] Spears; cutting sometimes the Horses Legs, and another while running them into the Bellies. Perseus charging up upon the main body, made the Grecians give ground at the first effort: upon whom since the Enemy pr••st harder behind, the Thessa••ian Horse, who stood at a small distance from the left Wing, and was

in the place of the reserves, at first, being yet disengaged, were only Spectators of the fight, though soon after, when their party began to decline, they were of greatest use, For t•••• giving ground by degrees with their entire ranks, after they join'd Eumenes's Aux∣iliaries, not only gave their Allies who were dissipated and fled, a safe reception among their Ranks; but also, seeing the Enemy came not very thick upon them, were so bold as to advance forward, and meet many of those that fled. Nor durst the Kings [i. e. Eumenes's] men, who were now themselves scatter'd here and there by pursuing [the Enemy], join Battle with an orderly body of men that march'd in so regular a manner. Now when the King, who had won the day in the Horse Engagement, if he had push'd on but a little farther, might have made an end of the War, the Phalanx [a Body of Foot peculiar to the Macedonians] came very opportunely up, as he was encouraging his men, led in all hast by Hippias and Leonatus, on their own accord (when they heard that the Horse had fought so successfully) lest they should be behind hand in that daring attempt. The King thereupon wavering in his mind between hope and fear of undertaking so great an Enter∣prize, Evander of Creet, whom he had used as an instrument at Delphi in his design upon King Eumenes, when he saw that body of Foot, coming under their Ensigns, ran to the King, and earnestly advised him, that he should not be so proud of his success, as rashly to venture all upon one unnecessary hazard. If he lay still that day, content with what he had so prosperously done, he would either have terms of an honourable Peace, or a great many Allies in the War, if he chose rather to fight. The Kings mind was most inclined to take this advise: wherefore, ha∣ving commended Evander, he order'd the Ensigns to be carry'd back, and the body of Foot to retreat into the Camp, together with the Horse.

There fell that day, on the Roman side, two hundred Horse, and full two thousand Foot; [ LX] there being about two hundred Horse taken. And of the Kings men there were twenty Horse, and forty Foot slain; When the Conquerers return'd into their Camp, they were all of them very jocund, but the unusual joy of the Thracians was most signal: for they went back singing and carrying the heads of the Enemies upon their Spears points. Among the Romans there was not only a sadness for their defeat, but a sear also, lest the Enemy should immediately set upon their Camp. Eumenes therefore perswaded [the Consul] to carry his men over the River Peneus; that he might have the River for his security, till the dishearten'd Souldiers had rallied up their spirits. The Consul thought it a great crime for him to shew any tokens of fear: but yet, being convinced by reason, he, in the dead time of the night, put over his Forces, and Encamped upon the farther Bank [of the River.] The King coming forth the next day to provoke the Enemy to an Engagement, when he saw that they had pitch'd their Camp in a safe place, beyond the River, confessed indeed, that he was to blame, he had not follow'd his blow the day before: but said, it was somewhat a greater fault in him, that he had lain still all that night. For, though he had not stirred any one man besides, had he but sent the light armour in upon them, the Forces of the Enemy, who were in such a consternation, might have been, great part of them, cut off as they pass'd over the River. The Romans indeed had now no p••esent fear upon them; but though their Camp was se∣cure, yet they were particularly concern'd (among other things) for the loss of their ho∣nour. And in Council before the Consul every one of them laid the blame chiefly upon the Aetolians; [saying] that from them arose the first ground of their flight and fear; they fol∣lowing the apprehensions of the Aetolians, and the other Greek Nations. For five Aetolian Prin∣ces were said to be the first, that were seen to turn their backs.

The Thessalians being publickly commended, and their Officers also rewarded for their [ LXI] Courage, the spoils of the slain Enemies were brought to the King: out of which he gave some presents of signal Arms, to others Horses, and to some Captives. There were above a thousand and fifty shields; with Coats of Mail and Breast-Plates more than a thousand, besides a greater number of Helmets, Swords and Weapons to throw at a distance, of all sorts. Now though these things were in themselves very great, yet most of them were mul∣tiplied and augmented by the Kings Speech, which he made publickly before his Army: [which was this.] You see already (said he) what is like to be the issue of the War; in that you have routed the better part of the Enemy, viz. the Roman Horse, in which they were used to boast themselves invincible. For their Horsemen are the flower of their youth, and the seminary of the Senate. Thence the Consuls take choice men into the number of the Senate, and out of them make Generals. But the spoils of these men we have just now divided among you. Nor have you gain'd a lesser Victory over the Legions of Foot, who, making their escape in the night time, fill'd the River like a Company of frighted wretches that are Shipwrack'd, and swim here and there in the Sea. But it will be easier for us, who follow a conquer'd Army, to get over Peneus, than it was for them, who were in such a fright; and when we are over we will presently attack their Camp, which we this day should have taken, had they not fled. Or if they'll fight us fairly in the Field, you may expect the same event of a Foot Battle, as the Horse in their Engagement met with. There∣upon not only they who had conquer'd were glad to hear him (having the spoils of their slain Enemies upon their shoulders and before their faces, and receiving encouragement toward a future attempt from what had already fallen out) but the Foot also, being in∣flamed with others glory (especially those who were in the Macedonian Phalanx) wish'd,

they also might have an opportunity to serve the King, and gain the like honour from the Enemy. The Assembly being dismiss'd, the next day he went and Encamped at Mopsius; which is a little Hill between Tempe and Larissa.

[ LXII] The Romans stirr'd not from the Bank of Peneus, but only removed their Camp into a more secure place. Thither came Misagenes, a Numidian, with a thousand Horse, and an equal number of Foot, besides twenty two Elephants. At that time as the King sate in Council concerning the grand affair, after his pride, upon the score of his good Fortune, was now abated, some of his Friends were so bold as to advise him, that he would make use of his happy success toward the gaining of conditions for an honourable Peace, rather than being puff'd up with a vain hope, cast himself upon an irrevocable hazard. That he would set bounds to his prosperity, and not give too much credit to the serenity of his present fortune: for that was the part of a prudent man, and one that was deservedly happy. That he would send such men to the Consul, as might renew the League upon the same terms on which his Father Philip had accepted of a Peace when T. Quintius was Conquerer. For the War could not be ended with greater glory, than with such a memorable fight; nor could he have any surer hopes of a perpetual Peace than now, when the Romans were so defeated, and would of consequence, be more easily induced to enter into an Alliance. But if the Romans should even at that time, through their native stubbornness, refuse what was just; both the Gods and men would be witnesses of Perseus's moderation, and of their obstinate pride. The Kings mind was never much averse to such Counsel, wherefore by the assent of the major part that opinion was approved. Thereupon Embassadours were sent to the Consul, and had their audience in a full Council. In which they desired a Peace, and promised that Perseus should give the Romans as much Tribute, as his Father Philip had pro∣mised: as also, that Perseus would remove from those Cities, Territories and places, from whence Philip had removed. This said the Embassadours: who being desired to withdraw, upon the debate in Council, the Roman constancy at last prevailed. For such was the custom in those dayes, to put on the face of prosperity even in adversity, and to restrain their minds in happy cir∣cumstances. Wherefore they thought sit to make this Answer; That they would grant them a Peace, upon condition, that the King would leave the whole matter freely to the Senate, to de∣termine concerning him and all Macedonia, as they pleased. Which when the Embassadours had related to the King, he and those about him, being ignorant of the custom [of those times] looked upon the Roman obstinacy as a miracle: and many of them advised, not to make any farther mention of Peace; for they would in a short time sue for what they now disdained. But Perseus feared this very pride, supposing it to proceed from a confidence they had in their own strength; and therefore increasing the summ of money, to see if at least he could pur∣chace peace with gold, he never ceased to tempt the Consuls mind. But seeing that he would not alter any thing of his first resolution, Perseus, despairing of Peace, return'd to Sycurium, from whence he came, with a design again to try the fortune of War.

[ LXIII] The fame of his Horse Engagement being spread all over Greece, discover'd the peoples inclination. For not only they that were of the Macedonians side, but many also that were highly obliged to the Romans, and some too, that had felt their force and pride, were glad when they heard it; in the same manner, as, in mock Fights, ye commonly use to favour the worse and weaker side. At the same time Lucretius the Praetor had attack'd Haliartus in Boeotia with all his force; and though the besieged had no foreign aids, except some young men of Corone (who had come into their Walls in the first Siege) yet they made resistance with their Courage more than their strength. For they not only made frequent sallies out upon the works; but also, when the battering Ram was apply'd to their Walls, forced it down to the ground with a weight of Lead: and, if they that guided the blow by any means avoided them, in the place of that part of their Wall which was demolish'd they presently built a new one, with stones gather'd of the very ruins. But seeing the attack by works was too slow, the Praetor order'd scaling Ladders to be distributed among the se∣veral Companies, resolving to beset the Walls quite round: for he thought that his num∣ber was sufficient for that purpose, because on that side where the City is Encompass'd by a Fenn, it neither was to any purpose, or possible to attack it. He himself therefore, on that side, where two Turrets, and all the Wall between them were thrown down, planted two thousand choice men; to the end, that at the same time, when he endeavour'd to get over the ruines, and the Towns came all flocking together against him, the Walls, being destitute of any body to defend them might be taken in some place or other. The Towns∣men were very active to repel his force: for standing in the breach of the Wall, upon dry Faggots of twigs, which they had laid there, with burning Torches in their hands, they often threaten'd to set them on fire, that so, being intercepted from the Enemy by the flames, they might have time to build a new Wall for their defence; but their desire by chance was spoiled. For there poured down on a sudden such an impetuous shower, that it not only hinder'd them from lighting the Wood, but also put it out, when lighted. By which means the Romans gain'd a passage through the divided smoaking twigs; and, (seeing all the Townsmen were imploy'd in the defence of one place only) took the Walls too with their Ladders in many places at once. In the first tumult upon the taking of the City, the old men and young Boyes, all that came in the way, were kill'd; but the Souldiers fled

into the Castle: though the next day, having no hope left, they surrender'd themselves, and were all sold publickly for Slaves, being about fifteen hundred in number. The Or∣naments of the City, as Statues, Paintings, and all other pretious Booty, was carried down to the Ships, and the City razed from the very foundations. From thence he led the Army to Thebes; which being retaken without any opposition, he gave the City to the ba∣nish'd party, and those that were of the Roman side: but sold the whole Families of the ad∣verse Faction, who were favourers of the King and Macedonians, for Slaves. Having done these things in Boeotia he return'd to his Fleet at Sea.

Whilst these things past in Boeotia, Perseus lay Encamped for some dayes at Sycurium. [ LXIV] Where having heard, that the Romans by stealth reaped and carried away the Corn out of the Country round about them; and that, by cutting off the Ears every one before his Tent, that they might have the Corn the freer and purer to grind, had made great heaps of straw all over the Camp; thought that a good opportunity for him to set fire on them; and there∣fore, ordering Flambeaus, Torches, and bundles of Hemp dawbed all over with pitch to be made ready, he march'd forth in the night time, that he might surprize them as soon as it was break of day. But all to no purpose, for as soon as the first Guards were disturb'd, they by their tumult and terrour, raised all the the rest; and immediately the Alarm was given, the Souldiers being at the same time set in Battalia within the Bullwark, at the Gates, and intent upon the defence of their Camp. Perseus therefore commanded his Army strait to face about, bidding the Carriages go first, and after them the Foot, whilst he with the Horse staid to bring up the Reer; supposing (what did really happen) that the Enemy would pursue him; to seize upon the Reer behind. There was a short Skirmish between the light-armour chiefly and the light Horsemen, that used to run before the Army: but the Horse and Foot return'd without any trouble into their Camp; and having reaped down all the Corn thereabout, the Romans removed their Camp to the Crannonian Territories, which was a place as yet untouch'd. Where whilst they lay secure, not only by reason of the great distance between them and the Enemy, but because the rode, being without Wa∣ter, was difficult to pass, between Sycurium and Crannona, all on a sudden, by break of day, the Kings Horse appearing, with the light armour upon the Hills just above them, caused a great disorder. They came from Sycurium the day before at noon: and had left the Body of Foot, a little before it was light, in the adjacent Plain. They stood for some time upon the Hills, thinking that the Romans might be drawn forth to an Horse Fight: who not stirring, the King sent a Trooper to bid the Foot march back to Sycurium, whither he himself soon after follow'd them. The Roman Horse following them at a small distance, to see if they could have an opportunity at any place to set upon them when they were scatter'd and dispers'd, when they saw them march off in a close body, observing their Ensigns and their Ranks, themselves also return'd into their Camp.

Thereupon the King being offended with the length of the Journey, removed his Camp [ LXV] to Mopsius, and the Romans, having reaped down all the Corn at Crannona, went over into the Territory of Phalanna. Where, when the King understood by a Fugitive, that the Ro∣mans stragled all about the Country, without any guard at all, he went with a thousand Horse, and two thousand Thracians and Cretans, who marching with all the speed they possibly could, surprised the Romans. By which means their Waggons (with the Beasts yoked into them) and those most of them loaded, were taken, to the number of almost a thousand, besides about six hundred men. He committed the care of keeping and bringing the booty into the Camp to three hundred Cretans: whilst he himself, having recalled the Horse from their extravagant slaughter [of the Foe] and the remaining part of the Foot, drew off to the next Guards [of the Romans;] supposing it would be no difficulty to defeat them. L. Pompeius the Tribune military commanded [that Post] who led away the Souldiers, being amazed at the sudden arrival of the Enemy, to an adjacent Hill, with a resolution to defend himself by the secure situation of the place, since he was too weak for them both in number and strength. Where when he put his men into a round figure, that by joining of their shields together they might defend themselves from the stroke of Arrows and Darts; Perseus, having encompassed the Hill with his Souldiers, order'd some of them to attempt the ascent of it on all sides, and to join Battle hand to hand, whilst others threw Weapons at a distance. The Romans were environ'd with doubtful terrour: for they could not fight in close order, for those that endeavour'd to ascend the Hill: besides that, having bro∣ken their ranks by the sallies that they made, they lay open to Darts and Arrows. But they were wounded most by the Cestrosphendonae [i. e. Slings that Slung Darts] which was a new so••t of instrument, invented in the time of that War. It had a Dart of two Spans length fix'd to an handle of half a Cubit long, about which there were set three Feathers to poize it, as there are upon Arrows. The middle of the Sling had two Cords of unequal length, so that when the Slinger whirl'd about the Weapon in the larger cavity of the Sling, it flew out like a Bullet. Now seeing that by this and all other sorts of Weapons, part of the Souldiers were wounded, so that they could not now (being tired) well bear their A••ms, the King prest them to a Surrender, gave them his word [for their security] and sometimes promised them rewards: though none of their minds for all that were incli∣ned

to a surrender, till at last, by meer chance, when they were resolv'd to die, they had some hopes given them. For when some of the Foragers, who fled back into the Camp, had told the Consul, that the guard was beset; he, moved by the danger that so many Citi∣zens were in (for there were nigh eight hundred of them, and all Romans) with the Horse and Light-armour (to which there was an addition made of new Auxiliaries, viz. the Numidian Foot and Horse, besides Elephants) went out of the Camp, and commanded the Tribunes military to follow the Ensigns of the Legions: whilst he himself went before to the Hill, to strengthen the light-arm'd Auxiliaries; and along with the Consul went Eumenes, Attalus and Misagenes, the petit King of the Numidians.

[ LXVI] When the besieged saw the foremost Ensigns of their party, the Roman spirits were re∣cover'd from their extream despair: and Perseus, whose chief design was, to be content with what success he had happen'd to have, and, having taken and kill'd some Foragers, not to lose time in besieging a small Garison; and his next, when he had however made some attempt upon it, since he knew he had not strength enough about him, to march off, whilst he with safety might; not only staid himself (being proud of his success) till the Enemy came, but sent with all speed, to fetch the Phalanx. Which being brought not only too late to do the business, but in an hurry too, were likely to come all in disorder (by reason of their hast) against a regular and prepar'd body of men. But the Consul, who came before, join'd Battle forthwith. In which the Macedonians at first opposed him; though in a little while, being no way equal they endeavour'd to march off, having lost three hundred Foot, twenty four of their best Horsemen out of that Wing which they call the Sacred [Wing]; among whom Antimachus also the Captain of that Wing fell: But their flight was full as tumultuous as the Battle it self. The Phalanx being sent for by a timorous Messenger, and led in hast, met first, in narrow passages with the body of Cap∣tives, and the Waggons that were laden with Corn: who being slain, there was a great distraction on both sides, since no body staid till the Army was ranged; but the Souldiers threw the Carriages down the Precipice (for otherwise they could not have made way) and the Beasts when they were prick'd or goaded, flounced in the crowd. Nor had they well clear'd themselves from the ill-disciplin'd Body of Captives, when they met the Kings Army, and the discouraged Horsemen. Whereupon the very shout of them, who bad them turn back again, put them into a consternation much like that which happens in a general ruine; so that if the Enemy had dar'd to follow them any farther into the streights, they might have received a great overthrow. The Consul having drawn his Garison off the Hill, and being content with moderate success, led his Forces back into his Camp. There are, who say, there was a great Battle fought that day, and eight thousand of the Enemy slain (a∣mong whom there were Sopater and Antipater, the Kings Generals) and that there were taken alive two thousand eight hundred, with twenty seven military Ensigns. But that it was not a bloodless Victory [to the Romans;] of whom there fell above four thousand three hundred out of the Consuls Army; besides that there were lost five Ensigns out of the left Wing.

[ LXVII] This day, as it recruited the Romans hearts, so it damp'd Perseus: insomuch that having staid but a few dayes at Mopsius (more to bury his dead men than any thing else) and left a good strong Garison at Gonnum, he retreated with his Forces into Macedonia. He left one Timotheus, a Captain of his, with a small party at Phila, having order'd him to tempt the Magnesians and the adjacent Nations. When he came to Pella, having sent his Army away into their Winter-Quarters, he himself went with Cotys to Thessalonica. Where there was news brought, that Atlesbis, petit King of the Thracians, and Corragus, Eu∣menes's Prefect, had made an incursion into Cotys's Dominions: and had taken that part of the Country, which they call Marene. Wherefore supposing it to be the best way to send Cotys to defend his own Dominions, he presented him with great gifts at his departure: viz. two hundred Talents, and six months pay for his Horsemen, though at first he had resolv'd to give them an years. The Consul when he heard that Perseus was gone, removed his Camp to Gonnum, to try, if he could gain the Town: which being situate in the very streights be∣fore Tempe, is a secure bar to Macedonia, and an opportune inlet for the Macedonians into Thessaly. Since therefore it was a place impregnable both for its situation, and the guard that was in it, he desisted from his attempt: and turning his course into Perraebia, he took and rifled Mallaea upon the first effort; and, having taken Tripolis, with the rest of Perraebia, return'd to Larissa. From thence, having sent Eumenes and Attalus back home, he distri∣buted Misagenes and the Numidians into Winter-Quarters in the adjacent Cities of Thessaly, and divided part of the Army in such a manner through all Thessaly, that they not only had, all of them, convenient Quarters, but were also a guard to the several Cities. He sent Q. Mucius the Lieutenant, with two thousand men to keep Ambracia; and dismiss'd all the Allies of Greece, except the Achaeans. Then going with part of his Army into Achaia Pthiotis, he razed Pteleum (whence the Townsmen were all fled) from the very foundations; and took possession of Antron by the voluntary surrender of the Inhabitants. Thence he removed his Army to Larissa; where the City was deserted, and all the people fled into the Castle, which he began to attack. The Macedonians first of all, who were a Garison of the

Kings, were gone out for fear; by whom since the Townsmen saw themselves forsaken, they came immediately and surrender'd themselves. After that, he was at a stand, whe∣ther he should first attack Demetrias, or get what he could before that in Boeotia. For the Thebans, who were molested by the Coronaeans, desired him to come into Boeotia: so, at their request, because it was a Country more convenient for Winter-Quarters, than Mag∣nesia, he march'd into Boeotia.

DECADE V. BOOK III.

The EPITOME.

2. Some of the Praetors, for that they had behaved themselves very covetously and cruelly in the management of their Pro∣vinces were condemn'd, P. Licinius Crassus, the Pro-Consul, took a great many Cities in Greece, and plunder'd them very cruelly. For which the Captives, who, under him, were sold for Slaves, were afterward restored. There were also many tyrannical actions done by the Captains of the Roman Fleet, against their Allies. 18, &c. The successful actions of King Perseus in Thrace: after he had conquer'd the Dardans and Illyricum, the King whereof was na∣med Gentius. The insurrection, that was made in Spain under Olonicus; was appeas'd by his being slain. M. Aemilius Lepidus was chosen President of the Senate by the Censors.

THE same Summer, that the Roman got the Victory by an Horse Engagement in [ I] Thessaly, a Lieutenant sent by the Consul into Illyricum, forced two rich Towns by force of Arms to submit; but gave them all their goods, that by their good opi∣nion of his Clemency, he might have drawn in the Inhabitants of Carnus, a strong City. But when he saw he could not either bring them to a surrender, nor take them by a Siege, lest his Souldiers should be tired to no purpose with two attacks together, he rifled a City, which he before had left untouch'd. The other Consul, C. Cassius, did nothing memor∣able in Gaul, which happen'd to be his Province; besides, that he in vain attempted to lead his Legions through Illyricum into Macedonia. For the Senate knew, the Consul was gone that way, from the Aquileian Embassadours; who complaining, That their Colony was new and weak; nor as yet well secured against those hostile Nations of the Istrians and Illyrians, amidst whom they lived; and therefore desiring, that the Senate would take some care to secure that Colony; were ask'd, whether they were willing to have that affair committed to C. Cassius the Consul? To which they answer'd, That Cassius having appointed his Army to meet at Aqui∣leia, was gone through Illyricum into Macedonia. That news at first seemed incredible; and every one thought that he might have made War upon the Carnians perchance or the Istri∣ans. Whereupon the Aquileians reply'd, That they neither knew, nor durst affirm any thing farther, than that he had given his men thirty dayes Corn, and that there were guides hired and ta∣ken away, who knew the rodes out of Italy into Macedonia. At which the Senate was very angry, that the Consul should dare to leave his own Province and go into another, leading the Army a new and dangerous way among so many Foreign Nations, whereby he open'd a passage for such a number of people into Italy. So they decreed in a full Assembly, that C. Sulpicius the Praetor should nominate three Embassadours out of the Senate, who should go that day from the City; and, with all the speed they could, should find out the Consul Cassius, whereever he was, and warn him, not to make War with any Nation; before he had orders for it from the Senate. Accordingly these Embassadours went, who were M. Cornelius Cethegu, M. Fulvius, and P. Marcius Rex. Their fear for the Consul and the Army deferr'd their care of fortifying Aquileia at that time.

Then several Embassadours from divers Nations in both the Spains were introduced into [ II] the Senate: who complain'd of the avarice and tyranny of the Roman Magistrates, and upon their Knees desired of the Senate, that they would not suffer them to be more barbarously pillaged and tormented, now they were Allies, than when they were Enemies. Now therefore see∣ing ••hey complain'd of many other indignities, and that it was evident, that money had been taken [from them] L. Canuleius, the Praetor, who was the Governour in Spain, was imploy'd; to assign five Delegates of the rank of Senators, for every single person, from whom the Spaniards demanded any money, and to give them leave to chose, whom they pleased, for their Ad∣vocates, so the Embassadours being called into the House, the order of Senate was read to them, and they were bid to name their Advocates. Upon which they named four, viz. M. Porcius Cato, P. Cornelius Scipio, Son of Cneius, L. Aemilius Paulus, Son of Lucius, and C. Sulpicius Gallus. First then the Delegates began with M. Titinius, who had been Praetor in the hither Spain, when A. Manlius and M. Junius were Consuls: who, having been twice

put off to a farther hearing, was at last acquitted. Then there arose a dissention between the Lieutenants of two Provinces: the people of the hither Spain having taken M. Cato and Scipio for their Advocates, and those of the farther L. Paulus and Sulpicius Gallus. By the hither people there was conven'd before the Delegates, P. Furius Philus, and by the farther M. Matienus: the former of whom had been Praetor three years before, when Sp. Postumius and Q. Mucius were Consuls, and the latter two years before, when L. Postumius and M. Popillius were Consuls. They were both accused of horrid crimes, but their Tryal was de∣ferr'd till a longer day; whereon when they should have come to plead a fresh, they were excused upon the score of their voluntary banishing of themselves: for Furius went to Prae∣neste, and Matienus to Tibur. There was a report, That they were forbid, by the Advocates, to accuse any noble or potent men: and Canuleius the Praetor encreased that suspition, in that, omitting that affair, he began to make a Levy. Whereupon he went of a sudden into his Province, lest any more men should be brought into trouble by the Spaniards. Thus ha∣ving buried all past things in silence, the Senate consulted the safety of the Spaniards for the future, who prevailed so far as to procure an Order, That the Roman Magistrates should not have the rating of their Corn; nor force the Spaniards to sell the twentieth part of it at what price they pleased; and that no Officers should be placed in their Towns to raise money [against their wills.]

[ III] There came also another Embassy from a new sort of people out of Spain: who saying, that they were born of Roman Souldiers, and Spanish Women (with whom the Romans were not allow'd to marry) to the number of above four thousand, desired, that they might have a Town allotted them, wherein to live. Whereupon the Senate decreed; That they should tell their names to L. Canuleius: and that those of them, whom he had made free, should be carried to Carteia, near the Ocean. And likewise, that all thos•• of Carteia who had a mind to stay there, should be lookt upon as part of that Colony, and have land assign'd them: that having been a Latin Colony, called by the name of the Libertines [Colony.] At the same time came out of Africa, Gulussa, Son to Massinissa, as Embassadours from his Father, together with the Carthagini¦ans. Gulussa was first introduced into the Senate, and there declared, what his Father had sent to the Macedonian War; besides which he promised, that, if they would command any thing else from him, he would do it for the sake of the Roman people: but advised the Senate, to take care of the Carthaginians fraud. For they were about to set forth a great Fleet, in shew, for the Romans, and against the Macedonians: but when it was ready and sit for service, it would be in their power to make whom they pleased their Friend or Enemy. 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉

[ IV] When they came into the Camp, they caused such a consternation, by shewing the heads, [U. C. 580] that, if the Army had been presently brought thither, the Camp might have been taken. Then also was there a great flight; and there were some, who thought it fit, that Embas∣sadours should be sent with a Petition to desire Peace: and many Cities, when they heard that news, came and made their surrender. Who clearing themselves, and laying the fault upon the madness of two men, who freely offer'd themselves to punishment, though the Praetor had pardon'd them: he went immediately to the other Cities, and, seeing all of them obey'd his commands, march'd with his Army quietly through the Country, which was now appeas'd, though just before it had been all enflamed with a mighty tumult. This mildness of the Praetor, whereby he had subdu'd so Warlike a Nation without any blood∣shed, was so much the more grateful to the people and the Senate, by how much the Con∣sul Licinius and the Praetor Lucretius had carry'd on the War in Greece with greater Cruelty and Avarice. For the Tribunes of the people continually inveigh'd against Lucretius, when he was absent, in their publick Assemblies; though he were said (by way of excuse) to be absent about the business of the Common-wealth. But at that time, what was done even in the Neighbourhood, was so little inquired into, that he was then at his Country House at Antium, and bringing the Water (with the money that the spoils of the War were sold for) thither, out of the River of Loracina: He is said to have bargain'd for the doing of that work at the rate of a hundred and thirty thousand pounds of brass: besides which he likewise adorn'd the Temple of Aesculapius with several paintings [purchased] out of the booty. The Abderite Embassadours turn'd the Envy and Infamy off from Lucretius upon his Successor Hortensius, weeping before the Senate-House, and complaining, that their Town was taken and rifled by Hortensius. That the reason, why their City was so sack'd, was, be∣cause, when he required of them a hundred thousand Deniers, and fifty thousand Bushels of Wheat, they desired time, to send Embassadours concerning that affair, both to the Consul Hostilius, and to Rome. That they were scarce yet come to the Consul before they heard, that the Town was taken, the Nobility and Gentry in it beheaded with an Axe, and the rest sold for Slaves. This seemed to the Senate a great indignity; and therefore they decreed the same thing concerning the Abderites, as they had done concerning the Coroneans the year before: commanding Q. Maenius the Praetor, to declare it publickly before the people. There were also two Embas∣sadours (C. Sempronius Blaesus, and Sext. Julius Caesar) sent to restore the Abderites to their liberty: being also charg'd to tell the Consul Hostilius, and Hortensius the Praetor, that the

Senate thought, the War made against the Abderites, was unjust, and were of opinion, that all those, who were in slavery should be inquir'd after, and restored to their liberty.

At the same time there were complaints brought to the Senate against C. Cassius (who the [ V] year before had been Consul, but was then a Tribune military with A. Hostilius in Mace∣donia; and Embassadours came from a King of the Gauls, called Cincibilis. His Brother made a Speech in the Senate, wherein he complain'd, that C. Cassius had pillaged the Coun∣tries belonging to the Alpine people, their Allies: and had taken many thousand of the Inhabitants thence into slavery. About that time came the Embassadours of the Cirnians, Istrians and Japides: [Complaining] that C. Cassius was the first that ever required of them to find guides, to shew him the way, when he led his Army into Macedonia: that he went quietly from them, as though it had been to wage another War; but came back, when he was half way, and in an hostile manner over-ran their Country: that he committed all kind of rapine in every place, and burnt their Towns; nor did they know to that day, for what reason the Consul lookt upon them as Enemies. To which several Nations (and to the petit King of the Gauls too) the Senate made An∣swer; that they neither knew that he would do those things, which they complain'd of, nor, if they were done, did they approve of them. But it was unjust to condemn a consular person, before he had said what he could for himself and in his absence; especially since he was absent upon the publick account. When C. Cassius return'd out of Macedonia, then, if they would accuse him face to face, when they heard the case, the Senate would endeavour to see satisfaction made. Nor did they think fit only to give this Answer to those Nations, but to send Embassadours also; two to the petit King beyond the Alpes, and three about to those several States, to let them see, what the Senates intentions were. They likewise voted, that there should be Presents sent to the Embassadours of two thousand pounds of brass: but to the two Brothers, the petit Kings, these things in particular; viz. two Chains made of five pounds of gold, and five silver Ves∣sels of twenty pounds, with two Horses, that had all their trappings on, Grooms to look after them, Horse Arms, and Souldiers Cloaks: besides Garments for their retinue, both Freemen and Slaves. Those things were sent them, and this granted them, upon their request, viz. that they might buy ten Horses, and carry them out of Italy. The Embassadours sent with the Gauls beyond the Alpes were C. Laelius and M. Aemilius Lepidus; but to the other Nations, C. Sicinius, P. Cornelius Blasio, and T. Memmius.

About that time there met at Rome Embassadours from many Cities of Greece and Asia to∣gether. [ VI] Of which the Athenians being first introduced, said; They had sent P. Licinius the Consul, and C. Lucretius the Praetor all the Shipping and Souldiers, that they had, though they had not made use of them. That they required of their City a hundred thousand Bushels of Corn; which (though their soil were barren, insomuch that they were fain to feed their Country People with Foreign Corn, yet) that they might not be behind hand in their duty, they had provided: being ready still to do what was imposed upon them. The Milesians, who said they had as yet done no∣thing at all, promised, that they would be ready to obey what ever the Senate should please to com∣mand them in order to the War. The Alabandians put them in mind, that they built the Tem∣ple of the City of Rome, and set forth anniversary Games in honour of that Goddess: as also, that they had brought a golden Crown of fifty pounds which they laid up in the Capi∣tol, as an offering to the thrice good and great Jupiter: and would deliver three hundred Horsemens Shields to any one that they should order. Wherefore they desired, that they might leave their present in the Capitol, and sacrifice. This the Lamsacenes also, who brought a golden Crown of eighty pound, desired; saying, That they deserted Perseus, when the Ro∣man Army was come into Macedonia, though they had been under the command of Perseus, as be∣fore of Philip. For which, and that they had obey'd the Roman Generals in all things whatsoever, they only begg'd, that they might be received into an Alliance with the Romans, and, if a Peace were concluded with Perseus, excepted, for fear of coming again under that Kings lash. The other Embassadours received a kind Answer: but Q. Maenius the Praetor was order'd to admit the Lampsacenes into the number of Allies. They had each of them presents made to them of two thousand pound of brass a man; the Alabandians being bid to carry their Shields back to the Consul A. Hostilius in Macedonia. The Embassadours of the Carthaginians also came at the same time out of Africa, and told the Senate, that they had ten hundred thousand Bushels of Wheat, and five hundred of Barley, ready at the Sea-side, to carry, whither the Senate pleased. That they knew that present and service of theirs was less than either the Roman People deserv'd, or they could wish it were: but that they had several other times, when both Nations were in prosperity, done the part of grateful and faithful Allies. The Embassadours of Massinissa too promised the same quantity of Wheat, with twelve hundred Horses, twelve Elephants, and said, that whatever else the Senate should think fit to command, he woulh perform as willingly, as that which he himself of his own accord had promised. The Senate gave both the Carthaginians and the King thanks; desiring them, that they would carry, what they promised to the Consul Hostilius in Macedonia. The Embassadours had each of them two thousand pounds of brass sent them.

Then the Cretan Embassadours put them in mind that they had sent into Macedonia all [ VII] the Archers which they had been by P. Licinius the Consul commanded to raise; but since, when they were ask'd, they could not deny, but that a greater number of their Archers fought

under Perseus then under the Romans, Answer was made to them; if the Cretans truly, and in good earnest, design'd to prefer the Friendship of the Roman People before that of King Per∣seus, the Roman Senate also would give them such an answer as they would to trusty Allies. But that in the mean time, they should tell their Principals, that the Senate thought fit, the Cretans should endeavour as soon as possible to recal home those Souldiers, that they had among the Forces of King Perseus. The Cretans being dismissed with this Answer, the Chalcideses were called; whose Embassy at the very entrance of it (for that Miction, the chief of them, being Lame, was brought in a Litter) seemed at first sight a business of extream necessity: in which a person so infirm as he, either thought he ought not to excuse himself upon the score of his weakness, or if he had, would not have been admitted to make that Plea. He therefore having told them before, that he had nothing left alive, besides his tongue, to deplore the cala∣mities of their Country, recounted first the kindnesses done by his City, not only of old, but also in the time of the War against Perseus, to the Roman Officers and their Armies: and next, what C. Lu∣cretius principally (the Roman Praetor) had formerly done with so much pride and avarice against his Country-men; and then what L. Hortensius was at that very time a doing. How they thought it their duty to endure all things, even worse things than what they already suffer'd, rather than yield to Perseus. As for Lucretius and Hortensius; they knew, it had been safer for them to have shut their Gates, than received them into their City. That those who had kept them out, namely Ema∣thia, Amphipolis, Maronea, and Oenus, were safe; but that, with them, their Temples were robbed of all their Ornaments, and plunder'd by sacrilegious hands: and that C. Lucretius had car∣ried them away to Antium. That their Freemen were forced into slavery; and that the estates of the Allies of the Roman People were not only before, but even at that time also daily ravaged. For by the Example of C. Lucretius, Hortensius too kept his Seamen both Winter and Summer in Hou∣ses, and that their Houses were fill'd with Tarpawlins, who convers'd with them, their Wives and Children, though they cared not either what they said or did.

[ VIII] Thereupon the Senate thought good to send for Lucretius, to argue the matter and clear himself face to face. But when he came he heard much more, than was said against him in his absence: and there came more grievous and powerful accusers, viz. two Tribunes of the People, M. Juvencius Thalna, and Cn. Aufidius. They inveigh'd against him not only in the Senate, but bringing him into the publick Assembly of the people also, they laid many shameful crimes to his charge, and appointed him a day [for his Tryal.] Then Q. Maenius the Praetor, by the Senates order, gave the Chalcideses this Answer; That as to what they said, they had deserv'd of the Roman People, both before, and in that present War, the Senate knew they spoke truth, and it was, as it ought to be, very grateful to them. But as to what they com∣plain'd, that C. Lucretius had done, and L. Hortensius (both Roman Praetors) was then a do∣ing, every body would believe, they never did any of those things by the consent or order of the Se∣nate; who knows, that the Roman People made War against Perseus, and before against Philip, his Father for the liberty of all Greece, and not that they should suffer those kind of indignities from Magistrates that were their Allies, and Friends. That they would give them a Letter to the Praetor L. Hortensius, [shewing] that what the Chalcideses complain'd of did not please the Senate. That if any Freemen were made slaves of, that he would take care as soon as possible to find them out, and restore them to their liberty; and that they thought fit, that no Seaman, except the Masters [of Ships] should be admitted into private Lodgings. These things were written to Hortensius by order of Senate. There were Presents made to the Embassadours of two thousand pounds of Brass and Chariots publickly hired for Miction, to carry him conveniently to Brundu∣sium. C. Lucretius, when the day appointed came, was accused before the people by the Tribunes, and had a mulct set upon him of a million of brass: and when the Assembly was called, all the twenty five Tribes unanimously condemn'd him.

[ IX] In Liguria that year there was no memorable action done: for neither did the Enemy stir, nor did the Consul lead his Legions into their Country; but, having sufficiently secur'd himself of Peace for that year, within sixty days from his coming into his Province, dis∣miss'd the Souldiers of two Roman Legions: and having put the Latin Army betimes into their Winter Quarters at Pisae and Luna, he himself, with the Horse, went to several Towns in the Province of Gaul. There was no War any where else but in Macedonia: though they suspected Gentius also, King of the Illyrians. Wherefore the Senate thought fit to send eight Ships from Brundusium to C. Furius the Lieutenant at Issa, who with a guard of two Issian Ships was Governour of the Island. There were two thousand Souldiers put on board those Ships, which Q. Maenius the Praetor raised by order of Senate, in that part of Italy, which is opposite to Illyricum. The Consul Hostilius also sent Ap. Claudius into Illyri∣cum with four thousand Foot, to defend those that border'd upon Illyricum. Who not con∣tent with those Forces that he had brought along with him, by mustering up all the Auxi∣liaries he could get of the Allies, armed full eight thousand of several sorts: and when he had march'd through all that Country sate down at Lychnidum in the Dassaretian Domi∣nions.

[ X] Not far from thence was the Town of Ʋscana, for the most part within the Confines of Perseus; which had in it ten thousand Inhabitants, and a small Guard (to secure it) of Cre∣tans. From that Town came there secret Messengers to Claudius [to inform him.] That

if he would advance with his Army somewhat nearer, there would be those ready that would betray the City. And, that it was worth his while: for he might load not only himself and his Friends, but all his Souldiers to with the spoil. This hope being added to his desire so blinded his mind, that he neither kept ever an one of those that came, nor desired Hostages, as a pledge for the performance of that piece of treachery; nor sent to see, how things stood, nor took so much as their honour for it: but only going from Lychnidum upon a set day he pitch'd his Camp twelve thousand paces from the City whither he was bound. From thence again he removed at the fourth watch, having left about a thousand to guard the Camp. They march'd very disorderly, in a mighty long body, and came in small Companies (as being scatter'd from each other through their mistakes of the way in the night time) to the City. Their negligence too increased when they saw no body in Arms on the Walls. But when they came within Darts cast, the Enemy sallied forth at two Gates together; and upon the shout of them that sallied forth, there was a mighty noise arose from the Walls of howl∣ing Women, with the ringing of brass Vessels on all sides; whilst the rude rabble, with the Slaves mix'd among them, set up a different tone. This so various a terrour, that pre∣sented it self on all hands made the Romans unable to endure the first storm of their eruption. By which means there were more of them kill'd running away, than fighting: for there were scarce two thousand men that escaped with the Lieutenant himself into the Camp. The farther it was into the Camp, so much more time had the Enemy to follow the tired men. Appius staid not at all in the Camp, that he might muster up his men who were scat∣ter'd in the flight (which would have saved those that stragled about the Country) but im∣mediately led the remaining part of his Army back to Lychnidum.

These and other stories of unfortunate actions in Macedonia, were related by Sex. Digi∣tius, [ XI] a Tribune military, who came to sacrifice at Rome. Upon which account the Senate fearing, least they should fall into any greater disgrace, sent M. Fulvius Flaccus, and M. Caninius Rebilus Embassadours into Macedonia, to bring them word, upon their own know∣ledge, how matters really stood there: and to tell A. Hostilius, the Consul, that he should so appoint the Assembly for chusing of new Consuls, that it might be held in the month of January, and that he should come back into the City as soon as possibly he could. In the mean time they gave order to M. Recius the Praetor, to recall all the Senators out of all Italy (except those who were absent upon publick business) by his Edict to Rome: and commanded, that none of those that were at Rome should go above a mile out of Town: All which was done as the Senate would have it. The Consular Assembly was held upon the 27^th of August: at which there were created for Consuls, Q. Marcius Philippus (a second time) and Cn. Servi∣lius [U. C. 581] Capio. Three dayes after the Praetors were made, viz. C. Decimius, M. Claudius Mar∣cellus, C. Sulpicius Galbus, C. Marcius Figulus, Ser. Cornelius Lentulus, and P. Fonteius Capito. To the Elected Praetors, besides the two City Provinces, there were assign'd four more; Spain, Sardinia, Sicily and the Fleet: The Embassadours return'd out of Macedonia when the month of February was almost out; who brought word, what good success King Perseus had met with that Summer; and what a fright had seiz'd the Allies of the Roman People, seeing so many Cities were reduced into subjection to the King. That the Consuls Army was very thin, because they had Furlows commonly given them out of ambition [in the Officers;] the blame whereof the Consul laid upon the Tribunes military, and they again upon the Consuls The Senate heard, that they made light of the dishonour received by the temerity of Claudius, who brought word that there were but a very few Italians, and those too, great part of them, raised on a sudden, lost in that action. The Consuls being Elected, when they were just enter'd upon their Office, they were order'd to make a report to the Senate concerning Macedonia; and the Provinces al∣lotted them were Italy and Macedonia. This was leap Year, in which the odd day hap∣pen'd to be the third after the Feast called Terminalia [in honour of the God Terminus.] The Priests that died that year were L. Flamininus, the Augur, with two other Pontifies [or Priests] called L. Furius Philus, and C. Livius Salinator. Into the place of Furius the Priests chose T. Manlius Torquatus, and into the place of Livius, M. Servilius.

In the beginning of the ensuing year, when the new Consuls, Q. Marcius and Cn. Servi∣lius [ XII] had made report concerning the Provinces, the Senate gave order, that, as soon as might be, they should either agree between themselves, or cast Lots for Italy and Macedonia. But before Fortune had determin'd that, and whilst it was yet uncertain, lest favour should be of any moment in the case, they thought fit, that what supplies were wanting should be allotted for both the Provinces. For Macedonia six thousand Roman Foot, of the Latine Al∣lies six thousand, with two hundred and fifty Roman Horse, and three hundred of the Al∣lies. That the old Souldiers should be dismiss'd; so that, in every Roman Legion, there should not be above six thousand Foot, and three hundred Horse. To the other Consul there was not allow'd any certain and definite number of Roman Citizens, for him to take, by way of supplement: only he was bound to raise two Legions, which should consist of twelve hundred Foot, and three hundred Horse: but he had a greater number of Latine Foot al∣low'd him, than his Collegue had, viz. ten thousand Foot, and six hundred Horse. There were also four Legions more to be raised, that might be sent any whither, where there was occasion: over whom the Consuls were not permitted to make Tribunes, but the people

chose them. From the Latine Allies were required sixteen thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse. This Army they order'd to be only in a readiness, to go forth, if their affairs at any time requited it. Macedonia gave them the greatest trouble. For the Navy they order'd, that a thousand Seamen, who were Citizens of Rome, of the Libertine rank, should be raised in Italy; and as many in Sicily: besides that, it was injoin'd him who happen'd to have that Province, that he should take care to transport them into Macedonia, whereever the Navy then were. For Spain there were allotted, as a supply, three thousand Roman Foot, and three hundred Horse: and the number of the Legions there too was determin'd, to be five thousand Foot, and three hundred and thirty Horse: b••sides whom the Praetor who happen'd to have that Province, was to demand four thousand Foot, and three hundred Horse of the Allies.

[ XIII] I am not ignorant, that through the same negligence, that makes men now a-days com∣monly believe, that the gods portend to us nothing at all, there were but few prodigies at this time related, or put into the Annals. Yet not only I, who write Antiquities, have (I cannot tell by what means) a mind addicted to old things, but a kind of religious re∣gard also upon me, that makes me esteem those things, which those so very prudent persons thought fit publickly to take care of, worth the putting into my Annals. From Anagnia there were two Prodigies that year related; viz. That an extraordinary light, like a Torch, was seen in the S••y, and that an Heifer, that spoke, was kept at the publick charge. At Minturnae also about the same time, the Sky lookt as if it had been all of a flame. At Reate it rained stones. At Cumae, in the Castle, Apollo cry'd three dayes and three nights. In the City of Rome two Sextons brought word; the one, that in the Temple of Fortune there was a Snake seen with a Crest, by many people; and the other; that, in the Temple of Fortuna Primigenia, which stands upon an Hill, there were two several Prodigies seen; viz. that a Palm-Tree sprung up in the Court Yard, and that it rained blood in the day time. But there were two Prodigies not at all regarded, the one, for that it happen'd in a private place; as when T. Marcius Figulus brought word, that a Palm-Tree sprung up in his Yard: and the other, because it was in a Foreign place: when it was reported, that at Fregellae, in the House of one L. Atreus, a Spear, which he had bought for his Son, who was a Souldier, was on a flame in the day time for two hours together, and yet the fire never burnt it. Upon the score of these publick Prodi∣gies the Decemviri consulted their Books, and declar'd that the Consuls must offer forty of the bigger sort of Victims, and to what Gods: adding, that there should be a supplication made, and that all the Magistrates should Sacrifice with the bigger sort of Victims in every Temple, and the people be Crowned: So all things were done according to the Decemviri's directions.

[ XIV] Then the Assembly was appointed for chusing of Censors. The chief men of the City stood for the Censorship; namely, C. Valerius Laevinus, L. Postumius Albinus, P. Mucius Scaevola, M. Junius Brutus, C. Claudius Pulcher, and Tib. Sempronius Gracchus: which two last the Roman People chose for Censors. Now, seeing they were at this time more con∣cern'd than at another, for making their Levies, upon the score of the Macedonian War, the Consuls accused the Commons before the Senate, for that even the younger men did not answer [to their names.] Against whom C. Sulpicius, and M. Claudius, Tribunes of the peo∣ple, maintain'd the cause; and said, The levy was hard, not for Consuls, but for such ambiti∣ous Consuls: for they (forsooth) would make no man a Souldier against his will. And that the Se∣nate might know, it was so; the Praetors, who had less power and authority, if the Senate pleased, would perfect the Levy. Accordingly that affair was committed to the Praetors by universal consent of the House, not without some lashes at the Consuls: and the Censors to help for∣ward the business, made this publick Declaration. That they would make a Law concern∣ing the surveying and poling of the people, that besides the common Oath of all Cities, they should take this also: Thou art under forty six years of age, and therefore according to the Edict of C. Claudius and Tib. Sempronius the Censors, do thou come forth at the Levy, and as often as there shall be a Levy made, who ever are Censors, if thou art not already a Souldier, thou shalt appear at the Levy. So also, because there was a report, that many, in the Macedonian Le∣gions, were absent from the Army, by reason that they had uncertain Furlows given them through the ambition of their Commanders; they made an Edict concerning the Souldiers that were raised, when P. Aelius, and C. Popillius were Consuls, or since their time, for Macedonia; that all of them, who were in Italy, should return (having been first poled in their own Towns) within thirty dayes into that Province. That those who were under the Tutelage of their Fathers or Grandfathers, should give in their names to them. That they would also inquire into the reasons, why such and such men had been discharg'd from serving in the Wars; and order all those, that they thought had been, through favour, discharg'd before their time, to become Soul∣diers again. This Edict, together with a Letter from the Censors, having been sent through all the Corporations and Burroughs, there flock'd such a multitude of young people to Rome, that the City was burden'd with the unusual throng of them.

[ XV] Besides the Levy of those that they were to send for a Supplement, there were four Legi∣ons raised by C. Sulpicius the Praetor, and within eleven dayes the Levy was made an end of. After that, the Consuls chose their Provinces: for the Praetors, by reason of their jurisdi∣ction

[i. e. their necessity to hear causes] had chosen sooner. Among whom there fell to C. Sulpicius the City, and to C. Decimius the Foreign Jurisdiction; Spain to M. Claudius Mar∣cellus, Sicily to Ser. Cornelius Lentulus, Sardinia to P. Fonteius Capito, and the Fleet to C. Marcius Tigulus. Of the Consuls, Cn. Servilius had Italy, and Q. Marcius Macedonia: whither, after the Latine Holy Dayes were over, he immediately went. Then, Caepio ma∣king a reference to the Senate, which two of the new Legions he should carry with him into Gaul? the Senate decreed, that C. Sulpicius, and M. Claudius the Praetors should give the Consul what number they thought good, out of the Legions, which they had raised. Whereupon he, taking it very ill, that a Consul should be made subject to the pleasure of Praetors, when the Senate was dismiss'd, he stood before the Tribunal of the Praetors, and required, that, according to the order of Senate, they would assign him two Legions: and the Praetors gave the Consul his own choice. After that the Censors review'd the Senate: whereof M. Aemi∣lius Lepidus was now chosen President, as he had been by two pair of Censors before. They turn'd seven out of the Senate. In taking the pole of the people, they commanded the Souldiers belonging to the Macedonian Army (of whom, how many were absent from their Colours the pole made known) to go into that Province; inquir'd into the reasons, why several people were discharg'd from serving in the Wars; and to every man, who they thought was not duly discharg'd, they gave this Oath: Thou shalt well and truly swear, with∣out any mental reservation, to return into the Province of Macedonia, as far as it lies in thy power.

In the survey of the Knights their Censorship was very severe and rough: for from many [ XVI] they took their Horses; in which when they had offended the order of Knights, they added thereunto the flame of Envy by Edict which they put forth; that none of those who, when Q. Fulvius, and A. Postumius were Censors, had farm'd the publick Revenues, or voluntary loans, should come to their publick sale, or be any ways concern'd in that farm. The old Publicans [Farmers of publick Revenues] seeing they could not get the Senate, to set any bounds to the Censors power; at last, engaged P. Rutilius, Tribune of the People, who was angry with the Censors upon a private account to be the Patron [or Advocate] of their cause. They bad a Client [of Rutilus's] who was a Libertine [Son of one that had been a Slave] to pull down a certain Wall that stood in the Via sacra [a street so called] over against the pub∣lick Buildings, for that it was built upon the publick [ground.] The private person [to whom it belong'd] appealed to the Tribunes, of whom, seeing no one interposed, besides Rutilius, the Censors sent certain persons to take pledges, and in the publick Assembly set a fine upon the private person. Hereupon a quarrel arose, and, the Pub∣licans having made their application to the Tribune, there was a Bill immediately promulged in the name of one Tribune only; That as to all publick Revenues, and Loans, which C. Claudius, and Tib. Sempronius had farmed out, their contract should be void; that they should be farmed anew, and that all people might have the liberty to purchase, or farm them promiscuously, one as well as another. Then the Tribunes appointed a day for the passing of that Bill in Council; which when it came, as soon as the Censors stept forth to disswade [the confirming of it] Gracchus spoke, and there was silence; but Claudius inter∣rupting him, he bad the Cryer make an O yes. Which being done, the Tribune complained, that the Assembly was called away from him, and he himself rebuked, out of the Capitol where the Council was. The next day they caused mighty tumults. He first consecrated Tib. Gracchus's goods, because, by not submitting to his intercession, in the case of the fine and pledges of him who had appealed to the Tribune, he had affronted him: appointed C. Claudius a day for tryal; for calling the Assembly away from him: and declared, that he judg'd both the Censors to be common Enemies; desiring C. Sulpicius the City Praetor to appoint a day for the Assembly. The Censors being willing, that the people should sit in judgment upon them as soon as pos∣sible; the dayes appointed for the Tryal of the Censors upon the Indictment of Treason, were the 22^th and 23^th of September. The Censors presently went up into the Court before the Temple of Liberty, and there sealing up the publick Books, locking up the Office Door, and sending away the publick Servants, they said, They would not do any publick business before the people had passed judgment upon them. Claudius first made his defence: and when of the eighteen Centuries of Knights, eight had condemn'd the Censor, besides many others of the first Ward; immediately the heads of the City, in the sight of the people, having laid aside their gold Rings, changed their habit, that they might appear and sollicite the com∣mon people the more like suppliants. But Tib. Gracchus is said most to have changed their minds, who, when the people on every side, cry'd out, That Gracchus was in no danger, swore in plain terms; that if his Collegue were condemn'd, and they would not stay to judge him too, he would accompany him in his banishment; and yet he was in great danger of being condemn'd, there being eight Centuries against him. When Claudius was acquitted, the Tribune of the people said, he had nothing to say to Gracchus.

That year the Aquileian Embassadours desiring the Senate, that they would augment the num∣ber [ XVII] of their inhabitants, there were fifteen hundred Families, by order of Senate raised, and the three who were sent, to carry them thither, were T. Annius Luscus, P. Decius Subulo, and M. Cornelius Cethegus. The same year C. Popillius and Cn. Octavius, the Embassadours, who were sent into Greece, having read the order of Senate, first, at Thebes, carry'd it about

to all the Cities of Peloponnesus; That no person whatsoever should give the Roman Magistrates any thing toward the War, but what the Senate first thought fit. This gave them a confidence for the future also, that they should be cased of the burdens and expences, whereby (seve∣ral Magistrates commanding several things one after the other) they were exhausted and drain'd. The Achaean Council being held at Argos, they spoke, and were heard very kind∣ly; and then, having left that most trusty Nation under great hopes of their future state, went over into Aetolia. Where though there was not any insurrection as yet made, all places were full of suspition and accusations among themselves. For which reason, having demanded Hostages, but put no end to the business, the Embassadours went thence into Acarnania: where the Acarnanians gave them Audience at Thyrium. In that Country too there was a difference between two opposite Factions; some of the chief men desiring, that there might be guards brought into their Cities, in opposition to the madness of those men, who en∣deavour'd to make the Nation side with the Macedonians: which others refused; lest they who were peaceable and allied Cities should receive that disgrace which usually befalls those, that are taken in War, and common Enemies. This seemed to be a just disswasive: and so the Embassadours return'd to the Pro Consul Hostilius (for from him they were sent) at Larissa. He kept Octavius with him, but sent Popillius with about a thousand men into Winter-Quarters at Ambracia.

[ XVIII] Perseus not daring to go out of the Confines of Macedonia in the beginning of Winter, lest the Romans should break in any way upon his Kingdom when it was empty, a little be∣fore the hard weather, when the depth of the Snow makes the Mountains from Thessaly un∣passable, thinking he had a good opportunity of breaking and damping all the hopes and courage of the Neighbour Nations, that there might be no danger, whilst he himself was imploy'd in the Roman War (now that Cotys from Thrace, and Cephalus out of Epirus (by his sudden defection from the Romans) offer'd him Peace, and he had subdu'd the Dardans) because he saw that that side of Macedonia only, which lay toward Illyricum, was molested; (nor were the Illyrians themselves quiet, but, besides that, gave the Romans leave to come into their Country) and, if he once had tamed the Nations next to Illyricum, that King Gentius, who had been a long time wavering in his mind, might be drawn into an Alliance, march'd out with ten thousand Foot, whereof part were Phalangites [a particular sort of Foot-Souldiers in Macedonia] and two thousand light-arm'd men, together with five hun∣dred Horse, and came to Subtera. Where having taken up Corn for a good many dayes, and order'd the preparations for attacking of Towns to follow after, he Encamped the third day at Ʋscana, which is the biggest City in all the Penestian Territories: having sent (before he offer'd any violence to them) certain persons to try which way the Garison and the Townsmen were inclined. (Now there were in that City a Roman Garison, and the Illyrian Youth.) But having answer brought him, that there was no hopes of Peace, he began to attack them, and attempted to take the City by besieging it quite round. Yet notwithstand∣ing, that they, one after another, both day and night, without intermission, some of them rear'd Ladders against the Walls, and others threw fire against the Gates, the besieged made a good defence against that storm: because they well hoped, that the Macedonians could neither any longer endure the sharpness of the Winter in the open air; nor that the King would have so much respite from the Roman War, as to be able to stay. But when they saw the Galleries come near and Towers set up, their resolution was defeated. For besides that they were not equal in point of strength, there was not a sufficient quantity of Corn, or any other Provisions within, they having been surpriz'd by that Siege. Wherefore when there was no hope of making resistance, C. Carvilius Spoletinus, and C. Afranius were sent from the Roman Garison, to demand of Perseus, first, that he would let the Souldiers depart with Bag and Baggage: and secondly (if they could not obtain that) that they would accept of a solemn promise of life only, and their liberty. This was more freely promised by Perseus, than 'twas perform'd. For when he had order'd them to depart with Bag and Baggage, he first took from them their Arms. But when these men were departed the City, the Regi∣ment of Illyrians (in number five hundred) and the Ʋscanians surrender'd themselves and the City.

[ XIX] Perseus having put a Garison into Ʋscana, led the whole Body of those that were surren∣der'd (which was almost, in number, equal to his Army) to Stubera: where, after the Romans (who were in all four thousand men, besides the chief Officers) were distributed to secure the several Cities; having sold the Ʋscanians and Illyrians, he led his Army back to reduce the Town of Oeneum, which, as it is otherwise commodiously situated, is also an Avenue into the Labeatian Dominions, whereof Gentius was then King. But as he passed by a Castle, called Daudracum, certain persons that well knew that part of the Country, told him, that he needed not to take Oeneum, unless he made Daudracum also his own: for that was seated more advantagiously for all purposes. Whereupon when he approached with his Army to that place, they all immediately surrender'd themselves. By which surrender (that was made much sooner, than he could hope for) he was so animated, that when he observ'd how great the terrour of his Army was, he reduced eleven other Castles by help of the same consternation. For the taking of some (very few) he was constrain'd to use

force, but the rest were voluntarily surrender'd: and in them were retaken fifteen hundred Roman Souldiers, who were distributed through the several Garisons. Carvilius Spoletinus was of great use in his Parleys with them, by saying, that there was no severity used against them. After this, he came to Oeneum, which could not be taken without a formal Siege: that being a Town not only guarded by a somewhat greater number of younger men than the rest, but also well-fortified with Walls; besides that on one hand the River Artatus, and on the other an exceeding high, inaccessible Mountain compassed it round. These things gave the Townsmen courage to make resistance. Perseus therefore, when he made a Line quite round the Town, began to make a Work or Mound on the upper side, by the heighth whereof he might get over the Walls. Which whilst it was a making, great num∣bers of the Townsmen, in the mean time, were taken off by several accidents in frequent Skirmishes, in which they, sallying out, strove to defend their own Walls, and hinder the progress of the Enemies Works; and even those that remained were render'd useless through their continual toil both day and night, together with their loss of blood. As soon as the Mound was made up close to the Wall, the Kings Regiment, whom they call Nicatores [i. e. Conquerours] got upon it, and with Ladders made a forceable entry into the City in many places at once: killing all that were at mans estate, and committing the Women and Children to Custody, but the rest of the booty fell to the Souldiers shares. From thence returning Conquerour to Stubera, he sent Pleuratus an Illyrian who was in banishment under his protection, and Aputeus a Macedonian from Beraea, Embassadours to Gentius: charg∣ing them; to declare what he had done that Summer and Winter against the Romans, and the Dardans: together with his late Atchievements in Illyricum, even in a Winters Expedi∣tion: and also to advise Gentius, that he would enter into an Alliance with him and the Macedonians.

When these persons were got over the top of the Mountain Scordus, they came at last [ XX] with much ado (through the deserts of Illyricum, which by ravaging the Country, the Ma∣cedonians had made on purpose, that the Dardans might not have an easy access into Illyri∣cum, or Macedonia) to Scodra. King Gentius was at Lissus; and so the Embassadours be∣ing summon'd thither, when they came to tell their message, had a very favourable Audi∣ence, but receiv'd an Answer to no effect; viz. That he wanted not an inclination to make War against the Romans; but, to put what he desired in execution, he wanted money, more than any thing else. This Answer they carry'd back to the King at Stubera, whilst he was selling the Illyrian Captives. Thereupon the same Embassadours, together with Glaucias, one of his Lifeguard, were sent back again, without any mention of money, by which alone the poor Barbarian could be induced to join in the War. In the mean time Perseus having pil∣laged Ancyra, led his Army back again into Penestae; and when he had secur'd the Garison of Ʋscana, with those about it in all the several Castles which he had taken, and went back into Macedonia.

L. Caelius, a Roman Lieutenant was Governour of Illyricum, who not daring to stir, when [ XXI] the King was in those parts, endeavour'd, after his departure, in Penestae to retake Ʋscana, but being repuls'd by a Garison of Macedonians, that were in it, after he had received ma∣ny Wounds, led his Forces back to Lychnidum. From whence, after some few dayes, he sent M. Trebellius of Fregellae with a very considerable body of men into Penestae, to take Ho∣stages of such Cities, as had continu'd in Alliance with, and faithful [to the Romans] He likewise order'd them to proceed as far as the Parthinians (for they too had agreed to give Hostages) and to make their demands from both Nations without tumult. The Hostages of Penestae were sent to Apollonia, and those of the Parthini to Dyrrachium, which the Greeks at that time more frequently called Epidamnum. In the mean time Ap. Claudius being desirous to take off the ignominy, which he had contracted in Illyricum, began to attack the Castle of Phanotes in Epirum, against which he brought with him the Athaman and Thesprotian Auxilia∣ries, besides the Roman Army, to the number of six hundred men: but it was not worth his while; for Clevas, whom Perseus had left there with a strong Garison to defend it. At that time Perseus going into Elimea, after he had muster'd up an Army about those parts, marched, by the desire of the Epirotes, to Startus, which was then the strongest City of Aetolia, and is seated above the Ambracian Bay, near the River Achelous. He went thi∣ther with ten thousand Foot, and three hundred Horse: of which he took along with him the less number by reason of the streightness and roughness of the wayes. The third day, when he was come to the Mountain Citius, he could scarce get over it for the depth of the Snow, nor hardly find a place to Encamp in. Wherefore departing thence, because he could not stay there rather than because either the way, or the season was tolerable, with great toil (especially to his Beasts) the second day, he Encamp'd at the Temple of Jupiter, whom they call Nicaeus. From thence, after a tedious Journey, he came and was stopp'd at the River Arachthus, by the depth of it. During which stay of his there, having made a Bridge, he led his Forces over it, and, when he had gone forward one dayes Journey, met Archidamus Prince of the Aetolians, who deliver'd Stratus up into his hands.

That day he pitch'd his Camp upon the Confines of Aetolia; and march'd from thence [ XXII] the day after to Stratus: where, having incamped near the River Achelous, when he was in

expectation that the Aetolians would come in throngs out at every Gate to put themselves under his protection, he found the Gates all shut, and the very night that he came, the Roman Garison retaken, with C. Popillius the Lieutenant. The Noblemen, who, being compelled thereunto by the authority of Archidamus, (then present) had invited the King thither, go∣ing out somewhat slower than Archidamus, to meet him, had given opportunity to the ad∣verse Faction, to send for Popillius with a thousand Foot from Ambracia. Dinarchus also Colonel of the Aetolian Horse, came very seasonably with six hundred Foot, and a hun∣dred Horse. It was well known, that he came to Stratus with a design to serve Perseus; but that afterward (his mind being alter'd with the event) he sided with the Romans, against whom he at first set out. Nor was Popillius more secure, than he ought to be, among such sickle dispositions: wherefore he got the Keyes of the Gates, and the keeping of the Walls immediately into his own hands, removing Dinarchus, the Aetolians and the Stratian Youth into the Castle, under pretence of making them a guard to it. Perseus having attempted to gain several Parleys from the Hills that lie above the upper side of the City, when he saw they were obstinate, and endeavour'd with Darts at a distance to beat him off, En¦camped five miles from the City beyond the River Petitarus. Where when he had call'd a Council, Archidamus and the Renegadoes of Epirus disswaded him, and the Macedonian Nobility were of opinion, that he ought not to fight against the unseasonable time of the year, ha∣ving no Provisions before hand; for that the Besiegers were like to feel the want of every thing, sooner than the Besieged, especially since the Enemies Winter-Quarters were not far from thence, whereby he was so discouraged that he removed his Camp into Aperantia. The Aperanti∣ans unanimously received him, for the sake of Archidamus, who was very much beloved, and had great authority in that Nation; and therefore he was made Governour of that people with a guard of eight hundred Souldiers.

[ XXIII] The King return'd into Macedonia with the same toil both to his Beasts and Men, a•• he before came thence. But yet he removed Appius from the Siege of Phanotes, by the ru∣mour of his own marching toward Stratus. Clevas follow'd him with a body of active young men, and at the almost unpassable Feet of the Mountains kill'd a thousand men out of his Ar∣my which there were stopt, besides that he took to the number of two hundred. Appius ha∣ving got through the Streights, lay Encamped for some few dayes in a Plain called Eleos; whilst, in the mean time, Clevas, taking along with him Philostratus, Governour of the Epirotes, went over into the Antigonian Territories. There the Macedonians went a plun∣dering; but Philostratus with his Regiment lay perdieu in an obscure place. So when the people of Antigonia came out arm'd against the stragling Ravagers, they pursu'd them as they fled, and forced them headlong into a Valley which was taken up by the Enemy. Where having kill'd a thousand, taken about a hundred, and had good success upon all oc∣casions, they moved their Camp near to the place where Appius lay, lest the Roman Army should do their Allies any injury. Appius having spent his time to no purpose in these parts, sent away the Guards of Chaonia, with all other Epirotes (if any there were) and marching back with tho Italian Souldiers into Illyricum, sent them into the allied Cities of the Parthe∣nians for Winter-Quarters, whilst he himself return'd to Rome to Sacrifice. King Perseus having recall'd a thousand Foot and two hundred Horse out of the Penestian Territories, sent them to Cassandria to be a guard there. In the mean time the Embassadours return'd from Gentius with the same news. But for all that Perseus did not cease to importune him, by sending several Embassies one after another, when it appear'd what strength he could afford, and yet he could not perswade himself to lay out any money upon a thing of the greatest moment to him to all intents and purposes.

DECADE V. BOOK IV.

The EPITOME.

1, 2, &c. Quintus Marcius Philip passed through pathless Woods into Macedonia, and possess'd himself of many Cities. 14. The Rhodians sent Embassadours to Rome, threatning, that they would assist Perseus, unless the Roman Peo∣ple enter'd into a League and Alliance with him: which was very ill taken. 18, &c. When that War was commit∣ted to the mannagement of L. Aemilius Paulus, who was a second time Consul for the ensuing year, he in a pub∣lick Assembly of the People pray'd, that all the mischief that hung over the Roman People might fall upon his Family: and so going into Macedonia he conquer'd Perseus, and reduced all Macedonia. 37. Before he began the Battle, C. Sulpicius Gallus forewarn'd the Army, that they should not wonder, if the Moon the next night were Eclips'd. 31, 32. Gentius also, King of the Illyrians, having rebell'd, was conquer'd by Anicius the Praetor, and submitted him∣self, being sent to Rome, with his Wife, Children and Relations. 19. Embassadours came from Alexandria on the behalf of Cleopatra and Ptolomy; Sovereigns of that place, complaining of Antiochus, King of Syria, that he made War against them. 23, &c. Perseus, after he had sollicited Eumenes King of Pergamus and Gentius, King of Illyricum, because he did not give them the money, that he had promised, was deserted by them.

IN the beginning of the Spring, which ensued that Winter, in which these things were [ I] transacted, Q. Marcius Philippus, the Consul, setting out from Rome, with five thousand men (which he was to take over along with him, as a Supplement to the Legions) came to Brundusium. M. Popillius a Consular man, and other young men of equal Nobility, who were Tribunes of the Souldiers, follow'd the Consul into the Legions that were in Ma∣cedonia. At that time also C. Marcius Figulus the Praetor, who happen'd to have the Navy for his Province, came to Brundusium: and then likewise those that came out of Italy, arri∣ved the second day at Corcyra, and the third at Actium, a Port of Acarnania. From thence the Consul, going a shore at Ambracia, went by Land toward Thessaly. The Praetor, having passed Leucates [a Promontory] sailed into the Corinthian Bay, and having left his Ships at Creusa, went himself likewise by Land through the middle of Boeotia, and with great speed, in one day, came to the Navy at Chalcis. At that time A. Hostilius lay Encamp'd near Pa∣laepharsalus in Thessaly; where as he had done no memorable Warlike exploit, so he re∣form'd the Souldiers from their exorbitant Libertinism into all kind of military Discipline, taking care of his Allies with all fidelity, and defending them from all manner of injury. When he heard that his Successor was a coming, having diligently view'd the Arms, Men, and Horses, he put his Army in Array, and went forth to meet the Consul on the rode. Their first interview was not only agreeable to their own dignity, and that of the Roman name, but of great advantage also to Philip the Consul in order to the future mannage of affairs. For the Pro-Consul, turning to the Army, encourag'd them to behave themselves like men of valour, and then, having deliver'd them up to the Consul, return'd to Rome. Some few dayes after, the Consul made a Speech to the Souldiers; beginning with the Par∣ricidy [unnatural murder] which Perseus committed upon his Brother, and intended upon his Father: to which he added, that he gain'd the Kingdom by wicked means, his Poysonings, Murders, how he attempted basely to rob Eumenes, his injuries to the Roman People, his rava∣ging of their allied Cities against the League: all which how much even the Gods resented, he would find by the event of his affairs. For the Gods favour'd Piety and Justice, by which the Roman People came to such a pitch [of grandeur.] After which he compar'd the strength of the Roman People, who were now Masters of the whole World, with that of Macedonia, and the Armies of the one with those of the other: adding, that the vast Armies of Philip and Antiochus were van∣quish'd by no more than such a number of Forces.

The minds of the Souldiers being inflamed by this kind of Discourse, he began to consult [ II] concerning the grand affair and mannage of the War. C. Marcius the Praetor also, having received the Navy from Chalcis, came thither. Thereupon the Consul thought fit, no longer to spend time by staying in Thessaly, but immediately to Decamp and march on into Macedonia; and that the Praetor should endeavour to come with the Navy at the same time, upon the Enemies Coasts. Having dismiss'd the Praetor, the Consul, giving order, that each Souldier should carry a Months Provisions along with him, began the tenth day after he receiv'd the Army to remove his Camp; and having gone forward one dayes march, he call'd the rode-guides together; whom when he had commanded to declare before the Council, which way each of them would carry the Army, he made them withdraw, and referr'd it to the Council, to advise him, which way he had best to take. Some were for going through Pythium; others through the Cambunian Mountains, the way, that Consul Hostilius had march'd the year be∣fore, and others by the Fen of Ascuris. But there was some space of the common way still remaining; and therefore they defer'd the debate of that matter till such time, as they should Encamp near the parting of the several rodes. From thence he march'd into Perrae∣bia,

and Encamp'd between Azorus and Doliche, to consult again, which way he had best to take. At the same time Perseus, knowing that the Enemy was nigh at hand, but being ig∣norant which rode to pitch upon, resolv'd to beset all the passes with guards. With that he sent ten thousand young men in light armour to the top of the Cambunian Mountains (which they call Volustana) under the Command of Asclepiodotus; whilst Hippias was order'd to keep the Avenues near the Castle which stands upon the Fen Ascuris (at a place called La∣pathus) with a guard of twelve thousand Macedonians. He himself, with the rest of the Forces, lay Encamp'd, first about Dium; but afterward posting with his nimblest Horse along the shore, one while to Heraclea, and another to Phila, he came back the same way thence to Dium.

[ III] In the mean while the Consul resolv'd to march through that Lawn, where I told you formerly King Philip's Camp was, near Octolophus: but thought it necessary to send four thousand Souldiers before, to take possession of advantagious places, under the conduct of M. Claudius, and Q. Marcius the Consuls Son; whom the whole Army presently follow'd. But the way was so steep, rough, and craggy, that the light arm'd Souldiers, who were sent before, having with much ado gone five miles in two dayes, pitch'd their Camp, in a place which they call Turris Endieru [from the pleasant and transparent Waters there∣about.] From thence next day having gone forward seven Miles, they sate down upon an Hill not far from the Enemies Camp, and sent back a Messenger to the Consul, to tell him, that they were come to the Foe, and had posted themselves in a safe place which was commodious upon all accounts; that he might come up to them as fast as he could. So whilst the Consul was con∣cern'd, not only for the roughness of the rode that he had taken, but likewise for their sakes whom he had sent before in so small a number amidst the Enemies Garisons, the Messenger met him at the Fen Assuris. Thereupon he himself also took Courage, and ha∣ving joined the Forces together, form'd his Camp upon the side of that Hill which the Ro∣mans were possess'd of, as advantagiously as the nature of the place would permit him to do. From whence they could see not only the Enemies Camp, (which was but a little more than a mile distant from them) but all the Country to Dium and Phila, together with the Sea-Coast, the prospect from so high an Hill was so vast and wide. This so enflamed the Soul∣diers minds, when they saw the main stress of the War, all the Kings Forces, and the Ene∣mies Country at so near a view, that they all very earnestly desir'd the Consul, that he would march forthwith to the Enemies Camp. But he gave them one day of rest to relieve themselves from the toil of their Journey, and the third day, leaving part of his Forces to guard the Camp, march'd to the Enemy.

[ IV] Hippias had been lately sent by the King to defend the pass; who ever since he saw the Roman Camp upon the Hill, having prepared the spirits of his Souldiers for a fight, met the Consuls Army as it was a coming: whilst the Roman light-armour, and the Enemies too, who were the readiest and nimblest sort of Fellows to provoke a Battle, were already gone forth to the fight. They therefore coming up with one another, threw their Darts, recei∣ving and giving many wounds on both sides by their rash onset, besides, that some few on both sides were slain. By this means their spirits being irritated against the next day, they would then have fallen on with greater numbers, and more vehemency, had there been room enough to display and marshal their whole body: but the top of the Mountain going up wedgewise into a narrow ridge, there were scarce space enough for three to stand a breast. Wherefore whilst a few of them fought, the rest stood looking on, especially those in heavy armour: but the light armour ran forward even through the windings of the Hill, and engaged on the sides thereof with the [Enemies] light-armour, making in to the fight through rough or smooth ways, all alike. And after there had been more wounded than kill'd that day, the night put an end to the fight. The third day the Roman General wanted advice; for he could neither stay on the barren Hills top, nor return without disho∣nour and even danger also. For the Enemy could pursue and press upon him, as he retired from the higher ground, nor had he any other way left, than to correct what he had so re∣solutely begun with a pertinacious boldness, which sometimes in the end grows prudent. Well, it was come to that pass, that if the Consul had had an Enemy like to the ancient Macedonian Kings, he might have receiv'd a great overthrow; but that the King wander'd up and down with his Horse along the shores at Dium, and only heard the clamour and noise of the fight almost twelve miles off; nor augmented his Forces by putting fresh men in the room of them that were tired; nor was himself (which was a matter of greatest moment) present at the Battle: whilst the Roman General, though above sixty years of Age, and a corpulent Man, performed all the Offices of War with great activity; continu'd bravely to the last to carry on what he had so boldly begun: and leaving Popillius to keep the top of the Hill, went over through pathless places; but sent certain persons before to clear the way, commanding Attalus and Misagenes, each with the Auxiliaries of their own Nation, to be a guard to them that open'd the pass, whilst he himself, having his Horse and Carria∣ges before him, with the Legions, brought up the Reer.

[ V] 'Twas an unspeakable toil and pains for them to get down, since the Beasts and their loads tumbled down as they went; and yet when they were scarce gone forward four miles, they

desired nothing more, than to have been able if possible, to return to the place from whence they came. For the Elephants made almost as great a disturbance among them as an Enemy would have done: who when they came to the pathless places, threw off their Riders, and with an horrid noise put the Horses especially into a mighty confusion; till such time, as they consider'd of means to get them through. As they went down the Hill, they fix'd two long and strong pieces of Timber into the ground below, not much more distant from each other than the breadth of the Beast, upon which there were Rafters laid across, thirty Feet long, in form of a Bridge; with Earth thrown over them. And then at a lit∣tle distance below, there was another Bridge of the like nature; and so a third, with seve∣ral others in the same order, where the Rocks were craggy and abrupt. Thus the Elephant went firm upon the Bridge; but before he came to the end of it, the Posts were cut down, and the Bridge falling down made him slide down gently to the edge of another Bridge▪ some of the Elephants standing on their Feet, and others resting on their Buttocks. When the second Plain of the Bridge had received them, they were let down again by the like fall of that Bridge too, till they came into a plain Vale. The Romans march'd not much above seven miles in a day: of which they went the least part of the way on their Feet. For they rouled forward themselves, with their Arms and other things which they had to carry to their great vexation in all respects; insomuch that the very Guide, and he that advised them to go that way could not deny, but that the whole Army might have been destroy'd by a very small body of Enemies. By night they came into a little Plain, where they had not room to look about and see whether the place were beset, it being every way enclosed and hedg'd in [with Woods and Rocks.] Now therefore when they at last, with much ado, and be∣yond all expectation, had gotten firm ground to stand upon, it was necessary for them the day after also, in that hollow Vale, to stay for Popillius and the Forces left with him: to whom likewise, though the Enemy had not at all affrighted them, the roughness of the places [through which they pass'd] gave the same vexation as an Enemy. The third day they join'd their Forces together, and march'd through a Lawn, which the Inhabitants call Callipeuce. But the fourth day again they came to places as pathless as before, but passed them with greater ease, and more Courage, by reason that they had been already used to the like, no Enemy appeared, and they were near the Sea. So turning down into the Plains they pitch'd the Camp of their Foot (greatest part whereof were on the Hills) be∣tween Heraclea and Libethrum: so they lay round the Vale, and part of the Plain, where the Horse were posted.

'Tis said, news came to the King as he was washing himself, That the Enemy was at hand: [ VI] Upon which he leap'd immediately in great consternation from his Throne, and crying out, That he was conquer'd without fighting, flung away. Nor could he come to any resolution, being so distracted in all his Counsels and Commands, but of two particular Favourites and Friends that he had, call'd back one, which was Asclepiodotus, from his Garisons [upon the Frontiers] to Pella, where all his money lay, and open'd all passages to a War. He him∣self, having got all the gilded Statues in hast from Dium into the Fleet, lest they should be a prey to the Enemy caused them to be carry'd with all speed to Pydna: so that what might have seemed rashness in the Consul (viz. that he should go so far, as that he could not come back without the Enemies consent) proved no disadvantagious boldness. For the Romans had two passes, whereby to get out of that place; the one through Tempe into Thessaly, and the other into Macedonia by Dium, both of which were secur'd by the Kings Guards. Wherefore if the chief Officer there had been so couragious as to have born the first appearance of that approaching terrour for ten days, the Romans could neither have passed through Tempe into Thessaly, nor had there been room enough that way to have carried their Bag∣gage. For Tempe is a streight, which though it be not infested by War, is yet very difficult to pass. For besides the narrowness of it for five miles, in which the way is too little for a Beast that's loaded to go along, the Rocks on both sides are so abrupt and craggy, that a man can scarce look down without a kind of swimming and disturbance, both in his Eyes and Mind too. Besides, the noise and the depth of the River Peneus, which runs through the midst of the Vale, is very terrible. Now this place, which in its own nature is so rugged and unpassable, was secur'd in four several places by the Kings Guards. Of whom one Party lay in the very entrance at Gonnus; another at Condylus in an impregnable Ca∣stle; a third about Lapathus, which they call Charax, and the fourth posted in the very way, in the middle and the narrowest part of the Vale; which even ten Souldiers may ea∣sily defend. So then, seeing the way through Tempe was block'd up against their carriages, and their way back too unpassable; they must of necessity make to the Mountains from whence they before came down. But this as they could not compass privately, so neither could they openly, by reason that the Enemy were on the tops of the Hills; besides, that the difficulty which they so lately met with, balk'd all their hopes. Wherefore in such a case as this, where they had put themselves upon so rash an enterprize, there was no other way for them, but to make their way to Dium in Macedonia, through the very midst of their Enemies; which (unless the Gods had infatuated the King) was a matter of very great difficulty. For since the bottom of the Mountain Olympus, leaves little more than the

space of a mile between that and the Sea, half of which the wide mouth of the River Ba∣phyrus takes up; whilst either the Temple of Jupiter, or a Town [Heraclea] stands on ano∣ther part of the Plain, the rest being but very narrow might have been secur'd and block'd up with a small Ditch and a Rampire: besides, that there were so much Stone and Wood nigh at hand, that they might even have built a Wall, and Towers upon it. But the Kings mind being blinded with sudden fear, he consider'd none of these advantages; and therefore having exposed and laid open all his Garisons to the Enemy, he retired to Pydna.

[ VII] The Consul seeing that there was great safety and hopes in the folly and sloth of the Enemy, sent a Messenger back to Sp. Lucretius at Larissa, [to advise him] that he would possess himself of all the Castles that were forsaken by the Enemy about Tempe; having sent Popillius before to view the passes about Dium. When he found that all the Coast was every way clear, he arrived in two dayes march at Dium; and order'd his Camp to be pitch'd under the very Temple, lest any thing in that sacred place should be violated. Then he himself going into the City (which though it be not large, is curiously adorn'd with pub∣lick Buildings, and a multitude of Statues, besides, that it is very well fortified) could scarce believe, but that, seeing all those splendid and magnificent Works and Ornaments were left without any reason, there must be some design at the bottom of it. Wherefore he staid one day to search all places round about it, and then decamped: and being confi∣dent that there would be Corn enough ready for him, he march'd forward that day to a River called Mitys. The next day he went on, and took the City of Agassa by voluntary surrender. Whereupon, that he might engage the affections of the other Macedonians unto him, he was content with Hostages only, and promised them to leave their City without any guard in it, and that they should live freely under their own Laws. From thence he march'd a dayes Journey, and Encamped by the River Ascordus: but seeing, that the farther he went from Thessaly, the greater scarcity there was of all forts of Provisi∣ons, he went back to Dium; by which means every body came to understand, what incon∣veniencies he must have undergone by being foreclosed from Thessaly, who could not with any safety move any considerable distance from that Country. In the mean time Perseus, having muster'd all his Forces and Officers before him in one Body, began to blame the Governours of Ga∣risons, but especially Asclepiodotus and Hippias, saying, that by them the inlets or barriers of Macedonia were betray'd to the Romans: though no body had been more justly guilty of that fault than he himself. When the Consul saw a Navy out at Sea, and from thence conceiv'd some hopes, that the Roman Ships were coming with Provisions (for there was great scar∣city of all necessaries, and almost extream want) he was told by some that came into the Port, that the Ships of burden were left at Magnesia. Whereupon he being uncertain what he had best to do (for he had now work enough, to grapple with the difficulty of his present circumstances, without the help of an Enemy to aggravate his ill fortune) there was a Letter very opportunely brought from Sp. Lucretius, That he was master of all the Ca∣stles that were upon Tempe, and about Phila, and that he had found in them great plenty of Corn and other things, fit for present use.

[ VIII] The Consul was very glad of this news, and thereupon march'd from Dium to Phila, not only to strengthen that Garison, but likewise to distribute Corn, which was too long a coming by Sea, among his Souldiers. But that Journey of his had no good report: for some said, be retreated for fear, because if he, the General, had staid, he must of necessity have enga∣ged in a Battle: others, that he knew not the daily vicissitudes of War; since when a fair opportu∣nity was offer'd to him, he omitted that which he could not easily retrieve. For as soon as he quitted the possession of Dium, he excited the Enemy; so that he [Perseus] then grew sensible that those things might be recover'd, which he had by his own remisness, or cow∣ardise formerly lost. For when he heard that the Consul was gone, returning to Dium, he repaired all such things as the Romans had either demolish'd or defaced; setting up the Bat∣tlements of the Walls, that were knock'd down, and making them tight again on every side: and when he had so done he Encamped on this side the River Enipeus five miles from the City, that he might have the very River, which was very difficult to pass, for his secu∣rity. This River runs out of the Vale under the Mountain Olympus, being but small in Sum∣mer time, though in the Winter when 'tis raised by the rains, it not only runs over the Cliffs a great depth, but likewise by carrying the Earth along with it into the Sea makes very deep gulphs, and by hollowing the main Channel, turns the Banks on each side into Precipices. Perseus supposing that by this River the passage of his Enemy might be obstructed, design'd there to spend the remaining part of that Summer. But at this juncture the Consul sent Popillius from Phila with two thousand arm'd men to Heraclea; which is distant from Phila about five miles, in the midway between Dium and Tempe, and situate upon a Rock that hangs over a River.

[ IX] Popillius, before he drew his men up to the Walls, sent certain persons to perswade the Magistrates and Nobility, that they would rather try the honour and clemency of the Romans, than the force of their Arms. But that advice did no good, because there appeared Fires near Enipeus, out of the Kings Camp. With that Popillius began to attack them both by Land and Sea (for the Navy being arrived lay ready near the shore) with Arms, Works, and

Engines all at once. There were also certain young men of Rome, who converting the Games of the Circus to a Warlike use, took the lowest part of the Wall. For the custom was in those days, before this excess was introduced, to fill the Circus with Beasts out of all Nations, and to contrive several sorts of shews, nor did they make above one match of Chariot-driving, and another of Vaulting from one Horse to another, both which took not up above one hours time. Among other things, there were about sixty young men, and sometimes more, brought in arm'd, by the Marshals of the Games. The bringing in of these persons was partly an imitation of an Army exercising, and partly of a more gen∣tile exercise than that of Souldiers, somewhat nearer to the Gladiators or Fencers use of Arms. And when they had made other motions in point of exercise; they put themselves into a square Body, with their shields close over their Heads, the first standing, the other bending somewhat lower, the third lower than they, the fourth lower than the third, and the last kneeling, till they made a Testudo [a covering for their heads and bodies like a Tortoise-shell] sloping up, like the roof of an House. Then at the distance of about fifty Feet, two of them ran forth arm'd, and daring one the other, when they had got up from the bottom to the top of the Tortoise, over the closed Shields, they one while skipt about the exteriour part of it, as though they had been to make a defence, and anon engaged each other in the midst of it, as though they had been on firm ground. Now they having made a Tortoise, or Target Fence very like to this [used in the Games of the Circus] and apply'd it to such a part of the Wall, when the Souldiers that were upon it came near, they were as high as those that defended the Town: and having beaten them off the Walls, the Souldiers belonging to two En••igns got over into the City. In this one thing only they differ'd, that in the Front and Flanks they held not their Shields above their Heads (lest they might expose their Bodies) but before them, as men do when they fight. By which means the Darts flung from the Wall did not hurt them, whilst they made their approach, but being thrown upon their united Shields, slid down to the bottom as rain does off the side of an House. The Consul, when Heraclea was now taken, removed his Camp so much forward, as though he intended to go to Dium, and, when he had routed the King from thence, into P••eri•• also. But being now preparing for his Winter-Quarters, he order'd rodes to be made, for carrying of Corn out of Thessaly; convenient places to be chosen for Barns, and Houses to be built, where they that brought the provisions might lodge or Inn [by the way.]

Perseus at last having recover'd himself from that fright wherewith he had been stun∣nied, [ X] would rather his commands had not been obey'd, when in a consternation he order'd his treasu•••• at Pella to be thrown into the Sea, and the Ships at Thessalonica to be burnt. [Correspondent to which ••esire of his] Andronicus, who was sent to Thessalonica, had de∣lay'd the time, and, as i•• happen'd, left him room for repentance: but Nicias being more unwary at Pella threw all the money away that he could get; but his errour was capable of being corrected, in ••hat it was almost all retrieved by men that dived to fetch it out again. Now the King was so much ashamed of that fright, that he order'd the Divers to be privately murder'd▪ and after them, Andronicus and Nicias; that there might be no body remaining that shou•••• be privy to so mad a command. At this juncture C. Marcius, going with the Fleet from Heraclea to Thessalonica, not only ravaged the Country in many places very much, by landing his men upon that Coast, but likewise, when they sallied forth from the City, forc'd them back, upon some prosperous Skirmishes, that he had with them, with consternation into their very Walls. And now he was terrible to the very City, till the Inhabitants, having planted Engines of all sorts, smote not only those that strag∣led, in their rash approaches, about the Walls, but those also that were in the Ships, with stones slung from the Town. Wherefore recalling the Souldiers into the Ships, and omit∣ting the Siege of Thessalonica, they went from thence to Aenia: which is a City fifteen miles from that place, opposite to Pydna, in a fertile soil. And when they wasted the Confines thereof they came coasting all along to Antigonea. Where, after they were lan∣ded, they first wasted the Coun••ry all thereabout, and brought some booty to the Ships; and then the Macedonians (Horse and Foot mixt together) pursuing them as they fled in all hast to the Sea, kill'd near five hundred of them, and took as many. Nor did any thing but extream necessity, seeing they were hinder'd from returning safely to their Ships, provoke the minds of the Romans, not only with despair of any other way to save them∣selves, but indignation too. Whereupon the fight was renew'd upon the shore, and they also assisted who were in the Ships. By which means there were near two hundred Mace∣donians slain, and a like number taken. When the Fleet went from Antigonea they landed near Pallene to plunder the Country. That part of the Country belong'd to the Cassandrian Confines, being far the most fertile of all the Coast which they had sailed by. There King Eumenes with twenty men of War, coming from Elea, met them, and there were five men of War besides sent from King Prusias.

By this accession of fresh strength the Praetor was encouraged to attack Cassandrea; which [ XI] was built by King Cassander in the very Streights, that join the Pallenian Territories to the vest of Macedonia, being enclosed on the one side with the Toronaick, and on the other

with the Macedonian Sea. For the Land on which it stands runs into the Sea like a Tongue; nor runs it out any less in length than the Mountain Athos in heighth, being opposite to the Region of Magnesia, with its two unequal Promontories; the bigger of which is called Posideum, and the lesser Canastraeum. They began to attack in several parts, and in several parties. The Roman at a place called Clytae, drew a Line of Fortification (with Pallisadoes also before it to hinder the Enemies approach) from the Toronaick to the Macedonian Sea. On the other side there is the Euripus; and there Eumenes made his attack. The Romans had a great deal of trouble to fill the Ditch that Perseus had lately made. Concerning which, when the Praetor ask'd (because the heaps did not appear) where the Earth was thrown that came out of that Ditch, they shew'd him the Arches of the Wall which were not made of the same thickness with the old Wall, but built with one single row of Bricks. He there∣fore advised with his Officers how to break through the Wall, and force his way into the City: and consider'd that by this means he might deceive them, viz. if he pretended to scale the Walls at another place, and ther••by, putting them into a tumult, should bring all the besieged to the defence of that place. There were in the Garison of Cassandrea, be∣sides a considerable Company of young men of the Town, eight hundred Agrianes, and two thousand Illyrians from Penestae, sent thither by Pleuratus, being both of them a Warlike sort of people. These men being upon the defensive part, whilst the Romans strove with all their might to get upon the Walls, in a moment of time the Arches being broken through, laid the City wide open. Now had they who broke through the Wall been arm'd, they might immediately have taken the Town. When the Souldiers heard that this work was finish'd, they presently set up a joyful shout, resolving to get into the City some at one place, and some at another.

[ XII] The Enemy at first stood in admiration, what the meaning should be of that sudden shout. But when the Governours of the Garison, Pytho and Philip, heard that the City was laid open, they, being of opinion, that that would turn to their advantage, that made the first attack upon their Enemies, sally'd out with a stout body of Agrians and Illyrians; and put the Romans to flight, who ran together from several parts (being call'd to advance their Ensigns into the City) all discompos'd and out of order: and pu••su'd them to the Trench, into which they forced them to tumble in heaps one over another. There were nigh six hundred at that time slain, and almost all, that were taken between the Wall and the Trench, wounded. Thus the Praetor himself, being extreamly disheartned, even by his own attempt, became more slack in other new designs; nor had even Eumenes, who attackt the Enemy at once by Sea and Land too, any very good success. Wherefore they both thought fit, after they had secur'd their Watches, so that no relief might be let into the Town out of Macedonia (since open force had not prevailed) to attempt the Walls with Works. Which whilst they were about to prepare, ten of the Kings Barks were sent from Thessalo∣nica with choice Auxiliaries, that were Gauls; who, seeing the Enemies Ships standing off in the Sea, themselves in the night, when 'twas very dark, sailed one by one, as near the shore as they could, and enter'd the City. The report of this new relief forced the Ro∣mans and the King too [Eumenes] to quit the Siege; and so they, doubling the Cape, ar∣rived with the Fleet at Torone. But as soon as they began to attack that place also, finding that it was defended by a strong body of men, they thought 'twas in vain to make any farther attempt, and went to Demetrias. Where when upon their approach, they saw the Walls all cover'd over with Souldiers, they sailed by with their Fleet to Iolcus; resol∣ving, when they had wasted the Country thereabout, to return and besiege De∣metrias.

[ XIII] At this time too the Consul, lest he should be guilty of sitting down idle in an Enemies Country, sent M. Popillius with five thousand men to attack the City of Meliboea, which is situate at the foot of the Mountain Ossa, on that side, which lies toward Thessaly, and stands very opportunely above Demetrias. The first arrival of the Enemy put the Inhabi∣tants of the place into some consternation: but when they had recover'd themselves from the fright, they ran several wayes to the Gates and the Walls, where they suspected the Foe would make their approaches: whereby they presently cut off all the Enemies hopes, that they might be taken upon the first effort. Thereupon preparation was made for a Siege, and all works in order to it taken in hand. When Perseus heard, that not only Meliboea was attempted by the Consuls Army, but that the Navy also stood at Iolcus, with design from thence to attack Demetrias, he sent Euphranor, one of his Captains with two thousand choice men to Meliboea; commanding him, that if he raised the Siege of the Ro∣mans from before Meliboea, he should get privately into Demetrias, before they decamped from Iolcus to that City. When those that besieged Meliboea saw him on a sudden upon the Hills, they left their works in great confusion, but first set them on fire; and so they retreated from Meliboea. Euphranor, having raised the Siege from before one City, march'd strait to Demetrias. Nor did the Inhabitants of that place then believe, that they could defend their Walls only, but their Country also from devastation; for they made sallies out upon the stragling Pillagers, and wounded many of the Enemies. Notwithstanding the Praetor and the King rode about the Walls, to view the situation of the City, and see if they might at∣tempt

it either by works or force on any side. There was a report, that conditions of Peace were treated of between Eumenes and Perseus, by Cydas, a Cretan, and Antimachus, who at that time was Governour of Demetrias: but this is unquestionable, that they retreated from Deme∣trias. Eumenes sailed to the Consul; and having congratulated his prosperous entrance into Macedonia, went away to Pergamus in his own Kingdom. Marcius Figulus the Praetor, having sent part of the Fleet to Winter at Sciathus, went with the rest of the Ships to Oreum in Eubaea; supposing that City to be the most commodious for sending of Provisions to the Armies, that were in Macedonia and Thessaly. There are very different accounts concerning King Eumenes. If you believe Valerius Antias, he sayes, that he neither assisted the Praetor, though he often sent for him by Letters; nor went with the Consuls good liking into Asia: but took it ill, that he had not the liberty to lodge in the same Camp; and that he could not be induced to leave behind him even those Gal∣lick Troops, which he had brought thither with him. That his Brother Attalus not only staid with the Consul, but also, that he was very faithful to him all along, and did mighty service in the War.

Whilst the War continu'd in Macedonia, there came Embassadours from a petit King of [ XIV] the Gauls beyond the Alpes (his name, 'tis said, was Balanos, but of what Nation he was is not mention'd) to Rome; who promised aid toward the carrying on of the Macedonian War. For which the Senate return'd [him] their thanks, and sent him several Presents: viz. a gold Chain of two pound weight, and several golden Goblets of four pound weight, with a trapped Horse and Arms for an Horseman. After the Gauls, the Pamphylian Embas∣sadours brought into the Senate House a golden Crown made out of twenty thousand Phi∣lippeans [pieces of Gold, like Jacobus's]; and desiring, that they might have leave to lay that Present up in the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, and likewise to sacrifice in the Capitol, they were permitted; besides that they received a very kind Answer to their Petition for renewing the Alliance [between them and Rome,] and had each of them a Present sent them of two thousand pounds of brass. Then the Embassadours from King Prusias, and, soon after from the Romans, who discourse very differently concerning the same thing, had their Audience: both of which Embassies treated about concluding of a Peace with King Perseus. Prusias came with a Petition, rather than a demand, professing, that he had to that day been for the Romans, and, as long as the War continu'd, would be. But since Embassadours came from Perseus to him about making an end of the War with the Romans, and that he had promised them, to intercede with the Senate on their behalf, he begg'd of them, that if they could be perswaded to lay aside their animosity, they would let him have the honour of being thought a Peace-maker. Thus said the Kings Embassadours. The Rhodians, having proudly reckon'd up what kindnesses they had done the Roman People, and arrogated the greater share of the Victory over King Antiochus to themselves, added; That when there was Peace between the Macedonians and the Romans, their Alliance began with King Perseus; but that they broke off with him against their wills, and for no other reason that he gave them, but only because the Ro∣mans would needs have them bear a part with them in the War. Of which War they had now felt the many inconveniences for three years together; for the Sea being so block'd up with Ships, that all commerce was obstructed, their Island was reduced to extream want, and they had lost not only their customs but their trading too. Wherefore, since they could no longer endure it, they had sent other Embassadours into Macedonia to Perseus, to declare unto him, that the Rhodians thought fit, he should conclude a Peace with the Romans, and that they were sent to Rome with the same message. That the Rhodians would consider what to do against those, who should be the cause, why the War was not made an end of. I am sure that these words cannot even at this day be read or heard without indignation; and thence we may imagine how much those Senators were concern'd, that were by when they were spoken.

Claudius sayes, They received no answer: but that there was only an act of Senate read [ XV] over, whereby the Roman People ordain'd, that the Carians and Lycians should be free States; and that there were Letters dispatch'd to both those Nations, to let them know what the Senate had declared. That when he heard this, the principal Embassadour, whose swelling Speech the Senate-House just before could hardly contain, fell down in a swoun. Others say their Answer was, That the Roman People were well assured from good authority, that the Rhodians held private correspondence with King Perseus against their Commonwealth, not only in the beginning of this War; but, if it had been a doubt before, the words of their Embassadours just then had made it evident: and that for the most part fraud, though at first it be somewhat more cautious, detects it self. That the Rhodians by their Messengers, which they send all over the World, would make themselves Arbitrators of War and Peace. That the Romans would take up and lay down their Arms according to the will and pleasure of the Gods. But now they were not like to have the Gods, but the Rhodians for witnesses of their Leagues. Must they, forsooth, be so far obey'd, and the Roman Armies drawn out of Macedonia? That they would see what was best for them to do; and that they knew, what the Rhodians were like to see. For no doubt but the Roman People, when they had conquer'd Perseus, which they hoped would be in a very short time, would see, that every City should be rewarded according to their several deserts in the War. But yet there was a present of two thousand pounds of brass sent to each Embassadour, which they did not receive.

Then the Letter from Q. Marcius the Consul was read, shewing, How he had passed the [ XVI] Streights into Macedonia: as also, how that there as well as from other places the Praetor had made

provision for the Winter; and likewise that he had received from the Epirotes twenty thousand Bushels of Wheat, and ten of Barley: to the end that, for that Corn their Embassadours might have the value in money at Rome. That the Souldiers ought to have Cloths sent them from Rome: that they had need of almost two hundred Horses, especially Numidians, and that they had no plenty of any thing in those parts. Upon which there was an Order of Senate made that all those things should be done according as the Consuls Letter had directed. C. Sulpicius the Praetor bargain'd for the making of six thousand Gowns, and thirty thousand Tunicks, with Horses, to be carry'd into Macedonia, and distributed according to the Consuls pleasure, and paid the Epirotes their money for the Corn. He also introduced Onesimus, Son of Pytho, a noble Macedonian into the Senate. He had alwayes advised the King to Peace, and ad∣monish'd him, that, as his Father Philip had always used, to the last day of his life, to read over the League which he had made with the Romans twice every day, he would take the same course, and do so, if not every day, at least very often. But seeing he could not deter him from War, he began first of all to withdraw himself for several reasons; that he might not have any hand in those things, which he did not approve of; till at last, when he saw himself suspected, and sometimes accus'd even of Treason too, he fled away to the Roman Army; in which he was of great use to the Consul. Now when he, being brought into the Senate, had given them an account of these things, the Senate order'd him to be enrolled among their Allies: that he should have a place at publick Shows, and an Entertainment provided for him: two hundred Acres of the Tarentine Lands, which belong'd to the pub∣lick, allotted him, and an House bought for him at Tarentum; the care of all which was committed to C. Decimius the Praetor. The Censors survey'd the people upon the Ides of December more severely than before; at which time many Knights had their Horses taken from them: among whom P. Rutilius was one, who when he was Tribune of the People had brought very violent accusations against them: yea he was turn'd out of his Tribe, and ut∣terly disfranchis'd. And whereas by order of Senate the Questors gave them half the Reve∣nues of that year to erect publick works; Tib. Sempronius, out of that money that was al∣lotted to him, bought the House of P. Africanus, behind the old one, near the Statue of [the God] Vortumnus, with the Butchery, and the contiguous Shops, for the publick use, where he caused a stately House to be built, which was afterward called Basilica Sempronia, [Sempronius's Palace.]

[ XVII] The year was now going out, and therefore by reason chiefly of their concern for the Macedonian War, people were deliberating, whom they should chose Consuls for that year, at last to put an end to that War. Whereupon there was an Order of Senate made, that Cn. Servilius should come as soon as possibly he could to hold the Assembly. Sulpicius the Praetor sent this Order of Senate to the Consul; from whom he receiv'd a Letter, which after a few dayes he read in the Senate; signifying that he would come before the day appointed. Accordingly the Consul made hast, and the Assembly was holden on the day that was ap∣pointed. There were created for Consuls L. Aemilius Paulus (a second time) in the seven∣teenth year after he had been first Consul, and C. Licinius Crassus. The next day the Prae∣tors were chosen, viz. Cn. Baebius Tamphilus, L. Anicius Gallus, Cn. Octavius, P. Fonteius Balbus, M. Aebutius Helva, and C. Papirius Carbo. Now the care they had of the Mace∣donian War spur'd them on to do all things with the greater expedition. Wherefore when they were chosen they were order'd immediately to cast Lots for their Provinces; that it might be known which Consul should have Macedonia, and which Praetor the Fleet: so that there∣by they might be able to consider of, and prepare what was necessary for the War; and likewise to consult the Senate, if any need there were of consultation. That they should celebrate the Latine Holy days as soon as they enter'd into their office, provided that no other religious rites were first to be perform'd: and that the Consul, who was to go into Macedonia, should not be detained. After these Decrees were passed, the Consuls had Italy and Macedonia assign'd to them, and the Praetors (besides the two jurisdictions in the City) the Fleet, Spain, Sicily and Sardinia for their Provinces. Consul Aemilius happen'd to have Macedonia, and Licinius, Italy. Of the Praetors, Cn. Baebius had the City, L. Anicius the Foreign jurisdiction (and whether else the Senate should think fit to send him) Cn. Octavius the Fleet, P. Fonteius Spain, M. Aebu∣tius Sicily, and C. Papirius Sardinia.

[ XVIII] Now all people presently saw, that L. Aemilius would mannage that War slothfully; not only because he was another sort of a man, but also, because his mind was day and night intent upon those things only, that concern'd that War. Now therefore the first thing that he desired of the Senate, was, That they would send Embassadours into Macedonia to view the Armies and the Fleet, and bring certain word back, what was lacking either in the Land, or the Sea Forces. And furthermore, That they should inquire into the Kings Forces as much as they could, as also what part of Macedonia was in our hands, and what part under Perseus. Whether the Romans were incamped within the Streights, or whether they had already passed all those narrow places, and were come into the Plains. Who were our faithful Allies; who doubeful or fickle in their Friendship, according to the several turns of Fortune, and who our certain Ene∣mies. What quantity of provisions they had, and whence they were brought by Land, and whence by Shipping. What had been done that Summer both by Sea and Land; for when he was well

certified of these things, he thought he might take true measures for the time to come. The Senate gave Orders to Cn Servilius the Consul, that he should send into Macedonia what men L. Aemilius thought fit. The Embassadours went two dayes after, whose names were Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus, A. Licinius Nerva, and L. Baebius. 'Twas reported, that it rained stones twice at the end of that Year, in the Roman, and, at the same time, in the Veian Territories: for which there was ordained a Sacrifice of nine dayes continuance. Of the Priests there dyed that year P. Quintilius Varus, Mars's Flamen [Chief Priest] and M. Claudius Marcellus, the D••cemvir, in whose place they chose Cn. Octavius. And now, when their magnificence increased, 'twas observ'd, that, at the Games in the Circus, set forth by P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, and P. Lentulus the Curule Aediles, there were sixty three Panthers, with forty Bears and Elephants publickly shewn.

L. Aemilius Paulus, and C. Licinius being made Consuls, and entering upon their office on [ XIX] the fifteenth of March, in the beginning of the ensuing year, when the Senate was in ex∣pectation, especially what the Consul would report to them concerning Macedonia, which was his Province, Paulus said, He had nothing to make report of, since the Embass••dours were not yet return'd. But that the Embassadours were now at Brundusium, and had been twice in their Voyage driven into Dyrrhachium That when he knew, what was necessary first to be known, he would inform them of it; and that would be within a few dayes. And that nothing might stop his Journey, he (he said) had appointed the Latine Holy Dayes to be celebrated from the last of March. That when the Sacrifices were rightly perform'd, he and Cn. Octavius would set out, as soon as the Senate thought good. That C. Licinius, his Collegue would take care, in his absence, that if there were any necessity for providing or sending any thing material for the carrying on of that War, it should be provided or sent. That in the mean time the Embassies of Foreign Nations might have their Audience. When the Sacrifice was rightly perform'd, the Alexandrian Em∣bassadours from Ptolemy and Cleopatra were first call'd in; who coming into the Senate-House in sordid Cloths, with their beards and hair very long, and branches of Olive in their hands, fell down upon the ground; and their Speech was more abject and pitiful than their appearance. [For they said,] Antiochus, King of Syria, who had been an Hostage at Rome under a specious pretence of restoring the elder Ptolemy to his Kingdom, waging War with his youn∣ger Brother, who at that time was in possession of Alexandria, had not only been victorious in a Sea-fight at Pelusium, but likewise having got over the Nile by help of a Bridge, that he raised all on a sudden, with his Army, put Alexandria it self into a consternation by a Siege, nor did he seem to be far from being Master of that most oppulent Kingdom. The Embassadours com∣plaining of these things desired the Senate, that they would assist that Kingdom and the Sove∣reigns of it, who were Friends to the Empire: That such were the deserts of the Roman People from Antiochus, and such their authority with all Kings and Nations, that, if they sent Embas∣sadours, to tell him, the Senate was not well pleased, that he should make War against Princes that were their Allies, he would immediately retreat from the Walls of Alexandria, and carry his Army away into Syria. Which if they deferred to do, that Ptolemy and Cleopatra, being forced out of their Country, would in a short time come to Rome, to the shame of the Roman People, in that they had not at all assisted them in their utmost extremity. The Senate being concern'd at the Petition of the Alexandrians, sent C. Popillius Laenas, C. Decimius, and C. Hostilius, Embas∣sadours, to make an end of the War between the two Kings; and order'd them to go first to Antiochus, and then to Ptolemy, and tell them, that, unless they desisted from making War, whoever was the occasion of its continuance, him they would not look upon as a Friend, nor an Ally.

These Embassadours went within three dayes along with the Alexandrian Embassadours, [ XX] and then the Embassadours came who were so much expected out of Macedonia all the last five dayes after the Ides of March [called Quinquatria, which was a Festival to Minerva,] that had it not been late before they came into Town, the Consuls had immediately called a Senate. The next day there was a Senate, and the Embassadours had their Audience: who brought word; that the Army was led into Macedonia through pathless Woods, with greater hazard than advantage. That the King was in possession of Pieria, whither he was gone: that their Camps were so nigh, one to the other, that they were divided by nothing but the River Enipeus which was between them: and that the King neither gave the Romans any opportunity to fight, nor had our men force enough to constrain him. That the rough Winter also interrupted their affairs. That the Souldiers were kept idle, and had not any more Corn than would serve them six dayes. That 'twas reported the Macedonians were thirty thousand strong. That, if Ap. Claudius had a good Army about Lychnidum, he might give the King some diversion by a doubtful War: but that now both Appius and all the Forces he had with him were in extream danger: unless either a compleat Army were sent thither, or they brought thence. That they went from the Camp to the Fleet; where they heard, that part of their Naval Allies were taken off by Diseases; and part of them (especially those that came from Sicily) gone home; so that the Ships wanted men: and that those, who were still there, had neither receiv'd any pay, nor had any Cloths. That Eumenes and his Fleet, like Ships driven thither by the Wind, both came and went away without any cause: nor did they think that King to be a constant, or a true Friend. But as they spoke all things doubtfully of Eumenes, so they said, that Attalus was extraordinary constant and faithful.

[ XXI] When then the Embassadours had had their Audience, then L. Aemilius said, he would make report concerning the War. And thereupon the Senate decreed, that for the eight Le∣gions the Consuls and the people should create an equal number of Tribunes: but order'd, that no man should be created that year, save those, who had born some honourable office. And then, that, of all the Tribunes, L. Aemilius should chuse whom he pleased, to command the Legions that were to go for Macedonia; and that, when the solemnity of the Latine Holy Dayes was over, L. Aemi∣lius the Consul, and Cn. Octavius, who happen'd to have the Fleet, should go into that Province. There was added to these a third person, which was L. Anicius, the Praetor, whose jurisdi∣ction was among Foreigners. Him they thought fit to succeed Ap. Claudius in the Pro∣vince of Illyricum, about Lychnidum. The care of the Levy was impos'd upon C. Licinius the Consul: who was order'd to raise seven thousand Roman Citizens, and two hundred Horse; and to draw off from the Latine Allies seven thousand Foot, and four hundred Horse: as also, to send word to Cn. Servilius, who was Governour of the Province of Gaul, that he should raise six hundred Horse. This Army he was commanded to send into Ma∣cedonia, to his Collegue, as soon as he could: but that there should not be above two Legi∣ons in that Province; which should be fill'd up, so as that there should be six thousand Foot, and three hundred Horse in each of them. That the rest of the Foot and Horse should be disposed of into the several Garisons. That such as were not fit for service, should be disbanded. There were likewise ten thousand Foot required of the Allies, and eight hun∣dred Horse; which Forces were also given to Anicius, besides the two Legions, that he was order'd to carry into Macedonia, consisting of five thousand two hundred Foot, and three hun∣dred Horse; and for the Navy there were raised five thousand Seamen. Licinius the Consul being order'd to govern the Province with two Legions, added thereunto of the Allies ten thousand Foot, and six hundred Horse.

[ XXII] When the acts of Senate were passed, the Consul, L. Aemilius, went out of the Senate-House into the Assembly of the people, and made a Speech to this effect: Romans, I ob∣serve, that you have done me a greater honour, since Macedonia is fallen to my share, than ei∣ther when I was saluted Consul, or when I enter'd upon my Office; and that for no other reason, than that you have thought it no degradation to the majesty of the Roman People, that I should put an end to the War in Macedonia, which hath been so long protracted. The Gods too, I hope, have favour'd this design, and will assist me in the management of it. But these things I must partly suppose, and partly hope for: though this I dare boldly affirm, that I will do my utmost endeavour, not to frustrate your hopes concerning me: All necessaries for this War the Senate hath already de∣creed, and (seeing they are pleased, that I should go immediately, who am as willing and ready to obey their commands as they to impose them) my Collegue, C. Licinius, a person of great worth, will as industriously provide them, as though he himself were to manage this War. What I shall write to the Senate or to you, pray believe: and do not, by your credulity, entertain rumours, for which you have no good authority. For even at this time I have observed; it hath been a common infirmity among you, especially since the beginning of this War, that no man slight a vulgar report so much as not to be discouraged at it. There are in all Companies, and at all Feasts (forsooth) those, that lead Armies into Macedonia; know, where the Camp should be pitch'd; what places should be made Garisons of; when, and at what pass we ought to enter Macedonia; where our Store-Houses ought to be built; what way, either by Land or Sea, our provisions should be brought; when we ought to engage the Enemy, and when to lie still. Nor do they only tell us, how we may do better than ordinary, but also, whatsoever is done otherwise than they directed, they make as it were an actual accusation against the Consul. Now these things [Romans] are a great obstruction to men that are to mannage such great affairs. For all men cannot be of so firm and constant a re∣solution against false rumours, as Fabius was: who chose rather to have his own Conduct dispara∣ged by the false rumours of the people, than to preserve his reputation, and neglect the publick busi∣ness. I am not one that think Commanders ought not to be admonished; yea, I look upon him who does all things upon his own head, to be rather a proud than a wise man. What then remains? Why first of all Commanders ought to be admonished by wise men, and more especially, those that have skill and experience in military affairs: and next, by such as are concern'd upon the spot; who see the Enemy, the occasion of action, and that are partakers, as it were, of the danger in the same Ship. Wherefore if there be any man that believes, he can certainly advise me to any thing which may conduce to the better mannagement of that War, which I am now to wage; let him not deny his assistance to the Commonwealth, but come along with me into Macedonia, he shall be furnish'd by me with a Ship, Horse, Tent, and provisions too for the Voyage. But if any man be loth so to do, and prefers the ease of a City life before the toils of a Campaign, let him not steer at land. The City it self affords matter enough for Discourse; let him keep his tattle within his teeth; and know, that we'll be content with our Campaign Counsels. From this Assembly, when the Latine Holy-Dayes, that began on the last of March, and the Sacrifices were duly celebrated, the Con∣sul and the Praetor, Cn. Octavius, went forthwith into Macedonia. 'Tis said, that the Con∣sul was attended with a greater retinue than ordinary; and that the people did, almost cer∣tainly, forebode, that there would be an end of the Macedonian War, and that the Consuls re∣turn would be speedy, crown'd with a signal triumph.

[ XXIII] Whilst these things were transacted in Italy, Perseus could not perswade himself to go

on with what he had begun, in order to make Gentius, King of the Illyrians, his Friend, because he was to lay out money; but, when he heard that the Romans had enter'd the Streights, and saw that he was exposed to the last extremity of War, he thought not fit any longer to delay the time, and therefore, having agreed by the mediation of his Embas∣sadour Hippias, for three hundred Talents of Silver, so as that Hostages should be given on both sides, he sent Pantauchus, one of his most faithful Friends and Favourites to make an end of that affair. At Medeon in the Labeatian Territories Pantauchus met the King of Il∣lyricum: where he took of him both an Oath and Hostages. There was also an Embassa∣dour sent from Gentius, called Olympius, who required an Oath and Hostages from Perseus. With the same person were sent two others, to receive the money, viz. Parmenio and Mor∣cus, who by Pantauchus's perswasions, who were also pitch'd upon, to go Embassadours to Rhodes along with the Macedonians. But they were charged not to go to Rhodes till they had required an•• taken the Oath, the Hostages, and the money; and then they m••g••t. For the Rhodians would surely be incited to War when two Kings apply'd themselves to them at the same time. And on the other hand, such a City as theirs, in which alone was united all the glory of Na∣val action, would leave the Romans no hopes either by Sea or Land. When the Illyrians were a coming, Perseus march'd out of his Camp, near the River Enipeus, with all his Horse, to meet them at Dium. Where all those things were perform'd that had been agreed upon, in the presence of a Body of Horse that stood all round, and whom the King had a mind to have by at the making of that League of Alliance between him and Gentius; supposing, that would put somewhat more of spirit into them. The Hostages too were given and ta∣ken before their Faces; and at the same time, the King, having sent them to Pella, where his treasure lay, that were to receive the money, he order'd those, that were to go to Rhodes with the Illyrian Embassadours, to take Shipping at Thessalonica. There at that time lay Metrodorus, who came very lately from Rhodes; and from the information of Dinon and Polyaratus, two Noblemen of that City, affirm'd, that the Rhodians were ready for the War. He therefore was made chief of the Embassy, that was join'd with the Illyrians.

At the the same time there was a common message (such as the state of affairs would [ XXIV] then admit of) sent to Eumenes and Antiochus: That a free City and a King were naturally op∣posite one to the other. That each of them attacked the Roman People, and, which was more un∣worthy, that Kings [or Sovereign Princes] were by Kings opposed. That Attalus was an assistant in the ruine of his Father. That by the help of Eumenes, and, in some measure, of his Father Philip too, Antiochus was opposed; and that now both Eumenes and Prusias were armed against him. That if the Kingdom of Macedonia were destroy'd, that of Asia would be the next: (which they, under pretence of setting the Cities at liberty, had now made partly their own) and then Sy∣ria. That Prusias was already prefer'd in honour before Eumenes, and that the Victorious Antiochus was already roured out of Aegypt, which was like to have been the booty of his War. Which whilst he thought upon, he bad him consider and take care, either to force the Ro∣mans to conclude a Peace with him, or to look upon, if they persisted in an unjust War, as the common Enemies of all Kings in general. The message to Antiochus was plain and open: but to Eumenes there was an Embassadour sent, under pretence of redeeming the Captives; by whom there were certain things more privately transacted, which at the present made Eumenes very hateful, and much suspected by the Romans, who charg'd him with grievous though false crimes. For he was counted a Traytor, and almost an Enemy, whilst the two Kings strove by fraud and avarice to out do one another. There was one Cydas a Cretan, one of the most intimate Friends, that Eumenes had; who had had a Conference, first at Amphipolis, with one Chimarus, his Country-man, that was a Souldier under Perseus; and next, at Demetrias once, with one Menecrates; besides a third time, with Antimachus (all three of them were the Kings Officers) under the very Walls of the City. Eropon also, who was then sent, had been concern'd in two Embassies to the same Eumenes before that time. Which Conferences were private and the Embassy dishonourable: but what was transacted, or what the Kings agreed upon, was not known. But thus it was.

Eumenes neither favour'd Perseus's Victory, nor intended to make War against him: not [ XXV] so much, for that their Fathers animosities continu'd between them also, as that they had a grudge against one another themselves. The emulation between those two Kings was not so small, as that Eumenes could endure to see Perseus get so much riches and glory, as, when he had conquer'd the Romans, he was like to obtain. He likewise saw that Perseus, from the very beginning of the War, made all attempts imaginable to gain a Peace, and that the nearer terrour approached, he was never intent, or sollicitous about any thing else. That the Romans too, because the War was protracted beyond their hopes; not only their Offi∣cers, but the Senate also were very willing to make an end of so inconvenient and difficult a War. He therefore, having found the inclinations of both parties to be the same, was the more desirous to bestow his labour toward a reconciliation in that affair, which, through the toil of the stronger side, and the fear of the weaker, he believed might be of it self composed and made an end of. For one while he indented, not to assist the Ro∣mans by Sea or Land, and another while, to make a Peace with them; and ask'd a thou∣sand and fifty Talents, not to be concern'd in the War: in both which cases he shew'd,

that he was ready not only to give them his word, but Hostages too for their security. Perseus was very ready to go about that business, as being induced by his fear, and there∣fore without any delay treated touching the Hostages, agreeing, that when they were received they should be sent to Creet. When they came to mention the money, there he made a stop and said, that among Kings of such renown that was a reward very dishonourable and sordid, not only to the giver, but also, much more, to the receiver. He [if he must needs do so] would rather pay the money, in hopes of a Peace with Rome, than not pay, but then he would produce it when the business was done: and in the mean time lay it up in the Temple at Samothraca. But since that Island was in his Dominions, Eumenes saw no diffe∣rence between its being there, and at Pella: wherefore he did what he could, to make him pay down some part of it presently. Thus they being caught and choused one by the other, created to themselves nothing but infamy.

[ XXVI] Nor was this matter only omitted by Perseus through his own avarice, when he might have had his money secur'd, and either a Peace by the mediation of Eumenes, that must have been purchased even with a part of his Kingdom, or, if he had been cheated, might have discover'd his Enemy, whilst he had been loaded with the money, and thereby have made the Romans very justly his Enemies; but the Alliance of King Gentius also, which was then ready for his acceptance, together with a vast body of Gauls, who were scatter'd all over Illyricum, and then offer'd themselves, were upon the same score dismiss'd. There came ten thousand Horse, with an equal number of Foot, and they too as swift as Horses; who when the Horsemen, by turns, dismounted, took their empty Horses, and fought up∣on them. These men demanded, in hand; an Horseman ten pieces of gold, a Foot Soul∣dier five, and their General a thousand. When these men were a coming, Perseus setting forth out of his Camp near Empius, to meet them with the half of his Forces, began to make Proclamation through all the Villages and Cities, which are nigh the rodes, that they should get ready their provisions of Corn, Wine, and Cattle, that he might have a competent supply: whilst he himself took with him for the Nobility Horses with trappings, and Campagn Coats, carrying along with him likewise some small quantity of gold, to divide among them who were but a few; for he supposed the multitude might be allured by hopes. He arrived at the City Almana, and Encamped upon the Bank of the River Axius; when the Army of the Gauls were sate down about Desudaba in Madica, waiting for the money which they had agreed for. Thither therefore he sent Antigonus, one of his great Courtiers, to command the multitude of the Gauls to remove their Camp to Bylazor (which is a place in Paeonia) and bid the Nobility come all to him. They were seventy five miles distant from the River Axius, and the Kings Camp. Now when Antigonus had carry'd this Message to them, and had also told them, what a vast plenty of all things the King had taken care to provide upon the rode for the multitude, and with what presents, of Cloths, money, and Horses, the King would meet the Nobility at their coming to him; they made Answer, that, as to those things, they should find what he would do when they came to the King; and ask'd him, concerning what they had agreed to have in hand, whether he had brought with him the gold, that was to be divided amonq the Foot and Horse. To which seeing there was no answer made, Claudius, their pe∣tit King, said, Go then, tell your King, that, till they receive the gold and Hostages, the Gauls will not stir a Foot from this place. Which message being brought to the King, he called a Council, in which, when it was evident, what all that were there would perswade him to; he himself, who was a better Keeper of his money, than his Kingdom, began to discourse about the perfidiousness, and barbarity of the Gauls; That he had found by the destruction of many a man heretofore, how dangerous it was to admit so great a multitude into Macedonia, for fear they should prove more grievous, thou••h Allies than the Romans, who were Enemies. That five thousand Horse was enough; whom as they might use in the War, so also they need not fear upon the score of their number.

[ XXVII] It was manifest in all things, that he was loth to part with his money to the multitude, and fear'd nothing else: but seeing no body durst perswade him, though he ask'd their opi∣nions about it, he sent Antigonus back, to tell them, that the King should not have occa∣sion for above five thousand of their Horse; and that he slighted the rest of their multitude. Which when the Barbarians heard, the rest indeed murmur'd, being vex'd that they had been brought out of their Country to no purpose; and Clondicus ask'd him again, Whether he would pay what he had agreed for, even to those five thousand? To which when he saw Antigonus made but a shuffling kind of Answer, he did the fallacious Messenger indeed no harm (a thing which he himself could hardly hope for) but march'd back to Isler, he and his men; (having pillaged all Thrace, that lay near the rode) which were body of men, that, had they been brought over the Mountains of Perraebia into Thessaly, whilst the King sate quiet by Enipeus, over against the Romans, might have not only spoiled and ravaged all the Country, so as to have robb'd the Romans of all their expectations of provisions from thence, but have sack'd the very Cities too, whilst Perseus had detain'd the Consul at Eni∣peus, and kept him from assisting his Allies. Yea the Romans themselves must have been concern'd at it upon their own accounts; since they, when they had lost Thessaly, from whence they had all the Forage and Provisions to maintain their Army, could neither have

staid there, nor gone forward, because the Macedonian Camp was on the other side of the River. By this means therefore Perseus encouraged the Romans, and dishearten'd the Mace∣donians, who had long hoped he would at last answer their expectations and desires. By the same avarice he made Gentius also his Enemy. For when he had paid three hundred Ta∣lents at Pella to certain persons sent thither from Gentius, and suffer'd them to seal it up, he sent ten Talents of it to Pantauchus, and bid him give that, at present, to the King; commanding his Servants, who carry'd the rest of the money, which was sealed, with the Illyrians Seal, to go but little dayes Journeys; and, when they came to the Confines of Macedonia, to stay there, and expect Messengers from him. Gentius having received but a small part of the money, when Pantauchus was importuning him every day to commit some hostility upon the Romans, he put M. Perperna, and L. Petillius, two Embassadours, that then had happen'd to come to him, into Prison. Which Perseus hearing, thought Gentius had enter'd into an Alliance with the Romans, and therefore sent to recal them, that carry'd the mo∣ney: as though his whole design had been to make himself as rich a prey as possible (when he should be vanquish'd) to the Romans. Eropon also return'd from Eumenes, but no body knew what was privately transacted between them. They themselves indeed gave out, that they treated about the Captives; of which Eumenes also, to avoid suspicion, sent the Consul word.

Perseus being disappointed in his hopes, after the return of Eropon from Eumenes, sent [ XXVIII] Antenor and Callippus, the Admirals of his Fleet with forty Barks (to which number he ad∣ded five longer Gallies) to Tenedus, as a Convoy to the Ships that were scatter'd here and there among the Cyclade Islands [in the Archipelago] and coming with Corn into Macedo∣nia. The Ships put in at Cassandrea, and having first touch'd at the Ports, that lie under the Mountain Athos, sailed thence with a fair Gale to Tenedus: where though several open∣deck'd Gallies of Rhodes rode in that Harbour, with Eudamus, their Admiral, they haled them very kindly, and let them pass unhurt. After which, when they found that on the other side, there were fifty Merchant-men of their own, shut in by several men Of War be∣longing to Eumenes, and standing in the mouth of the Harbour, they, having with all speed tack'd about, and removed their Ships from the terrour of the Enemy, sent the Merchant-men, under the Convoy of ten Barks, into Macedonia; but with orders, that when they had convey'd them out of all danger, they should return to Tenedus. The ninth day after they return'd to the Fleet, which now lay at Sigeum. From thence they crossed over to Su∣bota, which is an Island that lies between Elea and Athos. It happen'd, that, the day after the Fleet arrived at Subota, thirty five Ships, which they call Hippagogi [Ships for carrying of Horses] coming from Elea, with Gallick Horsemen and Horses, made toward the Cape of Phanae in Chios, from thence to go over into Macedonia: being sent to Attalus by Eu∣menes. Now when Antenor had notice from a Watch-tower, that these Ships were sailing through the main Sea, he set out from Subota, and, between the Cape of Erythrae and Chius, which is a very narrow streight, met them. Eumenes's Officers believ'd nothing less, than that the Macedonian Fleet was cruising in that Sea: and therefore supposed, one while, that they were Romans, and anon, that it was Attalus, or some sent from Attalus, out of the Roman Camp, who were bound for Pergamus. But when they came so near, as that they could plainly distinguish the form and make of their Barks, and knew by their manner of rowing, and their making up directly to them, that they were Enemies; then they were in a consternation, since they had no hopes of making any resistance, their Ships being unfit for fighting, besides that the Gauls were ready to mutiny, having been so long quiet at Sea. Thereupon part of them, that were near the Continent, swam out into Erythraea: and part of them, setting Sail got to Chius, where leaving their Horses they ran, as fast as they could, to the City. But the Barks arriving nearer to the City, and having landed their Souldiers more commodiously, the Macedonians overtook the Gauls by the way, and kill'd part of them as they fled, and part of them before the Gate of the Town, from whence they were excluded: for the Chians had shut their Gate, as being ignorant, who ran away, or who pursu'd. There were nigh eight hundred of the Gauls slain, and two hundred taken alive: the Horses were partly drown'd with the Ships: and, part of them, had their Nerves cut on the shore by the Macedonians. But Antenor order'd the same ten Barks, which he had sent before, to carry twenty very fine Horses, together with the Captives, to Thessalo∣nica, and thence to return, as soon as possible, to the Fleet: saying, that he would stay for them at Phanae. The Fleet continu'd at the City about three dayes: and thence they went on to Phanae, where seeing the ten Barks return'd much sooner than they expected, they sailed through the Aegean Sea to Delus.

Whilst these things were transacted, the Roman Embassadours, C. Popillius, C. Decimius, [ XXIX] and C. Hostilius, setting forth from Chalcis, when they came with three five-bank'd Gal∣lies to Delus, found there forty Barks belonging to the Macedonians, and five five-bank'd Gallies, belonging to King Eumenes. But the Sanctity of the Temple and the Island secur'd them all: so that the Romans, Macedonians, and Eumenes's Seamen convers'd in the Temple all together, the sacred respect which they bore to the place affording them a kind of Truce, Antenor, Perseus's Admiral, when he had notice from a Watch tower, there were certain

Merchant men before him out at Sea, himself pursu'd them with part of his Barks, and having disposed of the rest about the Cyclade Islands, either sunk all the Ships (except such as were bound for Macedonia) or rifled them at least. Popillius and Eumenes's Ships did what they could to relieve them: but the Macedonians going in the night with only two or most commonly three Barks at a time passed by unseen. About that time the Macedo∣nian and Illyrian Embassadours came together to Rhodes, whose authority was encreased, not only by the arrival of the Barks, which cruised all over the Cyclade Islands, and the Aegean Sea, but also by the very union of the two Kings, Perseus and Gentius, and the report, that the Gauls were coming with a vast number of Foot and Horse. And now, since Dinon and Polyaratus, who were on Perseus's side, had receiv'd encouragement, the Kings had not only a very kind Answer, but they two declar'd, that they would put an end to the War by their authority; wherefore they would have the Kings to themselves dispose their minds to∣ward accepting of a Peace.

[ XXX] It was now the beginning of the Spring, and new Officers were come into the Province. The Consul Aemilius into Macedonia, Octavius to the Fleet at Oreum, Anicius into Illyri∣cum, being to make War against Gentius. His Father was Pleuratus, King of the Illyrians, and his Mother Eurydica; and he had two Brothers, Plator by Father and Mothers side both, and Caravantius by the Mothers side only. He therefore less suspecting this last, by reason that his Father was ignoble, kill'd Plator; and his two Friends also, Etritus and Epicadus, very active men, that he might reign with greater security. There was a report, that he envied his Brother, who was betrothed to Etuta, the Daughter of Honunus, King of the Dardans; as designing by this marriage to engage the whole Nation of the Dardaus to his interest. And this became the more likely to be true, by his marrying of the Virgin, after he had kill'd Plator. When he had remov'd all fear of his Brother, he began to be very vexati∣ous to his Subjects; and inflamed the natural fierceness of his temper by the immoderate use of Wine. But, as I told you before, being incited to engage in the Roman War, he drew all his Forces to Lissus, which consisted of fifty thousand men. From whence, having sent his Brother with a thousand Foot, and fifty Horse, into the Country of the Cavians, either by force or fear, to subdue it; whilst he himself march'd to the City Bassania, five miles from Lissus. They were Allies of the Romans: wherefore being first try'd by Messen∣gers that were sent to them before-hand, they chose rather to endure a Siege than surrender themselves. The Town of Durnium in the Cavian Territories very kindly received Caravan∣tius at his coming thither; but Caravantis, another City, shut him out: and as he was plundering the Country round about, some stragling Souldiers were by a concourse of the Country people slain. Now also Ap. Claudius, having taken in to that Army which he alrea∣dy had, the Buline, Apollonian and Dyrrhachian Auxiliaries, march'd out of his Winter-Quarters, and lay Encamp'd near the River Genusuus: where being mightily concern'd at the League which he heard was concluded between Perseus and Gentius, and at the injury and violence offer'd to the Embassadours, resolv'd to wage a War against him. At that time Anicius the Praetor, who was at Apollonia, having heard what was done in Il••yricum, and having sent a Letter before-hand to Appius, that he should stay for him at Genusuus, came in three dayes himself into the Camp: where having added, to those Auxiliaries which he had, two thousand Foot, and two hundred Horse (made up of young Parthinians) he made Epicadus Commander of the Foot, and Agalsus of the Horse; des••gning to march more especially into Illyricum, to raise the Siege from before Bassania: but he was diver∣ted by a report concerning certain Ships, that were pillaging the Sea Coast. For there were eighty Barks, sent by Gentius (through the perswasions of Pantauchus) to pillage the Dyrr∣hachian and Apollonian Territories. Then the Fleet 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉

[ XXXI] 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉 They surrender'd themselves: and so afterward did all the Cities of that Country, being the more induced thereunto by the Clemency and Justice of the Roman Praetor toward all sorts of people. From thence they came to Scodra, which had been the chief seat and cause of the War; not only, because Gentius had taken it to himself, as the Capital Gari∣son of his whole Kingdom, but also, because it is by far the best fortified of any place in the Labeatian Territories and very inaccessible. There are about it two Rivers, Clausala which runs by it on the East-side, and Barbana on the West, which rises out of the Labeatian Fenn. These two Rivers running into one another, discharge themselves into the River Ori∣undes; which, rising out of the Mountain Scodrus, and being augmented by many other Waters, disembogues it self into the Adriatick Sea. The Mountain Scodrus, which is by far the highest in all that Country, hath on the Eastside of it Dardania, to the South Mace∣donia, and to the West Illyricum. But though the Town were fortified, even by its own natural situation, and that the whole Nation of the Illyrians, besides the King himself, de∣fended it; yet the Roman Praetor, seeing his first attempts had succeeded so well, and sup∣posing that the fortune of the whole affair would be proportionable to the beginning; and that a sudden terrour might prevail upon them, set his Army in Battalia, and drew them up to the Walls. Now, if the besieged had shut their Gates, and defended their Walls and the Towers upon their Gates with armed men that might have been planted there, they

had certainly forced the Romans from the Walls before they could have done them any hurt. But they on the contrary going out of their Gates join'd Battle upon a Plain with greater courage, than they maintain'd it. For being routed and thronging together in their flight, above two hundred of them met together at the very entrance of the Gate; which caused so great a consternation in the City, that Gentius sent Deputies immediately to the Praetor, viz. Tenticus and Bellus, two Noblemen of that Country, to desire a Truce, that he might have time to deliberate concerning the state of affairs. Having three dayes given him for that purpose (the Roman Camp was about five hundred paces from the City) he took Ship∣ping, and sailed down the River Barbana, into the Labeatian Lake, as though he had sought a secret place to consult in: but, as it appear'd, was moved thereunto by a false hope, that his Brother Caravantius was coming thither with many thousands of armed men, whom he had raised out of that Country, into which he was sent. Which report proving vain, he the third day after went in the same Ship down the River to Scodra: and having sent Messengers before-hand, to get leave for him to come and speak with the Praetor, that request being granted him, he came into the Camp. Where he began his Speech with an accusation a∣gainst himself for his own folly, but ran out at last into Prayers and Tears; and then fal∣ling down at the Praetors Feet, surrender'd himself up into his disposal. The Praetor, first, bad him be of good cheer, and invited him to Supper; so that he return'd into the City to his Relations, and feasted that day with the Praetor very magnificently: but after that he was committed to the keeping of C. Cassius, a Tribune of the Souldiers; nor had he scarce received of Perseus so much as the hire of a Gladiator, that is to say, not above ten Ta∣lents, to throw himself into these circumstances.

Anicius having retaken Scodra, gave order first of all, that Petillius and Perperna [ XXXII] the Embassadours should be sought out and brought to him: to whom when he had restored their former splendour, he sent Perperna forthwith to apprehend the Kings Friends and Relations: Who going to Medeo, a City in the Labeatian Territories, brought Etleva his Wife, with his two Sons, Scerdiletus and Pleuratus, and Caravantius his Brother into the Camp at Scodra. Anicius having made an end of the Illyrian War within thirty days, sent Perperna to Rome with the news of his Victory: and, after some few days, King Gentius too himself, with his Mother, Wife, Children, Brother, and others of the Illyrian Nobility. The news came to Rome that this War was ended, before they heard that it was begun. At the same time that these things were transacted, Perseus also was in a great fright, not only upon the score of Aemilius, the new Consuls coming (who, he heard, came with great menaces against him) but of Octavius the Praetor also. Nor was he possess'd with less dread of the Roman Fleet, and the danger of the Sea-Coast. At Thessalonica Eumenes and Athenagoras were the chief Commanders with a small Garison of two thousand Shieldmen, called Cetrati. Thither he also sent Androcles, one of his Pre∣fects or Captains, commanding him to Encamp under the very Docks. To Aenia he sent a thousand Horse under the Command of Antigonus, to defend the Sea-Coast, to the end, that on what shore soever they heard the Enemies Ships were arrived, they might presently give the Country People their assistance. There were five thousand Macedonians sent to se∣cure Pythium and Petra, under the Conduct of Histiaeus, Theogenes and Milo: who being gone, he began to fortifie the Bank of the River Enipeus, which was then dry'd up and fordable. For which design that all the multitude might have leisure, the Women, who were forced to come out of the adjacent Cities, brought them Victuals into the Camp. The Souldiers were order'd 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉

Last of all he commanded the Tankard-Bearers to follow him to the Sea, which was not [ XXXIII] three hundred paces off, and some of them to dig in one place, and some in another, at lit∣tle distances, upon the shore. The Mountains being of a vast heighth gave them hopes, so much the more, because they disclosed no open Rivers, that they contain'd in them certain concealed streams, which ran into and mixt with the Sea-Waters. They had scarce taken off the very surface of the Sand, when there came forth, first, muddy and small streams, which in a little time were clear and yielded a great deal of Water, as if the Gods them∣selves had sent it. That also gave the General somewhat more credit and authority among his Souldiers. After this, the Souldiers being order'd to make ready their Armies, he himself went with the Tribunes, and first ranks to view the passes; where arm'd men might easily go down, and where the ascent up to the farther Bank was no wayes difficult. Having taken a due prospect of these places, he took farther care also, that all things might be done in the Army regularly, and without tumult, according to the pleasure and command of the General. In order whereunto he declared since, when the word of command was gi∣ven, and all did not hear it, they, having receiv'd uncertain Orders, used to do, some of them more, and some less, than they should do (which occasion'd dissonant clamours in all places; insomuch that the Enemy knew what they were going to do before they them∣selves) he thought fit, that the Tribune [or Colonel] should give the word privately to the eldest Captain of the Legion; and that he, and so the rest in order, should tell the next

Centurion what was convenient to be done: whether the Orders came from the Van to the Reer of the Army, or from the Reer to the Van. He likewise (which was a thing never practised before) forbad the Sentinels to carry their Shields with them when they went up∣on the Watch; for a Sentinel or Watchman did not go in to a Fight, so as to have occasion to use his Armies, but to Watch; that when he perceiv'd the Enemy was a coming, he might retreat and Alarm others. He likewise prohibited those that had Helmets on to stand with their Shields erect before them; and then when they were weary, leaning upon their Pile [Javelin] to stand and sleep with their head laid upon the brim of their Shield; so as that the Enemy might see them by their shining Arms at a great distance, though they saw nothing before them He likewise alter'd the manner of their stations. They all stood all day in their Arms, and the Horsemen with their Horses bridled. Which seeing they had done in the heat of Summer, so long, till the scorching Sun made them ready to faint, and the Enemy came many times fresh upon, when they and their Horses were quite tired, in∣somuch that a few were able to worst a great many; he therefore order'd that so many should keep guard from Morning till Noon, and that others in the Afternoon should relieve them: by which means the Enemy could never come fresh upon them, when they were all tired.

[ XXXIV] Having declar'd in a publick Assembly, that thus he would have things carry'd, he afterward made an Oration, suitable to that modest Assembly. That the General only ought to take care and consult what ought to be done in the Army; sometimes by himself, and sometimes with those that he call'd to Council with him: but that those who were not called, ought not ••••ther publickly or pri∣vately to give their judgments. That a Souldier ought to take care of these three things, his body to have it in as good health, and as nimble as may be; to have his arms fit for his ••••fe, and his mind ready upon all sudden orders: and to know that the immortal Gods and his General take care for all things else. That in an Army where the Souldiers, the Consul, and the General are toss'd about by vulgar reports, there can be no safety. That he (according to the duty of a General) would take care to give them an opportunity of doing their business with success; but then they ought not to inquire into any thing that was to come: only when the signal was given, then to shew them∣selves Souldiers. Having given them these Precepts he dismiss'd the Assembly: the old Soul∣diers making an open confession, that they (as though they had been fresh, raw Fellows) never knew till that day, what was to be done in point of military Discipline. Nor did they shew by these words only, with what assent they had heard the Consuls Speech, but their actions shew'd the same. For you could see no one in the whole Camp, that, after a little while, was unimploy'd: some sharpning their Swords, others scouring their Helmets, Murrions, Shields, and Coats of Mail; whilst others were a fitting their Arms to their Bodies, and try'd the agility of their limbs when under them. Others again were bran∣dishing their Piles, others flourishing their Swords, and looking upon the points of them: so that a man might easily perceive, that as soon as ever they had an opportunity of joining Battle with the Enemy, they would enter upon the War, so as to gain either a very famous Victory, or die a memorable death. Perseus also when he saw, that, upon the Consuls coming (it being in the beginning of the Spring too) all things were in an hurry and distur∣bance with the Enemy, as though a new War had been levied, removed his Camp from Phila, and pitch'd it upon the opposite Bank: whilst the General went about to view his works, and foresaw questionless where he might pass over 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉

[ XXXV] Which thing encouraged the Romans, but very much terrified the Macedonians and their King. Wherefore at first he endeavour'd to suppress and stisle the report of that matter, by sending certain persons to forbid Pantauchus, who was coming from thence to come near the Camp: but now there were not only certain Boyes seen by their Friends, as they were led among the Illyrian Hostages, but likewise the more care was taken of every thing, the sooner it was divulged by the Kings Servants, they being very much given to tattle. About the same time the Rhodian Embassadours came into the Camp, with the same terms of Peace, that put the Senate into such a passion at Rome. But they were heard at the Council of War there in the Camp with much more regret and detestation. Where∣upon, when others said, they ought to be turn'd headlong out of the Camp without any Answer at all, Aemilius declar'd, that after fifteen dayes he would give them an Answer: In the mean time, that all people might see, how far the authority of the Rhodians, who came to impose conditions of Peace, prevailed with him, he began to consult about the me∣thod, how to mannage and carry on the War. Some, and esp••cially the Seniors, thought it best, for him to make his attack by the Bank of Enipeus, and those Fortifications: saying, that the Macedonians could not resist such a thick body of men, who made an attack all together; they having been beaten the year before out of so many Castles, somewhat higher and stronger, [than their present Fortifications] wherein they had planted good Guards. Others thought it conveni∣ent, For Octavius to go to Thessalonica, and by pillaging the Sea Coast to divert the Kings Forces; so that when they saw another War break out upon their Reer, the King, wheeling about to defend the inner part of his Kingdom, might be forced in some measure to desert the passes over Enipeus. But to himself the Bank seemed unpassable, not only by nature, but by reason of

the works: and besides, that there were Warlike Engines planted upon it, he likewise heard, that the Enemy threw Darts with greater skill and certainty than ordinary. But the Generals mind was wholly bent another way: and therefore, having dismiss'd the Coun∣cil, he sent privately for two Perraebian Merchants, called Schaenus and Menophilus, men whose fidelity and prudence too he now was well acquainted with, and ask'd them, what sort of passes there were into Perraebia. To which they answering, that the wayes were good enough, but that they were beset by the Kings Guards, he began to hope, that if he sur∣priz'd them in the night time with a strong party, the Garison might be destroy'd. For Darts and Arrows, and other Weapons that are to be thrown from one, were of no use in the dark, when a man could not see what he wished to hit. That Souldiers used to fight hand to hand with Swords in a throng, in which the Romans outdid all other Nations. So resolving to take these men for his Guides, he sent for Octavius the Praetor, and having told him his design, order'd him to go with the Fleet, and a thousand men to Heraclea, taking along with him ten dayes provisions: whilst he himself sent P. Scipio Nasica, and Q. Fabius Maximus his Son, with five thousand choice men to Heraclea, as though they had been to go on board the Fleet [but in reali∣ty] to pillage the Sea Coast of the inner Macedonia; which was a thing debated in the Council. They had private notice, that the provisions for the Navy were ready, lest any thing might detain them; and then the guides were order'd so to divide the journey, as that at the fourth Watch, the third day, they might attack Pythium. The next day he himself; that he might keep the King from looking after other affairs, engaged, as soon as it was day, in the midst of the River, with the Enemies Guards: and they sought on both sides in light-armour; for they could not use any heavier Arms in so uneven a place, as that Chan∣nel was. The descent of the Bank on both sides into the main C••annel, was almost three hundreed paces in length: and the middle space of the torrent, which was hollow'd very differently in several places, was somewhat more than a thousand paces over: in the mid∣dle of that they fought, whilst the King on the one side, and the Consul on the other, stood with their Legions upon the mounds of their Camps, looking on. The Kings men fought best with Darts and other Weapons to fling at a distance, but the Roman was more steady and secure in the mannage of a Shield, whether of the Thracian or Ligurian make. About Noon the Consul order'd his men to sound a Retreat: and so the Battle was ended for that day, many men being slain on both sides. The next day at Sun rising, they, being irritated by the late fight, fell on more fiercely than before; but the Romans were woun∣ded, not only by those with whom they were engaged, but much more by that multitude, which was posted in the several Towers, with all sorts of darting Weapons, and great stones. When they came nearer to the Bank where the Enemy stood, those things that were shot out of Engines wrought even to the hindmost of them. Having lost many more that day, the Consul drew his men off a little later than ordinary. The third day he abstain'd from fighting, and went down to the lower end of the Camp, resolving to at∣tempt to make his way over by a mound like an Arm, that went down shelving to the Sea-side. 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉

It was now past the Solstice of the year, and almost Noon: so that they travelled [ XXXVI] through a great deal of dust, and the Sun grew very hot. They were very weary and thirsty, and so were like to be still more and more, now that the Noon tide was so near at hand. He therefore resolv'd not to expose them in that condition to a fresh and vigorous Enemy. But they were so desirous on both sides to sight, that the Consul was forced to use as much art to elude his own men, as to divert the Enemy. Before they were all set in Array, he prest the Tribunes of the Souldiers to make hast, and put them into Battalia; going himself about all the Ranks, and encouraging the Souldiers to the Battle. Thereup∣on they first with cheerfulness desired the Signal; but soon after, as the heat increased, their looks were less florid, and their Voices nothing so brisk, but some of them lean'd up∣on their Bucklers, and others upon their Piles. Now therefore he commanded the first Ranks to pitch their Tents, post themselves in the Front of the Camp, and put their Bag∣gage all together. Which when the Souldiers perceived, some of them rejoyced openly, that he had not forced them to fight whilst they were tired with the toil of their Journey, and in such scorching hot weather: The Foreign Lieutenants and Captains were all about the General, among whom Attalus was one; who all approved of it, when they thought the Consul resolv'd to fight: for he had not discover'd his design of delay even to them. Wherefore upon the sudden alteration of his purpose, whereas others were silent, Nasica only among them all had the Courage to advise the Consul, Not to let an Enemy escape, by declining the sight, who had eluded former Generals. For he said, he was afraid, least he might go away in the night; and then they must follow him with great toil and danger into the innermost parts of Macedonia; and he, like former Generals, must lead his Army stragling about through the by-ways and rough passes over the Macedonian Mountains. Wherefore he desired him by all means, whilst he had his Enemy in an open plain, to attack him, and not let slip that occasion of Victory which was then offer'd him. The Consul, who was not at all offended with the free admonition of so generous an youth, told him; Nasica! as I once had the same ardour of mind which thou now hast, so thou wilt one day have the same disposition and thoughts that I now

have. I have learnt by many accidents and adventures in War, when to fight, and when to refrain from it. I cannot have while now in the Field to tell thee, why 'tis better at present to sit down and be quiet: ask me my reasons for it another time; you shall content your self for this time with the authority of an old General. After which the young man held his tongue, not questioning but the Consul saw some obstacle to hinder his fighting, which did not appear to him.

[ XXXVII] Paulus seeing that the Camp was pitch'd, and the Baggage laid up, drew off the first Ranks of the Triarii out of the Reer, and then the Principes, whilst the Spearmen stood in the Van, to attend the Enemies motion: and last of all the Spearmen too; taking away by degrees from the right Wing, first of all the Souldiers that belong'd to all the several En∣signs. By this means the Foot (whilst the Horse with the light-armour were placed before the Army, opposite to the Foe) were led away without any noise: nor were the Horse re∣call'd from their Post, before the Front of the Bullwark, and the Trench were finish'd. The King too, though he had been ready to fight without any delay that very day, was yet well enough content, that his men knew it was long of the Enemy, that the fight was put off, and therefore himself also led his Forces back into their Camp. When they had throughly fortified their Camp, C. Sulpicius Gallus, a Tribune of the Souldiers, belonging to the second Legion, who had been Praetor the year before, calling the Souldiers, by the Consuls permission to a publick Assembly, declared; That the next night, lest any of them might think it a portentous or ominous appearance, from the second to the fourth hour of the night, the Moon would be Eclipsed. Which, because it fell out in course of nature at set times, might be known and told before hand. Wherefore as the rising and setting of the Sun and Moon being cer∣tain, they ought not to wonder, that the Moon should be sometimes in the Full, and sometimes in the Wane: so neither ought they to take it for a Prodigy, that it should be obscured, when it was hid under the body of the earth. Accordingly the night before the Nones of September, seeing the Moon was Eclipsed at the hour foretold, the Roman Souldiers thought Gallus's under∣standing to be almost divine; but it startled the Macedonians, who lookt upon it as a sad Prodigy, portending the downfal and destruction of their Kingdom and Nation; nor were the Soothsayers less terrified at it: insomuch that there was a noise and an howling heard in the Macedonian, till the Moon shone out again. The next day the Armies on both sides were so eager to engage, that some of their men blamed both the King and the Consul, for having gone away without fighting. The King had his excuse ready: not only, that the Enemy had first so evidently declined the fight, and led his Forces back into his Camp: but likewise, that he had planted his Ensigns in a place to which a Phalanx [a particular body of Foot] (with a very small unevenness of the ground made all together useless) could not approach. The Consul, besides that the day before he seemed to have omitted the occasion of fighting, and to have given the Enemy an opportunity, if they had had a mind to go off in the night, seemed then too to wast time under pretence of sacri¦ficing, though the signal of Battle had been set out as soon as it was day in order to their marching forth into the Field. At last, about the third hour, when he had rightly per∣form'd his Sacrifice, he called a Council; and there, in discourse and unseasonable consul∣tation, some thought he misspent that time which it was more proper to do his business in: but notwithstanding, after all their discourse, the Consul made this following Speech.

[ XXXVIII] P. Nasica, a generous youth, was the only person, among all that yesterday had a mind to fight, who discover'd his thoughts to me: but he was afterward so silent, that he might seem to have come over to my opinion. Some others thought it better, to blame their General behind his back, than to advise him to his face. Now therefore, P. Nasica! I'll freely give you (and those that were of the same opinion with you, though they did not declare so much) a reason why I deferr'd the fight. For I am so far from repenting of Yesterdays rest, that I believe, I preserv'd the Army by that means. For which opinion of mine lest any of you should think I have no ground, let him but consider a-while with me, if he pleases, how many things made for the Enemy and against us. First of all, how far they exceed us in number, there was none of you all but knew before; besides, that Yesterday you observ'd it, I am confident, more particularly, when you saw their Army set in Array. And then of our small number a fourth part of our Souldiers were l••ft for a guard to our Baggage; which to preserve and secure we do not leave, you know, the most unactive men we have. But suppose we were all together: do we suppose this, trow ye, to be a small matter, that we are like to march out of this Camp in which we have lain this night, into the Field, to day, or at least, to Morrow, with the help of the Gods, if we think good? Is there no difference, whether you com∣mand a Souldier, that to day is neither tired with travelling, nor working, but quiet and fresh, to take up his Arms in his Tent, and lead him into the Field in his full strength, vigorous both in body and mind too; or whether you expose him to an Enemy that's entire and quiet, and comes not to the Battle after his strength hath been consumed by any other means, whilst their men are fatigued with a long march, wearied with heavy burdens, all of a muck sweat, having their Jaws parch'd up with thirst, their Mouths and Eyes fill'd with dust, and their bodies almost roasted with the Noontide Sun? Who, for Heavens sake, that's in so good a condition, as such an Enemy, though but a sluggish, and cowardly Fellow, might not conquer the stoutest man alive? When the Enemy had set their Army in Battalia at their leisure, recover'd their spirits, and stood composed every

one in their ranks, had it not been wise work for us to have marshall'd our men all in a hurry, and engaged them in a confusion?

We, indeed, should have had our Army (you'll grant) all discomposed, and out of order; but [ XXXIX] our Camp would have been fortified, we should have had a watering place provided, with a way to it well guarded, and all places round about secur'd; yes, I warrant you, or rather, what should we have had, besides a bare Plain to fight in? Your Ancestors lookt upon a fortified Camp, to be a Port as it were against all casualties that might befal an Army: from whence they might march to Battle, and into which, when they had been toss'd by the tempest of the fight, they might again retire. Wherefore when they had encompassed their Camp with Fortifications, they put a strong guard likewise into it: because he that was forced from his Camp, though he got the better out in the Field, was lookt upon as a person conquer'd. A Camp is a receptacle for a Conquerour, and a re∣fuge for him that's conquered. How many Armies, though they have not been successful in the Battle, have notwithstanding, when they have been beaten within their Bullwark, when they saw their opportunity, sometimes in a moment after, made a sally forth, and beaten the Victorious Enemy off? This military Seat is another sort of Country to us, the Bullwark stands for the Walls of our Town, and every Souldiers Tent is his House and home. Had we fought like Vagabonds without any fixed Seat or place to harbour us, whither should we have retired, if we had won the day? But to these difficulties and hinderances of the fight, some oppose that question; What if the Enemy had march'd off that night; how much pains m••st we have taken to have follow'd him into the inner∣most parts of Macedonia? But I am sure that he would never have staid, nor have drawn his For∣ces out into the Field, if he had resolv'd to depart hence. For how much easier had it been for him to have gone away, when we were a great distance from him, than now, when we are just at his heels? Nor could he escape without our knowledge, either by day or by night either. But what can be more desirable to us, than to set upon their reer in the open Fields, as they run away, whose Camp, which was secur'd by the lofty Bank of a River, and encompassed not only with a Bullwark but many Towers also, we began to attack? These were the reasons why I Yesterday deferr'd the Fight till to day. For I my self also am now inclined to fight; and therefore, because the way to the Foe through the River Enipeus, is stopped up, I have open'd another new passage, by defeating the Ene∣mies Guards; nor will I desist, before I have put an end to this War.

After this Speech there was silence; some part of the Company being brought over to his [ XL] opinion, and some of them afraid to give offence to no purpose, in that, which howsoever it were omitted, could not be recalled. But even that day they did not fight with either the Consuls, or the Kings good will. Not with the Kings, because he would not set upon the Enemy, whilst they were tired with their march the day before, and in an hurry to set their men in Battalia, who were yet in great disorder. Nor with the Consuls, because they had not yet got Wood and Forage into the new Camp, which a great part of the Souldiers were gone out to fetch from the adjacent Fields. But though neither of the Generals were willing, Fortune, which is of more force than any humane Counsels, set them together. There was a small River near the Enemies Camp, to which both the Macedonians and the Romans too went for Water, setting Guards upon both Banks, that they might do so with safety. There were two Regiments on the Roman side called the Marrucine and the Pelig∣nian Regiments; two Troops of Samnite Horse, under the Command of M. Sergius Silus, the Lieutenant; besides another standing Guard before the Camp under Lieutenant C. Clu∣vius; with three Regiments more, viz. the Firmane, Vestine, and Cremonian Regiments; and two Troops of Horse, the Placentine and the Aesemine. Now they lying quiet by the River, since neither side provoked the other, about the fourth hour a Beast, getting out of the hands of those that lookt after it, ran over to the farther Bank. Which Beast three Roman Souldiers follow'd through the Water, almost knee deep, whilst two Thracians strove to get it out of the midst of the River to their Bank. The Romans therefore kill'd one of them, and having got their Beast again retreated to their own Station. There was a Body of eight hundred Thracians on the Enemies side of the River: of whom some few at first, taking it very ill, that their Country-man should be slain in their sight, cross'd the River to pursue the Murderers: but soon after there went more of them, and at last, all 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉

The majesty of the Empire, the renown of the Person, and, above all, his Age, who, [ XLI] though he were more than sixty years of Age, perform'd the Offices of youngmen in the chief part of the toil and danger. A Legion fill'd up that space, which was between the Shieldmen called Cetrati, and the Phalanx, so as to interrupt and disjoin the body of the Enemies. It lay to the Reer of the Cetrati, and fronted the Clypeati [another sort of Shieldmen] being called the Aglaspides [men with shining, or bright Shields.] L. Albinus was order'd to lead the second Legion, a Consuls Fellow, against the Phalanx called Leucas∣pis [in which the Souldiers had white Shields] which was the main body of the Enemies. Into the right Wing, in which the fight near the River was first begun, where the Elephants brought, and a Wing of the Allies: and from hence the Macedonians began first to fly. For as the force of many new inventions among men consists more in words than in the things themselves; but when you come to the experiment of them, where you are not only to Discourse, how they are to be perform'd, but to put them in Execution, they are

often found of no effect or moment at all; so the Elephants at that time were in their Ar∣my a mere name, without any use. The body of Elephants were pursu'd by the Latine Allies, who beat off the left Wing. In the middle the second Legion charging in upon them routed the Phalanx: nor was there any more manifest cause of that Victory, than that there were many Engagements in several parts of it at the same time, which first put the Phalanx into great disorder, and then quite overthrew it: though the strength thereof be close join'd, and, by reason that their Spears are held direct, very dreadful and intolera∣ble. If you attack them here and there so as to force them to bring about their Spears, which, by reason of their length and weight, are unweildy, they are all immediately in a confusion; but if there happen any disturbance in their Flank, or Reer, they are utterly ruined. As at that time, they were forced to meet the Romans who came upon them in several Parties, by disuniting their main body in many places; and the Romans, wherever they found any void spaces, got in with their Ranks. Who, if they had charged with their whole Army upon the Front of the Phalanx, as it stood first in Battalia (as the Pelig∣nian Regiment at the beginning of the sight, through inadvertency, happen'd to do when they engaged the Cetrati) they had stuck themselves upon their Spears, nor could have born the shock of such a close strong Body.

[ XLII] But as the Foot were most of them slain, except those that threw down their Arms and ran away; so the Horse went off almost entire. The first that fled was the King himself; who now, from Pydna, march'd with his sacred Wings of Horse toward Pella. Him Cotys presently follow'd, with the Odrysian Horse; and the other Wings of the Macedonians went away with entire Ranks: for the body of Foot, that lay between, in killing of whom the Conquerours were so long employ'd, made them unmindful of pursuing the Horse. The Phalanx was for a great while cut off in the Front, their Flanks and their Reer; till at last those that escaped out of the Enemies hands, flying unarm'd to the Sea, went, some of them, even into the Water, and holding up their hands to those that were in the Fleet, humbly begg'd of them to save their lives: and when they saw Boats coming from every Ship, supposing that they came to take them in, to the end that they might make Captives of them rather than kill them, they, some of them, went on swim∣ming still farther into the Water. But seeing they were barbarously murder'd out of the Boats, all those, that could, got back by swimming to the Land, though there they fell into other more dangerous circumstances: for the Elephants. being driven by their Riders to the shore, tore and destroy'd all those that came forth. Upon this the Romans were all agreed, that there were never so many Macedonians slain in one Battle. For there were kill'd full twenty thousand men; six thousand taken Prisoners, who had fled out of the Field to Pydna, besides five thousand more, that stragled in their slight. Of the Conque∣rours there fell not above an hundred, and of them the far greater part Pelignians: though there were some few more wounded. Now had they begun to fight sooner, so as that the Victors might have had day-light enough to have pursu'd their Victory, their whole Forces had been destroy'd: but at this time the night coming on, not only secur'd them as they fled, but also made the Romans loth to follow them through places that they did not know.

[ XLIII] Perseus fled to the Pierian Wood, along the Souldiers rode, with a considerable body of Horse, and his Kingly Retinue. As soon as he came into the Wood, where there were several cross wayes, night coming on, he, with some very few, that were most faithful to him, turn'd out of the rode. The Horse being left without a Commander, went, most of them, several wayes to their own Native Cities; though some very few march'd thence to Pella sooner than Perseus himself, because they went the ready rode. The King was vex'd almost till midnight, with terrour and the various difficulties, which he met with in his way. There were with Perseus in his Palace at Pella, Euctus, the Governour of that place, and his own Children: but on the other hand, several of his Friends, who being preserv'd, some by one means, and some by another, were got out of the Battle to Pella, though they were often sent for, would none of them come to him. He had only three Companions in his flight, viz. Evander, a Cretan, Neon, a Boeotian, and Archidamus, an Aetolian. With them, now fearing, lest they who refused to come to him, should ere long attempt some greater matter, he at the fourth Watch made his escape. There were nigh five hundred Cretans that follow'd him; who made toward Amphipolis: but he went out of Pella in the night, as making all the hast he could to get over the River Axius be∣fore day; for he supposed the Roman•• would pursue him no farther than that place, by rea∣son that the passage was so difficult.

[ XLIV] The Consul, after he was return'd with Victory into his Camp, could not yet enjoy any true content for the care he had upon him concerning his younger Son. His name was P. Scipio, who afterward, when Carthage was destroyed, was also surnamed Africanus; being the natural issue of the Consul Paulus, but by adoption the Grandson of Africanus. He be∣ing at that time in the seventeenth year of his Age (which made his concern the greater) whilst he too eagerly pursu'd the Foe, was carry'd away in the crowd to another part of the Country: from whence when he return'd, though late, the Consul then at last, having

received his Son again safe and sound, began to relish the pleasure of so great a Victory. When the same of this fight was come to Amphipolis, and the Women thereupon ran toge∣ther into the Temple of Diana, called Tauropolos, to desire her assistance, Diodorus, the Governour of the City, fearing, lest the Thracians, of whom there were two thousand then in Garison, should in that tumult rifle the City, he received, from one that he had got, to personate a Letter-Carrier, a Letter in the middle of the Market-place. In which it was said, That the Roman Fleet was arrived at Aemathia: and that the Country all about was harrass'd: wherefore the Praefects of Aemathia desired, that he would send them some assistance against those Robbers. Having read these lines, he exhorted the Thracians, that they would go to de∣fend the Coast of Aemathia: [saying] that they might make a great slaughter and prey of the Romans who were stragled all about the Country. And at the same time he lessen'd the report of the defeat; which if it had been true, there would more men have come one after another fresh out of the field, from which they fled. Having sent away the Thracians upon this pretence, as soon as he saw them over the River Strymon, he shut the Gates.

Perseus came the third day after the fight to Amphipolis: from whence he sent Deputies [ XLV] with an Heralds Mace to Paulus. In the mean time Hippias, Milo, and Pantauchus, the Kings chief Favourites, went themselves to the Consul, and surrender'd Beraea, whither they had escaped out of the Battle, to the Romans: which other Cities also, for fear, were ready to do. The Consul, having sent Q. Fabius his Son, L. Lentulus, and Q. Metellus, with the news of his Victory and Letters to Rome, gave the Foot the plunder of the Ene∣mies defeated Army: and to the Horse, the booty of the Country round about, so that they were not out of the Camp above two nights. He himself removed his Camp nearer to the Sea toward Pydna: where first Beraea, and then Thessalonica, with Pella, and almost all Macedonia within two dayes was surrender'd. But the Pydneans, who were the nearest, had not yet sent their Embassadours: for the disorderly multitude and throng of several Nations together, who were forced out of the fight to run thither into one Body, obstructed the intentions and the agreement of the City; nor were their Gates only shut, but even brick'd up also. For which reason Milo and Pantauchus were sent under the Walls to talk with Solon, who was Governour of the Garison: and by him the whole multitude of the Souldiers were sent forth. The Town being surrender'd was given to the Souldiers to rifle. Then Perseus having try'd his only hopes of assistance from the Bisaltae [a people of Thrace] to whom he had in vain dispatch'd Embassadours, went forth into the publick Assembly, having his Son Philip with him; not only to encourage the Amphipolitans them∣selves, but also by his Exhortations to raise the spirits of the Horse and Foot, who either always follow'd him, or happen'd in their flight by chance to come to the same place. But seeing that he could not speak (though he began several times) for crying, because he himself could not do it, he told Evander the Cretan, what he would have treated of with the multitude, and so went down from the Temple. The multitude, as they were them∣selves very sorry, and cry'd, to see the King weep, so they despised Evanders Speech: yea some of them were so bold as to cry out from the midst of the Assembly; Get you hence, lest we few, that are yet alive, perish for your sakes. Their boldness stopt Evanders mouth. Then the King being retired into his House, convey'd all his Money, his Silver and his Gold into Barks, that stood upon the Strymon, and went himself also down to the River. The Thracians not daring to trust themselves in Ships, slipt home, and so did other crowds too of the same military gang. But the Cretans follow'd the hopes of money: and there∣fore, because there was more offence generally given, than good will gain'd, in dividing of it, there were fifty Talents laid upon the Bank for them to scramble for. After which scramble, as they got tumultuously on Board the Ships, they over-set one Bark, that lay in the mouth of the River, by getting too many of them into her at a time. That day they arrived at Galepsus, and the next at Samothraca, whither they were bound: to which place, they say, there were brought two thousand Talents.

Paulus having sent Governours to all the Cities that were surrender'd, lest any injury [ XLVI] should be done to the conquer'd now in the time of Peace: and keeping with him the Kings Heralds, sent P. Nasica (not knowing of the Kings flight) with a small Party of Foot and Horse to Amphipolis: not only to ravage Sintica, but to be an obstruction to all the Kings designs. At this time Cn. Octavius took and rifled Meliboea: and at Aeginium, which Cn. Anicius was sent to attack, there were two hundred men lost at one sally which was made out of the Town, before the Aeginians knew that there was any end made of the War. The Consul setting out from Pydna came with his whole Army in two dayes to Pella: and having Encamped a mile from thence, staid there for some dayes, viewing the situation of the City on all sides, which he observ'd, was not without reason made choice of to be the Kings Seat. 'Tis situate upon an Hill, that lies to the Northwest: and about it are Fens of a vast depth, both Summer and Winter, caused by standing Lakes that are hard by. In the very Fenn it self, where it is nearest to the City, there rises as it were an Island, which stands upon the mound of a vast work, which not only bears a Wall, but likewise is not at all injur'd by the moisture of the Fenn, that runs round about it. It seems afar off to be join'd to the Wall of the City; but is divided from it by a River, over which un∣to

it there is a Bridge: so that, if any Foreigner attack it, there is no coming to it on any side, nor, if the King shut any body up there, is there any way to escape, but by a Bridge, which is very easily guarded. In this place the Kings Treasure used to be kept, but at that time there was nothing found in it, except the three hundred Talents, which were to have been sent to King Gentius, but were afterward kept back. In the time that they lay at Pella, several Embassies, that came to congratulate [the Consuls Victory] especially out of Thessaly, had their Audience. After which having received the news, that Perseus was gone over to Samothrace, the Consul march'd from Pella, and arrived in four dayes at Am∣phipolis. Where all the Town coming out in throngs to meet him, made it evident to any man 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉

DECADE V. BOOK V.

The EPITOME.

6. Perseus was taken by Aemilius Paulus in Samothrace. 11, &c. When Antiochus, King of Syria, besieged Ptolemy and Cleopatra, King and Queen of Aegypt; for which reason the Senate sent Embassadours to him, to command him to desist from besieging a King who was their Ally, whereas, when the Message was deliver'd to him, he made answer, that he would consider, what to do; one of the Embassadours, viz Popillius by name, with a rod, made a circle about the King, and bid him give his answer before he came out of it. By which rough usage he caused Antiochus to omit the War. 13. There were several Embassies from several Nations and Kings, by way of congratulation, admitted into the Senate. 20. But that of the Rhodians, because in that War they had been against the Romans, was excluded. 21. The next day, when 'twas debated, whether they should declare War against them, the Embassadours pleaded the cause of their Country in the Senate, and were dismiss'd neither as Enemies, nor as Allies. 31, &c. Macedonia reduced into the form of a Province. 35, &c. Aemilius Paulus, though the Souldiers were against it, by reason that they had too little booty, and though Servius Sulpicius Galba contradicted it, rode in triumph; and led Perseus with his three Sons before the Chariot. 40. The joy of which triumph, that it might not fall to him entire, was signaliz'd by the Funerals of his two Sons, one of which died before, and the other after his Fathers triumph. The Censors took a Survey of the people, at which there were Poled three hundred and twelve thousand eight hundred and ten Souls. 44. Prusias, King of Bithynia, came to Rome to congratulate with the Senate upon the account of the Victory obtain'd over Macedonia: and recommended his Son Nicomedes to the Senate, before whom, the King, being full of flattery, he was the Roman Peoples Libertus [one freed from slavery.]

[ I] THE persons sent to carry the news of the V••ctory, viz. Q Fabius, L. Lentulus, and Quintius Metellus, though they came to Rome with as much speed as possibly they could, yet found that the City was full of joy upon that score before their arrival. The fourth day after the fight with the King, whilst the Games were perform'd in the Cir∣cus, a sudden murmur of the people ran through all the shows, That there had been a Battle in Macedonia, and that the King was overcome: after which the noise increased; till at last there arose a clamour and a clapping of hands, as though they had heard certain news of the Victory. The Magistrates began to wonder, and inquired who was the Author of that sudden joy: whom since they could not find out, their mirth was soon over, as for a thing uncertain, yet the glad tidings was still fix'd in their thoughts. Which being con∣firm'd by the true relations of Fabius Lentulus, and Metel••us, they rejoyced not only at the Victory it self, but also in the boding of their own minds. But there goes another story concerning the joy conceiv'd by the Company in the Circus, which is no less probable than this; that, upon the 22^h of October, and the second day of the Roman Games, as C. Licinius the Consul was going up to see the Chariots start, a Letter-Carrier, who said, he came out of Macedonia, deliver'd unto him a Laureat Letter. When the Chariots were set out, the Consul got up into his Coach; and being return'd along the Circus to the pub∣lick Boxes [where the Spectators sate] shew'd the Laureat Letter to the people. Which when they saw, the people presently grew negligent of the show, and ran down into the middle [of the Circus:] whither the Consul called the Senate, and, having read the Letter over, by authority of the Senate, before the publick Boxes, declared to the people; That L. Aemilius, his Collegue had fought a pitch'd Battle with King Perseus: that the Macedonian Army was beaten and routed: that the King, with some few of his men, made his escape: and that all the Cities of Macedonia had surrender'd themselves to the Roman People. When they had heard this, a noise arose with great clapping of hands, and most part of the Company, leaving the Games went home to carry the glad tidings to their Wives and Children. This was the thirteenth day from that on which the Battle was fought in Macedonia.

[ II] The next day there was a Senate held in the Senate House, supplications decreed, and an Order of Senate made; That the Consul should dismiss all them that he had listed under him, ex∣cept the ordinary Souldiers, and the Seamen: and that the disbanding of them should be deferr'd,

till the Embassadours came from L. Aemilius the Consul, who had sent the Letter-Carrier before them. Upon the 26^th of October, about the second hour, the Embassadours enter'd the City, and drawing along with them a vast crowd of people that met and follow'd them, where ever they went, they walked strait on into the Forum, up to the Tribunal. The Senate was then, by chance, sitting; and therefore the Consul brought the Embassa∣dours into them. Where they were detain'd so long as to declare; what quantity of Foot and Horse the King had; how many thousands of them were slain, and how many taken: with what a small loss of men so many Enemies were destroy'd; with how few the King escaped: that it was thought he would go to Samothrace; and that the Fleet was ready to pursue him. That he could not get away either by Sea or Land. They said these very words a little after, when they were brought into the publick Assembly: where, the peoples joy being renew'd, after the Consul had set forth an Edict, that all the Temples should be open'd, every man in particular went out of the Assembly to give the Gods thanks; and by that means the Temples of the im∣mortal Gods, all over the City, were fill'd with a vast multitude, not only of men, but of Women too. The Senate being called again into the Senate-House, decreed, that sup∣plications should be made five dayes together in all the Temples about the City, upon the score of L. Aemilius, the Consuls great and good success, and that Sacrifice should be made with the bigger sort of Victims. That the Ships, that stood ready, and were just fit for service upon the Tiber, should be taken up (to be sent into Macedonia, if the King could make any resistance) and put into the Docks: that the Seamen should have a years pay given them, and be dismiss'd, and with them all, that had sworn to be true to the Consul; as also, that all the Souldiers at Corcyra, Brundusium, upon the upper Sea, or in the Lari∣nian Territories (for in all those places there had been Forces posted, with whom, if occa∣sion had been, C. Licinius was to have assisted his Collegue) should be disbanded. The sup∣plication was appointed in the Assembly of the people to begin upon the tenth of October, and with that day to continue five dayes.

Two Embassadors, viz. C. Licinius Nerva, and P. Decius out of Illyricum came and brought [ III] word, That the Illyrian Army was slain; that their King, Gentius, was taken, and that he and all Illy∣ricum were now at the disposal of the Romans. Upon the account of those performances, under the Conduct and lucky success of L. Anicius the Praetor, the Senate decreed a supplication for three days; as the Latine Holy-Days were appointed by the Consul, to be celebrated on the three days immediately preceding the Ides [i. e. the 13^th] of November. Some say, That the Rhodian Em∣bassadours, being not as yet dismiss'd, after the news of the Victory, were called into the Senate, to be jeered and laugh'd at for their foolish pride: and that there, Agesipolis, the chief of them spoke to this purpose; saying, That they were sent Embassadours from the Rhodians, to make Peace between the Romans and Perseus; seeing that War was grievous and incommodious to all Greece in general, yea a charge and a dammage even to the Romans themselves. That Fortune had done very well in that, the War being ended by other means, she had given them an opportunity of congratulating with the Ro∣mans upon the score of so great a Victory. Thus said the Rhodian, to which the Senate reply'd, That the Rhodians sent that Embassy, not out of any care they took of the advantages of Greece, or any respect to the charges which the Roman People had been at, but on the behalf of Perseus. For if that had been their care, which they pretended, they ought then to have sent Embassadours, when Perseus, having brought an Army into Thessaly, besieged the Grecian Cities, some of them for two years together, and frighted the rest by threatning to make War against them. That then there was no mention made by the Rhodians of a Peace: but when they heard that the Romans, ha∣ving passed the Streights, were got over into Macedonia, and that Perseus was within their reach, that then the Rhodians sent their Embassy, for no other reason, but to deliver Perseus out of im∣minent danger. That with this Answer the Embassadours were dismiss'd.

At the same time M. Marcellus, departing out of the Province of Spain, after he had [ IV] taken the famous City of Marcolica, brought back into the Treasury ten pound weight of Gold, and of Silver, in Sesterces, a Million. In the mean time P. Aemilius, the Consul, being Encamped (as I told you before) at Sirae in Odomanticae, received a Letter from King Perseus, by the hands of three Embassadours, who were but ordinary men; upon the receit of which he is said to have wept, to think of the frailty of mankind: that he, who, a little before, was not content with the Kingdom of Macedonia, but attacked the Dardans and Il∣lyrians, calling in Auxiliaries from the Bastarnae, should now, since he had lost his Army, be banish'd his Kingdom, forced into a small Island, and like a suppliant, be protected by the religious respect, born to a Temple only, and not by his own strength. But when he read these words, King Perseus to Consul Paulus sendeth greeting; his compassion was all ta∣ken off by the folly of the King, who understood not his own circumstances. Wherefore though in the other part of the Letter, the intreaties of Perseus were such as did in no wise become a King, yet that Embassy was dismiss'd without any Letter, or Answer. Perseus thereupon grew sensible, what title he, a conquer'd Prince, ought to have left out; and therefore sent another Letter, with the title of a private person; in which he desired and obtained, that certain persons might be sent to him, for him to discourse with, concerning the state and condition of his present Fortune. There were three Embassadours sent, whose names were P. Lentulus, A. Posthumius Albinus, and A. Antonius: but nothing was con∣cluded

of in that Embassy, since Perseus was resolved to retain the Name of King, and Paulus was very earnest, to have him commit himself and all that he had to the protection and mercy of the Roman People.

[ V] Whilst these things were transacted, Cn. Octavius with his Fleet arrived at Samothraca; who endeavouring, besides the present fright which he put him into, sometimes with threats, and sometimes with hopes to perswade him, that he would deliver himself up, was as∣sisted in his undertaking, whether by accident or design [is not well known.] For L. Atilius, a noble youth, observing, that the Samothracians were at a publick Assembly, de∣sir'd of the Magistrat••s, that they would permit him to speak some few words to the peo∣ple. Which being permitted, he ask'd them; Have we, my good Friends of Samothrace, or truly or falsly been told, that this holy Island is all a sacred and inviolable soil? Whereupon when all the Company agreed to the acknowledg'd sanctity of the place; he demanded farther; Why then (said he) hath a murderer polluted it with the blood of King Eumenes? And since every Preface [or the solemn words] before the performance of holy rites, forbids all those, who have not pure hands, to come into the sacred place, where such religious duties are per∣form'd, will you suffer your Temples to be prophaned with the bloody body of a Villain? Now there was a common report about all the Cities of Greece, that Evander almost kill'd King Eumenes at Delphi. Wherefore, besides that they saw themselves and the whole Island, to∣gether with the Temple in the power of the Romans, supposing, that these things were not objected against them without cause, sent Theondas, who was the chief Magistrate among them (by them stiled Rex, i. e. King) to Perseus, to tell him, That Evander the Cretan was accused of murder: and that they had old Laws, which they received by tradition from their An∣cestors, concerning those, that were said to bring polluted hands within the sacred limits of their Temples. If Evander were confident of his own innocency, that he should co••e and make his de∣fence: but if he durst not venture a Tryal, that he should at least no longer defile the Temple, but consult his own safety. Perseus, calling forth Evander told him, He would not by any means ad∣vise him to submit to a tryal, for he could not come off, either upon the very case it self, or by any favour he would meet with. Besides, that he was also afraid, lest if Evander were condemned, he would detect him for the author of so horrid an action. Wherefore what had he to do, but bravely to die? Evander openly refused nothing, that he proposed; but, saying, that he had rather die by poyson, than by the Sword, privately contrived his escape. Which when the King heard; he, fearing, lest the anger of the Samothracians might be turn'd all against him, as though the guilty person had been by him convey'd from Justice, caused Evander to be kill'd. Which rash murder being committed, it came immediately into his mind, that he had taken that stain upon himself, which had been Evanders: for Evander had wounded King Eumenes at Delphi, and he himself had kill'd Evander at Samothrace: so that two the most sacred Temples in the World were by his instigation polluted with humane blood. But this crime was so far palliated by his bribing Theondas, that he carry'd word back to the People, that Evander kill'd himself.

[ VI] But by this base act, against the only Friend, which he had l••ft; whom he himself had tried upon so many occasions, and betray'd, because he would not be a Traytor, he so far alienated the affections of all people, that every body revolted to the Romans; and for∣ced him, who was left almost alone, to consult, how to make his escape: and therefore he sent for Oroandes, a Cretan, who knew the Coast of Thrace, because he had traded there as a Merchant, to put him on board a Bark and carry him to Cotys. There is a Port at a certain Cape belonging to Samothrace; where the Bark stood. To which place, about Sun-setting, they carry'd down all things that were necessary; and money too, as much as they could privately convey. The King himself, at midnight, with three others, that knew of his flight, went out at the back Door of the House, where he lay, into a Garden, near his Bed-Chamber, and from thence, getting with much ado over a stone Wall, came to the Sea-side. Oroandes at that very time, when the money was coming down, which was the edge of night, had set Sail, and was going for Crete. Wherefore, since he found not the Ship in the Port, Perseus, having wander'd for some time upon the shore, at last, fearing the light, which now approach'd, and not daring to return to his Lodging, lay in one side of the Temple, near an obscure Corner thereof. The Children of Noblemen among the Macedonians, who were chosen to attend upon the King, were called Pueri Regii, [the Kings Attendants.] Now that Retinue follow'd the King in his slight, nor did they even then forsake him, till by order from Cn. Octavius, the Cryer made Proclamation, that the Kings Servants, and all other Macedonians, that were in Samothrace, if they would come over to the Romans, should save their Lives, Liberties and Estates, which they either had with them there, or had left in Macedonia. Upon which Declaration they all came over, and gave in their names to C. Postumius, Tribune of the Souldiers. Ion also of Thessalonica, deliver'd up to Cn. Octavius the Kings small Children; nor was there ever an one of them lest with the King, except Philip only, who was the eldest of his Sons. Then he surrender'd himself and his Son to Octavius, accusing fortune and the Gods, in whose Temple they were, for not assist∣ing one, that pray'd to them for it, with any aid. Whereupon he was order'd to be put into the Admirals Ship; whereinto the money, which remained, was also carry'd; and so the

Fleet set Sail immediately for Amphipolis. And thence Octavius sent the King into the Camp, to the Consul, having sent a Letter before-hand, to let him know, that he had him in his custody, and was a bringing him thither to him.

Paulus supposing that to be, as it really was, an happy Victory, kill'd several Victims [ VII] upon the news of it, and having called a Council, in which he read the Praetors Letter, sent Q. Aelius Tubero to meet the King; commanding the rest to stay in a full body at his Tent. There never was such a multitude of people at any show [as came to see this sight.] King Syphax indeed, in the memory of our Fathers, had been taken and brought into the Roman Camp; who, besides that he was not to be compared with Perseus, either upon the score of his own Fame, or that of his Country, was then also no more than an addition to the Punick, as Gentius, of the Macedonian War. But Perseus was the head and first mover of a War, nor did the renown of his Father and Grand-Father only, whose Descendant he was, render him conspicuous; but Philip also, and Great Alexander shone brightly forth, who had made the Macedonian Empire the chiefest in the whole World. Perseus came into the Camp in a mourning Garb, without any body else to Accompany him, and make him more miserable by being in the same sad condition. He could not go forward to be seen for the crowd of those that came to meet him, till the Consul had sent the Lictors, to re∣move the people and make a Lane to the Generals Tent. The Consul rose from his Seat, and bidding the rest sit down, went a little forward, and when the King came in, gave him his right hand; took him up when he threw himself at his Feet; and suffer'd him not to touch his Knees; but having brought him into the Tent, order'd him to sit down over against the Officers whom he had called to Council.

The first question that he ask'd him, was, what injury provoked him to undertake a War [ VIII] with so much malice against the Romans; whereby to bring both himself and his Kingdom into ex∣tream danger. To which when all people expected his Answer, he only lookt upo•• the ground, and for a long time in silence wept: which made the Consul say to him again: If you had been young, when you came to the Crown, I should have the less admired that you were ignorant, how great a Friend or Enemy the Roman People were. But now, since you were not only engaged in the War, which your Father waged with us, but likewise remember the Peace after that, which we observed with the greatest fidelity and integrity toward him: what was your meaning to desire a War rather than Peace, with those, whose Force he had tryed in War, and their fidelity in time of Peace? To which he being neither ask'd nor accused, reply'd, and then the Consul said, But notwithstanding these things, whether they have happen'd through humane frailty, chance or ne∣cessity, have a good heart: the Clemency of the Roman People which hath been experienced by many Kings and States, affords thee, not only hopes, but almost certain assurance of safety. This he said in Greek to Perseus, and afterwards in Latin to his own men: You see, said he, a notable Example of the vicissitude of humane affairs. I speak most especially to you, young men! It is therefore the best way not to carry on any proud or violent designs against any man in prosperity, nor to trust to our present condition; since 'tis uncertain, what an Evening may bring forth. He will prove himself a Man, whose mind is neither puffed up by prosperity, nor broken, or dejected by adversity. After that dismissing the Council he committed the King to the Custody of Q. Aelius. That day Perseus was not only invited to the Consuls [Tent] to Supper, but also all other honours were paid him, that he was capable of in that condition.

Then the Army was dismiss'd into their Winter-Quarters; of whom Amphipolis received [ IX] the greatest part, and the neighbouring Cities the rest. Now this was the end of the War between the Romans and Perseus, after they had continu'd in Arms for four years together: as it was also the ruine of a Kingdom, that was renowned through most part of Europe, and all Asia. They reckon'd Perseus the twentieth from Caranus, who was their first King. Perseus received the Kingdom, when Q Fulvius and L. Manlius were Consuls: was called King by the Senate, when M. Junius, and A. Manlius were Consuls; and reigned eleven years. The Fame of the Macedonians was very obscure till the time of Philip, Son of A∣myntas: yea, though in his time it began to encrease, yet it contain'd it self within the bounds of Europe, taking in all Greece, with part of Thrace and Illyricum. After that it diffused it self over into Asia; and in those thirteen years, that Alexander reign'd, it first reduced all those parts, to which the Persian Empire with its almost immense limits had extended: till at last it over-ran Arabia and India, even to the red Sea. At that time the Macedonian Empire and Name was the greatest in the World: but afterward was distracted and divided into many petit Kingdoms, whilst every one took by force what he could rap or rend for himself: so that from the highest pitch of its glory to its utter dissolution, it was a hundred and fifty years.

When the news of the Roman Victory was come into Asia, Antenor, who was with the [ X] Fleet of Barks at Phanae, cross'd over thence to Cassandria. C. Popillius, who, at Delus, was Convoy to the Ships, that were bound for Macedonia, when he heard that the War in Macedonia was made an end of, and that the Enemies Fleet was removed from their station, himself also dismiss'd his Attick Ships, and went on for Aegypt, to perform the Embassy which he had undertaken: that he might meet Antiochus, before he came to the Walls of Alexandria. As the Embassadours pass'd by Asia, and came to Loryma (which Port is

somewhat more than twenty Miles from Rhodes, exactly opposite to that City) the Nobi∣lity of the Rhodians met them (for by this time the news was brought even thither also) desiring, That they would touch at Rhodes. For it concern'd the fame and the well-being of that City, that they should know all things, that either had been, or were then transacted at Rhodes; and that they should carry back an account to Rome of what they themselves found to be true, and not what they had receiv'd by common report only. The Embassadours a great while refused to to do it, but at last they perswaded them, to make a little stay in their Voyage for the sake of a City, that was their Ally. When they came to Rhodes, they got them by the same intreaties to come into their publick Assembly. But the arrival of the Embassadours rather increas'd than diminished the Cities fear: for Popillius recounted all things, which every particular person, and all of them together, had hostilely said and done in that War; and, being a man of a rough disposition, enhansed the hainousness of those things, that were spoken of, by a stern look and an accusing tone: insomuch that though he had no private quarrel himself with the City, they might guess by the bitterness of one Roman Sena∣tor, how the whole Senate stood affected toward them. C. Decimius's Speech was more mo∣derate, who, as to many of those things, that Popillius spoke to, said, the blame did not lie upon the people, but at the Doors of some few persons only, that instigated the rabble: that they, having tongues which were to be purchased for money, had made Decrees full of flattery to the King; and had sent such Embassies, as the Rhodians should always not only be ashamed, but repent of. All which things, if the people had power, would return upon the heads of those that were guilty of them. He therefore was heard with great applause, not because he lessen'd, and took off the blame from the multitude, more than that he laid the fault upon the right Authors. Wherefore when their great men answer'd the Romans, their Speeches were not by any means so grateful, who endeavour'd one way or other to solve those ob∣jections, which Popillius had made, as theirs, who assented to Decimius in his design of ma∣king the Authors suffer for their crimes. Thereupon it was presently decreed, that all those, who had said or done any thing in behalf of Perseus against the Romans, should be put to death. But, a little before the Romans came thither some persons went out of the City, and others kill'd themselves. The Embassadours, having staid at Rhodes but five dayes, went away for Alexandria. But for all that the judicial proceedings upon the Decree, that was made in their presence, went on never the slower; which perseverance in the Execution of that Law was the effect of Decimius's mildness and moderation.

[ XI] Whilst these things were transacted, Antiochus having in vain attempted the Walls of Alexandria was gone away, and having gotten possession of the rest of Aegypt, left the elder Ptolemy at Memphis, for whom he pretended he would have gain'd the Kingdom by his own strength (only that he might attack him that got the better on't) and led his Army thence into Syria. Nor was Ptolomy ignorant of this his design; and therefore supposing, that, whilst his younger Brother was frighted by the fear of a Siege, he might be enter∣tain'd at Alexandria by the assistance of his Sister, and the indifferency of his Brothers Friends together, ceased not to send, first to his Sister, and then to his Brother and his Friends, before he had made a Peace with them. Now that which had made Antiochus suspected was, that he, having all the rest of Aegypt surrender'd to him, had left a strong Guard at Pelusium: for it appeared, that he was Master of the inlets into Aegypt, so that, when∣ever he pleased, he could bring his Army again into it. And that such would be the issue of Ptole∣my's intestine War with his Brother, that the Conquerour, being tired with fighting, would in no wise be equal, or hard enough for Antiochus. Now these things being prudently consider'd of by the elder, the younger Brother, and those of his Party, very willingly receiv'd: and his Sister assisted very much in the affair, not only by her advice, but by her intreaties also. Wherefore by their general consent, a Peace was concluded, and Alexandria retaken; nor were the very rabble against it, who, not only in the War, whilst the Siege lasted, but also after it was raised (since nothing was brought in for their relief out of Aegypt) were ex∣treamly straitned for want of all kinds of provisions. Now though it were fit for Antiochus to have rejoyced at this, if he had brought his Army into Aegypt, to restore him (as he speciously pretended by the Embassies that he received, and the Letters that he sent to all the Cities of Greece and Asia) yet he was so offended, that he prepared for a War with much more eagerness and malice against them both, than he had done formerly against the one. For he sent his Navy immediately to Cyprus: and himself, at the beginning of the Spring, intending for Aegypt, went into Coele Syria. About Rhinocolura he met Ptolemy's Embassadours, who giving him thanks, for that by his means their Master had recover'd his Fathers Kingdom, and desiring, that he would act like himself, and rather tell them, what he would have done, than, growing an Enemy instead of an Ally, do all by force of arms, he answered and said, that he would not either recal his Fleet, nor carry back his Army, unless Ptolemy would resign to him all Cyprus, and Pelusium, with the Country that lay about the Pelusian mouth of Nile: and withal prefix'd a day, between which, and that time, he would have an answer concerning the performance of those conditions.

[ XII] When the day, given for the Truce, was pass'd; whilst the Admirals and other Officers of the Syrian Fleet sailed through the mouth of Nile to Pelusium, Antiochus himself had led

his Land Forces through the deserts of Arabia into Aegypt, where having received all those that dwelt between the Nile and the Arabian Gulf as far as Memphis, by surrender, together with the other Aegyptians, that inhabited near the farther Bank of Nile, and the several arms of it, partly on their own accord, and partly for fear, he march'd down by small Journeys to Alexandria. At Leusine, when he was got over the River (which place is four miles from Alexandria) the Roman Embassadours met him. Whom when he, upon their first coming, had saluted, and held forth to Popillius his right hand, Popillius deliver'd unto him a Letter, and bad him, read that the first thing he did. Which when he had read over, and said, that he would consider and advise with his Friends, what he should do; Po∣pillius, according to his usual roughness and resolution, with a rod, that he had in his hand, made a Circle about the King, and said, Before thou goest out of this Circle, give the Senate an Answer for me to carry back. The King being amazed at so violent a command, after he had paused a while, said, Well then, I'll do what the Senate thinks fit. With that Popillius held forth his right hand to the King, as to a Friend and Ally. After which, when Antio∣chus was gone, within a time prefix'd, out of Aegypt, the Embassadours (having confirm'd, by their authority also, the concord between the two Brothers, who had yet scarce agreed upon a Peace) sailed to Cyprus: and from thence dismiss'd Antiochus's Fleet, which had now defeated the Aegyptian Ships in a Sea-fight. That Embassy was very much talk'd of about all those Nations, in that thereby Aegypt was undoubtedly taken away from Antiochus, who was now in possession of it, and their Fathers Kingdom restored to the race of Ptolemy. Now as the Consulship of one of the Consuls that year was renowned for a signal Victory, so the fame of the other was as obscure; because he had no opportunity of doing any considerable exploit. When at this time, first of all, he appointed a day for the Legions to Rendezvous, he did not enter the Temple with due Ceremony; and therefore the au∣gurs, when it was referr'd to them, gave their opinions, that the day was ill appointed. When he went into Gaul he Encamp'd near the Plains called Campi Macri near the Moun∣tains Sicinina and Papinus: and after that Winter'd about the same places with the Latine Allies. The Roman Legions, because the day for the Rendezvous of the Army was not rightly appointed, staid at Rome: and the Praetors, all, except C. Papirius Carbo, who hap∣pen'd to have Sardinia; went to their several Provinces. For the Senate thought good that he should act as a Judge (for that likewise fell to his Lot) between Citizens and Foreigners at Rome.

As soon as Popillius and that Embassy, which was sent to Antiochus, return'd to Rome; [ XIII] they brought word, that the Controversies between the Kings were decided, and that Antio∣chus's Army w••s carry'd back out of Aegypt into Syria. Afterward, there came Embassadours from those Kings: Embassadours from Antiochus, who said, that that Peace which the Senate had order'd him to make, was more grateful to their King, than any Victory whatever; and that he obey'd the commands of the Roman Embassadours, as though they had been the orders of the Gods. Then they congratulated the Victory, to which the King, if they had laid their commands upon him, would have contributed as much as in him lay. Ptolemy's Embassadours gave the Senate thanks in the name of the King and Cleopatra too, and said, That they owed more to the Senate and people of Rome, than to their Parents; yea more, than to the immortal Gods: in that, by them they had been deliver'd from a most miserable Siege, and recover'd their Fathers Kingdom, which they had almost lost. To which the Senate reply'd; That Antiochus had done well and as he ought to do, in obeying the Embassadours; and that his so doing was very grateful to the Senate and people of Rome. That, if any good or advantage had accrued to the Soveraigns of Aegypt, Ptolemy and Cleopatra, by their means, the Senate was extreamly glad of it; and would endeavour, to make them think, that the greatest security of their Kingdom should be alwayes pla∣ced in the protection and honour of the Roman People. C. Papirius the Praetor had Orders to send the Embassadours Presents according to custom. After that there was a Letter brought out of Macedonia, which doubled their joy for that Victory; giving them to understand, That King Perseus was in the Consuls custody. When the Aegyptian Embassadours were dis∣miss'd, there was a Debate between the Pisan and the Lunian Embassadours; the Pisans complaining, that they were driven out of their possessions by the Roman Colony; whilst the Lu∣nians affirm'd, that that Land, for which they contended, was assign'd by the Triumviri to them. The Senate therefore sent five persons, viz. Q. Fabius Buteo, P. Cornelius Blasio, T. Sempro∣nius Musca, L. Naevius Balbus, and C. Apuleius Saturninus, to inquire into and determine the case concerning their bounds. There came also one common Embassy from the three Brothers, Eumenes, Attalus, and Athenaeus, to congratulate with them upon the score of their Victory. L. Manlius the Questor at the same time was sent with money to meet Mas∣gabas, Son to King Massinissa, who was landed at Puteoli, and to bring him to Rome at the publick charge. As soon as he came thither he had admission into the Senate: where he, though an youth, spoke in such a manner, as that, what was in it self very grateful, he made by his words much more acceptable. He recounted how many Foot and Horse, how many Elephants, and how much Corn his Father had sent in the space of those four years into Macedonia: but said, That two things he was ashamed of; the one, that the Senate had by their Embassadours desired, and not commanded such things from him as were necessary for

the War; and the other, that they had sent him money for his Corn. That Massinissa remembred, how his Kingdom was gain'd, increased, and multiplied by the Roman People: and that he was content to have the use of that Kingdom, as knowing, that the Dominion and right of it belongs to them that gave it him. Wherefore it was just that they should take what they thought good, without asking him, or giving money for those things that are the product of a Country which they themselves bestow'd upon him. That what the Romans left was and would be enough for Massinissa. That he came from his Father with that Message; but that, a while after, certain Horsemen overtook him, who told him that Macedonia was conquer'd, and bid him, after he had congratulated with the Se∣nate, tell them, that his Father was so transported with joy to hear that news, that he would come to Rome, and Sacrifice, and pay his thanks to Jupiter Optimus Maximus [i. e. Jupiter, the Good and Great,] in the Capitol; which, if it were no offence, he desired the Senate would permit him to do.

[ XIV] The young Prince had this Answer; That his Father Massinissa did, what became a good and a grateful man, in adding a value and an esteem to a due kindness. That the Roman People were assisted by him in the Punick War with Courage and Fidelity, and that on the other hand he, by their assistance, gain'd his Kingdom: after which, through his own justice, he did all the offices of a Friend in the Wars against three Kings. But that it was no wonder, that such a King should re∣joice at the Victory of the Roman People, who had mixt all the concerns of his fortune and King∣dom with the Roman affairs. That he should give the Gods thanks at home for the Roman Peoples Victory, and that his Son would do so for him at Rome. Moreover, that he had congratulated them sufficiently both in his own and his Fathers name. But that Massinissa should leave his King∣dom, and go out of Africa (besides that it would be an inconvenience to him) the Senate thought would not be for the advantage of the Roman People. Then Masgaba desiring, that Hanno, Son of Hamilcar, might be sent by the Carthaginians as an Hostage, in the stead of another [whose name is unknown]; the Senate made Answer, that it was not reasonable for the Roman Senate to require Hostages of the Carthaginians at the pleasure of Massinissa. The Questor was order'd by an Act of Senate, to buy Presents for the young Prince to the value of a hundred pounds of Silver, and attend him to Puteoli; as also, to defray all his charges, as long as he was in Italy; and to hire two Ships, in which he and his retinue might be carry'd into Africa; besides, that to all his Attendants, whether Freemen, or Slaves, there were Cloths given. Not long after, there was a Letter brought, concerning another Son of Massinissas; That he was sent by L. Paulus, after he had overcome Perseus, into Africa, with his Horsemen; but that whilst he was sailing through the Hadriatick Sea, his Fleet was dispers'd, and he, with three Ships, brought sick to Brundusium. L. Stertinius, the Questor, was sent to him at Brundusium, with the same Presents, which, at Rome, were made to his Brother: and order'd to take care that an House 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉

[ XV] The Libertini [those whose Fathers had formerly been S••aves] were ranged into four City Tribes, all except those, that had a Son, by approbation of the Senate, above five years old. Them they order'd to be poled, where the last survey before they had been poled: and made it lawful to pole all those who had a Farm, or Farms in the Country of above thirty thousand Sesterces. Which being thus provided, Claudius said, the Censor could not take any single mans vote from him with the peoples consent, much less from a whole rank. For though he might turn him out of any particular Tribe, which was nothing else, but to make him change his Tribe, yet he could not therefore put him out of all the thirty five Tribes: that is to say, he could not take from him his freedom; and exclude him from the number of Citizens without saying where he should be poled. These things were debated between them; till at last they came to this point, that of four City Tribes, they should chose one openly in the Court of Liberty, into which they would gather all those, that had been Slaves. It happen'd to be the Esqui∣line Tribe, that was chosen: and therefore in that Tib. Gracchus declar'd all the Libertini should be poled. That business was a great honour to the Censors in the Senate; who not only gave Sempronius thanks, for persevering in his good undertaking, but Claudius also, who had not withstood it. There were more turn'd out of the Senate, and commanded to sell their Horses, than had been in former times: besides, that all the same persons were by both Censors put out of their Tribes and disfranchis'd: nor did any man, whom the one of them censur'd, pass unmaligned by the other. When they desired, that they might be continu'd in their office for an year and two months longer to see, that the publick buildings were in good repair, and to approve of those works which they had agreed for: Cn. Trenellius, a Tri∣bune, because he was not chosen into the Senate, withstood it. That same year C. Cice∣reius dedicated a Temple in the Alban Mount, five years after he had vow'd it. L. Postu∣mius Albinus was that year inaugurated as Flamen Martialis [i. e. Mars's Chief Priest.]

[ XVI] When Q. Aelius and M. Junius the Consuls made report concerning the Provinces, the [U. C. 583] Senate thought fit, that Spain should again be made two Provinces, which in the time of the Macedonian War had been but one: and that L. Paulus and L. Anicius (the same persons) should keep Macedonia and Illyricum, till they had composed the disturbances which had been made in the War, and reduced the other affairs of that Kingdom to a better state, ac∣cording

to the opinion of their Embassadours. The Consuls had Pisae and Gaule decreed them, with two Legions of Foot, and four hundred Horse. The Praetors happen'd to have, Q. Cassius the City, and Manius Juvencius Thalna the jurisdiction among Foreigners; Tib. Claudius Nero, Sicily, Cn. Fulvius the hither Spain, and C. Licinius Nerva the farther. A. Manlius Torquatus had Sardinia; but could not go into his Province, being detain'd by order of Senate, to hear Capital Causes. After this the Senate sate concerning several Prodigies, that were told of. The Temple of the Dii Penates [Houshold Gods] in Velia was burnt by Lightning, and in the Town of Minervium the two Gates, with some part of the Wall. At Anagnia it had rained Earth; and at Lanuvium there was a flame like a Torch seen in the Heavens. And at Calatia, in a publick ground, M. Valerius, a Roman Citizen brought word, that blood slowed from his Fire-hearth three days, and two nights. Upon that account chiefly, the Decemviri, being order'd to consult their Books, ordain'd a publick supplication for one day: and sacrificed fifty Goats in the Market-place. But for the other Prodigies also there was a supplication another day through all the Temples, the greater sort of Victims slain, and the City purified. After that, in honour to the immortal Gods, the Senate decreed, that, since their two greatest Enemies, Perseus, and Gentius were now overcome, and in the hands of the Roman People, together with their Countries, Macedonia and Illyricum, look what offerings were made, when Ap. Claudius and M. Sempronius were Con∣suls, for the Victory over King Antiochus, in all Temples, Q. Cassius and M. Juvencius should take care to have the like then made.

Then they chose Embassadours, according to whose judgment the two Generals L. Pau∣lus [ XVII] and L. Anicius should compose their business; ten to go into Macedonia, and five into Illyricum. The persons named for Macedonia were A. Postumius Luscus, and C. Claudius, both Censors Fellows; C. Licinius Crassus, Collegue to Paulus in his Consulate, who at that time, being continu'd in Commission, had the Province of Gaul. To these Consular men they added Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus, Ser. Cornelius Sulla, L. Junius, C. Antistius Labeo, T. Numisius of Tarquinii, and A. Terentius Varro. And for Illyricum were named these that follow; viz. P. Aelius Ligus, a Consuls Fellow, C. Cicereius, Cn. Baebius Tamphilus (he had been Praetor the year before, and Cicereius many years ago) P. Terentius Tusciveicanus, and P. Manlius. After which the Consuls were admonish'd by the Senate, that, since it was necessary for one of them to succeeed C. Licinius, (who had been nominated for an Em∣bassadour) in Gaul, they should either agree between themselves concerning their Provin∣ces, or cast Lo••s for th••m as soon as possible: and accordingly they cast Lots. M Junius happen'd to have Pisae (but before he went into his Province was order'd to introduce the Embassi••s, which came from all parts to Rome, with Congratulations [upon the score of their Victory], into the Senate) and Q Aelius Gaul. But though such men were sent, from whos•• prudence they might well hope, that the Generals would do nothing misbe∣coming either the clemency or gravity of the Roman People, yet the main points of their Counsels were debated in the Senate also, that the Embassadours might carry all things, al∣ready begun at least from home to the Generals.

First of all, they order'd, that the Macedonians and Illyrians should be free: that all Nati∣ons [ XVIII] might see, that the Arms of the Roman People brought not servitu••e upon those that were Free∣men, but freedom to those that were Slaves. And also that those Nations which were already free, might know, that their liberty was secure, and would be perpetual under the Tutelage of the Roman People: and that those, who lived under Kings, might be sensible, that they were not only at present more mild and just to them, but also, if their Kings ever happen'd to wage War with the Roman People, they might believe that the issue thereof would bring Victory to the Romans, and to them∣selves liberty. They also thought sit to take off the Tax upon the Macedonian Metals, which was a vast Revenue, and the letting out of Country Farms. For as they could not be kept up without Publicans [those that gather'd the publick Revenues] so where the Publicans were concern'd, there either the Law was evacuated, or their Allies quite lost their liberties. Yea, that the Macedoni∣ans themselves cou••d not exercise any such thing. For where there was such a booty among so many Officers, there would never be wanting the causes of strife and sedition. That there should not be one common Council of the whole Nation, lest the wicked vulgar might convert that liberty, which the Senate sometimes granted to wholesome moderation, into a pestilent licence. Wherefore they thought fit, that Macedonia should be divided into four Regions; so as that each might have its pe∣culiar Council; and pay half of that Tribute, which they used to pay to the Kings, to the Roman People. The like Orders were sent into Illyricum: the rest being left to the Generals and Embassadours themselves; in which the present occasion, when they were upon the place, was likely to suggest unto them better measures.

Among the many Embassies from Kings, Nations, and States, Attalus, Brother to King [ XIX] Eumenes, turn'd the Eyes and thoughts of all people most upon him: for he was receiv'd and entertain'd by them, who had serv'd with him at the same time in that War, with far greater splendour than if King Eumenes himself had come in person. There were two specious pretences that brought him thither: the one, a Congratulation for that Victory, to which he himself had contributed: and the other, a complaint of a Gallick Tumult, viz. That by the Arms of Adverta [a petit King of the Gauls] their Kingdom was brought into

jeopardy▪ He had also some private hopes of some advantages and rewards from the Senate, which with safety to his Piety [towards his Brother Eumenes] he could scarce obtain. For there were some of the Romans also, who, by their ill counsel and false suggestions, with hopes increased his desire: saying, that at Rome the general opinion concerning Attalus and Eumenes was such, as though the one were a true Friend to the Romans, and the other a faithful Ally neither to the Romans nor to Perseus. Wherefore they could hardly tell, whether what he should desire for himself, or against his Brother, were easier to be obtained of the Senate; so much they were all inclined to give him, and deny his Brother whatever he requested. Now Attalus (as it prov'd) was one of those men, who coveted all that hope had promised them [and had done so in this case] had not the prudent admonition of one Friend put (as it were) a Bridle upon his ambition, which in his prosperity was too luxuriant and unruly. For there was with him one Stratius, a Physician, who was sent by Eumenes on purpose to Rome, as a spy upon his Brothers actions, and faithfully to admonish him if he saw that he departed from his Fidelity, and Allegiance. Who coming to him, though his Ears were already pos∣sess'd, and his mind under temptation, attack'd him with seasonable discourse, and made all well again, by saying, that other Kingdoms grew great by several means. But that their Kingdom being new, and founded upon no ancient bottom, depended meerly upon their fraternal [or Brotherly] Concord: in that one only bore the name of King, and wore the Crown, but all the Brothers reign'd. But as for Attalus, since he was next in Age, who did not look upon him as a King? and not only for this reason, because they see him so great at present, but also, because there was no doubt, but he would e'r long come to be King, since Eumenes was so infirm and old, be∣sides, that he had no Children (for he had not as yet acknowledg'd him, who afterward was King.) What reason therefore had he to employ force for a thing, that would e'r long be his of course? That there was also a new Tempest raised in the Kingdom by the Gallick tumult, which could hardly be withstood, and over power'd even by the consent and concord of their whole Family. But if to a foreign War they added a domestick Sedition, it was impossible to make any resistance: nor would he thereby do any thing else but, lest his Brother should die a King, rob himself of the certain hopes of succeeding in the Throne. If it were a glorious thing, both to preserve his Brothers Kingdom, and take it from him; yet it was the more commendable of the two to preserve it, that being the effect of natural piety and affection. But indeed, since the other action was detestable, and next to Par∣ricidy, what room was there for doubt or deliberation? For, would he have part of the Kingdom, or take away all? if part, they would be both weak, when their strength was divided, and obnoxi∣ous to all injuries: if the whole, would he have his elder Brother then live a private life, or in ba∣nishment, at that Age, with that infirmity of Body, or, in fine, command him to die? Perseus's Exit indeed (that I may say nothing concerning the end of impious Brothers, deliver'd to us in Fa∣bles) seemed very egregious, who laid down that Diadem, which he got by his Brothers Death, in the Temple at Samothrace, all prostrate at the Feet of a conquering Enemy, as though the Gods that were there present had requir'd satisfaction for his crimes. That those very men, who, not out of Friendship to him, but hatred to Eumenes, incited him to such things, would commend his Piety and Constancy, if he to the last preserv'd his Allegiance to his Brother.

[ XX] This advice prevailed most with Attalus. Wherefore when he was brought into the Se∣nate (after he had congratulated their Victory) he discours'd of his own merits in that War, together with those of his Brother, if any such there were, telling them also of the revolt of the Gauls, which had been lately made with a great insurrection. Then he desired, that they would send Embassadours to them, by whose authority they might be awed so far as to lay down their Arms. Having deliver'd this Message for the advantage of the Kingdom, he desired, that he himself might have Aenus and Maronea: by which having disappointed their hopes, who thought he would accuse his Brother, and desire a division of the Kingdom, he went out of the Senate-House. There hardly ever was any man, either King or private person, who was heard with so much favour, and so general an assent of all parties: and accord∣ingly they not only bestow'd upon him all honours and presents whilst he was at Rome, but likewise attended him in his Journey too. Among many other Embassies from Greece and Asia, the Rhodian Embassadours put the City into the greatest admiration. For whereas at first they appeared in a white Garb, as became persons that came to congratulate [a Vi∣ctory,] (and if they had had sordid Cloths, they might have seemed to have lamented the misfortune of Perseus) after the Senate, being consulted by M. Junius the Consul, whether they would give the usual respects and entertainment to those Embassadours, who then stood in the Comitium [a Court for publick Assemblies,]? declared, that no rights of hospitality were to be observ'd with such people; the Consul going out of the Court (when the Rhodians, saying, that they came to congratulate their Victory, and to acquit their City of the crimes charg'd against them, desired that they might have admission into the Senate) de∣clared, that the Romans used not only to be very courteous and hospitable to those that were their Allies and Friends, but also to admit them into the Senate; but that the Rhodians had not deserv'd so well in that War, as to be reckon'd in the number of Friends and Allies. When they heard this, they all fell flat upon the ground, desiring of the Consul, and all that were present, that they would not think it reasonable, that their new and false accusations should be more disad∣vantagious to the Rhodians, than their ancient merits, of which they themselves were Witnesses

[might be a benefit to them.] And thereupon they presently put on sordid Garments, and went about to all the Noblemens Houses, with Prayers and Tears, desiring them, that they would hear their cause before they condemn'd them.

Manius Juvencius Thalna, the Praetor, whose jurisdiction was between Citizens and Fo∣reigners, [ XXI] incited the people against the Rhodians, and had promulgated a petitionary Bill; That a War might be declared against the Rhodians, and that they would chose out of the Magi∣strates of that year, one, to be sent with the Fleet, to serve in that War; hoping that he himself might be the man. But this was opposed by M. Antonius, and M. Pomponius, Tribunes of the people. But indeed as the Praetor had gone a wrong way to work, against all former precedents; in that he, without having first consulted the Senate, or inform'd the Consuls, meerly on his own head proposed the Question, Whether they would will and command, that a War should be proclaimed against the Rhodians; whereas in former times the Senate had been always consulted, after which it was referr'd to the people; so had the Tribunes of the people too, since it was the custom, that no man should oppose a Law, before private persons had leave to perswade or disswade the passing of it. For by that means it often had happen'd, that they, who had not profess'd, that they would oppose it, having consider'd the inconvenience of such a Law, were induced by the reasons of those that spoke against, to oppose it: and also, that those who came to oppose it, many times desisted, as being over-born by the authorities of those who spoke for it. Thereupon the Praetor and the Tri∣bunes vied, which of them should act most irregularly. 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉

Whether we have done amiss, is yet a doubt; but yet we suffer all punishments and ig∣nominies [ XXII] already. Formerly when the Carthaginians were conquer'd; Philip, and An∣tiochus defeated, and we came to Rome, where we walk'd from our publick Lodgings to the Senate-House to congratulate with you (grave Fathers!) we went out of the Senate-House into the Capitol, with offerings to their Gods: but now we come from a sordid Inn, where we are hardly entertain'd for our money (being commanded to stay, almost like Enemies, without the City) in this squalid condition into the Roman Senate-House, though we are those Rhodians on whom you so lately bestow'd the Provinces of Lycia and Caria, and conferr'd the most ample rewards and honours. You make the Macedonians and Illyrians free (as we have heard) though they were Slaves, before they made War against you, not that we envy any Bodies good Fortune, but rather acknowledge the Cle∣mency of the Roman People) and will you make the Rhodians, who did nothing but lie still all the time of this War, your Enemies instead of Allies? No certainly, Romans! you are such persons, as pretend, that their Wars are therefore successful, because they are just, nor do you boast so much in the event of them, for having got the Victory, as in the beginning; that you do not undertake them without reason. The besieging of Messana in Sicily made the Carthaginians; his attacking of Athens, endeavouring to bring all Greece into slavery, and assisting Hannibal with men and money made Philip their Ene∣my. Antiochus himself, being sent for by the Aetolians, their Enemies, came freely out of Asia with a Fleet into Greece: where having made himself Master of Demetrias, Chal∣cis, and the Streights of Thermopylae, he endeavour'd to force you from the possessions of their Empire. His opposing of their Allies, together with his killing of several petit Kings and Princes of Nations or States, were the ground of their War with Perseus. But, 'pray, what pretext can our misfortune have, if we must perish? I do not yet di∣stinguish the case of the City from that of Polyaratus and Dinon, our Fellow-Citizens, and those, whom we have now brought to deliver up to you. But though all of us, who are Rhodians, were equally guilty, yet what could we be charged with in this War? Did we favour Perseus's Party; and, as, in the War against Antiochus and Philip, we were for you against those Kings, so now, for the King, against you? 'Pray, ask C. Livius, and L. Aemillius Regillus, who were the Admirals of their Fleet in Asia, how we use to assist our Allies, and how ready we are to undertake the toil of War. Your Ships never enga∣ged without us. We fought with our Fleet, once at Samus, and again in Pamphylia a∣gainst General Annibal: which Victory is therefore the more glorious to us, in that, though we, at Samus, had lost a great part of our Ships, in an unfortunate Battle, and the best of our youth, we were not yet daunted even with that great overthrow, but had the Courage again to meet the Kings Fleet, as they came out of Syria: These things I have related, not to boast; (for we are not at present in such prosperous circumstances) but to let them see, how the Rhodians use to assist their Allies.

After the defeat of Philip and Antiochus, we received of you most ample rewards. If Per∣seus [ XXIII] had had the same Fortune, as you, through the blessing of the Gods and their own valour, now have; and we had come into Macedonia, to the victorious King, to require rewards [for our service] what, 'pray, could we have said? That he was assisted by us with Money or Corn? with Land, or Sea Forces? What Garison could we have pre∣tended to have kept? Where could we have said we had fought, either under his Offi∣cers, and by our selves? If he should have ask'd us, where we had had any Souldiers, or so much as one Ship within his Garisons; what could we have answer'd? Perhaps we

should have made just such a defence before him, as we do before you. For this we have gotten by sending Embassadours to both Parties in order to Peace, that we have the good will of neither; yea are accursed and in danger on the one side. Though Perseus in∣deed might truly object, what you (grave Fathers!) cannot; viz. that we, in the be∣ginning of the War, sent Embassadours to you, to promise you all things necessary for the carrying on thereof: and that we would be ready upon all occasions with Naval Arms, and all our youth, as in the former Wars. Which that we did not perform was their fault, who, for what reason we know not, despised and slighted our aids. But yet for all that we did nothing, as Enemies, nor were we wanting in the duty of good Allies, but only were by you forbid to perform our promise, What then, Rhodians? Was there no∣thing either done or said in their City, against their wills, wherewithal the Roman People might be justly offended? I am not here at present going to defend all that was done: I am not so mad, but to distinguish the faults of private men from the publick case. For there is no City but hath sometimes ill Citizens, and always a giddy rabble. I have heard that there have been men even among you, who by flattering the mobile have committed many enormities; as also, that common people formerly se∣parated themselves from you, during which time the mannagement of the Common∣wealth was not in their power. Now if this could happen in a City so well regu∣lated as this is, can any man wonder, that there should be some particular persons among us, who, courting the Kings Friendship corrupted our commonalty with ill counsels? and yet they prevailed no farther, than only to make us stand Neuters, when we should have fought. I will not pass by that which is the greatest crime, that's laid to the charge of our City, in this War. We sent Embassadours about a Peace to you and Perseus both at the same time: which unhappy design a furious Orator (as we afterward heard) made the most foolish thing in the World; who, we are well inform'd, spoke like C. Popillius, whom you sent to remove the two Kings, Antiochus and Ptolemy from their War. But yet that pride or folly (whether you will call it) was the same before you and Perseus both. There are customs and manners belonging to whole Cities as well as to private and single persons; and Nations too are some of them angry, others bold, others fearful, and some more prone to Wine or Women. 'Tis said, the Athenians are quick, and daring, to attempt things above their strength: but that the Lacedaemonians are dilatory, and will scarce undertake what they are almost sure to go through with. I do not deny but that all Asia produces an emptier sort of wits, and must confess also, that our language is a little too haughty and swelling, because we seem, among our Neighbour Cities, to excel in that point; though that be not so much upon the score of our own strength, as of the honours and judgments, you have confer'd and pass'd upon us. That Embassy even at that present was sufficiently chastiz'd, in being dismiss'd with so sad an Answer from you. If a little ignominy at that time be the thing that sticks upon us, sure this so miserable and humble an Embassy might be a sufficient atonement for a far more insolent Embassy than that was. Pride, in words especially, angry men hate, and prudent men laugh at; especially if it be from an inferiour to his superiour; but no body ever thought it deserv'd a capital punishment. For by that means it might have been fear'd, that the Rhodians would have contemned the Romans. For some men chide even the Gods themselves with passionate words, and yet we have not heard that any man was for that ever struck with a thunderbolt.

[ XXIV] What then remains for us to excuse, if we have not done any act of hostility, but that our Embassadour with his swelling words hath only offended their Ears, and not deserv'd thereby to have his and our City utterly ruined? I hear, grave Fathers! that some of you set a fine, as it were, upon our inclinations privately, in your discourses among your selves; saying, that we favour the King, and wish'd that he might get the Victory ra∣ther than you; and therefore they think that we ought to be persecuted with a War. But some of you say, that we indeed wish'd so, but that we ought not for all that to be plagued with a War: for that it is not so provided either by the Laws or Customs of any City, that when any man wisheth the death of an Enemy, he should presently be condemned to a capital punishment, though he have done nothing to d••serve it. Now to those, who free us from the penalty, though not from the crime, we give our thanks; whilst we our selves impose upon our selves this condition, that if we were all consenting to what we are accused of, and do not distinguish the will from the deed, let us all suf∣fer. But if some of our Nobility favour'd you, and others the King; I do not desire, that those who were on the Kings side should be saved for our sak••s, who stood up for you; only this I beg, that we may not perish upon your account. You your selves are not greater Enemies to those men than the City it self is; and those that knew this, many of them either ran away, or kill'd themselves. Others of them, who are by us con∣demn'd, shall be (grave Fathers!) at your disposal. As for the rest of the Rhodians, as we have not deserv'd any manner of reward in this War, so neither have we merited any punishment. Let the heap of our former services make up our defect of duty at this time. You have for these late years made War against three Kings: let it not be a

greater dammage to us, that we have lain idle in one War, than an advantage, that we fought for you in two. Suppose Philip, Antiochus and Perseus to be like three Votes or Sentences. Two of them absolve us, and the third doubtful; so that it cannot be more grave and just. If they should judge us, we should be condemned. But do you judge, grave Fathers! whether Rhodes be in being or utterly destroy'd. For you, grave Fathers! do not deliberate of a War, which you may raise indeed, but cannot carry on; since ne'r a man in Rhodes will bear Arms against you. But if you will persevere in your anger, we will desire time of you, to carry home this fatal message: all that are Freemen among us; all the Men and Women in Rhodes, with all our money, will take Shipping, and lea∣ving our possessions both publick and private, will come to Rome; and having heaped all our gold and Silver, both private and publick in the Comitium at the Gate of your Senate House, will deliver our own Bodies with those of our Wives and Children into your disposal; here to suffer, whatever you think fit. Let our City be rifled and burnt when we are far out of sight. The Romans may think the Rhodians their Enemies; but yet we too can make some judgment upon our selves too, whereby we pronounce and declare, that we never were your Enemies; nor will we ever commit an act of hostility, whatever we endure.

As soon as he had made his Speech to this effect, they all fell down again, and waving [ XXV] branches of Olives in their hands, like Suppliants, were at last taken up, and went out of the Court. Then the Votes began to be taken. By which it appear'd that they were the greatest Enemies to the Rhodians, who, when they had been Consuls, Praetors, or Lieute∣nants, had been concern'd in the Macedonian War. Their greatest Friend was M. Porcius Cato, who, though he were of a rough nature, at that time shew'd himself a mild and a gentle Senator. I shall not here insert the Character of that copious Man, by relating, what he said; his own Oration is extant, in the fifth Book of his Origines. The Rhodians therefore had such an Answer; that they were neither made Enemies, nor continu'd to be Al∣lies. Philocrates and Astymedes were the two principal Embassadours: [and so] they thought fit that one part of the Embassadours should go back to Rhodes, to give an account of their Em∣bassy, and the other part stay at Rome with Astymedes, to inform themselves of what was done there, and send intelligence home. For the present they order'd them to draw off their Pre∣fects out of Lycia and Caria. These things being told at Rhodes, though they were in themselves very dismal, yet since the fear of a greater misfortune was removed (for they were afraid of a War) the news was very joyful. Wherefore they presently order'd a Crown to be made to the value of twenty thousand Nobles of gold; and sent Theodotus, Admiral of their Fleet on that Embassy. But they agreed, that the Alliance of the Ro∣mans should be so desired, as that there should be no Ordinance of the people made about it, nor the request be put into writing: because by that means, unless they obtained it, their disgrace, if they were repulsed, would be the greater. Now such was the priviledge of the Admiral of their Fleet only, that he might treat about that affair without any preliminary proposal of it. For they had maintain'd a Friendship for so many years in such a manner, that they did not oblige themselves to the Romans by any League of Alliance: for no other reason, but, lest they should cut off from the Kings all hopes of their assistance, if they had, either of them, occasion for it, or from themselves, of reaping any benefit by their bounty and good for∣tune. But at that time especially they thought good to desire an Alliance, not to secure them e'r the more from others (for they fear'd no body except the Romans) but to make them the less suspected by the Romans. About the same time the Caunians revolted from them, and the Mylassians possess'd themselves of the Towns belonging to the Euromeses. Yet notwithstanding, their spirits were not so dej••cted, but that they consider'd, that if Lycia and Caria were taken from them by the Romans, the other parts would either free themselves by a revolt, or be seized by their Neighbours: that they were inclosed in a lit∣tle Island, and within the shores of a barren Country, which could not by any means keep the Inhabitants of so great a City. Whereupon, sending out their young men, in all hast against the Caunians, they forced them (though they had got the Cybirates to help them) to obedience; besides, that they defeated the Mylassians and Alabandians (who, having taken away the Province of the Eumeses, had join'd their Forces with them) about Orthosia.

Whilst these things were done there, there were other things transacted in Macedonia, [ XXVI] and at Rome; and in the mean time L. Anicius, in Illyricum, having, as I said before, re∣duced King Gentius, made Gabinius Governour of Scodra, which was the Kings Seat, put∣ting a Garison into it; as he did Licinius, of Rhizon, and Olzinium, which were Cities very commodiously situate. Having set these persons as a guard over Illyricum, he went with the rest of his Army into Epirus: where Phanota was first surrender'd to him, and the whole multitude came out with holy Ornaments [or Diadems] to meet him. Having put a Ga∣rison into this place he went over into Molossis; where having taken possession of all the Towns, except Passaro, Tecmo, Phylace, and Horreum, he march'd first to Passaro. Antinous and Theodotus were the chief men in that City, and famous both for their love to Perseus, and their hatred against the Romans; being also the Authors of that Cities revolting from the Romans. These two being conscious of their own guilt, because they had no hopes of

pardon, that they might be destroy'd in the common ruine of their Country, shut the Gates; advising the mobile, that they would prefer death before slavery. No man durst open his mouth against two such extraordinary great men: till at last one Theodotus, who was himself also a noble youth, seeing, that their greater fear of the Romans had overcome that of their Noblemen, ask'd them; What madness is this in you, who make your whole City an ac∣cession to the guilt of two single persons? I have often heard indeed of them, that have dy'd for their Country; but these men are the first I have heard of, who ever thought it reasonable, that their Country should perish for them. Wherefore let us open our Gates, and receive that command, which the whole World hath already received. As he said this, the multitude follow'd him; and at the same time Antinous and Theodotus sallied forth upon the first station of the Ene∣mies; where exposing themselves to danger they were kill'd, and the City surrender'd to the Romans. He also took Tecmo by surrender, and kill'd Cephalus, through whose obstinacy that City was in like manner shut up. Nor did Phylace or Horreum either endure a Siege. Having quieted Epirus, and divided his Forces into their Winter-Quarters, through the most convenient Cities, he went himself back into Illyricum; and at Scodra, whither the five Embassadours were come from Rome, having summoned all the great men out of the several Cities, he held an Assembly. There he publickly declared, as the opinion of the Council; That the Senate and the people of Rome order'd, that the Illyrians should be free; and that he would draw the Guards out of all their Towns, Forts and Castles. That the Issians and Taulantians should not only be free, but also have several immunities; and so should (among the Dassaretians) the Pirustae, the Rhizonites, and the Olciniates, because they had revolted to the Romans, whilst Gentius was yet in a prosperous condition. That they would likewise bestow their freedom and immunity upon the Daorseans; for that they, forsaking Caravantius had come with their Arms over to the Romans. That the Scodrians, Dassareses, Selepitanes, and other Illyrians should pay but half that Tribute, which they had formerly paid to the King. After which he divided Illyricum into three parts; making one of that which was called the Ʋpper Illyricum, a second of all the Labeates, and the third of the Agravonites, Rhizonites, Olciniates and their Neighbours. Having thus setled Illyricum, he himself return'd to Passaro in Epirus, to his Winter Quarters.

[ XXVII] Whilst these things pass'd in Illyricum, Paulus, before the coming of the ten Embassa∣dours, sent his Son Q. Maximus, who was now come back from Rome, to pillage Aegini∣um and Agassae: Agassae; for that, though they had surrender'd the City to Marcius the Consul, and of their own accord desired an Alliance with the Romans, they had again revol∣ted to Perseus: but the crime charg'd upon the Aeginians was new. For they, not belie∣ving the report concerning the Roman Victory, had committed very great hostilities upon some of the Souldiers, that went into their City. He also sent L. Postumius to rifle Aenus, because they were more obstinate than their Neighbour Cities in the continu'd use of their Arms. It was now about Autumn, at the beginning of which season he design'd to go round about all Greece, and to see those things which people have heard of by common re∣port, oftener than any body hath seen them; and therefore having made C. Sulpicius Gallus, chief Commander of his Camp, he set forth with no great Retinue (his Son Scipio and Athenaeus, King Eumenes's Brother being his Companions) and went through Thessaly to Delphi, to that famous Oracle; where having sacrificed to Apollo, he, being a Conquerour, design'd the Pillars at the Entrance [into the Temple;] which were already begun, and upon which they had intended to set the statues of King Perseus; for his own Statues. At Lebadia also he went into the Temple of Jupiter Trophonius: where, having seen the mouth of a Cave, into which those that make use of the Oracle go down to enquire of the Gods, he, when he had sacrificed to Jupiter and Hercynna, whose Temple is there, he went down to Chalcis to see the Euripus and Eubaea, which was an Island formerly join'd to the Continent by a Bridge. From Chalcis he went over to Aulis, three miles distant, which was hereto∣fore a famous Harbour, renown'd upon the score of Agamemnons Fleet that rode there, consisting of a thousand Ships; and to the Temple of Diana, where that King of Kings got the Ships a passage to Troy by sacrificing his own Daughter [Iphigenia.] From thence he came to Oropus in Attica, where the Prophet Amphilochus is worshipped for a God: and the Temple is very ancient, having very pleasant Springs and Rivulets all about it. Then he came to Athens, which was once full of many ancient and famous rarities, but hath yet many things still worth the seeing; as the Castle, several Ports and Walls that join the Pi∣raeeus to the City; the Docks of great Commanders, Images of Gods and men, that are very curious in all respects as to the matter of which they are made, and the Workman∣ship imploy'd about them.

[ XXVIII] Having sacrificed, in the City, to Minerva, the Guardian of the Castle, he took his leave and arrived in two days at Corinth; which at that time, before it was destroy'd, was a famous City: besides, that the Fort and the Isthmus made a great show: the Fort, for that it was vastly higher than any other building, and yet had Springs rising upon it: and the Isthmus, for that it divided with its narrow Neck, two neighbouring Seas, that beat against it, one on the East, and the other on the West-side. From thence he went to Si∣cyon and Argos, two famous Cities; and from them to Epidantus, which, though it be not

equal to them for riches and splendour, is yet very remarkable for the noble Temple of Aesculapius, which being five miles distant from the City (though now the offerings are all pull'd down, and you can see nothing, but the Tracts (as it were) of them) was then very rich in Presents, which the sick had consecrated to that god, as a see or reward for his wholesome Medicines. From thence he went to Lacedemon, which is memorable, not for any magnificent Works, but for its Discipline and Laws: from whence he march'd up through Megalopolis to Olympia. Where, as he saw other very great rarities, so, looking upon Jupiter, as if he had been really present there, he was startled. Wherefore, as if he had been going to sacrifice in the Capitol, he order'd a Victim to be prepared much lar∣ger than ordinary. Thus having travelled over all Greece, so as that he inquir'd into no∣thing, that related to any mans inclinations, either publickly or privately, lest he might by any means disturb the minds of his Allies; when he return'd to Demetrias, there met him a Company of Aetolians, all in sordid Cloths; at which when he admired and ask'd, what the matter was? they told him, that five hundred and fifty of their Nobility were kill'd by Lyciscus and Tisippus (who beset the Senate) with the assistance of Roman Souldi∣ers, that were sent by President Baebius: that others were forced into banishment; and that they, who accused them, were possess'd of the goods of those that were slain, as well as those that were banish'd. He therefore, commanding them to come to him at Amphipolis, himself met Cn. Octavius at Demetrias, and then, after the news came, that the ten Embas∣sadours were now come over, omitting all other business, he went on to them at Apollonia. To which place since Perseus, who was too carelesly lookt after, came from Amphipolis (which is a dayes Journey) to meet him, he spoke very kindly to him: but, when he came into the Camp at Amphipolis, they say, he chid C. Sulpicius very severely: First, Be∣cause he suffer'd Perseus to wander so far from him through the Province: and then, for that he had so far indulged the Souldiers, as to let them take the Tiles of the City Walls to cover their own Winter-Tents: and gave order that the Tiles should be carry'd back, and the Houses made as whole as they were before. And as for Perseus, he and his elder Son Philip were deliver'd up to him; whom he sent to be kept in safe custody by A. Postumius: but sent for his Daugh∣ter and younger Son from Samothrace to Amphipolis, where he shew'd them all the civil re∣spect imaginable.

He himself, when the day came, on which he had order'd the ten chiefs of several Cities [ XXIX] to attend him at Amphipolis, and that all Letters, which were left in any place whatsoever, with all the Kings money to be brought thither; sate on the tribunal with the ten Embas∣sadors, the whole multitude of the Macedonians standing round about them. Who though they were used to Kingly Government, yet a new sort of a tribunal was a dread∣ful sight to them, where there was the Lictor [or Usher] that made way, the Cryer, and the Clerk, which were all unusual objects both to their Eyes and Ears; and such as might terrify even their Allies, much more a conquer'd Enemy. When silence was now made by the Cryer, Paulus declared in Latine, what the Senates Pleasure, and what his opinion, ac∣cording to the Councils advise, was: all which Cn. Octavius who was also there present) interpreted and repeated in Greek [being to this effect:] That, first of all, it was order'd, that the Macedonians should be free, having the same Cities and Lands as before; using their own Laws, creating annual Magistrates, and paying but half that Tribute to the Roman People which they paid to their Kings. Next, that Macedonia should be divided into four Regions: one of which, and that the first, should be all that Tract between the River Strymon and Nessus: to which they should add all that lay beyond Nessus to the Eastward, where Perseus had been Master of Villages, Castles, and Towns, excepting Aenus, Maronea and Abdera: and beyond Strymon, to the West∣ward, all Bisaltica with Heraclea, which they call Sintice. That the second Region should be all that Tract, which is encompassed by the River Strymon, except Bisaltica, Heraclea and Sintice: adding thereunto, on the West-side as far as the River Axius, all that part of Paeonia, that lies near the River Axius to the Eastward. The third Region was that, which Axius encompasseth on the Eastside, and the River Peneus on the West: having on the Northside the Mountain Bora. To this part was added that Region of Paeonia, which runs from the Westward all along by the River Axius: together with Edessa and Beraea. The fourth Region, beyond the Mountain Bora, bor∣der'd on one side upon Illyricum, and on the other upon Epirus. For the chief Cities of each Regi∣on, where they should hold their Councils, he ordain'd, that in the first, it should be Amphipolis, in the second Thessalonica, in the third Pella, and in the fourth Pelagonia. There he order'd, that the several Councils of each Region should be called, their money brought thither, and their Magistrates chosen in those places. Then he declared, that it should not be lawful for any of them to marry, or drive bargains for Lands or Houses among themselves, without the Confines of their own Region. Nor should they make use of gold and silver: but of Iron and Brass they might. That those who paid Tribute should pay but half of what they had paid to their Kings. He also forbad them to use salt. Ʋpon occasion of the Dardans demanding back Paeonia, for that it had been theirs, and was contiguous to their Borders; he declar'd, that he would give all those their liberty, that had been Subjects of King Perseus. And since they could not obtain Paeonia, he gave them leave to trade in Salt: commanding the third Region, to carry it to Stobi in Paeonia, where he set a certain price upon it. He likewise not only forbad them to cut down any materials for Ship∣ping,

but also commanded them not to suffer others so to do. He allow'd the Regions, that border'd upon the Barbarians (as they did all indeed, except the third) to keep armed guards upon their Frontiers.

[ XXX] These things being declared the first day of the meeting had a very different effect upon the Auditors minds. Their liberty, which was given them, beyond all expectation, en∣couraged them, as did the yearly Tribute also which was half taken off. But now that their Commerce was interrupted, they seemed to be so distracted from one another, as though they had been living Creatures torn limb from limb, whereof one wants the assistance of the other: so far were the very Macedonians themselves from knowing, how big Macedonia was, how easily divided, and how contemptible each part in it self was. The first part contains the Bisaltae, a sort of very brave men (living beyond the River Nessus, and about Strymon) with many kinds of Fruits, and Metals, besides that it hath the convenience of Amphipolis, which standing in the way blocks up all the Avenues from the Eastward into Macedonia. The second Region hath in it those famous Cities, Thessalonica and Cassandria; together with Pallene, a fertile and fat Country: besides, that the Ports at Torone, and the Mountain Athos (which last they call Aeneas's Port) which lie, some of them toward the Island Euboea, and other commodiously to the Hellespont, stand very opportunely for a Sea Trade. The third Region hath in it those remarkable Cities, Edessa, Beraea, and Pella, with the Warlike Nation of the Vettians: besides a great many Gauls and Illyrians, who are very active and diligent Husbandmen. The fourth Region is inhabited by the Eordaeans, Lycestians, and Pelagonians; to which there are added Antintania, Stymphalis, and Elimiotis. This is all of it a very cold Quarter; being hard to manure, and rough withal: and in∣deed the genius of the Inhabitants is much like the place they live in: besides, that the Neighbouring Barbarians to make them more wild, and fierce, who one while teaze them with Wars, and another while in time of Peace mix and confound their rites one with ano∣ther. Thus having divided Macedonia into several Regions, he appointed how it should be govern'd all together, after he had declared that he would likewise make Laws for them.

[ XXXI] Then the Aetolians were called before him; in whose case, the question was, rather, which party had favour'd the Romans, and which the King; than which of them had done, or received any injury. The Murderers were acquitted; and their banishment was as much ratified to those that were forced out of their Country, as their Death was certain to those that were slain. A. Baebius was the only person condemned, for that he had supply'd them with Roman Souldiers to commit murder. This issue of the Aetolians cause, through all the Nations and States of Greece, that had been on the Romans side, infused into them an in∣tolerable pride; made all those mere Slaves, who were in the least suspected of having favour'd the Kings Party. There were three sorts of Noblemen in the several Cities: two, who by flattering, either the Romans or the Kings, advanced their own interest, though their Cities were ruined: and one, who took a middle way, contrary to both the others, defending their Laws and Liberty. These, as they were more beloved among their own Countrymen, so they were less esteemed among Foreigners. So that the Favourers of that party being proud of the Romans prosperity, were the only men at that time employ'd in all Offices and Embassies. Who, coming in great numbers out of Peloponnesus, Boeotia, and from other parts of Greece, fill'd the Ears of the ten Embassadours [with complaints and suspicions, saying] that not only they, who had publickly through vanity bragg'd of their be∣ing familiars and Friends to Perseus, but many more also had privately favour'd his party. That the rest under pretence of maintaining their liberty, had done all they could, in the several Councils, against the Romans: nor could those Nations be kept to their Allegiance by any other means, than by taming the spirits of such persons, and cherishing and confirming the authority of those who ex∣pected no Government but that of the Romans. Upon this information, there were several persons summon'd by the Generals Letters out of Aetolia, Acarnania, Epirus, and Boeotia, to follow him to Rome in order to make their defence: and two of the ten Embassadours went into Achaia, viz. C. Claudius, and Cn. Domiti••s, themselves to summon them by Edict. That they did for two reasons; the one, because they thought the Achaeans had more spirit and resolution, than others, which would make them disobedient to their orders (as also, because, perhaps, they thought Callicrates and the rest, who were the informers against them might be in danger) and the other reason, why they would give them the Summons in Person was, that, from other Countries, they had Letters under the Princes own hands which they found among the Kings Writings; but, against the Achaeans, had no Evidence at all, as having found none of their Letters. The Aetolians being dismiss'd, the Acarna∣nians were cited: among whom there was no other innovation made, save that Leucas was exempted from the Council of that Nation. After which, making farther inquiry, who had been either publickly or privately of the Kings Party, they extended their inquisition into Asia also: and sent Labeo to demolish Antissa in the Island of Lesbos, and from thence to bring the Antisseans over to Methymna: for that they had entertain'd Antenor the Kings Admiral, when he cruised with his Fleet about Lesbos, into their Port, and furnish'd him with provisions. There were two great men Beheaded with the Axe: Andronicus, an Aetolian,

Son to Andronicus (for following his Father, and bearing Arms against the Romans) and Neo, a Theban, by whose advice they had enter'd into an Alliance with Perseus.

Having interposed these inquiries concerning foreign matters, they called the Macedo∣nian [ XXXII] Council again: in which it was declared: That, as to the State of Macedonia, they would have Senators chosen, whom the Macedonians call Synedri [such as sit together in Coun∣cil;] by whose conduct and advice the Common-wealth should be managed. Then the names of the Macedonian Nobility, who, they thought fit, should go before into Italy (together with all their Children, that were above fifteen years old) were read over. That at first view seemed severe, but soon after appeared to the multitude of the Macedonians to be for their liberty. For there were named the Kings Friends and Favourites, who had been Ge∣nerals of Armies, Admirals, or Governours of Garisons; and used to shew themselves Slaves to the King, but very imperious to every body else: some of them very rich, and others, who though they had not so much money, were yet equal to them in their expen∣ces, but they all lived (as to diet) and were clothed, like Kings; though none of them had the Soul of a good Citizen, nor could endure either Laws or equitable Liberty. Where∣fore all those, who had served the King in any capacity, yea even those, who had been em∣ploy'd in the meanest Embassies, were order'd to depart out of Macedonia, and go into Italy; and he that did not obey that order, was threaten'd with death. He gave Laws to Macedonia with so much care, that he seemed to give them, not to a conquer'd Enemy, but to Allies that had very well deserv'd of him: yea, and those to such, as use could not in a long time (which is the only Corrector of Laws) and much experience find any fault with. Having made an end of his serious business, he set forth at Amphipolis, with great cost and charges, several sorts of sports and merriment, for which he had prepared a good while before; ha∣ving sent certain persons into the Cities of Asia, and to the Kings, to tell them of it; and also himself given the Princes notice thereof, as he went about the Cities of Greece. For there were Artists of all sorts, who had any skill in sports, with a vast multitude of Wrest∣lers, and fine Horses, out of all parts of the World: besides, that Embassadours came with Victims and whatsoever else, in respect either to the Gods or Men, is usually done at great Shows in Greece: And then the matter was so order'd, that they not only admired his mag∣nificence, but his Prudence too, in setting forth Shows, to which the Romans were then mere Strangers. There were also Entertainments provided for the several Embassies, with the same splendour and care. For 'twas reported, that he used commonly to say, it be∣long'd to the same person to make a Feast, and set forth Plays, who knew how to conquer in time of War.

Having shew'd them sports of all sorts, and put his brazen Shields on board his Ships, [ XXXIII] he laid all the rest of the Arms on a vast heap together, and then, having paid his Devo∣tion to Mars, Minerva, Lua [an ancient Goddess, called therefore Mother] and the rest of the [Warlike] Gods, to whom it is an act of Religion to devote the spoils of an Ene∣my, the General himself set it with a torch on fire. After which the Tribunes of the Soul∣diers that stood round about, threw each of them more fire upon it. It was observ'd, at that meeting of Europe and Asia from all Countries, though such a vast multitude were gather'd together, partly to congratulate, and partly to see the Show, yet there was such plenty of all things, and provisions were so cheap; that the General made a great many Presents of that kind, not only to private persons, but to whole Cities; and that, not on••y for their present use, but for them to carry with them home. But the Show which entertain'd that multitude, that came thither, was not the Stage-Plays, the Prizes, or Horse Races, more than the Macedonian spoils, which were all exposed to open view: as Statues, Tables, fine woven pieces [of Tissue, &c.] with Vessels of Gold, Silver, Brass and Ivory, which were made with great care and industry in that Court; not for a present show like those wherewith the Palace at Alexandria was stuffed, but for perpetual use. These things being put on Board the Fleet were given to Cn. Octavius to carry to Rome. Paulus having kindly dismiss'd the Embassadours, went over Strymon, and Encamped a mile off Amphipolis: from whence in five dayes he arrived at Pella. But passing by that City, he staid two days at a place which they call Spelaeum; in which time he sent P. Nasica, and Q. Maximus his Son, with part of his Forces to ravage the Illyrians, who had assisted Per∣seus in the War: commanding them to meet him at Oricum; whilst he himself, going for Epirus, arrived in fifteen dayes at Passaro.

Anicius's Camp was not far from that place: to whom having dispatch'd a Letter of ad∣vice, [ XXXIV] not to meddle with any thing that was done there: for the Senate had given the spoil of the Cities in Epirus, which had revolted to Perseus, to the Army: he sent Centurions privately into the several Cities, whom he order'd to say, that they came to draw off the Garisons there, that the Epirotes, as well as the Macedonians, might be free; he summon'd ten of the great∣est men out of every City. To whom when he had declared, that they must bring their gold and silver forth into publick view, he sent his Troops into every City: who going into the farthermost before they went into the hithermost, came to them all in one day. Then they told the Tribunes and Centurions what they had done: and in the Morning all the gold and silver was heaped together: after which, at the fourth hour, the signal was given

to the Souldiers to plunder the several Cities; in which they got so great a booty, that four hundred Deniers fell to every Horsemans share, and to every Footmans two hundred; besides, that there were carry'd away as Prisoners a hundred and fifty thousand Souls. After that the Walls of the rifled Cities were demolish'd: which Towns were about seventy. The booty of them all was sold, and out of that summ the Souldiers were paid. Then Paulus went down to the Seaside, to Oricum; though he had not, as he supposed, in any wise satisfied his Souldiers minds: who, as though they had been concern'd in no War in Macedonia, were very angry, that they did not share in the booty taken from the King. Finding the Forces, that he sent with Nasica, and his Son Maximus at Oricum; he put his Army on board the Ships, and went over into Italy. And after some few dayes, Anicius, having dismiss'd the Convention of the other Epirotes and Acarnanians, and order'd the No∣blemen to follow him into Italy, whose causes he reserv'd to be there try'd, himself, after he had waited some time for the Ships, which the Macedonian Army had made use of, went over into Italy. Whilst these things were transacted in Macedonia and Epirus, the Embas∣sadours, who were sent with Attalus, to make an end of the War between the Gauls and King Eumenes, arrived in Asia. At which time there was a Truce made for that Winter, so that the Gauls were gone home, and the King into his Winter-Quarters at Pergamus, where he had been sick of a grievous distemper. It was Spring before he went abroad: and they were now come to Synnada, when Eumenes had muster'd all his Forces at Sardeis. There not only the Romans discours'd Solovettius, the General of the Gauls, at Synnada, but Attalus also went with them: but they did not think fit, that Attalus should go into the Camp, lest they should fall into a dispute and quarrel. P. Licinius talk'd with the petit King of the Gauls, and brought word that he grew still more fierce by being intreated: in∣somuch that it might seem very strange, that the perswasions of the Roman Embassadours should so far prevail upon those opulent Kings, Antiochus and Ptolemy, as they presently concluded a Peace, but among the Gauls should be of no moment at all.

[ XXXV] The Captive Kings, Perseus and Gentius, were first brought to Rome, and with their Chil∣dren put into Custody: and next to them the other crowd of Captives; with all those Ma∣cedonians who were order'd to come to Rome, and the Princes of Greece. For these persons also were taken notice of; not only such as were present, but, if any of them were with the Kings, they were sent for by Letters. Paulus himself, after a few days, came up the Tiber to the City, in a Ship of the Kings of a vast Bulk, rowed with sixteen Banks of Oars, and adorn'd with the Macedonian spoils, which were not only glorious Arms, but delicate woven Work [Tissues, &c] of the Kings; whilst the Banks of the River were fill'd with the multitude of people, that thronged out to meet him. Some few dayes after Anicius and Octavius came with their Fleet. Whereupon the Senate decreed, that they should all three triumph together: and Q. Cassius the Praetor was commanded to treat with the Tri∣bunes of the People, by authority from the Senate, to propose it to the people, that they might be in Commission the day that they rode triumphant into the City. All mean things are free from Envy; for that most commonly strikes at the highest. There was no doubt of Anicius, or Octavius's triumphing; but Paulus, to whom those persons themselves would have blush'd to have com∣pared themselves, was much maligned. For he had kept the Souldiers to the ancient Discipline, had given them less of the booty than they had hoped for out of such a mass of wealth as was taken from the King: for (had he indulged their covetousness) he was like to have left nothing for himself to carry into the Treasury: wherefore the whole Macedonian Army resolv'd to make but a thin appearance with their General at the Assembly for passing that Law. But Ser. Sulpicius Galba, who had been a Tribune of the Souldiers, belonging to the second Legion in Macedonia, who was privately the Generals Enemy, by cajoling them himself, and soliciting them by the mediation of the Souldiers also that belong'd to his Legion, induced them to come in a full body to give their Votes: [saying] that by that means they might be reveng'd of their impe∣rious and ill natur'd General, in refusing to pass a Bill, that would be prefer'd concerning his Tri∣umph. That the Commonalty of the City would follow the judgments of the Souldiers. That he, forsooth, could not give them money; should they then give him honour? No, he ought not to hope for the fruit of good will there, where he had not deserv'd it.

[ XXXVI] When these men were thus prepared, T. Sempronius, a Tribune of the people, proposed the Law in the Capitol; in which case though private men have the priviledge to speak concerning the Law proposed, yet since no body stood up to speak either for or against it; as being a thing not at all doubtful; Servilius Galba presently stept forth, and desired of the Tribune; that, seeing it was now the eighth hour of the day [i. e. two in the Afternoon] so that he had not time enough to demonstrate, why they would not consent that L. Aemilius should tri∣umph, they might defer it till the next day, and do that business in the Morning. For he had need of a whole day to set forth that case. Whereupon when the Tribune bad him, if he had any thing to say, say it then, he protracted the matter with a long Speech, Relations and admonitions, till night; saying, that the duties of War were too severely imposed upon the Soul∣diers; that there was more labour and danger injoin'd them, than the thing requir'd; and on the other hand, that in their rewards and honours all things were streighten'd; and that as Warfare, if they had such Generals, would be very dreadful and rugged for the Souldiers whilst they were

engaged to fight; so would it likewise be poor and dishonourable, after they had got the Victory. That the Macedonians were in a better condition, than the Roman Souldiers. That if they came the next in a full body to hinder the passing of that Law, the great men would see, that all the power was not in the Generals, but some in the Souldiers hands. The Souldiers being instiga∣ted by these kinds of words, the next day came in such a crowd to the Capitol, that no body else could come to give their Votes. After the first Tribes, being called in, had re∣jected the Bill, the great men of the City flock'd all together into the Capitol, crying out, that it was an unworthy design; that L. Paulus, who had got a Victory in so great a War, should be deprived or robb'd of his triumph; and that Generals should be made subject to the licentiousness, and the covetousness of their Souldiers. That they were apt to offend too much through ambition in the person of one man; what then should they do, if the Souldiers were made their Generals Ma∣sters? With that they all began to revile Galba: till at last, when this tumult was over, M. Servilius, who had been Consul and Master of the Horse, desired of the Tribunes, that they might treat concerning that matter once again, and that they would permit him to speak to the people. The Tribunes, though they had withdrawn to consider of it, yet, be∣ing overcome by the authorities of the Nobility, began to Discourse the thing over afresh, and sent word back that they would recal the same Tribes, if M. Servilius and the other private persons had said, what they had a mind to say.

Then Servilius [stood up and said:] How great a General L. Aemilius (Romans!) hath [ XXXVII] been, if you can judge by nothing else, even this one thing was enough, that, though he had in his Camp such seditious and light sort of Souldiers, so notorious, so rash, and so eloquent an Enemy, to instigate the multitude, yet he had no sedition in his Army. The same severity of command, which now they hate, kept them then in awe. So that whilst they were under the ancient Discipline, they were quiet. That Servius Galba, if he had a mind to try his parts, and give a sample of his Eloquence by accusing L. Paulus; ought not to hinder his triumph (which, though nothing else, the Senate had judg'd to be just) but ought the next day, after he had triumph'd, when he should see him again in a private capacity, to inform against him, and condemn him according to Law: or somewhat later, when he himself had got into an Office, summon him to a Tryal such a day, and accuse him as an Enemy before the people. By which means not only L. Aemi∣lius would have the reward of his good deeds in a triumph for the War which had so egre∣giously managed: and his punishment too, if he had done any thing, unworthy either of his former, or his new glory. But he, you may see, since he had no crime nor any reproach to lay open, was resolv'd to detract from his commendations. He desired a whole day, yesterday, to accuse L. Paulus; and spent four, all that was left of the day, in making of a Speech. Who was ever so guilty, as that the Vices of his whole Life might not be reckon'd up in so many hours? But in that time, what did he object, which L. Paulus, if he were to make his defence, would deny? Let any body make me two Speeches: one for the Macedonian Souldiers, and the other pure, with a judgment more entire both in respect to favour and hate, where all the Roman People sit as Judges. Then let the party accused be impleaded before a Company of Citizens. What couldst Thou, Servius Galba! say before an Auditory of old Romans? For that Oration of thine would be all cut off: you kept guard too severely, and longer than you need to have done: you went the rounds more rigorously and diligently than you had occasion; you did more work than before, when you as General your self went about to spur the men on. You tra∣velled the same day, on which you led your men into the Field. Nay he would not let thee be at quiet when thou hadst got the Victory; but presently drew thee out to pursue the Enemy. When he might have made thee rich with the booty, if he had divided it; he would needs carry the Kings money in triumph, and bring it into the Treasury. These things as they have some kind of sting, to stimulate the Souldiers minds, who think he hath not sufficiently gratified their licentiousness, nor their avarice; so would they not have at all prevailed with the Roman People: who though they do not rip up old stories, that they have heard from their Parents, what damage hath been receiv'd through the ambition of Generals, and what Victories have been gotten by severity of Discipline, yet, no question, they remember, what difference there was in the last Punick War between M. Minucius, Master of the Horse, and Q. Fabius Maximus the Dictator. And so might the Accuser too have known that, and then Paulus's defence had been needless. But now let us pass over to the other Speech: in which I must not now, methinks, call you Ro∣mans, but Souldiers, if that title at least may infuse into you any modesty, or abhorrence of doing injury to your General.

And now I my self am far otherwise affected in my mind, whilst I seem to speak to [ XXXVIII] an Army, than I was e'rwhiles, when I directed my Speech to a Company of ordinary Citizens. Come, what say you, Fellow Souldiers? Is there any man at Rome, except Perseus, who would not have Aemilius triumph over the Macedonians; and will not you tear in pieces with the same hands, wherewith you conquer'd the Macedonians? He, if he could, would have hinder'd you from Conquering, who denies that you shall come tri∣umphant into the City. You are in errour, Fellow Souldiers, if you think that a tri∣umph

is for the honour of the General only, and not of the Souldiers, yea, and the whole Roman People also. No; this does not concern L. Paulus only. Besides, many persons who have not obtain'd a triumph of the Senate, have yet for all that triumph'd on the Alban Mount. No man can rob L. Paulus of the glory of having made an end of the Ma∣cedonian War, more than they can C. Lutatius of the renown, which he gain'd in the first Punick War, or P. Cornelius of his honour, purchased in the second; or any of those, that triumphed after them. Nor will a triumph make L. Paulus either a greater or a lesser General. This concerns the fame of the Souldiers, and the whole Roman People more than him: First, lest it should be thought the effect of envy and ingratitude against every great and glorious Citizen; and seem to imitate the people of Athens, who ma∣lign all their best men. Your Ancestors offended sufficiently in the case of Camillus, when they laid violent hands upon him, even before he had rescued the City from the Gauls: and you likewise are guilty enough in the case of P. Africanus; that the House and seat of him, who conquer'd Africa should have been at Liternum; and his Sepulchre be at this day in the same place to be seen. We ought to blush, if L. Paulus be equal to those men in point of glory, that their injury to him should be equal. Wherefore let this in∣famy be first obliterated; which as it is very dishonourable in other Nations, so is also a damage to us. For who would be like Africanus or Paulus in a City, that is an Enemy and ungrateful to all good men? But suppose it were no infamy, and that we talk'd of glory only, 'pray what triumph brings not with it a common honour to all Romans? Are the many triumphs, over the Gauls, Spaniards and Carthaginians, call'd the Generals only, or the Roman Peoples triumphs? As there were triumphs celebrated, not only over Pyrr∣hus, and Annibal, but over the Epirotes and Carthaginians also; so it was not Manius Cu∣rius only, or P. Cornelius, but the Romans, that triumph'd. Indeed this properly concerns the Souldiers, who themseves having Laurels on their Heads, and each of them Presents, with which they are adorn'd, march, crying, Io Triumphe! and sing both their own and the Emperours praises quite through the City. If at any time the Souldiers are not brought out of the several Provinces to attend a triumph, they murmur; and yet at the same time, they think that they, though absent, triumph; because the Victory was obtain'd by their hands. If any man should ask you; Souldiers, why are you carry'd into Italy, and were not disbanded as soon as the Province was setled: why do you come to Rome in such a Warlike posture: why do you stay here, and do not get you gone every man to his respective home: what could you answer, but that you would seem to triumph? And indeed you, who got the Victory, ought to desire to be seen.

[ XXXIX] There were those that triumph'd lately over Philip, this mans Father, and over An∣tiochus; who were both possess'd of their Kingdoms at the same time: and shall not Aemilius triumph over Perseus, who is taken, and brought, with his Children into our very City? If L. Paulus, when the other two are going in their Chariot up to the Ca∣pitol, adorn'd with gold and purple, should ask as a private Roman from among the crowd below; L. Anicius, and Cn. Octavius! do you think your selves or me more worthy to triumph? I am confident they would quit the Chariot, and with their own hands for shame deliver to him their badges of honour. And will you, Romans, rather have Gentius led in triumph than Perseus, or have a triumph celebrated for the acc••ssion of a War rather than for the War it self? Shall the Legions, and Naval Forces out of Illyri∣cum march into the City with Laurels on their Heads; and the Macedonian Legions, being deny'd that honour, only stand and gaze upon the triumphs of other men? Besides, what shall we do with the spoils of so rich a booty, and so opulent a Victory? Where shall we put those so many thousand Arms, that were taken off the bodies of the Enemies? Shall they be sent back into Macedonia? How shall we dispose of the golden, marble and Ivory Statues; the inlaid Tables, the rich Tissues, so much embossed silver, so much gold, and so great a quantity of the Kings Money? Shall they be carried by night into the Treasury, as if they had been stolen? What shall we do with the greatest Sight of all? Where shall that famous and most opulent King, now taken, be shewn to the Victo∣rious People? Most of us remember, what a concourse King Syphax caused, when he was taken, though he were no more than an accession to the Punick War. Shall King Perseus then, now that he is taken, with Philip and Alexander, his Sons (who are persons of such renown) be withheld from the view of the City? All peoples Eyes desire to see L. Paulus, who hath been twice Consul, and subdu'd all Greece, ride in a Chariot through the City. For this reason we made him Consul; that he might make an end of that War, which, to our great shame, was spun out for four years together: Shall we then deny him for whom even when he first happen'd to have that Province, and when he went thither, we, with presaging minds, designed a Victory and a triumph, a triumph, now he hath got that Victory; and thereby rob not only men but the Gods too of their due honour? For it concerns the Gods, and not men alone. Did not your Ancestors begin all great affairs with applications to the Gods, and make that too the end? A Consul or a Praetor, at their setting forth with their Lictors in Warlike habits, to go for any Province, or to any War, makes Vows in the Capitol: and when he returns with Victo∣ry,

after the War's over, triumphing in the Capitol, brings to the same Gods, to whom he made those Vows, the deserved presents of the Roman People: for the Victims, that go before him, are no small part of the triumph; that it may appear, the General returns to give the Gods thanks for his success in the management of the Common-wealths busi∣ness: and that he offers, by the hands of one or other, all those Victims, which he causes to be carry'd in triumph. Now will you spoil all the Senates good cheer, which is not eaten, either in a private place, or a publick, that is profane, but in the Capitol (whether for the pleasure of men only, or of the Gods and men together) at the insti∣gation of Servius Galba? Shall the Gates be shut against L. Paulus's triumph? Shall Per∣seus, King of Macedonia, with his Children and the other crowd of Captives, together with the spoils of the Macedonians, be left about the River? Shall L. Paulus go from the Gate home, like a private person, as though he only came out of the Country? But you, Centurions, and Souldiers, hear what the Senate hath decreed concerning General Paulus, rather than what Servius Galba invents concerning him: and hear me, rather than him, say this: He hath learnt to do nothing but to prate, and that maliciously, and oppro∣briously too: but I have twenty three times with my Enemy, whom I challenged to the Battle: and from all those with whom I ever engaged, I brought back spoils; having a Body mark'd with honourable scars, which I received in the War: With that he, they say, shew'd his naked Skin, and told them in what War each wound was receiv'd. Which whilst he was a showing and boasting of, he by chance discover'd what should have been hid, and by that means a swelling that he had in his groin made those that stood next him laugh. Whereupon he told them; Yea, and this too that you laugh at I got by sitting whole dayes and nights on Horseback; nor am I ashamed, or do I repent of it, more than of these scars; since it never was any hinderance to me, either at home or in the Wars, but that I could very well serve the Common-wealth. I, who am an old Souldier, have often shewn this mangled body to the young Souldiers: Now let Galba shew his de∣licate, whole skin. Tribunes, if you please, recal the Tribes to give their Votes: 〈 *** 〉〈 *** 〉

Valerius Antias sayes, that the summ of gold and silver, that was taken in that War and [ XL] brought to Rome, amounted to twelve Millions of [French] money: which summ no doubt is by him made a little bigger than it should be upon the score of the number of the Waggons, and the weights of gold and silver, which he hath set down according to their several kinds. They say, there was as much again spent in the late War, or consumed and lost, when he ran to Samothrace: and this was so much the more admirable; for that so much money had been heaped up within thirty years after the War of Philip with the Romans, partly out of the metals, and partly out of other Revenues. So Philip began to make with the Romans, when he was very poor, and Perseus when he was very rich. Last of all came Paulus himself in his Chariot, with a very majestick presence, not only upon the score of his comely and graceful Body, but his Age also. After his Chariot follow'd, among other famous men, his two Sons, Q. Maximus, and P. Scipio: and then the Horse in Troops, with the Regiments of Foot, each in their order. To each Footman were gi∣ven a hundred Deniers; double to a Centurion, and trebble to an Horseman. Now they say, he would have given as much [as he gave the Horse] to the Foot, and proportionably to the rest, if they had not voted against his honour, or had shouted heartily for this summ when they were told of it. But Perseus was not the only Example of humane misfortunes in those dayes, who was led before the Chariot of a Victorious General in Chains through the Enemies City, but even the Conquerour Paulus too, though he shone with gold and purple. For of two Sons, whom he, (having given two away by adoption) kept at home, as the only Supporters of his name, to be the Heirs of his holy things and estate: the youn∣ger, who was about twelve years of Age, dy'd five dayes before his triumph; and the elder, who was fourteen, three dayes after: both which ought to have rode with their Father in his Chariot, in their Childrens Gowns [garded with purple, and called Praetextae] and have design'd themselves in time to come to celebrate the like triumphs: Some few dayes after, M. Antonius Tribune of the People, having called an Assembly, after he had discours'd as other Generals used to do about his own exploits, his Speech that he made was very well worth the remembring, and becoming a Nobleman of Rome.

Romans [said he] although I suppose that you are not ignorant, both how successfully I have [ XLI] managed the publick affairs, and that two Thunderbolts have fallen very lately upon my House, since in so short a time you saw not only my triumph, but the Funerals of my Children also, yet, I beseech you, suffer me a little to compare my private condition, with that affection as I ought to do, with the publick felicity. Going out of Italy I set sail with the Fleet at Sun rising from Brundusium: and at the ninth hour of the day [i. e. three in the Afternoon] I, with all my Ships, arrived at Corcyra. From thence I went in five days to Delphi, where I sacrificed to Apollo for my self, my Ar∣my and Navy. From Delphi I came in five days to the Camp: where having receiv'd the Army, and alter'd some things which were great impediments to Victory, I went forward, and because the Ene∣mies Camp was impregnable, and that I could not force the King to fight, I made a shift to get through his Garisons, beyond the strait pass near Petra: where, having forced the King to engage, I overcame him. By that means I reduced Macedonia into the hands of the Romans, and in

fifteen dayes made an end of that War, which four Consuls before me managed for four years toge∣ther, at such a rate, as that they left it still more grievous to the Successor. Then follow'd the Fruit, as it were, of that success; for all the Cities of Macedonia surrender'd themselves to me: the Kings Treasury came into my disposal; and the King himself, whom even the Gods themselves almost deliver'd to me, was taken in the Temple of Samothrace, together with his Children. And now my Fortune seemed too great, even to my self, and therefore was the more to be suspected. I began to fear the dangers of the Sea in carrying over so much money as I had of the Kings, into Italy; and transporting my Victorious Army. But when all was safe landed in Italy, and I had nothing else to desire; I only wish'd, that, seeing Fortune used many times to tumble back from the highest pitch, my Family, rather than the Common-wealth might feel the alteration thereof. Where∣fore I hope the publick is discharg'd by my so signal calamity: in that my triumph, to shew the frailty, and the vicissitude of humane state, was interposed between the two Funerals of my Chil∣dren. But whereas I and Perseus are lookt upon at present as the most remarkable Examples of mans condition; He, who, himself a Captive, saw his Children led as Captives before him, hath them yet still alive: but I, who triumph'd over him, came from the Funeral of one Son, in my Chariot, out of the Capitol, to the other, who was now just exspiring: nor is there any one left of all my Family, to bear the name of L. Aemilius Paulus. For the Cornelian and the Fabian Family have two by adoption (as if I had had a very numerous Issue;) and there is no body left in Paulus's House but himself. But your felicity, and the publick prosperity, comfort even in this sad condition, and un∣der this destruction of my Family.

[ XLII] These things, said with so much life, confounded the minds of the Audience more, than if he had miserably bewailed the loss of his Children. Afterward upon the first of Decem∣ber, Cn. Octavius made a Naval triumph over King Perseus: which was without Captives, and without spoils. He gave to every Seaman seventy five Deniers; to the Pilots, that had been on board the Ships, double; and to the Masters of the Ships, fourfold. Then there was a Senate held; in which it was order'd, that Q. Cassius should carry King Perseus, and his Son Alexander to Alba, and there keep them; together with all the retinue, money, silver, and goods that they had. Bitis, Son to the King of Thrace, was sent with the Hostages to be kept at Carscoli: but they order'd the rest of the Captives, that were led in triumph to be put in Prison. Some few days that these things were transacted, there came Embassadours from Cotys King of Thrace, with money to redeem his Son, and the rest of the Hostages. Who being brought into the Senate made that very thing the argument of their Speech; to wit, that Cotys did not voluntarily assist Perseus, in that he was forced to give Hostages: and therefore desiring; that they would let them be redeemed at the same rate, which the Senate them∣selves had laid upon them, they had this answer by order of the Senate; That the people of Rome remember'd that ancient Friendship, which he had maintain'd with Cotys, and his Ancestors, together with the whole Nation of Thrace. But that the giving of Hostages was a crime, not an excuse, since Perseus, even when he was most at leisure, much less when he was engaged in a War with the Romans, was not in any wise dreadful to the Thracians. But though Cotys had pre∣ferr'd the good will of Perseus before the Friendship of the Roman People; they would consider, what was fit for them to do, more than what he deserv'd: and would send him back his Son with the other Hostages. That the Romans did not expect any return for their kindnesses, or at least chose rather to leave the receivers to set a value upon them, than demand any present reward. The Embassadours, who were nominated, to carry the Hostages into Thrace, were T. Quintius Flaminius, C. Licinius Nerva, and M. Caninius Rebilus: and the Thracians had Presents made to them, each two thousand pounds of Brass. So Bitis with the rest of the Hostages, being sent for from Carseoli, was sent with the Embassadours to his Father. The Kings Ships that were taken from the Macedonians, being of an unusual bigness, were brought on shore into the Campus Martius.

[ XLIII] Now whilst the memory of the Macedonian Triumph continu'd still, not only in the minds, but also even in the Eyes of the people, L. Anicius, upon the Feast of Romulus, tri∣umph'd over King Gentius, and the Illyrians. In which triumph all things seemed rather like than equal, to what the people had seen before: for Anicius was inferiour to Aemilius, not only in respect of his birth, but his office too, the former being a Praetor, and the latter a Consul: nor Gentius be compar'd to Perseus, the Illyrians to the Macedonians, the spoils of one to those of the other, the money taken from one King to the money taken from that, nor the Presents of one to those of the other. But as the late triumph outshone this; so it appear'd to all that well consider the person in himself, that he was in no wise to be contemned. For he had totally subdu'd, in a few dayes, the whole Nation of the Il∣lyrians, both by Sea and Land; though they were a Warlike people, and had good places well fortified to trust to: taking the King and all the Royal Family: besides, that he car∣ry'd in triumph many military Ensigns, with other spoils and Furniture of the Kings: of gold twenty seven, and of silver nineteen pounds, three thousand Deniers, and a hundred and twenty thousand pieces of Illyrian silver. Before his Chariot were led King Gentius, with his Wife and Children, Caravantius the Kings Brother, and some other Noblemen of Illyricum. Of the booty there was given to every common Souldier forty five Denarii; double to a Centurion, and treble to an Horseman: to the Latine Allies as much as to

Citizens, and as much to the Seamen, as to the common Souldiers The Souldiers follow'd this triumph more cheerfully, and the General himself was celebrated with many Com∣mendatory Songs. Antias sayes, that he made two Millions of money out of that booty, besides the gold and silver, which he carry'd into the Treasury. Which b cause it did not appear how such a summ could be made, I have quoted my Author for it. King Gentius with his Wife, and Children, and Brother, was carry'd to be kept at Spoletium by order of Senate; and the rest of the Captives were put in Prison at Rome: but since the Spoletians re∣fused to take them into Custody, the Princes were carry'd to Igiturvium. The rest of the booty out of Illyricum were two hundred and twenty Barks: which, being taken from King Gentius, the Senate order'd Q Cassius to give to the Corcyreians, Apollomans, and Dyrrha∣cians.

The Consuls that year, having only pillaged Liguria, since the Enemies had never brought [ XLIV] forth their Forces, did no memorable action at all, but return'd to Rome to chuse new Ma∣gistrates. Where, the first day of the Assembly, they created for Consuls, M. Claudius Marcellus, and C. Sulpicius Gallus. And the next day, for Praetors, L. Livius, L. Apuleius Saturninus, A. Licinius Nerva, P. Rutilius Calvus, P. Quintilius Varus, and M. Fonteius. To these Praetors were assigned the two City Provinces, the two Spains, Sicily and Sardinia. That year was Leap-year, and the odd day put in was the day after the Feast of the God Terminus. That year C. Claudius, the Augur, dy'd (in whose place the Augurs chose C. Quintius Flamininus) and Q Fabius Pictor, who was Flamen Quirinalis [i. e. High-Priest of Romulus.] That year also King Prusias came to Rome with his Son Nicomedes; and making his entry into the City with a great Retinue, walk'd streight from the Gate to the Forum, and the Tribunal of Q Cassius, the Praetor: where, amidst a great concourse of people, he said, He came to salute the Gods, that inhabited the City of Rome, the Senate and the Roman People: and to congratulate, that they overcome King Perseus and Gentius, and, had increased their Empire by conquering the Macedonians and Illyrians. Whereupon, when the Praetor told him, that, if he pleased, he would give him admission to the Senate that day; he de∣sired two days time to visit the Temples of the Gods, and to see the City, with his Friends and acquaintance. L. Cornelius Scipio the Questor was order'd to attend him to all places, who had also been sent to meet him at Capua: and there was an House hired, to receive him and his Retinue. The third day after he went to the Senate, congratulated their Vi∣ctory; put them in mind of his merits in that War; and desired, that he might have leave to pay a Vow, by sacrificing ten of the bigger sort of Victims at Rome in the Capitol, and one at Preneste to Fortune: for those Vows he had made for the sake of the Roman Peoples Victory. And that they would renew their Alliance with him. And that the Land, taken from King Antiochus, which the Gauls were possess'd of, though the Roman People had given it to no body, might be given to him. And lastly recommended to the Senate his Son Nicomedes. He was assisted by the fa∣vour of all those that had been Commanders in Macedonia. Wherefore the other things, that he desired, were granted; but as to the Land, they said, They would send Embassadours to inspect that matter. If the Land belong'd to the Roman People, and were not given to any body else, they should look upon Prusias, as a person most worthy of that Present. But if it had not be∣long'd to King Antiochus, it thereby appear'd not to belong to the Roman People neither: or if it were given to the Gauls, that Prusias ought to pardon them, if the Roman People would not give him any thing to prejudice another party. Besides that that could never be a grateful present to the receiver, which he knew, that he who gave it him, could take away, whenever he pleased. That they were glad he had brought his Son Nicomedes along with him: and that Ptolemy, King of Aegypt was a sufficient proof, with what care the Roman People lookt after the Children of Kings, who were their Friends. With this answer Prusias was dismiss'd: and order'd to be presented with gifts to the value of a hundred thousand Sesterces; fifty pounds weight of silver Ves∣sels; besides, that they thought fit to present his Son Nicomedes also with several things to the same value as they had done to Masgaba, Son to King Massinissa: and that Victims, with other things, belonging to a Sacrifice (whether he would offer them at Rome, or at Preneste,) should be prepared for the King out of the publick stock, as they were for the Roman Magistrates. And that of the Navy, which was at Brundusium, twenty long Ships should be assign'd for his use: till he came to the Fleet, which was given him as a present. L. Corne••ius Scipio was commanded, not to stir from him, but to provide all necessaries for him and his Retinue, till they were on board their Ship. They say, the King was mightily pleased with the kind and bounteous Entertainment, which the Roman People gave him: that he himself refused the Presents; but bid his Son take the gift of the Roman People. This account our Writers give of Prusias. But Polybius sayes, that that King was not worthy of so great and so majestick a Title: in that he wore a Roman Pileus [a Cap]; had his head sha∣ved; used to go and meet the [Roman] Embassadours, and call himself the Libertus [i. e. a Freed man, who had been a Slave] of the Roman People. [He also sayes,] That at Rome, when he came into the Senate House, he bow'd down and kiss'd the threshold; calling the Senate the Gods that preserved him: with many other expressions, which were not so honourable to those that heard him, as they were unseemly for him to use. Having staid about the City some thirty days, he went back for his own Kingdom.

FINIS.