The Roman history written in Latine by Titus Livius. With the supplements of John Freinshemius and John Dujatius from the foundation of Rome to the middle of the reign of Augustus.

SUPPLEMENTS OF THE Several Gaps (or places wanting) in the five last Books (pretermitted by John Freinshemius, and) filled up by Monsieur John Dujatius, which (in imitation of him) we here add altogether by themselves, because we would not intermix other mens word, with Livy's, yet with References to the respective Folio's to which each matter belongs.

The Beginning of the One and fortieth Book, or first of the Fifth Decade, fol. 791.

NOW had the Romans carried their victorious Arms into all the three Parts of the World. Not content to be confined to their native Italy, with their Swords they cut their way into Regions vastly remote each from other, and separated by Several Seas. All which they invaded by a continual Train of Successes, not so much checkt, as rendred more active, by some very few intervening Disasters. Spain, the most Western put of the European Continent, they had made themselves Masters of, having tra∣versed the Gall••ck and Iberian Seas, and beat out the Carthaginians. Afterwards passing the Adriatick Gulph into Greece (where Europe ex••ends furthest Eastward) they soon forced that whole Country to truckle to their Power, when once they had subdued the Macedonians, a People that formerly bid fair for the Empire of the World. Moreover beyond the Aegaean S••a, so much of Asia, as lies on this side the Cliffs of Mount Taurus, was taught by Antiochus's, Overthrow to ••evere the M••jesty of Rome. As for Africk, it was already at their devotion: For what could withstand them after they had vanquish'd Carthage? In fine, there was fearce any thing altogether free from the Gripes of their Power; only the Names of Kings remained, and Nations were not called their Subjects, but their Allies and Confederates, under the shadow of which Title they enjoy'd, though not the thing it self, yet a certain resemblance of Liberty.

But still the Destinies either ow'd, or design'd somewhat greater for Rome: For that no∣thing might be wanting to its Sovereign Dignity and Supreme Command of the World, Fortune provided notable occasions by the supine Errours and vain Tumults of her Rival Enemies to sp••e••d her Empire, and advance her Power, especially the Vices of Perseus King of Macedonia, who usu••ped that Government by fraud, and managed it accordingly, his Cruelty towards his Country-men which rendred him universally hated, his unreasonable Covetousness amidst such vast Treasures, and his Lightness and Inconstancy both in taking and executing Councils, did both ruine him, and all others that might else have been able to preserve themselves as long as that Bridle of the Roman Power and Bulwark of Greece, should have continued. But by these Extravagancies, though at first he had not only the advantage of them, as to the situation of his Country, and in strength and numbers of men, and plenty of all things, but also in the Fortune of the War, yet in a very little time he brought both himself and others to destruction. For presently his Overthrow drew on the Ruine not only of his Neighbours, but even distant Nations shared in the Effects of his Ca∣lamity. The Fate of Carthage and the Achaeans following that of Macedonia, and with their Disasters astonishing all other States, the yoke thenceforwards was every where to be received alike, and as well free Kingdoms as Associates, must be content to be gover∣ned as Roman Provinces. But being now to relate how all these Occurrences (not so con∣siderable for the grandeur or difficulty of the Actions themselves, as the magnificent En∣largement of Dominion that thence accrued) did happen in their proper Series of time, it will be necessary that we look back to the Consulship of M. Junius Brutus, and A. Manlius Vu••so, for so far this work had already proceeded.

In the beginning of the year, when the Consuls and Praetors were entred upon their Offi∣ces, they divided the Provinces between them by Lot; To A. Manlius Vu••so one of the Consuls happen'd Gallia; To the other, M. Junius Brutus, the Ligurians; To M. Titi∣nius Curvus the City Jurisdiction; To T. Claudius Nero that of the Foreigners; P. Aelius Ligus had Sicily; T. Aebutius Carus, Sardinia; Another M. Ticinius the hithermost Spain, and T. Fonteius Capito the furthermost; but till they should arrive there, T. Sempronius Grac∣chus and L. Posthumius Albinus were to continue in their Commands. Before the Consuls set

out towards their Provinces, a Fire happening in the Forum, destroy'd abundance of Houses, and amongst the rest burnt the Temple of Venus down to the ground: Besides (which most of all terrified the peoples minds) the Sacred Fire in Vesta's Temple happen'd to be ex∣tinguish'd, and the Virgin that had the charge thereof was scourged by the Command of M. Aemilius Lepidus the Pontiff. To expiate these ill Omens, Supplications were held according to Custom; and to appease the Gods the Consuls offer'd the greater Sacrifices. A Survey of the City was about this time taken by M. Aemilius Lepidus and M. Fulvius Nobilior the Censors, and the number of Citizens enroll'd was two hundred seventy three thousand two hundred forty four Heads.

T. Gracchus the Propraetor stoutly carried on that War, which he had last year prospe∣rously begun against the Celtiberians. He was yet but in the prime of his youth, and excel∣ling all men of that Age both for prudence and industry, had himself conceived hopes of per∣forming extraordinay Actions, and infused the same opinion into his Souldiers; therefore having Advice that the Enemy with twenty thousand men had besieged Carabis, a City in Alliance with the Romans, he hastened with all expedition to relieve it. But the Town was so straitly invested, that there seem'd no way to send them in word, that assistance was com∣ing, till the Courage of Cominius undertook that desperate Service, who being a Captain of a Troop of Horse, put himself into Spanish Habit, and mingling himself amongst the Ene∣mies Troopers that were abroad a sorraging, with them returned into their Camp; where taking his opportunity, he rode away full speed to the City, and informed them, That Ti∣berius was upon his March. With which News the Townsmen being raised from the extremity of despair, to joy and confidence, made such a resolute Defence, as gave Gracchus sufficient opportunity to come up. The Enemy in the mean time, seeing they could do little good by force of Arms, betook themselves to a Stratagem, which caused no small confusion in the Roman Camp. Out of the several Towns which Cato a while before had all in one day caused to be dismantled of their Walls, a vast multitude were slock'd together as to a new City, at a place which they called Complega; from whence to the number of twenty thousand men, they went in the Habit of Suppliants, carrying Olive-branches in their hands, till they came within sight of the Roman Camp, where they made an halt for a little time, as if they came to beg for Peace; but on a sudden flinging away their Ensigns of petitioning, they fell to brandishing and clattering their Arms, and with an horrible Clamour rush'd in to the Camp, where all were put into a consternation both by their fury and their noise. But this Fraud of the Barbarians, Gracchus by a like Artifice eluded and beat back on their heads. For pretending to fly, he quitted the Camp; but no sooner were they got into it, and busie a plundering, but he rallies his Army, and in good earnest falls upon them, and not only slew a great part of them, but seized the City from whence they came. After this pushing on his good Fortune, he compelled innumerable Towns, exhausted with the Calamities of War, to surrender themselves, and subdued the neighbouring Nations. Then dividing the Lands amongst the Poor, and assigning to every Nation their certain bounds, he made a League with all the Celtiberians and the People adjacent who had sided with them, whereby he brought over a considerable part of Spain to an Alliance with the Romans; and their Posterity embraced the same Treaty as a Law, which makes that seem less wonderful, which is related by Polybius, viz. That Gracchus took by Force or subverted three hundred Cities of the Celtiberians; which Posidonius thinks to be a Fiction, and that the Actions of that Ex∣pedition were augmented beyond all measure in favour of Gracchus, since neither the Extent of the Country, nor its Nature, could yield so many Cities in that dry and barren Soil. And the Spaniards, except those that border on our Seas, though they are very numerous, build and inhabit Villages rather than Cities; nor are they a few of them that lead a life almost like Savages in the Woods, troublesom to those more Civil people that dwell near them. But we must consider, that under the Name of Celtiberians were comprehended all those neighbouring Nations who were in League with them. As on the one side, the Arevacans, Carpetans, Oretanes, and other People about the River Tagus; and on the other, side the Vascons towards the River Iberus, amongst whom he rebuilt the Town Gacchurris a perpetual Monument of his Valour and Atchievements, which place the Spaniards for∣merly called Illurcis. The same Summer L. Postuminius Governour of the farther Spain in quality of Propraetor, routed the Enemy, killing forty thousand of them, and subdued the Lusitanians and Vaccaeans.

Whilst these things were doing, A. Manlius Vulso the Consul, whose Province, we told you, was the Cisalpine Gallia, seeing all that Country in a profound Peace, and no hopes for him to acquire a Triumph on either side of the Po, unless it were beyond the Alps, grew de∣sirous to advance his Arms another way; and luckily it happen'd that some Commotions of the Istrians and Illyrians (though they were rather predatory Excursions by Sea and Land upon Roman Allies, than warlike Invasions) invited him to pass the Bounds of Italy. Those people always enured to Robbery and Spoil were grown weary of their Peace, though they both had long since made tryal to their Cost of the Roman Puissance. The Illyrians having been weakned with several Overthrows, especially in the days of their Queen Teuta, whom Cn. Fulvius Centumalus and A. Posthumius Albinus, having attacqued with Forces both by Sea

and Land, deprived of part of her Kingdom, and forced her to beg Peace upon very hard Terms, some few years before the beginning of the second Punick War. Not long after which, viz. about forty three years since, the Istrians were defeated by the two Consuls, P. Cornelius Scipio Asina, and M. Minucius Rufus, and almost utterly subdued; but after∣wards their Spirits in a new Generation being elevated, they returned to their old Trade of affronting the Romans, their new Princes in each place not restraining, but rather encou∣raging the insolence of their people. The Ruler of the Illyrians was Gentius the Son of Pa∣luratus, who in the heat of his youthful blood was fond to have armed that which, &c. [as fol. 791. aforesaid.]

A Supplement of two Gaps near together at the End of the eighteenth Chapter of the same Book, fol. 799.

C. Valerius having heard of the death of his Collegue Q Petillius, leads his Army against the Ligurians, and joining his own Troops with those who lately under the others Conduct, had driven the Enemy out of the Mountains, did so inclose and defeat them, that he abun∣dantly sacrificed them to his Partners Ghost. Hence returning to Rome, and admitted to Au∣dience by the Senate in the Temple of Bellona, he gave an account both of Petillius's Actions and his own, demanding a Triumph for himself, and such Honours to be done to his Col∣legues Memory, as the dead were capable of. A Supplication was order'd for two days, and a Triumph granted him, but upon that Legion by whom Petillius was, if not deserted, yet at least not so valiantly defended as they ought to have done, the Fathers thought fit to lay a Mark of their Displeasure, by an Order, That they should have no Pay for that year. Some few days after Valerius triumphed over the Ligurians, being drawn in a stately Chariot with four Horses through the City to the Capitol.

After this, the holding of the Assemblies for chusing Consuls and Praetors, came to be considered, touching which there happen'd no small Debate in the Senate, because C. Vale∣rius Laevinus the only surviving Consul of all the three that had been the last year, was not chosen in the beginning of the year, but subrogated in the room of Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispa∣lus deceased during his Magistracy. Now those that were skill'd in Religious Rites and the Common Laws of the Nation, said, That seeing both the ordinary Consuls of that year happen'd to be taken off, one by a natural Death, and the other by the Wars, the Consul substituted in the room of either of them, could not legally hold the aforesaid Assemblies. And the Pontiffs being consulted, declaring themselves to be of the same Opinion, the matter came to an Inter∣regency. And by the Court held by the Inter-regent, there were chosen Consuls, P. Mu∣cius Scaevola, and M. Aemilius Lepidus the second time: Next day Praetors were created, viz. C. Popillius Laenas, T. Annius Luscus, C. Memmius Gallus, C. Cluvius Saxula, Sext. Cor∣nelius Sulla, and App. Claudius Centho. Amongst whom the Provinces were thus allotted, to the Consuls the Cisalpine Gallia and Liguria, the latter to Mucius, the former to Lepidus. Of the Praetors, Cluvius had the City-Jurisdiction; Annius the Foreign; Pop. Laenas, Sicily; Memmius the higher Spain; Corn. Sulla, Sardinia; Centho the further Spain. How many and what Legions, or Forces of the Latine Allies, were assigned to each, the Ancients are silent. However it can scarce be doubted, but before they went to their respective Provinces, they did by the Senate's Order inspect the Sibylline Books, and according to the Decemvirs report command proper Sacrifices and Supplications to be made for appeasing the Gods. For at that time there happen'd a grievous Mortality of men, and a more grievous Murrain of Cattel which continued till the year following. And 'tis said, though the Lanes in the Fields, and streets in the City, were strew'd with Carcasses, even the Vultures, the most ravenous of all Birds of Prey, would not eat, nor so much as touch them; such a most loath∣som stench and poisonous infection exhaled from their putrified bowels. But after all Sacred Rites due and accustomed were performed, they departed in usual State to their several Charges. And Lepidus having quickly and with little difficulty routed the Boii and other Gauls that dwelt near the Banks of the Po, and made them glad to beg for Peace, that he might keep the Ligurians, that dwelt up in the Land behind him, in subjection, and pre∣vent their joining with those on the Sea Coasts against his Collegue, he led his Forces that way. Now on this side the Appennine, &c. [as fol. 799]

The Supplement of what is wanting at the End of the nineteenth Chapter, fol. 799.

Which was left without Defence. And at first suspected some Stratagem, but at last entred [Anno Ʋ. C. 587] it without any opposition, and were going to plunder it, when on a sudden being adverti∣zed by a Messenger, what imminent danger their own City was in, they thought it better to burn the Camp and all that was therein, that the Pillage might be no hinderance to their speedy March to raise that Siege. The Bastarnans seeing at once their own Tents on fire, and the Enemy ready to fall upon their backs, being thereby on the one side destitute of all Provisions and military Necessaries, which by long forraging they had there heaped up, out of

all the neighbouring Country; and on the other part suspecting the fidelity of Perseus who call'd them in, had their minds more busied how to run away than fight; Besides, they call'd to mind the late Calamity inflicted on their Countrymen, as by the manifest ven∣geance of the Gods; therefore having wasted all things thereabouts, they hastned further off to supply themselves with Victuals; they were indeed a vast multitude, but the Wo∣men and Children not fewer in number than the armed men; Thus they rambled scattering∣ly about, without any certain Conduct, or common resolution, but as every ones hopes or fears, their love to their Relations, or the care of their private concerns at home led them, so they endeavour'd to consult their own and their Friends safety, all agreeing in this one design (though scarce in any thing else) to get to their own respective Habitations as soon as they could. Nor did the Dardanians offer very much to pursue them, conscious to them∣selves that they were inferiour in numbers, and since the Enemy of their own accord were retreated out of their Country, they were content with having gain'd the point for which they took Arms, and thought it not prudential to tempt further hazard. The Bastarnians wearied with several days hard marches and great want, coming up to the River Ister which bounds their Country, were not a little joyful, both at the sight of their native soil, as also to find the River somewhat more early in the Winter than usual, so hard frozen over as promised them a safe and easy passage; but their whole Army venturing on all at once, and as it were in an heap, the multitude of people and Horses was too heavy for the Ice to bear, so that about the middle of the River it broke, swallowing them all up in a moment. Some Authors place this destruction of the Bastarnians sooner, as if upon their march out of their own Country they and their Wives and Children were thus destroyed; but this is confuted by the Dardanians Embassy to Rome, imploring aid against them, which shews they were not only pass'd the Ister, but advanc'd a good way into Thrace; nor want there some who think that Perseus mistrusting the consequences of their assistance, join'd with the Dardanians to complot their ruin, and secretly supply'd the latter with Forces. 'Tis certainly difficult to determine whether he entertain'd the news of their disaster with joy or grief, so variously was he always agitated by the different Passions of Covetousness and Hope, Fraud and Fear; For now he might count it no small advantage to be freed, not only from the payment of those rewards, with the large promises of which, he had drawn those Barbarians into Thrace; but also from all fears of danger from their revenge, which might have followed upon the refusal or non-payment thereof; Besides, he flatter'd himself, that now they were sent packing into another World, he should be able more easily to clear himself from any suspitions the Romans might have, as if he had hired those Auxilia∣ries against them, and so for the future enjoy a firm Peace with that mighty Nation, for he had suffer'd himself to be coaks'd by Marcius with some such vain hopes. But when he saw the storm of the War still approaching nearer him, terrified with the incredible prepa∣rations and numerous Forces of the Romans, he then began to lament the loss of so great an accession of strength, as those Bastarnians might have afforded him; and to fear, that the Dardanians perpetual Enemies to the Macedonians, now that curb was removed, would boldly make incursions into his Kingdom behind, whilst the Romans invaded it in the Front. To enable himself the better to weather out this double tempest, he too late seeks shelter in Alliances with neighbouring Princes and Nations, and yet persevered not in that neces∣sary design with that constancy and diligence as the doubtful posture of his Affairs required. These things past in Macedonia towards the latter end of the Winter.

About this time Antiochus Son of Antiochus the Great, upon the Death of his Brother Se∣leucus, came to the Crown of Syria. The said Seleucus eldest Son of Antiochus, weakned with those Overthrows his Father had received, having held the Kingdom near twelve years in sloth and ease, without ennobling his Reign with any Honourable Atchievements, recall'd his Brother Antiochus from Rome into Syria, sending his Son Demetrius to remain there in his stead as Hostage; But Antiochus in his return was scarce got to Athens, when Seleucus was treacherously murther'd by Heliodorus, one of his Nobles; who aim'd at the Crown, but was restrain'd by the opposition of Eumenes and Attalus, objecting, That he was altogether a stranger to the Blood Royal; And the same two Princes receiving Antio∣chus at his Arrival with all kind of Friendship and respect, by their interest establisht him in the Throne. I cannot affirm, whether their officious regards towards this new King were encreased by the recommendation of the people of Rome, or whether the same proceeded meerly from their natural propension towards the Brothers and the Royal Family. For some write as if their good will to him might arise from some jealousies and offences arising about that time between them and the Romans. However Antiochus by this assistance taking upon him the Crown, was by his unexpected Arrival so welcome to his Subjects, that they gave him the Surname of Epiphanes [or The Illustrious] because whilst Strangers were ready to usurp the Government, he arose to assert the Rights of his Family, shining like some new bright Star to all his people; having possest himself not only of Syria, but other distant Regions of Asia, even beyond the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris, without any opposition; and enter'd into a strict Friendship and League with Eumenes, he then waged War with Artaxias King of Armenia, and took him Prisoner. But as the manners of absolute Monarchs, who

have no other Laws but their own pleasures and inclinations, are apt for the most part to decline and grow worse and worse, and on the other side nothing is more fickle and vari∣ous than the humours and affections of the people, and especially the Syrian temper is above most others inconstant; his Subjects continued not long those dutiful regards where∣with they first welcom'd him to the Crown, but their hearts were so far alienated, that whom before they had honour'd with a sirname of Admiration, they now Characterize with a nick-name of Reproach, and instead of Epiphanes call him Epimanes, that is, The Mad∣man, instead of The Illustrious. The truth is, after those first Actions which we have re∣counted in the beginning of his Reign, he took up an odd new course of Life, no less un∣usual to, than unbecoming Kings; and acted the part rather of a private person than of a Prince, or even so much as that of any petty Magistrate; The Causes of this strange Conduct are very uncertain, whether it were to engage his own Subjects affections by these excesses of popularity, or whether he fancied he should better deserve the sa∣vour of the Romans by imitating their Customs, or whether (as 'tis most likely) it was meerly a Crotchet arising from his natural lightness of mind and vanity. So it was, That frequently he would secretly and unknown to his chief Officers, get out of his Palace, and with two or three Attendants ramble up and down the City, some∣times running into the Shops of Carvers and Statuaries, or any other Mechanicks, and hold a Chat with them, affecting to seem very skillful in their several Trades; some∣times he would publickly enter into Discourse without any occasion with any of the Rabble that he met in the street, now and then he would haunt the drinking Houses, and carouze stoutly with any shabby Pot-Companions. If he heard there was any where a merry meeting to be of young men, either by day or by night, away would he go, and unexpect∣edly surprize them, carrying along with him his Cup and his Musick, and make one amongst them, so that daunted with his unlookt for presence, many of them would slink away, o∣thers astonisht with the novelty of the adventure sate as mute as Fishes, till time and Wine recover'd their spirits, and then they were all hail-fellow-well-met, the King not disdain∣ing their poor Earthen Pots, nor their rude drunken Catches and bawdy Songs, with which, when they were got tipsey, they made the Welkin roar. He would also many times wash himself in the publick Baths, amongst the common Rabble, and distribute Gally-Pots fill'd with unguents of most excellent scent and great price, to all that washt near him. Afterwards he would leave off his Royal Robes, and instead thereof put on a white Gown, as he had seen those at Rome wear, who put in for Honours and Offices, and so walk about the Market-place as their Candidates were wont to do, shaking every Plebeian by the hand, and embracing him, humbly desiring their Vote to make him sometimes an Aedile, and sometimes a Praetor, and when to humour him the people by their suffrages had conferr'd upon him those Offices, then he after the Roman manner, sate on an Ivory Throne as Judge, &c. [fol. 799.]

A Supplement of the fifth defective Passage after the twentieth Chapter, fol. 800.

Now by his own Kingdom was furnish'd with Gladiators enow, who voluntarily offer'd themselves to play at Sharps for a small reward. But as this perhaps might pass well e∣nough, so 'tis certain the Pomp of that Martial Pageantry or Mock-show of an Army, and the publick Banquet which he gave the people, though the same were exceeding rich and of incredible Expence, yet they were rendred vile, contemptible and ridiculous by his Apish Tricks and scurrilous Actions. For when he had from all parts called the most ex∣cellent Artists to compose a rare and extraordinary Show, and had invited all the chief Persons throughout Asia and all Greece, to be partakers in the diversion of so famous an Entertainment. As for the Furniture of the Sports indeed, whether you regard the num∣ber and stately Equipage of the Men and Horses therein employ'd, all glittering with Pur∣ple and Silver, with Gold and precious Stones; or whether you respect in the Feast the exquisite and prodigal Delicacies and innumerable Dishes of all kinds, it must be acknow∣ledged, that he far exceeded the Endeavours of all former Princes. But as to the Method and disposure of the whole Entertainment, of which he himself would needs have the sole management, it appear'd disorderly and altogether unworthy of a King. For mounted on a little sorry Gelding, he rode whippeting to and fro through the Cavalcade, some∣times without any reason, bidding these go on, and by and by those to stand still, so that the whole March was full of confusion, and had nothing in it of Gravity or Military Or∣der. As for the publick Treat, he was there too as foolish and impertinent, for he would clap himself down by this or the other person as they fat at meat without any difference, and sometimes lye down all along on his back; then on a sudden he would start up, and run about all the Tables, and pledge those Healths that were every where drank to him. At last, their Revelling having continued till very late in the night, when many having got their load, were stagger'd away as well as they could, he was brought in by a Com∣pany of Players, rather wrapt up in Linen, than cloathed, and by and by, without any re∣gard

to his own Quality, the Spectators, or common modesty, as if he had been awakened by the Musick, he jumps forth stark naked, and dancing with the Jack-puddings, put him∣self into such ridiculous postures, that all that were present, for very shame withdrew and departed. Thus those that from all parts were assembled at this Show, as often as they mentioned the Grand••ur of the Preparations and Magnificence of the Sport, were wont greatly to admire the Wealth of the King and Kingdom; but when they reflected on the King himself, and his D••portment, they could not without astonishment think how in one and the same person there should be such a prodigious mixture of Vertues and Vices, or that so brave a lofty and Royal Mind, furnish'd with many extraordinary good Qualities, should also give entertainment to so many monstrous and most clownish Depravities. But as it would be difficult to set forth all his Freaks and extravagant Expences, so neither is it worth while; this only I think fit to add, That by observing no end nor measure in consu∣ming, and most prodigally wasting, or rather playing the Mad-man, with the Tributes, Taxes, and almost innumerable Revenues of that vast and most flourishing Empire, he ut∣terly exhausted both his own Exchequer, and his Subjects Purses, and was reduced to such extremity of Poverty, as to be forced to prey upon and pillage not only prophane things, but after he had first impoverish'd Syria, and the most Eastern Countries, and then plundered Egypt of all its Riches, he could not forbear the very Temples, and those Presents which had been made and dedicated to the Gods: Among the rest, having by treachery got possession of Jerusalem, he with vast slaughter of the Citizens, ransack'd that Temple which Alexander the Great presumed not to violate, in which the Jews (a People most strictly tenacious of their Religion) worshipp'd The invisible Deity, only to be apprehended by the mind, and ne∣ver spared for any cost in his service; but this ravenous Prince carried away all the Gold, Silver and Precious Utensils, which the most liberal Devotion of the people in so many years had there accumulated. After this he attempted to spoil a certain Temple either of Diana or Venus amongst the Elymaeans, very highly esteemed, and fill'd with rich Offerings, and amongst the rest, certain Coats of Mail and Shields of Alexander's, richly beset with Precious Stones, were there said to be kept: But by the concourse of the Priests and Inhabi∣tants, he was repulsed, not without the loss of some of his Company, and so forced to fly back to Babylon, where, for grief at his ill success, he fell into a Consumption, and is be∣liev'd to have been cut off by an untimely death, through the just vengeance of that Deity, whose Temple he had sacrilegiously offered to rifle; nay, some there are who write, That he and his Army were destroyed in the very Attempt. Others relate much such like Passages touching the Death of his Father Antiochus, when he went about to plunder a most opulent Temple of Jupiter or Belus, in the same Province of Elymais. But these Foreign Transactions (a great part of which happened some years after) have taken us off longer than our manner is, from the prosecution of our Domestick Affairs; And since we are so seldom guilty in that respect, we hope this one Sully will the more easily be excused.

* 1.1In the end of this Year, Ti. Sempronius Gracchus the Proconsul, having overcome the Sar∣dinians, surrendred the Government of that Island to Sex. Cornelius the Praetor, and returned to Rome for a Triumph; which, as he had most justly deserved, so the same was granted him Nemine contradicente. He is reported to have brought with him such a multitude of Pri∣soners, that men being wearied with the long Auction when they were exposed to Sale under the Spear, according to custom, made it a Proverb, when they would express a dull Market, or a bad Commoditity that would not go off, they would cry, Sardi venales, Here are Sar∣dinians to be sold. Both the Consuls likewise triumphed over the Ligurians and Gauls, and, as far as we can conjecture by antient Monuments, it was a Victory at Sea gave P. Scaevola the Honour of a Triumph. But whether He or his Collegue M. Lepidus held the Comitia for the next Year, is uncertain: but the Consuls then created were Sp. Posthumius Albinius and Q Mucius Scaevola. In the Assembly for chusing Praetors, amongst the rest of the Candi∣dates, it happened that L. Cornelius Scipio the Son of P. Africanus, and Q Cecereius, who had been his Father's Secretary, were put up in competition; and so far it seems was this young Scipio degenerated from his Father's Vertues, and thought to have sullied the Corne∣lian Name, with so many filthy Vices; that Cicereius, by the Suffrages of all the Centuries, had undoubtedly been preferred before him, had not he himself amended this fault of For∣tune, or mistake of the Assembly, (call it which you please) by his own modesty, which could not endure to wear an Honour snatcht from his Patron's Son: wherefore, withdrawing him∣self, he flung off his white Gown, renounced his Pretensions, and of a Competitor, certain of Victory, chose rather to shew himself a grateful Client, and become a Voter for his Anta∣gonist. Thus the Honour which the people seemed not willing to grant him, Scipio, by the help of Cicereius, obtain'd, but with greater Glory to the latter in refusing, than to the former in enjoying that Dignity. The other Praetors were, C. Cassius Longinus, P. Furius Philus, L. Claudius Asellus, M. Atilius Serranus and Cn. Servilius Caepio. The Consuls con∣sulted the Senate touching the Provinces and Commonwealth, who assign'd Liguria to them both, but divided in several Regions. The dispatch of the Sacred Ceremonies, and especi∣ally the compleating of their Levies retarded their Advance very much, which I conceive may

be the cause that we find no memorable Action performed by them. The Praetors had now taken their Provinces by Lot, C. Cassius Longinus, the City-Jurisdiction; L. Cornelius Scipio, had the Foreign Jurisdiction, &c. [fol. 800.] dele there, the following words [of the City].

In the 27th Chapter of this 41 Book, fol. 803. there is a small defect; all that remains in the Latine Copies being these broken Syllables— Et dam, & metas trans & caveas ferreas pe intromitterentur: Which Marcellus Donatus thinks should be thus— Et Rhedam & metas transitus, & caveas ferreas, per quas intromitterentur Ferae. In English thus, Likewise a Flying Chariot, and Turn-pikes for the passage, and Iron Grates, through which the wild Beasts were to be let in.

In the same Chapter and Folio, there is another Mark of someting wanting; but it is only the word [dicebat] in the Latine, which is supply'd in the English; and so the Reader may be pleased to number that Mark among the Errata as being needless.

In the Eight and twentieth Chapter, after the word Revenues, what is wanting is supposed to be only these three words [Restor'd the Allies] brought home, &c. [as fol. 804.]

A Supplement of the first defective Passage in the 43^d. Book, after the third Chapter, fol. 832.

—their Friend or Enemy; He [the said Gelussa] also intreated the Senate not to give any credit to the Carthaginians Complaints against Masinissa, assuring them that the same proceeded from no other Fountain than their inveterate hate against the Romans, and his Father's Good Will and hearty inclinations to their service; That as for his Father, his care should always be to prefer those Conditions and Terms of the League, which the Romans had prescribed, before any of his particular Advantages whatsoever; Or rather would esteem all his Advantages wrapt up and inclu∣ded in reverencing their Authority and obeying their Commands. That he desired nothing more passi∣onately than peace; but either to defend his antient Patrimony, or in Gratitude to the Romans for their former favours, he was continually either by the violences, or under-hand practices of the Carthaginians, forced to take Arms; who either forgetting their former overthrows, or by the memory thereof exasperated to revenge, could not bear those few years of peace, but thereby puft up with too much wealth, began to hanker after their former Empire, and first intended to breathe themselves, and make tryal of their strength upon their Neighbours, that so they might thereafter be able to shake off their Conqueror's Yoke; 'Twas with this design (continued he) that lately, when the Romans were engaged in a War with the Celtiberians, and other Spaniards infested the Coasts of Numidia, they sent Carthalo General of their Auxiliaries against us: who, under pre∣tence of visiting the Frontiers of his Province, unexpectedly fell upon the Camp of Masinissa, which lay hard by in peace, within the bounds assign'd him by your Ambassadors, and kill'd and took Prisoners not a few of his men, and besides stirred up the Peasants of Africk to rebel, and to this very day cease not to vex our people with continual Incursions and Devastations. It concerns you therefore, Noble Senators! by your prudence and power to chastize their insolences, and to re∣strain these common Enemies from such like injuries, by maintaining the peace, and making good your own Gifts to an Associate King, that they may be as lasting to him, as his Fidelity shall be perpe∣tual towards you. The Gods have bestow'd on you Empire; as for us, we shall esteem the Glory of obeying your Commands, as the Will of the Celestial Powers, equal to the most enlarged Do∣minion.

Then were the Carthaginian Ambassadors admitted, who lamentably remonstrated much what the same Grievances, as they had complained of last Year. And though the Particulars did not certainly appear, yet it could scarce be doubted, but Masinissa, emboldned by our friendship, had attempted many things beyond his Commission, the Senate winking thereat, as willing for Reasons of State to have the power of Carthage weakned. The Answer return'd to both was, That the Senate would shortly send Commissioners, who upon the place should examine all differences, and determine therein according to Justice and Equity, and in the mean time both Parties to forbear all Acts of Hostility. Nor was that the only reason of dispatching such Commissioners thither, but also to make an inspection into the Carthaginians present state, whose fidelity, as it was always wavering and suspected, so especially since the beginning of the Macedonian War, their minds were set upon new hopes and designs, and distracted with several Factions: For some few of the Nobles were firm to the Romans, and the Head of that Party was Hanno, sirnamed by his Country-men, the Great. Others, but not very many, favoured King Masinissa, and their Leader was that Annibal whom for distinction they called Psaris; whether some similitude of a Sparrow, or of a Galley (for the word seems to signi∣fie both) gave at first cause for that Appellation. But the far greater part were for gratifying the humours of their own Commons, and join'd with Amilcar Samias, and of the same Facti∣on was Carthalo.

The Commissioners arrived not in Africk before King Masinissa had made himself Master of the Territories in Question, and then, not as Judges but Arbitrators, composed the Dif∣ferences, without any long hearing of the Cause, with this final Award, That each Party

should retain what they were at present in possession of: But they could not without astonishment behold the City Carthage so full of Inhabitants and flourishing in Riches; for so wonderfully, by the advantages of the place, and ingenuity and industry of the people, had it thriv'd in twenty years space, that there were not the least tokens left of the calamities of the for∣mer Wars, or that hard Siege they had sustained.

About the time these Commissioners Embarqu'd for Africk, the Comitia were held at Rome, and Host••lius Mancinus, and Atilius Serranus chosen Consuls for the ensuing year. After which were created Praetors Q Maenius, M. Recius, and L. Hortensius, for their Names are Recorded, but who the re••t were is not certainly express'd in any Authors ex∣tant; The Province of Macedonia was allotted to Hostilius the Consul, and Italy to Hostilius; The City-Jurisdiction fell to Recius, that of Foreigners to Maenius, The Navy and Guard of the Sea Coast to Hortensius. If we may guess from the Consuls of the following years, (who rarely arriv'd at that Honour, before they had serv'd a Praetorship) there are two that may not improbably be thought to have been Praetors this year, viz Q Aelius Poetus, and T. Manlius Torquatu••, the former coming to be Consul the third year after with M. Junius, the latter the fifth year after, with ••n. Octavius, as appears by the Registry of the Consuls kept in the Capitol; and, perhaps, the sixth Praetor of this year might be Q. Hostilius Tu∣bulus, for the year following, he was the third person join'd in Commission with C. Popillius Laenas, (who had been Consul) and C Decimius (who had serv'd as Praetor) when they were sent into Egypt to compose the War between Antiochus King of Syria, and the Ptolomies; now it can scarce be believ'd, That he should be employ'd in so Honourable an Embassy, and with persons of that quality, if he had not already serv'd some Office of State; and these three 'tis probable might manage the Provinces of Sicily, Sardinia and Spain.

In the mean time P. Licinius Crassus, the last years Consul, of whose unsuccessful Skir∣mishes with Perseus, we have spoken before, Quarter'd some part of the Winter in Thessaly, but longer in Boeotia; nor did he afterwards perform any thing memorable, unless we should reckon amongst his famous Exploits, the taking of some Towns, whilst King Perseus was absent far off in Macedonia, and plundering them outragiously, and yet not content there∣with, selling the Inhabitants for Slaves. Nor were the Cities on the Sea-Coast any better treated by C Lucretius the Propraetor, and the rest of the Captains of the Fleet, who com∣mitted many outrages on their own Allies; which injuries being afterwards complain'd off, the Senate redress'd them as far as they could, and particularly the Coronaeans, whom Crassus had sold for Slaves, were by a Decree restored to their Liberties

Cotys seeing part of his Territories possess'd by the Troops of Eumenes, and Atlesbes a neighbouring p••try King, and that he was unable to beat them out, especially since the Dardanians threatned him on the other Quarter, ceased not to implo••e and importune Per∣seus for assistance according to the Treaty between them; who judging it not for his interest to abandon Cotys▪ who almost alone had openly taken the Macedonians part, got together some Squad••ons of Horse out of the next Garrisons, and part of a Phalanx [or Batallion of Foot] with whom he routed the Enemy, and restored the small principality call'd Ma∣tenes to its former Lord; Thence turning his Arms against the Dardanians, he not only re∣strain'd their Incursions, but coming upon their Army when they suspected no Enemy near, slew ten thousand, and forc'd the rest to fly over the Mountains, plentifully returning the terrour they had brought into Thrace upon their own Country, by laying wast their Fields, and destroying divers of their Towns, and so led back his Souldiers loaden with booty home to Macedonia; his longer stay in those parts being hindred by Intelligence, that the Romans were hovering on the Sea-Coasts, and threatned the Frontiers of Thessaly and Illyricum.

About this time, viz. whilst P. Licinius Crassus, and C. Cassius Longinus were Consuls, we find in the Annals of Cassinius, that a certain Girl, under her Parents tuition, was turn'd into a Boy, and by that change of Sex, being esteem'd a Monster, was by the Order of the Soothsayers, carried into and left in a desert Island.

M. Junius Pennus the Praetor, sailing over into his Province, the hithermost Spain, with a supply of eight thousand Foot and four hundred and fifty Horse; found all things a∣mongst the Celtiberians and the other Nations allied with them, put into confusion by the Arts, or rather Furies of one particular man, named Olonicus (or Salondicus as some call him) who had instigated them to an Insurrection, with assurances of certain Victory; who for being a Fellow endued with no less Craft than boldness, he took upon him to act as a kind of Prophet, and brandishing a silver Spear (which he pretended was sent him from Heaven) he so fill'd the heads of the Barbarians with his Whimsies, that by his perswasions they took Arms in greater multitudes than ever before; of which the Praetor having ad∣vice, before he march'd against them, made it his business to engage the minds of the rest of the Provinces by all sorts of kindness and bounty, to continue faithful and peaceable. Then passing into the Borders of Celtiberia encamped close by the Enemy, who then calling to mind their past overthrows began to tremble, which Salondicus perceiving, and that they did not sufficiently confide in his Oracles, he undertook an Enterprize worthy of that rashness and celestial assistance which he had hitherto boasted of; which was to imitate the

example of Mucius Scaevola, and kill the Roman General in his own Tent, conceiving the thing easy to be done, and which if it succeeded, there would then be nothing more easy than to destroy the Army, being but as a Trunk without an Head, and by the Miracle of such an event confirming his Propheci••s, he should be sure to acquire the highest Authority amongst his Countrymen; The truth is, amongst so many Spaniards mixt amongst the Ro∣mans and serving them as Auxiliaries, (so that neither his Habit, nor Arms, nor Language, was like to be taken notice of), he had some reason to hope, that he might without much difficulty get into their Camp, and even up as far as the Praetors Pavilion, so taking with him a Companion as desperate as himself, towards night he makes towards the Roman Camp, and got to Junius's Tent without being question'd, but attempting to enter, one of the Guards run him through with a Javelin, and his Comrade likewise paid his Life for his ••olly, both whose Heads, Junius caused to be stuck upon Spears, and to be delivered to cer∣tain Prisoners he had lately taken, commanding them to carry the same to their Country∣mens Army, which when they came into the Camp, they caused such a consternation, &c. [fol. 832.]

The Supplement of the second defective Passage in the forty third Book, to be inserted at the End of that Book, fol. 840.

To lay out any money upon a thing of the greatest moment to him to all intents and purposes; which neglect caused both his own and Gentius's ruine. Whilst by these Successes, the Ro∣man Empire was augmented, the Fortunes of private persons were also increased, especially by the Macedonian Spoils; and as their Wealth, so their Profuseness and Luxury grew eve∣ry day greater and more extravagant, which gave occasion for a new Law. For as the Fe∣male Sex seem'd most obnoxious to this disease of superfluous Expences, having less oppor∣tunity to commit more grievous Crimes, so it was thought fit to provide, That there should not be too great a confl••x of the Cities wealth into their slippery hands. To which purpose Q Voco∣nius Saxa Aricinus a Tribune of the Commons, as if he design'd to shew himself no less se∣vere a Censor to the Women, than Claudius and Gracchus had been to the Men; promul∣gated an Ordinance of the Commons, whereby it was provided, That no person who since the Censorship of Q Fulvius and A. Posthumius, that is, within five years last past, had been rankt in the first Classis of Citizens for wealth, should by his Will make any Maid or Woman his Heir; and those were to be reckon'd amongst the richer sort, and placed in the first Class, whose Patrimony amounted to one hundred thousand Asses and upwards. The Women quickly took the Alarm, and were not wanting to make all the interest they had in the World to ward off this threatned Blow; and they had Advocates, who with very plausible Reasons defended their Cause. Therefore as the Matrons one and twenty years ago, when L. Valerius Flac∣cus and M. Porcius Cato were Consuls, stiffly opposed the Oppian Law, and stickled for their Mundus Muliebris, or the Priviledges of their Dressing-boxes, and Honour of their fine Cloaths and Ornaments, so no less did they now bestir themselves to prevent the pas∣sing of this Law, which more nearly concern'd them; for against the other, only the study of appearing neat and fine, had made them mutiny; but against this they were excited both by Covetousness, and the desire of adorning themselves as they list, and spending as much as they pleased, each no small Argument to a Womans Reason: Nor can we easily determine which was of greater weight, since 'tis a Moot-point not yet resolved, whether their Beauty or their Money be most charming, or if the one do not please the men, as much as the other can do themselves? Both the Nobles and Commons were bandied into opposite Factions about this business, and every one according to his Capacity, Understanding, or Interest, did either favour or decry the Bill. Some affirmed, That the publick Liberty was therein concern'd, to undermine which they began with this small Essay, but succeeding therein, they would drive the wedge still further, and by degrees utterly subvert the Roman Freedoms: For what for the future would be left free, if that most ample Power of Bequeathing ones own Estate as one pleases, granted by the twelve Tables to all as private and domestick Legislators in their particular Fortunes, and for so many Ages observed inviolate, shall now by a new and special Law be taken away? How strange a thing is it to treat them as Foreigners, and make them uncapable of common Right, who have the same common Houshold Gods, the same Children, the same Sacred Rites in common with their Husbands? If you are grown weary of the female Sex, or think the Commonwealth can subsist without them: 'twere better send them far away into solitary Desarts, and condemn them to perpetual Banishment; 'twill sure look like a most unjust and unworthy pro∣ceeding, That all the while the Commonwealth was poor, we should allow the Ladies their share of its Goods, but strip them thereof now the State is become rich. Nor is this Sex only serviceable to help us to get Children and rock Cradles, or cool our amorous heats with divertiv•• dalliance, but many times in Examples of Virtues, for noble Deeds and prudent Counse••s, they do far exceed us men; nay with these Estates of theirs, which are now, forsooth, become the objects of our Envy, 'tis well known they have supported the tottering State when it was almost quite overthrown with the violence of Annibal's Arms, and by a seasonable Supply from their liberal Purses raised it again

to its pristine strength and glory. To work the more commiseration were added the pecu∣liar toils of that Sex, and the perils of Child-bearing, to them no less formidable than the hazards of War to men; nor was it forgot, that to this Sex was committed the keeping of the Eternal Vestal Fire, on which the Fate of the Roman Empire depended.

But all these Arguments were blown away by the breath of Marcus Cato, a man constant to the same opinion in his old Age, as he had maintain'd in the vigour of his youth; whose Oration on this occasion may be read in the fifth Book of Originals, the substance of which will be enough to be recited here. He was then in the sixty fifth year of his Age, yet with a loud Voice and strong Lungs, he remonstrated, That in vain were that distinction ob∣serv'd, from the very Infancy of the Commonwealth, between Agnati and Cognati, Kindred of the Fathers, and of the Mothers side; if the condition of Males and Females must be all alike; That it was far from the true intent and meaning of the twelve Tables to allow Women the whole Inheritance; but for the keeping up the name and honour of Families, every ones Sons in the first place were to be his Heirs, and for want of such Issue, then those next of his Blood; all which is according to natural right. Nor was the power granted to Fathers of Families to bequeath their Estates as they thought fit, design'd for this purpose, That being blinded with the inticements and flatteries of Women, they should transfer all their Estates into strange and new Families, and ruine their own; but rather to enable them the better to preserve and relieve their own Family, by leaving the Inheritance to their Sons, and competent Portions to their Daughters. But still care should be taken to make Women esteem Chastity, sparingness and obedience to be their best Dowry. To what purpose did our Ancestors so scrupulously provide, that they should be always held under the tutelage either of their Parents, Brethren, or next of Blood, if they shall be suffer'd to abuse vast Estates, and by the help thereof break through all the Obligations of the Laws and restraints of modesty? In fine, so strongly did he inveigh against female weakness, and so lively paint out their excesses, when Mistresses of large Fortunes, that he extorted a general consent; especially when he urg'd, That 'twas the custom of these rich and haughty Dames, upon their Marriage, to make an Agreement and bring such a considerable Portion to their Husbands, but reserve a greater share at their own dispose, than they would vouchsafe to afford them; which reserv'd money they would afterwards, at the Husbands request, lend him, or some part thereof; but upon the least fall∣ing out, they would set one of their own Servants, (reserv'd likewise, that the Husband had nothing to do with him) who should perpetually haunt and dun him no less importunately than if he were a strange Debtor, which was such an insolence as ought not to be endured. And therefore in indignation against that practice, all agreed to pass the said Law as Voconius had pro∣pos'd it.

The Supplement of the first defective passage in the forty fourth Book, at the end of the thirtieth Chapter, fol. 854.

Then the Fleet was conducted by the Praetor to Pantauchus, to defend the Confederate Cities from injuries. This Fleet was excellently Equipp'd and furnisht with all necessaries, and besides the former Forces, had on Board, five thousand Mariners, for so many we told you before, were lately rais'd for the service of this present Illyrian War; but the Enemy scarce gave them opportunity to come to a full Engagement; For what could those Pirates, only enur'd to Rapine, dare or be able to do against such a well-appointed Fleet? which almost as soon as they saw, affrighted them, and made them by the lightness of their Ves∣sels endeavour to secure themselves in a disorderly flight; some few of the foremost and heavier Ships, were presently, at the first on set, partly sunk, and partly taken, and so yielded us a cheap and easy Victory; nor was that enough, but Anicius pursued those that thought to have escap'd, and coming up with a great number of them lying close amongst the Islands near the Continent, he with promises of Quarter, induc'd them to yield, and presently all the Islands that were subject to Gentius at first sight did likewise surrender them∣selves, &c. [As fol. 854.]

The Supplement of the second defective passage of the forty fourth Book, after the thirty second Chapter, fol. 855.

The Souldiers were order'd to get timber out of the next Woods to fortify the Rampier, with which the Camp with incredible labour and no less expedition, was round about en∣circled, which Perseus also fortified with Bastions, and military Engines disposed in all pla∣ces convenient, whereby he thought himself secure against all the Roman Force, and that he might hold them in play, till wearied and weakned with the difficulties of so long a Siege, they might at length desist from the attempt. But Paulus Aemilius, by how much he saw the Macedonian strength to be the greater, and how carefully and cautiously they had provided for, and manag'd their affairs, so much the more diligent was he to leave no stone unturn'd, nor in any thing be wanting to elude their Arts by his own skill, and removing all obstacles,

effect the work. His Camp was plentifully supply'd with Provisions out of Thessaly, that lay just at his back; but they were much straitned for Water; for by the unusual drought, the River near hand was dry'd up; nor were there any Springs, or but very few, and those muddy, not yielding near enough Water to supply so great a multitude; so that his men daily perisht for thirst, and his Horses died as fast for the same reason. The Consul therefore sent some to search all about the Hill Olympus (near the foot whereof he lay en∣camp'd) if they could discover any Springs, but they bringing backward, that all was as dry as a Rock; he would not for all that despair, but having in person diligently survey'd the si∣tuation and nature of the place, he at last commanded the Sutlers and Tankard-Bearers to follow him to the Sea, &c. [as fol. 855]

The Supplement of the third defective passage in the forty fourth Book at the end of the thirty fourth Chapter, fol. 856.

— and foresaw questionless where he might pass over, then that having reduc'd the Di∣scipline of his Camp to the antient severity, he made the Romans exercise themselves in daily decursions, and all kind of military toils, and in fine omitting nothing that belong'd to the care or duty of an Excellent General, Perseus, I say, seeing Paulus do all this, found that in such apparent danger, he must use no delays, for he had not now to deal with such as Licinius Hostilius, or Marcius, but with an old experienc'd Commander, active, vigilant and inslam'd only with the desire of Victory and Glory, and who by various representati∣ons of Battel acted amongst his own men in jest, was preparing for a fight in earnest, which must needs determine the Fate of the War; Therefore he also resolv'd to encourage his Souldiers as much as he could, to instruct them in military Exercises, to add new works to those he had cast up already, and fortify his Camp with more Machines and Engines one above another; But whilst they were thus busy on either side, unexpected Intelligence arriv'd from Illyricum, That King Gentius was routed by Anicius the Praetor, and he himself and all hi•• Family Prisoners to the Romans, and his whole Country in their power. Which thing encouraged, &c. [as fol. 856]

The Supplement of the fourth defective Passage of the 44^th Book, at the End of the 35^th Chapter, fol. 857.

—shelving to the Sea side; Perseus minding only what was before his eyes, was intent to repulse the Enemy on that side, and void of all other care. In the mean time, P. Nasica, with his selected Party, was come towards the Sea, as far as Heracleum, as if he designed with a Fleet to attacque the Enemies Camp; but there, ordering his Souldiers to refresh themselves, he waited for the Approach of Night, and communicated the Consul's real Or∣ders to the Centurions, and pursuant thereunto, as soon as it grew duskish, turning his March towards the Mountain, silently led his Troops to Pythium: where arriving, after almost three days hard March through rugged Ways, up Hill and down Hill, he found it ne∣cessary to refresh his weary Men with a Nights sleep. But of the Cretans (who to the Number of two hundred attended Scipio in this Expedition) a certain Fellow (as they are naturally a treacherous people) understanding what the design was, had got away during their March, and sled to Perseus, acquainting him (who suspected no such matter) where his dan∣ger lay. This surpriz'd and astonish'd the King, who could not quit his Camp, and with all his Forces advance to meet Nasica; for then he should leave the Frontiers open for Aemi∣lius to pierce into the Bowels of his Kingdom: therefore he dispatcht Milo, one of his Chief Favourites, with two thousand Macedonians and ten thousand Auxiliaries, with all ex∣pedition to seize the Passes, and hinder the Romans coming that way; Polybius relates, That these caught our Forces napping, and fell upon them asl••ep in their Tents; but Nasica writes, That there was a sharp and doubtful Skirmish at a Pass on the Brow of an Hill; and that amongst other Accidents a Thracian made at him with his Sword, whom he thrust through with a Javelin, and that after a long Dispute the Macedonians gave ground, and Milo himself, flinging away his Arms, was glad to take his Heels; after which the Romans pursuing them, had an easie descent into the Plains without any opposition. In this posture of Affairs Perseu•• was at a loss what to do; for there he could not remain with safety, his Camp on that side being unfortified: And there seem'd but two ways left, either to retreat to Pydna, and expect the Enemy under the Walls of that City, where he might with less hazard venture a Battel; or else to disperse his Army into Garrisons, to defend the chief Cities, and retain his Subjects in Obedience, and carrying in thither all Corn, Cattel and Fruit, lay the whole Country waste before the Enemy; who then, what for scarcity of Provisions, and what with the Macedonians continual Incursions, would not be able long to subsist. Neither of these Courses wanted its danger, but the last, besides that it was a work of time, and by dividing the Forces, would, as it were, reduce the whole strength of the Kingdom to nothing,

leaving the Frontiers naked, all Parts would immediately be sill'd with terrour, Fire and Sword, and all kind of desolation, and the Country-men seeing themselves utterly aban∣doned would for ever be alienated in their affections and Duty; therefore most of his Friends rather advised the first method, to keep his Army together for a Battel; for it would not be only more glorious, but safer too, with all the Force he could make, to confront the Enemy before they had proceeded too far, and if opportunity offered it self, to put it to a push: for certainly his People, when they were to fight for all that was dear to them, either Sacred or Civil, for their Children and for their Wives, under the conduct, and in the pre∣sence of their King, exposing himself in the same common danger, (than which there cannot possibly be a stronger or more sacred incitement to make men fight couragiously) would not be wanting on their parts, but bravely repulse the Enemy. The King, though he were very loth to ve••ture his whole Stake at one Throw, yet prevail'd with by these Reasons, pre∣pares for a Battel; and having removed to Pydna, assigns to each of his Commanders his proper Post and Charge, and that all things should be in readiness to fight when there was oc∣casion. The Country was an open Champaign, fit for Horse-service, and able to receive not only a competent Body of heavy-armed Foot, but rising in some places with continued Hills, was convenient for Archers and other light harness'd Souldiers, whence they might make their Excursions and r••treat again in safety. Two Rivers (the Inhabitants call one Aeso, and the other Leucus) did rather divide than water the Fields, their Chanels were then so narrow, and scarce any Stream in them; yet they seem'd to be of some use, since the passing them must n••eds delay the Romans at least for a while in the Cariere of their Attack. In the mean, Aemilius sinding the Passage into the Enemies Country opened by Scipio, joins Forces with him, and so with Banners display'd marches to rights towards the Enemy: but when he saw them so advantageously posted, and every way prepared to give him Battel, he thought sit to pause a while, and consider every thing that could promise a Victory, or seem'd likely to deny or hinder it; And when he had seriously weighed the whole, then to take his mea∣sures accordingly. It was now past the Solstice of the Year, &c. [as fol. 857.]

The Supplement of the fifth defective Passage in the forty fourth Book at the End of the fortieth Chapter, fol. 859.

At last All, and with the Guard, the next Troops on each side rashly run on. Thus the Fight began in the River: Yet there are some Authors who write, That by Paulus's Com∣mand an Horse having his Bridle pulled off, was drove over to the Enemies Bank, and some Souldiers sent after to bring him back, that so the Enemies might begin the Skirmish. For when the first Sacrifices were killed, there appeared no promising tokens, but afterwards the bowels of the other Beasts were right; whereupon the Soothsayers gave Judgment, That Victory wa•• portended to the Romans defending themselves, but not if they were the Aggressors, and f••l•• first upon the Enemy The Souldiers on either side rushing out to help their Fellows without any Order or Command, there was in very little time a pretty smart Skirmish be∣gun, upon the noise of which Aemilius coming forth of his T••nt, and seeing it was neither easie nor safe to recal or stop the blind fury of those that were ingaged, thought it best to make use of this Heat, and turn Chance into an Opportunity: Therefore riding through the several Ranks, he exhorted and encouraged them no less with his countenance and hand, than with words, to play the Men for the Honour of the Roman Name. Then P. Scipio Na∣sica, sent before to discover the posture of the Enemy, brought word, That Perseus was ad∣vancing with his whole Army drawn up in Battalia, consisting chiefly of four Battalions. First the Thracians led the Van, people of a fierce look, tall and great bodies, protected with bright I••on Shields held in their left hands; their Thighs were arm'd with Iron, a short black Souldiers Cloak over both shoulders, with their right hands they ever and anon ratled and brandish'd short Spears or two-edged Swords of vast weight. Next after the Thracians followed the Mercenaries, being for the most part Targeteers, but in different Habit and Arms, according to their respective Nations, and amongst them were some Peo∣nians. The third Brigade consisted of choice Macedonians, one Phalanx of Youth, richly array'd in Coats of Mail gilt with Gold, and red Cloaks, and were called Leucaspides from their Shields which were white and glistering with Silver. The old beaten Troops closed the Rear, called Chalcaspidas or Aglaspidas from their bright brazen Shields. All the Fields glitter'd with their gallant Armour, and the neighbouring Mountains echo'd back and redoubled their shouts as they were hastening and encouraging each other to Battel. Nor did the Consul delay, but advances up to the Front of his Army, and begins the Charge. The Targeteers were not able to stand long before the Latine Associates; but when the Macedonian Phalanx and main strength of their Army came to engage, there was a new face of the Battle, and a most dreadful Spectacle to behold: For joining together their Shields, they made as it were a Rampier in the Front, and over them pushing with their long Spears, they without any danger to themselves, wounded and ran the Romans through; for not only their Bucklers were pierced with the strong sharp points of the Enemies Wea∣pons,

but their Swords stood them in no stead, by reason of the length of the Macedonian Spears, for they could not reach their Shields, much less their bodies. This unequal Com∣bate somewhat startled the Consul, yet he with a lofty and chearful countenance, riding up and down, both his head and body unarm'd, added not a little life and Courage to his Souldiers; inflamed with which, a Centurion of the Regiment of Pelignians (they say his Name was Salio) snatching up the Standard of that Regiment, flung it amongst the thickest of the Enemies: Then followed a most furious Dispute, the rest of the Pelignians on the one side endeavouring to recover it, and prevent the dishonour of losing their Ban∣ner, and the Macedonians as eager to keep it. The former went about to cut to pieces the Macedonian long Spears with their Swords, or to put them by with one of their hands, but then the latter holding them firmly with both their hands, would with such a force push at them as they rusht blindly on, that n••ither their Bucklers, nor their Head-pieces, nor their Coats of Mail could secure them from being either killed or wounded; so that the first Ranks of Pelignians being routed, the rest gave ground; but whilst they were retreating to the Hill (which the Natives call Olocrus) Aemilius meets them, and for rage and indignation tearing his Robe of State, commands them to stand their ground, and doubt not for all this of success; for he had observed, That this close Body of the Enemy, though it seem'd jointed and rivetted together, yet was not able always to keep its Order; but what appear'd so firm and impenetrable, eith••r by want of room, or unequal ground, or a brisk Charge, might in some place or other be disorder'd and fall to pieces; so that whilst some that endeavour'd to get the upper ground are necessarily though willingly sepa∣rated from those below, or the nimbler from the slower, or some marching on from others that stand still, or those that press upon the Enemy, from others that have been repell'd, in these or the like Cases; there were now and then gaps left open, and therefore he charges all the Captains to watch for such an opportunity, and to charge at several places, in distinct Bands, but all to mind, that if there were any where hope of Entrance, presently there to give a general Charge, and casting themselves into a wedglike figure, force their way; for if once they could but disorder the Enemy, they were certain of Victory. These Orders of the Consul were punctually executed, and whilst they skirmisht in small Parties, or as it were Man to Man, the Macedonians short Bucklers, and small Rapiers, were nothing comparable to the Romans more stout and substantial Arms, nor were they so well skill'd in managing their Weapons, nor had so much Courage and Resolution; for being drawn out of their old Posture and Order, and separated, you might pierce them in the sides or their backs at your pleasure. Here M Porcius Cato, the Son of the Censor, and Aemilius's Son in Law, perform'd a bold and memorable Exploit; in the Conflict, fighting very eagerly, his Sword happen'd to drop out of his hand, and so he lost it, but yet resolv'd to lose his Life too, rather than the Enemy should enjoy any thing that was his; finding out there∣fore several of the stoutest of his Friends, he with them, through all the Weapons of the Enemy forc'd his way to the place where the Fight was fiercest, and then hurl'd himself a∣mongst the thickest Crou••, and with great slaughter, beat them off round about, and in the void space, found his Sword lying on the ground, which he took up and carried off to the amazement both of his own side and the Enemy. Things being thus order'd the Con∣sul in person leads on the first Legion into the Battel, who most chearfully followed him, encouraged by The Majesty, &c. [as fol. 859]

The Supplement of the sixth defective passage of the forty fourth Book, at the end of the said Book, fol. 862.

— made it evident to any man, That the King by his ill Conduct, Injustice and Rapines, had lost the affections of his Subjects, who rather hated than lov'd or pittied him. Paulus as soon as he was entred Amphipolis order'd a Sacrifice to be made to return thanks to the Gods for so signal a Victory; who testified their acceptance of his devotion by a Prodigy, for the heap of Wood prepared on the Altar was set on fire by Lightning from Heaven, by which lucky token Jove did not only seem to approve of the Victors Vows and Prayers, but himself did as it were consecrate the worship and honour paid to his own Divinity. Thence the Consul follow'd Nasica whom he had sent before to plunder the Country, and march'd to Odomantiae, the next City in those parts under the Hill Orbelus, and on the Fron∣tiers both of the Dardanians and Thracians; that he might leave no shadow of an Enemy behind him, nor any place untoucht with his Victorious Arms; and from thence removing to Siree, he kept there a standing Camp for some time.

A Supplement of the first defective passage in the forty fifth Book, at the end of the fourteenth Chapter, fol. 868.

And order'd to take care that an House should be provided for King Mesagines, and his Reti∣nue, and that nothing should be wanting either for recovery of his health, or his respective treatment and accommodation, to have his Table nobly furnisht, and provide him Ship∣ping as soon as he was well, to transport him into Africk.

About this time the Tribunes of the Commons indicted and condemn'd the Tres viri No∣cturni [or three Night Magistrates appointed to prevent and extinguish Fires] M. Mil∣vius, Cn. Lollius and L. Sextilius, because when a great Fire happen'd in the street call'd Via Sacra, they neglected their duty, and came not time enough to give the necessary Or∣ders. After which the Comitia were held, and Q. Aelius Paetus, and M. Junius Pennus cho∣sen Consuls. The Praetors were Q. Cassius Longinus, M. Juventius Thalna, Ti. Claudius Nero, A. Manlius Torquatus, Cn. Fulvius Gillo, and C. Licinius Nerva.

The same year Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, and Claudius Pulcher, exercis'd the Censorship with great severity, but interrupted by the Interposition of the Tribunes. In other things those two Censors agreed well enough, but not in calling over the Libertini, [or Sons of such as had once been Servants, but afterwards made free] Gracchus would have them re∣duc'd all into one Tribe, lest that numerous scum of the Commons, dispers'd through many Tribes, should carry too great a sway in all Elections; But this device Claudius oppos'd, and would have nothing alter'd in this matter from the antient manner; for both by Servius Tullius the King, an•• again by C. Flaminius and L. Aemilius when they were Censors, The Libertini [those whose Fathers had formerly been Slaves] were ranged, &c. [as fol. 868.]

The Supplement of the second defective passage in the forty fifth Book, at the end of the twenty first Chapter, fol. 871.

Which of them should act most irregularly; The Tribunes by their opposition would have put off the Praetors hast until the Arrival of the General Aemilius, but the matter it self seem'd not capable of so long a delay, and Thalna urging still a War against Rhodes, as he was haranguing to the people on that subject, Antonius pluckt him from the Rostra, and gave the Rhodian Embassadours a day of Audience before the people. After the Senates Answer to the former Embassadour Agesipolis, was sent back to Rhodes, the Rhodians dis∣patcht two several Embassies to Rome, the chief of the one was Philocrates, of the other Astymedes, with whom was joined Philophron. The people referr'd them to the Senate for Audience, where being introduc'd by M. Junius the Consul, Astymedes in the habit and language of a Suppliant, made a Speech to the Fathers to this effect, You may, most Noble and Reverend Senators! easily judge what a wretched and deplorable condition we poor Rhodians are in, if you shall but vouchsafe to compare the antient and flourishing state of our affairs, with this present Calamity which we are faln into by your Order; but, if we may be allow'd to speak the very truth, more through others false Informations and Calumnies, than any fault of ours, or at least any offence administred by our publick state, however some few private persons may have misbe∣hav'd themselves. Nor is it a small surprize to us, That we who with all fidelity to the people of Rome, have so long maintain'd and flourisht under an Alliance with you, an Alliance con∣firm'd no less by your own favours and benefits bestow'd upon us, than by our good Offices and constant obedience, whereof we were wont to boast above all other Nations; are now charg'd as guilty of having most lewdly violated that Alliance; Whether we have done amiss, &c. [as fol. 871.]

The Supplement of the last defect of the forty fifth Book, after the thirty ninth Chapter, fol. 881.

— To give their Votes; I my self, Souldiers! will go down, and follow all of you; when you go to give your Suffrages, that I may see and know their Faces, who out of an inbred baseness, and ingratitude towards their General, are the Ring-Leaders of the rest; and who in War would have their Commanders humour and flatter, or perhaps obey them forsooth, rather be themselves subject to the just and necessary Commands of their Superiours. This smart Oration made such impressions on all the Citizens, and especially on the Military, that by the unanimous Votes of the rest of the Tribes a Triumph was decreed, which if ever any Man, Paulus certainly had merited by his gallant Victory.

The Order and Splendour of which Triumph, if you respect either the Grandeur of the conquer'd King who therein was led Captive, or the rare shew of Images, Pictures and representative Figures, or the abundance of Money brought home, did certainly for its

Greatness and Magnificence far excel all that were ever acted before. The people on Scaffolds built round both the Circus's and Forum's like Theatres, sat in white Gowns to behold it. The Temples all stood open wide, and adorn'd with Garlands more than usual, whence a most redolent smell and vast exhalations of burnt Frankincense and other rich Odours perfum'd all the Air, and the streets were clean swept, and the Rabble kept out of them by Guards of Souldiers. Three whole days were scarce enough for this glorious Sight. The first day exhibited the Standards and Colours taken, and the Tables and Pictures which filled two hundred Chariots, such abundance of most excellent Works had those Cities of Macedonia and the neighbouring Greeks which our men had ransackt. The next day the Money was carried along, and the Kings Treasure, together with vast quantities of Arms of Iron or Brass very bright and neat. They were placed in innumerable Waggons as it were carelesly in heaps, but yet indeed order'd with wonderful Art, here Head-pieces upon Shields, or Greaves and Iron Boots upon Coats of Mail and Breast-plates: There Thracian Bucklers mixt with Cretan Targets; nor wanted there painted Quivers and bun∣ches of Arrows sticking in them. There too you might have seen Bridles with golden Bits and silken Reins, naked Swords lying upon sharp-pointed Javelins and Spears, made a ter∣rible fragor and clashing against ••ach others Edges as they were carried along. Then there were above seven hundred and fifty Chests of Money ready coin'd born by the hands of three thousand strong lusty Fellows. In each Chest there was said to be three Talents, a good Load for four Porters. Others carried silver Bowls and Horns tipt, and vast Goblets more than could be number'd, all engraven with admirable Art. The third day brought forth the Prisoners. First with Trump••ts sounding were led along one hundred and twenty fat Oxen; with their Horns gilt, and Fillets and Garlands; which Sacrifices were led by young men that had their Garments trussed up with embroider'd Girdles, accompanied with Boys that carri••d gold and silver Chargers to be used about the Sacrifice. Then came the Pre∣sents to Jupiter, viz. seventy seven Vessels full of Gold Coin of the same weight with those before-mentioned, and golden Goblets to the value of ten Talents beset with precious Stones, which Paulus had caused to be made and thus adorn'd for this occasion. After which was carried the Regalia of the ancient Kings being golden Vessels of old fashion'd Work, which Perseus was wont to use at solemn Feasts; next succeeded his Chariot load∣ed with his rich Armour, whereunto was added his Crown. At a little distance followed the Kings Children attended with a Troop of their Nurses, Tutors and Servants, all mise∣rably lifting up their hands to the Spectators, and by their Example teaching the Children in suppliant manner to implore the Clemency of the Conquerours. There were two Sons, and one Daughter, so much the more deserving pity, as, by reason of their tender Age, they were less sensible from what an height of Grandeur the iniquity of Fortune had tum∣bled them into this extremity of misery: Then came Bittius the Son of King Cotys; but that which above all the rest of the Show drew the Eyes of the Romans, was Perseus himself in Mourning Habit, and Slippers after the Grecian Fashion, but so ghastly and astonish'd, that he left it a doubt, whether gri••f wholly possessed his heart, or (which was more ca∣lamitous) whether being distracted with the excess of his Misfortunes, he was grown alto∣gether insensible of what he suffer'd. A vast Company of his Nobles, Favourites and Guards ever and anon looking upon him, with sighs and tears bewailed his Fortune much more passionately than their own. 'Tis reported, That he had begg'd of Paulus to be excused from this publick shame and disgrace; but was deluded with this doubtful Answer, That he already was and should for the future find he was in a Gentlemans hands and disposal. But as this unfortunate Prince preferr'd the hope of any kind of Life before a generous Death, and chose rather to have himself reckon'd amongst part of the Booty, than to rescue him∣self and the honour of his being taken from the Conquerour, he seems to have deserv'd this harsh usage. After him there were carried in state forty several Golden Crowns, which had been presented to Paulus by the several Cities of Greece, when their Embassadours came to congratulate his Victory, last of all to compleat the Glory of the Day, appear'd Aemilius himself in Triumphant Robes, mounted on a magnificent Chariot, and holding a Laurel-Branch in his right hand, on each side sat his two Sons Q Fabius, and P. Scipio, whom he had had Companions of his toil, and assistants in his Victory. After him, went the Lieutenant Generals, Colonels and Souldiers, all Crown'd with Laurel, and singing Io Paeans! and their Generals Praises, intermixt (according to the Custom) with Joques and smart Reflections now and then upon him; Valerius Antias says, &c. [as fol. 881.]

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Ʋ. C. 578.