The Roman history written in Latine by Titus Livius. With the supplements of John Freinshemius and John Dujatius from the foundation of Rome to the middle of the reign of Augustus.

THE SUPPLEMENT OF LIVY, By John Freinsheim. DECADE II. (Book 2)

BOOK XI.

Lucius Annaeus Florus HIS EPITOME.

Fabius Gurges the Consul having been defeated by the Samnites; and the Senate minding to remove him from his Command, Fabius Maximus his Father interceding that he might not undergo this disgrace, overper∣swades the Senate, by promising to go himself Lieutenant to his Son: which he does accordingly; and his Son assisted by his Counsels triumphs over the Samnites, and beheads C. Pontius the Samnite General, whom he had led in Triumph. Pestilence raging in the City, Embassadours are sent to fetch Aesculapius's shrine from Epidaurus to Rome: And bring with 'em a Snake, that came aboard their Ship, which they took for the Deity. Where this Snake went out into the Isle of Tyber a Temple is built to Aesculapius. Lucius Posthumius a Person of consular Dignity, being General, puts his Soldiers to work in his Ground, for which he is Fin'd. With the Samnites suing for Peace a League is renew'd the fourth time. Curius Dentatus the Consul having defeated the Sabines and conquer'd the Rebel Samnites who surrendred themselves, twice Triumphs in the same year. Colonies are brought to Castrum, Sena, and Adria. Triumviri Capitales are first made. The People are poll'd. The number amounting to two hundred, seventy two thousand Citizens. The Commons by reason of Debt, and troublesom Mutinies, withdraw into Janiculum whence they are brought back again by the Dictator Hortensius, who Died in his Office: Besides it contains the Wars with the Volsinians, and Lucanians, against whom 'twas thought fit to assist the Tyrrhenians.

THe Power of the Samnites was now weakned by several Battels, and there was no doubt made, [ I] but the War might be ended, if the Enemy after this defeat, and consternation, should be allow'd as little respit as could be, to recruit their Spirits. Therefore the Consul Q. Fabius a hot Spurr'd Youth, and resolved to get himself the Honour of ending the War, having speedily levied Forces, marched out of hand to Campania. For the Samnites being a hardy People, and driven to despair rather than fear by so many defeats, because the Consuls the year before had carried away all the Legions to their Triumph; made use of this opportunity, and raised considerable Forces partly from the remainders of former Fights, and partly by new Levies. And because they knew the Plague rag'd amongst the Romans at that time, and withal, that the Consuls for that year were not much to be feared either for their experience in War, or Authority, they took heart upon this, and annoy'd the Campanians a People always contemn'd by 'em, and now hated more than ever, as the Authors of their suffering, by spoiling and wasting their Country.

The Roman General had a courage equal to the reputation of the Fabian House, but the contempt of an Enemy so often routed by his Countrymen, and too much eagerness to Fight rendred him very unwary. Marching thus against the Enemy with great precipitation, at last he came in sight of an advanced party sent by the General of the Samnites, who descrying the Romans marching forward, retreated to their own men: Fabius hereupon imagining that the Enemy fled, without informing himself either of the situation of Places, or the condition of the People, commands his Army with all speed to advance; as if the whole hopes of Victory lay in making extraordinary speed.

The Samnites forwarn'd by their Scouts manag'd all things more circumspectly: for they possessed themselves of advantageous Posts, embattelled their men, and incouraged them by the Orations of their Commanders. The event therefore of this Battel was such, as might justly be expected. An Army well order'd and every way appointed easily routed men tir'd out, with their Ranks broken, as if they came not to Fight but to Plunder. Fabius lost three thousand of his men, and more were wounded: and had not the night interposing prevented it, he would have lost all his Army. Then he got to a place of more security, and fortified his Camp as well as he could in such a consternation: and here things were not in a better posture, nor mens minds better assur'd, than they were in the Field. Here was no repose for the weary, no Food for the Hungry, nor any Medicins for the wound∣ed. For they took only their Arms with 'em, having left all their Baggage in their former Camp. There∣fore

the whole night was spent between the groans of the Dying, and the complaints of the Living: whilst all waited for the next day with fear and despair, as their last.

For that men toil'd out and even spent with watching, weakn'd with wounds, and disheartn'd by their overthrow, and withal much lessen'd in numbers, were not able to withstand an Enemy, which an Army both in Courage, and Strength and also full of hopes had not been able to sustain.

Things being thus given up for lost, as it happened, the Enemies mistake was a means to relieve them: who being alarm'd with the report of the other Consuls marching against him, dislodg'd, and went another way, contenting himself with this unexpected success, lest if he went to attaque Fabius's Camp, he should be environ'd by these fresh Forces. When the Enemy went off, the Romans also retreated [ IV] to places of more security. When the News came to Rome, the People being more concern'd for the disgrace than the loss sustain'd, took it sadly to heart, that through the Consuls rashness matters should be ordered so ill that a War which had lasted as long as any before it, should be renew'd, now 'twas almost at an end; and that more terrible too than it had been of a long time before; because the Samnites were reincourag'd by this Victory. Nor had the Tribunes of the Commons only, whose peculiar Trade it was, aggravated every thing as invidiously as they could, by their frequent Speeches to the Commons: But likewise when the Senate canvassed the matter, very hard Sentences passd upon it, and a Decree was made by the Senate, whereby Fabius the Consul was commanded to Rome before such a time to answer to his Charge. When he came, several Persons accused him, nor could he defend the Fact, nay what is more, that very thing which should have helped him, namely the In∣terest of old Fabius, prejudiced his cause. For men thought him less worthy of Pardon, who having so gallant a Person for his Father, and being bred up among his Triumphs, had not only disgraced the Roman name in general, but the glories of his own Family in particular by his defeat imputable to his [ V] great rashness. The People were so incensed that they would hardly hear the Defendant Plead: But however they were pacified by the extraordinary tenderness of Fabius, and afterwards by his Speech. For he fearing, lest his Son for his miscarriage in the War should be turn'd out of his Place, forbore altogether to excuse his fault:

But modestly mentioning his own, and his Ancestors Merits, he pray'd he might not undergo a disgrace so bitter to himself, so infamous to the whole Family of the Fabii: But yet he did not in the least desire that the miscarriage of one Fabius should be Pardon'd for the sake of so many Fabii, who from the very Foundation of Rome almost had aggrandiz'd the Romans affairs: Nor likewise for those three hundreds sake, who by their own, and almost the universal destruction of the Fabian Race defended the Commonwealth: if so be that this fault were Incurable, and that more advantage was like to accrue to the publick from the punish∣ment, than from the Pardon of his Son; for he had learnt to prefer the love of his Country before any other Relation. However the worst that could be feared from the Youth was already past, but the benefits, that may redound from one of such a temper, who has been Bred up by my self, a Master competent enough by your own Judgment, may yet be expected; unless you by a just, yet unseasonable severity destroy these hopes. Many men have by miscarrying in the beginning of an Enterprise been rendred more cautious; who being admonished of a fault have often repaired mo∣derate losses with a great advantage; And for ought I know, we may impute it to Fortunes Spite rather than any mans fault, that the long Prosperity of our State, and of the Fabian Family has [ VI] now by a slender disaster been thus allay'd, tho we may stile it the kindness, rather than the anger of the Gods thus to Arm us against that fatal Pride, which usually attends too much Prosperity: and withal to mind us of Mortality by a misfortune not so prejudicial to the publick, as advan∣tageous to our Instruction. Whatever the matter was, Fellow Citizens, my mind misgave me, some mischance would happen: when in the Assemblies I solicited you not to make my Son Consul: for considering how my Father, Grand-Father, and others of my Ancestours had bore that Office often, and moreover that I my self had been Consul five times, I began to fear, that neither Gods nor Men would be willing to see the chief Honours continue still in the same Family. And I wish my Prayers had prevailed with you then; or else that you would make good your grant, lest what you have bestowed on my Son for Honour against my will, should prove an occasion of extraordinary dis∣grace to us both: and you your selves also be accused of Rashness; who if you repeal your former Act touching Q. Fabius by another Order, you will be esteemed by posterity, either to have given, or taken [ VII] away that Power without a cause. If you take a milder course, you will then preserve your own Authority, together with the reputation of the Fabian house: and the Youths miscarriage, as it has done some hurt to the State, shall be also repair'd with greater advantage. But who can assure this? I my self, (Fellow Citizens) will be engag'd for my Son to the Commonwealth, (and may it be for the good of the Senate, the Commons, and our Family) Ile go Lieutenant to my Son, to share in any Fortune, which we shall find, or make our own. My Courage still remains: and for one of my Age I cannot complain for want of strength: I can yet endure the toils of War, and stand in the field. And were I good for nothing else, yet by the memory of former fights I shall be able to terrifie the Enemy, and incourage our own men: and (which is the main thing) I can by my Coun∣sel direct the young Consul, whose Age betray'd him to this miscarriage, and by the cooler Counsels of elder years temper the vehement heat of Youth. Were I not acquainted with my Sons inclinations, and confident, that he will follow good Advice, now near the period of my Life spent with so much Honour, after so many Consulships born according to your and my own mind, such Victories and Triumphs, I would be loth to let a Reputation got by the toils of so many years at home and abroad, to be stain'd by the giddy rashness of one Youth.

[ VIII] This Speech wanted neither weight to perswade the hearers, nor truth as to the assuring of better success. The Lieutenancy being decreed by the joint consent of all, and every thing diligently provi∣ded, the Consul marches out honour'd now no less, than he was defam'd and quarrelled at when he re∣turned. Afterwards upon the way and in the Camp every thing was ordered according to the old Generals direction; and the Confederates who respected Q. Fabius for his kindnesses and great worth, were ready at hand to do whatsoever should be commanded them. The Soldiers also being desirous to repair their disgrace, and relying on their Generals Conduct, under whom they remembred how often that Nation had been routed by themselves and their Fathers, now wished with all their hearts to come to a Battel with the Enemy. The Samnites also after their last success were not less incourag'd. So

that whilst the one strove to maintain the honour they had won, and the other to regain what they had lost, they fought very smartly on both sides. And now the Romans began to have the worst of it, and C. Pontius Herennius with a party of choice Men encompass'd the Consul himself, when old Fabius seeing his Sons danger rode full speed into the thickest of the Enemies. A Squadron of Horse immediately follows him, who beyond their wonted courage were incited with shame to see an old Man outdo such brave Sparks both in strength and valour. This Effort drew after it the fortune of the Battel. The Roman Legions first stood, and being incourag'd by the Horse routed the Enemy, whilst Herennius in vain made re∣sistance: who that day perform'd all the parts of a good Commander and Soldier too, endeavouring to rally his Men that were disorder'd, to stop those that fled, and to make head against those that charg'd him. Yet he could not hinder the flight of his own Men, but lost himself the opportunity to escape. There were four thousand of the Samnites together with their General taken prisoners, and in the Field, and on their slight twenty thousand of 'em were slain. Their Camp was taken also with a great Booty therein, which by ravaging the Territories of the Enemy, and rissing their Towns either conquer'd or sur∣rendred, was increased exceedingly. So great an alteration of Affairs insuing upon the account of one [ X] Man, insomuch that an Army now victorious is defeated by those it had beaten, and that General who had routed the Consul, is now himself taken Prisoner by him, making a great show for the Romans, and adorning his Triumph, which when he return'd home next year, he obtain'd by the consent of all.

Whilst the Fabii acted thus at Samnium the other Consul, D. Brutus, to whose share the Province of Fa∣liscum fell, had good success. For being assisted by S. Carvilius his Lieutenant (for the Senate thought fit to assign him one likewise) an experienc'd Soldier and one that understood that Enemy (against whom being Consul the year before, he had fought with good success) he both ravag'd a great part of Hetruria; and also routed the Falisci, who adventured to engage him.

These things being related in the City, when the time of the Assemblies came, and it was esteem'd [ XI] disadvantageous to the State to take off the Consuls from the prosecution of the War, a Viceroy was set up. This Viceroy L. Posthumius Megellus is declar'd Consul, in those Assemblies he call'd himself, a thing without a former Precedent, except that of Appius Claudius, which no honest Men approv'd. But Posthumius manag'd his Office with as great insolence as he took it upon him. For being vainly arro∣gant [A. U. 462] both for his birth, and his now third Consulship, he formerly contemn'd his Colleague C. Junius Brutus a Plebeian by birth, as one much his inferiour. But as soon as they began to consider about the Provinces, he would neithe•• divide, nor cast Lots with Brutus for them: demanding the manage of the Sam∣nite War out of course as his due, because he said he had done such great exploits against that Enemy in his two former Consulships. The business being canvassed in the Senate with great debate; when C. Ju∣nius saw, that being an upstart, he could not obtain his right against the Interest and Power of his Col∣league, lest the variance of the Consuls should incommode the Public, he declar'd at last that he yielded of his own accord to his Colleague.

The Pestilence as yet rag'd terribly in the City and the Country: which now after three years could [ XII] not be abated by any divine, or humane remedy whatsoever, though Men had try'd all. Therefore ei∣ther by the command of the Books of the Sybils, or the Counsel of the Delphic Oracle (for this is like∣wise said) ten Ambassadours were sent to fetch Aesculapius from Epidaurus, which was esteem'd his native place, to Rome. For though the Oracle was dark enough, and the Senate could not foresee the event, yet they were resolv'd to obey the gods, making account that they would themselves reveal their own destinies, and the order they were to proceed in. Hereupon a very strange thing insu'd and mani∣festly true both from many faithful Historians, and also from the building of the Temple dedicated in the Isle of Tyber. When the Roman Ambassadours had deliver'd their Commands to the Epidaurians, they were civilly receiv'd, but because they knew not what might be given 'em to carry away that might be most for their advantage they were brought into the Temple of Aesculapius. In most parts of Greece [ XIII] the Temples of this Deity are built in high and open places. The Epidaurians also had a Temple five miles distant from the Town, which was then very famous, and richly furnish'd with the Offerings of those, who thought they had recover'd their health there. Being got in hither, whilst they admire a huge Shrine made by that famous Artist Thrasymedes the Parian; a great Snake sliding of a sudden from the Adytum surpriz'd 'em all. For the Priests in a devout posture said that the Deity shrowded it self in this form, and that when he appear'd in this guise, it was look'd on as a happy Omen. The Snake was seen for two days in the Temple, and afterwards disappear'd again. But the third day he went straight through the midst of the croud, which gaz'd on and worship'd, to the Port where the Roman Galley stood; en∣tring into which he lay down in the Cabin of Q. Ogulnius the chief Ambassadour winding himself round in several solds.

There goes an old Story, that the same Aesculapius appearing in the form of a Serpent was drawn [ XIV] by Mules from Sicyon to Epidaurus, one Nicagoras the Wife of Echetimus attending him. The Romans therefore rejoycing at this sight, as much as if they carry'd with 'em the god himself, set sail, and in few days crossing the Sea arriv'd safely at Antium and afterwards to Rome; but whilst they lay here by reason of a storm at Sea, the Snake which had not stirr'd all the while, creeping out of the Ship slides into the Porch of a Temple the most magnificent in the whole Town, and there continuing three days, the Ambas∣sadours being sore afraid, that he could not be got from thence: because all that time he did not return to meals, until at last coming aboard again they carry'd him very joyfully to Rome. The whole City came out to see this wondrous thing, and along the River side, where it was brought up, Altars were built, Incense burnt, and Sacrifices offer'd. When they were come up as far as the Isle of Tyber, the Snake swam over to that Island, which was afterwards call'd Aesculapius's Isle, and since was never seen. The Senate concluding this to be the place chosen by the god, decreed, that a Temple should be built for Aesculapius there. The Sickness whether by that means, or because 'twas otherwise like to do so, ceased. The Temple grew famous for rich Offerings, and for several persons saying they had been cur'd by that Deity. L. Posthumius treated his Colleague with the same insolence in the Province, as he had done in the City, [ XV] For when Fabius Gurges who had been Consul the year before, by order of the Senate manag'd the Affairs in Samnium instead of the Consul: Posthumius wrote to him saucily, commanding him to depart out of his Province, for that he was able of himself to manage that War. Fabius pleads to this the Com∣mands of the Senate, that he could not quit a charge the Senate had laid upon him. When the news came to Rome, they were afraid, lest the Commonwealth should suffer by the difference of the Consuls. Wherefore 'twas determin'd that Ambassadours should be sent to the Consul to require him in the Se∣nates

name to let Fabius act as General in Samnium. To this they say that as his answer was impudent and saucy, so it had one expression that imply'd an extraordinary churlishness in the Man, namely, that as long as he was Consul he ought not to obey the Senate but the Senate him, and that he might not seem more insolent in words than in fact, he dismisses the Ambassadours presently, and marches with his Army to Cominium, which Fabius besieg'd then, intending if he could not otherwise remove his Competitor, to fight with him. What a shameful sight would the Roman Army have afforded to the Enemy, had Fabius resisted as senselesly, as he was urg'd. But Fabius being a more moderate Man both in his temper, and by reason of his Fathers counsels, declaring beforehand, that he quitted his right not for fear of the Con∣sul, but for the Commonwealths-sake, departed the Province. Cominium in few days was taken by Post∣humius, who from thence march'd against Venusia, and having taken it, carry'd the War about to other Towns: whereof he won very many, partly by force, and partly upon surrender. Of the Enemies in that Expedition ten thousand were slain, six thousand and two hundred delivering their Arms, yielded upon discretion.

[ XVI] The Actions of the Consul in this War were indeed very considerable, had not his haughty behaviour reflected a great blemish upon 'em, insomuch that when he wrote to the Senate and advertis'd 'em that the City Venusia and the Country thereabout would be a most fit place for a Colony. The thing it self was lik'd 'tis true, but no notice taken of the Author either of the Victory or Counsel. That a Colony of twenty thousand Men was brought there by others, is deliver'd by authentick Authors: a great num∣ber and almost incredible, unless we suppose, that this multitude was setled there as a common garison among those savage people the Lucanians and Apulians. But as the outragiousness of Posthumius besides his other miscarriages made all people hate him, so it procur'd the esteem of all to Q. Fabius: and to him after his return to Rome and that he had made his Speech touching his Actions, a Triumph was easily granted. He triumph'd in the Consuls stead over the Samnites surnam'd Pentri the first of August. The old Fabius riding behind the Chariot was applauded by all the multitude, not onely as the Adjutant to, [ XVII] but the Author of the Victory. But he being desirous to give the Consul all the credit of the Action us'd the Title as well as modesty of a Lieutenant, being as well pleas'd to see his Son honour'd now, as when he carry'd him about in his Chariot, when he was a stripling, at his own Triumph. Moreover, the Consul gave part of the booty to the Soldiers, the rest was laid up in the publick Treasury. C. Pontius the Samnite being led in triumph is beheaded immediately, a valiant and renowned Soldier, who sustain∣ed the Roman Power so long in those days, having given 'em many smart blows, and put 'em to the highest disgrace at the Gallows of Caudium. Who by report us'd to say, That if he had been born when the Romans had learnt to take bribes, he would have suffer'd 'em to rule no longer. So that then 'twas not the puissance of Arms, but a perseverance in vertue that supported the grandeur of the Com∣monwealth.

[ XVIII] L. Posthumius in the mean time being angry for the Honours bestow'd on his Competitor, no less than for those deny'd himself, out of a peevish humour quarrel'd continually with the Senate, but this was so far from curing his bleeding wounds, that it incens'd those against him, whom by his submission he might have made his Friends. For he ceas'd not to complain of his Enemies, to rail against the States, and to vex the Senate yet more, he divided all the plunder between the Soldiers and dismiss'd the Army ere one could be sent to succeed him. The Triumph he celebrated against the Senates will, though by some 'tis reckon'd to fall within his second Consulship: yet I rather judg it belongs to this time, which is also attested by Historians noted both for diligence and faith. For these his Actions he became liable to fresh displeasures, insomuch that as soon as he went out of his Office two Tribunes of the people arrest∣ed [A. U. 463] him, and order'd him to come to his Trial before the Commons. Besides what is mention'd already, he was charg'd that as soon as he went out of Town in his Martial Habiliments, he had sent two thou∣sand Soldiers, chosen out of the Legions, into his ground to dig about his Trees, and for many days had detain'd 'em in that work; not considering that Soldiers and not Slaves had been given him, and those not to manure his ground but to inlarge the Roman Territories. Being shrewdly impeach'd of these crimes after he had in vain attempted to make his defence, he was condemned by the Votes of all the Tribes, and order'd to pay two hundred thousand Sesterces damage.

[ XIX] The two new Consuls P. Cornelius Rufinus, and M. C. Dentatus now enter'd upon their Office: both of which with their Legion wasted Samnium by ravaging the Country and destroying the Towns, inso∣much that they forc'd the Samnites who had in several places fought with 'em, by great slaughters of their Men to sue for a Peace. For whereas in so many Battels, they had lost almost all their young Men, and after C. Pontius their Councellour and Captain too was taken. Having sent Ambassadours to the Consuls and with their consent to Rome, they prevail'd to have the Peace renew'd with 'em the fourth time. The Ro∣mans, I suppose, being likewise wearied with Victory, and desiring sometimes to exchange an irksom War, that had prov'd often calamitous to themselves for the tranquillity of a sure Peace. The War I find began with the Samnites, when M. Valerius was third time Consul, and A. Cor. Castus his Colleague, [ XX] which continuing four and fifty years after with alternate fortune, or intermitted onely by short Truces, employ'd these two Nations. Whether Cornelius triumph'd for this War is not certain, but as for Manius there is no doubt of it, whose success was therefore the more remarkable, forasmuch as he having con∣quer'd other Enemies, besides triumph'd twice in the same Office. For the Sabines a potent Nation grown wealthy by a long Peace being mov'd either by the prayers of the Samnits, and compassion to their Kin∣red, or because they would stop the fire, which was like to reach 'em after the conquest of their Neigh∣bours, now took Arms, and invaded several places of the Roman Territories. Curius marching with his Army against 'em, being minded to divide the Enemy, and also to spoil the Sabines Country, sent part of his Forces by secret ways, having order'd them to alarm the Country and wast it as far as they could. This forc'd the several Armies to act separately, that each of them might defend their own: and thereby the formidable strength of the Sabine Army was broken, so that the Consul easily routed people thus dispers'd asunder. By this Expedition they came as far as the Adriatic Sea, and took so much Men and Land by it, that the saying of Curius was afterwards much celebrated, who according to the discipline of those times being readier with his Hands than his Tongue, said,

I have won so much ground, that would be like to lie desolate, had not I taken so many Men; and I have taken so many Men as would be famish'd, unless I had taken so much ground.

[ XXI] The Sabines suing for a Peace, in memory of the ancient Alliance under Tatius, and because the quarrel was not carried on with fierce animosities between 'em, were made Denizens of Rome, but without a

Vote. We have but a slender account left us of the Consuls next year, M. Valerius Corvinus and Q. Caedi∣tius [A. U. 464] Noctua: save that about that time, we find that Colonies were brought to Castrum and Adria, whence the Adriatic Sea is so call'd, and also to Sena in the Gallic Country. But considering those Countries were not then conquer'd as far as that place, I am rather inclin'd to believe other Authors, who refer the Ori∣gine of these Colonies to later times.

For suppressing Rogues in the City which were now very rise, a new Magistracy was erected, which had [ XXII] power to imprison and punish Malefactors. These Magistrates were stiled the Capital Triumvirate [or Lord chief Justices] from their number, there being three of 'em. Of a Law touching this matter made by Papirius the Tribune of the Commons I find these words:

Whosoever hereafter shall be made Prae∣tor, and shall sit in Judgment, let him propose to the people the Election of a Capital Triumvirate, and let them set Fines, and give judgment, and each of 'em have equal Authority to fine, and give judgment according to the Laws and Statutes of the people.

For then the fine was call'd Sacramentum because it was generally laid out to defray the expences of Sacrifices, by reason of the multitude there was of them in the City, and the necessities of the Treasury. Of the Polling that year we have no more account left, but that two hundred seventy three thousand were said to be poll'd. That the President of the Senate this year chosen by the Censors was Fabius Maximus is very probable, which we know upon another ac∣count, forasmuch as that honour continu'd in the Tribe of that Family, descending from Ambustus the [ XXIII] Father to Maximus, and from him to Gurges the Son. In the mean time whilst Affairs abroad went very prosperously, the State was pester'd at home with sad mutinies and dissentions. The Populace now being much in Debt, demanded discharges of it, an ancient thing practis'd two hundred years before, variously according as some turbulent Tribune us'd it to incense the people, or the oppression of Usurers inflam'd their choler. But under some of the former Consuls, the fear of sickness or Enemies did abate the public heats and animosities. When Q. Marcius Tremulus, and P. Cornelius Arvina were Consuls: but the year following, when M. Cla. Marcellus and C. Nautius Rutilius, bore Office, the tumults rose higher, [A. U. 465, 466.] to the suppressing of which rather than for any other business or War, I conceive that Appius Claudius af∣terwards surnam'd Caecus was made Dictator: whom I find in the Ancient Records to have bore that Of∣fice. But besides the rigor and oppression of the Usurers, the infamous debauchery of C. Plotius foment∣ed [ XXIV] those ill humours that were working already in the people, so that they fermented more vehemently, and suddenly. T Veturius Son to Veturius the Consul, who had been deliver'd up to the people for the dis∣honourable Treaty with the Samnites, had by reason of the misfortunes of his Family run into great Debt, and being not able to pay, he of his own accord deliver'd himself prisoner to his Creditor Plotius, to work out his Debt, and accordingly he did all kind of drudgery for him. But Plotius, is not satisfied to have thrown this young Gentleman from the hopes of a Consular House into arrant misery, indeavour'd also by force to debauch him as well as to inslave and beggar him. Afterwards seeing Veturius unwil∣ling, and readier to endure any thing than such a brutal act, he in a barbarous manner falls to beat him: whereupon Veturius gets out into the street, and then the multitude carrying him before the Consuls, judg∣ing it no small matter, brought a Bill to the Senate concerning it, and judgment was given, that Plotius should be imprison'd, and all that were in prison for Debt through the whole Town, should be discharg'd: a Law being made touching that particular. Instead of Veturius I know there is one Publius mention'd by others a Tribunes Son that was concern'd in the Peace of Caudium: Moreover 'tis said, that forty [ XXV] years before a Law had been made concerning the Prisoners for Debt upon a very like occasion: but for all that might not many Usurers exercise the same cruelties; and a former Law, as it happens, be neg∣lected by reason of the Debtors patience: until a fresh Act of the like nature shall remind people of the same? So that for the future a fuller and more exact provision might be made touching that particular. But the people desirous to be freed not onely from their slavery, but withal from the severity of the Usury, could not, though the Law and the revenge pleased 'em, sit contented. But as it happens in some vio∣lent Diseases that the use of Medicines rather increases, than mitigates the pain, so here the State was so distemper'd, that when the Tribunes of the Commons indeavour'd by all means to make a Law concern∣ing discharging of Debts, and the Creditors on the other hand oppos'd it with no less zeal and interest, the Commons leaving the City as their Fathers had done, withdrew over the River into the Hill Janicu∣lum: being resolv'd not to return home, unless they should gain their point.

The Consuls being not able to help these things (who are thought to be M. Valer. Potitus, and C. Ae∣lius [ XXVI] Paetus) they made use of the best remedy in times of great danger, and chose a Dictator. Q. Hor∣tensius was the Man; who having applied those lenitives, which the season and occasion requir'd, when [A. U. 467] he understood that the publick Peace was hindred, because the People were griev'd to see their Acts con∣temn'd and the Publian Law despis'd, thought it best, though many oppos'd him, to yield to the times, and making a new Law upon the Esculetum, he ordain'd again more strictly, that an Order of the Commons should bind all the people. The ••ommons by these and the like Addresses being pacified, and call'd home, the Dictator either by a sudden fit of sickness, or else being worn out with the toils of business, dy'd in his Office, a thing that happen'd to none afore him. The differences between the States abated for a pretty while after. But in the mean time the lustre of the Empire was more and more eclips'd; for whilst the Commons either understood not the Intrigues of ambitious Men, or else to exercise their Power, became easie to pass any Bills? many things were enacted, which not onely lessen'd the grandeur, but likewise struck at the foundations of the Government. This may be a caution for Governours, not to let the Populace, who never aim higher, if they enjoy but a competent Estate, to be forc'd by the insolencies of the Rich to desire such a Power as they are not fit to manage. The Law concerning Votes I sup∣pose, [ XXVII] was made about this time, by which the Senate were forc'd to approve the proceedings in the public Assemblies of the People, whatever they should be: who till then had the Power in their hands, that none could bear Office, unless he were first approv'd by them. This restraint controll'd the wild humours of the multitude: and though the Senate rarely disapprov'd the Assemblies proceedings, yet because of their Power to do so, they were fear'd as if they would disapprove them.

But when the Tribune of the Commons Maenius made this Law, the Power of the people was hereby [ XXVIII] much augmented; but the exactness in Elections, a thing as honourable as beneficial to the State was greatly impair'd. After Q. Hortensius's death, 'tis said, that another Dictator was made for the administration of the Commonwealth: to wit, Q. Fab. Maximus now thrice Dictator. L. Volumnius was Censor, and Flamma Violens Master of the Horse. For then they had War with the Volsinians a Nation of Hetruria: which prov'd very seasonable to purge the City of innovators, and to efface the memory of former diffe∣rences.

Moreover, a Warbroke out with the Lucanians upon a new score: who by molesting their Neigh∣bours the Thurini, that inhabit a part of Italy called Magna Graecia, forced them after many injuries to put themselves under the protection of the Romans: and the people decreed a War should be made with the Lucanians, Aelius their Tribune proposing it to them. The Armies on both sides marched out, and se∣veral actions passed between them: the memory of which with the Annals that recorded them is quite lost. The Thurini presented a Statue and a Crown of Gold to C. Aelius.

[A. U. 468] The Consulship of C. Claudius Canina, and M. Aemilius Lepidus follows, which passed without any thing of note, whereof there is any Record, save that the Wars with the Hetrurians and Lucanians seem to have happen'd about that time. We have also the Triumph of Manius Curius, for his Victory over the Lucanians, which is to be reckon'd among his four Triumphs, so many being attributed to him; but when [ XXIX] or in what Office he did these things, is not known. After this arose greater business, and memorable for no inconsiderable loss. A War being made with the Senones a people of Gaul, who had Peace and War at turns with the Romans, and now they had rested ten years after their defeat in the Countrey of Sentinum, when upon Decius's devoting himself to death, great numbers of them were slain: onely they let their young Men be listed by the Hetrurians against the Romans: but afterwards they came out in greater num∣bers than they had done for many years before, and entring Hetruria besieg'd Aretium. The Aretines before that had a desired Peace with the Romans, but though that was denied them, yet they obtain'd a Truce, which was not yet expir'd; but now they were in greater hopes of aid because they knew the Galls could not clash with their Arms, but the Romans thought themselves concerned at it: therefore by their Am∣bassadours sent to Rome they begg'd aid against the common Enemy: and now the year ended when C. Servilius Tulla, and L. Caecilius Metellus were Consuls. Some Annals put Caelius for Caecilius, but the House of Caelius being of a meaner quality is supposed not to have bore the Consular Dignity till six hun∣dred sixty years after the building of Rome.

DECADE II. BOOK XII.

Florus his Epitome of the Twelfth Book of Livy.

The Roman Ambassadours having been assassinated by the Galli Senones, a War is therefore declar'd against them, wherein Caecilius the Pretor with his Forces is defeated. And the Roman Fleet being robb'd by the Florentines, and the Admiral kill'd, the Ambassadours sent to them to complain of these injuries, are beaten: Therefore a War is declar'd against them. The Samnites revolt, with whom as also the Lucanians and Brutians many Battels are fought with good success. Pyrrhus King of Epirus comes into Italy to aid the Tarentines. The Campanian Legion under the command of its Tribune, Decius Jubellius, being sent for to aid the Rhegians, they stay the Inhabitants and seize on the Town of Rhegium.

[ I] WHEN P. Cornelius Dolabella, and Cn. Domitius Calvinus were Consuls, there arose some fear again of the Gallic War, it being reported that many of the Tuscans took part with the Gauls, so that the Senate looked on the danger of the Aretines as a thing not to be neglected; but because that neither Dola∣bella could be call'd out of the Volscinian Province, nor Domitius from Lucania without prejudice to the Affairs they had in hand: the Senate commanded L. Caecilius the last year Consul, and then a Praetor to march out speedily to raise the Siege of Aretium; But lest this War should seem to be undertaken rashly, 'twas thought fit to send Ambassadours before to acquaint the Gauls, that Aretium was under the Romans protection; and that the Gauls would seem to act more honestly, if they would not suffer their young Men to serve in War against their Confederates. Whilst the Ambassadours carried this Message through the several Cantons of the Gauls, one Britomaris a young Hotspur, descended from the Royal Line, whose Father among the Auxiliaries of the Hetrurians had been slain by the Romans, being brimfull with desire of revenge, not onely seiz'd on the Ambassadours cutting them in pieces, but tore even their Robes, and badges of their Sacred Character. When this barbarous act was reported at Rome, and in the Camp of [ II] Dolabella, people were so incensed at it, that a war was immediately declar'd against the Senones; and the Consul laying aside the Hetrurian Expedition, by great Journeys through the Sabino and Picene Countries, arrives upon the borders of the Senones, who being alarm'd by this sudden incursion of the Enemy, whilst the main of their Forces was absent, came out with a few unexperienced Soldiers, and were easily routed. The Consul giving no respite to the conquered, burns their Vil∣lages, and wasts all the Country round. In fine, he slew all that were of age, carried into cap∣tivity all the weak multitude of Women and Children, and lest the Country as desert as he could be∣hind him. Britomaris himself was taken, and after he had endured several tortures, he was reserved for the Triumph. But at the same time Affairs did not succeed so well at Aretium, L. Caecilius before the Town being routed by the Senones and Hetrurians. Seven Tribunes and many brave Men besides having been kil∣led together with the General. Out of the Legions and Auxiliaries thirteen thousand Men were lost: [ III] but the joy for this Victory among the Gauls was quite damp'd with mourning and consternation, when they understood the ruin of their own Country: for these people being furious, desperate, and rash, ha∣ving now no habitation to go to, drew together all their Countrymen that fought in Hetruria, resolving in a heat to march against Rome, as if they were led by Fate to their own destruction:

For they could not quit scores with the ravagers of their Territories, but by forcing them to behold their own City un∣der the same Fate; and to be sure they had as much courage, and greater reason to march against Rome than their Ancestours, who setting out of Clusium a place in the same Hetruria, had conquer'd that City.

Having provoked one another by such words as these, they marched out in a hurry being naturally im∣patient of delay, and now hastning the more to surprize the Enemy; but whilst they pass through their Enemies Country, several devices were found to retard their motion, whereby time was gain'd to provide

against the storm. Being thus put back, whilst they roam heedlesly through strange and dangerous places, at last they light on Domitius the Consul, and immediately joined Battel with him; but his Conduct easily prevail'd over their rashness, many of them being kill'd in the Battel, the rest in rage and despair turned the Swords upon themselves, which they had drawn in vain against their Enemies. So that a Nation but now flourishing in power for the barbarous Assassination of the Ambassadours is overtaken by a swift and a severe vengeance: insomuch that in a few months space 'twas destroyed quite, and ceas'd to have a name among the Nations, whose rights it had invaded. For the small remainder of the Senones that went to the Boii their Neighbours and Kinsmen, was wholly destroyed that same year by the Consul Dolabella. For when they by considering the bloudy slaughters of their people, and fearing the like fate themselves had stirred the Boii and Hetrurians to take Arms, they fought a Battel at the Lake Vadimonius wherein many of the Hetrurians were killed, and of the Boii a few onely escaped, but the whole race of the Senones was quite extinguished: insomuch that none of that people which had burnt Rome was thought to have surviv'd.

It seems probable that a Colony was brought to Sena about the same time, when the Romans having [ V] made themselves Masters of the whole Country, the Senones in that part of Italy were utterly destroyed. But yet the Boii and the Hetrurians having reinforced their Army with such Men as were grown up to military Age by that time, made bold again to try their fortunes in the Field, who I believe were then [A. U. 471] routed by Aemilius Papus, for his and Fabricius's first Consulship fell as this year. And 'tis certain Hetru∣ria was Papus's Province, yet in most Annals extant the account of these things, by the intervention of greater, is quite lost.

Those States of Italy that were yet free and unconquer'd, being affraid of the Romans, who by daily Victories improv'd both in valour and power, rais'd a dangerous and bloudy War, joyning all their Po∣licy and Force, as if they went to suppress a common Enemy. Nor was it thought good to defer the War till the remnants of the Boii and Hetrurians should be strong enough to divert the Roman Arms.

The Samnites first of all take Arms, having again broke the League, and entered into a Confederacy with [ VI] the Brutians and Lucanians. But C. Fabricius the Consul routed them in several Battels, the most re∣markable whereof was that, when Statilius besieging Thurina the second time, they fought hand to hand: and after great numbers slain of the Enemies, their Camp was taken. 'Tis reported that whilst their Camp was bravely defended, a Man of prodigious Stature helping to bring the Ladders, so encouraged the Romans, that they gained a complete Victory. In the fight, and in the Enemies Camp twenty thou∣sand are said to have been killed: five thousand with the General, and twenty Ensigns were taken. Next day when the Consul would have rewarded them who signaliz'd themselves in this Action, pro∣mising him that first entred the Enemies Camp a Coronet [Corona Vallaris] the Man after diligent search could not be found, whereas had he been a Soldier, he would have come of his own accord to receive his reward. 'Twas therefore credibly reported, that Mars himself was the Author of this Victory. And hence by the Consuls Edict a solemn Procession was celebrated in honour of him: the Soldiers being a∣dorned with Laurel, and performing the Solemnity with extraordinary joy.

The Tarentines had not as yet openly aided those that enter'd into the Confederacy against the Romans, [ VII] though they were the main contrivers of that League; yet they held it more adviseable to let others be∣gin the quarrel, and run the first risk of the War. Yet this Policy would now do no longer, for by an accident provoking the giddy Rabble, the whole mystery was reveal'd.

That part of Italy at that time after the mode of the Greeks who built Tarentum, and most other Towns thereabouts, diverted themselves unreasonably with Shows and Stage-plays; the Tarentines being particularly notorious for this piece of luxury: who by report abandon'd themselves so much to pleasures, that they had more Feasts and Games, than the year had days. It happen'd that they were in the great Theatre which stands by the Haven, at a Play, when L. Valerius (according to others Cornelius) the Admi∣ral with ten Roman Ships came into sight: making shew as if they design'd to put in at that Port, which bred a mistake hurtful to both sides; whilst the Romans mistrusting nothing, drew to shore, as to a place of hospitality: But the Tarentines being jealous, took the Fleet to be sent upon an hostile design. Philocharis was present (one for his lewd life called Thais by his Countrymen) who mentioning some ancient Trea∣ties, alledg'd that the Romans were not allow'd to sail by the Cape of Lacinium,

therefore he com∣mands them to make up against those rash Barbarians, and to correct their insolence by force.

The rude multitude through constant drunkenness being half mad applaud the saying, insomuch, that all ap∣prov'd the vile fellow's advice, and immediately betaking themselves to their Arms, ran aboard their Ships. The Romans wholly unprepar'd for fight fled away, but the Tarentines chasing them very hard, five onely of the Ships escap'd, the other five being surrounded by the Enemy were forc'd back into the Port, of which they sunk four with the Admiral, and took one. The Men of military Age and strength they slew, and sold the rest for Slaves. Soon after out of the same whimsical humour they make War upon those of Thurium, charging them

of being the cause that the Romans were come into those places, who when they were Grecians had chosen to be protected in their distresses by a barbarous people rather than by their Countrymen and Neighbours,

The Town hereupon being seiz'd was plunder'd: the prin∣cipal Men banish'd, and the Roman Garison having capitulated for their lives, were sent away.

This news coming to Rome, it was resented, as the greatness of the injury deserv'd. But to undertake [ VIII] a new War at such a time was judged inconvenient.

Ambassadours therefore were sent to complain of the wrong done, and to require restitution of Prisoners, and of whatever had been taken from those of Thurium, or else an equal compensation for the same. As likewise that the Exiles should be sent back, and that the Authors of these mischiefs be deliver'd up to the Romans.

After the Grecian manner the Tarentines were wont to assemble their People in the Theatre; where the Ambassadours with much ado getting admittance found the Rabble carowsing and revelling: for they at that time also kept Holy-day. Here when L. Posthumius began his Speech, he was received with derision by the scurrilous multitude; whereupon he return'd to Rome with greater reasons for War than he had when he came thence; for they used him so despicably, that afterwards no body minded what he said: but as oft as he miss'd the pronunciation of a Greek word, being himself a Roman, the whole croud laugh'd loud at it, and tauntingly call'd him Barbarian. They likewise derided the Ambassadours garb, for they wore their Gowns, and in fine turn'd them out of the Theatre, they in vain appealing to the Laws of Nations.

This usage was follow'd with worse and not fit to be mention'd, but that it may be an instance for checking the exhorbitances of popular insolence. When the Ambassadours were going away among the croud of the Tarentines that stood at the door of the Theatre, one Philonides a Buffoon (for this Town by her lewdness deserves to have the names of her Buffoons recorded in Story, whilst her Princes are forgotten) piss'd upon the sacred Robes of the Ambassadour, like an impudent Dog. This might have pass'd for the fault of one Rascal, had not the whole Town approv'd the same, and the Theatre eccho'd with the laughter and acclamations of those that applauded it. Posthumius speaking these words, This Omen is welcome; Varlet, inasmuch as you give us what we do not ask you; turning to the multitude, and shewing his garment that had been soiled; when with repeated laughter, he saw them also expose the Romans by Lampoons and antick Dances, he cry'd out,

Laugh, laugh you Tarentines, whilst you may, for you shall mourn sufficiently hereafter. The Tarentines being angry at this: "To vex you yet more, I tell you beforehand (says he) that you will be forced to wash this garment clean in your own blood.

After which without receiving any other Answer they departed. Now L. Aemilius Barbula, and Q. Marcus Phi∣lippus [ IX] being Consuls had entred upon their Office at Rome. Who having conven'd the Senate, when they saw the Vestment (which was brought foul as it was by the Ambassadors;) and that they had reported to [A. U. 472] the Senate the several circumstances of this multiplied contumely: all in general being highly incensed thereat, 'twas resolved that it should be reveng'd by Arms. But because their Forces were engag'd in so many other Wars against very powerful Nations, they could not well determine, whether they should pre∣sently send an Army against the Tarentines or stay a little; and the matter being debated in the House from morning till night for several days, some being of Opinion that nothing should be attempted before the other Provinces, at least those adjacent to Tarentum, were subdued; and others advised that a War should be immediately declar'd. At last, when the Voices had been numbred, the Senate decreed that a War against Tarentum should be proposed to the Commons. Which when the People had unanimously ratified, an Express was sent to Aemilius the Consul, who was gone to the Army at Samnium, that quitting the busi∣ness in hand, he should incamp in the Country of the Tarentines. And if the Tarentines refused to give satisfaction for the injuries they had done, he should make a just and sacred War against them.

[ X] The Tarentines seeing they had not now to do with a few unarm'd Men, but with military Forces drawn in Battalia, as it were rouz'd from their drunken fit, they began seriously to consider what they had best to do. To undertake the War seemed dangerous, to submit servile, and both could not be avoid∣ed. Whilst they thus varied in their Opinions, one rises up, and speaks to this Effect.

Why spend we the day in contrast, O Tarentines? These times require actions, not words, for the performing of which, to the advantage of the public, we want good Counsels and liberty of Speech. I am not at all concern'd, that according to the Epidemical distemper of all free States, you have been humour'd formerly with flattering Orations, though they often did you harm. For then as it happens in times of prosperity, what was most for the public Interest, you did not understand. But now the Roman Army is upon our Coasts, and the terrour of the Enemy before our Gates: by such Schooling [ XI] you shall easily learn to prefer your Interest before your pleasures: Do not yet mistake me, as if I stood up to ubraid you with things past; for to charge Men with an old fault out of season, proceeds from a malitious Spirit, such as insults over the mistakes of others: but honest Men, that love their Country, chuse to palliate and excuse the peoples miscarriages, unless when to avert a public Calamity the me∣mory of former Errors does very much conduce. For to have ones self esteemed free from Error as long as we are Men, is too proud; and yet to stumble often at the same stone, and never by the event correct∣ing our folly, to learn Caution, is below a Man. Upon the Speech of one Man we sunk the Roman Galleys. Afterwards we annoy'd the Thurians our Countrymen after an hostile manner; because they chose to be protected by the Romans rather than to be worri'd by the Brutians and Lucanians. We let the Roman Ambassadours be affronted in a most contumelious manner: and hereby we have drawn upon our selves a dangerous, terrible and sudden War, which we might have been without, and that in the unhappiest time that could be for us. In fine, the Romans are incamp'd in the Tarentine Country: and we in the greatest uncertainty are demurring, whether we shall chuse a formidable War, or a dishon∣ourable [ XII] Peace; and I could wish now at least that foregoing all false hopes, and private Interests we concert our measures with an eye to the public Interest and Honour; then might we either treat upon honourable terms, or safely take up Arms. Now I see you are divided into two parts, and almost factions, not advising upon judgment and the true state of Affairs, but each of you is byass'd by his own private reasons; for why else should so many young and poor Men as I see, be bent upon the War? and why none of the rich and the old Men like it? Is there any other reason of the Peoples being thus divided equally; but that the one in times of Peace would enjoy their Estates, and the Interest of their Money, whilst the others in case of War hope for advantage from Places of Command, or free-boot∣ing. [ XIII] We have formerly been sick of this Disease, nor has our Commonwealth for a long while wanted such Men, as desir'd to improve their own Estates, though with the public damage. All which you will certainly prevent (for I must tell you, what I conceive most expedient in the present juncture) if you do neither buy a Peace upon such unequal terms, as may intrench upon the priviledges of a Free State: nor yet oppose your own strength against so formidable an Enemy. The command in chief of our Forces has been given often to Foreiners by our Ancestors. From Peloponnesus or Sicily, Archidamus the Son of Agesilaus, afterwards Cleonymus, and then Agathocles have been sent for. In our memory, when we were infested by out Neighbours with War, our Forefathers sent for Alexander of Epirus: by which course they themselves not only enjoyed prosperity, but left the State flourishing to us. Between us and the Epi∣rots remains now the same Amity: and they are now as well appointed both for an Army and a General; and Pyrrhus is oblig'd to us for the aid we gave him with our Fleet when he fought with the Corcyreans. Think not therefore this to be my advice onely, but that of the best and wisest Persons, who have for∣tunately govern'd this State: which you ought even for that reason to imbrace, because in the former instance you see as it were the whole reason thereof with the consequence. But besides, there are other [ XIV] strong and clear arguments for the thing. There is no Man among us so Eminent, that all the rest will condescend to obey him: how great the dangers of Emulation are, especially being to deal with a puis∣sant, active Enemy, you your selves know; and whatever General you should make, he would ruin your Affairs, either by an immoderate desire of Peace, or an unreasonable inclination to War; not to tell you that against the Romans a Nation so inur'd to Arms, a War is not safely made under every Gene∣ral. But Pyrrhus doubtless for Valour and Martial Conduct is outdone by none. Perhaps 'twill be

said he will not come? Yes doubtless because he is a lover of action, and has no War in hand, he will not onely come willingly himself, but also bring with him an Army of brave experienced Soldiers, and that we may not fear any designs upon our own liberties, we may agree with him on such terms before∣hand as may secure our Commonwealth. By this means we shall have some probable hopes of obtaining either an advantageous Peace for our selves, or the glorious opportunity of prescribing Conditions to them. Though it may be hop'd things will so fall out, that the Romans may upon even terms adjust their differences with us, rather than at such a juncture receive Pyrrhus into Italy: who formerly stood in fear of a King of the same Epirus inferiour to this for glory and power.

This Counsel prevail'd, not onely because it seem'd to propose a fair way for securing the State; but also [ XV] because the Assembly being divided into two contrary parties, and neither side could prevail (the other still opposing) all of them consequently embraced that Opinion, which seem'd a mean betwixt 'em both. 'Tis reported that when the Decree for calling in Pyrrhus was commonly talk'd of in the Town; One Meto, a sober Man, having a wither'd Garland and a Link like a Drunkard, entred the Theatre together with a She-piper: and then that the Tarentines after their usual merriment commanded them both to stand in the middle, the Man to sing, and the Woman to pipe. Then silence being made, Meto said, O Tarentines, you do well in allowing any that will, the liberty to sing and dance: For when once Pyrrhus comes to Town, we shall scarce live as we would our selves.

The People being mov'd hereat, and some bustle rising among them, the Authors of the injuries done the Romans, lest any proposals of Peace prevailing, they should be deliver'd to be punish'd, having re∣buk'd the People for being so shamefully wheadled by such a sensless Fellow, drove Meto by force out of the Theatre: and then no body being left to oppose it, the Decree pass'd. But the Roman Consul having [ XVI] no answer of Peace from the Tarentines: and hearing besides that Ambassadours and Presents had been sent to Pyrrhus, applied himself to the War, and wasted the Country. Some Towns he takes by force, others upon surrender: and spreads terrour and ruin all round. Forces were also sent from Tarentum to hinder the incursions of the Romans: and a shrewd Battel happen'd between them; but the Romans having the better of it, the Grecians after great slaughters of their Men were driven into the Town. Aemilius now burns and wasts the Country about, without any opposition. The Tarentines being frighted with their defeat, as the nature of the Rabble is, (who the more insolent they are in prosperity, are the more dejected in adversity) put the Government in the hands of Agis, who always advis'd them to have Peace with the Romans: whereof they had greater hopes and desire, by reason of some of their Noblemen who were dismiss'd by the Roman General: of whose civility they spoke much, and of the kind usage the Tarentines who were either taken in the Battel, or abroad in the Fields, had received of him. But their confidence in Cyneas's coming with succors from Epirus alter'd and kept up their minds.

For Pyrrhus being a brave-spirited Man, and out of emulation to Alexander the Great, in his fansie [ XVII] aspiring to some mighty Empire, believ'd he had a way mark'd out by the Fates themselves inviting him, to perform what he had design'd; 'tis said likewise, that he was confirmed by the Delphic Oracle, which, though it was ambiguous, and consequently capable of a double signification, the King interpreted after his own fansie, taking it for a sure lucky Omen. For they say, when he consulted the Oracle touching the event of the War he had in hand, he was answer'd [posse cum Romanos vincere.] But the Tarentine Ambassadours encourag'd him more, who assur'd him that out of their own Territories, together with the Lucanians, Samnites and Messapians, and the rest of the Confederates twenty thousand Horse, and three hundred and fifty thousand Foot might be rais'd; and if he could but master the Romans with these Forces, he promis'd himself an easie Conquest of the rest of Italy. From hence also the short passage into Sicily discover'd that Island after the extinction of the House of Agathocles void, and at odds with it self, which he presum'd, did belong to him by Inheritance, because he had Children by Lanassa the Daughter of Agathocles. And when these things were done according to his mind, he intended to carry on the War against Carthage.

'Tis reported that Cyneas being a very discreet person, to shew that the King's immoderate ambition being like to mar the pleasure of his present enjoyments, was even by his own confession to be restrain'd, asked him,

What he design'd to do after the Conquest of the Romans? and when Pyrrhus told him of Victory upon Victory; What shall we do then, says he, when all this is compleated? Then, says Pyrrhus, we shall abundantly enjoy the blessings of Peace. To which Cyneas repli'd, Why cannot we, O King, enjoy the same now, whilst they are in our power, and not by undertaking new Wars utterly lose and destroy them?

But Pyrrhus being prevail'd with by a second Embassy from the Tarentines, and carried away by his own ambition answer'd,

That 'twas natural for the Epirots to fight not onely for themselves but also for their Confederates.

Yet the better to colour his designs, he made his agreement with the Ambassadours precisely that he should return home as soon as he had reliev'd them, and not be detain'd in Italy any longer than there was need of him. Then he diligently made preparations for the War: and manned a great number of Galleys: besides he set out other Vessels for the transportation of Men and Horses; making use of most of the Italian Ambassadours, (that under pretence of honour he might keep them for Hostages) in raising and levying his Forces; he sent the rest with three thousand Men before to Taren∣tum, under the command of Cyneas.

All hopes of Peace being destroy'd by the arrival of these, Agis is depos'd from the Government: and one of the Ambassadours that were return'd was put in his room by a decree of the People. Not long after Milo being sent by the King plac'd a Garison in the Fort of Tarentum, and requir'd that he should guard the Town himself, the simple multitude being glad of it, for they thought that Strangers took all the pains and trouble, whilst they had ease and security. An allowance of Victuals was therefore order'd for the Soldiers, and Money for Pyrrhus with all chearfulness.

Aemilius in the mean time being inform'd of the arrival of these forein Soldiers, that he might take his Winter-quarters in places of more security, resolves to carry away his Army into Lucania; but he was to pass through several defiles, which were environ'd with steep, and unpassable Rocks on one side, and on the other side with the Sea. The Tarentines having intelligence of the Roman Generals design, put to shoar with several Ships carrying Engines to throw Stones, wherewith they gall'd the Roman Soldiers: whilst they marched through these narrow Passes, which were expos'd to their shot. Aemilius seeing Va∣lour could not prevail, made his way through by a Stratagem, placing in the Flank of his Army which was expos'd to danger, those Prisoners which were in the Rear: in compassion of whom (whilst they

fear'd to shoot their own Men) the Tarentines spar'd the Enemies also. These are almost all the transacti∣ons of this Campagn at Tarentum.

[ XX] At Rome C. Fabricius Luscinus, who in his Consulship had bravely defeated the Samnites, Brutians and Lucanians, enter'd the Capitol in Triumph, and not many days after Q. Marcius the Consul had the same honour, being return'd from Hetruria, where he fought with good success: what the reason was that brought him back from that Province, the Hetrurian War being as yet not ended at such an incon∣venient time (for he trumph'd the 11th of March) is not recorded. I guess he was call'd by the Senate, who being then much concern'd with the expectation of Pyrrhus, drew from every part all their Forces to oppose him. For then first of all (whilst this terrible War forced the Romans to put out se∣veral Armies for their defence) the common Subjects, who were anciently exempt from warfare, were listed, and Arms were given them upon the public charge, they being too poor to buy for themselves: So that whilst the Legions were elsewhere employed, several Squadrons of these being posted upon the walls and in the Market-place might guard the City.

Nor could all these Methods have prevented imminent ruin, had not the fortune of a People design'd by Fate to be Sovereign of the World, reserv'd for these dangerous times, very great Men, and perhaps the bravest of any that State ever had; being not renown'd for Wealth or Parentage, but for their Valour and contempt of Riches. For this Age bred up the Curii, and the Coruncanii, persons not esteemed for Wealth, or Extraction, but of eminent Renown; which they (being persons of great integrity) acquir'd by their experience in War, and an equal probity of Manners, doing good service to their Country both ways, which against a King to be fear'd on either account, had as great need of Men that would con∣temn his Gold, as of such as would put back his Sword.

[ XXII] Pyrrhus in the mean while not tarrying 'till Spring, as he was bringing with him an Army of 22 thousand Foot, and 3000 Horse, besides twenty Elephants, and a company of Archers, and Slingers, met in the midst of his Voyage with a great storm, wherein he was almost cast away: the Navy being dispersed and several Ships wrack'd, when the Admiral also was in danger, Pyrrhus threw himself into the Sea, and with much ado swam to shore: his courage supporting his loss of strength, and the good attendance of the Mes∣sapians, who treated him being cast out upon their shore, with all kindness and civility; some of the Ships that had escap'd, were recover'd by their means: and a few Horsemen, two Elephants, and under two thousand Foot were got together. With these Forces he marches towards Tarentum, where Cyneas with his Men went out to meet him, and waited on him into the Town, where being receiv'd by the Ta∣rentines with all expressions of joy, he repos'd himself a few days: in which time when he observ'd the manners of this People to be such, that unless they were reform'd, they could not be preserv'd by any body, but would be like to undo their own defenders, he took no more notice of it for the present: till the Ships that had been scatter'd by the storm were arriv'd, so that he had Forces enough. Then he shut up their Galleries and Theaters (where the idle youth spent whole days in walking, and pastime) and [ XXIII] prohibited all Feasts and Clubs, and retrench'd the excesses of their solemn Games. After which he strict∣ly muster'd their young Men, commanding the Press-masters (as he us'd to do) to list Men that were big set, and he would make them valiant: These being mingled among his own Troops, lest if they were se∣parated from the rest, they should mutiny, were train'd by him with the same exactness of discipline, none being permitted to be often absent from his Colours upon pain of death. And as for those that bore Arms already, he compell'd them for the greatest part of the day to keep guard in the Market-place. The un∣wontedness of which usage to Men of soft effeminate lives was mighty troublesom, so that they call'd it Slavery, thus to be constrain'd to save themselves, whilst they were willing to perish by their idleness and Luxury. And that which offended them more was the rudeness of some of the King's Guards, who taking up their Quarters where they fancy'd, kept them against the Masters will, and afterwards behaved themselves with the same incivility towards their Wives and Children.

[ XXIV] Many therefore being weary of such a life, left the Town, and departed into the Country, till the Gates were shut up, and a Guard was set to hinder them. Then the Tarentines understanding too late, that they had received a Master instead of a Confederate, with anger and murmuring deplor'd their condition, and that more freely, when they had assembled together upon some necessary occasions, and besides their usual passion were heated also with Wine: and some informed Pyrrhus of the same; who sent for several that were charged for railing against him at a Feast. But the downright confession of one Person among them brought off the rest: saying,

We own our selves to have spoken these words, and if our Wine had not been out, we had said worse than this.

Then Pyrrhus, who had rather have the fault imputed to the Wine, than to the Men, smiling at the matter, discharged them. But still mistrusting the humours of this people, where he saw any Person esteem'd either for his Authority or Counsel by the Tarentines, he upon just, or pretended causes sent him away to his Son Ptolomy (a Youth of fifteen years of age, to whom at his departure he had committed his Kingdom to be govern'd:) He destroy'd others by secret [ XXV] wiles. There were some, whom with a feigned civility he caress'd, using them as his Minions, that they might become the more suspected by the People: Of this number Aristarchus was one, a Person eminent among the Grandees both for his Eloquence, and also because the People lov'd him. Now because he saw this Man in such favour with the People, he commands him upon pretence of business to sail to Epi∣rus. Aristarchus when he saw it was present death to disobey the King's Command, and to obey it a more slow, but every whit as certain a destruction, went aboard, and when he got pretty far into the Sea, he changed his course for Rome, and being received there into protection, he informed the Senate at large of several important Affairs.

Whilst Pyrrhus acts thus at Tarentum, the Romans with no less diligence levied Men and Money for the War. C. Fabricius being sent to the Confederates to deter them by his Interest and Authority from Inno∣vation: they put Garisons likewise into some convenient places to keep those from revolting, whose in∣constancy [ XXVI] they were jealous of. For now whatever discontent upon account of former injuries, or tur∣bulent humour out of a desire of change was entertain'd by any Man, the strength of so many Nations joyning against one, and the expectation of such a warlike Prince had set all this a working. Whence the Romans were very diligent in securing themselves by crushing the Ring-leaders of the Factions. A remarkable accident happened about that time; some Noblemen of Praeneste, who were brought to Rome in the dusk of the Evening being imprison'd in the common Treasury: whereby they came at last to un∣derstand the quibble of that false Oracle, upon the confidence of which they had oft assur'd their Coun∣trymen, when they solicited them to revolt, that it was doom'd for the Prenestines to enter the Roman

Treasury. The Senate being already much concern'd, (upon news that Fabricius was kept by their Confe∣derates, that they by such a pledge might receive their own Men safe from the Romans, and that Ambas∣sadours were sent to stir the Hetrurians, Ʋmbrians and Gauls against the Romans) were now perplext with new trouble, by reason of an action both horrid in it self, and also of dangerous consequence at such an ill juncture, being like to bring the Roman faith into suspicion and discredit among the Italians. In the ut∣most [ XXVII] coast of Italy opposite to Sicily Rhegium stands, a Town nam'd so by the Grecians; the People wealthy and flourishing in those days. These upon the arrival of Pyrrhus apprehending the danger of the War, and being affrighted by the Carthaginian Fleets roving in that Sea, distrusting their own strength, they re∣solv'd to send for a Garison of Roman Soldiers, and accordingly four thousand Men were sent that were raised in the Colonies of Campania, (whence they were called the Campanian Legion) under the com∣mand of D. Jubellius the Tribune. These Men at the first wanted neither faithfulness nor diligence in de∣fending the Town. But afterwards, because there was no fear of War near them, they grew Luxurious through sloth, and an imitation of the Grecian softness, and comparing their present plenty with the hard la∣borious life they had led hitherto, they began to look with an envious Eye on the commodiousness of the place, and the prosperity of the Inhabitants; and when they were together in their Quarters they would talk of plundering them. This pleased Decius being himself of the same rapacious humour; and having long [ XXVIII] since contriv'd that villanous design of seizing the Town into his own hands. The conjuncture of the present War favour'd the enterprize, whereby he knew the Romans would be so taken up that they could not mind the Rhegians: and on the opposite shore he looked on the Mamertines as a President of thriving Villany, and doubtless like to be abettors of his treachery: besides that they were ally'd together as Countrymen. For these being Campanians originally, when they served formerly among the Auxiliaries of Agathocles, being received as Friends by those of Messana possessed themselves of rhe City, having killed or cast out the Men and divided their Wives and Houses amongst themselves. They remembred also how the Ancient Campanians seized on Capua being taken away from the Tuscians by a like perfidy: The design then being well approv'd, it remain'd that they should consult, how they might act this Villany safely, lest being but a few in a populous City they should be environ'd by greater numbers and kill'd. He countefeits Letters as [ XXIX] sent from the Rhegians to Pyrrhus, that the Roman Garison should be betrayed to him, and the Soldiers were privately call'd, and the Letters read, as intercepted: Decius complaining heavily of the Rhegians treachery, and some of the Soldiers prepared on purpose, crying out, that they must defend themselves with their Arms, and turn the destruction contriv'd against them upon the heads of its contrivers: withal there comes one, as they had order'd it aforehand, who says, that Pyrrhus's Navy was seen upon the Rhegian shore, and that private correspondence pass'd between Pyrrhus and the Rhegians. The Soldiers besides their former eagerness to the thing, were now also enrag'd by the treachery of the Enemy, and the fear of danger, and by the consent of all they came to this resolution, that they should surprize the Town, and having kill'd the men they should seize upon all their public and private Wealth. Hereupon this horrid and infamous act was committed; for Decius having invited some of the chief Men to Supper, kills them at his Table, against all the sacred ties of hospitality. Others were assassinated in their own Houses, and the greatest part of the Rhegians, being murther'd: the rest were expelled their Country by those very persons, whom a little before they had re∣ceiv'd into it (for the defence of themselves and their Country) under the name of Friends and Confede∣rates. This done, they drew up a new Model of Government: the Houses and Estates of these poor [ XXX] wretches being divided among the Villains: and whilst the slaughter was yet fresh, the Widows and Vir∣gins were forced to marry those who had slain their Husbands and Fathers: and the power and name of the Rhegian State was assum'd by this treacherous Legion.

But God has well order'd for Mankind that generally instances of notorious Villanies prove likewise Examples of as remarkable vengeance, that no man should be encouraged to the same practices by the success of Impiety, but deterr'd by the consequence thereof. For wicked men can never enjoy true fe∣licity; nor is there any greater folly than to imagine any man happier by his wickedness; for, supposing that no punishments remain'd after this life, which yet wise men know to be very great, (though such is the infidelity of some Men, that they are apt to disbelieve even what they see; much more what they are not sensible of) yet though every thing should hit luckily, the reflexion upon their own guilts will gall their minds with inward anxiety: their names whilst they live, and their memories when they are dead will be hated and abhorred amongst Men; and what they have got so basely, and kept so diligently, is taken away from them to their great sorrow, neither God nor Man suffering Villains to pass long with impunity.

And here I think it not amiss to relate the punishments inflicted on Decius Jubellius, and his Complices in [ XXXI] this barbarous act: which in point of time fell in with these matters we treat of; for their final destruction, (they being in the mean while plagu'd with several disasters) was deferr'd till ten years after, as we shall mention in time; for these Rogues had no long peace or joy among themselves. However: they se∣cur'd themselves from the Romans and Pyrrhus, besides the opportunity of the times, by making a Peace with the Mamertines, with conditions for mutual Security. For at present in the infancy of their State, until their Commonwealth erected so violently and suddenly were establish'd, it was thought the best course to abstain from War: for that they could not safely take Arms against the King, and hop'd for an easier pardon from the Romans, if they should not fight against them also. The first occasion of their Quarrel, (as it is wont to be among Thieves) arose from rhe unequal division of the Spoil. Decius in the tumult being driven out fled to Messina. The Garison of the place chusing his Secretary M. Caesius for their Commander. Decius likewise, having brought with him a great sum of Money, received the same honour from the Mamertines; but he did not long enjoy his good fortunes. For it happen'd, that [ XXXII] having sore Eyes he caus'd a famous Physician to be sent for (the divine Vengeance now haling the Vil∣lain to heavier punishments) and the Physician was brought, who was a native of Rhegium, but because he had dwelt at Messina many years, his Country became unknown, not onely to Decius, who wittingly would never have trusted any Rhegian, but also to most of the Inhabitants of the Town.

This Man remembring his own Country, and being resolved to revenge its wrongs, persuades Decius that he had brought a strong Medicine for him, but that it was very safe and quick in its Operation. And then having applied a Plaister, made of Spanish Flies, and forbidding it to be taken off, 'till he was return'd to his Patient, he presently took Ship and left Messina. Decius having long enough endur'd an incredible torment, after that the Physician return'd not, commanded the Eye-salve to be taken off: which was no sooner done, but he found his Eyes were put out: and thus he leads an infamous vagrant life; being blind, and likewise troubled with a crazy body at well as a discontented mind, (like a Prisoner chain'd) he is

reserv'd for his Execution. A strange providence it was, that he should suffer this calamity from that very Man, to whom he had trusted his life, who himself had barbarously and perfidiously circumvented those whom he ought to have defended. Such examples for the good of Mankind ought to be recorded in Story. For Men can never be too much convinc'd, how far that Craftiness is distant from true Prudence, by which for a certain false good, men having contemn'd Vertue and Honesty, through base and dishonest passions run into real evils.

DECADE II. BOOK XIII.

Florus his Epitome of the Thirteenth Book of Livy.

Valerius Levinus the Consul is worsted by King Pyrrhus, chiefly occasion'd by the Soldiers being frighted at the sight of his Elephants. Pyrrhus after the Fight viewing the Bodies of the Romans that were slain, takes notice that they all lay with their faces towards the Enemy. He spoils the Country almost up to the Walls of Rome. He attempts to seduce C. Fabricius that was sent by the Senate to treat with him about redeeming of Prisoners, but cannot prevail with him to forsake and betray his Country. The Prisoners are released gratis. Cynaeas is sent by Pyrrhus Ambassadour to the Senate, desiring that for the better Treating and concluding a Peace; his Master the King with a small Guard might be admitted into the City; The Debate whereof being adjourn'd to a fuller Senate, Appius Claudius who by reason of the weakness of his sight, had a long time refrain'd coming to publick Councils, then appeared in the House, and argued so smartly against it, that Pyrrhus's request was flatly deny'd. Cn. Domitius the first Commoner that ever was Censor, makes a Cessing or general Poll, and finds 278222. Citizens. Another Battel is fought with King Pyrrhus, but with doubtful success. The League with the Carthaginians is renewed the fourth time. A Renegado having offered C. Fabricius the Consul to poison King Pyrrhus, is sent back again and his Treason discovered. This Book also contains several successes against the Tuscans, Lucanians, Brutians and Samnites.

[ I] IN the mean while part of the Forces being kept at Rome for its defence, and the uncertain chances of War, the Army and the Provinces were dispos'd of among the new Consuls. To P. Valerius Levinus the Tarentines and Pyrrhus were allotted, and the relicks of the Hetrurian War to Coruncanius. Levinus conceiving that it might render him more terrible and renown'd, if he should first attack the Ene∣my; and withal that it was advantageous to the State, to have the fear and damages, as far as might be, remov'd from the Roman Territories, marches out of hand into Lucania and fortifies a Castle, that was conveniently situated there: putting in it a strong Garison, that he might both obstruct Pyrrhus's designs, and hinder the Lucanians whose treachery he fear'd, from revolting to the Enemy.

Upon the news of the Roman Consuls arrival, Pyrrhus, though the Confederates were not come together, judging it a disgrace to him to discover any signs of fear in the beginning of the War, marches out with the Forces he had immediately against him; but that by some plausible pretence he might put off the matter, and gain time, he sent a Herald with Letters, the Contents whereof were as followeth:

PYRRHƲS to LEVINƲS. [ II] I hear that you are coming with an Army against the Tarentines: but leave the Army, and come with a few Men to me. For when I shall have understood the matter, I will force one side to do to the other whatever is just, though against their wills.

To this Levinus answers:

We neither take you to be Judg of our differences, not fear you as our Enemy: but 'tis impertinently done by you, thus to meddle with other mens matters, who your self being very blame-worthy have not yet made us any satisfaction for entring Italy without our leave. Therefore we are come with our Armies in Battalia, to fight with you, as well as the Tarentines, refer∣ring the decision of our Quarrel to the arbitration of Mars the founder of our Race.

Then he march'd outright against the Enemy, and sate down between the Cities Pandosia and Heraclea; the River Siris parting his Camp from the Enemies. 'Tis reported, that Pyrrhus having gone to the River to view the Enemies posture, told Megacles one of his Friends: Those Barbarians certainly are not [ III] drawn up after the manner of Barbarians, but we shall soon understand their mettle. Afterwards having set a strong Guard to secure the Passes of the River, that the Enemy might not come over, he resolved to wait for the Confederates. For he was concern'd not onely for the present posture of Affairs, being de∣ceived in his hopes that the Romans would be straitned for Provisions in a Hostile Country, but also by reason of Levinus's confidence, which by a fresh instance he had rendred more admirable; having freely dismissed the Enemies Spies, that came to view his Camp, and telling them, that he had another Army greater than that.

In the mean while the two Armies lying so near, there happen'd continual Skirmishes between them; but there was no set Battel fought: and after they had spent fifty days in these Skirmishings, the Consul being concern'd for the same reasons to hasten a Battel, as Pyrrhus was to put it off, assembled his Soldiers and informed them of his design; he incouraged them also not to fear this strange Enemy, by lessening the Fame of Pyrrhus, and the terrour of his Elephants as much as he could. In fine, he prepares so as to be able to fight the Enemy, if he would give him Battel, or else to force him to it against his will.

Afterwards finding that Pyrrhus continu'd in his resolution, he sent the Cavalry before, as if they made [ IV] an incursion to plunder the Countrey, waiting in the mean time with his Army in order of Battel, till the shout was heard from the other side of the River. The Horsemen taking a great compass about from their Camp, pass'd the River where it was not guarded, and with great speed advanc'd against those that were posted on that side where the Enemies lay. The Epirots affrighted with this sudden appearance of the Enemy, betook themselves to their Camp; and Pyrrhus understanding that the Enemies were coming up, made haste with his Horsemen, being in all three thousand, to the River: hoping to surprize the Romans, whilst they passed over with their Ranks broken, and strugled with the roughness of the ground and waters, in a blind Foord; but when the Roman Horsemen had oppos'd themselves, the King charging at the head of his Troops, fought with a Courage equal to his Fame, being distinguish'd by his valour and gallantry, as well as by his glittering Arms. For he govern'd the whole Army by his Conduct, as if he sate loose from all other business, and also fought upon occasion, as if he had been a Common Soldier, and some other Person had been General of the Army.

In the mean time one Leonnatus a Macedonian acquaints Pyrrhus, that he had observ'd one of the Ene∣mies, [ V] who had his Eye upon him in particular, watching his motions through the Army, and riding up thi∣ther, where ever he saw him charge: To whom Pyrrhus replies, O Leonnatus,

'Tis impossible to avoid Fate: but yet neither shall this Italian nor any other man whatsoever come off with safety, if he in∣counters with me:

And he had scarce spoken this but Oplacus (for that was the man's name, he being Commander of the Fretane Squadron) with his Launce kill'd his Horse under him, and Leonnatus served his Horse likewise after the same manner, and then the King's Friends besetting Oplacus round about, kill'd him fighting, and so rescued the King.

But this accident caused a great consternation among the Epirots, who imagin'd the King himself had [ VI] been kill'd: therefore to incourage his men, and to secure himself withal from all dangers that might lie in his way, he changes his Arms with Megacles, and having left him in the Affray he goes himself to ar∣range and bring on the Phalanx. The Roman Legions likewise had a warm dispute with them, which held a long while with alternate success; the fortune of the Battel varying by report seven times: in∣somuch that one while the Romans forc'd the Enemies to quit their ground, and another while the Epirots made the Romans retire. But things were like to come to a desperate condition on the King's side, when Megacles was slain; for he being distinguish'd by the King's Armour was set upon by the stoutest of the Enemies, whilst each was desirous to have the honour of killing the King; till at last one Dexter a Horse∣man, bringing his Coat and Helmet taken from him when he was kill'd with a great shout to the Consul, made both Armies to believe the King had been slain. Hereupon the Grecians were feized upon with con∣sternation, and they would have fled doubtless had not Pyrrhus (as soon as ever he could) rode to and fro bare-headed, and spoke to them with a loud voice that he was with them and alive: whereby he both abated the confidence of the Enemy, and raised the Spirits of his own Men.

Leivnus now thinking it high time to have recourse to the last reserve, gave the Signal to those Horse∣men that lay in Ambush, to fall upon the Enemy in the Rear: but Pyrrhus sent out the Elephants against them, having reserved them for the last terrour of the Enemies. This Stratagem spoiled the Romans Game: [ VII] and gave the fortune of the Battel to Pyrrhus. For the men themselves being amaz'd at their huge bulks, and the terrible sight of arm'd men standing upon their backs, fancied, that they saw some strange Monster, rather than the shape of any natural Creature: and the Horses likewise being frighted with the sight, smell, and noise of Beasts never seen before by them, presently disorder'd the Ranks: and in a wild carrier took the next way before them; either throwing their Riders, or else running away with them, while they in vain endeavour'd to stop them. Moreover, by running upon the main Body of their own Army, they put all into confusion. The Masters of the Elephants went in pursuit of those that fled, and those that stood in little Castles upon the Elephants wounded many of them: but there were more kill'd and bruis'd by the Elephants themselves.

The Consul with much ado kept his men however yet in a body: till a Squadron of Thessalians being detached by the King broke and dispersed them, though they made a brave resistance; and doubtless all of them had either been slain or taken, because they were cooped up into such a narrow place, but, besides that Pyrrhus's held it to be a Generals Policy not to pursue the Enemies flying too eagerly, lest they should make a more obstinate resistance another time through despair of saving themselves, the Evening likewise drawing on had forced the Conquerour to leave the pursuit. Good fortune also fa∣vour'd [ VIII] the remaining part of this poor Army: for one of the Elephants having received a wound turn'd back, and with his braying disorder'd all the rest. This stopp'd the Enemy, and gave the Romans, who fled, time to pass the River, and to get into Apulia, where they were secur'd from the present danger by the fortifications of a City.

In this Battel there fell of the Romans and their Confederates 14870 Foot, 246 Horse. Prisoners taken in all 1812. among these were 802 Horsemen, beside 22 Ensigns. Which makes me marvel the more, why the Authors who have so diligently related these things should deny, that the number of those the King lost was not taken notice of: whereas Dionysius writes that Levinus lost near fifteen thousand, [ IX] and Pyrrhus thirteen: but Hieronymus Cardianus a Writer of those times says, that there were not above seven thousand of the Romans lost, and of the King's side but four thousand; but all agree that this Victory cost Pyrrhus the flower of his Army: and he was heard to say, that he lost as much as he gain'd by this Battel, and even when he offer'd his spoils to Jupiter of Tarentum, 'tis said, that he confess'd the same in an Inscription to that purpose: and that when his Confederates made complaints to him, he answered, "Truly, if I get such another Victory, I shall be forc'd to go home without a man left me. I am in∣form'd also, that the King himself receiv'd a great Wound in this Battel: but because others report no such matters: and seeing the actions of different Fights are sometimes jumbled together, I dare not believe one man against so many and those exact Writers too, who speak not a syllable of it. That this was a very [ X] smart ingagement, may be gathered hence: because that when Pyrrhus the next day after the fight view'd the bodies of the slain, which for the credit of being esteem'd merciful he order'd to be bury'd: and saw the Romans with their Faces towards the Enemy, having dy'd all in the bed of Honour, he broke out into these expressions:

O how easie a thing would it be for me to conquer the World, if I had Roman Sol∣diers.

Therefore by courteous address and great promises he solicited those that were taken, to take pay of him, and though they obstinately refused it, yet he used them with the same civility as before: never putting them in Chains, or to any of those disgraces that usually attend the fate of Prisoners.

But the Romans after this their defeat were terrified with another Calamity, which though as to the loss it was lighter than the former, yet it was look'd upon as more dismal and astonishing. For they rec∣kon'd it a signal judgment from Heaven, that a sudden storm had destroy'd their forage in the Fields, so that four and thirty Men were kill'd by the Thunder, and two and twenty left half dead: their Horses being likewise either kill'd or hurt by the same storm. In the mean while Pyrrhus took the Romans Camp, which they had quitted, and making the best use of his success he advanc'd with his Army, and by wast∣ing the grounds of all the bordering Nations alienated many from their friendship with Rome.

[ XI] Afterwards arriv'd the Lucanians and Samnites his Confederates, to whom after a light rebuke given them, for not assisting him in the Battel, he bestow'd part of the booty: being exceedingly pleas'd for that he had routed such a numerous Army of the Romans, having onely the Auxiliaries of the Tarentines, besides his own Forces.

Whil'st Pyrrhus was thus intent upon making the best advantage of the Victory, Levinus on the con∣trary by taking care of the maimed Soldiers and drawing those that were dispersed into a Body got a con∣siderable Army together: and the Senate, notwithstanding this defeat was laid to the Consuls charge by many, and that Fabricius said, the Romans were not conquer'd by the Epirots, but Levinus by Pyrrhus, or∣der'd supplies of Men to be sent him.

[ XII] When the Cryer made Proclamation, that whosoever was willing to serve his Country in the room of those that were kill'd, he should list himself; such numbers of men came into the service, that two Legions were made up immediately. With which the Consul being now recruited followed Pyrrhus at the heels, annoying his Army as much as he could: and having intelligence that Pyrrhus design'd to make himself Master of Capua, he march'd speedily to prevent him, and having prepar'd all things for its defence de∣terr'd Pyrrhus from attacking it.

Pyrrhus then turns his course towards Naples, and being there likewise disappointed in his designs, marches speedily by the Latine road towards Rome. And now he was got from Anagnia and the Country of the Hernicans as far as Preneste within twenty miles of Rome, having taken Fregellae in his way. But the Ma∣gistrates of the City upon the first news of this defeat, had put all the young men in Arms by an Order of the Senate; and at this juncture the Romans were luckily furnished with another considerable help; for the other Consul, who had better success against the Hetrurians, had ingaged that Nation by a new Treaty, so that when the Senate call'd him away for the defence of his Country, he hastned with his victorious Army to its relief being now hindred by no other Enemy.

[ XIII] Pyrrhus having in vain solicited the Hetrurians to take Arms again, and considering withal, that two Consular Armies, one before and the other behind were ready to fall upon him, returned into Campania. Where finding Levinus marching against him with greater forces than he had before his defeat, he said, "He was to deal with the Lernean Hydra, whose heads grew more numerous by being cut off. Yet re∣lying on his former Victory, he led his men forth, and set them in Battel-array. Moreover, to try the hearts of his men, and to strike a terrour into the Enemy, he caus'd the Soldiers to shout, and the Elephants to bray: but the Romans answer'd them with a more terrible noise; So that the King guessing of the Cou∣rage of both, judged it more adviseable for the present to forbear Battel; and pretending some ill Omens from the Sacrifices, he led his Army back into the Camp, from whence he return'd to Tarentum, carrying with him a rich booty, and a multitude of Prisoners.

[ XIV] The Romans, who had not abated a jot of their former Courage in these hard times, but had always hop'd the best, and spoke confidently of the success of the War, conceiving that the rewards of Valour were then especially to be bestow'd, decreed a Triumph to L. Aemilius Barbula for his actions in his Con∣fulship, who accordingly triumph'd for the conquest of the Samnites, and Tarentines, and of the Salentines who had aided the Tarentines. But Valerius the Consul was commanded

that he should carry the rest of his defeated Army to Setinum, there to encamp: and that he should make them take their Winter-quar∣ters in Tents.

At the same time it being debated in the Senate, concerning ransoming the Captives, it was order'd that they should be redeemed; their minds being chiefly mov'd thereunto (I suppose) in compassion of the Horsemen, who had play'd their parts very bravely, until the Elephants came on: but when their Horses were frightned by them, the men without any fault of their own fell into the Enemies hands, and were either killed or taken by them. Upon this account Persons of very great quality were sent Ambassadours, P. Cornelius Dolabella famous for overthrowing the Senones, and C. Fabricius Luscinus, and Q. Aemilius Pa∣pus Fellow-Consuls two years before.

[ XV] Pyrrhus was naturally a Person of an obliging address, this being the inseparable attendant of all generous Spirits: but yet his ambition whilst by a common mistake he thought Vertues to be but the handmaids of Empire, had rendred him too complaisant: so that being extravagantly addicted to desire of Glory, he had an Eye to it in all his undertakings: and though he was as valiant and as experienced a Commander as any then living, yet he us'd to try all means, before he would put things to the hazard of Battel, endea∣vouring to win his Enemy, according as each was to be wrought on, by arguments of fear, or interest, plea∣sure, or pity; and in fine by just and reasonable compositions. Therefore hearing that Ambassadours were coming to him from Rome, and imagining, that so many Persons of Consular quality were not sent upon a slender Errand, he was in hopes they came to treat of a Peace.

Therefore that they might have the safer and more honourable access, he sent Lyco the Molossian as far as the borders of the Tarentines Country to meet them with a Convoy, and he himself with a Troop of Horse bravely mounted met them out of Town, and attending them with great civility gave them a noble Entertainment. They having at first spoken something touching moderation of mind, and of the incon∣stancy of Fortune, how sudden the alterations of War, and that futurities cannot be foreseen: deliver'd their Message; That they were come to ransom their Prisoners, if he would let them be redeem'd at such a sum, or else be exchang'd for the Tarentines and others.

[ XVI] Pyrrhus did not use to determine any great Affairs without the Counsel of his Friends: who being then assembled: One of them, Milo by name advis'd, that he should detain the Prisoners and make good use of his Successes, not leaving the War till the Romans were subdu'd. But Cyneas spoke quite contrary, who first taking notice of the constancy of the Senate and People of Rome, which they had shown to be invincible, in their greatest extremities, added,

We may hate the Customs, and despise the Arms of ano∣ther Enemy perhaps, but O King, I think we ought rather to be at Peace than in War with this People. Nor will it be onely your Interest to restore, but even to give them their Prisoners: and I think you

should not delay, but send the Ambassadours immediately with Presents to Rome to conclude a Peace upon even terms. For now I suppose the time is come, wherein, if I am not mistaken, you may get to [ XVII] your self some advantage, and that with honour; for now in time of prosperity, if you will treat of Peace, you shall more easily obtain what you desire, and withal seem for no other cause, but onely of your wonted generosity to have offer'd Peace to those whom by your Arms you might have Conquer'd. But supposing you do not miscarry in your designs, but run on successfully as you have begun, and God forbid it should be otherwise, yet we are still but Men, and if Fortune varies, we shall not make Peace upon so easie, nor so honourable terms.

The rest having spoke likewise to the same effect, and the King himself assenting thereunto, command∣ed the Ambassadours to be called in, and as soon as they came, the King spake to them in this manner:

That which you Romans propose is indeed very unhandsom, when without offering any Conditions of Peace: You demand the Prisoners I have taken in the War, intending when I shall have restor'd them, to employ them against me; if you will take better measures, and such as may be advantageous to both sides, let us enter into an Alliance, and then you shall have all your own Men and those of your Confe∣derates whom I have taken, without Ransom; but if you are resolved to persevere in hostility with me, I should be esteem'd a Fool, if I should strengthen my Enemy with so many stout Men: Nor am I so straitned for Money, as to want any of the Romans: who, were we Friends, might be more proper Sub∣jects of my Liberality.

And hereupon he commanded that Presents of considerable value should be given to the Ambassadours with promises of larger.

These things were done and said before all the Ambassadours, but he had a longer and a more particular [ XVIII] Conference with Fabricius alone, which I shall relate, as I find it in authentick Authors. When they dis∣coursed privately, 'tis reported that the King among other things spake to this effect:

As I desire to have all the rest of the Romans for my Friends, so especially you C. Fabricius: whom I esteem as a Person that excels all others for your Conduct as well in Civil as Military Affairs. Yet I am sorry to see you wanting in one point, I mean, of an Estate that may enable you to live in that Port which becomes a person of your Quality. But I will not suffer this injury of Fortune any longer to be troublesom to you: and I will bestow on you so much Gold and Silver coin'd and in the Bullion, as shall make you richer than any of your fellow-Citizens: For I hold it to besit my condition to relieve such great Men as are poor, who have aim'd more at getting Honour than Money. This I look upon as a very glorious Action: by which a Prince rears the noblest Monument of his Magnificence, and tenders the most sacred and well-pleasing Sacrifice to the Gods. I shall therefore think that I have re∣ceiv'd a benefit rather than bestow'd one, if you will let me supply your necessities. Yet I would not have desir'd this of you, if the honour of this benefit accru'd to me with dishonour to your self; but now because you come not upon any perfidious design, or that which is at all unworthy your Cha∣racter, why should you refuse a small Present offered you out of kindness by a Friend with an obstinate averseness? For I ask nothing of you but what may, yea and ought to be done by any honest Man that [ XIX] is a lover of his Country: That you would bring the Senate off from their obstinacy to a more moderate temper: telling them the truth of the matter, that a War cannot be undertaken by them without great danger and detriment: nor yet be foregone by me (who promising the Tarentines my assistance, have even won the first Battel) without breach of Faith and dishonour. Nor am I for having War with you, whom I esteem worthier my friendship, than my hatred: and by reason of many businesses falling out, which require my presence I had rather return into my own Kingdom; and for this I will give all the Security you can desire, that you may be sure of my intentions: and also take away all doubts from other Men, if there be any that will say perhaps, that Kings cannot be trusted safely, because of the perfidiousness of some few, who having no sense of honesty, stand onely to their Articles as long as they make for their Interest: but upon the first apprehension of any good to be got by falshood, they will break their faith, rather than let go their advantage; but when the Peace is made, there can be nothing more grateful to me, nor more conducive to us both, than if you would go with me to Epirus, there to be preferr'd to the highest Honours among my Friends, and to be my Lieutenant in War, and a sharer with me in all my Fortunes: for I value no possession more than that of a faithful and valiant Friend. Moreover, the State of a Court, and the grandeur of a King's service is more suitable to your Genius. If therefore we shall mutually assist each other herein we shall attain the greatest humane Felicity.

When the King had ended his Speech, Fabricius a little after began thus:

If I am observ'd to have any Skill in the management either of Civil or Military Affairs, 'tis needless [ XX] for me to say any thing of it: since you have believ'd others so much concerning it; nor is it necessary that I should speak any thing touching my Poverty: and how being Master of a little spot of ground and Cottage, I live not upon the Interest of Money or by the labours of Slaves, but by my own. For as to these things I suppose you are sufficiently inform'd by the relation of others; but yet if you suppose that I am in a worser condition, because I am poor, than any other Roman, truly whether you imagine so of your self, or follow others Opinion in the point, you are mightily mistaken; for whilst I do my duty with contempt of Wealth, I feel no misery; nor have I ever yet lamented my fate, either in my publick or pri∣vate Concerns: for why should I quarrel at it? unless I should blame it, because in this condition as poor as 'tis I enjoy all those things in my Country, which seem desireable by a generous Spirit, not onely with but before the wealthy. For I bear the greatest Offices among us: I manage the most important Wars: I am imploy'd in the most honourable Embassies. The charge of Religion is committed to my care: I am call'd to the Senate, and consulted with concerning the weightiest Affairs of State. There are many that praise and imitate my Actions of their own accord. Nor am I less esteem'd than any of the princpal Men of our Commonwealth: and I am thought by others an Example for the undertaking noble things. But yet all this while I do not spend a penny of my own Mony, nor does any of the rest do so. For in other places where Riches lie generally in the hands of private men, and the public Revenues are but small, the Officers out of their own Purses maintain the Port and splendour of their Place; but our Common∣wealth has far different Constitutions, being no ways burthensom to the Estates of private men. All that [ XXI] Equipage wherewith our Countrymen, as many of them as are employ'd in the management of State Af∣fairs, are so splendidly furnish'd, is given by the Public. Hereby all Estates are made equal: insomuch that the poorest can lack nothing for the maintaining either his public or personal Honour, nor the richest

have any thing over. Therefore inasmuch as being the poorest of all, I come not short of any of the wealthiest in what is commendable and good, why should I complain of my Fortune? Should I require of her that she should have made me equal to Kings, who have it in their power to heap up vast Treasures.

[ XXII] Thus far touching my publick Capacity: now in my private one, my poverty is so far from being a burthen to me: that on the contrary when I compare my self with your Rich men, my condition seems infinitely happier than theirs: and I counr my self one of those few, who have attain'd the greatest hap∣piness of this World: and therefore I bless my Stars for my condition, and I am thankful for my poverty. For since it seems but an idle thing to me to covet superfluities, and withal since my little Spot of ground, if well cultivated, will supply me with necessaries, I do not know why I should be solicitous for any more Wealth. For my appetite recommends any sort of Diet to my taste: I procure my self an easie sleep by labour: my Cloaths if they are warm, satisfie me: in Housholdstuff I like that best which is cheapest and fittest for the use it is designed to; wherefore I should be unjust to accuse Fortune for not granting me a greater stock of Wealth than my nature requires: which never implanted in me either a [ XXIII] desire of too great Riches, or the skill of getting them. Wherefore (as poor as I am) I think my self richer than the richest, not excepting your self, for I have as much as I desire. But what made you come into Italy seeing you already possess'd Epirus and other places, but that you thought your self poor? Ay, but Wealth inables one man to benefit others: and this I cannot do for poverty. But this con∣cerns me no more, than that I have no other extraordinary accomplishments; that God has not made me a great Scholar, or a Prophet, for other mens good, or any thing else; but if I serve my Friends and my Country with those Talents that I have, and do all the good I can to any man: I think I am thus far free also from this imputation. Nor may you count these things small and trivial, who pretend to an high value of them, and seem ready to buy them off at such a dear rate; but if great Wealth be onely desireable for helping the necessitous, and that the possession thereof upon that score renders a man any [ XXIV] thing happy; as to you, Kings, the matter seemeth: Which is the best way of getting Wealth, to re∣ceive it from you dishonorably, or to get it my self hereafter handsomly? My good successes in the service of the State have given me brave opportunities to improve my fortunes, as at other times often, so especi∣ally four years ago, when being Consul I was sent with an Army against the Lucanians, Samnites and Brutians, and wasted their large Territories; and having routed them in several Battels took and rifled their rich Towns: from which Booty after I had given largesses to my Soldiers, and repay'd private per∣sons, whatever they had lent the State upon the occasions of the War, there remain'd the sum of four hundred Talents, which I laid up in the common Treasure-house. Seeing therefore that I have thus re∣fus'd to make my fortune by just and honourable means out of this Booty, which was ready in my [ XXV] hand; and like V. Publicola and many other noble Romans who have rais'd the State to this pitch, pre∣ferr'd Honour before Interest; shall I now take Bribes of you, quitting an honest way of getting Wealth for one as infamous as dangerous? Besides, as for that Wealth I could have spent it freely upon some good uses: but there is no probability of getting so much good by this; for that Money which comes by anothers bounty, seems rather to be lent than given: and it is an incumbrance to a generous man, until it is repay'd, whether it be given and receiv'd upon the account of friendship, hospitality, or kind∣ness. But now what do you think would be the issue of the matter, if the thing should be discover'd (and it cannot be conceal'd) to those Magistrates, called Censors from their Authority in reforming Man∣ners, and that they should impeach me of Bribery?

'Tis added by most that Pyrrhus knowing such a brave Man was not too dearly bought at any rate, try'd his constancy and resolution more importunately a second time; after other large Promises offering to him part of his Kingdom. And that the Roman was concern'd at it, onely so far, that he could not tell what to think of Pyrrhus's design. For, says he, if you think me an honest Man, why do you corrupt me? if a Knave, why do you court me?

Afterwards, 'tis reported that he should say, This business would prove neither pleasing nor profitable to Pyrrhus himself if it would succeed; for his free carriage might give distaste both to the King and his Friends: and if the Epirots would but taste his justice and temperance, they would probably leave the [ XXVI] King, and come over to him. All which together with what I shall hereafter deliver, as being related by several Authors I thought pertinent and useful to mention: whereby the minds and dispositions of those persons might be known, by whom the Roman State being buoy'd up, through so many difficulties and ca∣lamities arriv'd to such an incomparable grandeur of Empire and Renown: and that by a remarkable in∣stance it might more easily appear, how men ought to be qualified if they intend to be admir'd; and to leave their posterity a more flourishing State than they receiv'd from their Forefathers.

When these things therefore had been said and heard 'tis reported, that the King gave over the business for the present. But two days after he order'd Fabricius to be call'd to him: and whilst they were talk∣ing, an Elephant which was prepar'd beforehand to affright Fabricius, and placed behind a Curtain at their backs, when the Curtain was suddenly drawn aside, let down his Trunk upon Fabricius's head, and roar'd terribly, but the undaunted Hero, onely turn'd himself leisurely about, and smiling upon the matter, said, "Your Gold could not corrupt me yesterday, nor has your Elephant affrighted me to day.

[ XXVII] Afterwards at Supper when he heard Cyneas discourse of the Grecian Philosophers: how the Scholars of Epicurus made Pleasure the chiefest good, and held the management of State-affairs among the chief im∣pediments of happiness: that the Gods took no care of humane affairs, but liv'd at ease and rest neither loving the good, nor hating the bad; 'tis reported that Fabricius should say, I wish, Pyrrhus and the Sam∣nites may be taken with that Philosophy as long as they War with the Romans.

These were the manners of those days: Great men did not then strive to exceed in Wealth and Luxury, but in Valour and Conduct, in hardiness, and fidelity to their Country: for these were no warm expressions, arising from passion, nor premeditated by the speakers the more plausibly to carry on some secret Intrigue: but these men being rather admirable than imitable in our days by the constant tenor of their actions veri∣fied their words.

[ XXVIII] This same Fabricius, when he had but two pieces of Plate in his House, a Saltsellar and a Dish, with a horn Stand to hold it, and the Ambassadours of the Samnites would have presented him with Money and rich Houshold goods, carry'd his hands wide open to his Ears, and thence to his Eyes, nostrils, mouth, throat, and at last down to his Belly, saying,

As long as I can rule these, I shall want nothing: carry you the Money to them that want it.

In fine, he liv'd so all his life, that he had not any thing left

to raise fortunes for his Daughters: but this was a glorious Poverty (for the Senate being asham'd to let them continue without Portions, whilst their Father was not asham'd to leave them so, paid their Portions out of the common Treasury.

The chief Senators liv'd then with the same continence and moderation. Among whom was Q. Fabius Maximus, a person who had often bore the greatest Offices; who having been once Censor refus'd the Of∣fice a second time, saying, that it was not for the Interest of the Commonwealth, to have the same men often chosen Censors. This Man also receiv'd a like testimony of his poverty, and the public Charity from the Romans. For when he dy'd there was so much Money given by the people as inabled his Son Gurges to give a Dole, and to make a public Feast.

Curius also out of a like generosity contemn'd the Sabines Presents, as Fabricius had done those of the [ XXIX] Samnites. Aemilius Papus Fabricius's Colleague in several Offices, as also Tib. Coruncanius, and other eminent Persons, being of like dispositions, maintain'd a constant friendship among themselves. So that the Poet seems to me to have hit exactly the humour of those times, when he said that the Roman State was onely supported by Persons and Principles that were honest and vertuous.

In consideration of which things Pyrrhus being more inclin'd to conclude a ••eace with this Nation, sends home two hundred Prisoners without any Ransom; and if any others desired to go to Rome to cele∣brate the Saturnalia then near at hand, they were permitted to go: the King relying on Fabricius's word, which he had ingag'd for their return as soon as the Feast was ended, unless a Peace were in the mean while concluded. And such was both the Authority of the Senate, and the honesty of each of them at that time, that they return'd every man upon the day appointed by the Senate; though they had earnestly solicited their Friends who were stifly bent against a Peace.

For now whilst their minds were softned with the sight of their dear Relations, and fill'd with desires [ XXX] of enjoying them, they might be thought more inclin'd to embrace friendship and amity; and hereupon the politick Prince looking on it as a convenient juncture, resolves to send Ambassadours to Rome to con∣clude a Peace upon those terms he proposed to Fabricius, to wit,

That the Tarentines should be included in the same Treaty: That the rest of the Grecians who inhabited Italy should live free, and be govern'd onely by their own Laws: and whatever was taken away by the Romans should be restored to the Sam∣nites, Apulians, Lucanians and Brutians: and the Romans should receive their Prisoners without Ransom from Pyrrhus.

Cyneas, whom we mention'd before, was then with Pyrrhus; He was an excellent Politician, and withal an honest Man: one who by adding study and practice to the pregnancy of his own Genius had attain'd to a very masterly Eloquence. For these his Accomplishments he was very gracious with the King; who often said, "That he had conquer'd more Cities by the Tongue of Cyneas, than by his Arms.

When this Man was come Ambassadour to Rome, he cunningly delay'd the time from coming to have [ XXXI] his Audience before the Senate, and sent Presents in the King's name to the Nobility. Being afterwards introduced into the Senate, and having largely magnified his Master's Valour, and his affection to the Ro∣mans, and likewise discours'd of the equity of those terms he proposed, a great part of the Senate were almost persuaded to embrace them. For besides other things, he promised them so much Aid, if they would desist from spoiling his Confederates, with which they might easily make themselves Masters of all the rest of Italy.

But the debate held many days, the Senate being solicitous upon an Affair of so great importance, so that some report and suspicion of a Peace was rais'd. Hereupon Appius Claudius, who formerly by his Age and blindness was forced to absent himself from the Senate, caus'd himself immediately to be carried thither in a Chair, where at the first sight of him, his Sons, and Relations receiv'd him, and standing about him with respect and honour conducted him to his Seat.

There, when by reason of the strangeness of the thing, and out of reverence to the Person all were [ XXXII] silent, and expecting to hear the reasons that had induc'd him after so long absence to return to the Senate; beginning with the relation of his infirmities, he said,

Hitherto I have been sorry, because I am blind, but now I do not onely rejoyce for it, because I can∣not see the things you do; but I am sorry, that I am not deaf also, that I might not be forc'd to hear such scandalous things, so unworthy the Roman name. For whither is that Courage fled? Where are the ancient Roman Spirits? You us'd formerly to say, when you heard Alexander the Great celebrated for a mighty Hero; that his Glory was not so much to be imputed to his Valour as to his Success. For had Fortune constrain'd him to have had War with the Romans, the case would have been alter'd with him, and the World would have had another Opinion of him. But now see how much you have degenerated from that magnanimity. You thought you might have conquer'd the Macedonians: You are now affraid of the Molossians and Chronians, the constant prey of the Macedonians. You despised Alexander then; [ XXXIII] now you fear Pyrrhus, a Vassal not of Alexander himself, but even of his Vassals. Who to run away from old Enemies, rather than to seek new ones has pass'd over into Italy: intending forsooth to get an Empire for the Romans with those forces, wherewith he could not defend the least Spot of Macedonia: Unless therefore we drive him hence with considerable loss, we shall invite other Guests to come boldly into Italy, as to a ready prey, in just contempt of us. For what will the World take us for but onely a company of Cowards; if Pyrrhus being admitted into our friendship, shall be so well rewarded for af∣fronting us, that he may be able to expose us Romans to be jeer'd by the Tarentines and Samnites.

This is well nigh the whole drift of that Speech spoken by Appius at that instant, wherewith they were all put into such a heat, that in pursuance of this resolute Counsel of his, by common consent they decreed, That the War should be carried on; and that Cyneas should be commanded to depart the Town that very day, and acquaint Pyrrhus, that they would neither let him come into the Town (which he desir'd) nor treat at all of Peace with him, unless he left Italy. Afterwards a decree of equal rigor [ XXXIV] was made by the Counsel of Appius touching the Prisoners; the Senate ordering, That they should nei∣ther be sent out against Pyrrhus, nor be kept together all of them in any other place; but that some should be disposed in one Garison, and some in another, their Posts being alter'd for the greater disgrace: So that the Horsemen were turned over to the Foot, and the Legionary Foot were entred among the Light-harness'd, none being allowed to recover his former Post, till he should twice have gotten the spoils of an Enemy.

When the Ambassadors return'd with this terrible Answer. 'Tis reported, that the King being astonish'd at the Romans Courage, ask'd how the City and the Senate look'd? And that Cyneas answer'd him,

That

the City appear'd like a Temple, the Senate like an Assembly of Kings.

After this some imagine that Fabricius was sent Ambassadour to the King: but besides the testimonies of Authors, they may be con∣vinc'd of their Errour by duly considering the Series of the things themselves.

Now all hopes of Peace was over, and preparations were made for the War with all vigour and appli∣cation, so that this was a busie Winter on both sides. I think this was the time when Pyrrhus to escape Shipwracks, and to make a passage for the Epirots and Tarentines to go to and fro to one anothers assist∣ance, intended to lay a Bridge from Hydrus in the utmost point of Italy to Apollonia a Town situate on the opposite shore, for the space of fifty miles. For thereabouts Greece and Italy are so far distant from one another. M. Terentius Varro afterwards is reported to have attempted the same thing: when in the Fyrate War being Lieutenant under Pompey he guarded the Ionian and Aegean Seas with his Fleet.

In the mean time Tib. Coruncanius the Consul triumphed over the Volsinians and Vulcientians a People of Hetruria the first day of February. The Censorship was remarkable that year, the ceremony of the Lustrum being then first perform'd by a Censor descended of a Plebeian House, 278222 men were Poll'd. That Fabrius Maximus us'd to be chosen in those times President of the Senate is very certain And 'tis thought his Son surnam'd Gurges was Censor then. Cn. Domitius for having perform'd the Lustration, and because the priviledges of the Commons were inlarg'd was had in great esteem.

In the beginning of the Spring Pyrrhus having got together the Forces of the Confederates advanc'd to Apulia, and took there several Towns partly by assault, and partly by surrender. Against whom the new Consuls, P. Sulpicius Saverrio, and P. Decius Mus marching out with two Consular Armies pitch'd their Camp opposite to the Enemies near Asculum a Town of Apulia of the same name with that in Picentia. There was no doubt but that they would come to a set Battel: which was deserr'd for many days, not onely because of the deep River that parted the two Armies, but also because they fear'd each other. The success of the former Battel and the Victory of Pyrrhus affrighted the Romans; and the courage of the Ro∣mans, together with the name of one of the Consuls, which was fatal to the Enemies, terrified the Epi∣rots. For it was said, that, P. Decius to procure Victory for his men, was about to devote himself as his Father and Grandfather had done before: and the ill successes of those Battels, wherein they dy'd, render'd the threats of the Decii devoting themselves ominous to all.

[ XXXVII] Pyrrhus looking on this as a thing not to be slighted, assembled his Soldiers, and told them plainly,

That the success of the War was not dispos'd by the Goddess Tellus, or the infernal deities, who were invok'd in that Curse: for that the Gods could not be esteem'd so unjust as for the sake of one Madman to alter and dispose the fates of Armies: that Victories were not won by superstition and Sorceries, but by fight∣ing, as the Romans themselves might bear witness, who use not to encounter their Enemies with a com∣pany of Wizards and Priests, but with armed men. But yet because ignorant People are more apt to be mov'd by the fooleries of Superstition, than by true causes of fear, he told them how they might rid themselves of this fear, by describing to them the garb, wherein the other Decii had offer'd them∣selves, and warning them if they met any man so accoutred, they should not kill him, but take him alive.

He sent also a Messenger to Decius himself to acquaint him, that he should not play the Fool among armed men, for that his design would not succeed; and if he should be taken alive he should smart for it.

[ XXXVIII] The Consuls answer'd, That they trusted onely in their Arms, and needed no such desperate means of help: and to assure him of the truth hereof, they gave him his choice either to pass the River himself (which as was said before, ran between the two Armies) or else to expect the Romans on the other side: for they would either retire with their forces to leave safe passage for the King, or if he retir'd, pass over themselves. So that coming to Battel with all their forces, it might appear that they plac'd the hopes of Victory in nothing but Valour.

Pyrrhus being ashamed to discover any sign of fear or doubt in the case approves the last Proposal, giving the Enemy liberty to pass over. Their fear of the Elephants (being now grown a familiar s••ght to them) abated of it self, and by the experience of the former Battel they had learnt that their Trunks might easily be cut off, C. Minucius a Pikeman in the Vanguard of the fourth Legion having with his Sword chop'd off one of them at one stroke. But now they had contriv'd other means of defence that were safer. For they had a Chariot set round about with Iron Spikes, which was drawn by Horses covered with Armour. In the Chariot there were placed Soldiers to beat the Elephants back by shot, and casting fire among them.

[ XXXIX] The Soldiers being thus appointed passed over, and Pyrrhus on the other side set his men in Battel Ar∣ray according to his great skill in Marshal Discipline, and that excellent Conduct, wherein he was esteem'd to out do all the Commanders of his time. Having therefore observ'd the situation of the Country, which by reason of the unevenness of the ground and because the place was woody, was onely sit for the Foot to post themselves in, he plac'd the Horsemen and the Elephants upon the reserves. The Right Wing con∣sisted of his own Soldiers with the Auxiliaries of the Samnites: the Brutians, Lucanians and Salentines were posted on the left Wing: and the Tarentines whose Valour he most distrusted were placed in the body of the Army. The Consuls Army was made up of the Legionary Foot with some parties of Light-arm'd Soldiers mingled in convenient places among them for their assistance, and their reserves were order'd in the same posture. The Horse spreading themselves out upon both the Wings would neither hinder the Foot when they ingag'd, nor were they yet too far off in case there should be occasion for them.

The two Armies thus match'd not onely for Valour but numbers (each of them consisting of forty thou∣sand men) fought with so much bravery as might be expected: but Night at last parted them, when nei∣ther side could claim the Victory.

[ XL] Pyrrhus on the morrow having secured all the most difficult Passes with Guards, forced the Romans to come down into a more level ground, where the Elephants stood him in some stead: for they being sud∣denly brought on in another part of the Army than that where the Chariots stood ready against them, frightned and put to slight the Enemies Horse, as they had done in the former Battel, but to the Foot they did no great harm. The account of this fight is very different: some report that the Romans overcame, and that by an accident: when the Detatchments sent by the King against the Apulians, that plunder'd the Baggage, appear'd by their going off to the rest of the Army, as if they fled, so that by this fear and mistake all the King's Army was discomfited. A vast number are reported to have been slain: twenty thousand on Pyrrhus's side, and five thousand of the Conquerors. Besides, 'tis said that the K ••g, after he had been

wounded with a Lance through the Arm, being not able to rally his men, was carry'd almost last of all out of the Field by his Guards, and that Fabricius who was Lieutenant to one of the Consuls was wounded.

Others on the contrary say, that the fortune of this Battel and the former was alike: and that the Ro∣mans [ XLI] being secur'd by the nearness of their Camp, the loss on their side was not so considerable: but yet that they retir'd in great disorder having lost six thousand men, and that on Pyrrhus's side there were three thousand five hundred and five killed, and that was the number recorded in the King's Journal as Hieronymus writes; and this not onely difference but contradiction of Authors induces me rather to believe those, who affirm that they parted upon equal terms. For both sides use to challenge the credit of the Victory, when they go off with equal loss: which is afterwards through the carelesness or knavery of others recorded: this being a great Cheat, and a great shame to those men, who report such things for truths, for which they have onely a bare hearsay, or else believe them to be true because they would have it so. Wherefore the account of those Annals seems more probable, which tell us, that at Asculum they [ XLII] fought but once, and that after a very warm Dispute and great slaughters on both sides, at Sun-setting by reason of the King's Wound and the loss of his Baggage with much ado they parted, and that both Armies then sounded a retreat, about fifteen thousand having been slain on either side. And that this was the time when Pyrrhus answer'd one who congratulated him for his Victory: "If the Romans must be conquer'd thus once more, we shall be quite undone.

And the sequel confirms me in this Opinion. For Pyrrhus went to Tarentum: and the Consuls not pur∣suing the Enemy, setled their Army in their Winter-quarters in the Towns of Apulia. Whereas if we consider the season of the year and the posture of Affairs, the first did easily admit the prosecution of such a noble Victory; and the latter might even have enforc'd it. Moreover, I find not that these Consuls triumphed; but there are many who imagine that P. Decius the Consul devoted himself in this Battel, who immediately following his Father and Grandfather, that dy'd in the same manner offer'd himself a third Sacrifice for the Commonwealth. A thing I should not have thought fit to relate, much less to con∣fute, unless Cicero in some of his Philosophical Discourses has mention'd it, and that more than once: whilst Histories are silent in the matter.

The Battel of Asculum, whatever the issue of it was, concluded that Campagne: but in the mean [ XLIII] while they were concerting their Measures and preparing for the War.

Pyrrhus having lost most of his Soldiers and a great part of his Officers, sent to Epirus for men and Money to be brought to him about the beginning of Spring. But before that Fleet could be fitted out, some new hopes arising alter'd the King's resolutions.

For Pyrrhus had formerly possess'd Macedonia, having won it from Demetrius: but afterwards he lost it to Lysimachus in Battel. And now again there seem'd a fair way made to him for recovering it by the death of Ptolomy Ceraunus, who being slain by the Gauls, whilst Pyrrhus was in Italy, had left his Kingdom in a very troublesom condition, and no man in actual possession of it. For this reason he determin'd not to leave Epirus without Soldiers: lest at the same time it should be expos'd to the injuries of the Gauls, that were then burning its neighbouring Province Macedonia. He went not however just then into Sicily, but other occasions call'd him thither afterwards, as we shall shew in due time.

When Winter had been spent in such cares as these, the two new Consuls Caius Fabricius Luscinus, [ XLIV] and Q. Aemilius Papus both of them Consuls together before, came to the Army. Upon intelligence hereof Pyrrhus marched out with his Forces against them, being resolv'd to observe the motions of the [A. U. 475] Enemy. And whilst they were thus incamp'd very near one another, a very odd accident happen'd, which is deliver'd by several without any material difference.

One Timochares an Ambraciot a favourite of the King, came privately to Fabricius the Consul, promising, if he should be well rewarded for his pains, to poison his Master: which he made account to do easily by means of his Sons who were the King's Cup-bearers. Fabricius though he abhorr'd the Treason, gave the Senate however an account of it. The Senate sent Ambassadors to Pyrrhus, not to inform him of the Trea∣chery of Timochares, who intended to do the Romans a kindness however, but to warn him in general to look about him, and see what sort of Men, and how honest, he employ'd in his service. Thus Valerius Amias [ XLV] says; but Claud. Quadrigarius, for Timochares mentions Nicias as the person who offer'd to poison the King: and that Ambassadours were sent by the Consuls, not by the Senate; who in their Letter to Pyrrhus dis∣cover'd Nicias's design, and told him withal that they would not fight with him by Money or Treachery, but by Valour: adding, That they wished the King safe from all traiterous designs, hoping to have him reserv'd for the subject of their Triumph, and the noble Subject of their Victory.

By others 'tis said, that the King's Physician either by word of mouth, or Letter inform'd Fabricius of the matter, and that upon the Consuls discovery thereof to the King, the man was hang'd for it. Though this is uncertain, yet they are manifestly mistaken, who say, that the Physician was sent by Curius to the King.

'Tis said, that Pyrrhus being surpriz'd at this extraordinary generosity cryed out, "This is that Fabricius whom it is harder to turn from the ways of Vertue and Honesty than the Sun from his course.

And immediately that he might not seem to be outdone in kindness, he restored all the Roman Prisoners [ XLVI] he had taken, and sent Cyneas again to sue for Peace and Alliance. It was not thought honourable, either to receive a gift from an Enemy, or to have abhorr'd a Vice for lucre, rather than out of any generous principle; and therefore that they might not receive the Captives gratis: as many more of the Tarentines and Samnites were sent in lieu of them. This public moderation of the chief Men was follow'd (with con∣spicuous generosity) by a like grave and continent behaviour in private Men: insomuch that Pyrrhus's pre∣sents (for he had brought several precious ones for both Sexes) were refus'd not onely by the Men but even by the Women too. For when they had been refus'd by those who had the first offer, and were carry'd to others, there could not be found one Man or Woman so mean or covetous, as to open his door to receive them. The Ambassadours after this receiv'd their former Answer: That Pyrrhus should be treated as an Enemy of that State till he had quitted Italy. The King who was puzled at this, being unwilling to con∣tinue the War, and also to quit it dishonourably, was in this streight reliev'd by the Expedition into Sicily, which he after a long and doubtful Consultation resolved at length to undertake: For so he hoped he might upon specious pretexts decline the Roman War; and also subjugate that wealthy Island. Withal he desir'd to be aveng'd of the Carthaginians, who had first affronted him. For they upon suspicion of the [ XLVII] King's designs, a little before had sent Mago their General with a Navy of a hundred and fifty Ships, pre∣tending,

That they came with forein succours to aid the Romans against a forein Enemy: and though

the Romans did not make use of their service, the Senate answering,

That they were wont to undertake no War, but such as they could wage with their own Countrymen; yet a League was renew'd a fourth time between the two States. And to the former Articles it was added,

That if either the Romans or Carthaginians should make Peace with Pyrrhus, it should be with this particular exception; That if either of them were invaded, the other should be at liberty to assist him: and that as often as either of them wanted aid, the Carthaginians should furnish Shipping: and that every one should pay their own Sol∣diers; that the Punic succours should aid the Romans by Sea, and not be forced to Land-service.

[ XLVIII] When this was done, Mago goes to Pyrrhus, pretending that he came to conclude Peace with him, but indeed he came as a Spy to observe the King's designs, who as the Carthaginians were inform'd, had been called into Sicily: and they offer'd their Fleet to the Romans not out of any respect or love for them, but onely that they might make Pyrrhus the more deeply engag'd in the War in Italy, that so he might not overthrow their flourishing Power in that Island. They were then with a great Fleet guarding the Seas be∣tween Italy and Sicily, and made shew as if they would attack Rhegium, but indeed it was onely to hinder Pyrrhus that he might not pass over into Sicily.

For these reasons therefore the King apply'd his mind to the business of Sicily, being mightily incouraged thereunto, partly by the posture of Affairs there, and partly by the Embassies of the Sicilians, which coming one after the other brought word that he was desir'd to come by all men, as the onely support of those mi∣series, wherewith that unhappy Island was at that time more grievously harrass'd than ever it had been be∣fore. [ XLIX] For after the miserable rather than unworthy death of Agathocles, one Moeno a native of Egesta in Sicily, who also had poison'd the King, aspiring to the Government and being driven out of Syracuse by the Praetor Hicetas, had put himself under the protection of the Carthaginians; hence there arose a greater War, which was unfortunate to the Syracusians: at which time notwithstanding Hicetas's Power was in∣creased by private means, who afterwards turning his Arms against Phintia the Agrigentine, held the Go∣vernment of the Island for a long while in his hands, though in a very unsetled posture: till at length by the courage of one Thenio he was depos'd after he had govern'd the Island nine years. Thenio who en∣deavoured to keep the Power in his own hands was opposed by Sosistratus a Nobleman of Syracuse: and between these two there was a long War: whilst Thenio was Master of the Island (call'd by them Nasus) which is part of Syracuse, and Sosistratus play'd the Tyrant over the rest of the City.

At length, when both Parties saw that these quarrels would end in the common destruction of them all, they unanimously agreed to send for Pyrrhus: who being the Son-in-law of Agathocles and next Heir to the Crown, having had a Son by Lanassa his Wife, was esteemed also a man capable both for Courage and [ L] Power to settle the Affairs of Sicily. Moreover, the Princes of the Agrigentines and Leontines, who also offer'd him the Government of their respective Seigniories, ask'd him with one accord to come over into Sicily: that he might by his presence succour their distressed State, and preserve their liberty now endan∣ger'd by the Arms of Barbarians.

For the Carthaginians having wasted the Country belonging to Syracuse, besieg'd the Town it self with a hundred Gallies by Sea, and an Army of fifty thousand men by Land. Pyrrhus therefore being resolv'd not to lose time, sends Cyneas before, whom for his prudence and fidelity he employ'd very much to make Leagues with the several Provinces of Sicily. Moreover, he comforted his Confederates who were trou∣bled for his departure by telling them, that if the Romans should molest them he would come time enough out of the Neighbouring Island to their aid, being strengthned with the addition of these new Confederates.

But when he was about to leave a Garison in Tarentum, the Tarentines earnestly requested him either to give them the aid he promis'd upon those terms agreed betwixt them, or else to leave their City free; but they could prevail in neither: Pyrrhus giving them no satisfactory Answer, but commanding them to wait his time.

[ LI] Whilst Pyrrhus bends his mind this way, the Consuls find it easier to deal with the rest of their Enemies: We find therefore that at this time they fought with good success against the Hetrurians, Lucanians, Bru∣tians and Samnites. That they had but little action with the Hetrurians appears hence, because no Triumph follow'd that War: and I think they did not fight with the whole Nation, but onely with one or two Provinces: which being solicited by the Samnites, that were left in a forlorn Estate upon the departure of Pyrrhus, took Arms again against the Romans, having been at Peace a little before with them. With the other Nations as the War was greater, so the Conquest was more illustrious. C. Fabricius the Consul, his Colleague being gone, as is conjectured, to the Hetrurian War, because that one Consular Army seem'd sufficient upon the Epirots departure, overcame the Lucanians, Brutians, Tarentines and Samnites. With some of those States he made a League, among which was that of Heraclea: and he Triumph'd over all these Nations before the fifth of December.

[ LII] Afterwards when the Election was held, Pub. Cornelius Rufinus, and C. Junius Brutus were elected Con∣suls the second time. There were other Noblemen likewise who stood in competition with Rufinus, but [A. U. 476] he got it by the interest of Fabricius: who having an Eye to the public good, valu'd the safety of his Country more than any private animosities. For there was some pique betwixt these two upon the account of their different dispositions: Fabricius being a Person not superable by Money, that wholly minded the good of the Community: But Rufinus being a greater lover of Money acted and design'd several things for his own Interest. However, because he was otherwise a good careful Commander Fabricius judged him preferable to his Competitors, far inferiour to him for experience in Arms. 'Tis reported, that Rufinus afterwards thank'd him, because though he was his Adversary yet he should make him Consul, especially for so great and important a War: and that he answer'd him: That it was no wonder if he had rather be pillag'd than sold. For there were yet remaining in Italy very dangerous Wars, and Pyrrhus proceeding successfully in Sicily (whither he was now arriv'd) gave them just cause to fear, lest the King back'd with the additional Forces of this noble Island should return a more formidable Enemy to Rome.

DECADE II. BOOK XIV.

Florus his Epitome of the Fourteenth Book of Livy.

Pyrrhus crosseth the Sea into Sicily. Amongst other Prodigies the Image of Jupiter in the Capitol is overthrown by Lightning, and the Head thereof supposed to be lost, recovered and found again by the skill of the Aru∣spices or Soothsayers. Curius Dentatus the Consul when he was making his Levies, caused the Goods of one that being Cited would not answer to his name, but declined the Service, to be presently sold by the pub∣lique Cryer, and he was the first that took that Course to punish such as refused to be Listed. The same General routs King Pyrrhus being now return'd out of Sicily, and beats him quite out of Italy. Fabricius the Censor turns P. Cornelius Rufinus, one that had been Consul, out of the Senate, because he had as much Silver Plate in his House as weighed Ten Pounds. Ʋpon a Poll taken by the Censors the number of Ci∣tizens is cast up to be 271224. An Alliance is made with Ptolomy King of Egypt. Sextilia a Vestal Virgin convicted of Incest [Fornication was called so in one of her sacred Order] is buried alive. Two Co∣lonies peopled, Possidonia and Cossa. A Fleet of Carthaginians comes to assist the Tarentines, by which they first broke the League with the Romans; It likewise relates several Exploits against the Lucanians, Samnites, and Brutians, and the death of King Pyrrhus.

WHILE Affairs went thus in Italy, Pyrrhus carrying his Army and Elephants aboard his Ships, set [ I] sail from the Port of Tarentum to Sicily. After he had stay'd in Italy two years and four months: being attended by Thenio, who met him with his Fleet, he was receiv'd with the general satisfaction of all the Sicilians: who deliver'd their Towns, Forces and Money into his hands, striving which should come first. Therefore having in a short time brought all the Territories of the Greeks under his subjection; he won likewise all the Punic Dominions by Arms, except onely the Town of Lilybaeum: which the Cartha∣ginians being much advantag'd by its natural strength defended against Pyrrhus, who had in vain attack'd it. From whence having (not without cause) entertain'd great hopes in his mind, he intended to leave his [ II] eldest Son his own hereditary Dominions, and of his other two, to make one King of Italy and the other of Sicily. This King was then a Man of great fame, and worth, and the Sicilians having for many years endured forein and domestick Wars, and what was yet worse than either, Tyranny, they were ready with all their hearts to accept of a Prince that was but tolerably good. But a little after when he fell to oppress them with heavy impositions of Taxes, and to make away those that were in greatest sway among them, he render'd himself very odious. Moreover, the covetousness and arrogance of his Ministers did him no less prejudice than his own faults. So that next to that prime duty incumbent upon Kings to be good themselves, they cannot fix their thoughts upon any better or worthier concern, than to chuse vir∣tuous Friends: for whereas among private men every one is hated for his own fault, the misdemeanours of others are imputed to the Prince. But these things came to pass afterwards.

But then while Peoples affections were warm, being first nobly entertain'd and honour'd by Tindario the Prince of the Taurominitans (for he had landed first in that part of the Island) and afterwards by the People of Catana, he marched with an Army of Foot to Syracuse, and order'd that the Fleet being in a rea∣diness should steer its course near the shore: for that the Carthaginian Fleet belike would not let them have passage to Syracuse without running the risque of a Battel: but as it happen'd, a little before that time thirty Ships of the Carthaginians were gone off from the Fleet upon other occasions; and because these were not yet return'd, the Carthaginian Admiral durst not hazard Battel with the rest. Therefore having [ III] entred the Town without any opposition, Thenio and Sosistratus deliver'd him their public Fond, with their Artillery and Ammunition of War, as also one hundred Galleys, and twenty Long-boats. While he was doing these things, there came to him Ambassadours from the Leontines, who in the name of their Prince Heraclides offer'd to him their City: and other Towns likewise resign'd their Power readily into his hands: his success flowing upon him in a full tide. Pyrrhus by his obliging meen, and good entertainment having endear'd himself to them all, dismissed them; for now he had greater designs in his head, and intended, if things should thus succeed, to pass over into Africa. But his Confederates had no such happy times: for [ IV] the Romans taking this advantage of the King's absence, and the strength of the Army, annoy'd them daily more and more; whilst Milo, that was left with a part of the Army at Tarentum, was not in a capacity to defend them. However, he stood them in so much stead, that the Consuls did not fall upon them pre∣sently, but employ'd their Arms against Samnium. The Samnites, when they saw the ruine of their Castles and Country, their Allies falling off, and the burden of the War lying upon them, being unequal both for courage and strength to their Enemies, retir'd into high Mountains, carrying with them their Wives, Chil∣dren, and as much of their most valuable goods, as they could for the hurry and confusion. The Romans besides the piques of their Officers, were also through contempt of the Enemy and prosperity seiz'd upon with supine security, the attendant of success. Hence they incurr'd some danger and disgrace: for whilst the Soldiers crept up those crags in a careless and disorderly manner, they were routed by the Samnites that had the advantage of the ground. In which action many were slain, some with Darts and Stones, and some with tumbling down the Precipices: but others having neither room to fight, nor to retreat, fell into the hands of the Enemy.

This Accident made the Generals divide their Armies again, whilst one charg'd the other with the mis∣carriage, [ V] and each of them pretended, that if he had acted separately, things should have succeeded bet∣ter. Caius Junius with his Regiments staid in Samnium; and Publius Cornelius bends his course against the Lucanians and Brutians: There while he was spreading terrour and ruin all around, by burning the Villages, and laying the Country waste, he lights upon an opportunity of undertaking a greater Enterprize.

In the utmost Coast of Italy at the farthest point of the Lacinian Promontory to the Eastward, on the Ionian Sea Croton is situated a Town of Ancient Fame, and then considerable for Wealth; through the middle of it in those days the River Esarus ran, on both sides of which a great number of Houses stood inclosed with a Wall twelve miles round: the Consul not daring openly to besiege the place, trusted that he might possess it by treachery; for that he was assured by several of the Roman party within, that the Town having no extraordinary Garison in it, might be taken by the interest and assistance of those that disgusted Pyrrhus's [ VI] Government, if he should lead his Forces to the place in time. But by chance, at that nick, whether for fear of the Enemies approach, or upon suspicion of Treason (which is not generally conceal'd long) the Crotonians had sent to Milo for a Garison; and there arriv'd a strong Body of Lucanians to the place, which issuing forth suddenly defeated the Consul, who without fear of danger had made his approaches nearer to the Walls, and slew and wounded several of his men upon the place.

Rufinus was resolv'd by Stratagem to repair the loss sustain'd by his temerity, and therefore of himself enhanses the report of his defeat: and that he might seem to be more affraid, he makes a shew of quit∣ting this design, and gives Orders to his Soldiers to make ready their Bag and Baggage, as being for the march. This was soon understood in the Town, the Camp lying so near it: and besides the probability of the thing, they believ'd it the more because they wish'd it to be true. And now while they were of them∣selves leaning to this Opinion, a certain Prisoner induc'd with hopes of liberty and reward by the Consul, came among them, pretending that he had made his escape, taking this opportunity of the haste they were [ VII] in at their departure. This person informs them, that Cornelius Rufinus having not men enough to attack Croton, was gone for Locri, being inticed thither by certain, who promis'd to betray the place to him. A little after there comes in another, and tells the same story with the former; adding withal, that the Ro∣mans had now begun their Journey, and at the same time the Ensigns and the Army were seen afar off advancing toward Locri.

Nicomachus being thus trepann'd makes all haste with his men, taking the shortest cut to Locri, with an intention to defend it; which when Rufinus understood by secret intelligence, he returns back to Croton, having now by so much better success, by how much he was more subtle than before: and not onely the security of the Enemy, but good fortune too contributed to his diligence. For a thick mist happened at that time very seasonably, so that he was not seen coming towards the Town, nay his Army was al∣most entred within the Walls, before the Crotoniates knew of his returning back. And the joy for this Victory, which was great enough of it self, was accompanied with other successes not inconsiderable, Fortune being mostly in the extreams, either over-cross, or over-kind.

[ VIII] For Nicomachus reflecting upon his irreparable mistake while he returns to Tarentum being at a great non-plus, in his way is encountred by Rufinus, and loses a great part of his men, himself with the rest with much ado saving themselves by flight; after he had lost two Towns, by being not contented to defend one: for the Locrians were animated with this success, insomuch that they slew the Garison of Pyrrhus and the Governour, and enter'd into Alliance with the Romans. While matters went on in this manner the Samnites and the other Nations were not so disheartned thereby, but that besides their innate stubborn∣ness they were by the expectation of Pyrrhus and his successes in Sicily encouraged to stand it out and ex∣pect whatever should happen.

[ IX] For Pyrrhus (to speak something of his actions abroad, (as having relation both in times and places, and in the very nature of the things themselves with our Roman Affairs) having setled the Affairs of the Leon∣tines and Syracusians: about the same time went with his Army to Agrigentum, and had intelligence by the way, that the Punic Garison was put out of the Town, and that the Agrigentines were willing to serve him with their lives and fortunes; and they were as good as their word.

For Sosistratus, that had surrendred Syracusa into his hands, deliver'd to him the Town, and also eight thousand Foot, and eight hundred Horse, brave Soldiers, and not inferiour to his own Countrymen. So∣sistratus also caused thirty other Towns, whereof he was Governour, to submit themselves to him. After this was done, he sent men to Syracuse to fetch Arms and Engines of all sorts, that were necessary for be∣sieging of Towns. For he had a mind to attack those Towns that belonged to the Carthaginians, having now in readiness an Army of thirty thousand men, besides one thousand five hundred Horsemen and the [ X] Elephants which he had brought with him into Sicily. And in the first place he took Heraclea, once a Ga∣rison of the Carthaginians: afterwards he made himself Master of Azonae: and presently after the Seli∣nuntians tack'd about together with the Egestanes and Halcyeans, who revolting from the Carthaginians in∣cited by their Example a great many other Towns in that Coast to espouse the same Interest. But the Ery∣cinians, who trusted in the numbers of their Auxiliaries, and the fortifications of the place, he resolves to attaque with all his strength. Therefore with his Army in Battalia, he marches in his Arms towards the Town, having obliged himself by a Vow to Hercules upon condition, That he should shew himself that day to the Grecians a Warrior worthy his Race and Quality.

After that an Assault had been made upon the place, and the Defendants were by shot continually poured upon them, forced to give ground, so that there was room to apply the Ladders to the Walls; Pyrrhus got up first himself, and there fought very stoutly with the Enemies, hand to hand; some of whom he strook down with his Buckler, killed others with his Sword, and terrified all with his Courage.

Nor was this Action onely honourable to him, but successful too; for with safety and honour he car∣ried the Town at the same effort. The rest being encouraged with the King's Example no less than concern'd for his danger, for both reasons behav'd themselves gallantly.

Afterwards he sacrific'd to Hercules according to his Vow, and exhibited magnificent Shews of several sorts for many days together.

[ XI] This year also we find that they Triumph'd at Rome over the Lucanians and Brutians the 14th day of January: but I wonder, why C. Junius is entitled to that Triumph, whereas Rufinus fought with those People, and took from them two famous Towns: whom also I find by some Authors honoured with the title of a Triumphal Person.

The City, which was already disturb'd with Pyrrhus's successes, falls also under fresh terrours proceed∣ing from Prodigies, and pestilential Diseases; but that which was reckon'd the most ominous of all, was the Statue of Capitoline Jove beaten down by Lightning, the head of which being broken off could not be found again, but by the Augurs Art and diligence; the City afterwards was not onely scar'd but hurt by a Pestilence equally destroying Men and Beasts: but yet it was more especially formidable for causing A∣bortions

in all Creatures, so that when neither the Off-spring of Men, nor of Beasts could be brought forth alive, it was imagin'd that the whole race of living Creatures should be destroy'd by the indignation of the Gods.

This violent Calamity rendred the second Consulship of Q. Fab. Maximus very remarkable, wherein C. Genucius Clepsina was his Colleague. But for all this they gave not over the Wars with the Lucanians and Samnites: of the great slaughters of both which there are two certain proofs, namely, because Q. Fabius triumph'd over the Samnites, Brutians and Lucanians, in the Quirinalia: and also because those People sent Ambassadours and Letters to Pyrrhus to inform him of their desperate condition,

If they were not succour'd; and that they could not hold out against the Romans any longer, but must yield ••••••••∣selves to prevent their own utter destruction.

For this Reason, and also because that things did not go right in the Island, the People being quite averse from him for his cruelty, Pyrrhus was induc'd to leave Sicily, and to carry back his Army into Italy.

For the fuller demonstration of which design of his, and of the series of Affairs insuing thereupon: [ XIII] 'tis convenient that I should more particularly relate the Actions he did in the mean time.

After he had taken Eryx and put a Garison into it, he went to Egina remarkable for its strength, and commodious site near the Haven of Palermo; and being received into that Town by the Burgers of their own accord, he marched to Palermo so called from its commodious and capacious Harbour: and having carried this place also by assault, together with a place called Epirecte lying between Palermo and Eryx upon a pleasant Mountain but of difficult access, he was now Master of all the Carthaginians Province, except Lylybeum. This Town had not been long before built by the Carthaginians to seat the Motyeans in: whose City had been raz'd by Dionysius the Tyrant in the Carthaginian War.

When therefore the Carthaginians saw that of all their Empire in Sicily, there was onely this place re∣maining [ XIV] in thei power; hearing of preparations made by Pyrrhus to attack it, they resolv'd to defend it with all their strength. Having put therefore a strong Garison into the place with good store of Amuni∣tion, and abundance of Arms and Engines (wherewith they might be well furnish'd, having the Sea at their command) they fell to fortifie the place with all diligence, especially on that side where it was ac∣cessible by Land; they rais'd several Turrets, and made a broad Ditch: the work going on the more spee∣dily, because the Town being for the most part built upon the Rocks of the Sea, needed no works for all that space.

In the mean while though they had made great preparations for the War, having rais'd a great many mercenary Soldiers in Italy and other places, yet they sent Ambassadours promising Money, and their Fleet to Pyrrhus, if Peace might be obtain'd upon reasonable terms.

Pyrrhus would not hear of the Money, being desirous to hold the Cities he had taken: but as for Lyli∣beum he seem'd to like of their propositions.

But yet his Friends and the Grandees of Sicily telling him,

That Sicily could never be quiet for the Carthaginians, as long as they being so strong at Sea possess'd Lilybeum as a Ladder ready to make a de∣scent by, persuaded him to answer them, That he would not conclude Peace with them, unless they would quit the Island, leaving the Sea to be the limit of both Empires.

The Treaty thus broken off, he led his Forces immediately against the Town, and encamping near the [ XV] Walls formally invested the place: having so order'd his men, that such of them as were tir'd, might be reliev'd by fresh ones; but the Lilybetanes defended the Town, being strengthned with men, and well fur∣nished with Engines: for the Carthaginians had put so many into the place, that the compass of the Walls was hardly large enough to hold them all. Therefore having pour'd all manner of shot upon the Epirots, and kill'd and wounded many of them they forced them to desist from their Enterprize.

The King after this makes other Engines besides those brought from Syracuse, and by mining and all other methods of besieging tries what might be done. But after he had tired himself in vain for almost two Months, the Carthaginians not losing ground at all, and considered that as long as they had the Sea open to go in and out, Lilybeum could not be taken; he rais'd the Siege, and directed his course another way. For certain Grecian Cities desir'd his protection against the Mamertines, who besides other injuries done to them forced them to pay Tribute.

Pyrrhus then leading out his Army with great speed, takes and kills some of these Mamertines, who [ XVI] were gathering the Contributions, and overcomes those that encountred him in Battel, and withal takes and demolishes many of their strong Holds.

Hitherto the King by noble Exploits had gain'd great power an•• glory, having not so much got as deserv'd the love of every man in particular, and the good will of all the Country by his obliging address, not to speak of his other good Qualities.

But his so great felicity, which one would think had been firmly establish'd was destroy'd in a moment, the occasion hereof proceeding not onely from the natural levity of that People, and the extravagancies of the King's Officers, but also from the King's own fault, who though a brave Man in Adversities, yet by Prosperity, which generally men are too weak to bear, was puff d up with pride.

For finding, as was before said, a Fleet to be absolutely necessary for the effecting of his designs, and [ XVII] that though he had several Ships, yet they were ill furnished with Mariners: by too vigorously pressing men for Sea-service he disgusted the People extreamly: He was now quite another man, his former lenity was turn'd into imperiousness and insolence, and these vented themselves in threats and punishments too. However the People made shift to suffer these things, because they were done under pretence of the publick good, till they saw those very Persons kill'd by whose Interest he had got Sicily; and then they turn'd Enemies to him, not by degrees but all on the sudden, and many revolted from him, some joyning themselves to the Carthaginians and others to the Mamertines, according as best serv'd their turns.

Thus Cruelty however odious of it self, becomes intolerable when 'tis exercised against the well-deserving, and improves every private hatred with the general detestation that all mankind have for an ungrateful and perfidious man. That which chiefly seems to have forc'd him upon using these violent courses, was his too great compliance with the Counsels and perverse dispositions of his Friends: for the Estates he had taken away from the Relations and Friends of Agathocles he bestowed on these men, who were not one grain better than they: Some of his Guards and Captains he set up for Magistrates of Towns, contrary to the constitutions of the places, nor for the lawful time, but after what manner and as long as he pleas'd himself.

He ingrossed all the Power in their Courts of Judicature, all the administration of publick Affairs into his own hands, committing most of those matters to his Creatures, who were abhorr'd by all for their Luxury and Avarice, and who minding onely how to get and to spend Money dishonestly, for the satisfa∣ction of their lusts, made no difference of right and wrong.

At these things the People being incens'd, began first to mutter, and then to complain openly,

That they ought not to have repented of their former condition, if they must suffer the same things over a∣gain: That Pyrrhus had been sent for and entertain'd in vain, if he thought to imitate those men he came to punish, and that no injury made so deep an impression, as that whereof he was the Author, who ought to have been the Avenger.

[ XIX] And by this time many People did apparently incline to a revolt from him, whilst he taking the worst measures, chuses to exasperate rather than asswage their Animosities, as if by Cruelty he intended to at∣tone for the Crimes of injustice.

The Carthaginians in the mean while looking on the King as not very strong in forces of his own, and daily more weakned in the affections of the Sicilians, entertain'd hopes of recovering their Territories, and landed a fresh Army. And while People daily deserted Pyrrhus for fear of his Cruelty, they annoy'd the Epirots very considerably.

Pyrrhus by reason of the Punic War having put a Garison into every Town, resolves to make away all the principal Men, by forging accusations of Treason against them: When these were taken off, he made account the multitude would be more easily kept in awe: at last he seizes on Thenio and Sosistratus, two Persons of the greatest Quality in the whole Isle, by whose Interest, we told you, he had attain'd the Do∣minion of Sicily, and Thenio was kill'd, but Sosistratus escap'd to the Enemy, where he becomes no less in∣strumental to the expelling of the King, than he had been before to the setting of him up and establishing him. Afterwards vying who should be first, they revolted from him most to the Carthaginians, and some to the Mamertines: so that now the once flourishing Power of the Epirots, here was reduc'd to the lowest ebb of Fortune.

[ XX] In this state of Affairs the Ambassadors from his Italian Confederates came welcome to the King: who complaining to him, that several Towns being lost, the rest with much ado kept out the assailing Foe, gave him a fair pretence to be going, which he wish'd heartily; for that now being to aid his Confederates he could seem to return into Italy, not as forc'd by the Carthaginians.

Being upon his departure, when he consider'd with himself the Wealth and Situation of the Island, and tempers of the People, 'tis reported that he said,

O my Friends, what a Prize do we leave here for the Romans and Carthaginians!

And this was a true presage being sufficiently fulfill'd in those long Wars that follow'd, wherein so many men were kill'd, and such great Navies sunk on either side.

And now the Enemies being encouraged with their fortune rendred Pyrrhus's journey very dangerous to him from Sicily, and also very unsecure after his landing in Italy. For the Carthaginians fell upon him in the Streight, and having to do with unexperienc'd men in Naval Fights, themselves being most expert, sunk seventy of his Galleys, and disabled the rest. So that after this blow he escaped into Italy with twelve Galleys onely, having set out with one hundred Galleys with Decks, besides a far greater number of Barks, and such as were for transporting provisions for the Army.

But having got together as many of his men as recover'd Land after this defeat, he presently had so strong an Army on foot that he was in good hopes to surprize Rhegium; but being repuls'd by the Cam∣panians, who defended Rhegium, he fell soon after into another considerable danger. For, while he led his Army through difficult and woody places, the Enemy lying in Ambush suddenly charg'd and disorder'd the Rear of his Army, having kill'd many of his men and two of his Elephants: this was a strong Body of men, both in respect of their kind and number. There were ten thousand of them, no less, experienc'd Soldiers, and most of them were Mamertines: for these trusting in their Alliance and Kindred to the Rhegians, upon intelligence had of Pyrrhus's intentions to return into Italy, crossed the Sea before him, and in hopes of booty lodged themselves in places convenient to surprize him: In this Action Pyrrhus, while he was fighting according to his usual Courage in the front of his Army, receiv'd a wound in his Head: and when he had withdrawn for a little while from the Army to stop the bloud, one of the Ene∣mies, a man remarkable for the bigness of his Stature, and glittering Arms, thrusts himself before the rest, and defies him with a loud Voice, commanding him if he were alive to come out. Pyrrhus being fir'd with rage, and looking terribly with his bloud running down his Face, presently ingages this Challenger, his men being not able to hinder him: and with a blow upon his Head killed him there right.

It is reported that the temper of his Sword was such, and the stroak so strong, that it cut the man through the Body, so that the wound cleft one half of him from the other. This frightful fight terrified the Enemies, insomuch that they quitted the fight, looking on him with Reverence as something more than a Man. Pyrrhus, though freed from this trouble, had no great pleasure for all that; for when he had lost part of his Baggage in that Battel, and that all his rich Booty taken from the Sicilians had been intercept∣ed in that unfortunate fight with the Carthaginians, he was so streightned for Money to pay off his Sol∣diers, that he was forc'd to rob the sacred Treasures of Proserpina.

Her Shrine was then famous among the Locrians for an Opinion held of its Sanctity. Pyrrhus having retaken this Town Locri, his Party within being encouraged by his presence, acted several cruelties up∣on the Locrians, prosecuting the revenge of the Garison, slain by them, more eagerly and furiously than he ought to have done, by making a prey of the Lives and Estates of those wretches. When he had taken from the People all they could, or would part with, he seiz'd on the holy Treasure; the most profligate of his Friends, who always had given him the worst Counsel, fomented this covetous humour of his.

[ XXIV] Their names were Evagoras the Son of Theodorus, Balacer the Son of Nicander, and Dinarchus the Son of Nicias. These were not onely advisers to Pyrrhus in the thing, telling him, That necessity had no Law, but likewise became the Instruments in committing the Sacriledg, having got out a great quantity of Gold, which had been kept in Vaults under ground for many years. The thing took mighty well with the King, who said, that Religion out of season was foppish, and that none but a Madman would refuse ready Cash: and accordingly he commanded the Prize to be carried by Sea to Tarentum, he himself going by Land; but this Act of his was not more dishonest in the Execution, than unfortunate in the Event; for a sud∣den storm surpriz'd his Fleet, the Wind, that stood fair before, changing all night, insomuch that some of his Ships being tossed about in the dark were driven out into the Sea: but as for those which carried the Holy Treasure, they were torn and scattered by the storm, and all of them lost with the men; but

the Money stuck upon some planks remaining of this Wreck, and within two days after it had been car∣ried away, was thrown out by the Sea upon the shore near this Temple. When the thing was known, he caused all the Treasure diligently to be got together and to be carried back to the old place, thinking here∣by to procure the pardon of the Gods.

But notwithstanding all this, he could never prosper afterwards, Fortune still crossing all his designs [ XXVII] even those which were manag'd with Conduct and resolution too, which he ever after imputed to the anger of the Goddess, as Proxenus the Historian, and Pyrrhus himself says in his Commentaries; Beside this, quickly after the perpetration of this vile Act, he sacrificed to Proserpina; but when none of his Offerings prov'd auspicious, he fell into such a rage, that he took off all the Counsellors and Instru∣ments of that unhappy action, and all that in the least comply'd with him when he was going about that business; and these men indeed dy'd as they deserv'd.

Pyrrhus after this continues on his Journey, and without any trouble arrives at Tarentum. The Romans who were extreamly afflicted with a Pestilence, and the fear of War increasing upon Pyrrhus's return in∣to Italy, against both these made use of all humane and divine means whatsoever.* 1.1 There was an Ancient Opinion among them, that the driving in of a Nail by the Dictator might asswage the Disease, and it may be very probably guess'd, that this shift was made use of, and that P. Cornelius Rufinus was made Dictator to drive the Nail, whilst the greatness of the Calamity was apt to urge People to seek for any Remedies: and 'tis manifest that Rufinus was disgrac'd by the Censors the next year after he had been twice Consul and Dictator: and there cannot be found a surer Record, or a sitter place for his Dictatorship.

Thus they did all they could to remove the Pestilence; but the care of the War by reason of the diffi∣culty in making Levies put them to a greater trouble. For besides the long continuance of the War, the Pestilence having rag'd a long while made People weary of their lives: and the young Men being cited, obstinately refus'd to enter into service. But the severity and resolution of M. Curius Dentatus being Consul the second time broke their obstinacy: for he was now entred upon his Office with L. Cornelius Lentulus his Colleague. While Curius was making new Levies in the Capitol, and saw that none would list them∣selves, he commanded the names of all the Tribes to be put into the Box, and the Lot falling upon the Pollian Tribe, the first name of that Tribe that was drawn, was cited; but when the Man would not answer, he first of all sold his goods, and afterwards, when with grievous complaints he had made his Ap∣peal to the Tribune, he sold the man himself, saying beforehand, "That the Commonwealth had no need of such a Member as would not be obedient. The Tribunes did not assist the Fellow in the least; and from that time this action was esteem'd so good a President, that if any one refus'd to list himself, when he was commanded to do so in a Muster rightly held, it became a Custom to make a Slave of him. This terrour forced the rest to inroll themselves more readily: and so having rais'd as many Regiments as they had design'd, the two Consuls advanc'd towards the Enemy. Lentulus makes an inroad into Lucania, and Curius invades the Samnites.

Pyrrhus bestirring himself at this news, in a general Rendezvouz of his Forces at Tarentum, review'd [ XXVIII] his Army consisting of twenty thousand Foot, and three thousand Horse. With which, and a choice Troop of Tarentines he entred into Samnium: where he found that Nation but coldly affected to him, and his aids from other places came in very slowly and thin: People being not onely wearied out by their great losses, but very much netled, because he was reckon'd to be the Author of all the miseries they suffer'd, whilst betraying his Italian Allies by his departure he undertook an Expedition into Sicily.

But yet for all this being furnish'd with great Forces he sent part of them into Lucania, to divert the other Consul, and goes himself against Man. Curius, promising himself an easie conquest of the rest, if he could but conquer this Man. But the Roman knowing full well, that no Army could be a match to the Mace∣donian Phalanx, if it were drawn out in Battalia; posted himself in a place that was of difficult access: and because he hop'd for Aids out of Lucania, beside that the Sacrifices and Auguries did not bode well, he was not willing to give Battel.

Pyrrhus the more earnestly desir'd Battel before the two consular Armies were joyn'd: and there∣fore [ XXIX] taking with him some of the Light-arm'd Soldiers together with some Elephants he resolved by Night to surprize the Roman Camp. And now when all things are prepar'd for this attempt, he falls asleep, and dreams that most of his Teeth drop'd out of their place, and a great deal of blood ran out of his Mouth. Being perplex'd with this Dream he determined for the present to forbear all Action; But because his Friends importun'd him not to pretermit an opportunity, not likely to be retriev'd, he com∣manded that the Signal for the March should be given. About the Town of Maleventum (which was so called in those days) the Country is woody and mountainous, but further on the Hills by moderate and gentle descents it determines in a spacious Plain, called the Fields of Taurasinum. Whilst Pyrrhus was going from the lower ground by the ascent of these hilly and woody places, the Lights he carried with him went quite out, so that straying in the dark, and being stop'd in his Journey he could be seen from the Roman Camp by break of day.

The Romans were not a little surpriz'd at the sudden arrival of the Enemy; but because they knew [ XXX] for certain they must ingage, and considering that their Sacrifices appear'd auspicious: the Consul marches speedily out of the Camp, and falls upon and routs the foremost of the Enemies that were broken from the rest, and in disarray; these running back upon their own men, disorder'd the Army, and a great many were kill'd, and some Elephants left by the Enemy were taken by the Romans. This success incouraged Curius to pursue his good fortune, and to lead his Army in Battalia down into the Plain, where the Epi∣rots were ready to receive them. They fought very sharply on both sides; but the Romans having gotten the better in the former Battel, they were more couragious now. The Epirots at length gave ground, which made Pyrrhus to have recourse to the assistance of his Elephants, by which means when one Wing of his Army fled, he forced the Romans in the other Wing to retire to their Posts.

The Consul having before left there a strong Guard, commands them now being fresh to receive the [ XXXI] Enemy, and beat back the Elephants. Against these Creatures experience had taught them how to secure themselves very easily: and they had learn'd in the former Battels that they were more affraid of Fire than Sword; they got therefore bundles of Hempen stalks besmear'd with Pitch, which being fir'd they threw upon the backs or Towers of the Elephants: and these, whether they lighted on the skin of the Elephants, or on their wooden Towers, stuck fast by sharp hooks they were arm'd withal.

While they ply'd them with these and several other kinds of shot very thick from the upper ground; the Elephants partly by the terrour of the fire, and partly by their Wounds were put into a rage, and in an

ungovern'd manner retreating upon their own men disordered and destroy'd all where they bent their course. This confusion, as they say, began by a young Elephant, who being shot in the head with a Dart, made a mournful noise, at which (as being known by her) his Dam leaping out, and increasing the dis∣order afterwards, put all the rest of the Elephants into the like hurry and confusion.

[ XXXII] This Battel was a very great one both for the number of the slain, and the advantages of the Victory. For then was Pyrrhus quite defeated: nor did the rest of Italy hold out long after him, nor other Countries and States after Italy.

'Tis said, that the King had in that Battel three times more men than the Romans: for that he had eighty thousand Foot, and six thousand Horse; whereof according to those who say most, there were thirty six thousand slain, and according to those that say least, twenty six thousand. There were taken one thousand three hundred men with eight Elephants, Pyrrhus with few Horsemen escaping to Tarentum.

His Camp was also taken, which was not onely admir'd, but likewise prov'd of very great use after∣wards. For anciently the Romans and all other Nations us'd to pitch their Tents here and there after the manner of Booths in the midst of their several Battalions: but Pyrrhus was the first who measuring out the ground incamp'd all his Army within a Trench. By which Example the Romans being enlightned in the matter, adding onely such things as seemed necessary attain'd to that absolute skill in incampments in succeeding times. This year was not onely remarkable for successes abroad, but also for domestick Af∣fairs, [ XXXIII] and great severity of Discipline. Q. Fabricius Luscinus, and Q. Aemilius Papus bore the Censorship with good accord together. Many had their Horses taken from them: some were pass'd by, when they chose Members for the Senate; but the most memorable thing of all was the Censure upon P. Cornelius Rufinus. This Man had been twice Consul and Dictator, and having perform'd many warlike Exploits had triumph'd also; but now the Censors turn'd him out of the House, and for the reason of their pro∣ceedings gave this, That they found him to have ten pound of Silver Plate for the use of his Table. And this blot remain'd so long upon the Family, that none thereof were admitted to Honours and Offices till the times of Sulla the Dictator.

So great was the abstinence of those days, and their Luxury was as great afterwards, so that that Hous∣hold-stuff, which would have been looked upon by their Posterity as mean and s••••did, should have been esteem'd too ••uxu••ious and gay by these their Forefathers.

[ XXXIV] After the Poll there follow'd a lustration. There were poll'd 271222. In the end of this year, both the Consuls rode into the Capitol in triumph; Curius was first, whose triumph both for the honour of his Atchievemets, and the joy of his Successes, as also for the splendour of his Train made the more glorious show. For till that day there was nothing to set off a Triumph (as being but overpoor neighbouring Nations) but onely some rusty Arms, or Gallie Waggons: and there was no booty, but Flocks and Herds. But now both for the variety of Nations, whose Captives were led before the Chariot, as also for the beauty and magnificence of the Spoils the Show was splendid and great. Here you might see Epirots, Thessalians, Macedonians, Apulians, Lucanians and Brutians led in Chains before the Chariot: while curious Pictures, and Statues of noble Artists with Gold, Purple, and other transmarine Rarities, im∣plements of the Tarentine luxury were carried before to adorn the Triumph But the pleasantest and most surprising sight of all was, the Elephants; four of which with their Towers (for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dy'd before of their Wounds) were then first seen at Rome: the common People from the name of the biggest Creature [ XXXV] they knew, and the place they had been first seen in, call'd them Lucanian Oxen. The other Consuls triumph a few days after was more obscure: though his Actions were none of the meanest; for he h••d beaten the Samnites and Lucanians, and taken several Towns: but yet the lu••tre of Curius's fame out-shone these lesser glories.

Among those who were rewarded for their Courage, he bestow'd a golden Coronet out of the booty upon Ser. Corn. Merenda, who had been a chief Instrument in taking a Town of the Samnites. While the Romans thus enjoy'd the fruits of their Victory, their Enemies were in a quite different humour; for they, who a long while had been dis-satisfied with the Government of Pyrrhus, after this unhappy Battel, being filled with fear and indignation, began to murmur and mutiny. The King himself who had a long while been weary of this game with the Romans, and now wholly despair'd of Victory, thought of no∣thing else, but onely how he might without danger and disgrace go away. But dissembling his design for the present, he exhorted his Allies, by telling them,

That they should not be cast down for one defeat, for that they had not been worse beaten by the Romans in the last Battel, than they had beaten them in the first: who for all that could not be persuaded to make Peace with them; and if they would but imitate their Constancy, and wait for better times, then all things would appear more tolerable: ••••••••des that, they had strength sufficient for a longer War; and that he had in Greece many potent Friends from whom [ XXXVI] he might expect certain assistance.

Nor were these idle stories; for the truth of it is, he had been aided considerably before by Ptolomy King of Macedonia, and was held in great esteem by the Grecians and Bar∣barians too. And withal, he was honour'd by the Etolians then a powerful People, by the Macedonians and the Princes of the Slavonians; whom he had won partly by fear, and partly by kindness. But yet he pretended these things to keep his Allies from revolting from him, until the Sea being open for his Voyage, he might return into his Country; and not because he was willing to continue the War in Italy, or did put any great hopes in forein Succours: but yet he sent Ambassadours abo••t to the Kings of Asia and Macedonia, desiring Money of some, and Aid of others, and both of Antigonus King of Macedonia. By such hopes as these he preserv'd to himself the good will of his Allies however, so that while he had pre∣par'd all things ready for his departure under-hand, his Ambassadours return'd from Antigonus. Having therefore assembled the Chiefs of the Italians and Epirots, he reads to them not those Letters he had re∣ceiv'd but counterfeit ones, wherein Antigonus signifi'd that he would send him aid speedily.

[ XXXVII] By this Intrigue having wheedled not onely his Allies but the Romans too, who kept Guard in the Neighbourhood, he set Sail the next day without any hindrance, and so arriv'd at the C••raunian Moun∣tains (a Promontory of Epire so call'd). But to take off the shame of his having qui••ted the War, and to make men believe he would return when he had perform'd those things for which he was ca••••d away, he left Milo to guard the Citadel of Tarentum: and that he might continue faithful to him, not onel•• in hopes of rewards from him, but also for fear of the same doom, he presented him with a Chair, the Cords of which were made of the skin of Nicias, whom for Treason design'd against him, he had put to death.

Having given this Man a Guard of Soldiers, he return'd with the rest of his Forces being eight thousand Foot and five hundred Horse into his own Kingdom, now in the sixth year after he had come from thence.

In the mean while when the Centuriate assemblies were held at Rome, and that it was thought Pyrrhus would renew the War, they determined to make Curius Consul the second time, because he of all Men had managed the business most handsomly against that King; and therefore seem'd a Person of the greatest stroak and fortune to go through with the rest of the War. Of the Nobility Ser. Cornelius Merenda was made Consul, his late Atchievements and glory advancing him, and also the recommendation of his Kins∣man under whom he had bore Arms in the last Campagne.

These Consuls bent the effort of their Arms against the Lucanians, Samnites and Brutians; who de∣fended [ XXXVIII] themselves rather by strength of places, than by Arms, so that no Action could be perform'd com∣parable to the rest. Yet this did not in the least impair Curius's glory, whilst all were of Opinion, that the warlike King would not onely be affraid for the blow he had receiv'd, but also because Curius would be made General again, to fight against him. Therefore the whole honour of ending this War, and rout∣ing Pyrrhus out of Italy ought to be ascribed to this Great Man.

The next year after Curius's third Consulship, the first Embassy came from the Kings of Alexandria with [A. U. 480] Presents to Rome, in the Consulship of C. Corso, and C. Claud. Canina. Ptolomy surnam'd Philadelphus upon intelligence of Pyrrhus's flight sent to congratulate the Romans, and to desire an Alliance with them. The Senators thought it highly honourable, and a great happiness thus to be courted by Kings so potent and re∣mote of their own accord for their Alliance, therefore they received the Ambassadours civilly, and enter'd into Alliance with Ptolomy. Moreover, they nominated persons of the greatest Quality to go Ambassa∣dours to the King to ratifie the Alliance, and to return the Complement, namely, Q. Fabius Gurges a Con∣sular Person, and with him Caius Fabius Pictor, Numerius Fabius Pictor, and Q. Ogulnius. When [ XXXIX] these were gone, the Consuls fought with good success against those Italian Nations, who out of necessity and despair continued yet in Arms: but that the actions of one of the Consuls exceeded the others, may be collected from the Triumph of C. Claudius Canina had over the Samnites, Lucanians and Brutians, in his Consulship, at the Feast Romulus. But these Joys for successes abroad were somewhat disturbed by Sex∣tilia a Vestal Virgin convicted of Incest, and thought to have incens'd the Gods against the City by her Ir∣religion; but the anger of the Gods was appeas'd by Sacrifices and Atonements, and the Nun suffering the punishment due to so great a Crime was buried alive at the Collatine Gate. The same year Colonies were brought to Cosa of the Volscians and Paestum in Lucania, called by the Greeks, Possidonia. This place the Lucanians had taken from the Sybarites: and now it was newly subjected to the Romans. The year following was more remarkable, wherein not only the War against the Samnites and others, but also against the Tarentines was ended.

L. Papirius Cursor, and Sp. Carvilius Consuls the second time, having the Lucanians, Brutians, Samnites [ XL] and Tarentines for their Provinces, by their great Exploits and undertakings answer'd the expectations they [A. U. 481] had rais'd (being both chosen on purpose in hopes to conclude the War that year): and the Samnites be∣ing totally subdued by Carvilius after a War of seventy one years, now with more fidelity than before im∣brac'd the conditions of Peace impos'd upon them by the Romans. L. Papirius forc'd the Brutians and Lucanians, after great slaughters made of them, to sue for Peace. But as it happens in a War against several bordering People Papirius was also ingag'd with the Samnites, and Carvilius with the Brutians and Luca∣nians, and both with the Tarentines: nor were the Forces of the Tarentines onely defeated, but the City it self was taken; which whole affair I shall more particularly relate as containing not only the Conquest of this famous City, but also the death of King Pyrrhus, with the false dealings of the Carthaginians, and the source of that Rupture between them and the Romans.

Pyrrhus two years before had so departed from Italy, as by his Garison left behind at Tarentum, to give [ XLI] People hopes of his return: which soon after being much increas'd by the late successes of that King in Macedonia, kept up the spirits of the Italians in their present sufferings: for being a Man of an active Spi∣rit, who could not long rest, he had made War against Antigonus, for not aiding him in the business of Italy, and having defeated him, almost dispossess'd him of his whole Dominions. Whence the Romans were the•• continually affraid, lest returning with more Forces into Italy he should raise a greater War than the former. But the sudden death of Pyrrhus destroy'd the hopes, and remov'd the fears of all People. For Pyrrhus insatiably coveting to inlarge his Dominions to the utmost, under pretence of re-instating Cleony∣mus in the Kingdom of Sparta, who then had difference with Areus, entring Peloponnesus, resolv'd to make himself Master thereof likewise; and he annoy'd the Lacedaemonians very much, though he had in vain attacked their City. In the mean time at Argos there were two contrary Parties, headed by Aristippus and Aristias, [ XLII] the first of which sends for Antigonus, the latter for Pyrrhus to help to pull down their Enemies: For An∣tigonus also was come to Peloponnesus, to assist the Lacedaemonians against the common Enemy. So that the same Night the Forces of both Kings were receiv'd through several Gates into the Town. Pyrrhus un∣derstanding that his men were press'd hard by the Enemies, entring himself likewise into the City; when he saw at break of day a figure of a Wolf and a Bull in Brass representing them fighting with one ano∣ther, was astonished at this Omen of his imminent danger. For there was an ancient Oracle which said that the place where Aeacides should see a Bull and a Wolf fighting, should be fatal to him. Therefore he design'd to draw back with his Forces, and to retire out of the Town; but his Son Helenus meeting him with the reserves and Elephants had stop'd his way; and the one endeavouring to get out of the Town, and the others to enter in, whilst the Enemies bore hardly upon the multitude retiring, and the Argives, Epi∣rots, and Macedonians, together with the Spartans and Cretians belonging to Areus, and some Elephants were in those narrow streets crouded together, and trampled upon one another, all was in a hurry and confusion. Mean while Pyrrhus, whilst he does all he can by his directions, exhortations, and valour to repel the Ene∣my [ XLIV] and defend his own men, receiv'd a light Wound with a Launce from an Argive Youth, whose Mo∣ther being a poor old Woman was there among others of her Sex looking upon the Battel from the top of a House, and happening to see Pyrrhus eagerly coming up towards the person that wounded him, was so concern'd for her Sons danger, that she took a Tile from the top of the House, and with both hands threw it on Pyrrhus's head. Thus Pyrrhus died miserably and ignobly: a Person outdone by none in that Age for Courage, Conduct, and Experience in Military Affairs, and several other endowments both of Body and Mind; but the fruit of his Atchievements, and the lustre of his other Excellencies was destroy'd by his Ambition; for he wanted nothing of being a happy Man but Contentment. In fine, had he been as cir∣cumspect in maintaining, as he was industrious in making Conquests, the World could not have shew'd a greater Prince.

[ XLIV] When the news hereof came to Italy, it was receiv'd with joy or regret according as People were differently affected to the Person. While other Nations which were free bought their Peace with Rome upon such terms as they could get, the Tarentines were not able to take those measures they would have done, being over-rul'd by Milo and the Garison of the Epirots: between whom matters improv'd from lighter Affronts to an open quarrel. The Tarentines thus sorely afflicted on both sides, by the Romans their Enemies without the Walls, and the Epirots within, sent Ambassadours for aid to Carthage; the Carthaginians, who already possess'd a great part of Sicily, and wish'd rather to make themselves Masters of the Maritime Coasts of Italy, than that they should fall into the hands of the Romans, readily came with a Navy equipp'd under pretence of casting out Milo, but intending if they could take Tarentum, to defend it against the Romans. When L. Papirius the Consul was also arriv'd thither, Tarentum was block'd up out all sides: the Romans besieging by Land the City and Citadel, and the Carthaginians besieging the Citadel by Sea. [ XLV] In this state of Affairs, whilst the Romans were no less solicitous that the Carthaginians should not take the place, than that themselves should take it, whilst they cunningly tried all the Methods of Victory, they sent to Milo by private Messengers, promising, if Tarentum were deliver'd into their hands by his means, they would dismiss him and his Countrymen safe home. Milo thinking it the best course to do so at present, treats with the Tarentines, that they should unanimously consult concerning their common safety: and by degrees he persuades them to send him Ambassadour to L. Papirius, and that he would get such conditions from him as would be for the advantage of them all. When these People being tir'd with cares and dangers had willingly assented to him he went likewise to the Consul, with whom he had laid the Plot, and return'd from him with very advantageous Conditions, and hopes of Peace upon reasonable terms. This credulity expos'd the Tarentines to security and confidence, laying aside all care and circumspection; and thereby administred an opportunity to Milo, not onely to deliver the Citadel, but the Town also to [ XLVI] the Romans. The Carthaginians being not well pleas'd with this event, departed, pretending themselves still Friends to the Romans: and that they were come for no other end but to drive out Milo. According to some Authors, I find that the Romans had warn'd the Carthaginians not to meddle in the Tarentine Af∣fair, for in so doing they would act contrary to the Articles of the League; but that the Carthaginians did not onely slight the admonition, but also that the Punic Auxiliaries fought in the Tarentine Army a∣gainst the Romans: from which distaste the War that was waged against the Carthaginians in Sicily first broke out; though the Carthaginians being desirous to conceal their falshood by perjury, swore they had acted all things squarely and honestly. But as I do not deny, but such things might pass between the Ge∣nerals: while the Romans could not endure the presence of the Carthaginians, and the Carthaginians co∣lour'd the matter as well as they could, or that People commonly discours'd such things: so I am of Opi∣nion that the War rose upon other reasons; both because they did not enter upon the War presently, and also because the War in Sicily rising afterwards chiefly broke out by reason of the Mamertines, while the Punic League was still valid.

[ XLVII] Their Dominion being thus inlarged, the Consuls returning to Rome being receiv'd with a great deal of rejoycing, triumphed afterwards with Honour and Renown.

In the mean while Q. Fabius Gurges, and the rest who had been sent to Alexandria, gave an Account of their Embassy in the Senate, how that they had been entertain'd with all manner of civility; costly Presents being sent to them when they came, and richer ones when they were returning home. But that it was conceiv'd more for the honour of the Ro∣man abstinence, to refuse the former modestly. But as for the rest which had been receiv'd, they had carried them into the Treasury of the Roman People before they had done any other business; and as for the golden Crowns sent to them at Alexandria, when they were invited to a Feast according to the usual custom of the Court, that they had receiv'd them for the Omens sake, and plac'd them at Night upon the King's Statues.

The Senate being very glad for the success of the Embassy, and gravity of the Ambassadours, returning them thanks for rendring the Roman Manners venerable even to forein Nations by their continence, or∣der'd those Presents to be restor'd them which they had put into the Treasury; and the People saying,

That the Commonwealth would then be best manag'd, when that base course of getting Riches by the Ac∣quests of Ministers of State during their imployments was taken away, immediately decreed the same thing: and the Treasurers readily delivering up the Money as they were commanded, these Persons worthy of this fruit of their abstinence, with equal glory refus'd and receiv'd the Egyptian Wealth.

Q. Fabius the Chief Ambassadour was (I suppose) upon this account preferr'd before so many noble Persons, and cho∣sen President of the Senate by the Censors Curius and Papirius: whilst both for the nobleness of his blood and his Father's deserts; as also for his two Consulships, and as many Triumphs he seem'd ripe for any Honour.

[ XLVIII] In the same year M. Curius the Censor defray'd the charge of bringing the River Anien into the City, with the booty taken from the Enemy. Out of which he was so unwilling to be enrich'd himself, pri∣vately, that when he was charg'd by some Adversaries of his with having imbezzled that Money, bringing out a wooden Cruise that he us'd to Sacrifice withal, he swore that he had carried no more of the booty into his own House, but that: a Man that deserves for the greatness of his Atchievements, and other famous proofs of his Vertues, to have his more remarkable Deeds and Sayings taken notice of, though we digress a little. For I think it not unfit or impertinent to the business of an Historian to relate such things, where∣by men that are like to be conversant in State Affairs may be no less instructed towards the attaining of happiness by Vertue, than by Military Actions and Counsels. In the Sabine War, when there had been so much booty taken, that the Historiographer Fabius imagines that the Romans then first of all had the tast of Riches; Curius out of such a wealthy Victory assuming to himself nothing but the Credit and Satisfa∣ction of the Performance, continu'd in his former austere way of living, being both a competent Example, and [ XLVIX] also a severe exactor of publick Abstinence. For when the greatest part of the Land taken from the Ene∣my had been confiscated, he allotted not above fourteen Acres to every private mans share; and when the Senate would have assign'd him a greater share, he was content with the same quantity of ground as the rest had, saying, that he was an ill Citizen, who could not be satisfied with the same as others had. Af∣terwards in this place stood the Villa of Curius among the Sabines, in which by chance as he was boyling Rapes, the Samnites being newly conquer'd came to him and presented him with a great sum of Gold; unto whom he said, I had rather have these things in my earthen Vessels, and command those men who have Gold. Cato the elder possessing some Lands near this Villa came thither often, and contemplating up∣on that small Cottage and spot of ground, which that great Man had dig'd with his own hands after three

Triumphs, remembring also his life led with the greatest abstinence that could be, he form'd his Mind to a like generosity in imitation of that Primitive Integrity and simplicity of Curius. And in truth, they were the fittest Persons to lay the firm foundations of an Empire, which might bear up the superstructure, and not onely withstand forein Assaults, but also scarcely be shaken with its own domestick Vices.

DECADE II. BOOK XV.

Florus his Epitome of the Fifteenth Book of Livy.

Both Peace and Liberty is granted to the vanquish'd Tarentines. The Campanian Legion that treacherously seized Rhegium, is besieg'd, and upon surrender, all Beheaded. Some unruly young Noblemen happening to affront the Ambassadours which the Apolloniats sent to the Senate, they were all delivered into the Apol∣loniats hands to be punish'd at discretion. Peace granted to the conquer'd Picenes, and a Colony planted at Ariminum in that Country, and another at Beneventum in Samnium. Now and not before the Romans began to use Silver Coin for their Money. The Umbrians and Salentines subdued, and their submissions ac∣cepted. The number of Quaestors increased to Eight.

ALL these Potent Enemies being conquer'd after many Battels, and a Peace made in Italy, the Lords [ I] of the Senate fell now to consider how they might improve their Victories to the best advantage. They resolved that all those who had taken Arms against them, should forfeit part of their Territories; reserving a severe revenge for the Tarentines, because their Crime was greater: whom they commanded to deliver up their Arms and Shipping, and also razed their Walls, and impos'd a Tribute upon them: but yet they had Liberty and Peace given them.

Afterwards they judged nothing more necessary than to punish the treachery of that Legion, which having circumvented the Rhegians possess'd that Town now for the space of ten years. These People fore∣seeing, that the Romans being every day more and more successful, their wickedness should not go unaveng'd, diligently applied themselves to fortifie their Town and to secure themselves against danger, well know∣ing that what they had got by fraud and rapine, was to be maintain'd by the same practices. Besides their inbred insolence, they trusted in their Alliance with the Mamertines; and their success against the Carthaginians and against Pyrrhus, whereby they had try'd the courage of their People, having soon forc'd the Enemies to quit their attempts of besieging them: So that the Rebels and desertors were grown so bold, that they took Croton by treachery, kill'd the Roman Garison, and destroy'd the Town. L. Genucius [ II] therefore who bore the Consulship with C. Quinctius that year, was order'd to do justice upon these matters: who having forc'd the Traitors within their Walls, besieg'd the Town. But whilst they made great resistance with their own Forces, and those of the Mamertines, the Consul after considerable losses was streightned also for Provision, until Hiero King of Syracuse supply'd him with Men and Victuals: for he being an Enemy to the Mamertines hated also their Allies of Rhegium. He was also induc'd here∣unto by the consideration of the Roman greatness, whom he thought to make his Friends against future occasions, by obliging them first. Thus at last the Town being forc'd to surrender it self, the Consul dis∣miss'd the Mamertines obliging them to certain Conditions, and punish'd the Thieves and Desertors that had got to Rhegium as to a Sanctuary: but he carried the Legionary Soldiers to Rome, that the Senate might take a course with them. Hereupon a great Example of the Roman Discipline follow'd: The Senate [ III] first of all commanded that all those who had been brought by the Consul should be imprison'd, and from thence be brought to Execution. Afterwards, when a Tribune of the Commons had remonstrated against this act of the Senate, declaring, That the lives of Roman Citizens should not be taken away contrary to the Laws and Customs of their Ancestors: the clamours of the Tribunes were contemned by the resolute Senators, and the Malefactors punish'd; but to take away the invidiousness of such a sad action lest the People should regret, to see such a company of men suffer death together: they brought them out by fifty in a day, and after they had scourg'd them, strook off their Heads. The Senate order'd that their Bodies should not be buried nor any mourning made for them.

D. Jubellius who had liv'd blind till that time that he might die with greater torment, kill'd himself in Prison. Following most Authors in the Point, I have related that the whole Legion consisting of four thou∣and men, was beheaded. But I hold that a more true account which is given by Polybius, namely, that they [ IV] had taken alive no more than three hundred of that Legion, the rest chusing by manful resistance to die by the Sword; when the City was taken, as knowing that after such enormous Crimes, nothing else could be expected from a surrender of themselves, but greater tortures and a more infamous death. The Town of Rhe∣gium was restor'd to the former Inhabitants, as many of them as could be found out, and they enjoy'd their Li∣berty and Laws as before. This act of Justice mightily encreas'd the reputation of the Roman Commonwealth, and the Italians and neighbouring Nations lov'd them no less for this action, than they fear'd them for their Arms. Afterwards when Genucius and Cornelius were Consuls, they had War with the Sarsinates, (a Race of Ʋmbrians inhabiting the Appennine) but upon what cause these took Arms, and upon what con∣fidence they durst oppose a Power so formidable, as the Romans was grown, I cannot imagine, what re∣mains of Authors being wholly silent in the matter: the whole Series likewise of that War is wholly lost, no further account of these ancient actions remaining, but that Cneius Cornelius triumphed over the Sar∣sinates.

The Winter this year is reported to have been exceeding sharp, so that the Trees wither'd, the Tyber [ V] was frozen over with a thick Ice, and Cattel dy'd for want of fodder: nay, the weather was so extreamly cold, that in the Roman Forum the Snow lay very deep for forty days together. This unusual thing, as

[A. U. 484] it happens, being esteem'd for a Portentous Accident by many, strangely affected People with fears, which were encreas'd when they saw and heard of many Prodigies, Q. Ogulnius Gallus, and C. Fabius Pictor being Consuls. For at Rome the Temple of Health, and part of the room under it was beaten down with Light∣ning. Three Wolves coming into the Town before day brought a Carcass half eaten, and left it mangled in pieces in the Forum, being affrighted with the noise of people. From Formiae, it was reported, that their Walls had been frequently destroy'd with Lightning. From the Country of Calenum, it was said, that the Earth suddenly gaping a violent flame issu'd forth, which continuing to burn for three days consumed five Acres of ground into ashes, so that not onely the fruits of that place, but the Trees themselves dy'd from the roots. These things caused greater fear than harm at Rome; for nothing extraordinary followed hereupon, except it were a War with the Picentians, which was concluded the next year with the addi∣tion [ VI] of that Province to the Commonwealth. Mean while Silver began to be Coyn'd first at Rome, their Riches being increas'd by the successes of their Arms, whereas till that time Brass Coyns were the onely Money us'd in common at Rome: but then there were Denaries and Quinaries of Silver coyn'd in the Temple of Juno, in the Capitol: for Juno was so surnam'd, because that when the Romans in the War against Pyrrhus and the Tarentines, consulted her touching their present exigencies for Money; she an∣swer'd them, that they should not lack Money if they would follow Justice and the Wars. The Consuls Q. Gallus, and C. Fabius went to take Lollius the Samnite, who being an Hostage at Rome made his escape privately, and taking a certain Castle, robbed the people from thence, and stirr'd up the minds of his Coun∣trymen [ VII] which were not yet setled in a sure Peace, to a Revolt: but bringing onely an unarmed Rabble with him, he made no great resistance, except that by the Caricinians (a people bordering on the Frentani) things were put into greater trouble and danger: for whilst they were attacking a certain Fort, which was the receptacle of Lollius's booty and pillage, by a various turn of Fortune their hopes were changed into fear, and their fear again into Victory. Some of the besieged induc'd upon promise of indempnity to them∣selves received the Romans in a Moon-shine Night into the Town. The Townsmen being got together at this, as soon as they came to close fight, a great deal of Snow suddenly falling down hinder'd them from see¦ing one another in the fight. Hereby the Carcinians had got so much odds against men that were Strangers in those places, that the Roman Ensigns were endanger'd; and now they were almost forc'd to give back, when upon a sudden it ceas'd to snow, and the Moon shone again: and thus when they were deliver'd from their blind fear, Victory was waiting to crown their Valour with success. These bustles seem to have hinder'd [ VIII] them from subduing the Picentians that year: but the next year P. Sempronius Sophus, and Appius Claudius the [A. U. 485] Son of Caecus in the entrance upon their Consulships undertaking the War, manag'd the business with suc∣cess. About the same time in the Picenian Country belonging to the Galli Senones, a Colony was plant∣ed at Ariminum, as also at Maleventum in Samnium, the name being chang'd into Beneventum for the O∣mens sake. The Sabines, who some years had been made Denizens of Rome, received now also the Power of Voting in Elections. Claudius likewise ingaged with the Enemies in Ʋmbria, and took the Town of Camarinum, the Inhabitants whereof were sold for Slaves: but because the War seem'd to have been carried on by indirect means, the Romans preferr'd Justice before Lucre; and order'd the Camarinians to be sought for and ransom'd by the buyers: and that being made Denizens of Rome, they should have places to inhabit assign'd them in Mount Aventine, and their Lands restor'd.

[ IX] But the Victory obtain'd over the Picentians was a Subject of greater Triumph, esteem'd at so high a rate as to have impressa's on the Silver Deniers then newly coyn'd to represent it, that so it might be known presently by all men, and also the memory of it transmitted to Posterity. Q. Ceditius the Son of Quintus by an Order of the Senate, procur'd the Money to be coyn'd with Picus the Son of Saturn (for he was thought to be the founder of the Race) instamp'd on one side, and a Roman Magistrate reaching out his hand to a Suppliant upon the other. Moreover, that the Conquest of that Nation made a considerable accession of strength to the Romans may be collected hence, because 360000 Picentians are said to have then yielded themselves to the mercy of the Romans.

Both the Consuls deserv'd and enjoy'd a Triumph for that War, but Sempronius was the more Illustrious: because he had ingag'd against stronger Forces of the Enemy with greater danger and difficulty. For there happen'd a prodigious thing at the time when the Armies being drawn up in Battalia were just ready to [ X] fall on, namely a sudden Earthquake. But the Consul in a Speech proper for the occasion encourag'd the terrified minds of the Soldiery, alledging, that the Enemy was also as much disturb'd with a needless fear, and that the day should be his, who first bravely adventur'd to charge his Enemy lying yet under a con∣sternation. Afterwards, vowing a Temple to the Goddess Tellus in case she should give Victory to the Romans: he fell upon the Enemy, who were ready to receive him; so that a bloody and terrible slaughter ensu'd: and of the Conquerours the least part are said to have escap'd. After this Battel, among other Towns of the Picentians, Asculum their Metropolis, a place strong by Nature and Art yielded it self to Sempronius. Afterwards, by the Example of this place, the whole Picentian Nation promising obedience obtain'd Peace of the Romans. And thus all Italy, as far as it is wash'd with the Ionian and Sicilian Seas being conquer'd, the Sallentines onely remain'd to be subdued, a People inhabiting the utmost Coasts of [A. U. 486] Italy where the Ionian and the Adriatic join. From the Picentians therefore the War proceeded as it were by some contagion to these People, which was declar'd against them. M. Atilius Regulus, and Julius [ XI] Libo being then Consuls, they were charg'd of having entertain'd Pyrrhus coming from Epirus in their Towns and Ports. But the commodiousness of the Haven of Brundusium, which with the Wind blowing from the same Point, receives and sends forth Vessels, together with the easie passage into Dalmatia and Albania from thence, as also the convenience of having their Dominions terminated by the bounds of Italy, were deemed the most important reasons of the War. Both the Consuls triumph'd over these people in one day being the 20th of February. The Sallentines being overcome they took Brundusium, the most eminent Town in that quarter, and atchiev'd other matters very prosperously: being assisted, as they gave out, by Pales the God∣dess of Shepherds, said to have requested for reward of the Victory, a Chappel to be consecrated for her [A. U. 487] at Rome. The greater part of the Sallentines being subdued by these men, the Consuls of the year following compleated the Victory; their names were Numerius Fabius C.F.M.N. and Decius Junius D.F.D: by these [ XII] the Ʋmbrians and Sallentines also were subjected to the Roman Yoke. Thus Italy being conquer'd where it is bounded by the Seas and the Po, the Roman Power immediately began to be magnify'd by the hopes of some, and fear of others in the neighbouring Islands, and the Continent lying to the Ionian and Adriatic Seas. For those who desir'd to aggrandize themselves by oppressing others, were affraid to be hinder'd in their designs by the Romans, whilst others on the contrary imbrac'd their aid as sent from Heaven against the outrages of their Adversaries.

The Apollonians first of all desired by their Ambassadours to be admitted into an Alliance with the Ro∣mans. The Town of Apollonia is distant from the Sea sixty furlongs, being built by the Corinthians and Cor∣cyreans: it has a commodious Harbour, and the shortest passage from Brundusium into Greece lies that way: the Illyrians and Macedonians inhabit about it; therefore the people can hardly maintain their ground a∣gainst their ambitious and potent Neighbours. The Embassie was graciously received by the Senate, not [ XIII] regarding so much the Wealth and Power of that People being but small, as future hopes and opportunity open'd for greater matters in reversion: whence the punishment taken upon some young Noblemen for beating the Ambassadours in a scuffle was the greater; for neither could the dignity of his Office (for he was Edile) nor the nobleness of his Extract rescue Q. Fabius from being deliver'd up to the Apollonians for that misdemeanour. Q. Apronius likewise an Edile, and an Accomplice in the same Crime was surren∣dered to the Apollonians; for the Senate decreed that these should be deliver'd by the Heralds to the Apol∣lonian Ambassadours, and that a Questor should go along with them to Brundusium, lest the Relations of the persons surrendred should offer any injury to the Ambassadours in their Journey.

This was a signal demonstration both of the justice of the State, and of their prudence too: for whilst by an Opinion of honesty they desir'd to attract the minds of forein Nations to an Amity with them; it nearly concern'd them in some signal manner to revenge the Affronts offer'd to those, who first came to propose an Alliance with them; for nothing could have prov'd more prejudicial to their Interest than to let matters come to such a pass, that the Apollonians should have cause to repent of their action, and others for their Example. And hence in after-times it went for a constant Rule, that those who had beaten the Ambassadours of a free People, should be delivered into the hands of those to whom the Ambassadours belonged. The Apollonians however when these persons were brought to them, wisely considering that they should reap more good by their Humanity than Revenge, sent them home safe. This year both the [ XIV] Consuls triumph'd twice: D. Junius before the 27th of September, and Numerius Fabius before the 5th of October over the Sarsinates a people of Ʋmbria. Fabius also the first of February, and Junius the 5th triumph'd over the Sallentini and some Messapians assistants to then Neighbours the Sallentini. This ye••r was made an end of the Italian Wars; for the War which was w••g'd the year following, Q. [A. U. 488] Fabius Gurges being the third time Consul, having for his Colleague L. Manilius Vitulus, was not against a just Enemy, but onely a Revenge taken upon recreant Villains in behalf of Allies.

The Volsinians a powerful People of Hetruria implor'd the protection of the Romans against their quou∣dam Slaves: for whether it were in hopes to recruit their strength impair'd by former Wars or to in∣dulge themselves in ease shunning the toil of War, they imprudently permitted their Slaves being made Freemen to bear Arms: and afterwards communicating Honours to them, chose some of th••m for Senators, and some for other Offices in the State; so that these in a short time over-topping the ancient Citizens, and wresting the Power into their own hands, most impudently exercised their liberty against those men, to whom they were indebted for it. So that now it became their common Trade, to rav••sh the h••nour∣able [ XV] Dames and Virgins, to answer the complaints of Parents and Husbands for these injuries with moc∣kery and reproaches instead of redress and correction of the Offenders; and to plunder, destroy and har∣rass all things as they pleas'd themselves. And not to pass by a signal demonstration of th••t brutish impu∣dence to which servile Spirits may arrive, when they have power on their side; they published a Law, whereby the Libertines were authoriz'd to ravish the Wives and Daughters of their Pations: and that every Maid, that was to many a Freeman, should first be defl••wr'd by one that had been a Slave. Now the old Volsinians being neither able to endure these miseries, nor yet to remove them with their own strength, entring into private consult, determin'd to send Ambassadours to Rome: who by addresses under∣hand prevail'd to have the Senate assembled in a private House (for they foresaw, that the thing if it should be discover'd, would undo them) declared in a lamentable harangue the calamities of their City: whereat the Senate being moved promised to assist that distressed people in order to the recovering of their ancient rights and priviledges. But whilst these matters were thought to have been transacted Incognito, [ XVI] they were discovered by a certain Samnite to those very men, against whom all the complaint was made. This Fellow being a Guest to the Master of that House, when the Senate assembled, lay ill, and being forgotten stay'd behind in that place, whereby he over-heard, and betray'd the whole matter.

The Ambassadours therefore being returned from Rome were put to the torture: and the business being found out, both they and the chief Men of the City were barbarously murthered.

This gave a juster pretence for making a War: and Q Fabius was sent with an Army against them, who defeated them in Battel, and slew a great number of them in the pursuit: and as for those who betook themselves into their fortresses, he resolved to attack them by storm; but whilst they made brisk resistance, and several Skirmishes hapned between both parties, the Consul unwarily exposing himself to the shot re∣ceiv'd a Wound, whereof he dy'd, being under the Chirurgions hands. The besieged understanding this [ XVII] disaster, sallied out with all their Forces, hoping that an Army cow'd by the fall of their General, might be beaten from the Town if it were suddenly assaulted, but the event of the Battel proved contrary to their expectations: for the Roman Soldiers bravely receiv'd them, and with great slaughter forced them to retire into the Town.

I suppose Decius Mus was chief Commander in this Battel: for that this man might be Lieutenant to Fabius, and so might manage the War after his death until one was sent to succeed him. And hence, I believe, it comes to pass, that Decius Mus by some negligent Historians is entitled to the beginning and ending of this War. The Censors made that year were Cn. Cornelius the Son of Lucius, and C. Marcius who having been Censor once before, was call'd Censorinus in the time of his second Censorship. Memorable was the moderation of this Marcius, who receiving a Power he su'd not for, reprimanded the People be∣ing assembled, in a grave Harangue because they had twice committed that Office to the same Man, whereas their Ancestors had for no other reason judged that the time of bearing this Office ought to be li∣mited, but because the Power was too great. Hence there arose a Law, whereby it was provided, That no man should be twice Censor: the same year the number of the Questors were increas'd, hitherto four had serv'd the tu••n: two in the City, and as many more joyn'd with the Consuls that went out to the War. But some years after, the Commonwealth being inlarg'd, and greater Customs and Revenues coming in, it was necessary that that number should be doubled. Afterwards Appius Claudius surnamed Caudex in his Office, and M. Fulvius Flaccus were made Consuls. This year was memorable for the War then first begun against the Carthaginians in Sicily; for then the quarrel first brake out between those two most potent States, which after many years and great losses on both sides, could not be ended but

by the destruction of one of them. But we must premise some things more particularly concerning Carthage before we come to the handling of these things: for that in the narrations of these matters several things will be unintelligible, unless we have first an insight into the rise and growth of that City.

DECADE II. BOOK XVI.

Florus his Epitome of the Sixteenth Book of Livy.

The Original of the Carthaginians and the first Fortunes of their City related: Against whom, and Hiero King of the Syracusans, the Senate of Rome decreed Forces to be sent in Aid of the Mamertines [or Inha∣bitants of Messina] after much debate Pro and Con, upon that point. And then the Gentlemen of Rome that serv'd on Horseback first cross'd the Seas, and fought valiantly against King Hiero in several Battels, who at last suing for Peace, had it granted. The Censors held a Lustrum, and enroll'd 292224. Citizens in the Subsidy-Book. D. Junius Brutus in honour of his deceased Father, entertained the people with a Prize or Fencing-match of the Gladiators, the first of that kind that was ever show'd in Rome. A Colony planted at Aesernia, and several prosperous Actions against the Carthaginians and Vol∣scinians.

[ I] THAT Carthage was founded by Phenicians of Tyre besides the Authority and faith of ancient Story, we have the perpetual amity between those two Nations while they flourished, as also the apparent si∣militude of Language even now remaining to attest it. It is reported that one Elisa of that Nation, the same which is surnamed Dido, Daughter of Agenor Son of Belus fled from her Country, in hatred to Pygma∣lion her Brother-in-law for the cruel murther of her Husband Sicheus; and arrived at that Bay or Peninsula in Africa, where Carthage was afterwards built; whose Power at its beginning being but inconsiderable, discovered not any hopes of that grandeur, which it afterwards attained to. For Elisa is thought to have bought no more Land from the Inhabitants, than could be cover'd with an Ox hide: But then that she cut this Hide into small thongs, and so took in a far greater quantity of ground, than the Owners thought they had bargain'd for; so that the place serv'd for the building of a Citadel, which from thence is supposed to be called Byrsa. In process of time, when several people for the convenience of trading with these Foreiners built Houses close to the Citadel, so that it appeared like a Town, and that the Africans also desired to retain such civil and rich customers with them, they easily complied with the Ambassadors from Ʋtica, who by their own Example (for Ʋtica was a Colony of Tyrians) exhorted them to build a City in those places. It was agreed therefore between them, that the Africans should give the Phenicians a place to dwell in: these paying a yearly tribute to the Africans in lieu thereof. When the work was finished, Elisa call'd it in her own Language, Carthadas, which signifies the new Town, the Greeks call it Carchedon, and the Romans as is usual, by altering the pronunciation, Carthago. This City having peaceful Neighbours, an industrious People, and what was the main thing of all, a wise Queen, arriv'd in a short time to great prowess and Riches.

[ II] These things seem to have been done about seventy years before the building of Rome; for Authors differ in their account of an affair so ancient. But as the life of Elisa was remarkable for variety of For∣tune, so was her death memorable too. Jarbas a petty Prince of some African Province courted her for his Wife, threatning War if he should be deny'd; But she being a Woman of rare chastity, and still retaining true to her deceased Sicheus, was averse from marrying him: however because she understood that a War would be destructive to the infancy of her blooming State, she took some time to consider on't, as if she were inclining towards the marriage with this African Prince: and then order'd a pile of Wood to be set up in the further end of the Town, pretending, that before she would enter upon the se∣cond Marriage she would perform holy Rites to the ashes of her Sicheus: and afterwards having offered many Sacrifices, she climbs up the Pile her self at last, and with the Sword which she had brought for that use kills her self: her affection to her Husband and People exceeding the care she had of her own life.

[ III] The Carthaginians shew'd as much respect to her memory as they could; and in admiration of her Ver∣tues worshipped her for a Goddess, as long as their Commonwealth stood: She had a Temple built her in the place where she dy'd, being called Dido (a name given to brave Amazons by the Carthaginians.) Af∣terwards when no single Person was held worthy of the succession to the Government, the City began to be governed by a mix'd power of the Nobility and the Populace, but yet the Royal Title continued still: but their Kings were like the Lacedaemonians; unless it were that the honour being ty'd to no particular House was given to any of the Nobility that was eminent above the rest for his Valour and Riches. To these the administrations of War abroad did belong; whence by the Romans comparing their Government with their own, they were called Pretors and Dictators. At home these were the Presidents of their Coun∣cils, with whom they advis'd concerning State Affairs: matters of great importance were propos'd to the people; whose judgment was decisive, when the Kings and Senators differ'd. They had likewise a Power to remonstrate against the Decrees of the Kings and Senators, if they seem'd to be prejudicial to the Publick (every one having the liberty to judg of their proceedings:) which extravagant Power of the Populace when excessively heightned, as is usual, by the soothings of Flatterers in after-times did a great deal of mischief to the Carthaginians.

[ IV] Moreover, they had in their Senate thirty elderly Men as it were the Privy Counsellours, and these had a great influence over the other Counsellours of State. They had also an Officer indued with an Autho∣rity like a Censor for the keeping of good Order and Discipline. In process of time, the Power of the

Carthaginians increasing, several Commanders were chosen for the Wars: of whom Mago was the most valiant and successful, who when he had left two Sons qualified like himself, and that they also as it were handed down to their more numerous Progeny the same hereditary qualifications, it happened that this immoderate power of his Family seem'd fit to be restrained by some new remedies: and a hundred Officers were created, who were commission'd to pass sentence even upon the Commanders themselves; a formidable power this, whether we respect the largeness of their Commission, or the continuance of it, which was for life: whereas the Kings themselves were not created for life, nor for any longer term than a year: at home they were called Suffetes or Judges resembling the Roman Consuls.

But the Centumviri behaving themselves insolently were restrained by a Law of Hannibal, whereby he [ V] enacted that these Judges should be chosen yearly, and none should hold the Office for two years together. In their Religion they imitated very much the Modes of Tyre: to which some additions were made after∣wards. Juno was the Deity most in vogue: Esculapius had also honours paid him, to whom was built a noble Shrine in the City. Apollo's Temple likewise was richly adorned, being cover'd with golden Plates, having a noble Statue in it, which was carried to Rome after the destruction of Carthage, and placed by the great Cirque: to Hercules of Tyre they sent yearly a Ship, one of the choicest they had, with the tenths of the annual products of their Country and of their spoils taken in the Wars. From the same people likewise their Founders, they receiv'd another piece of horrid impiety, which was, yearly to sacrifice a Man to Saturn, called Belus by them; the remnants of which barbarity could not be quite ex∣tinguish'd and abolish'd with the ruin of their City. The utility of Commerce did for the most part mo∣derate the other customs of that people; for being addicted very much to Trade by nature, and the insti∣tution of their Ancestors, whether willingly, or unwillingly they squar'd all their designs and measures in order to this. Hence by avoidless mischief, the admiration of Wealth and Honour, corrupted the As∣semblies [ VI] of the Magistrates: weakned Vertue and Courage, being subjected to Money: inflam'd the people with covetousness, and infected them with a servile custom of cozening and lying, and forced the Commonwealth wholly to betake it self to the pursuit of such things as these. For from hence it came to pass that there was so little faith in the Punic Capitulations, and that all their strength lay in ship∣ping. Their Infantry was the main support of their Empire, but their Cavalry was little or nothing esteem'd. In their Wars by Land they employ'd mercenary forces, whose affection to the Commonwealth was not real, and their faith was venal, their dissentions dangerous, and conspiracies destructive: by which main errour in their Policies it came to pass that no Enemy ever threw the State till its final dissolution, into so much confusion as this did. Again, abundance of mischief befell this State, whilst the men of power and authority among them, by mutual dissimulation without control committed extortion and pillaged the People: so that we need not so much wonder that in a War risen between those two States the Romans should have the better on't: whose Senators in times of danger contributed to the necessities of the publick out of their own Purses: whereas the Carthaginians made a prey and spoil of the Common∣wealth.

But these Grievances increased with the City: wherefore at the beginning they were very tolerable, as [ VII] being but small and inconsiderable: and a long while after the Empire bore up under them by its own greatness, and by the good conduct of some of its Commanders, by whose means chiefly we find all that happiness procur'd and establish'd, which Carthage ever attain'd to. At first they warred with the Afri∣cans, who demanded a Tribute for that ground whereon their City was built, which ingagement they could not free themselves from but by repeated Wars. Hence their Empire is inlarged, and the best in∣habited part of Africa reduc'd under the subjection of the Carthaginians. And as for their pas∣sing over into Sardinia, and thence into Sicily, they were invited thereunto by the convenience of the Sea, and the openness of the first of these places for any assault through the rudeness of its Inha∣bitants in War, as also by the beauty of the latter expos'd as a prey to him that had the longest Sword, by reason of immortal quarrels and contests. The passage from Sardinia to Corsica was easie, and the conquest of a weak people cheap. But Sicily became the Scene of the various and sundry chances which accompany the Wars: sometimes yielding wreaths to adorn the triumphant Generals of Carthage, and some∣times proving a field of blood to them. Hamilcar the Son of Hanno having transported three hundred thou∣sand [ VIII] men into Sicily was defeated by Gelo and slain; with which blow the Carthaginians being stunn'd forbore the business of Sicily, till at the request of the Egestanes molested by the Selinuntians, they sent out Hannibal Hamilcar's Grandchild by his Son Gesco. This person having destroyed Selinus and Himera ac∣quired great Power to the Carthaginians in Sicily. Imilco overcame the elder Dionysius's Brother and General, Leptines, in the Sicilian Streight; he took and sunk one hundred Vessels, and slew above twenty thousand. He won several Towns in Sicily, and took also part of Syracuse: but a sudden Pl••gue forced him to return with a small company to Carthage, the whole Army being very near destroy'd.

But notwithstanding this, the Carthaginians did not abandon all hopes of possessing Sicily, but sent [ IX] Hanno a few years after with another Fleet against Dionysius. After this Timolcon expell'd Mago, called in by Icetas, and then incamp'd in Syracuse with sixty thousand men. Again, Hannibal and Hamilcar bring∣ing seventy thousand men with them were in a signal Battel defeated, and beaten out of their Camp by the same Timoleon; but there scarce ever appear'd a quicker or greater revolution of their sate in any War as in that against Agathocles; who being routed in Sicily, besieg'd at Syracuse, and apprehending no hopes of safety, of his own head transferr'd the War into Africk, and having overcome the Carthaginians in se∣veral Battels, whilst the Africans revolted in great numbers to him, brought them into great danger and fear, and afterwards having return'd home, expell'd them quite out of Sicily, till the death of the King, and troubles arising thereupon opened a door to let the Carthaginians into the possession of Sicily again: from which time, they fought with various successes against Pyrrhus as we have shewn already, and at last con∣quer'd him. Mean while, some Cities in Spain were made tributaries to this State: when the Gaditanes addressing for succour against their Neighbours, the Auxiliaries sent unto this people their Kinred (for the Tyrians built Gades also) reduc'd some bordering Countries of Spain to the subjection of the Carthagi∣nians.

This was near upon the matter the State of Carthage when they enter'd into War with Rome. As for [ X] Sicily, where it was not under the Carthaginians Sovereignty, the Syracusans and their King Hiero sway'd the greater part thereof, the rest the Mamertines possess'd by Conquest, who as long as they could serve themselves with the Alliance of the Romans, that seiz'd on Rhegium, being not content to stand upon the defensive, made in••ursions into the Territories of the Carthaginians and Syracusans: And in sine, forced

several Towns of Sicily by tribute to redeem themselves from being plundered and otherwise annoy'd. But Rhegium being expugned, and the deserters punished, the Mamertines bereav'd of their main strength became unable to maintain their former Port; and so being reduced almost to the last Stake, fought for Messina with the King of Syracuse. Concerning which King I shall treat somewhat more largely, be∣cause he was then an Enemy of the Romans, but a little after prov'd their Friend and Ally for many years together, and mightily contributed to the establishment of their Affairs: for he was a Man of prodigious success, great Valour and excellent Conduct: and in those days the power of the Syracusans rose and sell [ XI] away with Hiero. This Man therefore inherited neither Honour, Riches, nor any such advantages from his Ancestors: but all his fortune, all his honour he owed to himself. He was not raised as many are from a low degree to greatness by slandering the Innocent, and destroying or defeating his Adversaries; but by a singular Moderation both in the acquisition and the exercise of Power; whilst he prudently consi∣der'd, that no Government could be established better than that, which is so manag'd, that the Subject may rather be affraid of being depriv'd of it than the Prince. Therefore when he had reigned fifty four years, and that when two mighty People clash'd with one another, and contended with their utmost power for the Empire of the World, being attempted upon by no forein Enemy except in his younger days, nor by any homebred Plots and Treasons, he died upwards of Ninety, having arrived at this Age with his Senses intire and sound, and his Body vigorous, a great demonstration of his temperate life: being a Man not onely belov'd by his own People, but held in great esteem among the Romans and Gre∣cians: who also, as he was minded to resign up the Government was hindred by the people in general from doing it, and his Son Gelon, who being fifty years old deceas'd before Hiero, out of a moderation very rare in the World, chose rather for ever to want his Kingdom, than his Father, and honour'd him as [ XII] long as he liv'd, with all dutiful respect and obedience. Now this Hiero was exposed by his Father Hierocles, who derived his pedigree from Gelo an ancient Tyrant of Sicily: because a noble Person such as he was, disdain'd to breed up a Child begot on a Maid-servant. But when he was bereft of all humane succour and relief, Bees fed him for many days with their Honey drop'd into his mouth as he lay along; By this Prodigy, as also by the answers of the Diviners who affirm'd that a Royal Power was portended thereby, Hierocles being mov'd takes the Child again, owns him and provides for his good Education, in hopes of his future greatness. Thence 'tis said, that whilst he was learning his Lesson with his School-fellows, a Wolf came in suddenly among the Boys and snatch'd his Book out of his hand. Afterwards, when he was just entring upon the rudiments of War, an Eagle lighted upon his Buckler, and an Owl upon his Spear. This was interpreted a sign of Counsel and Strength and eminence of Place denoted by the Kingly Bird.

[ XIII] But afterwards he gave more manifest and certain Signs than these, by the shape and great strength of his Body: yet he was rendred more noble and illustrious upon the account of his temperance, judgment, affableness, justice and moderation. For having often at single Combat fought both in the Field, and also upon Challenges, and always coming off victorious, he was rewarded by Pyrrhus with many Military Or∣naments for his Valour; whose Kinswoman afterwards call'd Nereis, was married to Gelo the Son of Hiero. Pyrrhus being routed out of Sicily, when according to the usual distemper of those times, a Contest had risen betwixt the Syracusan Army, and the Townsmen, Artemidorus and Hiero were created chief Com∣manders by Military Votes in the Camp at Mergana: and by the contrivance of Hiero and the help of his Friends, they put Soldiers privately into the Town, and so became Masters of it: for he neither kill'd nor expell'd any one of the contrary faction, but by clemency, meekness and good counsels so quieted these commotions, that he got the good will of his Enemies as well as Friends to be made Praetor of Syracuse.

[ XIV] But this Personage being as zealous for the Publickweal as for his own, observing an old reigning di∣stemper in that Body Politick, whereby it came to pass that as often as the Magistrates march'd out their Forces, mutinies would usually break out in the Army, or else some Riots and Innovations at home: he began to look about him for some person to whom he might trust the government of the City, if he should be forced at any time to go abroad to the Wars; he marries therefores the Daughter of Leptines a princi∣pal person among the Citizens, and one that had the reputation of an honest and true-hearted Gentleman, by which means being secure at home, he contriv'd a remedy rather necessary, than any ways laudable against the insolence of the Mercenaries. For marching out his Army against the Mamertines, when they had met him near Centuripa, in arranging his Forces at the River Cyamosus, he play'd his game so cunningly, that leaving a space between the Citizens and Mercenaries, he commanded these to charge the Enemy in the front, as if he design'd with the City Militia to attack them on some other side as soon as they were ingag'd.

[ XV] Thus the Mercenaries surrounded by a greater number of the Mamertines were slain: and whilst the Enemies were diverted by the slaughter of them, he retreats with his Forces quietly and safely into Syra∣cuse. When he had in this manner clear'd the Soldiery of seditious Spirits and Male-contents, he exercis'd the City Militia in their Arms with great diligence, and rais'd new levies of Mercenaries: and so having wrought himself into the favour and good liking of the people, and remov'd all that could stand in his way, the rest not daring to mutter against an armed and a watchful Man, he manag'd the Government as he pleas'd himself.

Mean while the Mamertines incouraged by their late Victory, negligently and in a contemptuous man∣ner spoil'd the Country of the Syracusans. Against these Hiero now secure of the fidelity of his Coun∣trymen and Soldiers, marches out with all speed and advances with his Army even to the Gates of the Enemies City, then drain'd of men by reason of several Parties drawn out of it to piqueer up and down the Country; and here he pitches his Camp. The Mamertines alarm'd at this danger of their City, posted with a Body of Light-Horse to its relief. Whereupon Hiero decamping from their Borders takes a Town called Mylae and in it fifteen hundred men: from thence having surpriz'd some Castles in his way, he proceeds to Ameselum situated in the mid-way between Agyrium and Centuripa; which place likewise though strengthned with fortifications and well garison'd, he took and raz'd, the Garison receiving quar∣ter, he forced to bear Arms under himself, and divided the Lands belonging to Ameselum between the Cen∣tyripians and Agyrians.

[ XVI] And now being flush'd with these successes he makes an incursion into the Territories of the Mamer∣tines, takes the City Alesus upon surrender, and brings over the Abaceninians and Tyndaritans voluntarily to espouse his Cause: thus the next Towns to Messina towards both Seas becoming subject to Hiero (for

the Tindaritanes border on the Tuscan Sea, and the Tauromenians on the Sicilians, who were Confederates of the Syracusians at that time.) The Mamertines thus reduc'd to straits and difficulties, under the con∣duct of Cios their Pretor march'd against the Enemy, then incamped in the Plains of Mylea near the River Longanus. When Battel was join'd, and they fought a long while with doubtful fortune, until a fresh Squadron charging the Mamertines in the Flank won a signal Victory, and gave the glory of the day to Hiero. For Hiero before the sight began, had ordered two hundred Messenian Exiles, brave Fellows and mortal Enemies of the Mamertines, together with a detachment of four hundred choice men of his own to go round about a neighbouring Hill (called Thorax) and by a sudden attack to disorder and break the Enemies ranks: they having executed his Orders with vigour and resolution cut to pieces the whole Army of the Mamertines.

Cios in this desperate condition desiring nothing else but to die in the bed of Honour, having been [ XVII] wounded in several places falls into his Enemies hands, and being carried into their Camp, confirm'd the predictions of the Entrails and Diviners by a contrary event than he had looked for. For when he sacrific d before the Battel began, the Soothsayers viewing the Entrails promised him, that he should that Night lodg in the Camp of his Enemies: which he interpreting as an Omen of Victory, understo••d too late the Cheat and Delusion of an equivocal Prediction. Being already cast down with th•• disaster, when he sees next day among the captive Horses that whereon his Son rode in the Battel, ima••••ni••g that he had be••n kill'd, he tore the Plaisters and bands from off his Wounds, and expir'd his murmu•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ep••••••ing breath. The Mamertines hearing of this slaughter of their men were quite cast down 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••e ready to meet the Con∣querour with the badges of submission, and to yield themselves 〈…〉〈…〉 had not a lucky hap unex∣pectedly interposed to their preservation.

It happened that Hannibal the General of the Carthaginians was at the s••me time in the Liparean Isles, [ XVIII] places adjacent to Sicily, who being advertis'd of Hiero's Victory, and fea ••ng lest ••pon the ruin and sub∣version of the Mamertines, the Syracusian Power would become troublesom and intolerable to Carthage, came straightway to Hiero under pretext of congratulating his success; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 having stop'd him from marching outright against Messina, enter'd himself before him into the Town, and not onely by words in∣couraged the Mamertines, who had thoughts of surrendring themselves, to maintain their liberty, but likewise brought a Garison of his own men into the place. Hiero finding himself out-witted by this trepanning and cunning Carthaginian, return'd to Syracuse, being too weak to undertake a Siege of so much difficulty as this was like to prove: and being received with general satisfaction he was by the whole Army declared King, which Title he afterwards retain'd by the consent both of his own people, and of Foreiners.

Hiero being gone, the Mamertines, when they had taken heart again for a little while, deliberating up∣on the present state of Affairs, were divided into two factions:

One party was of Opinion, that they [ XIX] must put themselves under the protection of the Carthaginians, it being thought not onely convenient for several reasons, but now their Garison was received, almost necessary for them so to do. The other reply'd, That the Carthaginians were as much their Enemies as Hiero; and doubtless design'd not out of kind∣ness, but desire of Empire to defend Messina, as having for many years aspir'd to the Dominion of Sicily; deterr'd from this their unreasonable resolution, neither by the losses of Armies, nor Navies, nay, not by the concern of their domestick Affairs, and the African Wars: If so be therefore that they should trust themselves to them, who had so strong a Fleet, and the best part of Sicily in their hands, they must without all dispute become perfect Slaves and Vassals. Therefore it would be absolutely against their Interest to call the Carthaginians to their assistance, a tyrannical treacherous People, who would impose a heavier Yoke upon their Necks, than they had yet fear'd from the Syracusans. As for the Punic Ga∣rison, if it were purely sent on purpose to preserve their State from falling into Hiero's hand ••hey might dismiss it, now the business was done in an amicable civil way; but if any Sham was design'd, they ought the more carefully to prevent the treachery of false Friends, and for that reason address themselves rather to the Romans for protection, a Nation victorious in Arms, of approved fidelity and justice, who would have neither power nor any pretensions to keep Messina in their own hands: who had not one span of ground in Sicily, no skill in Navigation nor any Genius that way. These would rest content, if so be they might but conserve their own Italy, by opposing Messina as a curb or dam against the violent ambition of Hiero and the Carthaginians. Therefore they had best resolve to try the Romans friendship, rather than any other peoples whatsoever: for that it would be a dishonourable action, and very ill tim'd, if they should alter their former Measures having sent Ambassadours to them, and received a promise of assistance.

For before this, the Mamertines beginning to look jealously upon their own Affairs after the last Battel [ XX] with Hiero had emplored the assistance of the Romans, as being of the same stock, and the Consuls ha∣ving incited the peoples minds, and prepar'd them for the undertaking of the War, procur'd their Votes for it; but the Senate demurr'd, and would not ratifie the act of the Commons. For they who had but just now punish'd their own people for a villanous act committed upon Rhegium, saw, that in assisting the Mamertines, who by a like treachery had possessed Messina, they should forfeit all the honour and reputa∣tion of their justice which was amply acquir'd by that procedure. But hearing immediately of the Ma∣mertines defeat, and considering that if they were forsaken by the Romans, they would place their regards upon the Power of Carthage, they comply'd readily with those, who voted the War. For several of the Senators too were inclin'd to the thing; foreseeing that otherwise, Messina presently and after that the rest of Sicily, would fall into the hands of the Carthaginians: and should that happen, the Romans would be oblig'd to dispute their Title to Italy it self with them. And to render this danger unavoidable the ambition of that potent People, and the situation of the place did manifestly concur. For Italy in a spacious Tract of ground extending it self from the Borders of Liguria between two Seas is separated onely by a narrow Frith from the Sicilian shore, and doubtless these two Countries were formerly joyn'd: but afterwards the Sea running between parted them, whether it were that the Country lying lower on that side was overwhelm'd by the Sea, or else that some violent Earthquake, or the impetuous rushing in of the Waters broke through the Isthmus; from which event it may be, they call it Rhegium: for so the Grecians express those things that are broken off. Hence it is very probable, that Sicily was at first peopled from Italy: which conjecture the very name seems to confirm. For the Opiques are said to have built Mes∣sina, a Town lying opposite to the Italian shore: which I suppose, they call'd Sicily, because it was built in a Bay resembling the Figure of a Sickle; which the Grecians arriving thither afterwards translated Zancle, ••hese two words signifying the same thing in the several Languages.

[ XXII] Hence the whole Island (as it usually happens) came to be so named: for some call it Zancle, but most Sicily. Now this Isle as well for greatness as fruitfulness far exceeds all those of the Mediterranean Sea, incredibly abounding with Oil, Wine, and Corn of the best, being well peopled, and admirably adorn'd with many and those very great Towns: but in respect of convenient Harbours and situation, there's no place in the World fitter to such as design the erection and establishment of an Empire; for joyning on one side to Italy, it has Africa on the opposite: Sardinia also lies on another side of it, and Eastward it is separated from Morea and the parts of Greece by the Ionian: to all which places round the Voyage is but short: and for Ships to ride in and out at, there is no place more safe and commodious; and the truth on't is, a desire to become Masters of this Isle, which the Romans and Carthaginians, at the same time af∣fected, gave occasion to the War; tho other things were pretended: for the Romans alledged the assistance given the Tarentines contrary to the League, and the Carthaginians quarrelled at the Alliance with Hiero as made against them.

[ XXIII] But now both Nations were arrived to such prowess, that they must of necessity fall out sometimes for one thing or other. For as Trees planted at a small distance asunder for a while interfere not with one another; but being grown up intercept one anothers nourishment and juice: and when they are arrived to their full growth and proportion, then they mutually consume and starve one another root and branch. So rising Empires scarce ever hold correspondence longer than till the intervening Land of Union is worn out, and both Nations joyn'd, clash and justle together: being neither of them capable of fixing within their former bounds, nor yet free to extend themselves to a greater bulk and dimension, till all impedi∣ments are removed.

To these reasons we may add the great influence of the Commons, and their eager desires to have a War, in both States. For in that of Carthage the Commonalty bore a great sway, and because upon the growth of their national Power and Riches, they were wont also to enrich themselves by several ways of gain and advantage, allured by the sweets thereof they were well enough content to have one War upon [ XXIV] the neck of the other. Nor indeed was the State or the Roman Commons much different from this; who being in hopes to retrieve their private damages sustained in the former War, by the Riches of Sicily, in compensation of a priviledg extorted from the Senate, confirm'd such Votes as pass'd for the War, by an Order of their own; with which Power the Consul Appius being armed, whilst the major part of the Senate already assented, the rest complying now notwithstanding all their scruples and bogglings, imme∣diately dispatches C. Claudius a Tribune of Soldiers with some few Ships, and commanded him to wait an oportunity, and if any happen'd, to pass over into Sicily. When he was arrived at Rhegium, he durst not venture out with his Galleys to Sea because the passage was guarded by a very strong Fleet of the Carthaginians. However, he himself gets into a Fisher-boat and so pass'd over; where having conferred with the Mamertines concerning the present state of Affairs, but availing little by his Negotiation whilst the Carthaginians still oppos'd him, he return'd without any manner of success. But a while after when it was known that the Mamertines bandied into parties, whilst some opposed the calling in of the Romans, and most were disgusted at the Carthaginian Garison, having repass'd the Sea, among other things proper to the business on foot, he insisted mainly on this point,

That he was come onely to deliver the Town; and when he had so done, he would immediately depart.

[ XXV]

When the Carthaginians reply'd thereunto, that the Romans need not be at any trouble to set free a place, that was already so; and that by the Arms of the Carthaginians provision had been made, whereby the Mamertines were secured from becoming Vassals to the Syracusans; therefore the Romans would do well to be gone, or else declare, if they had any other just cause to be at Messina. Claudius denies that that City could be thought free, wherein a Garison of Foreiners was resident against the Burgers wills. To which when no answer was made:

the Carthaginians out of disdain and the Mamertines for fear holding their Tongues, says this politick and quick-witted Man:

'Tis manifest by this your silence, that the cause of the Carthaginians is unjust, and that the Mamertines are desirous of liberty: for were it otherwise, they would not be loth to speak concerning their own Right, and to justifie their proceed∣ings; and these without dissembling the matter, dig they consent to the Carthaginians, would openly and avowedly approve what they do.

[ XXVI] At this the Mamertines humming, and the major part of them applauding his Speech as true, and agree∣ing with their own thoughts and judgments, the Roman for the present thinking he had proceeded far e∣nough in the point, having felt their pulses, and sounded the tempers of their minds, return'd to Rhegium; and not long after having equipp'd those Galleys that were with him, attempted to pass over: but coming far short of the Carthaginian Commanders both for number of Ships, and skill in Navigation; and more∣over, being driven back by the violence of the Tide, which was then vehemently rais'd by a sudden Tem∣pest, he return'd from whence he set out, with the loss of some of his Galleys, and hardly saving the rest. But not daunted with this cross event, but desiring to try again his fortune at a better season, he re∣fitted his Galleys: when in the mean while Messengers came from Hanno (the Governour of the Garison of Messina, and Commander in chief over all the Fleet in those Streights) bringing with them all the men and shipping which had been taken in the former Battel by the Carthaginians. This Hanno did, being minded to lay the fault of violating the Peace upon the Romans: and complaining of the attempt made by the Romans to force their passage over a Sea under the Carthaginian jurisdiction, pressed them to a stricter observation of the Peace for the future.

[ XXVII] But understanding that Claudius would admit of no Conditions, till the Garison were drawn out of Messina, and that he intended again to pass over, he cry'd out in a rage,

That he would not suffer the Romans so much as to wash their hands in that Sea:

nevertheless he could not hinder it, but that Claudius having observed the course of the Tide, and taken an opportunity when the Wind blowing very commo∣diously further'd the reflux of the Water got to Sicily, before he could be met withal. And there having assembled as many of the Mamertines as were in the Port, he persuaded them to send for Hanno, as if they intended to advise and deliberate with him upon the present state of Affairs: for Hanno suspecting the mutinous Spirits of the Burgers, had with his Men possess'd himself of the Citadel, neither durst he ven∣ture his person among the Mamertines. But yet lest this should provoke and irritate them the more against him, he came to the conference, which being protracted in debates a long while, at last the Ro∣mans seized upon Hanno, and threw him into Prison, the Mamertines approving what was done. Thus be∣ing circumvented partly by treachery, and partly by terrour, seeing there were no other terms allowed him, drew the Garison out of Messina, delivering the Citadel into the hands of the Mamertines.

The Carthaginians hearing this were much inraged at it: and whereas at other times they usually punish∣ed [ XXVIII] their Commanders for their ill conduct, though never so fortunately succeeding, now accusing both the folly and cowardise of Hanno, they crucified the poor man: and forthwith order'd their Forces by Sea and Land to move towards Messina, having sent another Hanno the Son of Hannibal to command in Sicily: Who having rendezvouz'd his Forces at Lilybeum proceeded forward to Selinus, and encamping there, left the Infantry behind him, whilst he himself goes to Agrigentum, and having fortified the Citadel, persuades this People being Allies to Carthage, to come and enter into an Association of Arms against the Romans. Afterwards, when he was returned into his Camp, Ambassadours came to him from Hiero, who also did not well rellish the arrival of these new Guests into Sicily, and thought it now the most convenient time with the conjunction of the Punic Forces to expel the Romans, and the barbarous Inhabitants of Messana quite out of the Island.

In order hereunto, he enters into a Conference with the Carthaginian General, and both of them ha∣ving [ XXIX] miscarried heretofore in their design upon Messana, easily concluded an Alliance against the Romans, equally mischievous to them both; by which it was agreed, that Messana should be besieged by their joint-forces, and that none should be permitted to live in Sicily, which were not Subjects either of the Syracu∣sans or Carthaginians. Hereupon the Punic General having sent before him a Herald to command the Ro∣mans,

As they valued their Peace with Carthage to quit Messana, and within a set-time to depart the Island of Sicily; advanced with his whole Army against the Mamertines.

The Fleet was order'd to keep Guard near Pelorus: the Infantry intrench'd themselves at Eunas [the Beds] a place not far distant from Messina. Hiero likewise came according to agreement, and encamp'd on the other side of the Town near the Chalcidic Hill. Thus the Town was beleaguer'd on all quarters, so that no supply of men or provision could be sent into it either by Sea or Land.

The Carthaginians, when their Herald at the same time return'd without tidings of Peace from Messana, [ XXX] moved partly with anger and partly with distrust, barbarously slew all such Italians as bore Arms amongst them. The news of these Actions being brought to Rome, the Consul Appius marching outright at the head of a stout Army, arrived at Rhegium, from whence having dispatch'd some persons before-hand to expostulate with Hiero and the Carthaginians about raising the Siege; he began to consider, and diligently examin by what means, now the Carthaginians so narrowly watch'd and block'd up the Strait, he might pass it with the least danger and inconvenience. The Consul's Ambassadours received no amicable Answer from the Carthaginians, and Hiero reprimanded them in a very smart Speech, and recounting the kindnesses he had done the Roman people, spoke to this effect:

I am at a loss, O Romans, whether I should more bewail, your or my own condition! for I indeed [ XXXI] have lost Friends, which prov'd worse than I had thought: but you have lost the credit of that Faith, and Honesty, which made you so famous in the World. With the Mamertines you never had Friendship or Alliance, but you were Leagu'd with the Carthaginians long ago, and of late with me also. Now that you are minded to break these Leagues for the sake of others no ways relating to you, tell me if you can, for what injury of ours, or for what merit of the Mamertines ye do this? but because the Carthagi∣nians are able enough to plead for themselves, I shall wholly wave their Cause, and at present onely men∣tion such points as concern my own particular. The Mamertines, those honest Countrymen of yours, when (as you know) they had receiv'd pay in the service of the Syracusans; being dismissed to return into Italy, at Messana where they had been hospitably treated by the poor credulous Messanians, commit∣ted one of the most barbarous acts that ever was known since the memory of Man. For against all the Laws of hospitality they assassinated them by Night, and seiz'd on their Wives, Children, Goods, and their Town it self; which had not you as well as the rest of mankind resented as a cursed intolerable piece of Villany, you would not certainly have punished so severely the same Crime in the persons of these, who copi'd the Mamertines Example in their cruelty against the Rhegians.

The same indignity wherewith you were moved to punish those Villains, moves me likewise to do [ XXXII] the same with the Mamertines, especially when they have since by pillaging all Sicily over as it were an∣tiquated the memory of their former Crime, which is almost outdone by those of later date. For to pass by other things, the Cities of Camarina and Gela rifled by them, when these were under the Syra∣cusans protection, seem to me a just ground, why I should prosecute these bold lawless Villains by a pious and religious War. But if you pretend that you must protect them, because being born in the same Country, they seem to be your Kindred; how much more equitable would it have been then to spare the Italians of Rhegium, who had been your Fellow-Citizens? In recovering which place from these Traytors hands, when I assisted you with Men and Ammunition, ought I ever to imagine, that you would hinder me, who am now besieging Messana, upon as good pretensions as any you had to shew? But what need I enlarge, O Romans! For if you have any care of your Faith and Reputation, any sense of honesty and justice; in fine, if there be any shame remaining in you, I need not doubt but you will assist rather than hinder me, whilst I now take Arms in so just a Causee; but if you slight these, the event of War indeed is doubtful; but this is most certain, that the World will plainly see, it is not any co∣lour of Justice or Equity, nor any injuries receiv'd, which they themselves cannot pretend, nor also any pity to the Mamertines, but onely ambition to inlarge their Empire by the Conquest of this noble Isle, which incites the Romans to make this War.

When this Message had been deliver'd by the Ambassadours, Appius foreseeing there was no crossing the [ XXXIII] Streight without great danger, whilst a strong Fleet guarded, and observ'd the passage, contrives this cun∣ning Stratagem. He professes,

That he was not for having any breach between Hiero and the Romans: Nay moreover, that this War was neither intended upon Hiero, nor could it be carried on without the consent of the People.

Therefore at a day prefix'd, he commands all the Mariners to be ready and to put the Fleet in order to sail, making as if he were to return home. For he knew that several Soldiers both of the Syracusans and the Carthaginians, were then in the quality of Merchants traffiquing in the Port of Rhegium: who, thought he, will carry this Report soon enough to those, who are chiefly design'd to be in∣snar'd thereby. And as he had fore-casted, so it happen'd. For when the whole Fleet putting to Sea in a clear day, he had begun to steer his course near the Italian shore: the Carthaginians who were posted for blocking up the Frith, left it open and unguarded, every one going where he pleas'd.

The Consul, who guess'd it would be so, at Night changing his course arriv'd with his whole Fleet in [ XXXIV] Sicily, whilst no man observ'd, much less resisted this passage in the dark. This Enterprize was hazardous and bold: for an Army of fresh-water Soldiers to imbark in a Sea terrible of it self in the day-time, with∣out

the fear of an Enemy, and that too in such unwieldy, aukward Vessels, and the thing was thought worthy to be transmitted to posterity by the monument of a new Name. For because the Consul in tran∣sporting the Soldiers had serv'd himself with some Vessels made of thick Planks rudely clap'd together, he was named Caudex, according to the simplicity of that Age. For hitherto the Romans were such strangers to Marine Affairs, that they had not one Vessel with Decks and Hatches, nor any Bark, but they made use of Galleys of three banks of Oars and Pinnaces of fifty Oars, which they had borrowed of the Tarentines, Eleates, Locrians and Neapolitans.

[ XXXV] Appius, after he had landed near that Plain where the Syracusans were incamped, incouraging his men, boldly promising them a sure Victory, if they would surprize their Enemies, immediately puts forward to attack the Syracusans Camp; Hiero being rouz'd with this Alarm, marches out his men likewise, in as good order as the shortness of time would permit him to draw them up in. The fight continued very sharp for a long while, and the Roman Horse were beaten back, but the Legions fighting with great Valour forced Hiero fearfully to retire into his Camp, leaving the glory of the day to the Romans.

Appius having first order'd the Soldiers to strip the Enemy, enters Messana, and puts new life and vi∣gour into the hearts of the Mamertines, after their late fears. But Hiero finding himself overcome ere he saw the Enemy (as he himself afterwards confessed) and suspecting the passage of the narrow Sea betray'd by the Carthaginians, was at a non-plus as to what course he had best take. He began to fear for the main Stake, and in the Still of the Night following march'd, out of his Camp, and continuing his Journey retreat∣ed to Syracuse.

[ XXXVI] When he was departed, Appius to improve the terrour of his late Victory to the Conquest of the Car∣thaginians, commands his Soldiers to take some refreshment in time, and marching out at break of day, he resolv'd to attack the Carthaginians in their Camp. They were posted in a very advantageous place, and their Camp was strengthen'd by Nature as well as Art, for the Sea lay on one side of them, and deep Mo∣rasses on the other in the form of a Peninsula. The narrow space where the place was only accessible was walled in to hinder the assaults of the Enemy, against which the Roman Soldiers made an attack, but the situation of the place disadvantageous to them, and the multitude of the Defendants, render'd all ineffectual: for the Carthaginians fought with Darts, as is usual in Sieges, wherewith they gall'd the Romans so that they were forced to retire without success. But oftentimes misfortunes in Wars are but the Prologues to good success; whilst those that have suffer'd loss, endeavour by their conduct and courage to repair the same; but the Enemies bewitch'd with a false Opinion of their present happiness, are rash and precipitous, whol∣ly neglecting to arm themselves against casualties.

[ XXXVII] This happen'd at that time to the Carthaginians, who not content to have repuls'd the Enemy from their Camp must needs pursue him, and sally out of their Lines and Works: fondly imagining that it was their Valour, and not the strength of their fortifications which had beaten the Romans. But when they had got out of that Streight, wherein they were secur'd, the fortune of the Battel alter'd with the place, and a great number of them was slain, the rest fled away, some into the Camp, and some (as they could shift best for themselves) into the circumjacent Towns. Nor durst they thenceforwards stir abroad out of their Post, during Claudius's stay at Messana. The Consul likewise by reason of the difficulty of the place, and its uneasie access, concluding it unadvisable to fight again, not to lose any more time there, makes an in∣road into the borders of the Syracusans and the Allies, leaving a Garison at Messina, and when he had wasted the Country without any opposition, he was so encouraged thereby as to venture with his Army forwards, and advance towards Syracuse it self. There they fought with variable fortune: and the Con∣sul himself was once in great danger, and had been incompass'd by the Enemies, unless he had prevented it in time by sending to Hiero one of his Confidents, to treat with him. Hiero likewise sent one of his Friends. And so the Parley being begun and prolong'd on purpose, the Consul insensibly got out of this dangerous difficulty into a place of greater security. The Syracusans coming after held several Conferences with the Romans touching a Peace, and the thing had been concluded, if Hiero would have approv'd it.

[ XXXVIII] The best part of that year was spun out in these Treaties, and then the Consul return'd to Messana, and from thence, having left some Squadrons of men to defend the Mamertines, passed over with the rest to Rhegium: soon after he departed thence to his Triumph at Rome; which he celebrated with universal ap∣plause, for conquering Hiero and the Carthaginians; because that it was the first Triumph, which was ob∣tain'd for the Conquest of transmarine Nations. This was the first time the Romans attempted any action by Sea, and this was the success of their Arms in Sicily. But yet these transactions, as also those that follow'd, have been mis-represented through the prejudice of the Historians, whilst the chief of them Philinus the Agrigentine, and Fabius Pictor the Roman, the one favouring the Carthaginians, the other his own Countrymen, preserv'd neither faith nor sincerity in their Histories.

[ XXXIX] These mens levity is justly taxed by Polybius. For if it be counted an execrable thing by a false evi∣dence to trepan and circumvent a private Person, in matters of lesser moment: how much more heinous is an Historians fault, think you, thus to corrupt and falsifie the Actions of States and Princes? who ought in duty to prefer nothing, not life it self before the truth, being the more inexcusable, because he cannot have any pretence to tell a lye: who if upon any account he is barr'd from speaking truth, to the best of his knowledg, might then certainly have held his peace.

[ XL] But now whilst Claudius conquer'd Hiero and the Carthaginians, M. Fulvius the other Consul ended the Siege of the Volscinians, and by starving them reduc'd a People that would have been unconquerable by force, because of their desperation. Upon the surrender of the place, those insolent ungrateful Libertines were tortur'd to death: the City it self was demolish'd, and the rest of the Volscinians, with such Slaves as had been obedient to their Masters, went to those places of settlement which were assign'd to them. This War was likewise thought worthy of a Triumph, which the Consul celebrated as if it had been over the Volscinians, the first day of November. The same year Cn. Cornelius and C. Marcius the Censors per∣form'd the Lustration, 29224 Citizens were polled, a great number, and almost incredible to one that con∣siders how many men were lost in the Wars, which from the first foundation of Rome hardly ever ceased: as also what multitudes of people were swept away by the Plague and other malignant distempers which caus'd as great mortality as the Wars. But yet by communicating the freedoms of their City to Strangers, a Policy constantly practis'd ever since the time of Romulus the Author thereof, the Commonwealth was render'd insuperable by any losses or calamities whatsoever. For neither could the foils and damages it re∣ceiv'd from Pyrrhus, nor the many Shipwracks in the first Punic War, nor could Thrasymen and Caunae dash and weaken its strength; but after its losses it reviv'd and flourish'd more gloriously than before.

Whereas in Greece those great Masters of Military Affairs and not inferiour to the Romans, the Lacedae∣monians, by reason of their prohibiting all Commerce with Strangers, could neither long maintain the Em∣pire [ XLI] they had acquir'd, nor preserve their private liberty always: but when one thousand and no more Spar∣tans fell in the Battel of Leuctra, the whole power of the City was broken by this one blow. Again, when at Sellasia six thousand of the Spartans had been kill'd, th••ir whole liberty was lost also. But the Argives Inhabitants of the same Peloponnesus imparting the piviledges of their community to all their Neighbours, and uniting them to their own selves erected a glorious well-form'd Republick, a Republick that would have lasted it out for many years, had not the madness of some few Hot-headed Fellows pro∣vok'd the Romans, who were then extending their Empire on every side, to the ruin of themselves and their Country too. Such diversities of events must needs follow from such different counsels and practices: for as it naturally follows, that a body refresh'd by wholesom nourishment to a just measure proves stronger and more long-liv'd, than the same would have been, if, content barely with its inward moisture, it had refus'd all kind of aliment from without; so those Cities have ever been more flourishing, which knew how to make any thing their own which was excellent and praise-worthy, whatever Climate it was to be found in, than if they had follow'd the Manners of those people; who through an over-weening conceit of themselves, despise what is not of their own Countries growth, and thereby rob themselves of several fair supports and advantages both for the acquiring and the maintaining of their Power.

The same year first gave birth to a very barbarous Custom, afterwards immoderately practis'd; for to spill [ XLII] humane blood for the gratifying of any whiffling Fellow that was a looker on, arrived to be a publick pastime and divertisement. The Authors of which inhumane butchery were M. and D. Junius Brutus, who to adorn and solemnize their deceased Fathers funerals with some strange and unheard of Rites and Devotions, set out a Match or Prize of Gladiators, which took mightily with the People. But the Pestilence re∣veng'd this injury done to Humanity, raging most violently for two years after, which upon consulting the Sibyls Books was found to be a judgment sent by the offended Deity to punish them. Therefore some suspi∣cion arose that their Worship and religious ceremonies were not duly perform'd and observed, and the Pon∣tifs upon a stricter inquiry into the matter found several Temples and Chappels turned into private Tene∣ments, as also one of the Vestal Virgins (called Caparonia) guilty of Incest. But while her Indictment was a drawing up she prevented the Executioner by hanging her self; but he that debauched her and the servants that were privy to the fact, were punished according to Law. The Sacred Places were vindica∣ted from all those abuses, whereby private persons had profan'd them: and restor'd to the use they were at first intended for. After this reformation of Religion in the City, the Senate began to apply themselves again to the Affairs of the Commonwealth. And because after the Conquest of Hetruria there was no Enemy in Italy appearing, it was resolved that the new Consuls should pass over with the Legions into Sicily.

The Consuls were M. Valer. Maximus, stilled during his Honour Messalla, and M. Octacilius Crassus. [ XLIII] These having luckily put over with their Forces into the Island, met afterwards a success answerable to so good a beginning; for having first taken the City of the Adranites after a short Siege by storm, whilst [A. U. 490] they sat down before Centuripium the Alesian Ambassadours arrived there, being sent to surrender their Town: From whence the Consuls taking their course into several parts of the Island, and acting with their Forces together, or separately as occasion required, spread the terrour of their Arms into the most di∣stant parts of the Land: routing the Syracusans and the Carthaginians, where-ever they met them. And so vigorous and easie was their Conquest, whilst they warmly pursu'd their good fortune, that a little while after no less than sixty seven Towns were reckon'd which had become subject to the Romans. Of which number were the Tauromenitans and Cataneans.

Upon which the Consuls daily encreasing their Armies by the addition of as many Auxiliary Troops as they [ XLIV] pleased to demand, were encouraged to incamp before Syracuse it self, designing to invest that place. Hiero finding matters come to this pass, and on the one hand distrusting his own, and the Carthaginian Power, whilst on the other he took the Romans for the honester Men, resolves himself also to enter into Alliance with the Romans, and accordingly sends Ambassadours with Instructions to conclude a Peace. The Romans were glad enough to dissolve the League between Hiero and the Carthaginians, chiefly because hereby their Legions would be better supplied with provisions: for no Victuals could be transported out of Italy, the Carthaginians being Masters of the Sea, and the Consul the year before had received more harm for want of provision, than from the Enemy. But now Hiero being on their side, the Territory of Syracuse so well stor'd with Provisions was likely to afford all necessaries for their Camp. Therefore they agreed upon these Articles:

That whatsoever Places or Persons Hiero had taken from the Romans, he should restore them gratis, [ XLV] and withal pay one hundred Talents: That he should continue in an absolute possession of the City of Syracuse with all other places dependant thereupon, whereof Acrae, Leontium, Megara, Elorus, Nitini, and Tauromenium were the most considerable.

Ambassadours afterwards coming from Hiero, the Articles were interchang'd, and reciprocally confirmed, and the Senate decreed that a Peace be concluded with Hiero, which a little after was ratified by the People upon Cn. Atilius Calatinus's proposing the business to them. This League at first being made but for fifteen years lasted ever after. Whilst Hiero accosted the Roman grandeur with just and suitable respect, and they likewise requited his kindnesses with as much generosity and bounty. So that neither had any cause to repent of the Alliance contracted between them.

When the report of the Peace with Syracuse was nois'd abroad, Hannibal the Carthaginian, having come as far as Xiphonia on purpose to raise the Siege of Syracuse, retreated more hastily than he had set forwards.

The Romans now having Hiero for their Ally and Associate in the War, without delay, took in several [ XLVI] Towns of the Carthaginians; and though from Adrano, a walled Town, and Macella after a Siege of se∣veral days they had been repulsed; yet they reduc'd the Segestanes, who having kill'd the Punick Gari∣son, revolted to them of their own accord; besides other reasons, these gave out that they favour'd the Ro∣mans for Kindreds sake, deriving their pedigree too from Aeneas, who escap'd from the flames of Troy, and shortly after the Alieneans joyn'd themselves to the Romans: but as for Hilarus, Tyrittus and Ascelus, they were forced to batter and storm them: and therefore the conquered were more severely treated. At which terrour the Tyndaritanes seeing themselves to be next the danger, and their Succours too far off, whilst they were considering about delivering up their Town to the Romans, were hinder'd by the

Carthaginians: for they guessing from the present juncture at what was in agitation, carried away the prin∣cipal Citizens to Lilybeum for Hostages, together with Corn, Wine, and other Ammunition.

[ XLVII] At this time the severe Discipline of Octacilius Crassus the Consul was of great importance to the Public; for he order'd those Soldiers, who upon dishonourable terms of safety, had suffer'd themselves to be treated as Slaves by Hannibal, to post themselves without the Trenches, thus exposing them perpetually to the Incur∣sions of their Enemies, so that having no hopes but in their Valour they might become resolute and bold, and learn to defend themselves rather by the gallantry of their Arms, than by the strength of their Camp. These things being done and the Winter was now approaching, the Consuls leaving their places garison d which were most advantageous, return'd to Rome carrying the rest of the Army into Italy, where a Triumph was decreed to M. Valerius who had been most successful in the War: which he kept before the 16th of March, for the Conquest of Hiero King of Sicily and the Carthaginians. A Dial which was born up among the Spoils was the more taken notice of, because such a thing had never been seen at Rome be∣fore. Valerius having carried it away after the taking of Catana, placed it in the open Street near the Rostra upon a Pillar. He also posted a Table wherein the Victory over the Syracusans and Carthaginians was painted, upon one side of the Curia Hostilia, which none ever did before him, but many after him: It is certain that this Man was surnam'd Messalla from the City of Messina, but I wonder it should be believed upon several considerable Authors testimonies, that this name was impos'd for the taking of that place, where∣as the thing it self manifestly shews, that this name was therefore impos'd, because Messina, which upon Appius Claudius's departure was by the Carthaginians and Hiero sorely distress'd, was by him deliver'd by driving the first away, and winning the latter to his side.

[ XLVIII] The City of Rome in the mean while being afflicted with the Pestilence, it was resolved that a Dictator should be nam'd to fasten the Nail. Cn. Fulvius Maximus Centumalus was declared Dictator: he chose Q. Marcius Philippus for his Lieutenant. The same year a Colony was brought to Esernia, as the year be∣fore there had been one planted at Firmum, and another, as some will have it, at Castrum.

[A. U. 491] L. Posthumius Megellus, and Q. Mamilius Vitulus were afterwards made Consuls, and both of them have Sicily assign'd for their Province, but they had onely two Legions allotted them: this being judg'd a suffi∣cient Army, now the War was become less burthensom, upon Hiero's coming into the League; and as for Victuals they thought it might be easier provided, the fewer men were sent over.

[ XLIX] The Consuls with their Forces having arriv'd in Sicily, and drawn together the Auxiliary Bodies of their Allies, whilst they passed by places of lesser moment, converted their main effort upon Agrigentum resolving to besiege it. This place had been plentifully furnished with all necessaries by the Carthaginians, who in∣tended it for their Head-Quarters. For when they saw that Hiero had left them, and that the Romans ap∣plyed themselves in good earnest to the business of Sicily, concluding that more diligent preparations for the War were necessary to be made on their part also, they sent at first the best part of their present Forces into Sardinia, to lie in wait upon the Coast of Italy, that by this terrour they might divert the Romans from Sicily, or at least oblige them to sight there with a smaller Army than they would have done. But the Romans being still strong enough both to defend their own, and to bring a fresh Army into Sicily, dis∣appointed in these their hopes they hir'd great numbers of Soldiers out of Liguria and Gaul, and greater yet from Spain: and withal put a great quantity of provisions into Agrigentum; designing it for the Gra∣nary and Retreating-place of their Armies, as being a Town for its convenient Site and capaciousness fit∣ted for that purpose above any other which they held in Sicily.

[ L] This place therefore being made the Scene of the present War, the Consuls having obliged the Car∣thaginians to retire within their Fortifications, incamp'd at a mile distance from thence. Corn was then ripe in the Fields; and because the Siege was like to be a long one, the Soldiers out of a desire to reap and gather in the Corn rov'd further than they should, when the Enemy lay so near them. And the Cartha∣ginians cunningly laying hold of this opportunity had made great slaughters of them, but that the Roman Soldiers by their Valour had repair'd, whatever damage they had incurr'd through their negligence. For the Forragers not being able to stand the sudden shock of the Enemy, the Carthaginians proceeded forwards to the very Tents of the Romans, and dividing their Forces some endeavour'd to ruin their Pallisado, whilst the others fought with their out-Guards, that were posted for defence of the Camp. Then was the time, when strictness of Military Discipline rescu'd the Roman Army from hazard and destruction.

[ LI] For it being a capital Crime among the Romans for any man to desert his Station, the Guards entertain∣ing no hopes of safety by slight, though they were for number much inferiour to the Enemy, received them with great Valour, many of their own men being slain, and more of the Enemies, until the rest of the Army was drawn in Battalia to relieve them in this stress and difficulty. Hereupon the Enemy was rout∣ed on that side, and those who had almost taken their Trenches were circumvented, and the Romans chased the rest to the Walls of the Town.

This accident made the Romans for the future more cautious in the matter of sorraging, and the Ene∣mies more timerous to sally out. Their Recounters afterwards abating as to their vigour, whilst the Car∣thaginians made but seldom any excursion, and that onely for a brush, they thought it expedient to divide their Forces, and to attack the Town on two Quarters, on the one side of Esculapius's Temple, and the way that leads to Heraclea. Their Camp was intrench'd and fortified round towards the City to prevent Sallies, and on the other side for defence against Aggressors, and to stop up all Avenues whereby any pro∣vision might be conveyed into the Town. The space in the middle between the two Camps was fortified and guarded with several Courts of Guard.

[ LII] In all which Affairs they were much assisted and further'd by those Sicilians, who had lately swore feal∣ty to them: whereof there were now one hundred thousand on the Romans side. Provisions also were convey'd by the same persons to Erbessus, from which place (for it stood but a little way off) the Romans themselves afterwards fetch'd it into their Camp: insomuch that they had plenty thereof.

In this condition the Siege lasted almost five Months, whilst neither side having got any great advan∣tage towards a Victory, (nothing but Skirmishes having pass'd between them) at length the Punic Af∣fairs began to decline, for because a vast multitude, no less than fifty thousand men cooped up so long in one Town had consumed almost all their Provisions, and that no Recruits could be hoped for, the Romans diligently blocking and watching all the Avenues, the minds of the besieged what by their present evils, and what by the expectation of approaching miseries were mightily dismay'd.

Hannibal therefore the Son of Gisgo (who was the Carthaginians chief Commander at Agrigentum) by [ LIII] frequent Messages craving help against their present scarcity and dangers, Hanno the Elder with some Sol∣diers afterwards levied, and Elephants, is sent over into Sicily to the number of fifty thousand Foot, six thousand Horse and sixty Elephants, who being arrived at Lilybeum with these Forces he marched thence towards Heraclea, and immediately some came and offered to surrender Erbessus into his hands; and by their means having made himself Master of Erbessus, from whence till then Provisions us'd to be fetch'd to serve the Roman Camp, he seem'd to have atchiev'd an Exploit of no small moment, whilst thus by debarring the Romans from all supplies, he incommoded them no less, than they did the Agrigentines. And now they had oftentimes consulted about raising the Siege, and once were in a manner resolv'd to quit the design as unfeasible, had not Hiero trying every way, by stealth convey'd some Corn and other necessa∣ries into the Roman Camp, and thereby administred a littse relief to their present wants, and neces∣sities.

Hanno observing that the Romans were much afflicted with Famine, and other maladies that attended it; [ LIV] whilst on the contrary his Army was strong and healthy, resolv'd to approach nearer to them, and to try the fortune of a Battel, if he should have an opportunity for the same. Taking therefore along with him fifty Elephants and the rest of the Army he marches out of Heraclea, and sends the Numidian Horse to Scout before the Romans Camp, thereby to decoy their Horse, and drill them on into an Ambush laid for them. When the Numidians, as they were order'd, contemptuously rode up to the Consul's Camp; the Romans sallied forth, and routed them, at the first making resistance, and afterwards pursu'd them upon high speed, as they were flying back disorderly that way by which they knew Hanno was coming. The further therefore they continued this pursuit, their retreat to their own Camp was made the more difficult, and many of them were slain, when they were met with by fresh Forces, and that those, who fled be∣fore, wheel'd about to inclose them.

This Event rais'd in Hanno great hopes of an intire Victory, and thereupon he posted his Army upon an [ LV] Eminence, called Torus, at a Mile and a halfs distance from the Roman Camp. It might have been ex∣pected, that two such great Armies so near to one another should have joyn'd Battel sooner, which was deferr'd the longer, because both sides were affraid to venture all upon the fortune of one Battel. There∣fore whilst Hanno seem'd more desirous to fight, the Romans stirr'd not out of their strong Holds, because the Enemy was numerous, and elevated with success, and therefore an over-match to a people cow'd and terrified with the loss of their Cavalry. But when they found that because of their timidity the Spirits of their Allies began to flag, and the Enemy to take heart upon it, and withal that they were like to wage a sorer War with their hungry stomachs than with the Enemy, they resolv'd to fight. Hanno upon this began likewise to draw back and flinch, and to fear every thing.

Two Months were spent in this manner, whilst besides some Skirmishes which passed daily, no action [ LVI] of greater moment was performed. At last upon the frequent importunities of Hannibal, who sent Mes∣sengers daily, and also gave signs often by fire, how that the besieged could no longer subsist for want of Victuals, and that many ran over to the Enemy being forced by the scarcity, he resolved to put off the Battel no longer: Hannibal also being order'd to sally out with his men at the same time; which when the Consuls understood, they kept quiet within their Camp. Hanno upon this began more boldly to brave them with his Army in Battalia, and when none durst oppose him, to advance to the Romans Lines and Trenches defying them to fight him, and upbraiding them with cowardice for not venturing. They being contented to have repulsed the Enemy by light Skirmishes from their Palisadoes, neither oppos'd them with their Army in order of Battel; nor went in pursuit of them when they retir'd. Thus having done for se∣veral days, and the Carthaginians being now grown confident that the Romans durst venture no further, L. Posthumius the Consul wisely turn'd the Enemies contempt to his own advantage; for having very si∣lently put his men in array, and keeping them within the Trenches, he sent out some small detachments to drive away the Carthaginians who attack'd them as they were wont: and by light Skirmishes and Com∣bats kept them in play from break of day till six a Clock. Then at last when the Enemies retreated, he pour'd the Legions out of his Camp upon them.

Hanno, though he saw he must fight contrary to his judgment, boldly engag'd the Enemy, so that the [ LVII] Battel continued doubtful till the Evening; but the Romans having refreshed themselves well with meat, and being prepar'd for the work could better endure thirst, heat and labour; whereas the Carthaginians by standing, and hunger being tir'd before the Battel began, made the fainter resistance, their strength still decaying, the longer the Battel continued, till at last the Mercenaries, who made the Vanguard, could no longer sustain the Shock: nor did they onely quit their ground, but retiring fearfully among the Elephants and the other ranks behind them disordered the whole Army, and forced them to fly before the Enemy, who bore up stifly upon them. Matters likewise fell out luckily, on the other side of the Camp at the same time, and Hannibal after a Sally made more to his own than his Enemies damage, was beaten back into the Town. The Carthaginians Camp was taken, three Elephants wounded, thirty kill'd, and eleven taken by the Romans. The men far'd much alike: Of so great an Army but very few escaped with the General to Heraclea.

The besieged after this blow not seeing any prospect of Relief, but being hopeless of safety, were af∣fected [ LVIII] with great consternation; when Hannibal (making the best of a bad Market) having observed that the Romans partly through the fatigues of labour, and partly through excess of joy were grown more lazy and remiss in keeping Guards, got out of the Town with the Mercenaries: and having thrown some hurdles filled with straw, and prepar'd beforehand into the Ditch, passed over, and got pretty far on his Journey: till the Romans at break of day understanding what was done, overtook part of the Rear of his Army, and cut them off, but Hannibal with the rest saved themselves. The Agrigentines seeing them∣selves forsaken by the Carthaginians, cut off many of those who remained in the Town, partly for anger, and partly to ingratiate themselves with the Conquerour: and yet for all this the Town was plunder'd, and above twenty five thousand Freemen sold for Slaves. After this manner was Agrigentum taken after seven Months Siege, to the great glory and advantage of the Romans, but yet with great effusion of blood; for above thirty thousand of the Consular Armies and the Auxiliaries by sundry fates perished during that Siege: for which reason as also because no great action could be undertaken for the Winters near ap∣proaching, they return'd to Messina.

[ LIX] The next year after L. Valerius Flaccus, and T. Octacilius Crassus, being Consuls, went Commanders into Sicily. The former Generals in hopes of a Triumph returning to Rome. The Carthaginians by sending [A. U. 492] out a Fleet in shew as it were to cruise upon the Coast of Italy, thought to divert the new Consuls from go∣ing in hand with the Sicilian Expedition; but they placing several Companies of Soldiers along the Coast to hinder the Enemies descent, put over notwithstanding into the Island.

[ LX] Then there were many Towns of Sicily which surrendred, being terrified by the late Example of the destruction of Agrigentum; nor did the Carthaginians withstand them, being besides their late defeat, per∣plex'd also upon the account of the seditious humours of their mercenary Soldiers. The Gauls especially mutinying for some months Arrears due unto them. To be reveng'd of whom Hanno contriv'd this cun∣ning Plot; pacifying them with fair words he bad them be quiet a little while, and tells them withal, that he had in his Eye a certain rich City, of whose Conquest he was every day surer: and out of the booty thereof, he passes his word that the Gauls should be abundantly satisfied for the delay of their payment. Being thus amus'd, and even ready to conn him thanks, at a convenient time he practises with a Steward of his, in whom he reposed great confidence, that he should go in the form of a Renegade to Consul Octacilius, as if he had falsify'd and imbezled his Accounts, and inform him that the Night fol∣lowing four thousand Gauls were to take possession of Entella, which was to be betray'd unto them, and might be circumvented by Ambush. The Consul looking on it as a thing worth the taking notice of, though he could not trust the desertors word, yet detaches out a party of choice Men for the business. The Gauls likewise deceiv'd by Hanno came on: whom the Romans attack'd, and there arose a sharp Combat, where∣in all the Gauls being slain, whilst they were resolv'd to sell their lives as dear as they could, brought double joy to Hanno, who cunningly chastised the insolence of his Mercenaries, and that with no small damage to the Enemy.

[ LXI] About this time the Praetor Minucius preferr'd a Bill to the Senate about bringing the Water of the River Anienis into the City, the charge of which Work the Censor M. Curius had undertaken to defray before out of the booty taken from the Enemy; but there arose several hindrances, which made the bu∣siness to be deferr'd for nine years after, when the matter was revived again, and Curius, and Fulvius Flac∣cus were made Surveyors of the Work: but Curius dying within five days after left the glory of finishing it solely to Fulvius.

About the same time Hamilcar came from Carthage to Sicily to succeed Hanno: for when Hanno after his defeat at Agrigentum return'd home, he fell into great disgrace among the Carthaginians, who after they had set six thousand Crowns fine upon his head, took away his Commission of General. That this Hamilcar was the Father of Hannibal, who commanded in the following Punic War, has been de∣liver'd falsly by some, who were mistaken through the likeness of their names. For Hamilcar the Father of Hannibal in the latter end of that War came in his younger days Generalissimo into Sicily. But such was the Renown of the Man, that the acts of another Hamilcar an obscurer Person were ascribed to Barca Hamilcar the famousest of any that was ever known by that Name.

This Hamilcar, the Successor of Hanno, seeing the Romans far Superiour to him in Foot durst not attempt any of the mid-land Towns, not descend from the Mountains into the Champaign Country, but being strong in Shipping, whereby he became absolute Master of the Sea, with that part of his Forces he was very active, and having sent another Hamilcar to wast the Coast of Italy, himself cruising about Sicily, easily recover'd most of the Maritime places, which had submitted to the Romans. So that whilst the Romans easily conquer'd and defended those places, which lay farther up in the Country, and the Carthaginians those on the Sea-coasts, their hopes and fears were counterpoised; nor could it easily be judg'd, which side should get the better on't in the War.

DECADE II. BOOK XVII.

Florus his Epitome of the Seventeenth Book of Livy.

Cn. Cornelius the Consul circumvented by the punick Fleet, and wheedled out under colour of a Parley, is treacherously taken Prisoner. C. Duilius the Consul had an Engagement with the said Fleet and beat them, being the first Roman that ever Triumph'd for a Victory at Sea. For which reason he had the Ho∣nour as long as he liv'd, when he went from Supper, to have Musick and a lighted Flambeau carried before him. L. Cornelius the Consul overthrows the Sardinians and Corsicans, and Hanno the Carthaginian General. The Consul Attilius Calatinus, having rashly drawn his Army into a very disadvantageous p ace where they were surrounded by the Carthaginians, is brought off by the Courage and diligence of M. Cal∣phurnius one of his Co••onels, who with a Regiment of three hundred Foot desperately sallied out and diverted the Enemy. Whilst the Army made their escape, Annibal a Carthaginian Admiral having lost the greatest part of his Fleet in an Engagement, is by his own men crucified.

[ I] NOW the fourth year of the Carthaginian War was ended, nor had the Romans any cause either to repent at either their courage or fortune. For in all the Battels they fought, either with the Car∣thaginians or Syracusans, they came off victorious; they had taken some rich places by Storm; others sur∣rendred themselves unto them upon Articles: but when the War was waged in the Island, and that nei∣ther provisions of Victuals, nor recruits of Men could be conveyed thither to serve the turn, and also that the Carthaginian Navies by their sudden and free descents, not onely infested the Sicilian Towns next the Sea, being themselves out of all harms-way, but also by wasting the Coast of Italy endamag'd the Roman Territories, and lessen'd their reputation in the World; whilst in the interim Affrica was free from harms

and exempt from all the calamities and pressures of War. The Nobility therefore and Commons of Rome, having duly deliberated upon the matter, made an Ordinance for building a Navy, that so they might be in a posture not onely to fight with the Carthaginians by Land, as they began, but likewise try their fortune by Sea.

This was the first time the Romans set their minds in good earnest to the business of Shipping: which [ II] as they boldly undertook, so they no less prosperously accomplished. So that it might be justly said, That the Romans might challenge the Empire of the World as their due: who when they were to fight with the most experienc'd Seamen wanted neither Courage to essay, Prudence to manage, nor Resolution to go through with the Work. For although till then the Romans were such strangers to the Maritime Affairs, that they had not one Man among them who had ever seen a Sea-fight, no Ships of War, nor any skilful Shipwrights; yet resolutely applying themselves to the point they soon put out to Sea, fought and over∣came those who for many Ages had been counted the most experienc'd Seamen.

The Persons constituted Supervisors for the building of the Ships were Luc. Cornelius, Scipio Asina, and [ III] C. Duilius who had newly entred upon their Consulships. They had one Galley of five banks of Oars, which when Claudius was upon his passage cross the Streight, out of an eager desire to fight had drawn too near shore, and ran aground in the shallow Water, so that the Soldiers that were upon the Land took it. The Consul order'd that the whole Armada should be built after the form of that Vessel, and they ply'd the work so closely that within sixty days after the felling of the Timber a Navy of one hundred and sixty Vessels lay at Anchor: nor did the Consuls set forwards this Expedition with less cunning, than in∣dustry. For judging it unadvisable to hazard a Battel with unskilful Rowers, and likewise being unwil∣ling to have the time of action taken up in exercising them; they found out a device, which at first sight may seem ridiculous, but in the event it proved very commendable. For while the Vessels were building, the Rowers were taught to handle the Oar sitting upon the dry Land, being seated in the same ranks as if they were aboard the Galleys, with the Boatswain sitting in the middle they were commanded as he gave the word, either to pluck at the Oars or to rest, as they do at Sea. By which prelusory exer∣cise they arrived to so much skill, that afterwards, the Galleys being launch'd, when they had given some Specimens of their Art in the Work it self the Consuls now confided in them, and ventur'd their own and the lives of their men in their hands.

Afterwards, when the lots for the Provinces had been drawn, the command of the Land-forces fell to [ IV] Duilius's share, and that of the Fleet to Cn. Cornelius, who taking with him seventeen Galleys went to Messana to provide necessaries against the arrival of the Fleet, which he commanded to follow as fast as it could: but before the Fleet could enter the Streight he fell into the Enemies hands. This was effected partly through the policy of one Boodes Lieutenant to Hannibal the Carthaginian General, and partly through the Consuls credulity, who believing some Lipareans suborn'd by the Enemy rashly conceived hopes of taking Lipara by treachery. There being hemm'd in by the Punic Fleet he resolved to sight his way through them: had not Boodes by another trick enticed him and the Officers to come aboard his Ship, pre∣tending to treat about Conditions of Peace with the Carthaginians. As soon as they were come, they were put in Chains, which so terrified the rest that they yielded themselves to the Enemy without striking a stroak, and Boodes having taken all the Ships sent the Captives to Carthage.

The Carthaginian General afterwards committed such another mistake, which was therefore the more [ V] infamous, because the Consuls oversight by so late an Example might have taught him more wit. He had been inform'd that the Roman Fleet sailing along the Coast of Italy was on its way towards the Streights, and that now it could not be far off. Willing therefore to view the Fleet at a near distance, and to in∣form himself of the number of the Ships and the Romans skill and dexterity in this new Trade, he put forwards with fifty Galleys: and thinking himself secure of future events, his Navy riding in a con∣fused manner, as is usual, when there is no danger within ken, he fell in suddenly with the Roman Fleet, sailing in good order at the point of a Promontory: so that he was routed before he had prepared himself to fight; and having lost the best part of the Fleet he had much ado to escape, h••vin•• been reduc'd to the utmost danger. The Fleet that had got the Victory, having heard of Cornelius's misfortune, sent Messen∣gers to Duilius to inform him of their arrival, and withal made themselves ready for the Battel; for they had intelligence that the rest of the Carthaginian Fleet was riding near them. There whilst they seriously cons dered the inconveniences of their own Ships, which being ill contriv'd and built after a bungling man••er could not compare with the Carthaginian Galleys for swiftness, one of them devised a certain En∣gine to hold fast Ships, called afterwards a Crow.

The form of it was thus; There was a round strait piece of Wood four fathom long, and nine inches [ VI] thick with a Pulley at the end of it, fastned to the Prow of the Vessel, to which was fitted another En∣gine Scala made of several cross boards, strongly nailed together. In this Engine there was left an oblong hole, through which it was to be clap'd upon the Beam and so fastned to it, for the space of sixteen foot the length of the Beam: but the rest of the Engine that was not joyn'd to the Beam, being about eight foot hung as it were by certain joints, so that it could be easily lifted up and let down upon occasion: At the end of this Engine there was fasten'd a very strong sharp piece of Iron, with a ring at the head of it; from which a Rope was tied that reached through the Pulley, and so to the Deck. Now when they pulled the Rope to them, the Engine was raised, when they let it go, it fell down, fastening with its sharp claws, and grappling fast whatever it laid hold of.

Mean while Duilius leaving his La••d-forces with the Tribunes arriv'd with the Fleet: and understanding [ VII] that the Country round about Mylae had been wasted by the Enemy he made to shore with the whole Fleet. The Carthaginians were glad of this, promising themselves sure Victory against Mid-landers, and no Seamen. But they became Examples to instruct Men, that no Enemy ought so much to be despis'd as to render any one less cautious and wary in dealing with them.

Hannibal Captain General of the Galleys, who led his Forces from Agrigentum, was aboard a seven [ VIII] Oar'd Galley of King Pyrrhus; the rest of the Fleet followed her: not in Squadrons and order of Battel, but every one made up towards the Enemy with eager hast, through contempt of them. When they wer•• got nearer, and saw the Prows of the Ships armed with those tertible Engines, they stood still for a while ••o••d••ing at the novelty of the sight. But at length, whilst the forwardest of those sensless f••llow•• ••••••'d and scoffed that ill-favour'd device, the foremost Vessels advanc'd very furiously. When the Cro•• being suddenly let down, where they lighted upon any Ship, pierc'd the boards through, so that the S••ip was not able to move, but stood still. The Roman Soldiers, if it so happen'd that the Ves∣sels

were grappl'd on the sides, pushed forward and from every quarter boarded the Enemy: but when the Prows were onely seiz'd upon, by the Beam and the Bridg adjoyning two Soldiers pass'd over, and that the more easily, because the ledges of the Engine standing knee-high afforded safer going and surer footing. For the foremost holding their Targets before them defended their Faces from the Enemies Darts; those that followed behind on either hand held their Targets even to the ledges of the Engine: Thus their sides being defended, they attacked the Enemy hand to hand; so that there was no tilting of Beaks one against the other, but they fought as it were a pitch'd Battel, and each man stood his ground. And hence it was that the Romans being the stronger men, easily obtained the Victory over light-armed Soldiers, who trusted to the swiftness of their Ships, more than to their Arms.

[ IX] There were about thirty Galleys of the Carthaginians taken, among which the Admiral with seven banks of Oars was one. But Hannibal having leap'd out of the Galley which was just then taken into the Long-boat, escap'd falling into the Enemies hands, and having dispatch'd an express post-hast to Carthage, that might outgo the very fame of this defeat, cunningly warded off the punishment that hung over his head for his ill-success. For the Messenger entring into the Council-Chamber, as if all was well, con∣sulted the Senate, whether they thought fit they should encounter the Roman Fleet. To which when all answer'd, that they must do so, and that too out of hand, says he, he has done so already and has come off by the worst. Thus whil'st they durst not accuse an action, which before it was done, every man seem'd to approve, the General was clear'd from all capital punishment, losing onely his Commission of Captain of the Calleys.

[ X] But after the Generals defeat the rest of the Carthaginian Fleet (for the greatest part by far remain'd) were at a stand as to what they should do. They could not in honour quit the Battel, having receiv'd no loss, and not one man urging and pressing upon them. Again to attempt the Roman Galleys seem'd hazar∣dous for fear of their Crows. At length coming up in a half-Moon, and trying all their tricks, when they saw the beaks of the Galleys with those terrible Engines on every side planted against them, they fell off, and bad adieu to all hopes of Victory. Of the Carthaginian Fleet fourteen Vessels are said to have been sunk in that ingagement, and thirty one taken with seven thousand men, after that three thousand had dy'd in the Battel.

Thus fought Duilius the Consul, near the Isles of Lipara, against the Carthaginians, from whence the Ro∣mans reap'd some advantage, but more glory and renown. The Consul with the Land-forces marched to Segesta, which he deliver'd, after it had been reduc'd by the Carthaginians to the utmost danger. Then he took Macilla by storm, Hamilcar not daring to oppose him; and having encourag'd and assur'd the Con∣federate Towns of Sicily, in the end of Summer return'd to Rome.

[ XI] At whose departure the Punic Affairs began to revive again. For first the Romans having lost a great many men were forc'd to raise the Siege of Musistratus after seven Months. Afterwards upon a feud arising between them and the Auxiliaries, when the Confederate Forces had encamped apart from the Legions be∣tween Paropus and Thermae, Hamilcar resolving to make his advantage of their humoursom temper, in a sudden Assault slew about four thousand of them, and the gross of the Roman Army was like to have been involv'd in the same ruin. Then it was that Hannibal won several Towns partly by force, and partly by treachery; which news though they were sorry to hear at Rome, yet these losses were esteem'd but incon∣siderable if compar'd with their Victory at Sea. For whereas the Romans had hitherto onely s••gnaliz'd themselves by their invincible courage in Land fights, they were very glad (and not without cause) that they had purchas'd so much glory and reputation in Maritime Affairs also. From whence they began to conceive great hopes of the success of the War: and judg'd the Author of so great an Exploit worthy of unusual Honour.

[ XII] Duilius therefore first celebrated a Naval Triumph over the Sicilians and the Carthaginian Fleet the 24th day of February, and the State allow'd further, since not content with that Honour, he had himself as∣sum'd another without any President for the same, that when he return'd from Supper, he should have Musick and Flambeaus to attend him home. There was also by an Order of the Senate, a Triumphal Arch of white Parian Marble adorn'd with beaks of Ships set up in the Forum, which is to be seen to this day, with an Inscription shewing the number of the Vessels sunk, and taken, and also what Money was taken: but time has defac'd several words. Nevertheless it is apparent enough, that there were thirty seven thousand Sesterces of Gold taken, of Silver coyn'd above one hundred thousand, of Brass two Mil∣lions and seven hundred thousand pounds.

[ XIII] This Solemnity ended, C. Duilius call'd an Assembly of the People, where L. Cornelius Scipio, C. Aqui∣lius [A. U. 494] Florus are made Consuls; the Senate appointed the Provinces for the Consuls Sicily and the Navy. The Person that was to command at Sea, was permitted to put over into Sardinia, if he thought it advan∣tageous for the Public; and when the Lot fell upon C. Cornelius he went out with the Fleet equipped in all points. This was the first Voyage the Romans ever made into Sardinia and Corsica.

These Isles are so nearly situated, that a man would think them both to be but one: but yet the nature of the Climate and Soil, and consequently the tempers of the people do very much differ. The Ancients call'd Sardinia, Ichnusa, for its resemblance to the print of a mans foot, as also Sandaliatis. Afterwards they say, that one Sardus the Son of Hercules the Lybion gave the Island, which he much frequented, the pre∣sent name. The Poets also deliver, how that the Grecians with one Aristaeus, as likewise the Tyrians after the Trojan Wars came to those places. The Country for fruitfulness and bigness is not much inferiour to the largest and fruitfulest of those Isles that lie in that Sea: being excellent for breeding Cattel, very fruitful in Corn, and rich in Mines, especially Silver; but yet it has no such good Air, and in the account of Strangers it loses much of the glory of its fertility by reason of the unhealthiness thereof: which in Summer is very unwholsom, especially in the rankest places.

[ XIV] Besides, it produces an herb like Mint, which is a strong Poison: and being eaten casts men into fits, and by a violent convulsion of the Nerves, causes such a distorsion of the Mouth and Lips, as is seen in Laughter. The juice proves deadly, unless after vomiting some Milk and Metheglin be presently drank; for so the present force of the Poison is stop'd, and afterwards such Remedies cure the other ill effects of it, as are prescribed in Convulsion: there is also a little Creature there call'd Solpuga, which kills those who sit upon it ere they are aware: it is a kind of Emet, and does the mischief the more dangerously, because being such a very small thing, it cannot be seen: and those who are ignorant of the nature of it, are not affraid thereof when they see it. The Sardi are a medley of Barbarians, who if they are left to themselves, chuse rather to live by Robbery, than Husbandry. Their Arms are a Target and a short Sword.

For Armour they wear quilts made of the skins of those Rams which that Country breeds, being hairy like Goats, and not bearing Wool as others do. The Metropolis of the Country is Carolis, lying towards Af∣frica, and peopled from thence; having an excellent Harbour.

Corsica is neither for bigness nor Riches comparable to Sardinia, yet among those Islands, it is suppos'd [ XV] to obtain the third place for magnitude. The Inhabitants say, that it had its name from a certain Woman named Corsa, from whose Herd a Bull pass'd over out of Liguria into this Isle: by the Greeks it is called Cyrnus. It is mountainous, rugged, and in many places unpassable: and consequently breeds a People void of all civility, and almost as savage as Brutes. When they are taken Prisoners they never become tractable, but either through impatience of labour and restraint make away with themselves, or else through their dulness and stubbornness become troublesom to their Masters. There is good store of Honey in the Island, but it is harsh of tast, and such as is made of Box-tree blossoms, which is counted very wholsom Honey, and it is thought that men in Corsica live long, because they generally use it. They have but few Towns, and those but ill stock'd with people, they reckon about thirty of them: the chiefest whereof are Aleria a Colony of Phocensians, and Nicea of the Hetrurians. The Air is here likewise foggy and unwhol∣som, and the Coast Harbourless.

With these Nations the Carthaginians warred a long while, and made themselves Masters of both the [ XVI] Islands, excepting such places as they could not come at: but because it was easier to conquer than civi∣lize a headstrong barbarous People; among other devices they us'd to keep them under, they destroyed all the Corn in the Country, whereby the Inhabitants might be forc'd to furnish themselves with provisions out of Affrica, and made it death to any of them to sow any Corn again: till by long custom they were civiliz'd, and submitted themselves to the Yoke more patiently.

L. Cornelius then made an Expedition to these Islands: and first he took Aleria a Town in Corsica: and [ XVII] afterwards easily and without any danger over-ran all the rest. From thence as he was going for Sardinia, the Carthaginian Fleet met him, which the Consul attack'd and routed before they could come to close fighting. In the next place he marched against Olbia; but finding the Carthaginian Fleet lying in the Port, and not judging himself strong enough in Foot to besiege a place so well fortified and garison'd, he quitted that design for the present: and return'd homewards to take in more men.

At the same time the Slaves design'd to make an Insurrection, which was fortunately quash'd in the first [ XVIII] breaking out: and thereby freed the Commonwealth from that great trouble and disturbance which it was like to have created. There had been great numbers of Seamen press'd from the Countries lately con∣quer'd for the service of the Fleet, most of them Samnites. Now these being unwilling to go to Sea complain'd in private of their condition, and became so transported with rage, that they resolved to rifle, and burn the City. There were three thousand Slaves who joyn'd in this Plot, the Conspiracy daily ga∣thering more strength, when Erius Potilius a Captain of the Auxiliaries cunningly defeated and ruin'd all the Design: For making as if he were one of the same Party, he exactly learn'd all their Intrigues: found out the quality, number and names of all the Conspirators: as also the times and places, when any thing was to be attempted. And now he was ready to make a discovery of the whole to the Senate, but he could not have an opportunity to go to the Senate-house: for the Samnites follow'd him always, so that he could not perform his design; till by a cunning wheedle he persuaded them, that when the Senate were sitting they should go in crouds to the Forum, and there cry out, that they had been cheated in the measuring of their Corn: telling them, that an opportunity would arise from thence for them, either to execute their designs, or at least to discover what courage and resolution the Senate had against such sud∣den Insurrections; and that he might make the thing go down the better: he went with them, and not onely made a Party in this Riot, but was the Ring-leader of it. Whereupon being call'd into the Senate, he discover'd the reasons of this device, and the danger of the Plot.

The Senate dissembling their knowledg of the thing sent some persons, who by fair words might per∣suade [ XIX] that Rabble to go home: telling them, the Senate would take care that the injury should be re∣dress'd, and every one have justice done them. Thus the Conspirators thinking their Plot undiscover'd went away: but next Night every one put those of their Slaves in bonds, which by the discovery of Po∣tilius they had understood to be partakers of this Villany: most also of the Samnites were taken in their Lodgings. It is not certainly known, whether C. Florus was hindred by this occasion, or else by some other business, or Disease from going sooner into Sicily, where Hamilcar after the last Victory had mightily retriev'd the Carthaginian Affairs. For having taken Camarina and Enna by treachery, he fortified Dre∣panum where there was a noble Port, and made it a Town, planting the Erycinians there, whose City, lest it might advantage the Enemy he had demolish'd, excepting the Temple of Venus. Afterward••, he took several other places by force or treachery, and seem'd like to carry all Sicily before him, had not Florus oppos'd him, who for that reason durst not leave the Island that Winter.

The other Consul found it easier to encounter with the Sardinians and Carthaginians at Olbia. To [ XX] which place when he was return'd again with greater Forces, he found Hanno there, whom upon Han∣nibals removal the Carthaginians had made Admiral at Sea. After a very sharp Battel, Hanno fighting bravely, when he saw his men beaten, rushed among the thickest of the Enemies, and was slain, and thereupon the Town was surrendred. The Consul adorn'd the Fame of his Victory by a noble example of Humanity towards the Enemy. For he took care that Hanno's Body should be carried to be buried out of his own Pavilion; and honour'd him with a very noble Funeral, all hatred ceasing after death, whilst he rightly judg'd that Valour was to be honoured even in an Enemy.

Afterwards, improving the terrour of his late Victory he took many other places in Sardinia, making [ XXI] use of Stratagems as well as downright fighting. For he was wont by Night to put some Soldiers ashore, being detach'd out of his Army, not far from those Towns he design'd to assault, who having posted themselves in some advantageous places, they waited there, till the Consul coming up to the Towns gave the alarm to the people, and pretending to fly, drew them far from their Walls. Then these advancing on high speed enter'd the Towns, having no Soldiers within to defend them. By this Stratagem he took se∣veral places: and carried on his Victories so successfully that the Carthaginian Army could not stand a∣gainst him either in Corsica or Sardinia. For which reason it was not doubted, but when he return'd to Rome he should have a Triumph decreed to him. He triumph'd over the Carthaginians, Sardinia and Cor∣sica before the 5th of the Ides of March, having carried away great spoils, and many thousand Prisoners out of those Islands.

[ XXII] In Sicily C. Florus besieg'd Mytistratus, a strong place, and several times in vain attempted. Nor could it be taken then, till the new Consul A. Atilius Colatinus came thither, when the Province of Sicily had [A. U. 495] fallen to his share, and the Navy to his Colleague C. Sulpitius Paterculus. These two, with all their Forces in Battalia went to Panormus, where the Carthaginians had their Winter-quarters, before which place they offered them Battel; but no person opposing them, they went to Hippana: which they assaulted and took. In their Journey from thence Atilius advanced to Mytistratus, which after a stout resistance made, the Defendants at last abandon'd, being tired by the cries and lamentations of the Women and Children. So that when the Carthaginian Garison departed away by Night, the Townsmen at break of day opened their Gates: but the Romans not forgetting the hardships they had suffer'd in the Siege, slew all they met without any distinction of Age or Sex: until Atilius caus'd it to be proclaim'd, that the booty and men should be theirs that took them.

[ XXIII] Then their Cruelty gave way to their Avarice: and the rest of the Mytistratensians being saved were sold for Slaves: the Town was plundered and demolish'd. The Army from thence being led against Ca∣marina, ran a great hazard for want of sending out Spies to view the Country. For the Carthaginian Ge∣neral having first possess'd himself of the Hills, had surrounded the Roman Army that were heedlesly got into a narrow Valley. And now when they expected nought but death, and such a slaughter as that of Caudium, Calpurnius Flamma a Colonel in the same Army, by his Valour, and good conduct saved the Army in this extremity of danger. He following the Example of P. Decius, who himself had been Colonel in Samnium, went with three hundred men to possess himself of a certain eminence: having no prospect of escaping, but onely inflam'd both he and his men with a noble thirst after Honour, and a de∣sire to save the Army. 'Tis reported, that when he had his men thither he should thus bespeak them:

Fellow-Soldiers, Let us die, and by our death rescue from danger, the Legions which are surrounded by the Enemy.

And so it happen'd; the Enemy charg'd them, and they receiv'd their Cannon bravely, and kept them in play till the Consul got out of these Streights. The Carthaginians having slain those, who had oppos'd themselves against their Arms, departed, no longer placing any hopes in their Stratagem, which was now discover'd.

[ XXIV] And here the good fortune of Calpurnius was almost a Miracle, who being found with breath yet in his body among great heaps of the Enemies Carcasses, and those of his own men, was taken up, and by good tendance recover'd again, having receiv'd among his numerous Wounds none that was mortal; so that he afterwards liv'd to do considerable service to the Commonwealth: and was a great terrour to the Ene∣mies. This man, if he had shewn such a proof of his Valour among Grecians, no Monuments or Re∣wards could have been thought sufficient for him. But, being a Roman, for so great an Act had onely a Chaplet of Grass: and the memory of the fact is so negligently deliver'd, that there is scarce any certainty what the Hero's name was. Most call him Calpurnius Flamina, but Cato says his name was Ceditius, and Quadrigarius calls him Laberius. However, the Consul having escap'd out of these Streights, whilst his Er∣rour raised shame in him, and his danger procur'd watchfulness, attempting again with more Forces, and greater care to besiege the Town, but finding he could not succeed without Engines, he borrow'd some of Hiero, with which he batter'd the Wall: and the Camarinians being thus reduc'd were most of them sold to slavery by the Consul. Then they went to Enna: which place they also took by treachery, and the Garison Soldiers were partly slain by the Romans who were receiv'd into the Town, whilst others of them escaping by flight betook themselves to such places as belong'd to their own Party. Sittana was possess'd not by fraud, but Valour: for the Defendants were beaten by main might and strength, and the Town taken by Storm.

[ XXV] And now the lesser Towns of Sicily without any more ado sent Ambassadours to the Consul to surren∣der themselves to him: Who after he had put Garisons in convenient places marched into the Country of Agrigentum, where he took the Castle of Camicum by treachery, which so amaz'd them at Erlessus, that they fled away abandoning the Town. Thus also was Erlessus recover'd by the Romans. The Con∣sul elevated with his good fortune, and also because he thought several of the Lipareans to be well affected towards him, march'd towards their City. But there his affairs did not succeed so well as before; for Hamilcar having cunningly found out the Roman Generals design entred privately into Lipara, and dili∣gently waited his time to fight; which the Romans were ignorant of, and therefore whilst they approached the Walls too boldly and rashly, the Carthaginians suddenly sallied out and routed them. There were many killed in that encounter, and several wounded.

[ XXVI] In the mean while Sulpitius the Consul fought prosperously several Battels against the Carthaginians: and he became so encourag'd hereby, that he ventur'd to sail towards Affrica. The Carthaginians resolving not to endure that, made Hannibal again Chief Commander at Sea, who lived all along at Carthage ever since his defeat in Sicily. And having joyn'd several eminent Sea Commanders with him, ordered him to keep off the Enemies Fleet from the Affrican shores. Accordingly he put out to Sea well equipp'd for a fight: but a storm hindred them from engaging: which lying very sore on both parties forced them against their wills to take shelter in places more calm; but yet both the Generals recover'd the Ports of Sardinia. There whilst their Fleet lay at Anchor, Sulpitius, to draw the Carthaginians out into the open Sea, subo••ns some people to go as desertors, and persuade Hannibal that the Romans were about to sail again for Affrica. He being deceiv'd with this trick, came out in all hast with the Fleet, and fell in with the Consul, who waited for him in a convenient place unawares: where many of the Punic Vessels were sunk before they could know where they were; whilst the favour of the Night, and a storm opportunely arising had co∣ver'd the Ambush laid by the Consul.

[ XXVII] At length, when they understood their condition, the rest of the Galleys made back to the Haven, or else drove to shore, where most of them were taken empty, the Rowers flying away. Hannibal despairing of being able to defend the Haven, had betaken himself into a Town called Sulcos: where a Mutiny ari∣sing he was apprehended by the Carthaginians, who had fled thither from the same Battel, and hang'd; they alledging, that his folly and rashness was the cause of their overthrow. But this Victory a while after caused some loss to the Romans. For, when now without any fear of the Punic Fleet, they were wasting the Country very securely and without fear; they were routed by a sudden Incursion of the Sardinians and Carthaginians under the Conduct of Hanno.

C. Duilius bore the Censorship this year, and built the Temple of Janus at the Herb-Market. About this time there were two Triumphs seen: the first that of C. Aquilius Florus, as Consul over the Carthagi∣nians the 4th of October. The second Caius Sulpitius the Consul over the Carthaginians and Sardinians the fifth of the same Month.

Afterwards, when C. Atilius Regulus, Cn. Cornelius Blasio were again Consuls, the Senate order'd that [ XXVIII] some Ceremonies used for the expiating of Prodigies should be perform'd, because that in Monte Albano, [A. U. 496] and many other places, and even in the City it self, it had rain'd Stones as thick as Hail. It was order'd that the Latine Holy-days should be renew'd, and a Dictator chosen for that end. Q. Ogulneius Gallus was the Dictator, and M. Letorius Plancianus his Deputy. C. Atilius, who commanded the Fleet, arriving at Tyndaris in Sicily, destroy'd the Punic Navy sailing by in a disorderly manner, and resolv'd to a••tack ••t; and accordingly having order'd the rest of the Fleet to follow him, he with ten Galleys, which could be first fitted, advances against the Carthaginians who were got pretty far before by the help of their Oars and Sails which they ply'd with all their might and main.

Hamilcar was then in that Fleet, a great Commander: who seeing but few Ships near him, and others [ XXIX] scarce yet got out of the Haven, and that the greatest part yet lay at Anchor, tack'd about, and with his whole Fleet encompass'd C. Atilius, and his Ships. Nine Galleys were sunk presently, being over-pour'd by the numbers of the Enemy, after they had fought it stoutly. But the Admiral, by the help of her Oars, and the Rowers being encourag'd by the presence of the Consul, forc'd its way through, and sav'd her self. For now there were other Galleys of the Romans come up, which chang'd the fortune of the Battel; and then there were eight Galleys of the Carthaginians sunk, ten with their Rowers taken: the rest steer'd their course towards the Liparean Isles. These were their Actions at Sea. Their Land-forces acted more slowly, having attack'd Lipara in vain; but they wreck'd their fury upon such places as were open, laying them wast; and the same Calamity reach'd the Island of Malta not far distant. For these Atchievem••nts C. Atilius the Consul had a Naval Triumph for his Victory over the Carthaginians. The same year Atilius triumph'd over the Carthaginians in Sicily the 19th of January. Thus prosperously did the Roman Affairs succeed, so that they now being superiour at Sea as well as at Land, began to consult not onely about Sicily and the adjacent Isles, the Conquest of which they made sure of, but also of invading Affrica, and carrying the terrour of the War to the very Gates of Carthage.

DECADE II. BOOK XVIII.

Florus his Epitome of the Eighteenth Book of Livy.

Atilius Regulus being Consul, overthrows the Carthaginians in a Sea-fight, invades Affrick, and there kills a Serpent of a prodigious bigness, not without a great slaughter of his Soldiers. He having fought several Battels with the Carthaginians with advantage, and the Senate by reason of his success, continuing him in his Command, he himself by his Letters complains thereof and desires a Success••r, assi••ning (am••ngst other things) this reason for it, because the Farm his Family liv'd upon, lay untill'd, being deserted by his Bailiffs and Husbandmen. After this, Fortune being willing to shew an Eminent Example in this Gentle∣man of a glorious Adversity as well as a great Prosperity, he is overthrown, and taken Prisoner by one Zan∣tippus a Lacedaemonian, whom the Carthaginians had entertain'd for their General. The Roman Navies suffer'd grievous Shipwrecks which eclips'd the Glory of all their former successes either at Sea or Land. Tib. Caruncanus Created High Priest, the first Commoner that ever enjoy'd that dignity. P. Sempronius Sophus, and Manius Valerius Maximus the Censors calling over the Senate turn'd out thirteen Members f••r misdemeanours. And held a survey of the whole City, and registred to the number of 297797 Heads. Regulus is sent by the Carthaginians to the Senate to treat for a Peace, or if that could not be obtain'd for excha•• of Prisoners. Ʋpon his Parole to return again, if the same were not granted; But he himself pers••aded the Senate to deny both; and to discharge his Promise, goes back, where he is put to death by the Carthaginians with most exquisite Tortures.

THE Consuls next were L. Manilius surnamed Longus, and Q. Ceditius, who dying in his Office [ I] was succeeded by M. Atilius Regulus second time Consul. Affrica having hitherto been exempt [A. U. 497] from all acts of Hostility, first felt the War this year, the Romans entring the Country after a signal Vi∣ctory gain'd by them over the Carthaginian Fleet. All which Affairs, as they happen'd, as also Regulus his adverse and prosperous fortune, and undeserv'd death, we shall describe in this Book. The year be∣fore C. Atilius being Consul, the Carthaginians, notwithstanding in a Sea-fight they first retreated with the loss of many of their Ships, yet look'd upon themselves not inferiour to their Enemies because they had sunk some of their Galleys also: whilst the Romans reckon'd themselves to have gain'd a signal Victory.

Hence the two Nations with equal Courage and Emulation apply'd themselves to Maritime Affairs. [ II] And in pursuance hereof, the Consuls being order'd to transfer the War into Affrica arrived at Messina with three hundred and thirty sail of Ships under their Command, and from thence leaving Sicily on the right hand pass'd by Paclinyus to take in some Foot-Companies then quarter'd about the Hill Ecnomus; and Hamilcar the Carthaginian General, and Hanno the Admiral with three hundred and sixty sail put over from Carthage to Lilybeum, and from thence taking their course to Heraclea Minoa, posted themselves in that Port, watching the Enemies motions, and intending to stop their passage to Affrica. The Consuls in∣form'd hereof, prepar'd themselves diligently to encounter either danger, so that whether they should come to a tryal of skill by Sea, or make any descent into the Country, they might not be at a loss when the

matter came to the push. Having therefore mann'd their Ships with the best and most couragious Soldiers, they divided their whole Fleet into four Squadrons: the first Squadron being composed of the first Legion, the second and third of the two other Legions, and the fourth of the Triarii.

[ III] The Forces were ordered in this manner: Every Ship carried three hundred Seamen, and one hundred and twenty Soldiers, so that the whole Fleet made about one hundred and forty thousand men; which number was somewhat exceeded by the Carthaginians, having aboard their Navy one hundred and fifty thousand men: but for all that, the Consuls looked on the Carthaginian Soldiery no ways comparable to their own: but seeing they were to fight upon the main Sea, where the swiftest Saylors, and the most skilful Seamen have the advantage; their chiefest care was to range their Fleet in such an order as might best in∣counter this danger. At last they rang'd their Fleet in this manner: the two Galleys wherein the Consuls were, they placed in the front: to both which they joyn'd the first and second Squadron in two Lines one directly opposite to the other; the Ships standing with their Prows outward: the two Admirals rode al∣most side by side: but those Ships next to them stood at a greater distance asunder, which still increased with the number of the Ships. Thus when the Galleys in the front stood nearest one another, and those behind farthest asunder, the order of these two Squadrons resembled the figure of a Wedg; but when the third Squadron drawn in one Line filled the interval between the two former, the figure of their Battalia was made Triangular. The Ships belonging to the third Squadron tow'd along their Boats and smaller Vessels. Last of all, the Triarii being drawn in a Half-Moon extended out their Wings so as to inclose the rest be∣fore them. Thus the Fleet being open before, and close in the Rear seem'd like a Ships Stem being po∣sted in an excellent order to defend it self, and attack the Enemy.

[ IV] When the Carthaginians Generals heard the Roman Fleet was coming, and consider'd that their Town was weak and not tenable, the People cow'd, and fearful, and their Neighbours wavering, and dispos'd to Innovations, they determined to encounter the Enemy, being resolved to run any hazard rather than let them have a free passage to Affrica. And when they had in few words encouraged their men, bidding them remember they were to fight not onely for themselves, but for their Wives and Children, and therefore ought to do it with the greatest Valour possible, they went on board and launch'd from shore having great hopes in their Seamen, and Soldiers.

[ V] By this time the Romans came on, and not far from Heraclea they engag'd with equal Forces. The Car∣thaginians had agreed among themselves, that Hanno (the same that had been beaten before Agrigentum) should command the right Wing, and Hamilcar all the rest of the Fleet: and having observed the Romans order of Battel, they also divided their Fleet into four parts, the left Wing being drawn in a Half-moon, was order'd to lie near the shore, but the rest of the Fleet stood in three Lines facing the Enemy. Of these Hanno drew out the right Wing, which consisted of the swiftest Galleys, as far as he could into the main Sea, that he might encompass the Enemy, if the fight should begin any where else.

[ VI] The Consuls charg'd without delay, the Body of the Punic Fleet with their two Squadrons. Now Ha∣milcar, to disorder the Romans Battalia, had order'd his men, when they had joyn'd Battel immediately to retreat; which they did, and the Romans eagerly pursu'd them: but they received no damage by reason of the swiftness of their Ships; whilst the Roman Fleet as Hamilcar foresaw, was put in disarray, the Triarii and the third Squadron as yet not moving. Which he no sooner saw, but he gave the signal for his men to tack about, and receive the Romans pursuing them: and upon this arose a doubtful Battel, rhe Car∣thaginians having the odds for swiftness of Ships and skill of Mariners, but the Romans for strength of men. Therefore so long as the fight was between the Ships rather than the Soldiers, the Carthaginians prevailed: but when once they came to grapple Ship to Ship, then the Romans got the Victory; whilst their Soldiers so good at handling their Arms, and now in the sight of their Consuls bravely expos'd their lives, endea∣vouring to signalize their Valour in the Action.

[ VII] While things went thus on that side, Hanno, with the right Wing, which had not mov'd yet, bearing upon the Triarii, attacked them from the Sea, and distress'd them very sorely. At the same time the Car∣thaginians left Wing changing their former posture, and reducing themselves to a streight Line charged the Romans third Squadron, which tow'd their Boats, with their Beaks running full tilt upon the Enemy. The Romans then disengaging themselves from those Boats they towed, prepar'd for fight: and here also a∣rose a sharp Conflict. Thus in three several places there were as many Naval fights as it were, at a pretty good distance one from the other. Having fought a long time upon equal terms, and with doubtful fortune, at length it happen'd, as it generally does, where men are equally engag'd at once in several places, that that side which first defeats a party of the Enemies forces overcomes all the rest: for, Hamilcar being no longer able to withstand the shock, drew off, and the rest of the Punic Fleet was immediately routed.

[ VIII] Now whilst L. Manlius the Consul was busie in securing the Ships taken from the Enemy, and towing them along, M. Regulus seeing his men ingag'd in another place hasten'd to their aid with as many Ships of the second Squadron, as had escaped without damage from the former service. Soon did the Triarii apprehend their succour, and taking heart again after they had desponded upon prospect of their danger, began valiantly to encounter with the Enemy. Hanno, finding these make a stout resistance, and himself pressed upon behind, hois'd sail, and saved himself by slight. In the mean time, L. Manlius seeing the Romans third Squadron driven towards shore by the Carthaginians left Wing directed his course thither, when M. Regulus also came in, who had now secur'd the Triarii and the Long-boats. Thus was the Scene soon shefled, and they were encompass'd themselves who had just before inviron'd the Romans: whom they had once at their mercy pent up and inclosed, and might have destroyed them to rights; but for fear of the grappling-hooks not venturing too near, they gave the Consuls time enough, insomuch that they rescued their own men, and also took fifty Ships of the Enemies with all the men, inclosing them suddenly as in a toyl: the rest being but few escap'd, stealing away near the shore.

[ IX] This Battel for variety of Accidents, and the sharpness of the Conflict, as also for the number of Ships lost may scarce be parallel'd. The Carthaginians had sixty three Ships taken, and above thirty sunk: the Victors had twenty four sunk, but none taken by the Enemy. After this Victory being returned to Messina, they spent some time there in refreshing the Soldiers, re-fitting their Galleys, and victualling their Fleet. During which time Hamilcar, who would have hinder'd the Romans from going to Affrica, and being not able to do it by force of Arms, betook himself to this Intrigue; he sends Hanno to the Consuls to desire a Peace, thinking to gain time, till the Forces, he expected from Carthage, were sent him.

When Hanno was come to the Consuls, and heard some people crying out, that it was fit he should be [ X] treated after the same rate as Cornelius Asina the Consul had been by the Carthaginians five years before; If you do so, says Hanno, defending himself by a sly Complement, then you will not be honester men than the Affricans. And the Consuls presently understanding what was said, commanded those to be silent, who had discoursed of making Hanno Prisoner: whom they accosted in a Language suitable to the Roman gravity: telling him, You are secur'd, Hanno, of any fear of this sort by the honour of the Roman Name. But the treaty of Peace had no effect, the Carthaginians not acting in earnest, and the Consuls being more desirous of Conquest than Peace, therefore they resolved no longer to put off the Affrican Expedition. Nor did the Carthaginians oppose them, though they had once resolved among themselves to stop them in their Voyage. But Hanno hastening before to fortifie Carthage, Hamilcar durst not stir, but kept at Heraclea: whilst the Roman Fleet were neither incommoded by the Enemy nor the weather in their Voyage.

There were those that fear'd this long Expedition, and trembled at the very name of Affrica: and [ XI] Mannius a Colonel was one of those who refus'd to obey the Orders of the Consul: but Regulus being highly inrag'd against the man, threatned to take off his head if he would not submit. Thus at length the Consul was obey'd, a nearer and greater terrour expelling all fears of the Journey. There is a Promontory called Hermeum, which from the Bay of Carthage runs out far into the Sicilian Sea: The foremost of the Roman Galleys arrived upon that Coast, and there staying a while till the whole Fleet had come up, the Consuls passing by the Affrican shore came to the Town. Here the Legions first landed, and the Ships being hal'd ashore, some works were made to defend them: the City was invested, because it would not surrender at first, and being either deliver'd up or quitted by the affrighted Inhabitants (for both is re∣ported) fell into the hands of the Romans.

And now though the Carthaginians labour'd under great distresses, yet they were very glad, that things [ XII] had fallen out better to them than they expected. For they feared, hearing the success of their men at Sea, that the Romans would have marched out-right to the Walls of Carthage: upon which taking heart again they applied themselves to raise Forces, and to defend the City and the Territories belonging to it. The Consuls in the mean while (having dispatch'd a Message to Rome, both to inform the Senate of what was already done, and also to consult them upon the present juncture of Affairs) fortifie Clupea, intending it for their Head-quarters: and having placed a Garison in it for the defence of the Town and the Coun∣try, marched on with the rest of their forces, wasting that fertile and well-cultivated Country, which had not seen an Enemy since the time of Agathocles: they destroyed likewise many stately Palaces, and carried away abundance of plunder, besides above twenty thousand men: none daring to oppose them. They likewise took several Towns by storm and surrender: wherein they found some desertors, and set at liberty great numbers of Roman Citizens taken in the last Wars: among whom I take Cn. Cornelius to have been, who was again made Consul two years after.

In the mean while, those that had been sent by the Consuls to Rome returned with the Senates Com∣mands, [ XIII] whereby, "One of the Consuls was order'd to stay in Affrica with such a part of their Forces as they should judg necessary to keep there without prejudice to the Commonwealth: and the other to bring the rest of the Fleet and Forces to Rome. So now Winter approaching M. Regulus remained behind with near fifteen thousand Foot, five hundred Horse, and forty Galleys, the rest of the Fleet under the conduct of L. Manlius who safely pass'd the Coasts of Sicily, returned to Rome laden with abundance of spoils and Slaves. We find there were twenty thousand Slaves brought to Rome by Manlius: and that a [A. U. 498] Naval Triumph was decreed to him. After this Ser. Fulvius Paetinus Nobilior, and M. Aemilius Paulus were made Consuls: to these Sicily and the Fleet were assign'd in charge. They were unwilling to call Regulus home in the midst of his Victories and successes in Affrica: and therefore he was commanded to manage the War in Affrica with the Character of Proconsul.

This Decree of the Senate none dislik'd so much as that very Person, in honour of whom it was made; [ XIV] who therefore complain'd in a Letter to the Senate, among others giving this reason for his desiring one to be sent in his room, that by the death of his Steward (who was intrusted with the tilling of a little Field of his of seven acres in Pupinia) a hir'd servant of his had taken this opportunity to run away, car∣rying with him his Houshold-stuff; wherefore his presence was requisite, lest his Farm being neglected his Wife and Children should be starv'd; upon which the Senate decreed, that M. Regulus his Land should be till'd at the Public charge, the Goods he had lost, restor'd him, and maintenance given to his Wife and Children. These were the manners of those golden days: But as oft as I read or write of such things, I cannot but reflect with my self, how much more lasting is the reward that accrues to men by Valour and Virtue, than by Riches; for the glory of M. Regulus survives so many Ages after him, while the vastest Wealth perishes with, and often before its Owners.

The Carthaginians mean while having constituted two Generals, Asdrubal the Son of Hanno, and Bostar, [ XV] call'd for a third (Hamilcar) out of Sicily, who came speedily from Heraclea to Carthage with five thou∣sand Foot, and five hundred Horse. These having held consultation together, determined, that their Army should be kept no longer within Walls, as they had done till then, and that the Romans were not to be suf∣fered to act as they did at pleasure. Then fir'd with eager resolutions to fight, they led out their Army: while Regulus over-running all the Country around, came at last to the River Bagrada: and when he was in∣camped there, a sudden disaster befell his Army, which was attended with some damage, and greater ter∣rour. For a Serpent of prodigious Size set upon the Soldiers going for Water: and the men being asto∣nished and in vain resisting; the Serpent swallowed up some of them in her jaws and bruised others, twist∣ing her self round about and lashing them with her Tail: some also were destroyed by the venomous scent of this Monsters breath: nay, Regulus was so pester'd by it, that he was forced with all his Army to come and fight for the possession of the River.

But seeing that he lost many men, and yet could neither wound nor conquer the Serpent, being arm'd [ XVI] with such thick scales as defended her from the Darts they threw at her; he order'd Engines to be planted and thus with battering Rams they were forced to storm the Enemy like to some Castle. After some shot made in vain a huge stone broke her Chine, and so cool'd the impetuousness and fierceness of this formidable Monster; and at last with much ado the Serpent was kill'd; which had occasion'd so great terrour to the Le∣gions and Cohorts, that Regulus protested, he had rather storm Carthage than have the same to do again with such another Monster. But the Romans could incamp no longer there for the noisomness of this Serpents Carcass, which corrupted the water with gore, and infected the Country round with the scent. And here Humane pride may blush at its own folly whilst it fancies nothing able to withstand its power.

This is certain, that one Serpent alive engag'd the whole Roman Army under the conduct of M. Regulus, victorious by Sea and Land, and being kill'd oblig'd them to remove their Quarters. Wherefore the Pro∣consul was not ashamed to send the spoils of this Enemy to Rome, and to confess the greatness of his fear and joy for the Victory by that trophy and publick Monument. For he caused the Serpents skin to be carried to Rome, said to be one hundred and twenty foot long; and that it was hung up in a certain Temple, where it continued till the times of the Numantine War.

[ XVII] The Consul decamping from Bagrada, led his Army towards Adis, having expugned and destroyed all the Towns and Castles that lay in his way. But this Adis, the taking of which prov'd a difficult Enter∣prize, he formally besieg'd, raising Batteries and planting his Engines against the place. When the Car∣thaginian Generals speeded away to raise the Siege, they sat down upon a Hill over-looking the Roman Camp, but woody and rugged. M. Regulu having consider'd the Site of the ground, and the nature of the Enemies forces, not comparable to his own in Foot, but better appointed for Horse and Elephants, which in an open field would prove formidable, but now were rendred unserviceable in so disadvantageous a place, he wisely taking advantage of the Enemies oversight, resolv'd to attack them before they could amend their Errour.

[ XVIII] Wherefore having encouraged his men, and taking all requisite care for his design, before day-break he sets out of his Camp, and leads his Army up the Hill where the Carthaginians were lodg'd. This boldness of the Romans at first astonish'd the Carthaginians: but afterwards the confusion wax'd greater, when the Elephants and the Horse the main strength of their Army, not onely prov'd unserviceable, but also disorder'd and hinder'd them. The time also encreas'd their consternation, because the Romans had as∣saulted them unawares, whilst most of them lay asleep; so that several were kill'd in their beds, others cut off by Ambushes laid for them in by-ways and Roads, whilst they stragled for fear not knowing whi∣ther to go. But yet the Carthaginian Mercenaries, the Spaniards and Gauls hastily casting themselves into a Battalia, and fighting desperately without the Camp, rendred the Battel for some time very doubtful: the first Legion flying, and the whole Army would have been defeated, had not the Cohorts encompass'd the Enemy, as they were commanded on the other side, and assaulted them in the nick of time in the Rear, when they pressed upon the Romans retreating: who then rallied again, and with fresh courage charg'd the Aggressors.

[ XIX] Thus the Enemy being assaulted on both sides, were defeated after they had for a while made a very stout resistance. Which the Carthaginians seeing, immediately pour'd out of their Camp, and fled as fast as they could; and as for the Horse and the Elephants when they got to plain ground, their retreat was safe and easie to them, but the Victors having pursu'd the Foot further, return'd to plunder the Camp. In this Battel there were seventeen thousand of the Carthaginians slain, five thousand taken, and twenty two Elephants. The success of this Battel drew not onely the Country thereabouts, but people more remote to espouse the Roman Interest, and within fifty days they won about eighty Towns, whereby the Cartha∣ginians already reduc'd to great straits, were in a manner dejected at the news of Tunis being taken, a place so strong, and but twelve miles distant from Carthage, whereby the Enemy might see whatever pass'd there, the prospect from thence lying open to the Town and neighbouring Sea.

[ XX] Nor were they onely alarm'd with fear of the Romans, but the Numidians also upon an old quarrel ta∣king this opportunity rose in Arms against them, and by wasting and burning the Carthaginian Territo∣ries left greater desolation and terrour behind them than the Romans did. And now the Country people slocking into the Town, caused not onely a great consternation but a famine too, such a multitude of men necessarily consuming a great deal of provision: whilst some miserable Caytiffs conceal'd their Stores, de∣signing their own gain in these hard times, and hoping to raise the prices of their Commodities, as they grew scarce. Hence it was that the Ambassadours sent by M. Regulus were very welcome, who de∣siring to have the Honour of having ended the War, and fearing lest another sent in his room should de∣prive him of it, advised the Carthaginians to conclude a Peace. But he, as it were sure of Victory, offer'd it upon intolerable Conditions, so that this Negotiation had not its intended effect.

[ XXI] The Conditions he proposed to the Carthaginians, were,

That they should quit all Sicily and Sardinia; that they should restore all the Roman Prisoners gratis, and ransom their own, paying all the charges of the War, and a yearly Tribute besides.

To which were added other things no less grievous:

That they should hold the same for their Enemies and Friends as the Romans did: That they should have but one Ship of the long form of building; and as oft as they were requir'd they should set out fifty Gal∣leys compleatly equipped for the service of the Romans.

The Ambassadours being amaz'd at these De∣mands, and desiring some milder terms from him; says he,

This is your case, you must either overcome, or submit to the Conquerours.

This Message so incens'd the Carthaginians, that though they labour'd under great pressures and neces∣sities, yet they determin'd to endure the greatest extremity, rather than admit Conditions, which had so direct a tendency to inslave them and their People. In this juncture of Affairs, the Ships sent into Greece to raise Soldiers, returned with considerable numbers of hired Soldiers: and among the rest came Xanthippus, a Spartan born, who to his Country Discipline, wherein he had been excellently trained up from a Child, had join'd a suitable experience in Military Affairs.

[ XXII] He being told how things had gone till then, and informing himself as to the strength of the Punic forces both Horse and Foot, openly declared, that the Carthaginians had not been conquer'd by the Ro∣mans, but by themselves, through their Leaders ill conduct, who knew not how to manage their Forces. These words being soon nois'd about, Xanthippus was sent for by the Magistrates, who gave them such clear reasons for his Opinion, that nothing could be plainer. He shew'd them all along what oversights they had committed in their Marches, Encampments and Fights, being us'd to such places as were disadvan∣tageous: and promised them not onely security, but Victory if they should hearken to his Counsel.

[ XXIII] His Opinion was approved both by the Chief Governours of the State, and also by the Generals them∣selves, who out of a laudable condescension preferring the Public Interest before their own Reputations, a∣greed and consented to have the command of the Army committed to this Foreiner. Xanthippus having received this Power, led the Soldiers forth daily into the Field, and exercis'd them in their Arms, teaching them to keep their Ranks, and readily do whatever their Captains should command. The Soldiers com∣paring this Discipline with the former became more confident of better success for the future: and the whole State, which had been chill'd with fear began now to be inspirited with f••esh vigour and warmth.

The Officers also of the Army seeing this general briskness of their People, taking good heart, them∣selves [ XXIII] likewise resolv'd to march against the Enemy; and having encouraged their men as the time re∣quir'd, went out against the Romans with about twelve thousand Foot, four thousand Horse, and no less than one hundred Elephants: but what most concern'd the Romans was, to see the Carthaginians con∣trary to their usual manner, avoiding the hilly rugged Country, and keeping to the Plains. But by perpe∣tual success the Romans were so elevated, that they despis'd an Army so often beaten by them, now un∣der a pitiful Greek Commander. Nay, Regulus himself was not free from the same vanity, being carried away with the flattering smiles of Fortune; and therefore reflecting, that he had defeated the Carthagi∣nians both by Sea and Land, taken almost two hundred of their Towns, and two hundred thousand men; and withal conceiting that he was able to force Carthage it self labouring under such distresses to surrender; he refus'd to grant Peace upon any tolerable Conditions, and wrote to Rome, that he had block'd up Carthage. Thus men of great Spirits oftner miscarry for want of moderation in Prosperity, than constancy in Adversity.

Whilst the Carthaginians were incamp'd in a plain and level ground, M. Regulus, whose main strength [ XXIV] consisted in Foot, and therefore should have kept the Hills, ventur'd down into the Plain, thinking every place indifferent for valiant Men to fight in; and for the greater show of his confidence, passed a River which ran between him and the Enemy, and advanced within a mile of them. Xanthippus seeing Regulus his ill Conduct declar'd, that now the time was come wherein he should make good his word to the Car∣thaginians: for having got the Romans tir'd by their journey in such a place as he desir'd, he assur'd him∣self of Victory. The time of the day seemed likewise most opportune for Battel: for now it drew to∣wards Evening, so that the Carthaginians acquainted with all the Passes of the Country, might easily escape by Night, if they should be beaten, and nothing could hinder them to prosecute their Victory, if they should prevail. When the Carthaginians therefore consulted what they should do, he conjur'd them by all that was good and great not to slip so brave an opportunity: and persuaded them to joyn Battel, which they easily agreed to, the Souldiers calling him by Name, and with extraordinary alacrity desiring Battel.

The Command of all therefore being left to this Spartan General; he led out his Army, and rang'd [ XXV] them in this manner: The Carthaginian Phalanx consisting of the main strength of their Foot, was placed upon the Reserve: before which at a convenient distance the Elephants were rang'd in one Line equal to the breadth of the Phalanx. On both the Wings the Light-armed men and the Horse were posted, and behind them on the right Wing, the Mercenary Men of Arms. His Army being drawn in this order, he commanded the Light-Horse as soon as they had charg'd to fall back to their own Men, who were to open their Ranks to receive them: and the Enemy being engag'd with stronger forces, to issue out again from both the Wings, and suddenly flank the Romans fighting with the Phalanx. Regulus on the contrary having ranged his men in order of Battel, when he saw the Elephants standing in the Carthaginians Van, imme∣diately took this course: the Light-arm'd he places in the front, the Legions in close Ranks on the Reserve, and the Wings consisted of the Horse; whereby the Army was firm for depth, but took up a much narrower compass than before: so that when danger was fear'd both from the Elephants and the Horse, this order serv'd well enough to hinder the Elephants from breaking in, but in an open Field so much room was left to the Enemies Horse, that they might surround an Army, shrunk into such a small compass.

The Onset was made by the Elephants, Xanthippus having caused them to advance upon the Romans, [ XXVI] and immediately the Romans clashing their Arms, and shouting mingled with the Enemy: The Horse also of both sides joyn'd Battel upon the Wing, and the Romans here over-power'd by greater numbers of the Enemies, when they were no longer able to sustein the shock, fled out-right: while the Foot towards the left Wing, either to avoid the Elephants, or in hopes of an easier Conquest over the Mercenaries, charged, routed, and pursued these to their Camp; but the rest had a harder task of it with the Elephants: who with an intolerable force broke the Ranks, trampled the Soldiers, and destroyed whole Squadrons together.

However, the depth of the Army sustein'd the shock for a while, one Rank still supporting another, till [ XXVII] the Army in every part began to be distressed at once: those in the Rear being encompass'd by the Ene∣mies Horse, and those in the Front of the Army as many as had broke through the Elephants, were either kill'd by the Phalanx being fresh men and posted to ••eceive them, or else by the Light-horse, who assault∣ed them on every side. Nor were there fewer kill'd in the flight; for the Elephants and Numidian Horse being sent after them, slew them here and there as they stragled through that open Champian Country. M. Regulus with five hundred was taken alive by the Enemy. Of all the Army not above two thousand men, who had defeated the Mercenaries, esaped alive making their retreat hastily to Clupea. Of the Punic Army not many fell, besides the eight hundred Mercenaries, that had fought with the Enemies left Wing.

After so great an Atchievement, when the Army return'd to Carthage carrying the spoils of the slain, [ XXVIII] and triumphing for having taken Regulus Prisoner, the Citizens in great numbers pour'd out to meet them: others standing either in the Streets or Balconies, with incredible pleasure enjoyed that sight which they durst not wish for some time before, their minds being scarce able to bear the joy and transports, or to believe the truth of this Victory; for those who but just now being brought to the brink of despair, fear'd to lose their Town, Temples and Country, could scarce believe so sudden a revolution of Affairs, though they saw it; but the eyes and minds of all were most intent upon the Generals themselves: whilst look∣ing upon Xanthippus one while, and Regulus another, by their estimate of this they valued and extolled the greatness of their own General.

For, what a mighty Man must he be accounted, who has outed such a great and fortunate Warriour, so cruel an Enemy, and the terrour of Carthage, of such a flourish∣ing Army, a glorious Name, and in fine of Liberty it self, and that so easily and speedily too.

They also admir'd Xanthippus the more for his shape and features, seeing so much Valour lay conceal'd [ XXIX] under so mean a Stature, and an ordinary Aspect. From hence however Xanthippus got great honour, and no less envy. In declining of which he us'd as great prudence, as in managing the War. For although Carthage owed him an eternal Reward for his services done her, yet he chose to quit all doubtful and slip∣pery hopes, and return home, before the peoples minds or his fortune was alter'd. For men are generally of such a temper, as openly to profess a love to their Country, but privately they mind their own In∣terest: Therefore as long as they can get Riches and Honours, whilst the State flourishes, they pretend the highest affection for it: but when they are in danger, lest others for their great services and Courage should

share in the same, they had rather the Commonwealth should want men to promote its Interest, than that there should be any to obstruct their own.

[ XXX] While they are in hopes to equal others, they envy more secretly and less; but being far distanc'd, when they see themselves depress'd, and those Places and Offices, which they thirsted in the hands of the others, what they despair'd by Virtue to atchieve, by Calumny, and criminations they are resolv'd to obtain. Hence it comes to pass, that the most vertuous has always the most Enemies to lie in wait for him. Against these designs a man indeed in his own Country is protected by his Friends and Rela∣tions: but a Stranger destitute of this support provokes and invites the malice of this base sort of men, being more expos'd to injuries; for lying open to their wicked designs, he may be ruin'd with little la∣bour, and injur'd without any danger.

And that Xanthippus foresaw this, the sequel manifestly shews; for when he was sailing homeward,

The Carthaginians, as 'tis said, sent men after him to drown him, whilst after they had receiv'd a favour they disgusted and hated the Author of it, hoping by his death to raze out the very memory of their Cities having been deliver'd by the valour of a Stranger.

Different fpom these are the reports of others touching Xanthippus his fate: but yet these are such as plainly shew the Punic treachery.

For when he went away they gave him an old leaky Vessel, which seemed strong, being newly careen'd; but that this wary circumspect Man discover'd the Trick, and privately imbarking in another Vessel escap'd the dan∣ger.

An Act of no less treachery, but much more cruel is said to have been done by them about the same time; for the Mercenaries tumultuously demanding their pay for the great service done by them, they put them on Shipboard, promising that in another place they should receive what they desir'd; but being abandon'd and expos'd in a desert Island by the Masters of the Ships commanded privately to do so, they di'd a miserable death, whilst depriv'd of all humane sustenance, left without Ships and Provisions, they could neither get away for the Sea, nor remain there for hunger.

[ XXXI] In other Authors I find this Act referr'd to those times wherein the Syracusans had War with the Carthaginians: and that that Island was afterwards called Ostodes or the place of Bones. It lies in the main Sea Westward from Lipara; which actions how, or whensoever committed are no ways agreeable to the Carthaginians practice at other times. Nor is it to be admir'd, if those men should treat their Ene∣mies unmercifully, who are so affected towards their Friends and Assistants. Though indeed it is re∣ported, that they us'd the other Captives well enough, because they knew the Romans had taken several of their men, and desir'd to receive them upon exchange.

[ XXXII] But they could neither moderate nor conceal their spite against M. Regulus, but tormented him as much as they could. For they gave him Diet, that neither pleas'd his Palate, nor strengthned his Body, but only by a slender refection kept him alive to prolong his miseries: but their daily affronts put upon him were more insupportable: for they used to frighten him almost out of his wits with an Elephant suddenly brought in to surprize him with his horrid noise and unusual shape; and at last being almost starv'd, he was thrown into the common Jail.

[ XXXIII] When this new came to Rome, the City was affected with great sorrow and fear too. For not it was expected that the Carthaginians irritated by the greatness of their Calamities, and confidence of Vi∣ctory, should desire to quit scores with their Enemies, and make Rome feel those evils Carthage had en∣dured. Wherefore the Senate commanded the Consuls to take all possible care of the defence of Italy; and that going themselves with as great a Fleet as they could make to Sicily, and from thence if they saw good to Affrica, they should divert the Enemy from making any attempt upon Italy. The Car∣thaginians were more desirous to recover their Towns from the Romans, as also to punish the Affrican Re∣volters, and force by Arms those to obedience who persisted in Rebellion; Clupea however was stoutly defended by the Romans; In Numidia and other places, the Wars was great, but the Victory easie. Mean while when they had heard of a Fleet setting out from Italy, raising the Siege of Ʋtica they began to re∣pair their old, and to build new Galleys, and diligently prepared all things to hinder the Romans from en∣tring upon Affrica.

[ XXXIV] But the Consuls used such strange diligence at this time, that at the beginning of the Summer they rig∣ged out a Fleet of three hundred Sail compleatly equipped. With which going into Sicily, they found all things safe there; and leaving Garisons in the most necessary places, they made towards Affrica with the rest of their Forces.

[ XXXV] But driven by storm to Cossura (an Island situate between Affrica and Sicily, near the Promontory of Lilybaeum) having wasted the Country, and taken a Town of the same name, there they put a Garison therein. From thence they went on to the Hermaean Promontory situate in the midway between Carthage and Clupea, and making one point of the Bay of Carthage. Here the Carthaginians Fleet met them, where they both fought a very sharp Battel, but at last the Romans from Clupea came to assist their own men, and turn'd the Scale, both sides being equal before. In this Battel the Carthaginians had one hun∣dred and four Ships sunk, thirty taken, and about fifteen thousand men kill'd: the Romans lost eleven hundred men and nine Ships. The Navy from thence went to Ʋtica, and the Soldiers disbarking en∣camp'd before the Town: The Carthaginians came thither also with their Forces led by the two Hanno's: and here they fought a pitch'd Battel, in which the Carthaginians were beaten, having lost about nine thousand men: amongst whom some noble Persons were taken, and kept by the Consuls, who thought by them to redeem Regulus, and those who had undergone the same fate with him.

[ XXXVI] After this they consulted upon the present state of Affairs, and were in great hopes their Affrican Con∣quests might still be kept; but yet the Country around being wasted, for fear of a Famine they resolv'd to carry away the Roman Garison from Clupea, and return to Sicily. They brought away great spoils and booty, which being laid up in the Town of Clupea during Regulus his prosperous successes, were much en∣creas'd by their fresh Victories.

[ XXXVII] The Fleet arrived in Sicily in very good condition, and the Consuls had been too fortunate, if they had known to use their felicity moderately. But in their return for Italy, they thought to reduce some of the Maritime Towns of Sicily: (though the Pilots in vain dissuaded the attempt, being between the rising of Orion and the Dog-star, when there is always stormy weather at Sea,) they passed by the Coast of Affrica which was dangerous and Harbourless, and suffer'd so great a wreck, that there is no Example in this kind of any other so remarkable. In short, of three hundred sixty four scarce eighty could be saved, and those, all their lading being lost. They lost likewise a great number of Long-boats, and other Vessels of several sorts: insomuch as that from the Coast of Camarina, where the storm first fell upon them, all the shore

as far as Pachenus was filled with Carcasses of Men and Beasts, and broken planks of Ships. But King Hiero gave them considerable reliefs in this their distress, who receiv'd them courteously, supplying them with Cloaths, Meat, and tackling for their Ships, and convoy'd them safe to Messina.

The Carthaginians taking advantage of this Calamity, retook both the Isle and Town of Cossura: and [ XXXVIII] immediately crossing into Sicily destroyed Agrigentum, having not been reliev'd when it was besieg'd by Carthalo. Many men were kill'd and taken here: the rest, who made their escape through the middle of the Country into the Syracusan Territories, seated themselves in a Village near the Temple of Jupiter O∣lympius; and the Carthaginians had made themselves masters almost of the whole Island, had not the Ro∣mans diligence in rigging out another Fleet, kept the Confederates from falling away in this ticklish time. For the Consuls were so active in the business, that with an incredible speed they had one hun∣dred and twenty new Ships built in three months space: and Cn. Cornelius Asina, and A. Atilius Celatinus again Consuls, having mann'd the Fleet with several stout men out of the new Levies, were commanded to sail as soon as they could.

This Cn. Cornelius was a great Example of Fortunes inconstancy, which may encourage men to bear [ XXXIX] Adversity: for he who seven years before being taken by the treachery of the Carthaginians, had endur'd [A. U. 499] slavery, bonds and imprisonment, now resum'd not onely those other ornaments of his Dignity, but even the Consulship it self, and his Fasces forc'd from him; for the gaining of which he now rejoyc'd as much as he had griev'd for their loss. The Consuls having passed over to Messina, and taking such Ships as they found there (being the relicks of the former Wreck) arrived at the mouth of the River Himera with two hundred and fifty sail of Ships, and took the Town of Cephalodium, situate upon the same Coast at twelve miles distance from thence, by treachery. From Drepanum, (for they had bent their course thither) they departed disappointed in their designs, perceiving themselves not able to take the place in a little time, and that Carthalo, whilst they were about to besiege it, was coming to its relief.

But not discourag'd with this disappointment, they afterwards perform'd a more important Exploit with [ XL] better success. For directing their course to Palermo the chief Town in the Carthaginian Territory, and pos∣sessing themselves of the Harbour they made a descent almost to the very Walls, and besieg'd the Panormi∣tanes who refused to surrender. The nature of the Country thereabouts, which affords plenty of Timber, further'd their Enterprize, so that having soon perfected their Works, and whilst they vigorously push'd on the Siege, they battered down a Tower lying to the Sea with their Engines: and the Soldiers entring in at the breach stormed the outward Town called the New, putting many of the Enemies to the Sword: Nor did the old Town hold out long: for when the multitude running thither for shelter, had brought more terrour than provision into the place; the Inhabitants dejected with the sight of their danger, and fearing a Famine, sent Ambassadours to the Consuls offering an absolute surrender, with exception onely of liberty for their Persons. But this the Consuls (well knowing the extremities they were brought to) denied to accept of, unless they would at some stated Rate ransom themselves: Hereupon two Mina's were set upon every head, and fourteen thousand of them were redem'd; the rest of the multitude being almost thirteen thousand were sold with the booty.

This was a remarkable Conquest, and of great importance and advantage; for several Towns in that [ XLI] Coast, and some also more distant driving out the Carthaginian Garisons, embraced the Roman Al∣liance. The Jetinians first led the way, and the Soluntinians, Petrinians, Tyndaritans and others present∣ly followed them. This done, the Consuls having left a Garison at Palermo return'd to Messina, and from thence to Rome: but the Carthaginians having lain in wait for them took some Ships of burden with all the Money that they carried away. After this two Triumphs were seen together at Rome: the Consuls the year before being continued in their Authority, held two Naval Triumphs over the Cossurians and the Carthaginians. Ser. Sulpitius triumphed first the sixteenth of February, and M. Aemilius the next day.

This year (being computed the five hundredth since the building of Rome) the Affrican Expedition hap∣pen'd; [ XLII] but it prov'd of no effect, Cn. Servilius Caepio, and M. Sempronius Blaesus being Consuls put over into Sicily, and failing in their attempt upon Lilybaeum directed their course towards Affrica, being fur∣nished with two hundred and sixty sail of Ships; and whilst they cruis'd upon the Affrican Coasts, and made descents into several places of the Country, they took many Towns, and abundance of prey and booty, but nought of greater moment could be performed, the Carthaginians meeting them everywhere being now more encourag'd, because they had recover'd all that Regulus had taken from them: and no other business hinder'd them, the Revolters being suppress'd and punished.

For Hamilcar having over-run all Numidia and Mauritania, reduc'd those Countries, and imposing a [ XLIII] Fine of one thousand Talents, and twenty thousand heads of Oxen upon the People, punished the Ring-leaders, suppos'd to have kept correspondence with the Romans: whereof three thousand were hung on Gibbets. But in the mean while the Romans were not so much incommoded by their Enemies, as by storms and misfortunes at Sea; for the Fleet being driven to Meninx, an Island of the Losophagi, bordering upon the lesser Syrtis, all the Ships being dry struck upon the Sand, at an ebb, till the Tide returning brought them off, after they had unladed and were reduc'd to extream danger: and when they had escaped this disa∣ster with some loss, fearing such unfortunate places, they presently set sail like men flying before their Enemies: but did not foresee that they were running themselves into as great hazard as that which they avoided: however they had a prosperous Voyage of it as far as Panormus; but when they were making towards Italy, and doubling the Cape Palinarus, that runs from the Lucanian Mountains out into the Main; a violent storm overtook them, wherein one hundred and sixty men of War with several Ships of burden sunk. These continual disasters happening to their Fleet put the City in great fear and consternation; and whilst the Waves and Winds seem'd to deny them the Sovereignty of the Sea, the Senate decreed, that for the future there should not be kept on foot above sixty sail of Ships to be employ'd for the defence of Italy, and transporting Ammunition and Provision to the Armies in Sicily. But C. Sempronius the other Consul, (notwithstanding this fatal Wreck) bore a Triumph over the Carthaginians the first of April; and Cn. Cornelius the Proconsul ten days after did the same. This year there were Censors at Rome; but L. Post∣humius (who was also Praetor at the same time) dying in his Office, Cn. Junius Pera his Colleague resign'd the Censorship.

The Summer following C. Servilius Cotta, and P. Servilius Gencinus put over into Sicily, where among [ XLIV] other places they took Himera (so called from the River on which it lies) deserted by the Inhabitants, whom the Carthaginians had carried off by Night; but yet they were well enough satisfied with the ta∣king

of so important a place, because hereby the disgrace had been repair'd which the Romans had su∣stain'd before that Town a little before, whilst through the greediness of some few of the Soldiers, to in∣gross all the spoils to themselves, Himera was lost, just as it was ready to fall into their hands; for a cer∣tain Prisoner taken by the Romans, (who had been an Officer in the Town) undertook to betray the Town for his liberty; and being dismiss'd at the time appointed, opened one of the Gates to the detachment, sent to seize the place. The chief of these being got in, and desiring to ingross all the booty to themselves, commanded the Gates to be shut after them, and none else to be admitted to come in besides. When this was done, the Thermitanes hearing the stir and noise, took the alarm thereupon: and whilst the Soldiers were over-powr'd by their Enemies, and incapable to receive any relief from their own men without, they [ XLV] rashly squander'd away their lives, and died like fools, being every man of them put to the Sword. Ther∣mae of the Himerians being thus reduc'd, C. Aurelius the Consul determining to besiege Lipara, (which had been several times in vain attempted by the other Generals) detach'd a party of the stoutest Soldiers that were in the Roman Army in Sicily, and carried them over into Lipara in Vessels borrowed from Hiero. But being to return to Messina, that he might advise with the Diviners and Augures touching the event of the Siege, he left the chief Command of the Leaguer to P. Aurelius Pecuniola his Kinsman (or as others say to Q. Cassius a Tribune) charging him carefully to defend the Works, but not to ingage in Battel. But this Man thinking it might make for his honour, if Lipara should be taken in the Consuls absence, con∣trary to the Orders given him, went and attacked the Town, but miscarried in his rash attempt; for he could not carry the place. And besides, he had much ado to defend the Camp; for the Enemies sally∣ing out upon him in his retreat, cut off abundance of his men, and withal burnt down the Rampier. But at C. Aurelius his return the case was alter'd, for he took the Town, and put great numbers of the Inha∣bitants to the Sword. Afterwards he proceeded to punish the Tribune, who for his disobedience was turned out of his place, and by the Consuls commands having run the Gantlope was degraded to a private Foot-Soldier. This is a very remarkable severity of Discipline, whereof C. Aurelius shewed some [ XLVI] other Examples in that same Consulship. Lipara being taken, the posterity of Timasitheus (once Go∣vernour of that Isle) were exempted from all Taxes and Impositions, which this most grateful People did, to perpetuate the memory of an ancient kindness shew'd them by him. For when they had presented a golden Bowl to Apollo of Delphos, and the Liparean Pirats had taken it away, Timasitheus caus'd both the Present, and the Ambassadours that carried it, to be safely convoy'd in their journey to Greece, and back again to Rome.

In the next place the Romans attempted to besiege Ercta a strong Castle, with forty thousand Foot, and one thousand Horse, but could neither take it, nor durst they fight a pitch'd Battel with the Cartha∣ginians. For after M. Regulus's defeat, the Roman Legions were so affraid of the Elephants, that ever after they declined the hazard of a Battel: and though both in the Country of Lilybeum and Selinus too they often advanc'd within sixty paces of the Enemy, and fac'd them in order of Battel: yet they did not come on with that briskness they us'd to do; but fearing to come down into the Plains, kept the high [ XLVII] grounds, which were hard of access. From whence the Carthaginians were more and more encourag'd, whilst they now began to put some confidence in their Land-forces, and reckon'd their Enemies had lost more by Ship-wrecks than themselves had by Battels: And understanding withal t•••• ••••nates Decree for laying aside their Fleet, they hop'd to recover Sicily again, if fresh recruits 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Soldiers were sent them. But they wanted Money: for this long expensive War had drain'd all their Treasuries, and con∣sum'd all they could raise by Taxes. Therefore they sent Ambassadours to King Ptolomy, then their Con∣federate, to borrow two thousand Talents of him: but the King being unwilling to disgust the Romans (that were his Allies also) proffer'd to mediate a Peace, and accommodate the differences between both: but deny'd the Mony, telling them,

That he would assist his Friends against a common Enemy, but not against other Friends.

[ XLVIII] About the same time Tib. Corucanus was first made Chief Pontif out of the Commons. There were Censors also this year: because that Office could not be executed the former year; one of the Censors dying, and the other resigning. M. Valerius Maximus Messalla, and P. Sempronius Sophus performd the thirty seventh Lustration, wherein 297797 men were polled. The Censors were ve••y ••ecure in their Of∣fice: for they deposed thirteen Senators, and four hundred young Gentlemen were degraded, their Horses being taken away from them. This happen'd through C. Aurelius the Consul his command; who alledg'd before the Censors, that in Sicily being order'd to dismount and work in the Trenches, they had refus'd to comply: when necessity requir'd them to do so. The Consul not thinking this a plenary revenge for their contempt of Discipline, obtain'd also of the Senate that their Arrears should not be paid them. And (I suppose) as times went then: he bore a Triumph as well for the strictness of Discipline maintain'd by him, as for his Atchievements in the Wars. This Triumph over the Carthaginians and Sicilians, hapned on the 7th of April. But after all these mighty preparations of both sides (whilst the Romans and Carthagi∣nians were afraid of one another) the Summer of the next year passed without any action that is memorable.

[ XLIX] L. Caecilius Metellus, and C. Furius Pacilus the Consuls, having transported the Legions into Sicily, did neither molest the Enemy, nor were molested by them; though Asdrubal the new Carthaginian General was arriv'd thither from Carthage with two hundred Galleys, one hundred and forty Elephants, and twenty [A. U. 502] thousand Foot and Horse. In this juncture the Senate held several Consults together, and resolv'd to set out a new Fleet: for by drawing out the War at length they saw they should exhaust their Treasury; and besides, their Legions were mightily dispirited after the defeat of Regulus; and though the business should succeed prosperously by Land, yet they plainly discern'd, that as long as the Carthaginians were Masters of the [ L] Sea, they could not be kept out of Sicily; therefore they came again to their former resolutions, and placing [A. U. 503] their hopes in Shipping repair'd their old Galleys, and built new ones. Mean while Metellus being left at Palermo, when C. Furius being return'd from Sicily had call'd the Assembly for Election of Consuls, C. A∣tilius Regulus, and L. Manlius Vulso were both of them made Consuls a second time: and the Senate charg'd and commanded them to rig out a Fleet, and to raise men for the service of it. L. Metellus his Commis∣sion was prorogu'd to him, and he was order'd in the quality of Proconsul to command in chief the Forces in Sicily. Now when Asdrubal saw that one of the Consuls was absent with half the Army, and bethought himself that the Romans had declin'd Battel, though the Armies had fac'd one another in the Field; whilst he could no longer endure to be reproached as a Coward by his own men, he sets out from Lilybaeum with all his Forces, and having had a hard Journey of it through the borders of the Selinuntians, arriv'd to the Country of Palermo, and there encamp'd. The Proconsul was by chance then at Palermo, to

cover the Allies, and Confederates in Harvest-time, that they might reap and lay in their Corn. He being [ LI] inform'd that there were some of the Enemies Spies lurking at Palermo, commanded all the people of the Town to go out into the Field: and there bad them take hold of one another by the hands; and by ask∣ing such (as he suspected for Strangers) what they were, and what business they had there? he disco∣vered the Spies: And when he understood by them what the Enemy design'd, perceiving the Carthaginians proceeded very rashly in this Enterprize, he pretended fear, and kept himself within the Walls of the Town, the more to tempt the Enemies to a vain confidence. Asdrubal being therefore more elevated, marched forwards, and as he went ravag'd and burnt the Country of Panormus, destroying the fruits and products of the Earth, and laying all waste to the very Walls of the Town. But the Proconsul was not mov'd either with the loss or the disgrace: who made account, that if he should forbear but a little while, he might quit scores with the Enemies: but he chiefly expected that they should pass the River Orethus, which runs upon the South-side of the Town; for if this were done, he promis'd himself an easie Victory over them. Now to compass this, he desir'd to have both the courage, and number of his men despis'd by the Enemy, and proceeded very timorously in all things, placing but few men to guard the Walls: This design succeeded as the Proconsul would have it; whilst the Carthaginian General by his rashness, and fortune too by a sudden accident further'd it. For Asdrubal passed the River Orethus [ LII] with all his Foot, Horse and Elephants, and his Army encamp'd by the Walls of the Town, with that contempt of the Enemy (whom they look'd upon as already beaten) that they pitch'd their Tents with∣out any Intrenchments about them, thinking Palisadoes and Breast-works unnecessary things. When the Sutlers and Merchants brought thither a great quantity of Provisions, and much Wine, the Carthaginian Mercenaries drinking immoderately, fill'd all places with loud noise such as follows Drunkenness. Then the Consul thought it seasonable to draw the Enemy to fight, by sending out some parties of Light-Horse; and the business succeeded so luckily, that whilst one party following another issued forth: at last Asdrubal's whole Army came out of the Camp. Then L. Caecilius the Proconsul, places part of the Light-arm'd men [ LIII] before the Town-Ditch; commanding them to throw their Darts very thick among the Elephants, if they should come nearer to them: and if they were pressed themselves, that they should retreat into the Ditch, and again sally out from thence. He commanded likewise the Tradesmen and Rabble of the Town to fetch abundance of all sorts of Missiles, and to throw them over the Walls, lest the Light-arm'd should want any: He placed the Archers upon the Walls whilst he himself, with the Men of Arms of the Cohorts stood in Battalia within the Gate, which look'd to the Enemies Right-wing. Mean time, those that were en∣gag'd, one while being pressed by the great numbers of the Enemies retreated in good order, and anon supported with fresh succours of their own men detach'd by the Consul to their relief stood the shock: whilst the Masters of the Elephants enflam'd with emulation, and willing to gain the glory of the day en∣tirely to themselves (without Asdrubals sharing in it) charg'd the Enemies briskly, overthrowing all that stood in their way: and when the Romans retreated to the Town, following the pursuit rashly, they went on to the very Town-Ditch: But here whilst Arrows were showr'd as thick as Hail from the Walls; [ LIV] and the fresh men posted before the Ditch ply'd them continually with their Launces: the Elephants en∣rag'd with the Wounds they receiv'd, fell back upon their own men, breaking the Ranks, and disordering the whole Army. The Consul, when he saw what was done (crying out that the time of his Victory long look'd for was come at last) sallied at the Gate: and here an Army of men drawn up in good order, easily routed those, who were cow'd and out of order. A great number of men fell both in the Battel, and in the flight too. A certain accident belike (which should have reliev'd the distressed) contributing to their ruin: for at the same time the Punic Fleet appeared, to which as their onely Sanctuary, when the multitude confusedly ran for fear, many of them were trodden down by the Elephants: others killed by the Pursuers; and a great number as they swam, or else tumbling down as they went a Ship-board in a hurry, perished in the Sea. And the Romans among their many great successes, never gain'd either before or [ LV] since so signal a Victory: which inspir'd them with fresh Courage, and struck such a terrour in the Enemy that made them quit not onely all hopes, but even the thoughts of Land-fighting during that War. Twenty thousand Carthaginians are said to have been slain in that action; twenty six Elephants were taken there, and all the rest afterwards. For the Proconsul considering that the Elephants being fierce and untractable could not easily be brought to hand, unless it were by men acquainted with their nature, promis'd by Proclamation to set such Prisoners at liberty, as would help to catch them. And these having first caught the tamest and gentlest of them, by their means easily brought the rest to hand: L. Metellus sent them all to Rome, having used a new Invention in transporting them by Sea. For having no Ships fit for that use, of several Hogsheads joyn'd together (a piece of Timber being laid betwixt every two Hogsheads to keep them tight) he made a float, which after it was boarded and cover'd with Earth, and the sides made up look'd like a Stable, so that the Elephants mistrusting nothing entred into it, and not being sensible they went by Water (a thing they cannot endure) were landed at Rhegium.

Asdrubal after this defeat escap'd to Lilybeum, but being condemn'd at Carthage, he was taken and put [ LVI] to death as soon as he return'd. The Carthaginians mean while seeing their Forces routed, their Elephants taken, all Sicily except Lilybeum and Drepanum lost, and the Romans again puissant both by Sea and Land being provided with a new Fleet, resolv'd to make Peace; which now they would be glad with all their hearts to have concluded upon any reasonable terms. And bethinking themselves of M. Regulus, and the Conditions of Peace propos'd by him, they looked upon him as the fittest Instrument to obtain a Peace for them, or what next to that would prove their greatest comfort, an exchange of Prisoners; and they doubted not but that he would use his utmost endeavour and application in the business, if it were onely to serve his own turn. For what Man could be thought so hard-hearted, as not to desire a release from the mise∣ries of a Prison, to see his Children, and enjoy his Country, liberty and honour.

M. Regulus had a Wife and Children at Rome: his Kinsmen and Relations were either Senators or else [ LVII] in Offices, and his Brother a Consul. He himself was belov'd by the Senate and people of Rome for his prosperous Exploits, and pitied for his Calamity. For which reasons therefore they could pitch upon no man, that would be more diligent in managing the business for them, or more likely to prevail in it. Re∣gulus undertook the thing, not out of any hopes or design of advantage to himself (as it afterwards ap∣pear'd) but onely to persuade the Senate more effectually by his presence to maintain their own Interests.

And now being joyn'd with the Carthaginian Ambassadours: when he came to the City he would not enter into it, though he was desir'd to do so, alledging, that the Senate according to Ancient Custom ought to give Audience out of the Town to Ambassadours sent from an Enemy. When the Senate was

assembled, He said before the Carthaginian Ambassadors, that being by the Law of Arms made a Captive of the Carthaginians, he came to present them with a memorial from his Masters, in order to have a Peace concluded upon such terms as both Nations should think fit, or if that were not granted to have an Ex∣change of Prisoners. When the Ambassadours withdrew he follow'd them: and though the Senate migh∣tily importun'd him, yet he would not be present at their Debates, before the Carthaginians had consented to it; then he sate down silent, till he was ask'd his Opinion, which he deliver'd in words to this effect:

[ LIX] My Lords, I am yet a Roman, and though my body (as Fate would have it) is in the power of the E∣nemy: my mind being none of Fortunes Slaves remains what it was before; wherefore in compliance with this, which I properly call my own, rather than with that which is another mans, I advise you nei∣ther to exchange Prisoners, nor to make Peace. Whilst the War is afoot, 'tis wholly against your In∣terest to restore the Prisoners: for they require several Captains for me and many young men for an old one: among whom there are some (I know) that you do not despise. But to end the War unless upon very good Conditions, is both unbecoming men of your Wisdom, and also prejudicial to the Public. I am very sensible of the many difficulties you meet with in waging this War; for great Enterprises cannot be atchieved without much labour, and expences. But if you compare the Carthaginians condition, and your own together, you will find all the advantage on your side; we lost once ('tis true) a great Battel; but we have often routed them since, and our Victory at Palermo has dejected their Spirits more than their success against me had elated them. They have lost all Sicily except one or two places, and in the other Islands they have had but ill success. You have a Fleet now which the Carthaginians dare not encounter though they were always superiour by Sea: Nor have the losses sustain'd by storms so much [ LX] impair'd your strength, as encreas'd your caution. As for Money perhaps both sides want it equally: but your Italians will be more obedient to you, than the Affricans to the Carthaginians, whom they never lov'd, and of late have hated mortally. For those who without any injury or provocation revolted to me; after their Country is wasted by their former Masters, their Cattel driven away, Money exhorted from them, and their Princes slain; what do you think do they expect, but that a new Army come into Affrica from hence? Beside that 'tis easie for you to levy Soldiers, having such plenty of men fit for War of the same Language, Manners, Religion, Kindred, and Country to one another. I look on this to be a matter of that grand importance, that for this reason you are able to dispute the Victory with the Carthaginians, though you come short of them in all other respects. For what will a mercenary Army signifie against such Forces as these? and though they should he of any use, yet the Carthaginians by their cruelty have render'd it as hard a task for themselves to raise forein Soldiers, as to maintain those they raise. Xanthippus, to whom Carthage perhaps owes all, she had to lose since, being ingratefully and perfidiously treated stands for an Example to others to deter them from rashly entring into the Service of a People, that requites the greatest kindnesses with the greatest injuries. Besides the common rout of Barbarians, that stupid and mercenary Race will be affraid to serve a People eminent and notorious for their cruelty to their own Countrymen: of whom so many have died either by the Hangman or their Fellow-Soldiers hands. Others being expos'd in desert Islands, instead of having their Arrears paid them, met with strange and dismal deaths and punishments, such as not to be us'd by men. My Lords, You see here the reasons by which I am induc'd to persuade you neither to grant the Carthaginians Peace, nor an exchange of Prisoners.

[ LXI] The Senate liked the advice well enough, if they could but have follow'd it, without prejudice to the Adviser; but the more he neglected his own Interest to promote the Public, the more they pitied him: and it was manifest that the Senate was resolved, by any means to have a Person of so generous a Soul restor'd to his Country. And now 'twas the talk of the Town, that since Regulus was come to his own again, he might rightfully remain, or be forced to abide there, and the chief Pontif affirm'd, That if he would stay at Rome, he might do so, and not be foresworn. To which he with such a Spirit and Aspect, as the Senate were amazed at, spoke to this effect.

[ LXIII] How long, O Romans, do you demur upon the point? follow my Advice and forego your care of my safety. 'Tis vain for you to endeavour after that which will prove neither pleasant to you, nor profitable to the State, nor honourable to my self. Perhaps whilst the thing is new, you would be well pleased to converse with me: but as soon as the impetus of that short-liv'd pleasure had spent it self, you would more abhor me for returning upon such dishonest terms, than you long'd for me in my absence. I am resolv'd not to stay in a place, where after my Affrican slavery, I am not capable to live suitable to the port of a Citizen of Rome: and if I was ever so desirous to remain here, yet the Oath (I took) and reverence of the Gods prohibits me: For the Deity, by whom I swore to return to Carthage, if I am foresworn, will punish not onely my self, but the Senate, and people of Rome for the perjury. For cer∣tainly, if there be a God, he must needs be affronted by perjuries and profaneness. But if any one imagines that I may be absolv'd from the Oath: that such absolutions are recorded in our Augural Books and Ri∣tuals: That Ceremonies and Sacrifices may attone for false-swearing and perjury; I would have him re∣member that the Majesty of the Deity is not to be appeased with any inventions of men, when affronted by perjury: nor is it rational to conceive, that Spots contracted by sins may be washed away by the blood of Sheep and Oxen.

As for me, I know the Carthaginians are preparing exquisite tortures for me, but I think perjury a more terrible thing than all that. For this would really hurt me, whereas their tortures and cruelties can only reach the body of M. Regulus, not his mind. Never think him calamitous, who has learn'd to bear his Ca∣lamity. As for bondage, disgrace, pain, poverty and want, I (who never thought them evils) have ceas'd to think them troublesom, after so long endurance. For by bearing them I have learn'd that they were supportable: but if my Calamities be encreas'd to such a degree that a man cannot bear them, Death will quickly put an end to all my troubles. I see therefore that that man is proof against all terrours, who fears not death, whose stroke 'tis in every man's power to prevent; and I would have done so, were it not the part of a man rather to conquer, than fly sorrow and grief; but I have spoken these few words without any order, to let you understand that nothing shall make me swerve from this Principle; and that ye might not pity my condition as that of an unhappy and miserable person: whereas 'tis easie and natural for me to persist in my resolutions; for I must take care to return to Carthage, and the Gods will take care of what I shall suffer there.

They say likewise, that the more effectually to persuade the Senate to let him go, he told them, "The Carthaginians had given him Poison, before he was dismiss'd from Carthage, which by degrees preying up∣on his Vitals, would kill him when he was restor'd to his Country, after the Exchange was made. Certainly this mans steddiness and constancy in Vertue is not parallel'd: who rather than swerve from his honest Principle, courted Affronts, Tortures, Death, and whatever the World does abhor, and that more eagerly than others decline them: which may serve for a good Example to instruct us, that those men can onely face Death in any shape, and will stick to their Principles to the last, who are sensible of the Souls immortality; and that they are not born merely for the present life. For M. Regulus would not have suffered such hard measure, unless he had been persuaded that vertuous Actions should be rewarded after this life, and those which are vitious punish'd. When the Senate had pass'd a Decree acco••ding to M. Regulus his Opinion, and all might see plainly, that the Carthaginians would be aveng'd upon him who had persuaded the Senate to reject their Proposals: some were so concern'd at it, that they gave Orders for detaining M. Regulus against his will. Moreover, his Wife Marcia, and his Children filling all places with mourning and lamentation, the Consuls said, That they would neither deliver up Regulus if he were willing to stay, nor hinder him from going.

But he refusing to speak with his Wife, and shunning the embraces and kisses of his little Chil∣dren, [ LXIV] return'd to Carthage and ended his days in great torments: For, having cut off his Eye-lids they kept him for some time in a very dark Dungeon; and afterwards when the Sun shone hottest, he was sud∣denly brought out, and forced to look upon the light. At last, he was put in a Chest of Wood, stuck full of Nails with the points inward, which was turned towards the Sun; and so narrow, that he was always forced to stand upright: and thus whilst his wearied body, where-ever he turned it, was pierced with Nails, he dy'd by the extremity of the Torture. This was the end of M. Atilius Regulus, which was more glorious than his life, though led with so much honour. He was a Person of incorrupt Integrity, an undaunted courage, and good Conduct: in whom the present or succeeding Ages could find no fault, except it were that he bore his prosperous fortune too weakly, and by refusing the Carthaginians Over∣tures, entail'd that lasting War to the great prejudice of both Nations. However, M. Regulus atton'd for that fault by his other Vertues, and principally by his admirable constancy in death; being more happy by thus supporting his Calamity, than if he could have avoided this blow of Fate.

When the Senate were informed of Regulus his death and the Carthaginians barbarous usage of him, [ LXV] they deliver'd up the Prisoners of the greatest note and quality to Marcia and her Children; whom they shut up in an Armoury stuck round with Iron Spikes, designing to torment them in the same manner as they had done M. Regulus, and for five days together they gave them no Meat: in which time Bostar the Carthaginian died with pain and hunger, but Hamilcar being a stronger Man was inclos'd with the body of Bostar five days more, and liv'd, having so much Meat allow'd him as would serve to prolong his life in misery. At last, the Magistrates being inform'd of what had pass'd, they gave strict command that they should forbear to exercise any more cruelties towards them, and that Bostar's ashes being sent home, the rest of the Prisoners should be used more moderately. Which shews the difference between these two Nations as to their tempers: whilst the one being no ways injur'd, destroy'd that Vertue by the most barbarous means, which it ought to have ador'd: and the other set bounds even to a just re∣venge, being not sway'd by the violence of their passions, but influenc'd with Principles of Humanity and Clemency that bright Ornament of all flourishing States and Empires.

DECADE II. BOOK XIX.

Florus his Epitome of the Nineteenth Book of Livy.

Caecilius Metellus having performed excellent Service against the Carthaginians, had a most glorious Triumph, wherein he led Captive in Chains Thirteen of the Enemies Commanders in Chief, and one hundred and twenty Elephants. Claudius Pulcher the Consul, who would needs hazard a Battel in spight of the ill-Au∣spices: and when 'twas told him, the Sacred Pullets would not Eat, commanded them to be flung into the Sea, to see if they would drink, is worsted in a Sea-fight by the Carthaginians, and being call'd home by the Senate, and order'd to Create a Dictator, nominated Claudius Glicias, a fellow of no Quality or Repu∣tation, who though he were forced to resign the Office, would yet ever after come to the Theatre in his Mantle of State. Attilius Calatinus was the first Dictator that led an Army out of Italy. Prisoners are exchanged with the Carthaginians. Colonies sent abroad to Fregena, and to Brundusium amongst the Sallen∣tines. A Survey taken by the Censors 351222 Citizens numbered; Claudia (the Sister of that Claudius, who fighting in contempt of the Auspices lost the Fleet) being crouded by a throng of people as she was going ftom a Play, in her passion happen'd to say, Would God my Brother were alive again, and had the Charge of another Armado, he'd quickly make you thinner: For which she was Indicted and Fin'd. Then began two Praetors to be Created at once: A. Posthumius the Consul, when he would have gone out to manage the Wars, is forbidden by Caecilius Metellus the Arch-Priest, because he was at the same time the Flamen (or Priest) of Mars) and therefore ought not to be absent from the City, lest the Sacred Rights should be neglected. After several Commanders had done brave Service against the Carthaginians, the Consul C. Luctatius, Crown'd the Work with a signal Victory over them at Sea, near the Islands call'd Aegates. Whereupon the Enemy begging for Peace, the same was granted. The Temple of Vesta being on Fire, Cae∣cilius the Arch-Priest with great hazard preserved the Sacred Reliques out of the Flames, two new Tribes added, Velina and Quirina. The Faliscans rebelling, were in six days time reduced to Obe∣dience.

[ I] WHEN the Carthaginian Ambassadours were departed from the City, the Consuls being commanded by the Senate to transport the Army into Sicily, willingly obey'd, being inflamed with anger against their Enemies for M. Regulus his business, and with emulation and confidence for the Victory of Manlius the Proconsul. Nor did they measure the greatness of this Atchievement by the damages of the Carthaginians, because having lost their Men, and so many Elephants, they must needs be weaker towards a further prosecution of the War; but they valu'd their success no less for their having overcome the Ele∣phants, whereby the Roman Soldiers recover'd themselves from their former fear: and they were in good hopes the War might be ended, if they were not wanting to themselves: Therefore both the Consuls ha∣ving got two hundred Sail of Ships under their Command with four Legions arrived at Palermo: and taking with them all the rest of their Men and Ships, besides what seem'd necessary for the defence of that place, they came to Lilybaeum with two hundred and forty men of War, and several Ships more of all sorts: and there in a Council of War resolv'd to besiege the place.

[ II] This is that noble Siege of Lilybaeum, which continued for full ten years from the fourteenth year of this War, and ended not in the taking of the place, or a surrendry of the besieg'd, but determin'd with the general success and event of the War. For both the Romans and Carthaginians well knowing how advantageous that place would be to both of them, either for the defence of Affrica, or the Dominion of Sicily, it was besieged and defended with the utmost strength of both Nations. L. Metellus his Triumph af∣terwards gave the Romans some diversion amidst their trouble and concern for M. Regulus: whilst they did not onely entertain themselves with the sight and thoughts of their successes, but also with the sweetness of revenge against this inhuman Nation. The Proconsul triumph'd over the Carthaginians the seventh of September; Thirteen Captains of the Enemies were led before his Chariot, and about one hundred and twenty Elephants: some say more. These afterwards were brought to the Cirque, when they exhibited Shows to the People, and there they had employ'd men on purpose to drive them along the Cirque with Spears in their hands, to the end that the People might learn to contemn those Beasts, which they had so extremely feared. Verrius Flaccus says, they were killed with Darts: because they thought it not conve∣nient to make use of them; and to furnish and supply forein Princes with such an accession of strength, would be no ways advantageous for the Commonwealth.

[ III] The same year Victuals were very cheap at Rome, a Bushel of Wheat was sold for a farthing, and you might buy a gallon of Wine, thirty pounds of Raisons, ten pound of Oil, and twelve pound of Flesh at the same Price; because there was greater plenty of these Commodities, than there was of Mony, which began to be scarce, the War having been so expensive to the Public. Whilst Affairs went thus at Rome, the Consuls with main force pushed on the Siege of Lilybaeum in Sicily; and the besieged with no less vigour withstood their assaults. Their first attack was made upon a Tower, which stands out farther than any other part of the Town towards the Lybian Sea, and this being ruin'd, they made their approaches, and carried on their Trenches to the next Tower, and battered down six Towers after one another. Then they began in order to storm the rest, to fill and level the Ditch for planting their Engines and raising of Batteries, and though the work was difficult and immense: for the Ditch was sixty Cubits broad and forty in depth, yet it was undertaken and carried on with vigour.

[ IV] The Carthaginians to hinder their approaches, cutting another Ditch more within removed away the Earth, which the Romans threw up: but whilst by the multitude of these that carried in materials the Mount was still raised higher, and the Ditch was levell'd, quitting that design, they built another Wall

within. The Governour Himilco having his Eye in every place, and being indefatigable in the business, who besides the Townsmen had ten thousand hired Soldiers under his Command; and by his Sagacity, vigilance and constancy, baffled and disappointed all the open assaults, and closer Stratagems of the Enemies. He kept his own men always in action, and ply'd the Enemies with continual Alarms: He countermin'd their Mines, made retrenchments to hinder their approaches, and placed Guards to defend every breach: In this time they often sallied out, and sometimes did it with such vigour and fierceness, that in those tu∣multuary Skirmishes as many men were slain as in a pitch'd Battel. In the mean time whilst the Romans thought to undermine the Walls, Himilco commanded Counter-mines to be made, where he saw the Ro∣mans threw out the Earth, and when these Mines were finished, presently he sent Soldiers armed into them, who assaulting the Roman Pioneers being at work and without Arms, slew many of them: and o∣thers, whilst they ran to relieve their own men, were burnt with Faggots thrown into the Ditch, and af∣terwards set on fire.

Notwithstanding all this, the besieged began to be affected with fear and consternation, which some [ V] Commanders of the hired Soldiers taking advantage of, and pretending that their stipend was not duly paid them, resolved together to betray the Town to the Romans: not doubting but that every Officer might easily persuade his Soldiers to approve what was done. Therefore by Night having stoln privately out of the Town to the Roman Camp, they discover'd the condition of the besieged, and what they de∣sign'd to do. There was one Alexon among the Mercenaries at Lilybaeum, a Grecian born, a good Soldier and very faithful and Loyal. He having observed the Traitors designs, immediately discover'd the mat∣ter to Himilco. Himilco not delaying in such a ticklish time, assembles all the Captains of the hired Sol∣diers in Lilybaeum: tells them what was designed, and who were ingaged in it: and reviles them sharply: besides, he exhorts those that were present, not to be partakers in the rashness and treachery of others: he promises to such as would continue faithful all favour with the Carthaginians, great Rewards, and sure pay: whereas those who would commit that infamous piece of Treason, must live hated by Gods and Men. Withal, he divides as much Money among them as he could get together in that hurry: and pro∣mises that the Common-Soldiers should be paid as soon as could be.

A Speech made in season is very forcible and persuasive, especially if by the sincerity of our performances [ VI] we make our words good. For all of them agreed with him, and readily proffer'd their service to keep the Soldiers in due obedience. Himilco, having encouraged and commended them, bids every one imme∣diately to repair to his Soldiers; and to use his best endeavour that they continue them dutiful and obe∣dient: he sends Annibal (the Son of that Hannibal who died in Sardinia) and Alexon the Grecian: first to the Gauls, who knew and respected him: and the other to the rest of the Mercenaries of several Coun∣tries, who universally lov'd and esteem'd him. When these two had pass'd their words that what Himilco had promis'd should be duly perform'd, they manag'd the business so successfully, that when the Traitors came back a little afterwards, they were not onely abhorr'd by all; but also revil'd, and driven away by force. And when these return'd to the Consuls though the design did not hit, yet they had some Re∣wards, and Lands bestowed on them in Sicily. Thus the Carthaginians almost reduced to the utmost dan∣ger by this sudden mischief and contrivance, were at that time preserv'd by Alexon's loyalty and fidelity: who having before deliver'd the Agrigentines, (against whom the Syracusan Mercenaries would have been playing the same Game) justly deserves to have his name recorded in Story.

The besieged afterwards were encouraged with recruits of fresh Men: for the Carthaginians though [ VII] wholly ignorant of what pass'd at Lilybaeum, judg'd rightly, that that place must be reliev'd spee∣dily. Therefore they commanded Adherbal their Admiral to fit out a certain number of Ships,, and to put Men, Money and Ammunition into Lilybaeum. Hannibal, Hamilcar's Son being sent by him, sayling with a fair Wind from the Aegusian Isles (as they are called) steered his course directly for the Port of Lily∣baeum, having his Soldiers in a readiness for Battel in the Ships, and intending to force his way through the Enemies if they should oppose him.

Now the Romans at the beginning of the Siege had endeavoured to stop up the mouth of the Haven, [ VIII] by sinking about fifteen Vessels to the bottom of the Sea, which they had filled with stones for that pur∣pose. Therefore partly through the suddenness and surprize of the thing, and partly for fear of being driven by the Winds into the Port, and dangerous places, they did not go out to meet the Enemies. But Han∣nibal safely arrived in the Port; and having landed about ten thousand Soldiers, was received with great joy and acclamations by the Lilybaeans. When the Romans saw they could not hinder the Enemy from coming into the Town, they consulted together, how they might for the future best defend their Works, which they knew Himilco recruited with such numbers of fresh men would not fail to attack. Nor were they mistaken in their conjecture; for the Carthaginians intending to try the mettle of these fresh Recruits, and the courage of his old Soldiers rais'd and elevated by the arrival of their succours, assembles the whole Army [both the Recruits and the old Regiments] and with hopes of Victory and great Re∣wards persuades them to sally out, and having disposed them in such order (as seemed most convenient) by day-break attacks the Romans intrenchments and approaches in several places. But the Romans were [ IX] well provided to receive them, having plac'd strong Guards where they fear'd any danger: so that the Carthaginians were presently encountred very briskly, and many were killed on both sides, whilst in the action such numbers of men were engag'd, and that with so much vigour and resolution; for no less than twenty thousand men came out of the Town, and the besiegers made yet a greater number: for the Con∣suls having raised some Auxiliary Troops among their Confederates in Sicily, had got an Army of one hundred thousand men compleat: of whom there remained at the Siege sixty thousand, the rest being sent away to bring in Provisions, and upon other necessary occasions. But though the Battel was very fierce in every quarter, yet the brunt of it fell, where the Engines stood, whilst the one to defend, and the o∣thers to destroy them freely expos'd their lives; being as prodigal of their own blood as they were of their Enemies. There you might see the Bodies of the slain pil'd on heaps in that Quarter, and Post, which they had undertaken to defend from the first: the noise of the Battel, and the terrible rustling of Arms was encreased by another tumult, whilst a great company of men arm'd with fire-brands and Torches in their hands rush'd on (maugre all dangers and opposition) through the thickest of the Enemies to burn their Works: and the Romans were well-nigh forc'd to retreat, and to leave the Engines to the Enemies, who pressed so rudely upon them. But Himilco seeing several of his men fall, whilst the Romans maintain'd their ground still without shrinking, sounded a Retreat, and first quitted the Battel. Neither did the Romans pursue them, being contented to have saved their Engines, which once they had given for lost.

[ X] The next Night Hannibal unknown to the Enemies, who after the toyls and fatigues of the Battel could not watch him, going away, went to Drepanum to Adherbal, having carried away with him the Cavalry, which in such a place could not be serviceable to the besieged, but elsewhere might do good service; and so they did. For, making excursions out of Drepanum, they render'd it very dangerous to travel the Country, and there was no fetching any provision to serve the Camp for them: for they snapp'd several of the Foragers, who stragled far into the Country, and distressed the Roman Allies all manner of ways, insomuch that the Consuls were at a loss what to do. Adherbal also gave them conti∣nual alarms by Sea, for all of a sudden he us'd to ravage sometimes the Coasts of Sicily, and sometimes those of Italy, doing all the mischief he could possibly, to the Romans. Hence it came to pass, that a great scarcity of Provision arising in the Camp (for they had no Victuals left but flesh) a great many dy'd with Famine, and several of the sickness then reigning in the Camp.

[ XI] Some thousands having been lost after this manner, it was resolv'd that one of the Consuls should de∣part to Rome to the Comitia, and carry away all his Legions with him: whereby those remaining behind at the Siege might be more easily furnished with provisions. And now the Romans again attempted to block up the Port, having with greater industry made a Mole of Earth, and Stones, and strengthening this Mole with beams laid across one another, which were join'd with Cramping-Irons to keep the whole more firm together: but the work was very difficult and unsuccessful, because of the great depth of the Sea in that place, whereby it came to pass, that whatever was thrown into it, was dashed in pieces in the descent: and by the first violent Gust of Wind and raging billows that happned, the Mole was quite ruined. Ne∣vertheless, the very noise of the design for some time shut up the Port, which vexed the Carthaginians mightily: for now they had no way left them, whereby they might come to understand the state of the besieged, and there was none that durst undertake to go into the Town.

[ XII] At last, one Hannibal (surnamed Rhodius) a Gentleman of considerable Quality undertook to go and view the state of the Town, and to bring a faithful account of all particulars concerning it: at first the Carthaginians look'd on the thing as a Complement, and so thank'd him, but did not believe him; For they knew that besides the Mole built to stop the mouth of the Port, the Roman Fleet likewise rode there at Anchor to watch and guard it. But Hannibal having equipped a Ship of his own, touch'd at one of the Islands, which lie opposite to Lilybaeum: and afterwards from thence sailing with a fair Wind about the fourth hour of the day enter'd the Port, whilst the Roman Soldiers looked on, and stood amaz'd at the boldness of the Man. The Consul however making account to intercept him in his return, order'd ten Ships chosen out of the whole Fleet to be equipped in the Night, and posted on both sides of the Port as near as might be to the mouth of it. Hannibal trusting to the swiftness of his Galley, set out in open day: and the Romans, who had watch'd narrowly for him, when they saw him, bore up in all haste towards him, but his Galley was so good a Sailer, that he was able not onely to escape from them, but even to brave them, sometimes sailing up to their Ships, and sometimes moving round about them: as if he defy'd an Enemy to Battel.

[ XIII] By often repeating this piece of bravery he did the Carthaginians great service: for the besieged having an opportunity hereby to hear from their Friends the Carthaginians, and to communicate their necessities to them, were considerably encourag'd, whilst the Romans were vexed to the heart to see the daring Spirit and boldness of the Man. Now that which helped Hannibal very much in this undertaking, was his knowledg of the place gather'd from particular observations he had taken of the safest way for Ships to steer their course through those Washes of Lilybeum: For as soon as he could descry the Town from the Channel, he turned his Ship so that the Stern looked towards Italy, and from the Prow the Tower of Li∣lybaeum, which stands over the Sea might be seen, whilst those other Towers lying towards Affrica were hid from view, and this they look upon as the securest Road for such as enter that Port under full Sail. And now several others incited by the Courage and good success of Hannibal Rhodius, went into the Town: till the Romans happen'd to take a four-Oar'd Galley of extraordinary swiftness. For though in other places the Winds and storm had ruin'd the Mole, yet it stood, where the Water was shallow: and the Galley happening to strike against that part of the Mole, stuck fast there, and was taken by the Romans with all the men and rigging, being both incomparably good, which prov'd Hannibal's ruin. For having entred the Town by Night, when he loosed from Port in open Day, and saw this Galley meeting him at every turn and motion with a swiftness equal to his own, he thought at first to escape, but failing of that, endeavour'd to resist, when being soon overpower'd he was taken: And the Romans having got this Ship also, and narrowly watching the mouth of the Haven, they easily hinder'd any more Ships from coming to Lilybaeum.

[ XV] The Besiegers hereupon push'd on the Siege more vigorously, and assaulting the fortifications next the Sea, drew all the Garison from other quarters of the Town to defend the Posts attack'd: and by this means the rest of the Army, which on the other side waited for this opportunity, were inabled to make themselves Masters of the outward Wall, which was left unguarded: though they could not hold it; for Hannibal coming thither in time with a strong detachment, beat out the Romans again, killing several men upon the place. The besieged afterwards had such good fortune, that they were in hopes of an intire Victory. There hapned at that time a violent Gust of Wind, which as if it had been on purpose, spent its fury against the Romans Engines, insomuch that it shook their Batteries, and ruin'd the Works they had rais'd against the Town. The besieged soon perceiv'd the matter, and now imagining with themselves, that the Gods had put this opportunity into their hands to execute their often baffled design of burning the Roman Engines, they sallied out in three Bodies, and threw Fire-balls and other combustible materials upon them, the Timber whereof the Engines were made being very apt to take fire, having been fell'd long before, and dry'd in the Sun. The Romans came together from all quarters to oppose the Enemy, but they fought upon great disadvantage; for the Carthaginians by the light of the flames (the Engines now being set on fire) and the violence of the storm, were inabled to cast their Darts with greater strength, and surer aim. Whilst the Romans were hereby incommoded as much as by the Arms of the Enemies: For the Wind bearing violently against them, blew the smoak, ashes and flames in their Faces, and drove the E∣nemies shot with redoubled force upon them; they in the mean while shooting faintly and at random, being not able to take aim in the dark; and the violence of the Wind brake the force of their Shot.

Thus it came to pass, that all the Roman Engines used both for Battery, and Mines were burnt to Ashes. [ XVI] And hereupon they would have risen from before Lilybaeum (as despairing of ever forcing the place) had not Hiero by sending to the Camp great Recruits of Provision, prevailed with them to continue the Siege. After this forbearing all atttacks upon the place, they fortified their Camp, and resolved to leave the success to time.

The Besieged likewise having repaired the ruins and breaches of their Walls, became more resolute to hold out for the future. But at Rome this news was very unwelcome: however, they were resolved to be avenged on their Enemies for the damages susteined at their hands: and one of the Senators, who had spoken some words concerning Peace, is said to have been kill'd in the Senate-house: so steddily and firmly were their minds bent to the War. Great preparations were hereupon made, and ten thousand Seamen raised, and sent over into Sicily, where a great number of Saylors had been lost.

The Consuls this year were P. Clodius Pulcher, and L. Junius Pullus; though that this same Clodius [ XVII] was the Grand-child of Caecus is falsly reported by some Authors. When Clodius was arrived in Sicily and [A. U. 504] took the command of the Army before Lilybaeum, he assembled the Soldiers, and exclaimed mightily a∣gainst the Consuls the year before, saying, That more like Besieged than Besiegers, they had through Co∣wardize and Sloth squander'd their time at Lilybaeum, doing nothing, to the great damage and dishonour of the Roman Name. For he was a hot-headed Man, fierce of temper and very haughty: one that vaunted mightily for his high Birth and Parentage, and behav'd himself both in his words and actions like a Man that was transported beyond his Senses; he never shewed mercy to any Offender, never forgave any fault, but punished the least with immoderate severity, whilst he himself was guilty of most shameful Over∣sights and Errours, and those too in the management of the most important Affairs. For that very Me∣thod of the former Consuls, at which he was so much offended just now, we find imitated afterwards by himself. For he also made a kind of Mole to stop up the Entries of the Port: nay, what was yet a more insupportable piece of madness: he with a furious suddenness attack'd Drepanum, and lost a brave Navy by his own precipitousness as much as by the valour and good Conduct of Adherbal. He had persuaded himself, and others, that the Enemy ignorant of the reinforcement lately sent to the Roman Fleet might be surpriz'd at Drepanum. Forasmuch as they would never believe, that the Romans would have either Courage or Power to give them Battel by Sea.

In pursuance hereof he selected two hundred and twenty of the best Ships, and manned them with the [ XVIII] stoutest he could chuse among the Legionary Soldiers, who very ambitiously strove to get themselves listed for this service, thinking they went to take some certain booty, which was not far distant (Drepa∣num being situate but fifteen miles from Lilybaeum) and silently in the Night weighed Anchor, and had a lucky Voyage of it in the dark, being undiscovered by the Enemy. But at the break of day, when the foremost Ships were descry'd from Drepanum: Adherbal was much surpriz'd at this appearance, and doubt∣ed not but the Enemy was coming on. Now he had two things proposed to his choice, either instantly to fight the Enemy, or else to venture a Siege by permitting them to Land. The last of which he dislik'd both as a kind of treachery, and also as a thing dangerous in its consequence. Therefore he assembled all the Seamen upon the shore, and called all the Mercenary Soldiers together: and in few words, but those pat to the business, told them,

How great their advantage would be to fight it out like men of Courage, and if they refus'd to do so, what dangers they must expect from a Siege.

They entertain'd his words with great acclamations, and Adherbal order'd them immediately to imbark, [ XIX] and keeping the Admiral Galley (aboard of which himself was) in their sight to row up after her. As soon as he had given these Orders he weighed Anchor first himself, sayling just under the Rocks that hang over the Port, whilst the Roman Galleys at the same time enter'd into it from the other side. Clodius finding he was not to deal with a cow'd Enemy (as he fancy'd) that would refuse Battel; but one re∣solv'd to defend himself, and stand the shock, was much surpriz'd at it, and hastily countermanded all his Ships, intending to embattel them in the open Sea; but his Fleet observ'd no kind of order, but sailed on very confusedly. So that some of his Ships had enter'd the Haven, others were making up towards it, and some got into the mouth of it. Hence it was, that whilst they all strove to retire, the Ships in this hurry ran one against another, whereby their Oars were broken off, and great confusion arose among them: till ha∣ving got clear of the Haven as well as they could, they immediately drew up in Battel-array close to the shore; for the time would not permit them to chuse a better place.

The Consul himself who at first had brought up the Rear, now tack'd about, and sailing about before [ XX] all the rest setled himself upon the left Wing of his Fleet. But Adherbal in the mean while having pass'd by the Enemies left Wing with five Men of War (for no more came up just with him) began to confront the Romans, having the open Sea behind him: and at the same time the rest of his Fleet coming up as fast as they could, joined these at a just distance according as he had commanded; then ranging all his Ships, he advanced against the Enemy in good order. And now the Flags being hung out from both the Admi∣rals, they fell on very furiously, both ingaging upon equal hopes, but the Carthaginians having the better for∣tune; for tho the Romans exceeded them in number of Ships, yet in all other points they had the advantage. For they had the best Ships, and the skilfullest Seamen: and moreover, they had taken the most commo∣dious place to fight in, so that if they happen'd to be press'd, they should not be streightned for Sea∣room to retreat into, whilst by the swiftness of their Galleys they might easily elude the Enemy though got never so near them, and encompass him if he should chase them further. The Romans on the con∣trary being coop'd together close to the shore, had neither room to use their full strength when they charg'd, nor stop safely when they had a mind to it: but as often as they retir'd from the Enemy pressing upon them, they were in danger either of running themselves upon the Shelves, or splitting against the shore.

Thus whilst they could neither break through the Enemies Fleet, nor charge them behind by reason of [ XXI] the slowness of their Ships and unskilfulness of their Seamen, nor were able by reason of the straitness of the place they were coop'd into, to employ the Soldiers on the Poop for the assistance of those of their men who were distress'd by the Enemy: the Carthaginians having them at their mercy rak'd them sorely. More∣over, the Soldiers besides their present difficulties were dejected upon a religious account, and thought the Gods fought against them for the Consuls rashness in ingaging the Enemy at a time when the Auguries por∣tended nothing but ill success: which he not onely disobey'd, but spoke contemptuously of them. For, he commanded the Birds because they would not feed to be thrown into the Sea that they might drink, since they would not eat. Now this made the Soldiers more timorous to ingage, whilst they imagin'd that Heaven opposed their Cause. But the Author of this fatal blow had wit and courage enough to save him∣self,

when all had been lost; for when he saw his Ships all around sunk and taken by the Enemies, he got away with Thirty Ships, that stood next him, making his escape betwixt the Carthaginian Fleet and the shore. And for the better security of his retreat to Lilybaeum, lest the Garrison should annoy him from the Town, he caus'd the Ships to be adorn'd in a triumphant manner, to amuse the Carthaginians, who hereupon imagin'd that the Consul had won the Victory, and that the rest of the Fleet was following after; so that he return'd safely to Lilybaeum, and struck a great terrour in the People of the Town.

[ XXII] The Enemy took Ninety three Ships abandon'd by the Consul, together with all the Soldiers and Sea∣men, except these who by running themselves ashore got to land, and so escaped; and many Ships (doubt∣less) were sunk in the Engagement, for Clodius had brought about two hundred with him from Lilybaeun: And the Carthaginians got this great Victory at a very cheap rate; for 'tis reported that they lost not so much as one Man or Ship, and had but very few wounded, whereas the Romans had eight thousand Men killed, and twenty thousand taken Prisoners: And about this time the Carthaginians took several Vessels laden with Corn from Palermo, and carried them to Drepanum; and withal bringing out of the Country about Drepanum some Provisions into Lilybaeum, suppli'd the Besieged with large recruits, and good store of all necessaries.

[ XXIII] Nor did the Romans ill Fortune at this time stop here, but further distress'd 'em, so as not only to de∣prive them of all power by Sea at the present, but likewise to put 'em out of all hopes of ever obtaining any. For the other Consul L. Junius with several Ships laden with Provisions for the Army in Sicily, and sixty Men of War. Setting out from Italy, upon his arrival at Messana, met there abundance of other Ships, which were got together to the Port having come from the Army, and from other parts of Sicily: The Consul, when he had joyn'd these, having got now two hundred and twenty long Ships, and near eight hundred Ships of burthen sail'd for Syracuse, and being arrived there, deliver'd part of the Fleet to the Quaestors to be conducted to Lilybaeum, whilst he himself stayed at Syracuse waiting the arrival of those Ships, that could not come up with the rest of the Fleet from Messana, as also to take in some provisions, which the Confederates fetch'd from the mid-land Countries. Mean while Adherbal having sent both the Ships and Prisoners (he had taken) to Carthage; whilst success and honour push'd him on to action, joyn'd Carthalo's Fleet consisting of seventy Men of War, and as many Ships of burthen, with thirty others, and gave him orders to go and bring away, or else destroy the Roman Navy that rode at Anchor before Lilybaeum.

[ XXIV] Carthalo by day-break entring the Port in a terrible manner, took some of the Ships, and fir'd others; and in the mean time the Garrison sally'd out by Himilco's command, which occasion'd a great Consternation through the Roman Camp. Carthalo at last having destroy'd some few and brought away Five Ships, steer'd his course for Heraclea. Whilst he lay in wait thereabouts, intending to hinder the Romans in their Jour∣ney to Lylybaeun, he had intelligence of a considerable Fleet, that was not far off. Now Carthalo, seve∣ral other Commanders joyning with him, had got about a hundred and twenty very good Ships, trusting therefore in his present strength and former Victory, he immediately weighs Anchor, and goes to meet the Enemy. The two Fleets came in sight of one another near Gelo, but the Roman Quaestors declining an en∣gagement upon such disadvantages, stood off for Phintias a confederate Town of theirs.

[ XXV] Now there was no Port in that place, but certain Rocks running out into the Sea, had made it a pretty good Harbour, and here the Romans having landed, prepar'd themselves to receive the Enemy upon the shore; having brought down their Engines from the Town and planted them along the shore for defence of their Ships. The Carthaginians at first thought to besiege the Enemy, making account that they would be frightened into the Town, and leave the Ships for a Prey: But finding that the Romans did not stir away, and that the place they fought in was very disadvantagious, they gave over; and having carried away some few Ships laden with Provisions, went off to the mouth of the Halicus, a River not far distant from thence, intending from thence to observe the Enemies motions at their leisure, whilst their wounded Men were under cure. Other Authors relying upon the Authority of Philinus (as I suppose) report that the Romans had receiv'd some considerable Loss in this place; and that the Quaestors were so much terrifi'd at the first sight of the Enemy, that they left the Ships of Burthen and all others besides the Men of War behind, and made all the Sail they could to recover Phinitias. Moreover they tell us of Sixty Men of War, and Ffty Ships of Burthen of the Romans that were sunk in this Battel, and Thirteen more so torn and shatter'd, that they could never be refitted again.

[ XXVI] Some time after this, whilst the Carthaginians lay at Anchor at the mouth of the Halycus, the Consul having dispatch'd his business at Syracuse, as he was sayling towards Lilybaeum by the Promontory of Pachinus, was discover'd by the Carthaginian Spies. Carthalo advertis'd hereof, in all hast goes to meet the Consul, who was then ignorant of the late action at Phintias, whereby he might fight him far enough from the Quaestors Fleet, so as to hinder him from having any aid from them. When the consul saw the Punic Fleet at some distance off, whilst he durst not fight, nor could escape from the Enemy advancing to∣wards him, he runs his Fleet into a rough harbourless place, the fear of losing the whole Fleet overcom∣ing the apprehensions of the present danger. Carthalo not daring to follow him, posted himself near a certain Promontory so conveniently situated, that from thence he might at once observe the two Roman Fleets.

[ XXVII] Not long after the winds blowing roughly at Sea, the Carthaginian Pilots being good Sea-men, ac∣quainted him of the storm that was coming on, and so perswaded Carthalo to quit that Station, and set sayl for Pachinus, by which means the Punic Fleet easily escaped the fury of the storm: but both the Roman Fleets were destroyed all to rights by it, insomuch as that there was not one plank of the Wreck left fit for any use; except two Vessels wherein the Consul afterwards brought all the Soldiers and Mariners preserved from this wreck to Lilybaeum. By this disaster all the Vessels laden with Provision, and above a hundred Ships of War were cast away: but yet part of the Army was saved, several having swum out, or else being cast out upon the neighbouring Coasts.

[ XXVIII] The Senate having recalled P. Clodius rhe Consul from Sicily, because of his former miscarriage, be∣gan now to despair of any success by Sea, when they heard of Junius his disasterous Fortune. However they went on briskly in their preparations for the Land: And for the Siege of Lilybaeum, they resolved to continue it; and therefore several Persons were appointed to carry over Provision for the Army there, ac∣cording as they should want it; for considering, that as the Carthaginians had the advantage by Sea, so they had it by Land; they still entertain'd good hopes of the final success of the War; for now the Romans had Sicily all at their Devotions, either by Conquest, or else by Confederacy: But they neither liked

the present Consuls, nor thought the business would ever prosper in the hands of such Magistrates, the Of∣fice having been prophan'd through their contempt of the Auspices, and of Religion (of which those two Consuls were both guilty) for L. Junius as well as Clodius had proceeded in his Voyage contrary to all the admonitions of the Augures. Therefore recourse was had to an expedient new, and extraordinary; for it was ordered that a Dictator should be nominated to command the Forces in Sicily, whereas no Dictator till then had ever been General of an Army out of Italy.

P. Clodius shew'd himself strangely insolent at this time; for when he was commanded by the Senate [ XXX] to appoint a Dictator, he (as if by being the occasion of so great a slaughter, he had not offended enough against his Country, unless he expos'd also the honour of Magistracy to contempt) nominated M. Claudius Glycias a Serjeant or Secretary of his, to be Dictator.

At this Affront all the People being highly incensed against him, he was forced to resign, and summon'd to his tryal before the People. The Authors seen by Cicero, report that he was condemned; but others say, when Sentence was ready to pass upon him, that he was deliver'd from it by chance, a violent sudden shower of Rain dissolving the Assembly: so that as if the Gods had stop'd all manner of proceedings against him, they did not think fit to bring him to his tryal again. But as for Glycias, People being asham'd to see the greatest Honour in the hands of a mean inferiour Fellow, he was forced to resign, and afterwards he saw the Plays in his Robes. Aulus Atilius Calatinus was made Dictator in his room, and he appointed Caecilius Metellus to be his General of the Horse, who had triumph'd over the Carthaginians. These men indeed went into Sicily, but did nothing memorable there.

Mean while L. Junius, desiring to repair the disgraces at Sea by some signal Atchievement, whilst he [ XXXI] watched all opportunities; at last found a way to possess himself of Eryx, by corrupting some of the Town, who betrayed the place into his hands. Eryx is a Mountain the highest in Sicily next Aetna, situate in that part of the Island, which looks towards Italy, in the mid-way betwixt Drepanum and Panormus: but to∣wards Drepanum 'tis more steep and rough. On the top it has a Plain, where stands the Temple of Venus, (called from this place Erycina) the richest and most magnificent of any in Sicily. Below, about the midst of the Mountan, there stands a Town of the same name, of very difficult access; for a Man must wind about the Mountain by long narrow Paths to get into it. Junius having observ'd the nature of the place, plac'd Garisons both upon the top of the Mountain and also in those Streights which look towards Drepanum, being secur'd in his Post, from whence he might easily beat out the Enemy, if he should at∣tack him. He likewise walled Aegithallus and strengthned the place with a Garison of eight hundred men. But Carthalo having landed his men by Night forced the Castle, and the Garison-Soldiers were part∣ly kill'd or taken, and some of them fled to Eryx.

Authors are very uncertain as to the rest of the Actions of Junius. For some report that he was taken [ XXXII] at Aegithallus by Carthalo. Others, that to prevent being impeach'd for the loss of the Fleet, he killed himself. And the Account of the Secular Games is as uncertain; it being controverted whether they were then the third time celebrated or fourteen years after, P. Cornelius Lentulus, and C. Licinius Va∣rus being Consuls. Yet I think it more probable that the Games fell out this year, Peoples fears after such disasters, together with the hopes of better times, inciting them to the celebration of the same, and a punctual observation of their religious Rites. This year was very fruitful, and twelve pounds of Oil were sold for so many farthings. In the mean while, either the time of this Dictatorian Authority being expir'd, or else Calatinus resigning his Office, C. Aurelius Cotta, and P. Servilius Geminus entered on their second Consulships.

These managed the War in Sicily successfully enough, but yet without any Victory or advantage gotten, [ XXXIII] which is worth speaking of. They repress'd indeed the Carthaginians of Drepanum and Lilybaeum, so that they did not so frequently or so far make their Excursions: and also recovered those Garisons which they had in places remoter from the Sea. When Carthalo had often miscarried in his Efforts against these, he resolv'd to go and waste the Coasts of Italy: that by this Alarm at home he might give a diver∣sion to the Consuls good fortune in Sicily: and if they should not be forced to repass the Sea to relieve their people in distress, then he might take this advantage to ravage the Country, and take their Towns; but for∣tune cross'd him in this his attempt also. For the Praetor with the Militia being sent to cover the Confe∣derate Countries, and check the incursions of the Enemies, obliged Carthalo to return into Sicily, laying aside any expectation of the success of his designs. Upon his return the Mercenaries mutinying for want of their pay, he expos'd some of them in desert Islands, and sent many to Carthage to be punish'd, which the rest of their Comrades took so heinously, and were so inrag'd at, that all of them seem'd ready to revolt, whence (it was fear'd) an occasion of a new War might arise. But Hamilcar coming in the very nick of time to succeed Carthalo, set upon these Mutineers by Night, and some he kill'd, and drown'd others: and as for the rest who begg'd his pardon, he admitted them to favour.

This is that Hamilcar known by the surname of Barcas, than whom Carthage never bred a greater or a [ XXXIV] better Commander: a Person that had wanted a Parallel, unless he had found one in the Great Hannibal his Son. From this time forwards the War began to go harder on the Romans side. For immediately after he had quell'd the mutiny of the Mercenaries: Hamilcar set out with a Fleet of Ships to wast Italy and far and near ravag'd the Country of the Locrians and Brutians. At this time the Romans having been much obliged to Hiero the Syracusan for his constant love and affection towards them, remitted him the Annual Tribute, which he was engaged to pay by the Articles of the former League, and established a per∣petual Alliance and good Correspondence with him.

Mean while Hamilcar returning from Italy, made a descent into the Country of Panormus, and [ XXXV] pitch'd his Camp between Panormus and Eryx at a place very strong by nature, called Epiercte, a Mountain on every side steep and craggy, which is of a considerable heighth, and over-looks the Country all about: it is not of a small compass at the top, but contains one hundred furlongs in circuit: all which space of ground is good either for pasture or tillage, as being conveniently exposed to the Sea-breezes, which pre∣serves it free from all venomous Creatures. It has also a certain Eminence, which might serve for a Fort, and has a good prospect into the Plains below. Hard by it is a Port very commodious for those that go to Italy from Drepanum or Lilybaeum: being well furnished with fresh Water. There are onely three ways by which that Mountain is accessible, two from the Land, and one from the Sea: but all are alike difficult and uneasie. Now that Hamilcar encamped here, it shew'd the daring spirit and resolution of the Man, thus to put himself in the midst of his Enemies, whilst he had no Confederate Town near; but trusting meerly in the natural strength of the place, and his own Courage and experience in War, he gave the Romans

Centinel Alarms, and annoyed them very much from hence: and withal very much establish'd the Cartha∣ginian Affairs which began now to prosper at home also. For Hanno the other Carthaginian General, who was Hamilcar's Rival in the pursuit of Honour and Renown, both to advance his fame, as also to maintain the Soldiers at the Enemies charge without making them burdensom to the Public, carried the War into that part of Lybia which is about Hecatompylos: and having taken that Town brought three thousand Ho∣stages to Carthage.

[ XXXVI] But their successes were not free from some allay of cross fortune. For L. Caecilius Metellus, and Num. Fabius Buteo being Consuls: a Fleet set out at the charge of some private Persons, landed and wasted Af∣frica. For though the Senate determin'd again to forbear fighting any more by Sea, yet when the Citizens desired it, they gave them leave to make this Voyage upon condition, that they should restore all the Ships they borrowed from the State: reserving the booty for themselves. Thus a considerable Fleet being got together brought much terrour and detriment to the Affrican Coasts: and besides that, they assaulted Hip∣po Regius no contemptible place, and there destroy'd the Navy of the Hipponensians, and many of their Houses, but being about to return they found the mouth of the Haven shut up with Chains: and here they were forced to use their Wits to escape this danger; for the Galleys being rowed swiftly, when the Fore-decks almost touch'd the Chain, all the people retir'd to the Hind-decks: by which means the Fore-decks being lightned of their burden easily passed over the Chains: this done, they all went into the Fore-decks, which sinking down with the weight, raised the hind-parts of the Galleys, and made them slide also over the Chains, that they all escap'd the danger, and got clear out of this streight. After this deliverance from so much peril and fear, it was not long ere they fought the Punic Fleet at Panormus with good success.

[ XXXVII] The Roman Consuls acting separately with their Forces this Campaign, L. Metellus besieged Lilybaeum, and Num. Fabius Drepanum. There lies near Drepanum Southward an Island, or rather a Rock, named by the Greeks the Pelian Isle, and by us Columbaria. The Consul by night made himself Master of this, having put all the Punic Garison in the place to the Sword: but Hamilcar who was come in all haste to defend Drepanum, at break of Day went out to recover this place, which the Consul seeing, and not being able to assist his men in the Island, resolved to attack Drepanum with his utmost power; whereupon Ha∣milcar drawing back, the Consul kept the Island, and afterwards made use of that place to annoy and gall the besieged. For by a Mole he join'd it to the main Land; and because the Walls were weaker on that side, he made his first attack upon the Town from thence, having raised several betteries. Polybius was of Opinion, that the Battels betwixt Hamilcar and the present and succeeding Consuls for their number, cannot, and for the likeness of accidents and occurrences ought not to be describ'd: whilst for almost three years together. Hamilcar encamped at Epiercta, fought very near every day with the Roman Generals, especially after they had lain before Panormus, and left scarce five furlongs distance betwixt them and the Enemy; it being impossible there should be any cessation of Arms, or respite from action, where two Ar∣mies were encamped so near one another: though all this while they never came to a general Battel, in order to a final determination of the War: for several things hinder'd them from this, and especially be∣cause both having equal forces, and both equally secured within their strong Holds, even those who were worsted in the Encounter, might soon find a shelter and a Sanctuary in their Camp. Thus it came to pass, that though some were always killed whilst they fought, yet as soon as they turn'd their backs, they re∣treated safely within their fortifications.

[ XXXIX] But the same year that Drepanum was besieged, the Punic Fleet infested not onely the Sicilian, but also the Italian Coasts, and Hamilcar ravaging all he could set his foot upon, over-ran the Maritime Coast of Italy as far as Cumae. By these Inroads, as also by the Battels in Sicily when many of the Romans had been taken Prisoners by the Enemy, the Generals enter'd into Articles with the Carthaginians about ex∣change of Prisoners: wherein it was agreed betwixt them, That that side which should receive most Pri∣soners, should pay two pounds and a half of Silver for every head: and the Carthaginians receiving more than they had restor'd, paid the Money according to the Articles. We find two Colonies to have been sent out in Italy this year, to Aesulum and Alsium. The Lustration likewise (being the forty second) was made at Rome this year by the Censors A. Atilius Calatinus, and A. Manlius Atticus. The number of all the People now poll'd came but to 257222. Whereas in the former Lustrum, there had been poll'd very near 300000 Men. So great a multitude of Mortals had the Wrecks and Wars destroyed at that time: but yet for all this, the Army in Sicily was then reinforc'd with a considerable supply of men, which was brought thither by the two Consuls M. Octacilius Crassus, and M. Fabius Licinus.

[ XL] These had a very difficult Province to manage and a troulesom Campaign to pass, for there was work [A. U. 507] enough cut out for them: but not being able to force Hamilcar from his strong Holds, they performed no acti∣on that is memorable, which was also the Case of some of the succeeding Consuls by reason of the same dis∣advantage: Besides that, being young Generals chosen against an old well practised Commander, they were forced to spend in preparation, and acquainting themselves with the Site of places, the minds of the Sol∣diery, and state of the War, more time than remained for action. And for this reason it seems that year, when the time of Elections was at hand, they were inclin'd rather to chuse a Dictator, than that either of the Consuls should be called out of Sicily. Titus Coruncanius was chosen Dictator, than that either of the Consuls should be called out of Sicily. Titus Coruncanius was chosen Dictator, in whose name the Assemblies for Election of Magistrates were held: he named M. Fulvius Flaccus General of the Horse.

[ XLI] Mean while the two Tribunes of the Commons Sempronius and Fundanius, summon'd Claudia Appius Caecus his Daughter to appear before the People at such a day, because that returning from the Plays, when she was press'd by a throng of People and her Chariot stopt in the croud, she had used this direful impre∣cation: Oh that my Brother were alive again, that he might lead forth another Fleet! There was scarce any great or noble Family in all Rome, but either by Bloud or Marriage was akin to the House of the Claudii. Therefore she wanted not her Compurgators to defend her, who pleading the greatness of her Family, the good Services of her Father Appius, and frailty of her Sex, alledg'd,

That it was unusual to impeach any Woman before the Commons; and that the Cause was too slender and light, to make a new Custom commence from Clodia, which neither in thought or deed was guilty of any Treason against the the Roman People, and had onely spoken some rash words which she might have spar'd.

[ XLII] Against which the two Tribunes thus argued:

What impious and cursed words Claudia has spoken, you know already, O Romans! for what needs there any Evidence, when we have her own confession for the thing? neither can she deny the matter, if she would; for she spoke these words in the face of the Sun, having no respect for a multitude of good Citizens upon whom she used this Imprecation. Why

therefore should we doubt of the punishment, since we are certain of the Crime? Have the Laws made too little provision in the matter? or shall we too strictly insisting upon the letter of the Law, suffer our selves to be impos'd upon by false interpretations thereof? They plead that it is an unusual thing to pro∣secute a Woman before this Tribunal. Suppose it is so: 'tis an unusual thing likewise for any Woman to offend in this nature: nor had we ever an instance of any Woman that committed so great a Villany till now, and I could wish now there were no need of making a President; for we had rather the World were once grown so innocent, that the Sword of Justice might be asleep in the scabbard, than be forc'd, as now, to draw it out against Criminals with a necessary and expedient rigour, though it may make us seem harsh and severe.

A strict execution of Laws is necessary for every State, that would support it self: and those Laws [ XLIII] ought not surely to be infring'd and violated by any, much less by such Persons as would pass for the Atlasses and Pillars of the State; who being well read and learned in the Laws must of necessity be sen∣sible, that though there is no express mention made of Women in several Laws, yet in the words, if any one, or the like, a Man with half an Eye may see that Sex is imply'd as well as the Male. Is it any thing strange therefore,, if we suppose laws made against Treason to reach both Sexes, when even this Claudia is an Example which may convince us, that Women as well as Men may become Traitors. But some are for extenuating and palliating the matter. They would have us look on that as a Peccadillo, which went no farther than words, and not expressed by any overt Act. We must prove (forsooth) that she us'd all her endeavour to compass and bring about a hellish design, kept correspondence with the Car∣thaginians concerning it, armed the Rabble, seiz'd the Capitol, and actually involv'd us all in that Mine of Calamity, which by her Curses she imprecated upon us. But Actions are not more punishable by the Laws, than the intentions and designs of Men. Indeed, let a Madman or a Child do any mischief and there is no Action against him; but that is not the case here. 'Tis certain, that a Mans mind may be understood as well by his words as deeds. She who wishes such things as these, what would she do, if it lay in her power to bring about what she wishes? But if we despise not others judgments in the matter, (as I am sure we ought not to do:) We may find, that in other Countries an impious Wish has been esteem'd a heinous Crime, and punish'd accordingly. At Athens, a place eminent above any other in Greece for good Government; a Man has been condemned to die for wishing himself a good Trade, which he could not have, except in times of great mortality, he being one that sold all necessaries for the burials of the dead; and yet those words might have been capable of a fairer construction: whereas this Woman has positively wish'd for the utter destruction of the whole Commonwealth.

(Says she) That my Brother were alive again! A villanous wish though she made it purely for her [ XLIV] Brother's sake. For why should she desire him alive again, by whose means so many thousands of honest Citizens lost their lives? Who affronted the Commonwealth no less by his insolence, than he had en∣damag'd it by his rashness? Who being condemn'd in the judgments of all men even before his Trial, escap'd not the infamy of the Sentence, but the punishment by mere chance; And would you, if you had any brains, wish such a man alive again! whereas she ought to have prayed, that his memory had died with him, his actions and his ashes had been buried in one common Tomb. As other Ladies just∣ly glory in the renowned Actions of their Brethren: so thou (Claudia) shouldest be asham'd of such a Brother if thou hadst any shame? However let's pardon the Lady, for thus foolishly wishing her Brother alive, supposing she meant well: Nay acquit her too, if the reason of her Vow appear not as abomi∣nable as it was insolent. For why would you have your Brother alive again! that you might comfort your self with the sight of so near a Relation? No, not at all. What then? why, that he might com∣mand another Fleet. And was't for this, thou wicked Creature, that (as much as in thee lay) thou desirest to raise the dead, to invert Natures course, and break open the Prisons of the Grave, that thou mightst find him again, by whom we might be all of us ruin'd.

This is she, Countrymen, in whose favour those men intercede, who whilst they shew themselves [ XLV] kind Relations, little think they forfeit hereby the reputation of honest Citizens, and yet there's not one here intercedes for her but might prevail to have as much pity shewn her (as he pleas'd) had she pitied any of you. But since she has wish'd the confusion of us all, who would be such a tame Fool, as to think a person of so barbarous and inhumane a Spirit worthy any mercy? Of late when the Censors number'd the People, what groans were heard, what a damp seiz'd upon the City? For also during those years several actions of ours succeeded fortunately, yet to all good men the Commonwealth seem'd in a dangerous condition, whilst the people number in the Censors Books fell so short of what it was be∣fore; but she's not at all concern'd for the loss of those that perished: She's griev'd onely, because any survive; She complains the streets of Rome are too much throng'd with People, and wishes for that very Man to life again, by whose means the accounts of the last Poll were so much abated.

But granting all this, that the Lady is unworthy of mercy, Yet, say they, if she has offended, she [ XLVI] deserves to be pardon'd for her Ancestors sake. What, shall we set up this for a Law in our Common∣wealth, that if any Person has done any Service to his Country, his Posterity may injure the same, and not be called to account for it? Our Forefathers surely were not of that mind, who put Manlius to death, when not his Father, or any of his old Ancestors, but he himself had preserv'd the Capitol, the last refuge of the Roman People? He ought not to seek a greater Reward for his Service to his Country, than the satisfaction of his Conscience for the discharge of his duty: And if Ap. Claudius has done his Country any Service, he has been fully rewarded for it: He got Wealth and Honour by it, wherein he flourished to his dying day; though perhaps it would have been better not to mention Appius and the former Claudii, than to remind you again of the injuries and Affronts put upon you by that Family, never inclin'd to popularity. For what other Appius would they have you remember but him, who also spite∣fully opposed your Interests, who chose rather to perish with his Army than be beholden to his Colleague the Plebeian Consul for his preservation, who continued also in his Censorship beyond the time prefix'd by the Law.

And now let them, if they have a mind to it twit us with the Merits and good Services of the Clau∣dian [ XLVII] Family, and proceed as high as the times of the Decemvirate: or even to the first beginning of that Race; and by all their enquiry they will be enabled to shew how the Woman takes after her Ance∣stors pride and obstinacy, rather than prove that she ought to be spar'd for their sakes. What reason then can they or any man else produce, why this Woman should not be punished? Alas, are they af∣fraid for her, lest they should lose so vertuous a thing; which if you fear in the least, O Romans, make

much of this Claudia, and keep her, so that when other Matrons in times of public dangers go to pray to the Temples, she may hinder their Prayers by her Curses: when they pray for the safety of our Armies, this may wish their confusion: when they sollicite the Gods, that few may be killed, she may reproach them, if any return safe. Be kind to that Woman, who, whilst other Matrons excite their Children by their Ancestors Examples to Vertue and loyalty, teaches hers by the Example of P. Claudius to fight rashly, fly cowardly, to destroy the Citizens, and trample upon the Commonwealth. Let her instill into our Noblemens Children these Principles, that they may learn them in their Infancy and imitate them in their riper years. Let those who are in time to be intrusted with the command of your Forces by Sea and Land, be thus trained up, thus principled.

[ XLVIII] When this Harangue had ended, the People being assembled to give their Votes, gave Sentence against Claudia; whereupon she was fined twenty five thousand pound Brass Money. With which and other Fines [A. U. 508] Ti. Sempronius the Edile built, and consecrated the Temple of Liberty upon Mount Aventine. Afterwards M. Fabius Buteo, and C. Atilius Bulbus were made Consuls. Some Citizens were then brought to Fregellae a Maritime Town of Hetruria nine miles from Alsium, where a Colony had been planted two years be∣fore. This year was fought a great Battel by Sea between the Romans and Carthaginians at Aegimurus, which proved successful to neither side, the Carthaginians losing a great number both of Men and Ships; and the Conquerors losing all the Spoils taken from the Enemy, by the violence of Storms and Wrecks.

[ XLIX] In Sicily Affairs were carried on with the same Conduct and success, as had been done the year before: the War proving difficult to the Consuls, not onely by reason of the incommodiousness of the place they were incamped in, but also because of Hamilcar's subtilty: who as he was bold in action, and would venture farther than any man in the Combat, so he was good at Intrigue, and throughly versed in all Stratagems, by which means he sustein'd the Roman Power at that time, so, as not onely to defend the places he had taken, and harass the Roman Allies both in Sicily and on the Coast of Italy, but also having his Eye elsewhere propp'd up the then tottering Punic Commonwealth, being an active Man, and one that was very resolute, and quick in making the best advantage of any thing that occurr'd, as he shew'd at this time. For having a great mind to relieve the Lilybaeans, who were chiefly distressed from the Land, he commanded part of the Fleet to put it self in such a posture as if it were going for Lilybaeum, at sight of which when the Romans had issued out, he with such Ships, as he had hid in a place out of sight for that purpose, got into the Port, and by his presence and supplies of Provisions mightily encouraged the besieged.

[ L] Whilst the time was thus spent in Sicily, A. Manlius Torquatus Atticus, and C. Sempronius Blaesus being [A. U. 509] again Consuls, took the command of the Forces. Now the state of the War was not alter'd to the better, but proved rather worse at that time. The Romans, as we said before, had placed one Garison above the Town of Eryx upon the top of the Hill, and another below at the foot of it. So that besides the strength and situation of the place, it was so well guarded, that all People were confident there could happen no danger to the Town; but Hamilcar, whole boldness broke through all opposition that hinder'd him in any Enterprize, performed this great Action in a trice. For, having arrived in the Night with his Forces, and advancing silently about thirty furlongs up the Hill (himself marching at the head of the Army) he sud∣denly surpriz'd the place: and having put the greater part of those he found within the Town to the sword, he sent the rest away to Drepanum.

[ LI] From that time the face of things appeared strange, and the War was prosecuted very sharply on both sides: for, Hamilcar lying betwixt two several Carisons of the Enemies, was himself besieged by the lower at the same time that he was besieging the other above him: And now both Romans and Carthaginians having endured incredible pains and labours, no day passing without fighting, performed many noble At∣chievements during the two years next ensuing, being never tir'd or parted by either Victory or slaughter, but always equal, till a Battel by Sea decided the Controversie betwixt them. A Colony was brought the same year to Brundusium in the Country of the Sallentines, twenty years after that Country had been brought into subjection to the Romans. At the same time Ti. Coruncanius, who first of the Commons had been made chief Pontif, died very old, and L. Caecilius Metellus succeeded him.

[ LII] Mean while, C. Fundanius Fundulus, and C. Sulpicius Gallus were made Consuls at Rome. Then also the [A. U. 510] War went on with Hamilcar in the same manner, and with the same success as before, except that a Mer∣cenary Band of Gauls, and certain others who bore Arms in the Service of the Carthaginians, by reason that they were not paid, and for other injuries, endeavoured to betray the Town of Eryx to the Romans (for they were there quarter'd,) and after their design was discover'd, ran over to the Consuls: and were the first Foreiners that the Romans employed in their Service. Their Forces being thus encreased: yet for all this they could not put an end to the War by Land-fights, especially because Hamilcar made such a vigo∣rous opposition, who could neither be trepann'd by Stratagem, nor tam'd by Forces. Therefore they re∣sum'd their resolutions of fitting out their Fleet, and putting to Sea again; for the Carthaginians could not be kept out of Sicily, whilst they commanded the Sea. Besides that the considerable successes obtain'd by some Privatiers formerly gave them pretty good encouragement to betake themselves to Sea Affairs. But they wanted Money, their Treasury having been for a long while much drain'd, and not able to support the expences of so tedious a War.

[ LIII] Then it was, that the good and noble Spirits of the Roman People administred seasonable aid and support to the Commonwealth labouring under these Pressures and difficulties; for such was the Generosity of the Senators, that in this time of publick danger they were asham'd stingily to save their money, but rais∣ed a Fond that surmounted the Charges they would be at in building a Navy. For the wealthier Citi∣zens singly, and two or three of the others, according to their Estates, did undertake to set out each one five-oar'd Gally compleatly rigg'd and equipp'd, upon condition to have their Money restor'd them, when better times should come: By this means two hundred five-oar'd Galleys were equipp'd, all which were built after the model of Hannibal Rhodius his Galley; and People were in great expectation, that this Fleet must necessarily determine the War.

[ LIV] Whilst matters go on in this manner C. Lutatius Catulus, and A. Posthumius Albinus were made Consuls. A. Posthumius was Flamen of Mars; and when he was minded to go to his Province, L. Caecilius Me∣tellus the Chief Pontif confin'd him at home, telling him that it was not lawful for a Priest to forego the Duties of his Function; which act of his serv'd as a President for after-times. The Senate at the same time shew'd another instance of their Zeal for the maintenance of their own Religion, by prohibiting C. Lu∣tatius

the Consul from consulting the Praenestine Oracle, and making use of foreign Auspices and Divinati∣ons in the administration of the Common-wealth: Then they apply'd themselves to the business of the War; and because that both the Consuls could not go (one of them being a Priest, and therefore con∣fin'd at home) and that one would not be able to undergo so great a charge, they concluded to send one of the Praetors, two having been made first that year, with C. Lutatius. That Province fell to Q. Va∣lerius Falco's lot. These getting together all the Ships belonging to the State, and those of private Men, the whole number amounting to three hundred, they set out for Sicily in the close of Winter, the season of action then approaching; and as soon as they were arrived, the Ports of Lilybaeum and Drepanum lay open to them; for the Enemy not mistrusting in the least that a Fleet should come from Italy, had retur∣ned with all their Navy into Africa.

The Consul who was of himself a brisk active Man, being encouraged with this good fortune at the [ LV] beginning, besieg'd Drepanum, and at the same time disciplin'd the Soldiers every day to sit them for the Engagement by Sea which was likely to follow; and this he did with such success, that those Soldiers he had brought from home unexpert in Sea-service, were now become excellent Seamen: Mean time whilst Drepanum is besieged both by Sea and Land, and reduc'd almost to extremity, part of the Wall being bat∣tered down, the Consul engaging in the heat of the action, received a dangerous wound in his Thigh, and the Soldiers being dismayed at his misfortune ran all about him, and left the assault when the Town was almost taken.

The Consul was not yet perfectly recover'd of his Wound, when it was told him, that a great Fleet of [ LVI] the Enemy approach'd. There were four hundred Ships in all laden with Provisions for the Army, and a great deal of Arms and Money; there was also aboard of them a considerable number of Soldiers, Hanno a Noble Man of Carthage having the chief command of the whole Fleet. This Man was resolv'd by all means to get to Eryx, where he might unload his Vessels, and take in some of Hamilcars best Soldiers to man the Fleet, and then engage with the Romans. But this design of his though laid with so much ad∣vice and wisdom, was nevertheless ruined by the wary and vigilant C. Lutatius the Consul. For considering, that to fight presently with the Punic Fleet now moving heavily beneath the weight and burthen of its own luggage, would be the only means to get the day, he manned his Fleet with the best of his Soldiers; and setting out about the middle of March for the Egatian Isles opposite to Lilybaeum, from thence discover'd their Fleet coming from Hieronnesus; and having encourag'd the Seamen and Soldiers, he ordered them all to put themselves in a readiness to fight on the morrow.

But next morning in consultation they were very much at a loss, whether they should fight or not; be∣cause [ LVII] the Enemy had got the wind of them: and when the reasons on both sides were weighed and deba∣ted, at last they came to a resolution to fight both against the wind, and Hanno alone, rather than suffer him to unload his Vessels, and to bring the flower of their Land-forces with Hamilcar himself, the most terrible man of those times, into the Engagement: Therefore upon sight of the Enemies Fleet then dire∣cting their course for Eryx, in all hast he weighed Anchor; and the more to encourage his Men, tho he could not use his Foot, he caus'd himself to be carri'd into the Admiral Galley. The Carthaginians see∣ing their passage shut up, put themselves into order of Battel, intending to force their way through the Enemies. And the signal being given on both sides, the Battel began very furiously, Q. Valerius perform∣ing all the Duties of General, by reason of C. Lutatius his indisposition, which hindered him from com∣manding in his turn.

The fight did not last long, before 'twas plain which side would have the Victory; for the Roman Gal∣leys [ LVIII] being light, assaulted the Enemies that were slow, as they pleas'd themselves: Besides the Romans had now the advantage of them in all other respects. For they had amended upon better experience, whatever before had been inconvenient to them; their Galleys were built after the best form; whatever might hin∣der them in fight, was carefully removed; their Seamen were strong and expert in their business; and they had the flower of their Legions aboard their Fleet, all which must needs render them victorious. Contra¦riwise the Carthaginians Galleys were heavy; their Seamen but newly raised and unexperienc'd: For they never dream'd that the Romans durst attempt any thing again by Sea. So that as it must needs happen, the Victory in an Engagement, where there was so much odds, was soon determin'd. The Carthaginians lost a hundred and twenty Ships, whereof seventy with the men (amounting to near ten thousand) were taken, and the rest escaped by flight to Hieronnesus, the wind changing very conveniently for them in the very time of the engagement.

This is that noble Victory obtain'd over the Carthaginians, near the Aegatian Isles, according to the ac∣count [ LIX] given by Polybius: For other Authors speak of seventy three Ships taken, a hundred twenty five sunk, thirty two thousand Men taken, and thirteen thousand kill'd. The booty was very great, not only in Pro∣visions and Arms, but in Gold and Silver. The Romans lost only twelve Ships. It is reported that a light in the form of a Torch, was seen in the Heavens, from the beginning of the Engagement, which with its point threatned the Punic Fleet, a Prodigy shewing the event that succeeded. Hanno with all the Galleys remaining after the Battel, besides those that had escap'd to Lilybaeum, returned to Carthage, where he paid for his misfortune with the loss of his Head. C. Lutatius the Consul having gone to the Army at Lilybaeum, stay'd there till his wound was thoroughly cur'd, and in the mean while spent his time in re∣viewing the Ships and Men taken Prisoners, and in giving the necessary orders for the disposing of them: From thence they went to Eryx, and defeated Hamilcar, having kill'd two thousand Carthaginians.

The Carthaginians being inform'd of their great overthrow, wanted not courage for all this to renew [ LX] the War, but money and Forces; for they could neither furnish the Army at Eryx with necessary Provisi∣ons, the Romans being Masters of the Sea; nor in case they should lose this Army, had they any other, either General or Army, wherein they durst confide. Forced then by these difficulties to despair, they sent to Hamilcar, impowering him to do whatever he judg'd most advantagious for the publick; and here he performed the part of an honest faithful person to his Country, as he had shewn himself before an excellent and a brave Commander in its service. For having considered all circumstances, when he saw that after all that he had done, there was no means left to preserve his People but a Peace; he sent Ambassadors to the Consul to treat concerning it; and the Consul was well enough pleas'd with the mention of a Peace; his annual Authority being almost at an end, he could not look for any greater glory, than that of ending the War: But to leave this as a legacy for his Successor, when he might appropriate it to himself, seem'd very indiscreet and unadvisable; besides, he was mov'd by the known streights and necessities of the Roman People, and after such tedious continual labours, he judg'd the Common-wealth ought for some time to be

refresh'd with Peace; and accordingly when the business had bin debated betwixt both parties, at last the Peace was concluded upon these Articles.

[ LXI] "That the Carthaginians should wholly quit Sicily.

That they should not make any War upon Hiero the Syracusian, or any of their Confederates.

That they should restore all the Prisoners gratis, as also the Desertors.

That they should pay twenty two hundred Euboean Talents of Silver in twenty years in equal payments.

That the Confederates of both should be secured from either, by virtue of this Peace.

That neither should have any power to act, or build any Forts within the Precinc ts and Dominions of the other, or raise any Soldiers in the others Dominions.

"That neither should admit the Allyes of the other into his Alliance and Confederacy.

All which Articles had this proviso in the close.

That they were no further ratified than the Roman People should allow them.

But that those who were incamp'd at Eryx, should deliver up their Arms: This point could not be gained, tho the Consul press'd it. For Hamilcar protested he would sooner see him∣self and his Country ruin'd, than submit to so great a disgrace; but yet he condescended to that Con∣dition of paying eighteen denarii a man, for liberty to march out of Eryx.

[ LXII] Then Ambassadors were sent to the Consul and the Carthaginians at Rome, to inform the Senate and Peo∣ple of the conditions the Peace was concluded upon: The People lik'd not the Peace, but sent ten De∣puties to examine and consider the business, and when they return'd, they rais'd their Demands higher.

That they should pay down presently a thousand Talents, and twenty two hundred more within ten years next ensuing.

That they should not only depart from Sicily, but also from all the other Islands lying betwixt that and Italy.

That the Carthaginians should not come in any Man of War into Italy, or any of the Islands belong∣ing to the Roman Jurisdiction; nor raise any hier'd Soldiers from thence.

The Carthaginians, to obtain Peace submitted to all these propositions. Hamilcar presently resign'd up his Command before the Articles were solemnly ratified and sworn to; pass'd over to Lilybaeum, and from thence to Carthage; a person, who both by his conduct and Valour had out-done all the Commanders that had had any hand in that War.

[ LXIII] Thus ended that first Carthaginian War, which lasted twenty four years, being drawn in length by rea∣son of many turns and revolutions, to the great damage of both the Parties, but especially of the Con∣querour: For 'tis reported by such as took an account of the particular losses; that the Romans lost seven hundred five oar'd Galleys; whereas the Carthaginians had not lost above five hundred. An evident in∣stance this of the Roman Fortitude, which could not be shaken by any ill success in Battel, nor by the most disastrous Casualties; but under all the toils of War, and with the disadvantage of a poor Treasury, not only encountred the utmost power of its Enemies, and the boistrous shocks of Fortune with an equal constancy, but at last rendred it self Victor over both. After this C. Lutatius Catulus, whose year was [A. U. 512] now expired, was continued in his place some time longer, that he might settle the Affairs of Sicily. One of the new Consuls also was sent thither, namely Q. Lutatius Cerco, Catulus his Brother the Colleague of A. Manlius. These two regulated the Province, and order'd things so well, as to take away all occasion of future Broils and Commotions, which might any way disturb the peace and tranquillity of that Govern∣ment; and indeed they had but just cause to be jealous of those People, in whom some relicks of restless and unquiet humours, after so great and universal a fermentation still remaining might break out again, and work up their turbulent Spirits to Rebellion; and therefore they took away all Arms from the Siculi, who had espous'd Hamilcars interest, and from the Galls who had revolted from him. The Galls were ship'd a∣way, and banish'd the Roman Territories, as well for other Villanies they had committed, as for their robbing and spoiling the Temple of Venus, when they were quarter'd upon Mount Eryx. The Town of Sicily had Taxes and Contributions assess'd upon them, according to a proportion; and the Island was made a Province, whither a Praetor was sent yearly from Rome.

[ LXIV] Mean time the Carthaginian Ambassadours came to Rome, desiring that they might redeem their Men that were taken Prisoners; and they were all restor'd gratis, as many of them as were in publick custo∣dy; but those who were in the hands of private men, the Senate ordered to be ransomed at a cer∣tain price: the greatest part of which money for their ransom, was afterwards paid out of the publick Treasury by an Order of the Senate. But sad calamities in the City, very much lessened the joy of the Roman People at that time: For now the River Tybur first overflowing its banks, filled all the lower parts of the City with the inundation, whole streets of Houses were over-thrown by the violence of the stream; and those which were not born away by the rapid torrent, fell down up∣on the waters returning into its channel; for the inundation lasting several days, had eaten through and decayed the Foundations.

[ LXV] This calamity of Water was succeeded by a dreadful Conflagration which begun casually in the night, and having burnt down several parts of the City, destroyed a multitude of Men and Hou∣ses: Nor was its fury satisfied with consuming private habitations, but it likewise burnt down all the publick buildings round the Forum. Vesta's Temple at last was all on fire. Then L. Caecilius the Chief Pontif behav'd himself sutably to his place; for seeing the Holy things in danger by the fire, he cast himself into the midst of the flames, exposing his own Life for the preservation of the Ho∣ly things, then deserted by the Vestal Nuns, and rescu'd by him: But this brave Person after his eyes had been quite burnt out, and one of his Arms half burnt, receiv'd besides the satisfaction of his mind for having done so nobly, a sutable reward from his Country, namely, that whenever he went to the Senate-house, he should ride thither in a Chariot; an Honour never granted to any man in Rome before, since its first foundation.

[ LXVI] In the mean time Q. Lutatius the Consul with his Brother Catulus, and Q. Valerius the Pro-Praetor ha∣ving setled Affairs in Sicily, and brought away the Army from thence was returned home. C. Lutatius Ca∣tulus, and Q. Valerius celebrated the Naval Triumphs assigned to them, the first on the second of October, and the latter on the fifth of the same Month. There hapned a very remarkable contrast betwixt the Ge∣nerals, touching Valerius his Triumph: for when a Triumph had been unanimously voted to C. Lutatius, Valerius pleading, that he had signaliz'd himself as much as the other in that business, desir'd, that as he had bore his part of care and danger in the Action, he might also equally share in that Honour which was the reward of it. To which Catulus objected, That he who was commissioned with an inferiour Au∣thority,

was not in the conferring of Honours to have equal considerations with a Superiour. At last the Controversie growing high betwixt them, Q Valerius engag'd Catulus to lay in a Pledg for the trial of the business: whether or no he had contributed by his Conduct to the defeat of the Punic Fleet: where∣upon Catulus engag'd him also to do the same. Atilius Calatinus was chosen Arbitrator in the business; who asking Valerius,

Whether, if any difference or debate had happen'd in a Council of War, whose Authority would have been decisive in the point, the Praetors or Consuls? As likewise, if they had had several Auspices, which should have been follow'd? And Valerius answering, That in both Cases the Consul had greater Power than the Praetor, Atilius Calatinus without hearing, what Catulus could say, determined the Cause in favour of him; because the Controversie seem'd to be concerning the Pre∣eminence of Authority.

But though Valerius was worsted in this reference, yet for the great proofs of his Valour shown in that War he obtained a right to Triumph.

The Censors that year (Aurelius Cotta, and M. Fabius Buteo) performed the Lustration, and two hun∣dred [ LXVII] and sixty thousand men were polled: two Wards more, the Velina and Quirina being taken in, the number of the Wards was made up thirty five, which number was never after exceeded. And now all that part of Sicily that had been subject to the Carthaginians being subdued, and the Peace concluded, Affairs not onely ran in a smooth course, but the Public security seemed established upon the firmest foun∣dations. When all of a sudden, a War breaks out, whence no such thing could have been expected, which for some days kept all Italy in suspence with the terrour of such an intestine commotion, and it was a matter of no less surprise to see how speedily it was ended. The Falisci (upon what grounds is not known) being incited to Rebel, provok'd the Roman Arms: But the Consuls sent out against them with the Legions reduc'd all this People, and ended the War in six days: yet in the first Engagement (for they speak of two) the Consuls came off with doubtful fortune; being routed by the Enemies Horse, though they had in the Battel defeated their Foot; but the last Battel was fought with such success, that they obtain'd the Victory, and obliged the Falisci to desire Peace after they had lost fifteen thousand men. When they surrender'd themselves to be in all points at the discretion of the Conquerours, their Arms, Horses, Houshold-goods, and half their Lands were confiscated; and their City, the strength whereof had encouraged them to Rebel, was removed from a high craggy Rock into a plain place. The Romans would have treated the Falisci upon their surrender more severely, meditating a sharp revenge against a People that had so often rebelled; but they became more moderate when Papirius (who had drawn the Articles of this Ca∣pitulation with his own hand by the Consuls appointment) told them, the Falisci had not put themselves under the Power, but protection of the Romans, which words were received with that Sacred Reverence that they resolved to lay no harder conditions upon them. On occasion of this War the year ended with the Triumphs of the Consuls. Lutatius triumph'd the first of March, and Manlius the fourth of the same Month.

DECADE II. BOOK XX.

Florus his Epitome of the Twentieth Book of Livy.

A Colony planted at Spoletum. A War first made upon the Ligurians [now the Genoeses] The Sardinians and Corsicans who had revolted, are subdued. Tutia a Vestal Nun c••ndemn'd for Incest. War proclaimed with the Illyrians for killing an Ambassadour, who being overcome, yield up themselves to the Roman Go∣vernment. The number of Praetors encreased to four: The Gauls that dwelt beyond the Alps making an Incursion into Italy, are cut to pieces; In which War the Romans are said to have had of their own Forces and their Allies Three hundred thousand fighting Men. Then first of all the Roman Ensigns pass'd the River Po, where the Insubrian Gauls [or Lombards] after several defeats, submitted themselves. M. Claudius Marcellus the Consul, having with his own hand slain Viridomarus their General, and so obtain'd the Royal Spoils, being the Third Man that had that Honour ever since Romulus's days. After this the Istrians were subdued, and the Illyrians that had fallen into Rebellion, reduced. Ʋpon a survey of the Roman Citizens there were found in all 270213. The Libertini [or Slaves Enfranchis'd] were cast into four Tribes by themselves, called Esquilina, Palatina, Suburrana, and Collina, whereas before they were in∣termingled with the rest. C. Flaminius the Censor, repaired the Highway called Flaminia, and built the great Circus or Theatre called also after his Name. Colonies are carried into the Territories lately taken from the Gauls, and planted at Placentia, and Cremona.

ITALY being again at Peace, the publick Luxury encreas'd together with their Empire and their Secu∣rity. [ I] For, whereas till then Farce or Drolls had made the chief Entertainments of the Roman Stage; Livius Andronicus after the Grecian Mode, presented the people with Comedies and Tragedies, which were first acted C. Claudius Centho, and M. Sempronius Tuditanus being Consuls, at the public Sports. The same year likewise began another sort of Games, or Shows. For on the fourth of the Calends of May, the Floralia were instituted according to the Method prescribed in the Books of the Sibyls, to avert the blasting of Fruits, and all other products of the Farth which blossom at that time of the year. L. and M. Pollicius Malleolus two Brothers, both of them Ediles in the same year exhibited these Shows or Games, defraying the expences thereof out of Fines, which had been laid on those Grasiers that had fed their Cattel upon the Commons grounds. These two Brothers during their Magistracy, were remarkable also upon another account: because they caus'd the Hill afterwards call'd Publicius, to be levell'd and pav'd for the more commodious passage of Waggons that way into Mount Aventine; whereas before it was onely a hard unpassable Rock: as also because the built the Temple of Flora, near the great Cirque.

[ II] These were the transactions at home. All things were very quiet abroad, only there were some suspicions of a War design'd by the Gauls and Ligurians: that these therefore were the Consuls Provinces, and con∣sequently that the War with the Gauls began then, we have rather a conjecture than any certain account, there being no ancient Authors now left who can furnish us with an exact relation of those things; and as for the next year also, that there was no Peace we may venture to say, because Janus his Temple was not [A. U. 514] shut, but we are not able to discover in what places, or with what success such War was carried on; nor have we any more account of C. Mamilius Turinus and Q. Valerius Falto's Consulship, but that Ennius was born that year, that ingenious Roman Poet.

[ III] The year following when Ti. Sempronius Gracchus and P. Valerius Falto were Consuls, both the Wars [A. U. 515] with the Galls broke out, and also the Romans at the same time first made invasion with an Army upon the Ligurians, a new Enemy. This Province fell to Ti. Sempronius his share. P. Valerius having set upon the Galls at first came off unfortunately, having lost thirty five hundred men; but in a second Battel he gave them a signal overthrow, wherein fourteen thousand Galls were slain, and two thousand taken: But the Consul was not allow'd to triumph, because of his losses in the former Battel, especially since that even the success obtain'd then, was rather to be attributed to the Roman fortune, than any good conduct of the Consuls: For when he had received intelligence that some succours were coming to him after the first Battel, he declar'd that rather than conquer by the assistance of another, he would perish with his whole Army: And in this freak he expos'd both himself and the Army under his command to great hazard. But Tib. Gracchus manag'd the War against the Ligurians with better conduct and success; for having routed the Enemy in Battel, he with his victorious Army wasted a great part of Liguria: From Liguria he cross'd over into Sardinia and Corsica, and having brought from thence abundance of Prisoners, he gave occasion to that Proverb, where we say The Sardinians are set to sale, in a great glut of some mean paltry Commodities.

[ IV] But to say the truth, the Romans in those days had a good opportunity, but no just pretension to possess Sardinia and Corsica. The Carthaginians after the Peace of Sicily being ingag'd in a sore War with their Mercenaries were reduc'd to extremity of danger, whence some others of their hired Soldiers who were in the Garisons in Sardinia, taking heart, slew Bostar the Punic General, with all his men: They hang'd Hanno also another Commander sent from Carthage to quell and suppress them, having drawn his Army o∣ver to joyn with them in their Rebellion; and now having all over the Island put to the Sword such as were of the Punic race, they make themselves masters of all the Forts in the Country, until at length up∣on a quarrel betwixt them and the Sardi, who at length expell'd them out of Sardinia, they betook them∣selves into Italy, where at last they effected what they could not do a little before whilst they were in Sardinia: For they had in vain invited the Romans before to seize into their hands that Island; but when they came to talk the matter personally, either by their importunity, or else by shewing more plainly the opportunities the Romans had of advancing themselves hereby, they prevail'd with the People to un∣dertake this Voyage into Sardinia, for it is no common vertue to abstain from invading a Neighbours Ter∣ritories, when we may easily possess our selves of them: Nor can this inclination be long dissembled by the covetous and the ambitious.

[ V] But it seems not improper in this place to enquire more particularly into the original of these things; for the Romans ever since the beginning of that War had zealously asserted the Carthaginian interest, to get themselves the credit and reputation of being obliging and good natur'd to their friends; and therefore they sent no aids to the Rebels, which the Carthaginians had desired them not to do; nor harboured the men of Ʋtica, or any others that revolted from them: Their Merchants they order'd to carry Provisions to the Carthaginians out of Italy and Sicily; but forbad them to have any commerce with the Rebels: They further gave leave to the Carthaginians to raise Soldiers in Italy for that War: Moreover they sent Ambassadors to accommodate and compose their differences, tho it took no effect. But a little before this, they were like to differ themselves with the Carthaginians about some Italians, who carrying Pro∣visions to sell to the Enemy, were taken and imprisoned by the Carthaginians.

[ VI] They had now got about five hundred of this sort of People in custody, and it was reported that they had kill'd several more, and thrown them into the Sea, the better to keep their cruelty undiscover'd; which things the Romans took so heinously, that immediately they threatned them with War. But the Car∣thaginians having sent Ambassadors to restore as many as were kept Prisoners at Carthage, so paci∣fied the Roman People, that the rest of the Carthaginians that were taken Prisoners in the Sicilian War, were restored without ransom. But Ambition at last got the ascendant over them, and out of po∣licy they thought it high time to pull down a People, with whom they remembred they had fought for twenty four years with very doubtful fortune, and also foresaw that they must do so again, unless they took care in time to prevent it. Wherefore seeing the Carthaginians were loth to part with Sardinia, and having rid their hands of the Mercenaries, were now designing to prosecute the Rebels farther; the Romans took hold of this opportunity, and resolv'd to enter upon a War with them,

unless they laid down their Arms, which in truth they had taken against the Romans, tho they pretended is was done against the Rebels.

So that at last the Carthaginians who were loth to engage in a War of this nature at such a time, not only quitted Sardinia to the Romans, but compounded with them to pay twelve hundred Ta∣lents over and above the former sum; a thing which ever after so disgusted and provoked them, that Han∣nibal's War seems to have been undertaken purely in revenge for these hard measures, and the deep re∣sentment which Hamilcar the chief Author of the second Punic War ever had against the Romans, took its rise from no other source but this. But however these things happened afterwards.

[ VII] But the new Consuls L. Cornelius Lentulus Caudinus, and Q. Fulvius Flaccus had then the Gauls inhabit∣ing on this side the Po given them for their Province. That a Colony was this year brought to Valentia, tho some report it, yet the thing is uncertain, unless it be another Valentia besides Vibo, where a Colony was planted fifty years after in the Consulship of L. Quintius Flaminius, and Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus, which we may believe upon better authority. Now the Consuls in the Territory of the Gauls, whilst they kept their Forces together, had a very prosperous expedition of it: But when out of the desire to pillage and wast more of the Country, they divided their Armies; the Enemy attacqued Q. Fulvius his Camp by night, and almost took it. But the Gauls having gone off without any success in this attempt, return'd a little while after with greater terror and more numerous Forces to the War. For the several Princes of the Boii having under-hand concerted their measures together, called a numerous multitude of the Gauls inhabiting beyond the Alps, to joyn with them in an Alliance against the Romans.

Mean while L. Lentulus the Consul, who was marched off to the borders of Liguria, overcame the [ VIII] Ligurians in a set Battel, for which a Triumph was decreed to him; which he performed upon the In∣tercalar Ides. There are Authors who tell us, that those Consuls first advanc'd the Roman Banners beyond the Po, and that in several Battels twenty four thousand Ligurians, and Insubrian Gauls had been kill'd, and five thousand taken Prisoners. But to me it seems more probable that the Romans first passed the Po in that general Rising of the Gauls, which followed but a little after, and that the Insubres were invaded first in their own Country.

About the same time Ambassadours were sent to Ptolomy King of Egypt to proffer him Aid in his Wars [ IX] against Antiochus and the Syrians. The King returned them thanks, but as for their assistance he said he did not want it, because they had already agreed upon Articles of Peace. Not long after much to the satisfacti∣on of the People, Hiero King of Syracuse arrived at Rome, and was received with all the respect that was due to an Ally; one that had shewn himself their hearty Friend, and shar'd with them in their g e••t•••••• Victory. He came to Rome to see certain Games, that were design'd to be celebrated the year following. For the third Secular Games according to some Authors were celebrated during the Consulships of P. Cornelius Len∣tulus Caudinus, and C. Licinius Varus; as we have hinted before. M. Aemilius, and Livius Salinator were appointed as Stewards to prepare all things for the setting out of these Games.

In the mean time the Princes of the Boii, being back'd and strengthen'd with numerous Troops of Auxi∣liaries [A. U. 517] of the Transalpine Gauls, sent to the Consuls to demand,

That the Town and Territory of Arimi∣num should be restored to them: for to these places they pretended an indisputable Right and Title, which if not comply'd with, they threatned the Romans with a bloody and most destructive War:

The Consuls had not as yet got their Forces together; so that fearing to expose a handful of Men to so much hazard, and yet unable to grant the Gauls their demands, they made Answer, That if they had any business, they should send their Ambassadours to the Senate.

The Gauls lik'd this Proposition well enough, and a cessation of Arms was concluded betwixt both till [ X] the Ambassadours were return'd. When the Ambassadours came to Rome, the Senate gave them an Answer contrary to their expectations: and withal made great preparations to oppose this inundation which after∣wards came to nothing: Fortune alone baffling them without the effusion of any Roman blood. For whilst the Ambassadours were going homewards, the Boii and the Transalpine Gauls quarrell'd among themselves, upon this account: The Transalpine Army unknown to the Boii marched to Ariminum, which it was su∣spected they did with a design to possess themselves of that place: and hereupon they fell out, and having kill'd Ates and Galatus their Kings, laying treachery to their charge, they endeavoured by force of Arms to expel these Aliens out of their Country. Hereupon they fought very desperately; and when they had weaken'd and broken one another sufficiently, the Transalpine Gauls return'd home; and the Romans grant∣ed Peace to the Boii, having first taken some part of their Country from them.

This War being so soon ended, the Consuls departed into Liguria, where P. Lentulus defeated all the [ XI] Enemies Forces that met him; and marching with his Army through their Country took some Castles by storm, and others upon surrender. And now C. Licinus designing to cross over into Corsica, and being not provided with Ships enough to carry over the whole Army at once, sent M. Claudius Glycias with part of the Forces before, who seeing the Corsi terrified at his arrival, and forgetting his Character and place, and the duty he owed to his Consul, makes a Composition with the Corsi in his own name upon certain Articles, intending to ingross to himself all the honour of having reduc'd the Island; but Varus arriving with the rest of the Army, though the Corsi appeal'd to their Peace made with Claudius, never ceas'd his Attacks upon them, till he had quite subdued them. The Senate to free their people from the reproach of having falsify'd their faith, sentenc'd the Author of that dishonourable Peace to be deliver'd up to the Corsi; and when he was not receiv'd by them, they order'd that he should be executed in Prison.

L. Cornelius Lentulus Caudinus, and Q. Lutatius Cerco were Censors that year, but they did not perform [ XII] the Lustration, because Q. Cerco died in his Office. Though M. Claudius had been offer'd to be deliver'd to the Corsi, and had been afterwards punish'd, yet these Barbarians could not be satisfied that the Romans had any just cause afterwards to invade them: Wherefore this People, who were still uneasie and discontented for these injuries, were ready enough to rise again in Arms; when they saw their Neighbours the Sardi leading them the way. For some secret Promises of the Carthaginians had wheedled the Sardi to raise a Rebellion, those Barbarians being prone enough to do so, who neither hated their old Masters, nor lov'd their new ones over-much.

When this news came to Rome, it filled all people with fear and indignation, not for the loss of Sardi∣nia, [ XIII] which they valued not so much, but because a War with Carthage was like to break out again. But because they thought it would prove the easier, the sooner it was begun, whilst the Carthaginians as yet had not recovered fully their former strength since the late Wars, they determined to fall to the business roundly, and immediately to declare War with Carthage: But the Carthaginians, who at this juncture were willing to submit to any terms rather than quarrel with the Romans, were so terrified at this news, that they dispatch'd several Ambassadours to Rome to treat for a continuation of the Peace; but these not pre∣vailing in the business, they sent ten of their principal Men to beg in terms of the greatest submission, that they might enjoy the Peace which was before concluded. But nothing would prevail with this angry and jealous People, till one Hanno the youngest of the Ambassadours, a person of an undaunted Spirit and a bold Addressor, spake thus:

Ye Romans, if you are resolved not to grant us that Peace, which we did not buy at your hands for one or two years, but for ever: restore us again Sardinia and Sicily the price there∣of: for in private Contracts, when a bargain is broken, no honest Man will require his Commodities a∣gain, without restoring the Money paid for the same.

At which the Romans for shame, lest they might [A. U. 518] seem to make War upon unjust grounds, dismissed the Ambassadours with a better Answer. So that now C. Atilius Bulbus one of the Consuls, who bore this Office a second time, continued in Italy: but Tit. Man∣lius Torquatus, to whose lot Sardinia fell, went to his Province; where having at several times defeated the Enemy, he reduced the whole Island, and subdued the Sardi: for which Victories he triumph'd before the sixth or the Ides of March.

These things done, and no Enemy appearing, the Romans had repose from Arms, which occasioned the [ XIV] shutting of Janus his Temple an unusual Spectacle to the warlike City; for this sign of Peace had not been seen since Numa's days, very near four hundred and forty years before. For which reason, I think the Romans very unhappy, because that after such toils and labours, they could never reap the fruits of them: for whereas wise Men wage War onely for the sake of Peace; this City after so many Wars ended success∣fully

could not often obtain Peace, and could never keep it long. And now within a few months afte they were alarm'd again, and forc'd to part with that Peace, the benefits whereof they had but just tasted for both the newly conquer'd Sardi began to shake off the yoak, and some like designs of the Corsi were descover'd, and at the same time in Italy it self the Ligurians made an insurrection.

[ XV] Hereupon L. Posthumius Albinus and Sp. Carvilius Maximus the Consuls were commanded to raise For∣ces, [A. U. 519] which being divided into three parts to hinder the Enemy from joyning and assisting one another, L. Posthumius marched against the Ligurians, Sp. Carvilius against the Corsi, and P. Cornelius went to Sar∣dinia; the unwholsom air of which Isle caus'd a Plague in the Army, whereof a great number of men, and the Praetor himself died, which made the Sardi very high and stout, till Sp. Carvilius the Consul entering the Island, gave them a signal overthrow, and so cool'd their courage; for which action a Triumph was de∣creed to him, which was celebrated on the first of April. Against the Ligurians also the Consul with his Consular Army had good success: While at Rome Tutia the vestal Virgin being condemn'd for Incest, which was the more scandalous because she had done it with a Slave, kill'd her self.

[ XVI] C. Atilius Bulbus, and A. Posthumius Albinus being afterwards Censors, perform'd the Fortieth Lustrati∣on. [A. U. 520] That there were fewer men poll'd this time than before (tho I find no certain number deliver'd) may hence be gather'd, because the Censors the better to stock the Town with People, took an Oath of every man, that he would marry to get Children. This year Cn. Naevius of Capua, who had been a Soldier in the first Punic War, acted Plays first upon the Stage; mean time the Ligurians and Sardi again in rebelli∣on, were assign'd Provinces to the new Consuls. The Ligurian War fell to Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucosus, and the Sardinian to M. Pomponius Matho: Upon some jealousies, that these Tumults and Rebellions were fo∣mented by the Carthaginians, who might privately wheedle the gross understandings of these barbarous People to revolt; Ambassadours were dispatch'd to Carthage, with strict Orders from the Senate, that they should demand the Tribute of the Carthaginians, and also command them not to meddle with any of the Islands belonging to the Roman Jurisdiction, adding threats of War, if they would not comply.

[ XVII] The Carthaginians had now taken heart again after their late Calamity, especially by the diligence and conduct of Hamilcar, who not only reduc'd all those People of Affrica, that had revolted, but also enlarg'd the bounds of the Carthaginian Territories, by his great conquests in Spain; therefore they carried it high with the Ambassadours, and answer'd them in very huffing language: For when the Ambassadours as they were commanded, had propos'd to them War or Peace, chuse which they would; they cried out they would chuse neither, but that the Ambassadours should leave them which they pleas'd, and they would willingly accept of it; from whence the piques and animosities betwixt the two Nations were more en∣flamed, but neither as yet being willing to begin the War, a kind of friendship was in shew maintain'd betwixt them, not that they lov'd one another heartily, but however they abstain'd from open Hostilities. Both the Consuls afterwards upon their return to Rome, when they had given an account of their Exploits, obtain'd a Triumph: Q. Fabius had kill'd many of the Ligurians in battel, and forc'd the rest to keep with∣in the Alpine Countries, and also secur'd the neighbouring Coasts of Italy from their incursions; so that he triumph'd before the first of February over the Ligurians. M. Pomponius afterwards held a Triumph for conquering the Sardi, upon the Ides of March.

[ XVIII] Notwithstanding all this, the Sardi would not give over, but rather irritated than broken by their dis∣asters; they rais'd a new Rebellion with greater vigour than before. Therefore both the Consuls M. Aemi∣lius Lepidus, and M. Publicius Malleolus being sent into Sardinia, got a great deal of booty out of that Island: which afterwards when they had pass'd over to Corsica, was all taken away from them by the Cor∣si. There arose at home likewise great broils and disturbances at that time, whilst C. Flaminius Tribune of the Commons, endeavoured to pass an Agrarian Law.

That the Picene and Gallic Countrey once belong∣ing to the Galli Senones might be divided betwixt the People.

The Senate oppos'd this design, using both perswasions and menaces to the Tribune thereupon; and at last order'd the Consuls to levy Forces for the [A. U. 521] defence of the Commonwealth. But C. Flaminius persisted still in his resolutions, being neither to be wrought upon by force nor intreaties, tho his Father too had advis'd him to yeild to the Senate, and not be accounted the Author of a Sedition.

[ XIX] But he continuing still the same, call'd an Assembly of the People, before whom he began to read this Law; upon which his Father Flaminius in great rage came to the Rostra, and pull'd down his Son with his own hands, and then was shewn a notable instance of obedience and veneration, which men in those days acknowledg'd as due to that Authority Fathers had over their Children: For he, who had contemn'd the displeasure and severe menaces of the Senate, suffer'd himself to be pull'd down from the Rostra by the hand of one old man, and that too when he was in the heat of the action, the Roman People looking on, to whom nothing could be more grateful, than the enacting of this Law. Nor ought the modesty of the Assembly to be pass'd by without notice, who tho they saw all their hopes dash'd and disappoint∣ed by the Tribunes departure, yet never so much as mutter'd to shew their dislike of the thing. The Law was thus stav'd off for a while, rather than quite avoided; whilst C. Carvilius another Tribune back'd his Colleague, which was the beginning of corrupting the Commons, and of the Gallic War, which arose eight years after the division of those Lands.

[ XX] Then M. Pomponius Matho and C. Papirius Maso being Consuls, went into their several Provinces; the [A. U. 521] one to Sardinia, and the other to Corsica, in both which places the Enemy was retir'd into the Mountains and Woods, defending themselves more by the natural strength of those places, than by Arms. M. Pom∣ponius therefore seeing it was a harder task to find, than to conquer the barbarous People, caus'd some Hounds to be brought from Italy, to hunt them like wild Beasts out of their coverts and lurking holes. C. Papirius having driven the Corsi from the Plains, pursu'd them to the Mountains, where they were in great labour and danger, and many of the Soldiers perish'd either with thirst, or by the incursion of the Enemies; till having found some water and refresh'd the Army, they forc'd the Corsi now dreading a Battel, to sur∣render themselves. Whilst the Consuls are ingag'd in these affairs, the Dictator created for that end, call'd the Assemblies, C. Duilius was the Man, and he chose C. Aurelius for his Lieutenant: The Censors that year were Tit. Manlius Torquatus, and Q. Fulvius Flaccus; but these being not return'd according to Law, resign'd. Authors do fix upon this year the beginning of a new sort of Practice, worth our while to mention. The Romans had as yet no Divorces us'd among them since the first foundation of that State. Sp. Carvilius Ruga was the first who divorc'd himself from his Wife, because she bare him no Children, having been sworn by the Censors that he would marry a Wife to get Children by her. The People were mightily dis∣gusted, not only because the thing was new, but very heinous, judging it cruelty and injustice, for men

upon any account whatever to be divorc'd from their Wives, which were to enjoy an inseparable Union and Society with their Husbands during their lives: and therefore SP. Carvilius was hated for the thing, though he much against his will, to comply with some Friends of his had divorc'd himself from a Wife, with which he agreed well enough, and whom he loved intirely. After which time there happened more Quillets in the Laws touching Espousals, and more wrangling and Suits in the Courts of Judicature; so many new Cautions being found out concerning Marriage, which Niceties were wholly useless, before there were any Divorces.

The same year also another Custom obtain'd, relating to the Honours the Generals received. C. Papi∣rius [ XXII] at the end of his Consulship triumphed over the Corsi upon Mount Albano the fifth of March. The reason of which was this: he had quite subdued Corsica, and therefore challeng'd a Triumph, but could not obtain it from the Senate: his Example was afterwards taken up by several others: so that as often as a Triumph was denied them, they triumphed upon Mount Albano. The same Person afterwards saw the Shows with a Crown of Myrtle on his Head, having chosen that Tree to make his Chaplet of, because he had conquer'd the Corsi in a Field where Myrtles grew. Sardinia and Corsica being now quieted, the Li∣gurians remained still to conquer, against whom the Consuls M. Aemilius Barbula, and M. Junius Pera marched out with their Forces: and having received intelligence by the way that the Gauls design'd to take Arms, entred their Country; for the Flaminian Law had so inflamed the spirits of the Gauls, that it was fear'd at Rome, lest a People delighting in War, and Choleric, should make some new Effort against the Romans. Wherefore a Proclamation was issued out by the State, forbidding all persons to send any Money to the Gauls: because both the Boii and the other Gauls got a great deal of Money, as by several other ways, so especially by selling of Slaves: and it was suspected, that they would employ it in the War against the Romans. They being enrag'd hereat, and the more embolden'd upon hearing that the Consuls were at present engag'd in the Ligurian War, held Consultations under-hand how to attack the City, whilst the Roman Armies were kept abroad in this long Expedition. But being terrified at the Consuls arrival, they received the Romans in an amicable manner, pretending the greatest submission to them, because they were not yet in a capacity to oppose them. The Consuls also being well enough contented to have smother'd the War, pretended they were come that way onely that they might the more commodiously march their Forces through the Gallic Countries into Liguria.

The Censors the former year being illegally return'd had resign'd their Office: Upon which Q. Fabius [ XXIV] Maximus Verrucosus, and M. Sempronius Triditanus this year performed the Lustration, being the one and fortieth. Affairs passing thus in Italy, and in the City, a War brake out with the Illyrians, upon this occasion. The Illyrians a fierce sort of People, greedy of prey, were much addicted to Piracy; and they had taken several Italian Merchants sailing from the Port of Brundusium, some of whom they had killed: Complaints thereupon were made to the Senate, which among other business at first were not much heeded: but at last, when these Pirates became bolder by their impunity, and that complaints were often made of them, it was resolved that Ambassadours should be dispatched to demand satisfaction of them, as also to intercede in behalf of the Issaeans, who had lately sworn fealty, and done Homage to the Romans. Now these were a People inhabiting an Isle in the Ionian Sea, whom the Illyrians molested and hated for re∣volting.

C. and L. Coruncanius were sent upon this Embassy. Whilst these two were upon their Journey, Agron [ XXV] Son of Pleuratus King of those Illyrians who were called Ardaei, to whom they were sent, was taken ill, and died: having left a Son yet a Minor (whose name was Pinneus:) and Teuta his Mother-in-law as∣sisted by her Council, managed the Government. This being a haughty passionate Woman, elated with prosperity, after she had heard the Roman Ambassadours in a slighting manner, told them:

That she would take care, that the Romans should not receive any public damage from the Illyrians; but to for∣bid her private Subjects from taking what Prizes they could by Sea, was a thing unusual with the Kings of Illyria.

At which words the younger Coruncanius was much urged, and using an unseasonable rather than an unjust liberty of Speech, said,

Ay, but Teuta you must know, it is usual with the Romans publickly to revenge injuries done privately, and to help the distressed, and we will endeavour by the blessing of God to compell you forthwith to alter and amend these Methods of your Government.

Which words so enrag'd the Woman, that though she dissembled the matter for the present, yet when the Ambassadours were gone, she sent some Russians after them, by whom the younger Coruncanius and some others of his Retinue were killed: the rest being clapp'd in Prison, and the Captains of the Ships burnt. The Issaean Ambassadours also, by name Calemporus, was kill'd by the same Assassins.

This news no sooner came to Rome, but T. Coruncanius and P. Junius had Statues three foot high erected [ XXVI] in memory of them: and War was declared against Teuta and the Illyrians. Teuta being no ways capable of the Regency, had neither by reason, or experience learn'd to correct the Vices and Levities incident to her Sex, but upon the approach of danger, appears as cowardous and sneaking, as she had before shewed her self rash and precipitous. Therefore hearing the Romans prepared to make War against her, she sent to acquaint them, that she was willing to restore all the Men that were alive: but for the rest, who had been murther'd without her consent; she could not answer for them. This Embassy, though it made but a small Attonement for so great an offence, yet because it gave some hopes of composing this quarrel with∣out a War, the Romans desired no further satisfaction in the business, but that the Ruffians, who had mur∣ther'd the Ambassadours, should be delivered to them to be punished. The Woman thinking the storm blown over, which had so affrighted her, through levity of mind became again bold and insolent, and de∣declared that she would not deliver up one man; and accordingly to make good these arrogant Expressions by her Actions, presently sent an Army to besiege Issa.

The Romans now resolving not to dally any longer, dispatched the two Consuls, Lucius Posthumius Al∣binus, [ XXVII] and Cn. Fulvius Centumalus with Forces by Land and Sea against the Illyrians. Cn. Fulvius com∣manded [A. U. 524] the Fleet consisting of two hundred Galleys, and L. Posthumius the Legions. Then again, Teuta being affraid sent Demetrius Pharius to desire Peace of the Consuls: who consented to a cessation of Arms, upon condition, that the Illyrians should quit Corcyra, of which they had lately possessed themselves; of which when The Romans went to take possession, Teuta fancying her self again out of the reach of danger, falls afresh to her former practices, and sends her Forces to besiege Dyrrachium and Apollonia. Others relate,

That Corcyra was not surrendred with Teuta's consent, but purely by Demetrius his means, who knowing, that Teuta was minded to charge him with Treason, thought to ingratiate with the Romans, ••nd so shelter himself against her malice, by betraying that Garison which she commanded.

This Garison

of the Illyrians being surrendred, the Corcyreans all with general consent put themselves under the Roman pro∣tection, judging there was no other means left to secure them against the injuries of the Illyrians, but making this potent and renowned people the Guardians of their State.

[ XXVIII] From Corcyra the Consul took his course with the Fleet to Apollonia: and L. Posthumius came thither also, having with the Land-forces passed over from Brundusium. He had with him about 20000 Foot and 2000 Horse. The Apollonians willingly received the Romans, and put themselves under their protection. This place being delivered, they presently went to Dyrrhachium which the Romans immediately became Masters of; the Illyrians who had laid Siege to the place, running away when they heard the Army was coming. With the same victorious success the Ardiaeans were also brought in subjection to the Romans; and Ambassadours of several Nations came from the farthest parts of Illyria promising to submit themselves to them, if they would receive them into their protection; among which were the Parthini, and Atintanes. Demetrius Pharius had a great hand in all these matters, who being carried about with the Consuls, by magnifying the Roman Courage and Faith, and exposing the temeriry and inconstancy of Teuta brought se∣veral People to embrace the Roman Interest, partly by his counsel and persuasion, and partly by his Au∣thority.

[ XXIX] This done, they proceeded to Issa: and in their Voyage making descents upon the Coasts took several Towns very easily; but Nutria was bravely defended by the Illyrians, and the Victory was here dearly bought, several Colonels and the Treasurer of the Army being lost in the Action. Which losses were however ballanc'd by the Romans, taking twenty Vessels of the Enemies, as they were coming laden with Money and booty from Peloponnesus. As soon as they were arrived before Issa: the Barbarians, as it hap∣pen'd at Dyrrachium, raised the Siege, and fled into several parts of the Country, all of them besides the Pharians, who for Demetrius his sake, a Native of that Country, and once Governour thereof under A∣gron, were permitted to enjoy their Estates and Liberties under the Roman protection. Teuta hearing these things was strangely confounded in her thoughts, whilst hopes and fear alternately teiz'd her mind; for as the loss of so many Towns, the wasting of the Maritime Countries, and the defeat of her Forces in every place struck a great terrour into her; so likewise she took heart again, reflecting on the Valour of the Nu∣trians, and the season of the year drawing to Winter, when those Seas would be rough, upon which there∣fore she thought the Romans would be forced to make homewards the sooner. Therefore with a small Retinue, she retir'd to Rhizon a Town lying upon a River of the same name: intending there to wait whatever success should befal her.

[ XXX] The Methods taken by the Consuls served to nurse in her these vain conceits: for they having committed the best part of the Countries they had conquer'd to the care of Demetrius, carried away both the Fleet and the Army to Dyrrachium. But when she heard that L. Posthumius was left with forty Ships behind, and had levied Forces out of the neighbouring Cities for the defence of the Ardyaei, and other Illyrians Friends to the Romans: then Teuta despairing of success, began seriously to think of concluding a Peace upon any conditions: and accordingly at the beginning of the Spring, she sent her Ambassadours to Rome to excuse the matter, as if all that passed had been done by Agrons Command, the reputation of whose Actions she was compelled to maintain. The Romans hereupon made a Peace, not with Teuta, who had no right to it, and who had deserv'd so ill at their hands, but with Pinneus Agrons Son, and that upon these Condi∣tions,

That he should pay the Tribute impos'd upon him, quit all Illyria except some few places: and not sail beyond Lissus with above two Vessels and those without Arms.

By this Treaty Corcyra, Pha∣rus, Issa, Dyrrachium and the Atintanes became subject to the Romans: the rest which had been under Agrons Command, was left to Pinneus. Teuta either for fear, or shame, or else because the Romans commanded her, quitted the administration of the Government; which Demetrius Pharius undertook as Protector to the King.

[ XXXI] Thus at last the differences with the Illyrians determin'd: and the bounds of the Roman Empire were extended to the frontiers of Greece. Mean while the Commonwealth was threatned with some danger on the other side: the Gauls preparing for War, and the Carthaginians being arrived to considerable Power in Spain, whose growth and advancement, in all mens opinion might prove of dangerous conse∣quence to the Romans. Hasdrubal the Son-in-law, and Successor of Hamilcar, having revenged his Fa∣thers death, brought several Nations under subjection to the Carthaginians, partly by his Arms, and partly by his Policy and Eloquence, having also built another Carthage in Spain, (which was called the new Car∣thage) in a Bay of the Sea near a large commodious Haven.

[ XXXII] But the danger from the Gauls being nearer home, hinder'd the Romans from making War with the Car∣thaginians. All they could do at present was to stop the course of their fortune by tying them up to Ar∣ticles, which might set bounds to their growing Empire. Ambassadours therefore were sent to Carthage as also to Hasdrubal to enter into Articles with them, whereby they were ingaged not to pass the Riber Ibe∣rus: and not to invade the Saguntines, but leave them to the enjoyment of their Laws and Liberties. These [A. U. 325] things were done that year, wherein Sp. Carvilius Maximus, and Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucosus were both of them again Consuls. About the same time L. Posthumius the Proconsul, who had winter'd in Illyria, sent Ambassadours from Corcyra to the Aetolians and Achaeans, to present them with a Memorial of all the transactions in Illyria, as namely for what reasons that War had been first undertaken, how carried on, and upon what conditions it was at last concluded; the Ambassadours were received with abundance of Civi∣lities and Respects? because those Nations, and the rest of the Grecians also, perfectly hated the very name of the Illyrians, for those continual Robberies they had made under Agron and Teuta. When this was re∣ported at Rome, the Senate approv'd what the Proconsul had done, as just and laudable, and thereupon decreed a second Embassy, which should go to the Corinthians and Athenians in the name of the State, to notifie to them the Roman Peoples affection and kindness to the Grecians, and their moderation towards all Men: which got the Romans a great deal of love in those parts; and the Corinthians passed a Decree immediately in honour of them, whereby they were made free of the Isthmian Games, one of the four So∣lemn Exercises of Greece.

[ XXXIII] Besides, the Romans benefits to Apollonia, and other Greek Towns, they looked on themselves principally oblig'd to the Romans for their kindness in restoring liberty to the Corcyreans a Colony of the Corinthians. The Athenians also having embraced the Roman Alliance, decreed, that they should be made free of Athens, and of the most Sacred Mysteries of Ceres. Fulvius the Proconsul in the mean while held a Naval Triumph over the Illyrians: and having led those of the principal note among the Illyrians in the Solemnity, he be∣headed them. This was the first Triumph over the Illyrians.

The next year P Valerius Flaccus, and M. Atilius Regulus being Consuls, the number of the Praetors [A. U. 526] was doubled, and four were made, that they might have two to send into the Provinces of Sicily and Sar∣dinia; of these M. Valerius had Sardinia and its Appendage Corsica allotted to his share, and C. Flamini∣us had Sicily. At that time People were in great fear of a War with the Galls, which the Boii and In∣s••bres not only between themselves, but together with other Transalpine Nations, were said to have in a∣gitation; for which purpose they had levied great Forces consisting of the Gaesatae a Gallic People, so called from a particular sort of Arms peculiar to them.

Therefore now besides the usual Expedients, they had recourse to other means for preventing this dan∣ger, [ XXXIV] which with severe Judges nothing could excuse, but the great affection men have for their Country, upon whose account they might be allow'd to act something otherwise unwarrantable. For besides other dangers threatning the State by divine Prodigies, and an Invasion from the Enemy, it was also found in the Sibylline Prophesies, that the Gauls and Greeks were to possess themselves of the City: Now to fulfil this Prediction and avert its dire effects, this slight and Artifice was then practised. M. Valerius Messalla, [A. U. 527] and L. Apustius Tullo being Consuls, by an order of the Pontifs two Gauls, a Man and a Woman, and as many Greeks were buried alive in the midst of the Beast-market: that so holding part of the Town, they might seem to have compleated that Prophesie.

But this year, among other matters of lesser moment was spent in preparations for the Gallic War now [ XXXV] drawing on, incredible numbera of Soldiers were raised for this War, all Italy joyning with the Romans. Q. Fabius the Historian, who liv'd about this time, says of the Romans, that they had eight hundred thou∣sand Men compleat in this War, the Romans and Campanians making two hundred forty eight thousand Foot, and twenty six thousand six hundred Horse; the rest of this numerous Army was composed of the other Italians. The Veneti and Cenomani also aided the Romans with twenty thousand men, who were order'd to make incursions upon their Neighbours the Boii, that so they might be oblig'd to act defensively in their own Country, and not be in a capacity to join the Enemies: since all the endeavours the Roman Ambassadours us'd to reclaim them from their attempts, prov'd ineffectual; the Veneti and Cenomani being persuaded to enter into an Alliance with the Romans, the Boii and Insubrians persisted in their hostile de∣signs. But yet their Forces were lessen'd, because their Kings durst not bring all the People, but were obliged to leave a considerable number for the defence of their Country. With the rest of their Forces being fifty thousand Foot and twenty thousand Horse, they attempted to pass through Hetruria.

In the mean while L. Aemilius Papus, and C. Atilius being Consuls obtained Sardinia, Ariminum, and [ XXXVI] its neighbouring Countrey Gaul for their Provinces: for the Sardi distasted with the daily sight of a Roman [A. U. 528] Praetor and his Mace, rebelled again: but C. Atilius quell'd them very easily. L. Aimilius had a harder task of it with the Gauls now marching towards Rome, having forced their passage through Hetruria. The Governour of that Province seeing he could not stop their passage, made after and overtook them about Clusium, where towards Sun-setting he pitch'd his Camp near the Enemies. The Gauls to entice the Romans to a Battel, having laid the Plot before-hand, in the Night march'd with all their Foot to a Town called Faesulae: having left their Horse behind them, who were order'd at break of Day to shew themselves onely to the Enemy; and when they had so done, immediately to retreat to the Foot, who by that time were to post themselves in a place fit to receive the Horse, and whence they might surprize the Enemies.

The Romans deceiv'd by this Stratagem, went in close pursuit of the Horse, as if they really fled before [ XXXVII] them: and continued following them to Faesulae where a Body of fresh Men lay posted in Battalia to re∣ceive them, when they were tir'd with the pursuit, and now reduc'd to such a non-plus, as it happens in such accidents, that they knew not what course to take. All that remain'd in their power to do, was to sell their lives as dear as they could, and either by their Swords to win the glory of the Day, or else to die in the bed of Honour. But the Gauls besides other things, over-match'd them in point of number: so that with their vast Forces they easily overcame them, having killed above six thousand upon the Spot; the rest fled: the Gauls attempted to take a certain Hill fortified with Rocks, which the greatest part fled to from the Battel; but finding themselves tir'd with marching all the Night, and fighting that day they went away to take some refreshment, leaving a Body of Horse to beset that Hill, which they made no question but would be taken the next day either by force, or surrender. In this nick of time Aimilius the Consul arrived there by good fortune, which the Romans might wish, but could not have hop'd for. For at the same time the Gauls marching forwards, the Consul went to Ariminum to cover and defend the Countries bordering on the Adriatic Sea: but when he received intelligence that the Gauls were coming towards Rome, making long marches from Ariminum, by lucky hit he arriv'd in that place: and encamped at a little distance from the Enemies.

The besieg'd on the Hill by the fire seen on that side, guessing rightly that the Roman Army was come, [ XXXVIII] sent out some Men without Arms, the better to pass the Enemies Sentinels undiscover'd, by whom the Consul understanding the state of Affairs, in the greatest hast the time would allow, went before with the Cavalry to the Hill, having order'd the Colonels to follow after with the Legions. And by this time the same fires had given the Gauls notice of the Romans arrival; whereupon they were forced to consult together about their present condition. And here King Aneroestus advis'd not to encounter the Enemy with an Army, landed with such rich Spoils, but depart home, where having laid down their booty, they might return disencumbred for the business, in case they had a mind to try their fortune again in War. This advice being approv'd by all, they departed before Night; pursuing their Journey through Hetruria along the Sea-side. M. Aimilius having rescued those who had fled to the Hill, and being inform'd of the Gauls departure, was unwilling to fight a set Battel, but yet resolv'd to follow them, intending to lay hold on whatever advantage time would put into his hands.

In this nick of time Fortune on the sudden varies strangely the state of things: The other Consul C. [ XXXIX] Atilius was arrived out of Sardinia with his Legions at Pisae, where having put ashoar, he went with the Army toward Rome by Land, taking his course through the same Coast of Hetruria, in which the Gauls were marching. About Telamon a Port of Hetruria, the Forelorn-hope of both Armies first met one ano∣ther; and when the Consul by some Prisoners brought to him was informed of the Gauls march, and his Colleagues design, who pursued them at the heels, being surpriz'd at the thing, and hoping the Gauls might be coop'd up betwixt the two Consular Armies, he commanded the Captains to draw the whole Army in a square figure of Battalia, as far as the situation of the ground would permit to do it: whilst in the mean time having observed a certain Eminence which over-look'd the way the Gauls were to come, went be∣fore

with the Cavalry to possess himself of the Post, making all the hast he could to engage the Enemy, assuring himself, that if he should be pressed hard, his Colleague would come up to relieve him; and if the Enterprize should succeed, then the glory and credit of the Action should be all his own.

[ XL] When the Gauls saw the Enemies upon the Hill, they supposing them to be some parties of Horse sent about in the Night by Aimilius, detach'd a Body of Horse also, having joyn'd some Dragoons with them to clear the way. Afterwards by some Prisoners being advertis'd of the other Consuls arrival, they were immediately forced to draw their Foot in Battalia, so as to face the Enemies both ways, in the Front and Rear, having their backs turned to one another. For they saw Atilius advancing towards them before, and knew Aimilius was following them behind: against whom they posted some Mercenaries of the Tran∣salpine Gauls (called Gaesatae, as is said before, from the Arms they wore) in the Van-guard; and at their backs the Insubres were placed to support them. But the Taurisci and Boii were drawn up against Atilius's his Army. Then they fortified the two Wings with Waggons and Caris: and sent away the Booty to a Hill hard by with a good Guard to attend it. By this time C. Atilius had begun the fight upon the Hill: from whence Aimilius guess'd his Colleague was come, of whose Journey he had no intelligence before, except that he was arrived at Pisae. Therefore suddenly resolving what course to take, he commanded his Cavalry likewise to advance speedily to the Hill, where the fight was.

[ XLI] Here the Horse engaged very furiously, and C. Atilius the Consul was kill'd, and his Head carried to the Kings of the Gauls. But the Romans standing firmly together maintain'd their ground to the last, and charging the Enemy with their utmost vigour, forced them to fly. The Battel betwixt the Horsemen of each side thus pass'd over; the Foot engag'd. And here the fight both for numbers and force of Men, and also for their order of the Battel was terrible to behold: whilst numerous multitudes of Gauls inter∣cepted betwixt the two Roman Armies fought with both at once: so that it could hardly be judg'd, whe∣ther that form of Battel was more advantageous to them, because fighting with the Enemies forces sepa∣rated from one another, they were secur'd at their backs, and also incited to Valour by not having any hopes of a Retreat: or else that it was more hurtful to them, whilst they were thus pent up betwixt the two Consular Armies. But as the prodigious Stature and dreadful aspects of the Gauls. terrified the Ro∣mans, so at the same time they were encourag'd to fight not onely for Honour and Renown, but also for those rich Spoils, the golden Bracelets, and glittering Habiliments, wherein the Gauls Van-guard appear'd richly equipped.

[ XLII] Having joyn'd Battel, the Light-Horse first attack'd the Enemy, and that with so much fury, that they cut off great numbers of them, especially where the Gaesatae fought, who in a bravado, to shew their Courage stripp'd themselves, and stood naked in the front of the Army. But the long and narrow Target (which the Gauls use) not covering the whole Body, they were expos'd as Marks to the Enemies shot, which were directed so sure as never to miss them: And thus they fell to no purpose, being neither able to wound their Enemies at a distance, nor to come to Hand-stroaks whilst the Light-Horse fought aloof off, and would not close in with them. In this desperate condition part of them rushed furiously in upon the Enemies, and before they could come to grapple with them hand to hand, were shot by the Roman Javelins: others making their retreat by little and little, broke the Ranks, and disorder'd the Army. Thus the Gaesatae were discomfited by the Light-Horse, and in the mean time the Men of Arms attacquing the Insubrians, and Boii, and Taurisci on every side, slew abundance of them.

[ XLIII] But yet for all this they stood resolutely to it, being in all respects equal to the Romans, except their having such bad sort of Arms, upon which account they had much the worst on't: being so ill appointed, that they could neither defend themselves, nor offend the Enemy; For the Gallic Sword is onely fit for cutting, and has ne'r a point to make a pass or thrust withal: besides it bends almost to the Hilt with the first stroak, and does no kind of Execution afterwards till 'tis straitned again by pressing upon it with their Feet. The Victory, for which the Romans already stood so fair, was soon determin'd at the return of the Cavalry from the pursuit of the Gaulish Horse; for they pour'd down from the Hill, and attacked the Enemies Flank so furiously that they could not longer maintain their Posts against so rude a shock, which was so much the more impetuous and irresistible, because they came upon them from the higher grounds, bearing down all in their way. This is the account given by Polybius of the Battel in Hetruria; from whom others differ upon very improbable grounds: for who would imagine the business done otherwise? As that a Storm in the Night forc'd the Gauls to fly as if they fear'd the Anger of the Gods? That C. A∣tilius receiv'd his death while he attacqued them in the Rear? and that when both Armies thereupon had for some time contain'd themselves within their own bounds, L. Aimilius set upon the Gallic Army and then totally routed them? Nor do those People deserve more credit, who change the place where the Battel was fought, from the Sea-side to the Country of Aretium.

[ XLIV] 'Tis agreed on all hands, that forty thousand Gauls fell at that time, and about ten thousand were taken with Concolitanus one of their Kings: the other King Aneroestus, who was much esteemed both for his Valour and Power, got away with a small Retinue, and in his flight cut his own and his Friends throats. Great was the Booty that was taken, which the Consul caus'd to be restor'd to them, from whom it had been taken away at first, the Owners knowing every one their own goods. From thence marching with his own and Atilius his Army by the borders of Liguria into the Country of the Boii, that he might reward the Soldiers for their late Service, he gave them the plunder of all the Country; and within few days after carried the Army to the City, having loaded them with Booty and Spoils: and at his return the public joy was the greater, because that War had struck such a terrour into the People, as none before it ever did.

[ XLV] Therefore there was scarce ever a Triumph so generally applauded with the acclamations of the People as this of Aimilius: being of it self glorious and magnificent enough, and that both in respect of those re∣nowned Exploits performed by the Consul, and also of the quantity and value of the Spoils born in it; among which were several Standards of the Enemies: many golden Chains and Bracelets the Ornaments of their brave Men. But Britomarus, and other Princes of the Gauls drew the Eyes of the People most upon them, whom L. Aimilius by way of mockery led into the Capitol with their Swords girt about them, as if now they were about to keep their Oath, wherein they had sworn never to take off their Belts, till they had entered the Capitol. This Triumph of L. Aimilius the Consul over the Gauls was holden the fifth of March. The same year I find that the one and fortieth Lustration was performed by the Censors. Q. Clau∣dius Centho, and M. Junius Pera. Now the fear of the Gaulish War was laid aside, but the Romans had not as yet taken their fill of Revenge: and therefore the Gauls were assign'd the Province to the two Con∣suls of the year following.

Tit. Manlius Torquatus, and Q. Fulvius Flaccus were again both of them Consuls. To them the Army, and [ XLVI] all other necessaries belonging to War, were readily and chearfully appointed. For the Romans were in [A. U. 529] good hopes after so great a Victory, if they ply'd the business vigorously, that the Gauls might be driven from all that tract of Land which borders upon the Po. The Consuls marching out with their Forces forc'd the Boii upon their first appearance to surrender immediately: But the Expedition afterwards slack∣ned because of the Pestilence, and continual rain. Some Authors write, that these Consuls having passed the Po, fought and overcame the Insubres in a pitch'd Battel, killing twenty three thousand, and taking five thousand of them. But we are more inclin'd to rely in these things upon Polybius his Authority. In the mean while because the Consuls hinder'd either by the way, or else by bad Weather could not arrive out of those remote Countries in time to the Assemblies of Election, L. Caecilius Metellus was made Dictator, who appointed Fabius Buteo to be his Lieutenant. The Assemblies being call'd, C. Flaminius and P. Fu∣rius Philus were made Consuls. These, as I suppose, were the first Romans who with an Army passed the [A. U. 530] Po, where the River Padusa runs into it, having made an irruption into the Country of the Insubrians.. This boldness of the Romans cost them a great deal of labour, and much blood. For in passing the River, and whilst they were encamping themselves, they lost a great many men by a fierce Attack, which the Ene∣mies made upon them.

The fears and jealousies caus'd by this news were much encreas'd by Prodigies. For it was reported, [ XLVII] that in the Country of Picenum a River ran with blood, and in Hetruria the Heavens seemed all on fire, at Ariminum three Moons appear'd at once, besides a Vultur had sat for several days together in the Forum at Rome. But as for the great Earthquake in Caria, and the Rhodian Coloss happening to fall about the same time, these things were not thought to concern the Romans. The Augurs being consulted about the other Prodigies, answer'd, That the Consuls seem'd to have been unduly chosen; and the Senate sent Letters after them to recall them home. The Consuls in the mean time having made a Truce, drew off from Insu∣bria: and having got the Auxiliaries together in the borders of the Cenomani, began again to ravage the Plains at the foot of the Alps: and the Insubrians enrag'd at this, took the golden Shields out of the Temple of Minerva, which were called Unmoveable, because it was not lawful to stir them but in times of ex∣tream necessity; and came with an Army of fifty thousand to encounter the Romans.

The Consuls received the Senates Letters about this time; but C. Flaminius, whether guessing what was [ XLVIII] in them, or else inform'd thereof by his Friends, persuaded his Colleague, not to open the Letters before they had fought the Enemies. Being thus resolv'd upon an Engagement, they consulted together what they should do with the Auxiliary Troops of the Gauls, considering that the making light of their Service would prompt them to mischievous designs, as on the contrary the employing such men might furnish them with an opportunity to accomplish the same. For they were very jealous of this Peoples levity and in∣fidelity, especially now in a War undertaken against their Neighbours and Kindred. At length they came to this resolution in the point: They sent the Gauls over the River, and afterwards broke down the Bridges; so that the Romans now could receive no harm by them, and having no room left to run away, they were oblig'd wholly to trust to their own Valour. After a sharp Engagement the Romans at last got the Victory, the honour of which action belongs to the Tribunes, not the Consul. For C. Flaminius had drawn his Army so near the bank of the River, that there was no room left for the Soldiers to retreat: which doubtless would have prov'd the destruction of the whole Army, had the Enemies pressed on, and oblig'd them to give never so little ground. The Gauls main Effort consisted in their first charge, which was very brisk, but this flash being sustain'd, afterwards there was nothing formidable in them. This the Tribunes by experience of former fights knew well enough: and therefore they arm'd those Soldiers in the first line with Spears and Partizans, to put by the Enemies blows withal, after which they might throw them away, and draw out their Swords, when the Battel began.

The Gauls Swords were bent and blunted immediately by those Spears: which whilst they endeavour'd [ XLIX] to straiten again, the Romans closing up to them with their Swords drawn, quite took away all the use of their Arms from them. For their Swords being us'd onely for cutting and flashing, require some room to wield them, otherwise they'l do no Execution; but the Romans though never so close to the Enemies, could pass at their Breasts or other parts of their Bodies as they pleas'd. Nine thousand Gauls are said to have been kill'd, and about double that number taken. After this Victory the Enemies Country was ra∣vag'd far and near, and great Booty carried away. The Consuls after this Exploit read the Senates Letter, which when P. Philus was about to obey, C. Flaminius looking on this as a Sham contrived by the Senate out of spite and envy, averr'd that there was no fault in their Auspices, no ill Omens at their Choice: whereof their Victory was an evident demonstration; and therefore that he would not depart till the War was either ended, or the time of his Office expir'd. Besides, he said, He would take care the Roman People should be no longer shamm'd and abus'd with the ridiculous observance of Auguries, and such kind of pretences.

But P. Furius persisting in his Opinion, Flaminius his Army fearing lest after he was gone, they could not [ L] be secure enough in a hostile Country, by great importunities prevailed at last with him to stay some days longer, but yet he would act nothing afterwards: Whilst in the mean time C. Flaminius took some Castles, and a Town of some note in that Country, and endeavoured by bestowing the Booty on the Soldiers to gain their affections, now that he was like to have some Contest with the Senate. For People were so angry with the Consuls at this time, that none went out to meet them, as the Custom was: and a Triumph was denied not onely to C. Flaminius, but likewise to P. Philus for his sake. At last, Flaminius his great Interest and favour with the Commons prevail'd, so that he enter'd the City in a triumphant manner the ninth of March. Many rich Spoils were carried in this Triumph, and great store of Arms: as also several golden Chains, of which C. Flaminius erected a Trophy to Jupiter in the Capitol, having inverted the Gauls Vow, who had promis'd their Mars a Chain out of the Roman Spoils. The other Consul triumphed over the Gauls and Ligurians the 12th of March.

By this means the Senates displeasure was rather enflam'd, than asswag'd, insomuch that the Consuls [ LI] were immediately after their Triumph constrain'd to resign their Office. And through a like severity about the same time two very noble Persons were deprived of the honour of the Priesthood: M. Cornelius Ce∣thegus, for not laying the Entrails upon the Altar according to Order, and Q. Sulpicius, because that his Miter had fallen off from his Head whilst he was sacrificing. The Consuls having resign'd their Office, the Assemblies for Election of Consuls were call'd by a Dictator; wherein M. Claudius Marcellus was chosen Consul, who after he had been vested in his Office, took Cn. Cornelius Scipio Calvus to be his Col∣league.

These two refused to grant any conditions of Peace to the Insubrians, who desir'd it: M. Mar∣cellus out of Ambition and desire of Conquest, stifly opposing all Proposals that tended that way. Nay, the Gauls themselves seemed rather to carry on designs of War, than Peace: for they had newly got thirty thousand Gesates into their Service, which were join'd by a far greater Body of the Insubrian Gauls.

[ LII] The War being thus begun, the Consuls in the Spring took the Field; and in the first place invested Acerrae, a Town situate betwixt the Alps and the Po. Britomarus, seeing it would prove a difficult task to raise this Siege, taking with him ten thousand Gaesates, resolved to ravage the Country near the Po. Whereupon the Consuls divided their Forces, so that Cn. Cornelius with the rest of the Army maintained the Siege, and M. Marcellus marched out with two thirds of the Cavalry, and a detachment of Light-Arms to cover the Roman Allies. For this Service he took out but six hundred Men, but those were the lightest and nimblest in all the Army: with these and the Cavalry he marched Day and Night without intermission towards the Enemy, and coming up with them about Clastidium, before he could refresh his own men, he was forced to ingage against his will through the fierceness of the Gauls, who being superiour in number, and arrogating to themselves the preheminence above all other People in Horsmanship, immediately marched out as it were to destroy the Consuls Army, which according to their intelligence had in it but few Foot. M. Marcellus advanc'd to meet the Enemy, having drawn out his men in length as far as he could, lest he should be surrounded by the numerous multitudes of the Gauls: And now the two Armies were ready to engage, being but a small distance asunder, when on a sudden as Marcellus was going to charge, his Horse affrighted by the noise and yelling of the Gauls, started back. Whereupon the Consul fearing, lest this Accident should be taken for an ill Omen, and thereby discourage his Soldiers, wheel'd about his Horse, and worshipp'd the Sun: as if that had been the reason why he turn'd back, it being an ancient Custom for such as pray to the Gods to turn themselves round.

[ LIII] 'Tis reported, that before the first Onset, he had Vow'd to dedicate the best of the Enemies Arms to Jupiter Feretrius; and that afterwards when he saw Britomarus at the head of his Troops, his Arms glit∣tering with Gold and Silver; he concluded those must be the Arms, which he had vow'd. And now the King himself having seen the Roman General, advanc'd a good way before the rest of his men, challeng∣ing him to fight both by his words, and brandishing of his Arms: Whereupon M. Marcellus came on, wounded the King through his Armour with his Launce, and afterwards having dismounted him, laid him dead with several Wounds. Then alighting from his Horse, and holding Britomarus his Arms in his Hands, he lifted up his Eyes towards Heaven, saying,

Thou Jupiter Feretrius, who art privy to all the noble Exploits of Valiant Commanders in Battels: Lo, I in thy presence, the third Roman that ever did so, being a General, having slain a General, present, consecrate now these magnificent Spoils to thee; Do thou grant us equal success during the rest of the War.

[ LIV] Marcellus after this returning to the fight, they began to ingage furiously, the Romans fighting very cou∣ragiously, whom their Consuls Valour and success had fill'd with desire of Action as well as hopes of Vi∣ctory. And hereupon the Gauls were routed Horse and Foot: and a handful of Men overcame a very numerous Army, which seldom happens. The Consul then having first pick'd up the Spoils of the Camps returned to his Colleague, who having possessed himself of Acerrae, where he found a great quantity of Provisions, with much ado defended himself against the Enemy about Milan a Capital Town of the In∣subrian Gauls. But by Marcellus his arrival the Scene was much alter'd. For both the Gaesates went home when they heard their King was slain; and also the Milaneses being abandon'd by them, could not defend their City. So that great numbers of the Insubrians being killed, and Milan and Como taken, the other Towns afterwards, and the whole Nation of the Insubrians surrendred themselves, having obtain'd conditions of Peace that were reasonable enough, part onely of their Lands being confiscated.

[ LV] M. Marcellus having performed his charge, held a very splendid and magnificent Triumph over the Insu∣brian Gauls and Germans the first of March. This is the first mention of Germans in Roman Story, these being some Mercenary Soldiers rais'd in Countries beyond the Rhine, who came into Italy under the conduct of Viridomarus. Some of whom and also of the Gauls being taken Prisoners (Men of huge size and Stature) went before the Victors Chariot among the most precious Spoils. The Consul Himself fol∣lowed after, who made a gallant Show carrying the Arms he had devoted in his hands to Jupiter Fe∣retrius, on whom the Army richly clad and equipped attended, and as they went celebrated the Consuls Praises with Songs and Acclamations. When the Cavalcade had come in this order to Jupiters Temple, M. Marcellus alighting from his Chariot hung up in that Temple the Magnificent Spoils, being the third Man after Romulus and Au. Cornelius Cossus, and the last too that ever did so. The Roman People view'd these Arms with greater pleasure, because the Enemies were said to have Vow'd the Romans Arms to Vul∣can: and the joy for this Victory was so great, that the Senate and People of Rome out of the Spoils made a Present to Apollo's Shrine at Delphos, of a golden Bowl, and bestowed on their Confederates and Friends round about some of the Arms taken from the Gauls. To Hiero King of Syracuse, besides some of the Spoils they sent the price of that Corn, which he had furnished the Romans with during the Gallic War.

[ LVI] The Istrians were the next Enemies they had, who annoying the Seas by Piracy took several Vessels be∣longing to the Romans, that were laden with Corn; against whom the two Consuls P. Cornelius and M. [A. U. 532] Minucius Rufus being sent, subdued some by force, and obliged others to surrender themselves. But yet I do not find that these triumph'd: because (I suppose) their Victory had cost a great deal of Roman blood.

[A. U. 533] This year there arose in Spain a Star of malevolent influence upon several Kingdoms and People: Han∣nibal, Hasdrubal's Successor; of whose rise and Exploits many things are to be delivered in the course of this History by a greater hand. Mean while L. Veturius, and C. Lutatius marched out with their Forces to the Alps: and rather using Treaties and Negotiations, than Arms with those People, they brought over several of them to embrace the Roman Alliance.

A War brake out again with the Illyrians at this time by reason of Demetrius Pharius his Tyranny: who pretending his Alliance with Rome, molested the neighbouring Nations, as he pleased himself: and therefore Complaints were made against him from several parts.

[ LVII] He trusting in the Power, in which upon his revolt from Teuta he was setled by the Romans, and his being Protector to Pinneus during his Minority, whose Mother Triteuta he had married, he carried himself with as great State as a King; and because troublesom and insupportable as well to his Country∣men, as Neighbours. And even those People of Illyria, that were the Roman Confederates and Allies,

he endeavour'd to subdue: and having put to Sea with a Fleet of fifty Pinnaces well manned, he sail'd beyond Lessus contrary to the Treaty made with the Romans, and wasted the Cyclades [small Islands in the Archi∣pelago] and forced some of the People to pay him Tribute. And now he had got on his side as many of the Istrians, as were dissaffected to the Romans since the late War, and forced the Atintanes to join with him. Neither did he regard the Romans at all; for he thought now they were ingaged in the Gallic War, and likewise were under apprehensions of another with Carthage, they would have neither Power nor leisure to revenge their Confederates quarrel, or to afford them protection. Beside, he doubted not but he should be assisted with what Force he pleased by Philip King of Macedon, because in his War with Cleomenes he had lent him Aid, being himself General of the Illyrian Auxiliaries.

A War therefore is declared against him, and preparations were made accordingly. Mean time L. Ai∣milius, [ LVIII] and C. Flaminius the Censors perform'd the Lustration; wherein 270213 men were polled. At that time a multitude of freed men, which liv'd dispersed amongst all the Tribes, gave great disturbances to the City; so that the Censors in imitation of Q. Fabius Maximus reduced them into four Tribes, the Esquilina, Palatina, Suburrana and Collina. C. Flaminia in the same Censorship, payed the High-way, as far as Ariminum, and built a Cirque; both which Works were called by the name of their Author, the Flaminian Cirque, and the Flaminian Way. The same Censors proposed to the Commons the Meti∣lian Law concerning Fullers, not supposing the Care of those meaner things to be below the regards of their great Office.

At this time the Rebellion in Illyria obliged the Senate to send M Livius Salinator, and L. Aimilius [ LIX] Paul us the Consuls to that Province. Demetrius on the other side was preparing very briskly for War, [A. U. 534] having put a Garison into Dimalus, and provided all other things that were necessary for holding out a long Siege. In some places he caus'd the principal men to be kill'd, whose loyalty he suspected, and deliver'd the government of their respective Towns to such as were his own Creatures and Adherents; and out of his whole Kingdom he selected a Body of six thousand men, which he kept with him for the defence of Pharus. Whilst these things pass'd on thus, L. Paulus the Consul marching out in the begin∣ning of Spring came to Illyria: and understanding that the Enemies relied very much upon the Works and defences of Dimalus, thought by them an impregnable Fort, he judg'd, that if he could take this place, he might put the Enemy into a great consternation: Whereupon he sat down before it, and his men made such brisk attacques upon the place, that it was taken by storm within seven days aftar it had been first invested. Nor was the Consul mistaken in his opinion; for the report hereof being immediately spread through the neighbouring Cities, Ambassadours came from all places round yielding themselves up to the Romans.

The Consul having accepted their submissions and taken them under his protection, went to the Isle of [ LX] Pharus, where Demetrius his Palace stood, which when he found to be well furnished with Provision, strongly guarded with Soldiers and also fortified with Works, and besides with the Presence of the Ty∣rant, fearing the tedious toyl of the Siege, contrived this cunning Intrigue to hasten the Victory. Ha∣ving carried over his Army by Night, he posted the best part of them in a certain Wood, where they stood undiscovered by the Enemies, whilst he himself went in open light with twenty Ships to a Port next the Town, where he drew out the Pharians, amongst whom Demetrius himself came to hinder the Enemies from landing. When the Battel was joyn'd, several Parties coming in one after another to relieve their men; at last the Town was left without any guard to all. And in the mean time the Romans, who had landed in the Night, passing by certain by-ways possessed themselves of a Hill betwixt the Town and Port, lying at an equal distance from either, whereby the way was block'd up, so that those who had gone out of the City could not return in thither again.

Demetrius seeing what was done, took the best course that could be, considering his circumstances. [ LXI] For leaving the present ingagement and countermanding his Men; He told them,

You see how much the Enemy dreads your Valour; for, betaking themselves to such Stratagems as these, they confess, they distrust their Arms against you. Having got in in the Night they stole into this Country, whereof, if I am not much mistaken in you, they shall enjoy no more but what will serve for their Graves, having paid for it with their lives. Now you my Pharians, and all others of the Illyrian Race be mindful this day of your Countries and your own Honour: and let the Romans know, that it was not the effect of your Cowardize, that ever they triumph'd over the Illyrians; it was neither Fulvius nor P••sthumius by their Arms or Conduct, but Teuta by her rashness and folly that then destroyed the Illyrians and not to mention other things, you may remember, that if Teuta had chose rather to make me her Friend, than her Enemy, the Romans then would not have had such an easie Victory of it. But because I depend very much upon your Valour, and the season requires Action more than Words, I'le be short with you, You have Arms, and Courage to use them; you see what danger you are in, and there is no way to avoid it, but by Valour. Let us therefore march on against the Enemies, who are just now got out of their lurking-holes, leaving these who are landing; for if we shall rout them, these will return to their Ships in greater hast, than they left them.

Having thus encouraged his Men, he marched in order of Battel to attack those who were posted on [ LXII] the Hill, who received them very warmly, and stood their ground till the men that were landed came up, and assaulting the Enemy behind, routed them with great slaughter. Some few fled back into the Town, the rest got off by certain by-ways. Demetrius, who in some private places had some Vessels lying ready if any danger should happen, embark'd in one of them, and fled to Philip King of Macedon; where being admitted to be one of that King's Favourites, by flattery and tyrannical Counsels he debauched the mind of that young Prince, enclin'd before to Vertue and moderation; and prov'd the Author of the Roman War, and of several other mischiefs.

After this Battel Pharus was taken by the Romans, which was plunder'd and destroyed by the Generals Order. The Consul afterwards having setled the Affairs of Illyria, returned to Rome to sue for a Triumph, the Summer being now far spent.

In the relation of this War also, I have chosen to follow Polybius; though I know that in other Histo∣rians [ LXIII] the glory of that Victory is equally given to both Consuls, who having sent for Demetrius to come to them, because he obeyed not, first attacqu'd him in the Isle of Issa, and overcame him by the afore∣mentioned Stratagem; and afterwards having taken Pharus by treachery, drove out Demetrius from thence.

However, the Senate pardon'd the Illyrians for King Pinneus his sake, whom they knew innocent in respect both of his mind and his age; and renewed the League with him, only adding some clauses to the former Articles. In the mean while L. Aimilius celebrated a most spendid Triumph over these Nations: and some Authors say, that M. Livius triumphed after this War; but yet most speak nothing of him, I suppose, be∣cause L Paulus his Actions were more glorious so as to eclipse the Fame and Honour of his Colleague. But the trial and Sentence of the same M. Livius afterwards was a thing most remarkable. For both he and L Paulus being maliciously impeached, as if they had not equally divided the Booty among the Soldiers, and converted a great part of it to their own use, underwent their Trial: L. Paulus Ambustus hardly escap'd, and all the Tribes except Maecia condemned M. Livius: which disgrace he took so heinously, that afterwards he quitted the Town, and retir'd from all Company till the occasions of the State call'd him back again to manage publick Affairs.

[ LXIV] But these things happened during the Consulships of P. Cornelius Scipio, and Tib. Sempronius Longus. The same year, whilst M. Livius, and L. Paulus were yet Consuls, one Archagathus the Son of Lysanias came from Peloponnesus to Rome, who professing Physick was made free of the City, and a House was bought for him at the public charge in the Acilian Street: a thing not worth the relating, except because this was the first time that ever any practis'd Physick in Rome, temperance and unbought Remedies having hitherto served for the preservation of Peoples health. The same year Colonies were brought to Placentia and Cremona in the Gallic Country, which was the principal cause, that incens'd the Boii and Insubres, so that they began to cast their Eyes upon Hannibal, who was then with all his Forces besieging Saguntus, by the ruin of which place he made his way to come and fight with the Romans.

But these great Commotions, which brought on such a terrible War, must be trac'd from their first source and Original.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Concern∣ing this Rite, See Dempster, &c.