The history of the reign of Lewis XIII, King of France and Navarre containing the most remarkable occurrences in France and Europe during the minority of that prince / by Mr. Michel LeVassor.

THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF LEWIS XIII. King of France and Navarre.

BOOK IV.

FRance was not much less troubled with Commotions, than Poland.* 1.1 If there was not yet Civil War in France, the Number of Malecon∣tents was so great, and the Facti∣ons encreast after such a manner ev'ry day, as all seem'd to be in a readiness for

an open Rupture. The Death of the Ba∣ron de Luz, Knight of the King's Order, and his Lieutenant General in Burgundy, who was kill'd in the midst of Paris the 5th of January 1613. by the Chevalier de Guise, gave the Queen new Disquiets.

Luz whilst he liv'd, had made many Persons; he had been in a League with different Parties, and we find him in se∣veral Intrigues. Under the Reign of the Deceased King, he was one of the inti∣mate Friends of the Mareschal Biron. At the beginning of this, he was Intrigu'd with the Guises; but believing he shou'd settle himself better thro' the Marquess d'Ancre's favour, he left them to be of Conchini's side. He was suspected to serve this Italian in a design he had to undoe Bellegarde, and take away from him the Government of Burgundy. This provok't more against him, the House of Guise, Friend and Ally to Beuegarde. This House sought but an occasion to be reveng'd and rid of a Man, who not content to have left him in the Lurch, was moreover Intrigu'd to mischief him as much as he could.* 1.2 Some of the Baron's indiscreet words seem'd to the Chevalier de Guise,* 1.3 a suffici∣ent reason to fight him. The Baron had unwarily brag'd of his being at Blois with the Mareschal Brissac, in the Chamber where King Henry the III. had taken a Resolution, to cause the Duke of Guise

to be Slain, and to have hinder'd Brissac from Advertising the Duke of this evil Design against him. This was reason e∣nough to animate the Chevalier de Guise to be reveng'd of an Enemy of his House, who boasted to have contributed to the Death of his Father, by hindring Bris∣sac from saving his Life. The Chevalier then met the Baron in St. Honoré's Street, makes him draw his Sword, and at the second Pass he made at him, kills him.

* 1.4The Regent who made use of the Baron de Luz, was extreamly provok't at this boldness. She being perswaded that they thought rather to give her Trouble, than revenge the Death of the Deceased Duke of Guise, left her Dinner which she had just set down at; as soon as she heard of the Baron's Death, and throwing the Napkin upon the Table, she retir'd with Tears in her Eyes into her Closet. Her Majesty straitways calls for the Princes and Ministers to deliberate upon this Af∣fair,* 1.5 which she extreamly took to Heart. It was there resolv'd, that the Parlement should take Informations, and proceed im∣mediately to prosecute the Murderer, and send somebody in her Majesty's Name to Guise's House, for to command the Nobility, who were met there, to be gone forthwith, and forbid the Duke appear∣ing at the Louvre, till such time the Queen

had sent for him. T'was said, that Guise was resolv'd to go to Court, accompani∣ed with a great number of Gentlemen. Some scrupl'd to go out of Guise's House, thô the Duke had pray'd the to obey the Regent's Order. The Count de la Ro∣chefoucault, Master of the King's War∣drobe, Signalized himself amongst all the rest. He alone refus'd to go out, and the Queen was angry at his Disobedience, and commanded him to be gone presently from Court.

The Mind of Mary de Medicis was somewhat quieted, when she heard, that the Duke of Guise had made the Cheva∣lier his Brother depart from his House, and that he had order'd him to be gone into the Country. Bassompierre a friend to the Guise's, for the Princess of Conti's sake their Sister, whom he lov'd, and to whom his Person was not indifferent took an Opportunity to tell the Queen, that the Duke humbly. desires leave of her Majesty, to justifie himself. The Queen granted him this, on condition he wou'd only come when it was almost Night, and without any Company. Bassompierre went and fetcht him immediately. The Duke spoke in such Respectful and Sub∣missive Terms, as her Majesty seem'd to be appeas'd: But the Dutchess, Mother of the Guises, spoilt all in a Visit she afterward made to the Queen. The Dutchess spoke of

the Matter so proud and lofty, as her Majesty was more provok't against the Guises's, than before.

The Duke was enrag'd against the Prince of Conde's Party,* 1.6 which had op∣posed him: He could not Digest, that the Duke of Mayenne his Cousin was enter'd into it: Guise, if the Duke of Epernon had not stopt him, in company of some of his Friends, would have Assaulted Mayenne, who likewise walk'd well Guar∣ded, insomuch that there might have been mach Blood spilt. The Queen advertis'd of this New Accident, order'd the Duke of Mayenne to be reconcil'd with the Head of his Family, and to go and visit Guise at his House. They had a long Discourse together, and parted seemingly good Friends.

* 1.7I don't know whether it was not May∣enne, who persuaded the Duke of Guise, incens't that the Queen deny'd him to call back the Count Rochefoucault to Court, to unite with the Prince of Conde for re∣moval of the Ministers, already sunk in their Credit. The Marquess d' Ancre had so great a desire of drawing into this new Confederacy the Dukes of Guise and Eper∣non, which was so prevalent at Court, as Guise having address't Conchini, to get the Regent to give the Count de la Rochefou∣cault leave to return to Court, this po∣litick 〈5 pages missing〉〈5 pages missing〉

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fer me a Reward? I should look on it as an Affront done me. What I can do for the Queen is already sufficiently paid. I should be unworthy of the Name I bear, and the Offices I am dignified withal, and ought to be as despicably look'd upon as the most ungrateful of all Men, if I should make my Master buy my Services.

Bassompierre averr'd, that he never forgot what he heard the Duke of Epernon up-this Occasion. The Words certainly de∣serve to be committed to Memory; and if there was not more of Vanity perhaps, than of Reality in the Duke of Epernon's Sen∣timents, it must be confess'd to his Glory, that he had a more Noble Heart than any Prince or Grandee of the Court of France.

* 1.8In the mean time Bassompierre went to wait again on the Queen, after she had di∣ned, as her Majesty had order'd him.

I am so sick at Stomach, said Mary de Medicis, when she was alone with him, as all that I have eaten seems to be Poy∣son: If I am not suddenly rid of this Trouble, I fear that I shall be out of my Wits.

She spoke probably more Truth than she thought for. They who best un∣derstoood this Business, testified this of her, that she had a great Spirit; but not the large Capacity, nor the Constancy and Ex∣perience,

which another Queen of the same House shew'd in some Precedent Reigns; and those excellent Qualities were needful to Mary de Medicis for to govern a State full of Factions.

Bassompiere, continued she, you must bring me back the Duke of Guise whatever it costs: Offer him a Hundred Thousand Crowns, which I'll pay him in ready Money, with the Lieutenancy-General of Provence for the Chevalier his Brother, and the Re∣version of the Abbey of St. Germain for the Princess his Sister. In a Word, I give you full Power to offer what you please, provided you make him quit this Cabal, and I can be ascertain'd of his good Intentions. 'Madam, answer'd Bassompierre smiling, you have put such a Stock into my Hands, as 'twill be very hard if I do not make a good Bar∣gain.

Now see here what the Reversion is of the Abbey of St. Germain de Prez at Pa∣•…•…is. The Prince of Conti enjoy'd this rich Benefice, though he was married. The same was promis'd to the Princess his Wife, in case he died before her. Strange Abuse of Ecclesiastical Revenues! But a Dispensation from the Pope solves all. Let it not be said, that these Disorders are now reform'd. Have we not seen a

younger Brother of the House of Lorrain in France,* 1.9 confirm'd by a solemn Edict in the Enjoyment of a considerable Pen∣sion from a Bishoprick; because the Pope had granted him a Dispensation to keep it, notwithstanding his Marriage? And cer∣tainly, every thing fully consider'd, if the Revenues of the Church been't employ'd for the Relief of the Poor, or any other good Work, they are as well in the Hands of a Prince or Princess, as in any idle Monk's hands, Cardinal's, or Abbot's of Qua∣lity, who spend them in rich Equipage, great Feasts, keeping of Horses and Dogs and maintaining Misses. But I return to Bassompierre's Negotiation.

Before he had taken leave of Mary de Medicis for to go and execute his Or∣ders, he spoke to the Queen to call back to Court the Duke of Epernon.

I would withal my Heart, she reply'd, but he is a Man whom I have offended; and he never pardons. 'Yes, his Ene∣mies, answer'd Bassompierre smiling; but not his Masters.

The good Princess did not well know the Duke's Temper. He was not so good a Christian, as to par∣don his Enemies; yet he was too am∣bitious not to pardon the Regent, pro∣vided she would set him up higher in Au∣thority and Reputation. Tell the Queen

answer'd he to Bassompierre, that I only sup∣plicate to her to be somewhat more constant for the future; to distinguish better, and con∣tinue her good Servant. At length Bassom∣pierre propos'd to the Regent, she would be pleas'd to give leave that her Ministers of State might come back to Court again. He offered to speak for Villeroy and Jean∣nin; but as for what concern'd the Chan∣cellor, the Regent was to declare her self to the Chevalier Sileri, Brother to this Magistrate.

It's needless to relate all the Particulars of Bassompierre's Negotiation: He had so good Markets to make, as there was not much trouble to bring 'em to an end. The Duke of Guise, said Bassompierre, at first ranted according to his Custom, but af∣terwards he consented to all. His Lady Dutchess, who was made use of in this Affair, did not make many Words to make him accept of a good Sum of Money. The Duke of Epernon ask'd nothing bet∣ter, than to have a Share in the Govern∣ment. This haughty ambitious Man saw, with Pleasure, that they thought him the most proper Person to break up a puissant Faction, contriv'd by the first Prince of the Blood and Grandees of the Realm. The Two Dukes saw the Queen the next Morning in private, to both of their Sa∣tisfactions.

* 1.10As for these Ministers of State, they were not less tractable. These Gentle∣men were too much discontented to lose their Credit. The Chancellor and Vil∣leroy were at odds, but quickly recon∣cil'd. Jeannin had a Commission to give the Queen a Visit in the Name of these Three, in Luxembourgh House, whither she repair'd every Day to see the fine Palace she had begun to build, and the pleasant Gardens she was planting. The secret Discourse which the Queen had with the President Jeannin, caus'd many Thoughts in the Marechal de Ancre, who was come to Luxemburgh House. His Surprisal was yet greater, when the Of∣ficer of the Queen's Guards would not let him come near to her, because she had given express Order, to hinder whomso∣ever he was that came, from interrupting her, whilst she was talking to the Presi∣dent Jeannin.

Conchini from that time began to fear some new Revolution at Court; he did not doubt of it farther, when he saw the next Evening the Queen give the Duke of Epernon a Thousand Marks of distinction. She caus'd a Chair to be brought for him, and plac'd next to her, under pretence that

he was newly recover'd from a great Sickness. They discours'd a long time together. She invited him to see a Play; and order'd a Chair to be brought for him and Zamet, the Duke's great Friend, who bore him Company, without giving the least Attention to the Duke of Mayenne, who was there present. Conchini swore bloodily; and considering how the Scene was alter'd, said, I laugh at the Affairs of this World. The Queen takes care of a Seat for Zamer, and never takes notice of the Duke de Mayenne. After such a Stir as this, depend, if ye will, upon the Friend∣ship of Princes.

Mary of Medicis was then the most sa∣tisfied Princess in the World: The very Day that she was reconcil'd to the Duke of Guise and Epernon, was, in her Opini∣on, the most difficult and weightiest Day of her Life. This is a Play, said she, with a many Intrigues in it; at the end we have nothing but Peace and Rejoycing. Whilst she was in so good a Humour, she plentifully bestow'd her Liberalities. The Duke of Guise was secured of an Hun∣dred thousand Crowns: and that the Count of Rochefoucault should be call'd back to Court. The Chevalier de Guise got the Lieutenacy-General of Provence; and the Queen caus'd all Processes to cease which

were commenc'd against him. The Prin∣cess of Conti obtain'd the Reversion of the Abbey of St. Germain. At last Bassom∣pierre was promis'd the Office of Chief Gentleman of the King's Bed-Cham∣ber.

* 1.11The Prince of Conde went next Morn∣ing to Court: But what was his Amaze∣ment, when he found the Queen shut up in her Closet with the Ministers of State without suffering any one to open the Door to him! After a great many Reflections upon this sudden Accident, the crafty Bas∣sompierre insinuated, That the Marshal d•…•… Bouillon might have put a Trick upon his Highness in this Occasion, and have made his Peace with the Queen and the Mini∣sters of State, leaving the Prince in the Lurch. This Suspicion seem'd likely e∣nough to poor Condé; who went strait a∣way to the Marquiss d' Ancres, for to con∣sider together upon this Conjuncture, and found him no less cast down than himself was, at the good Understanding that wa•…•… between the Queen and her Ministers o•…•… State, and the new Favour of the Duke o•…•… Guise and d' Epernon.

The Death of the young Baron de Luz•…•… slain in a Duel by the Chevalier de Guise

did not make a less noise in the World; though the Court did not so much bestir it self about it,* 1.12 as about the Murder of his Father. The Guises were at that time in Favour with the Regent. Luz, the Son of him whom I but now spoke of, instru∣cted in the false Maxims of the French Nobility, thought himself to be bound in Honour to require Satisfaction for his Fa∣ther's Death. A Month after he sent a Chal∣lenge to the Chevalier de Guise, by a Gen∣tleman named du Riol. Sir,* 1.13 imported the Challenge, you ought to be the only and trusty Witness of my just Grief. Pardon then, I pray you, if I require you, by this Note, to see you with Sword in Hand, for to have an Account from you of my Father's Death. The good Opinion I have of your Bravery and Courage, makes me hope you will make no use of your Quality for an Excuse to grant me a Request which Honour exacts from you. This Gentleman will shew you the Place where I shall be with a good Horse. I have Two Swords, you shall have the choice of them. If you won't come hither, I'll go where-e'er you shall command me. The Chevalier de Guise was in Bed when du Riol gave him the Challenge. He quick∣ly dress'd himself; and taking the Cheva∣lier Grignan to be his Second, they went all Three to the Place where the young Baron expected them. After the usual Formalities in premeditated Duels, the Four

fought with their Swords on Horseback. Guise was wounded at the first Pass; but at the third he run Luz quite through, who fell from his Horse in a little time after. Grignan could not make his Part so good with du Riol, who had given him Two great Thrusts with his Rapier. The Che∣valier de Guise ran speedily to help him; and du Riol, seeing Luz at Death's Door, made the best of his Way. 'Twas said, that the Court Bravo's went to congratulate the Chevalier de Guise up∣on this Atchievement; which, in the Sense of all reasonable Men, he ought to be rather ashamed of. He had barba∣rously kill'd the Father, to rid his House of a Man who was a Thorn in their side. Though the Rule of false Honour did not allow him to deny the Son the Satisfacti∣on he required, yet this second Homicide was not less Criminal than the former be∣fore God and Men, who have a right and sound Apprehension of things. One should be so far from applauding this wretched Murtherer, as he ought to be look'd up∣on with Horror, who after having un∣justly kill'd the Father, was drawn on into the unfortunate Necessity of kil∣ling the Son, blinded by his just Resent∣ment, and hurried on by the Evil Custom of the Times. That which is more asto∣nishing is, that Mary de Medicis sent to visit the Chevalier de Guise after this second

Duel, and ask how he did after his Wound;* 1.14 she who but few Weeks be∣fore had commanded the Parlement to prosecute him in less than eight Days for the first Duel.

Behold how this weak and imprudent Queen executed the Declarations publish'd by her Son, and under her Directions, at the beginning of the Year, against Duels. The precedent Kings had tried to abolish this pernicious and abominable Custom with∣out ever being able to compass their De∣sign. Lewis XIII. was more vigorous in the matter in the last Years of his Reign. Let us not deny his Son the just Praise he deserves in this Case. His Severity has almost com∣pleated what his Predecessors undertook, but could never bring about. This is the best, and perhaps, the only good Action he has done in fifty six Years of his Reign. If the Justice of Men let the Chevalier de Guise go unpunished,* 1.15 yet this false Brave can't escape God's Judgment. The fol∣lowing Year, being at the Castle de Baux, five Leagues from Arles in Provence, he would needs himself fire a Cannon, which burst asunder. He receiv'd such a Wound from a Splinter of it, as he died in two Hours after: Time, God wot, short e∣nough for Preparation to appear before the terrible Revenger of Blood unjust∣ly

spilt. His Name was, Francis Paris d^e Lorraine.

* 1.16Affairs abroad disquieted the Regent as well as the Commotions at home. Fran∣cis Duke of Mantua, her Nephew, died the latter end of the precedent Year. He left behind him by Margaret his Wife of the House of Savoy, and Daughter of Charles Emanuel, but one Daughter about four Years of Age. Ferdinand Cardinal de Gonzagua, Brother to Francis, succeeded without any Contest, to the Dutchy of Mantua. But Montferrat not being a Fief Male, it was to descend to the young Princess of Mantua. This Marquisate, formerly given by the Emperor Otho to a Saxon Lord, had fallen since into the Pos∣session of two different Houses. The Pa∣leologues first got into it by the Marriage of Yoland, an Heiress of the Line of Saxo∣ny, with Andronicus Paleologus, Emperor of Constantinople. Theodorus, their second Son, having had Montferrat for his Share, his Issue Male were in Possession of this Fee of the Western Empire, till for want of such Heirs, the House of Gonzagua came to inherit it, by Vertue of a Marri∣age of Margaret Poleologus with Frederick Duke of Mantua

The Duke of Savoy disputed the Succes∣sion with the Family of the Gonzagua's. There is said they, an ancient Agreement made between Theodorus Paleologus and Edmund Comte de Savoy. That when the Line Male of the Paleologues should be at an end, the Issue Male of Yoland his Daughter, and of Edmund of Savoy, whom she had married, should inherit Montfer∣rat; preferrably to the Daughters of the Family of the Paleologues, who might on∣ly pretend to a Portion suitable to their Quality. Charles Emanuel had other Pretensions to a part of Montferrat, by Virtue of the Will of Blanche Paleologus, married into the House of Savoy. She made Duke Charles II. Heir of a part of Montferrat, which she laid claim to, and of what was besides due to her for her Jointure. The Sum was but Fourscore Thousand Crowns; but the Interest for a long time added to the Principal, made it amount almost to a Million of Livres. This occasioned a very long Sute be∣tween the Houses of Savoy and Gonza∣ga. Instead of ending the Process by a Definitive Sentence, the Emperor Charles V. made the Affair more perplex'd. He, to content both Parties, awarded the Possession of Montferrat to the House of Mantua, and left, as they were, the

Pretensions of Savoy, by Virtue of a Te∣stamentary Donation of Blanche Paleo∣logus.

The Marriage of the last deceased Duke Francis with Margaret of Savoy was at last concluded, with design to put an end to all the Differences of both Houses. In favour of this Alliance Charles Emanuel gave up all his Pre∣tensions to his Daughter, and the Children begotten of her, if she should have any. 'Twas agreed likewise on both sides, that a Line should be drawn to divide, as e∣qually as possible could be, the two Princes Estates which ran into one another. But this Division being made, the Duke of Savoy was minded to renew his anci∣ent Rights: insomuch as he was not so ready to maintain the Pretensions of Ma∣ry his Grandchild for Montferrat, as his own.

* 1.17As soon as he had heard of the Duke of Mantua's Death, he sent two Persons, whom he chiefly rely'd upon, not so much to comfort his Daughter, as to instruct her in what she was to do in this pre∣sent Conjuncture. The first counsel∣led her to say she was with Child, to hinder Cardinal Gonzaga, who came

in haste from Rome to put himself into Possession of the deceas'd Duke's Estate, his Brother. Margaret was extreamly fix'd on the Interest of her House; and Charles Emanuel had taken care to breed up his Children upon an entire depen∣dance on their Father; so that the young Widow was easily brought over to coun∣terfeit her self big with Child. Victor Amedaeus, Prince of Piedmont, went in Per∣son to Mantua, under pretence of visiting his afflicted Sister; but he had secret Or∣ders from his Father to take her out of Mantua, with her Daughter, to Turin, or Milan; or, lastly, to Montferrat; of which Place the Princess Mary was Heir∣ess. It is not convenient, said Victor A∣medaeus to the Court of Mantua, for a dis∣consolate Widow to live in a Place, where she constantly finds Objects to renew her Sor∣row; and Decency will no more permit her to be with the Cardinal her Brother-in-Law, who is not much older than she, and hath so great Interest for the Succession of Mantua. He besides ought to wish it so, for his own Reputation. Would he make himself responsible for all the Accidents •…•…hich might happen to the Mother or the Daughter? My Sister, continued he, ought •…•…lso to take along with her the young Prin∣•…•…ess; she can't be in better Hands: Natu∣•…•…al Right gives to Mothers the Education of •…•…heir Children: They can take more care of

them, and be more tender of them than any other Person.

The Cardinal Ferdinand understood ve∣ry well, that the Savoyards thought of no∣thing more, than making sure to them∣selves Montferrat, under the Name of the Pupil who was in their Hands, or at least, at the disposal of John Mendoza, Marquess of Inojosa, Governor of the Mi∣lanese, their good Friend. Therefore the Cardinal alledg'd several Reasons to hin∣der his Sister-in-Law and his Niece, from going out of the States of Mantua. Is it Reasonable, answer'd Ferdinand, that we should suffer the Princess to go away, who perhaps may quickly bring an Heir capable to make this Country happy? The Princes of the House of Gonzaga are ordinarily born, where they are to Govern; and is it not more convenient for my Niece to be brought up in a Country, where we shall endeavour to make her some time a Sovereign Mistress, by Marrying her to the Heir of the House of Man∣tua? If the sight of my Deceased Brother's Pa∣lace troubles too much his Widow, we have other places whither she may retire for her Pleasure, with all imaginable Liberty.

Charles Emanuel Negotiated at Milan, with as much Zeal and Artifice. He per∣suaded,

that they would not consent to entrust with him the Heiress of Montfer∣rat, caused it to be reported at Inojosa, that she was the King of Spain's Grand∣child, that his Catholick Majesty was in∣teress't to get her out of her Uncles Hands by the Father side; that they should before-hand beware of the Cardinal, from whom she carried away with her the Suc∣cession of a rich Marquisate; that Philip III. was to take so much the more care of the Princess Mary; that it was of great concern to his Majesty, that Montferrat should be in the possession of a House, which might be the best agreeable to him; Lastly, that it was to be feared, lest the Gonzagues should marry their Niece into France, with the Son of the Duke of Ne∣vers, their near Relation.

* 1.18These Reasons, t'was said, backt with some Presents which Charles Emanuel had sent to the Marquess Inojosa, engaged this Governor to send the Prince d'Ascoli to Mantua with a great Retinue, to de∣mand of the Cardinal the Widow Dutch∣ess and her Daughter. Such a Proposal at first surprised him, but recovering him∣self a little, he found an Expedient which broke the Measures of the Prince of Pi∣edmont, and the Envoy of the Governor of Milan. T'is true, answer'd Ferdinand,

that the Princess Mary hath the Honour to be related to the King of Spain, but she hath this likewise, of being the Emperor's and Queen of France's Niece. I can't dis∣dispose of her, without the consent of their Majesties. Besides, the Dutchess my Sister-in-Law, and I, are at difference about the Tutelage of her Children. It belongs to the Emperor, on whom our Estates depend, to judge which of our two Rights are best groun∣ded. The Prince of Piedmont and d'Ascoli, departed after this Answer, whether it was that the respect they had for so grea•…•… a Name, stopt their Mouths, or that they had not taken necessary Measures for speaking more resolutely.

* 1.19The Marquess Trenel was at Turin, i•…•… the behalf of Mary de Medicis, when the News was receiv'd there of the Death o•…•… the Duke of Mantua. Amongst the Com∣plements of Condolence to Charles Ema∣nuel, upon this troublesom Accident which happen'd in his Family; Trenel, as from himself insinuated into the dissembling Savoyard, who fain'd to talk of the Count of Spain, that his most Christian Majesty had so good Intentions for the House of Mantua, as he would never fail to take it into his Protection, and Oppose with the force of his Arms, those who should undertake to offer violence to his near

Relations. Charles Emanuel well under∣stood this Discourse concern'd him, more than it regarded the Spaniards. He then laying aside his ordinary Dissimulation, answer'd frankly, that he hop't from the Equity of the King, and his Mother Queen, their Majesties wou'd not take it •…•…l, if he maintain'd, in case he was forc't •…•…'t, the Right of his Children to the Estates of the House of Mantua. My Daughter is big with Child, proceeded he, •…•…nd don't we know, but that she may be •…•…rought to bed of a Son? Be it what it will, •…•…he Princess Mary is the undoubted Heiress •…•…f Montferrat. If the House of Gonzaga •…•…ill do any Injustice to the Mother or Daugh∣ter, am not I in a necessity to take their In∣•…•…rests? I can't be perswaded, that his most •…•…hristian Majesty, whom I have always •…•…erv'd the best t'was possible for me, would •…•…rotect upon this occasion, Persons who would ••••ke away Mine and my Childrens Rights. Whatever comes on't, if Men fail to do Ju∣••••ice, we shall have Recourse to the Sove∣••••ign Judge of the World, and we trust he •…•…ill be favourable to us. Such is the Lan∣•…•…uage of Princes, when they are going ••••on unjustifiable Actions. Geffier Resi∣•…•…ent from France at the Court of Savoy, ••••d Orders to speak more positively to ••••e Duke, and declare to him, that the ••••areschal Lesdiguieres, should have an •…•…rmy ready to march forward into Italy,

as soon as there should be any Attempt against the House of Mantua, which the Crown of France took under its Protection. The French being gone to Mantua, to make his Complements of Condolence, in behalf of the King of France, and the Queen his Mother, to the Cardinal, upon the Death of the late Duke, gave the same Assurance by the Queen's Order. This did not a little serve to secure Ferdi∣nand, whom these Affairs had put into great perplexity.

* 1.20He was to expect some Succours from the Pope, whose chief Interest is to main∣tain peace in Italy; but the fearful and interessed old Man, acted but weakly in this matter. However urgent Breves, the French Ambassador at the Court of Rome was with Paul V. for to stir him up to prevent the Troubles which this Contro∣versie might raise in Italy;* 1.21 no other an∣swer could be got from him, than that the Queen of France ought to press th•…•… Catholick King, to send a precise Order to the Governor of Milan, not to bac•…•… the Pretensions of the Duke of Savoy. The Pope secretly gain'd over by the Spani∣ards, to whom he was wholly devoted and who at first flatter'd themselves o•…•… making an Advantage of the Ambition 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Charles Emanuel, had Counsell'd the Car∣dinal

of Mantua, to send the Mother and Daughter to Milan. And when it was propos'd to him, to take them both to Boulogne, under the Care and Protection of the Holy Chair, he excus'd himself of this; for that Charles Emanuel had no con∣fidence in him. At length Breves having told Paul, that it was however expected from his love for the common good of Italy, that he should oppose his Spiritual and Temporal Arms against the Duke of Savoy, in case he attempted to attack with open Force, the Cardinal of Mantua; the Pope answer'd in General Terms, that he would follow the Dictates of his own Con∣science, and do as God should inspire him; an usual Evasion of these Gentlemen, who hearken to their Interests and Passions, more than to the Voice of the Holy Spirit. Pope Paul spoke with more Sincerity, when in Reference to this same Affair of Mantua, he said, that he would not med∣dle with the concern of Princes, who had no regard for his Authority; and such indeed are the Sentiments of the great Personages, who are of the Popes Communion. They all of 'em know, that this is but Usurpation, Deceit and Pageantry; yet in the Interim, I cannot understand by what politick Interest, all these Princes who are under the Popes O∣bedience, keep still in with him. These imagine, whether it be good or bad, that

his Authority is necessary to them upon certain occasions, and the Court of Rome crafty to make an Advantage of their so beneficial prejudicate Opinions, think that they are quit with 'em, if from time to time they wipe off, and connive at some disdainful Aspersions, whilst they can pre∣serve their Revenues and a Spiritual Pow∣er over the Ignorant and Superstitious People, without which, the Pontifical Chair could have no long continuance or Duration.

* 1.22The Venetians upon this Occurrency were less Fearful, and more Wise than the Pope; for these able States-men fore∣saw too well, the Consequences of the Affair of Mantua, and easily discover'd where the Artifices of the Duke of Savoy drove at. The Senate therefore took particular care to encourage Cardinal Ferdinand, and gave him the best Advice, for not to suffer himself to be surpris'd unawares.* 1.23 The Republick did moreover Negotiate very effectually both at Vienna, and at the Court of France, to persuade those Princes to oppose the secret Designs of the Spaniards, and the undertakings of Charles Emanuel. Matthias the Emperor did as much instruct his Kinsman the King of Spain, as any other Prince in Europe, and the Cardinal de Clessel kept him in this Jealousie.

Being both perswaded that the Spaniards design'd rather to Ruine, than to Sup∣port the Authority of the Emperor in Italy. Upon this account Matthias did not make any difficulty to chuse the Car∣dinal of Mantua for the Guardian of the Children of the late Duke, and to dis∣pense with his Age, he not being old e∣nough according to the Common Laws, to be their Guardian.

* 1.24At length after Three months pretence, the Dutchess Margarita declared, she was not with Child; and Ferdinand de Gonza∣gue took the Quality of Duke of Mantua. The Prince of Piedmont came to fetch his Sister, and Conduct her to Turin. Isabella of Savoy, another Daughter of Charles Emanuel, Married to Caesar d'Este Duke of Medena, came also to Mantua, that so she night have a meeting with the Prince of Piedmont her Brother, and the Dutchess Margarita her Sister. This was a new •…•…ontrivance of Charles Emanuel. The Marriage of the Cardinal,* 1.25 Duke of Man∣•…•…ua was thought a proper expedient to •…•…ompose all Differences: 'Twas proposed, •…•…nd Ferdinand did not seem very averse to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Margarita thought by shedding a few Tears 'twould be easie to work upon her •…•…over, and to obtain leave of him to •…•…arry away the Princess Maria; but tho •…•…he Cardinal might have some inclinati∣•…•…ns for Margarita, yet his love was not so •…•…olent as to overcome all those Reasons

which engaged him not to part with his Niece. The Prince of Piedmont seeing him resolute in this point, thought fit to try another method, which was this; that the Dutchess Dowager should retire to Modena with her Daughter, till the pro∣posed Marriage should be Consummated; but in case it should be broke off, she should go alone to Turin; and that Caesar de Este should be obliged by promise to send back the Princess Mary to Mantua, if the Emperor or Cardinal Duke should re-demand her.

* 1.26Ferdinand was caught in the Snare: Whether it was that his Ministers were bribed, or that he had not quickness of apprehension enough to receive it; the Cardinal imprudently accepted the pro∣posal, which his Enemies made him: When the Ministers of France had no∣tice of it, they admonisht Ferdinand, that if his Niece should once go out of his hands, 'twould be impossible for him to get her again, and that the Duke of Mo∣dena would be so confined by the arti∣fices of Charles Emanuel, and the Marquis d'Inojosa, that he would not be able to restore her, thô he should be willing to do it. They added farther, if you should marry any one but Margarita, and it should please God, you have any Children, what perpetual disputes will there be between them and the Heiress of one part of the Estates of your Family?

Have you duly weighed all these inconve∣niencies? This Remonstrance opened the Cardinal Dukes Eyes; but he had given his Word, and he could not tell how to go back. The Ministers of France, and the Venetians helpt him out by perswading the Duke of Modena, not to charge him∣self with a Trust which was like to en∣•…•…angle him in a great deal of trouble and vexation: So that the Prince of Piedmont set out for Turin with his Sister Margarita, •…•…he being very much grieved to leave her Daughter behind her. They came to Milan in the holy Week. The Governor •…•…nvited them to spend those days of De∣votion there: But Victor Amadeus and •…•…nojosa had something else to mind than Holy-days. The latter sent immediately •…•…o Modena to engage Este, to charge him∣self with the Dutchess and Princess of Mantua, which according to Agreement were to be committed to his Care: And when they were sure of the Duke of Modena, the Captain of the Governor's Guards was sent to Mantua, in Inojosa's Name, to desire the Cardinal Duke to be •…•…s good as his Word. Ferdinand, who •…•…id not expect thus to be importuned a∣•…•…resh, had no other way to come off, but •…•…o retract what he had said. He al∣•…•…edged for his excuse, that he could not •…•…eliver up his Niece without the consent of the Emperor, who had committed her •…•…o his Guardianship. The Titular Bishop

of Diocesarea was sent to Milan, to make up the business with the Governor. Fer∣dinand ordered this Prelate to go likewise as far as Verceil, whither Charles Emanuel was advanced, under a pretence of com∣ing to meet his Daughter Margarita, but really with a design to execute a Project, which he had in his Head.

* 1.27The Bishop of Diocesarea had power to Negotiate the Marriage proposed be∣tween the Cardinal Duke and his Sister in Law. The Dissembling Savoiard some∣times seemed to listen to this Expedient, but he had no desire to bring the matter to a conclusion. The opportunity which he had of seizing on Monferrat, was too good to be neglected: Charles Emanuel plainly told the Bishop of Diocesarea, that he would not give up the pretensions of the House of Savoy to Monferrat in fa∣vour of the Match; he demanded back again not only the Jewels which his daughter had carried into the Family of Gonzague, but also those which her Hus∣band had presented her with. The Car∣dinal Duke refused to restore the latter, and Charles Emanuel full of great expecta∣tions, designed nothing, but to satisfie his Ambition.

He pleased himself with the thought•…•… of having time to effect his Enterprize before the Princes of Italy would be a∣wakened out of that Sleep, which •…•…∣long and profound Peace had brought up∣on

them. The watchful Eye which the Republick of Venice had upon every thing that was doing in their Neighbourhood, gave him some Disturbance: But he ima∣gined that if they did not approve of his Invasion, yet they would stand by, and look on, rather than engage in a War. As for the Emperor, he did not much concern himself about it: The Authority of the Empire in Italy is but a vain Title without Power. The two Crowns were more to be feared. But the Duke thought Maria de Medicis, having her hands full by reason of the Factions of the Princes and great Men at home, could not send any mighty Assistance to the House of Mantua. And then he hoped to curry favour at the Court of Madrid, by means of the Governour of Milan, his Friend: Besides, there were at that time no Troops in those parts; and it would require time to bring them thither: However, he thought the fear of bringing the French into Italy, would make the Court of Ma∣drid backward to declare it self either one way or the other. And this in the very thing, which would have checkt Charles Emanuel, if he had not been blinded by his Ambition.

For indeed his Catholick Majesty fear∣ing nothing more, than that the French should have any pretence to carry their Arms into Italy; his business was to take care that the Duke of Savoy should not

tacque the House of Mantua, which France would not fail to take under its Protection.

* 1.28Charles Emanuel assembles his Troops as secretly as he can, and parts from Verceil the 22th of April 1613. to enter Monfer∣rat with his Army: He presently sur∣prizes several places; others being not prepared to make any Resistance, Sur∣render; so that within a few days, he was Master of all the Province except Casal. He had also took this important Town, and the rest of the Marquisat, if Charles of Gonzague Duke of Nevers in France, had not happily been in Italy at the time of his Invasion; whether it was upon the account of assisting the Cardinal Duke with his Advice, and with his Sword if there should be occasion, or whether he pretended to Negotiate at Rome and at Venice, about an imaginary descent in∣to the Morea, which he had designed; he undertook to Conduct to Florence his Sister in Law, Daughter of the late Duke of Maienne, married to the Count of Saint∣fiore, Son of the Duke of Sforce. When Nevers was arrived on the Coasts of Ge∣noa, he received Letters, which invited him in the Name of the Nobility of Mon∣ferrat, to come immediately to their as∣sistance, to stop the progress of the Arms of the Duke of Savoy. Nevers went away presently with some Soldiers, which he got together, and with the assistance of a

good Guide he luckily entred Casal, which the Cardinal Duke had made as strong as he could. Vincent de Gonzague the Car∣dinal's Brother hasted towards that place at the same time, and in his Passage thrô Milan, he endeavoured to convince Inojosa of the secret designs of the Enemy of their Family, who flattered himself that the Conquest of Monferrat▪ would facili∣tate that of Milan one day, which was a thing he had long ago contrived.

* 1.29All Italy was allarmed at the report of the March of Charles Emanuel. 'Twas not doubted but Inojosa was privy to his Designs, tho' he took particular care o∣penly to condemn the Dukes Enterprize.

And tho' the Governor inveighed against him, sent Circular Letters to the Princes of Italy, and writ to France, declaring that the King his Master disapproved the Action of the Savoyard, and that his Ca∣tholick Majesty would vigorously oppose all those that troubled the Repose of Italy. All the World believed that Charles Emanuel and he understood one another, and that he had received considerable Presents from him. And 'tis a question whether the Marquiss of Bedmar, Am∣bassador of Spain at Venice, was more sincere in the Protestations which he made to the Seigniory, implying that Philip would willingly concur with them in se∣curing the quiet of Italy, that the Cardi∣nal Duke should be re-established in his

Possession of Monferrat, and that Charles Emanuel should be punisht for his Teme∣rity.

When the Duke of Savoy's designs were publickly known, the Republick of Ve∣nice represented to him, that they were surprized to see him begin a War, which in all probability, would draw Foreign Forces into Italy, which must first pass through his Territories. These prudent Senators said to him, There are some Con∣quests, which don't deserve to be bought with the loss of that Quiet and Tranquility, which a Prince enjoys. Have a regard to your Glo∣ry and to your Interest: You thus hazard the loss of the one, and expose your Country to be the Theatre of a War, the End of which per∣haps you may not live to see: France and Spain will Interest themselves; at least they will make themselves Arbiters in the Case, and you must submit to their Decision. In∣stead of listening to these wise Admoniti∣ons, Charles Emanuel ordered the Ambas∣sador of the Republick to leave him; but twas not long before the Ambitious Duke perceived he was engaged in an Enter∣prize, which was not like to prove Ho∣nourable to him in the Issue. The Vene∣tians sent Three thousand Men for the preservation of Casal. The great Duke of Tuscany promised Two thousand Foot, and Two hundred Horse to the Cardinal Duke. The House of Mantua levied Three thousand Switzers; so that they

hoped in a short time to be in a Condition to meet the Duke of Savoy, with Sixteen or Seventeen thousand Men; but things did not perfectly succeed according to his Expectation. As for the Pope, he only promised his good Offices in order to a Peace. The Quality of Universal Fa∣ther is of mighty use, when he thinks fit rather to Enrich his Family, than to Succour an injured Prince.

* 1.30In the mean time they publisht Mani∣festoe's on both Sides. The Duke of Savoy asserted, that the Guardianship of the Princess Mary belonged to the Dutchess her Mother; he insisted mightily on the Cardinal Dukes refusing to keep his word;* 1.31 and the excuse that that Prince could not part with a Pupil, which the Emperor had committed to his Tutelage, was pret∣ty well refuted; as indeed it was not a very good one. The Emperors Interpo∣sition in that affair was desired by him, that so he might make use of it after∣wards, as there should be occasion. And he had sufficiently explained himself as to that Point, when he promised to deli∣ver back his Niece into the hands of the Duke of Modena. Charles Emanuel laid forth his Pretensions to Monferrat; with as much boldness, as if they had been the clearest and justest in the World. This is the way of Ambitious Princes. They imagine that the World is easily imposed on, and that Men will believe them upon

their Word. As for the Cardinal Duke, he replied in his Manifesto, that the Dutchess his Sister-in-Law not being of Age, the Law did not allow her to be Guardianess of her Daughter, and that Mothers forfeit the Guardianship of their Children, when they voluntarily with∣draw from the Family and Dominions of their Husbands. From whence he con∣cluded that Margarita, having earnestly desired to go to Turin, had thereby re∣nounced her Guardianship of the Princess of Mantua. He endeavoured to make good the Emperor's committing her to his Care. But the Promise which he made, and broke afterwards, was such a Slurr upon him, that he could not possibly give it a good Colour: His best way had been ingeniously to have confest his Imprudence; such a false step costs a Prince Dear: The superannuated and extravagant Pretensi∣ons to Monferrat are very well refuted. He did not fail to put the Duke of Savoy in mind of the Grant which he had made upon the Marriage of his Daughter with the late Duke Francis of Mantua. In which Point, he had been guilty of a far more considerable Breach of his Word than that was, which Charles Ema∣nuel made such a noise about: How could he have the Face to insist so much upon the retractation of a surprized Man, who himself was the most Perfidious, and falsest Prince of his time.

At this time he Acted a Thousand parts to justifie his Conduct to the World, or at least to gain time in managing the two Crowns.* 1.32 Sometimes he proposed to set the Arms of the King of Spain over the Gates of all the Towns which he had taken in Monferrat, and to put them into the hands of his Majesty, on Condition, there should be a Garrison of Savoyards. Sometimes he offered to let Philip III. have Casal, on Condition that the House of Savoy should remain in Possession of all the rest of Monferrat. When he writ to the Queen Regent of France, he did it in the most submissive manner imaginable; he was ready to deliver up to her Majesty, all that he had taken from the House of Mantua.

And when Charles Emanuel perceived that his pretended Submissions did him no kindness, he put on another Shape; he Hectored and Threatned all the World; Just as if all Europe had been at his Dis∣posal. If the Spaniards required him to desist from his Enterprize, he answered them haughtily that he would side with France. If the Pope urged him to make Peace, he talkt of calling to his assistance an Army of Protestants into Italy. And, if the Republick of Venice pretended to assist the Cardinal Duke, he threatned them with nothing less than bringing the Turk against them, and covering the Adriatick Sea with Corsairs and Pirates.

Sometimes, nevertheless he talkt of Peace, but his Proposals were so extravagant, that they could not be accepted, or else so ambiguous, that no body could tell what he meant.

* 1.33The Intrigues which this turbulent Spirit had formed in the Court of France, with some great Men there, gave him more Confidence than any thing else. He sent Couriers continually to the Mare∣schal de Lesdiguieres, his Friend, who Commanded in Dauphine by reason of the Non-age of the Count Soissons.* 1.34 He made Lesdiguieres believe that he did nothing without his Privity and Advice; that so he might get him into his Interests, and hinder him from obeying too punctually the Orders, the Queen Regent had sent him to assist her Nephews of Mantua; and amuse the Mareschal with divers Pro∣posals of accommodation: Charles Ema∣nuel held also a great Correspondence with the Duke of Bellegarde, one of the Malecontents of the Regency. The Go∣vernment of Burgundy, in which he was settled, might render him very useful to the Designs of the Savoiard. In short, he had Agents and secret Spies in the Court of France, who gave him notice of every thing, and who were neerly Allied to the Prince of Conde, the Male-content∣ed Noblemen, and even the Marquiss and Marchioness of Ancre, the most in∣timate Confidents of the Queen. Being

exactly informed of all that past at Court, and in the several Provinces; The Duke of Savoy flattered himself that Mary de Medicis being embarrast with Factions, which he managed with extraordinary application, would not be in a condition to let her thoughts run abroad; and that she would shortly be engaged in a Civil War.

* 1.35And really, what care soever the Queen Regent took to secure her self of the Duke of Guise, he still wavered, and the Prince of Conde was forward enough to take notice of it. The Duke of Vendome, Gevernour of Britagne had given his word to the Dutchess of Mercoeur, his Mother-in-Law, that he would be faith∣ful to the Queen: And nevertheless he grew into a great intimacy with Conde, before he set out for Bretagne, whither he went to call together the States of that im∣portant Province. The Marshal of Bovillon disgusted that he could not rise so high as he aspired, was the Man, who underhand endeavoured to take off the Duke of Guise from the Queens Interests, and to strengthen the Prince of Conde's Party, that so Mary de Medicis might see her need of him, and buy him at a dearer rate. The Marquiss d' Ancre being earnestly bent upon the ruin of those Ministers, which the Cab•…•…l had a mind to undermine, went so far in that business, that the Queen Regent was obliged to threaten him with Banishment,

if he did not break up the Cabal, and presently return to Court, from which he affected to be at a distance, under a pre∣tence of some Discontent. I am a Man of Honour, answered he to Bassompierre, when this Nobleman spake to him in the behalf of his Benefactress, The Queen thinks she may break her Word to People; for my own part, I'l be Faithful to Mr. the Prince, and those others, with which her Majesty has united me. The cunning Ita∣lian loved Conde no more than those Mi∣nisters, but being resolved to remove all those Princes and Noblemen that stood in his way, after he had driven from the Court all those which he thought had too great a share in the management of Affairs. The Ministers did not let slip so good an occasion of irritating the Queen against the Marquiss; they studiously aggravated the Ingratitude of a Man, whom the Queen had raised. Galigai his Wife was the first that exclaimed against him: But at the bottom there was a very good un∣derstanding between him and his Wife, they were both in the same Intrigues.

Their Enemys thought they had found out enough to be the Ruin of both with∣out remedy. Gueffier the Resident of France in Savoy had discovered that the Duke had notice of all the secret Passages at Court,* 1.36 and that the Letters were di∣rected to a certain Baron de la Roche of Dauphiny, whom Charles Emanuel often

kept company with, and I can't tell how, Gueffier had gotten a piece of a Letter written by the hand of the Duke of Sa∣voy's Spie. He sent it back to France,* 1.37 to be examined, to see if they could know the Hand of this Person that sent secret Advice. They suspected divers, and the Officers of the Post had Orders to seize him, who should bring Letters written by the same hand. The Queen Regent was then at Fontainbleau, where she was entertaining her self with the Pleasures of the Spring. 'Twas there they seized a Dauphinois, by Name Magnac, as he was carrying to the Post a Letter addres∣sed to the Baron de la Roche; they exami∣ned him before the Queen's Council. Mag∣nac accuses the Marquiss and Marchioness d' Ancre; but above all, Dole their intimate Confident. The Ministers began to tri∣umph hereupon. They boasted that Con∣chini and his Wife, or at least Dole should never get clear of this unhappy affair. And certainly there was matter enough to ruin them entirely,* 1.38 if their Friends had not stood by them, and if they had had a Mistress more Advised, and less Indulgent than Maria de Medicis.

Bassompierre had dextrously gotten all the Secret out of Lomenie the Secretary of State, something of which the Queen had before told him. He thought he was obliged immediately to advertize Conchini of it whom he looked on as his Friend.

The Marquiss d' Ancre denied that he knew Magnac, and affected to speak with∣out any concern. Bassompierre being sa∣tisfied that he had performed a good Of∣fice to a Man that might make his ad∣vantage of it if he pleased, left the Mar∣quiss, and took a walk along the Canal of Fountainbleau. But Conchini reflecting upon the notice that had been given him, he presently sent to enquire for Bassompi∣ere: They shut themselves up in a Gal∣lery, and Conchini being uneasie, having walkt sometime without saying any thing, Cried out all of a suddain in his odd Language, half French and half Italian, I am Ruin'd. Mr. Bassompierre, The Mini∣sters my Enemies have got the better of me with the Queen. Then he wept bitterly, and threw out a thousand Execrations. Bassompierre suffered him to torment him∣self for some time. After the Marquiss was a little come to himself, he said thus to him. Sr. your business now is to take a good Resolution. The favour of the Queen may be a great stay to you against your Enemies. They can never hinder her from hearing you make your Defence if you are Innocent. But if your. Conscience reproaches you with any thing, rather retire to your Government of Amiens. Let your Wife and Friends do what they can; they will find a favourable moment to appease the Queen.

Conchini, who knew himself guilty, at present though it the best way to secure

his Person in Amiens, to which Place Bassompierre was willing to accompany him. But Dole fearing he should be Ru∣ined, if the Marquiss d' Ancre left the Court, perswaded him to change his Re∣solution. He had recourse to the Good∣ness of the Queen, who too much doted on Leonora, Conchini's Wife. The Queen was not very backward to forgive them this Trick. The Commissioners who ex∣amined Magnac, gave in an account very favourable of the Marquiss and Marchio∣ness. Mazurier and Mangor, whom they had made their Friends, did them good Service in this Rencounter. And these mercenary Souls were well Paid for their Pains. Each of them was advanced to be a First President. Mazurier was na∣med for the Parliament of Tholouse, and Mangot for that of Bourdeaux. The Names of Conchini and his Wife, were suppressed in the Proceedings of the Lieu∣tenant du Prevot de l'Hotel against Magnac; and this wretch, which had not the great∣est share in the Guilt, was broke upon the Wheel alive at Fontainbleau.

This being a certain proof, that the Marquiss and Marchioness of Ancre were so well settled in the good graces of the Queen,* 1.39 that nothing could make them Forfeit her Favour: The Ministers took a Resolution to come to an Agreement with Conchini. The President Jeannin, who had always carried himself well e∣nough

towards the Favourite, proposed to the Queen the Reconciliation of Villeroi and the Chancellor, with the Marquiss. She desired nothing more than to Re∣unite her People, in order to oppose the contrary Party, There was a proposal made of a Match between Conchini's Daughter and the Marquiss of Villeroi,* 1.40 Grandson to the Secretary of State. And at the same time the Ministers promised this Favourite, who was all along endea∣vouring to Raise himself upon their Ruin, that they would assist him in all his En∣terprizes, and contribute their utmost for the making his Fortune as great as he could wish. Bassompierre who had done such Service, both for the Ministers and Conchini, complained, that they coming to an Agreement, without his having a hand in it, both united in their endeavours to turn him out of the Queen's Favour: They made the Queen so Jealous of Bas∣sompierre's Conduct, that despairing to obtain any thing of her, he was upon the Point of leaving the Court of France, and going to seek his Fortune elsewhere. But Bassompierre's good Friends, especially the Duke of Guise and the Princess of Conti, spoke so effectually to the Queen Regent, that her Majesty gave him good words to Retain him. The Princess of Conti wou'd not lose her Lover, and the Duke of Guise was perswaded by a long Experience, that Bassompierre was serviceable to him.

The Queen Regent was not so taken up with these Intrigues at Court, that she did not at all reflect upon foreign Affairs. That of Monferrat seemed to her the most important,* 1.41 that was likely to come into her hands during the Administration. But her Majesty would not come to any Resolutoin without the Advice of the Princes, and all the Principal Men of the Kingdom. Here was an opportunity to recall to Court the Prince of Conde, and the other Heads of the Party. They had withdrawn one after another, very much disgusted that the Queen was Reconciled to the Duke of Guise and d' Espernon, and that she had called back the Ministers. They presently agreed to send Two thou∣sand Men to Casal,* 1.42 under the Command of the Chevalier de Guise, who should Embark in Provence, to pass by Savone into Monferrat. And the Court of France be∣ing perswaded that the Governor of Mi∣lan privately sided with the Duke of Savoy, or at least that the Spaniards would make their Advantage of this Quarrel, resolv'd to send Three Armies to attacque Charles Emanuel in three different Places. The Mareshal de Lesdiguieres was to march the greatest through Dauphine into Pied∣mont.* 1.43 The Duke of Guise had the least considerable, to attacque the Savoyard on the Side of Provence. Lastly, the Third was designed to make an Irruption through Burgundy, under the Command of Belle∣garde.

As soon as this was concluded on in the Queens Council, The Dutchess of Nevers went away to Grenoble, to engage the Marquiss of Lesdiguières to march with all speed.* 1.44 But the earnest desire, which the Queen Regent at first discovered to Suc∣cour her Nephews, grew cool by degrees. The secret Friends of the Duke of Savoy cunningly represented to her Majesty, that 'twas dangerous to trust great Men with Armies under their Command, du∣ring a Minority, and to place a Mareschal of France an Huguenot, at the Head of the most considerable. Ʋbaldini the Popes Nuncio was on their side, for fear the Arms of France should make too great advances in Italy, and that Lesdiguieres should bring too many Protestants along with him; of which the Court of Rome has been always very Jealous. The cun∣ning Italian, with some others endeavour∣ed to perswade the Queen, yet fearful and irresolute, that it was not necessary to be hasty in carrying the Arms of France into Piedmont; since the King of Spain himself intended to oppose the Duke of Savoy, and to take care, that what the House of Mantua had lost in Monferrat, should be restored. Said they, Madam, if you send powerful Aids to the Cardinal Duke, that step will create a jealousie of you, in King Philip. Then he'l assist the Duke of Savoy, and so of Course you must break with Spain. Had not your Majesty better threatten

the Duke of Savoy to agree with Spain; wou'd not that be sufficient to stop a Prince, who has began a War, which he can never maintain, without the assistance of one Crown or the other. By these insinuations the Queen was perswaded to suspend the march of the Armies, till she should see, how affairs went at the Court of Madrid. The Spaniards having seriously consi∣dered the consequences of those Commo∣tions,* 1.45 which the ambition of the Duke of Savoy had raised in Italy and other Places; his Catholick Majesty resolved in good earnest to oppose the designs of this rest∣less and turbulent Prince. He sent his Secretary Vargas to Milan, to declare plainly to Charles Emanuel, that if he would not consent to restore the Towns he had taken in Monferrat, that Philip. would force him to it. Besides that the Duke of Lerma hated the Duke of Savoy, this Minister did not care for War; whe∣ther it were, that he thought Peace more proper for the Conservation of his Autho∣rity, or whether he was willing to con∣form himself to the calm and pacifique temper of his Prince.

So that Charles Emanuel is in worse confusion than ever He had pretended to listen to some proposals of accommo∣dation,* 1.46 which Massimi the Popes Nuncio had made him in the Name of the Pope. Victor Amedeus, Prince of Piedmont was also gone to Milan to Negociate that Af∣fair:

But his Father always found some occasion when the matter was near being concluded. And even at that very time, when the Duke appeared inclined to Peace. He endeavoured to carry on his Conquests in Monferrat. Althô France and Spain then threatned him equally, and the Princes of Italy had almost all de∣clared against him; yet he was not daunted, but steddily resolved to make a new Effort to lay the Storm, which roar∣ed on both Sides of him. He sent out of hand the Prince of Piedmont to Madrid, to represent his Rights to the Catholick King, and he engaged his Brother, the Duke of Nemours, to make a Journey in∣to France, to bring over the Queen Re∣gent, if he could, or at least, to oppose the Duke of Maienne, who made a pow∣erful Interest in favour of the House of Mantua. But they had less Respect for him in Spain, than they had in France; when Victor Amadeus arrived in Catalonia, the King let him know, that he forbid him to pass any farther, till he should re∣ceive news of his Father's submission to his Majesty's last Orders.* 1.47

According to the Project of Accommo∣dation proposed by the Pope's Minister, the Duke of Savoy was to deliver up to his Holiness, the Places, which he had Possession of in Monferrat. At this, the Court of Vienna took offence. And in∣deed, the Marquisat being a Fief of the

Empire, It belonged to the Emperor to de∣cide the Controversie and to be the Seque∣ster, preferably to all others. Matthias therefore sent Orders to the Prince of Castiglione his Commissary in Italy, to go to Turin, and tell Charles Emanuel, that he should immediately raise the Siege, he had laid before Nice de la Paille, a Town of Mon∣ferrat, and consent to the suspension of Arms, which his Imperial Majesty had or∣dered on both Sides, upon pain of forfeiting the Emperor's Protection and that he must with all speed lay down his Arms, to dis∣sipate the Jealousies which his Enterprize had given him. But as the Emperor pre∣tended to be the sole Judge of a Contro∣versie concerning a Fief of the Empire, so the King of Spain, he too, would be the Arbiter without the concurrence either of the Empire or of France. All these incidents, pleased Charles Emanuel. What with Criticizing on some of the Ar∣ticles that were proposed to him, and ex∣pecting till the Competition should be de∣cided, he had time to push on his Con∣quests in Monferrat.

The Prince of Castiglione tired with the delays of the Duke of Savoy, publisht a Proclamation in the Name of the Em∣peror; where he enjoined Charles Emanuel to deliver up to his Imperial Majesty's Commissary, all that he had taken in Monferrat, to send within Ten days a De∣puty who should Treat, (the Prince of

Castiglione being present) with him, whom the Duke of Mantua should send, about means to determine the Controversie, to the satisfaction of those who were con∣cerned in it: And that the Affair must be finisht within a Month, after they should meet on one Side, and on the o∣ther. But, was it prudent, to use a pre∣cise and absolute way of speaking before he had sufficient Forces in Italy to Com∣mand Obedience, if either of the Two Sides should resist? This was to expose the Authority of the Emperor too rashly. The Dukes of Savoy and Mantua had no other regard for him, but as his great Name might sometimes do them a kind∣ness. The Princes of Italy, Feudatories of the Empire, are willing to with∣draw themselves as much as possible, from any Authority which incommodes them, as weak as it is. The King of Spain himself undermines it slily upon this occasion. His Catholick Majesty will have no other Arbiter in a Country where he is most powerful.

The Governour of Milan acts more effectually than the Imperial Commissary.* 1.48 Inojosa, being perswaded that his Master was resolved to bring this Affair to a Conclusion, without the interposition of France, sends the Prince of Ascoli at the Head of Five thousand Men, which join∣ed Three thousand more of the Troops of Mantua, Commanded by Prince Don

Vincent, the Cordinal Dukes Brother. This Army advances towards Nice, near to which, that of Charles Emanuel lay; the Savoiards did not then doubt,* 1.49 but that the Governour was firmly resolved punctually to execute the Orders of his Catholick Majesty. There being no o∣ther way left, but that of putting a good face upon it; the General of the Dukes Army sent word to the Prince of Ascoli, that the Duke his Master entred into Monferrat, not imagining that King Philip would have espoused the Cause of the House of Mantua, against a Prince which had the Honour to be his Maje∣sties Brother in Law. Since it is so, ad∣ded the Envoy, the Troops of the Duke my Master are ready to retire. I will only say, that 'tis not the fear of the Arms of Man∣tua, but the Respect which his Highness has for the King of Spain, that inclines him to this Resolution. He will never Employ his Forces in any thing that shall displease his Catholick Majesty. The Prince of Ascoli, answered that he had Orders to Relieve the Town of Nice, and to take Care, that the Army of the Duke of Savoy leave Monferrat. He added, If the General will lead off his Army, no body will pursue it; but if he is resolved to stay, we'l presently be with him.

After so many cunning Tricks and Contrivances, the Duke of Savoy was en∣taged to see himself once more the Jest

of all Europe, and to have spent a great deal of Money in Projects that were de∣feated in a Moment. Before he would quite give up, he had a mind to try Ino∣josa whose friendship he had always rec∣koned upon. He proposed to him, that he would blindly devote himself to the King of Spain, in opposition to all the World, on Condition he would leave him in Possession of what he had taken. Of∣fers, so Honourable, so Advantageous to the King of Spain in appearance, were despised. The Duke was reduced at last humbly to desire, that till the entire de∣cision of the Controversie, he might have one Place left him in token of his pre∣tensions to Monferrat. They would not enter into any Treaty with this good Prince, but sent him Padilla a General of the Artillery, one of the most morose Men in Spain, who at first word told his Highness, in Terms very concise, and with an Air of severity, that he must e∣ven restore all. To compleat his morti∣fication, Padilla produced a Letter of the King of Spain's, Short, but Expressive, which obliged the Duke to comply with whatsoever the Marquiss of Inojosa should prescribe to him.

Nothing so much mortifies an haughty and valiant Prince, as to be treated like a Subject by one that is more powerful than himself. But what shall say? Poor Emanuel abondoned of all the Word, was

forced to receive the most rigid Terms. Instead of giving a Positive answer to grave Padilla, he sent of his Ministers to Milan, with such proposals, as tended to lengthen out the business, and delay his Resolution. Inojosa rejected them with Indignation, and sent word to Charles Emanuel, that if he did not presently Re∣store all that he had Usurpt, the Prince of Ascoli should lay Siege to one of those Places, which were Re-demanded, that the Governor of Milan should come him∣self upon the Spot, and hang up every one that dared to Resist him. The Duke knowing no means to prevent it, offered to Surrender and Resign all that he was in Possession of in Monferrat. I can't tell, but still he might have some little hopes of gaining time, by reason of a Quarrel that arose between Inojosa and Castiglione. Each pretended that the Places were to be delivered up into the hands of his Master: But Castiglione who had only the Name and Authority of the Emperor to back him, soon complied with the other who had the Power in his hands: The Imperial Commissary only received one Town for Form sake, and the Spaniards took Possession of the rest. Never was there an Agreement sooner Concluded than this, thô the Duke of Savoy made a great many Difficulties, be∣fore he would be brought to it. This was the last Artifice of a Prince who had

a mind to have in Reserve a pretence to Break, when he should see it Convenient. A Treaty made with precipitation, is never well fixt. Ther's always some room for Evasion left for one, that has no mind to be honest.

* 1.50Before the conclusion of this Agreement, the Duke of Nevers, who, as we said, was come thither for the Relief of Mon∣ferrat, had some words with the Gover∣nour of Milan. Nevers had joined Prince Vincentius of Mantua with an Hundred, or Six score French Gentlemen.* 1.51 These observing the steps of the Spaniards, grumbled that the Prince of Ascoli had not the pleasure of an opportunity to Bang the Savoiard Army. The Marquiss of Inojosa, being angry that his Collusion with Charles Emanuel was discovered, de∣clared openly, that he would not suffer the French to have any Soldiers in Italy, nor that any should come into the Coun∣try of Milan, that he would give no civil reception to any that should pass thrô that Province; and if the Two thousand Men which the Chevalier de Guise was to bring with him into Italy, should come thither, he would cut them in pieces. This Spaniard was so offended at the coming of the French, that he Command∣ed the Gallys of Naples, of Sicily and Genoa, unitedly to oppose those Vessels which brought Aids from Provence, and to hinder the French Troops from Land∣ing

in the Coasts of Italy. Inojosa after all, endeavoured to make the Cardinal Duke Jealous, by giving it out, that Nevers had a greater design to make himself Master of Monferrat, than to assist the House of Mantua.

The Duke affronted with the arrogance and moroseness of the Governour, told him that 'twas too much in all reason, for a Man of Inojosa's Quality to march with so great a Train, but that the Duke Nevers, of the Family of Gonzagua, might be allow'd to have an Hundred or Sixscore Men at his Heels. He added, excepting four or five Friends that are come to me, all the rest belong to me; If the Marquiss d'I∣nojosa offers to abuse any of them, I know the Reason. As for his threatning to cut in pieces the Troops which may come from France, to assist the House of Mantua, 'tis not to be rhought that his Catholick Majesty approves such Language: There's no body in the World can hinder the most Christian King from Assisting his Kinsman and Ally, or opposing the unjust Designs of the Duke of Savoy. He would also raise a suspition con∣cerning me, but I am not afraid that the vain talk of the Marquiss d'Inojosa, should make the least impression. My Interest is so much one with that of the House of Mantua. Monsieur the Governour confirms himself the just suspicions we have of his Conduct: We know his Aversion to the Cardinal Duke, and we are not ignorant of the Reasons which he

has to favour the Duke of Savoy, agrinst the Pretentions of his Catholick Majesty. Thus it was that the Duke of Nevers supported the Honour of France, better than the Regent of the Kingdom. And not listen∣ing to the wise Remonstrances of the Se∣nate of Venice, who prest her to bring Troops into Piedmont and other Places; she suffered the Court of Madrid to have all the Honour of this Affair, being rea∣dy to reap advantage from it, as there should be opportunity.

Whilst the greatest part of Europe was in some Commotion,* 1.52 on the account of the death of Francis Duke of Mantua, James, King of Great Britain, who did not much concern himself with the Af∣fairs of Italy, lived peceably in his own Island; he was Entertaining himself with Diversions, and giving the People afflicted for the death of the Prince of Wales a Thousand spectacles. Some said, that the Father had a mind insensibly to efface the Memory of his Son, which a little be∣fore charmed all England. Instead of taking pains to discover the secret of the hasty death of his Son, the King heaped new favours upon his unworthy Favou∣rite, who was thought by some to be the Author of it. Robert Carr, Viscount of Ro∣chester was made Earl of Sommerset, a very high Title, which was not wont to be be∣stowed, but upon the Princes of the Blood of England, or at least to the near Kin∣dred

of the King by the Mother's Side. This Favourite married afterwards Fran∣ces Howard Countess of Essex, famous for her Crimes and Exploits. Should I make a rash judgment, if I should say, that the good King lookt upon himself as a Man happily raised from the dead, after the death of his Son, whose Court having for some time been fuller than his, made him Jealous. This was clear enough from a word that fell from him: What will they bury me alive? An expression, which the World reflected on, when the Prince of Wales came to die a little while after.

The occasion of so many Diversions and Festival Solemnities in England, was the Marriage of the Princes Elizabeth, the Kings Daughter, with Frederick Count Palatine of the Rhine. This Alli∣ance pleased the English extreamly, and all the Protestants.* 1.53 The House of Austria took a great deal of pains to Traverse it. And the Queen, whom the Court of Madrid had took Care to make their Friend, did her best to dissuade the King from it: But he concluded it, notwith∣standing the Intrigues of the Spanish Faction. James conferred the Honour of the Order of the Garter upon the Elector, before the Solemnity of the Wedding. The Illustrious Prince Maurice of Orange, was Received into the same Noble and Ancient Society at the same

time with his Nephew. The Chapter of the Order was Convened at Windsor Castle, the 14th of February this Year: The Ceremony was performed with all the Solemnity imaginable. The Elector Palatine, who was himself in England, to Negotiate his Marriage, Received the Order in Person, and Maurice being ab∣sent, Received it by Count William of Nassau, his Proxy. Ten days after, Fre∣derick was publickly Married to the Prin∣cess Elizabeth. Before and after their Wed∣ding day, the King Entertained the Peo∣ple with Plays and magnificent Spectacles.

Holland also was well pleased, and joy∣ful for a great while. Prince Maurice Received in the Presence of the States General of the United Provinces, the Garter which the Herald of the Order had brought thither, and there was no∣thing omitted, which might contribute to the Glory of the Ceremony. The wise Barnavelt, Pensionary of the Province of Holland, Returned thanks in the Name of the States General, to the English Am∣bassador, who had presented the Garter in the Name of the King his Master, to Prince Maurice. The New Electoress having past from England into Holland, in the Month of May following, to go to Hey∣delberg, she was Received almost in every City of the Province, and particularly at Amsterdam, with a Magnificence answer∣able to their Wealth, and the Memory

which they retained of the great assistances which their Infant-Republick had received formerly from the Crown of England.

The Protestants were in hopes, that the Marriage of the Elector Palatine, with the Princess of Great Britain, would be very advantageous to their Religion: But there was yet one thing which they wisht for; And that was, that King James would abondon his Design of Marrying his Heir to a Princess of the Popish Com∣munion:* 1.54 But althô his Majesty did not stick publickly to say, that the Pope was Antichrist, yet he never had a sincere and fervent Zeal for the Establishment of the Reformation. As soon as Prince Henry was in his Grave, James proposed the Marriage of Charles his Second Son, now Prince of Wales, with Christina,* 1.55 Se∣cond Daughter of France. The Regent frankly received the Memoires, which the Ambassador of England delivered, touching this Affair, to Villeroy Secretary of State. She hoped that the Protestants of France and elsewhere, allarmed with the double Marriage concluded with Spain, would be calmed, when they saw that nevertheless the Crown of France was not set at such a distance from an Alliance with Protestants, but that it still designed a strict Union with them, in giving the younger Sister of the King to the Heir of the most powerful Prince of their Communion. Althô the Conduct

of Maria de Medicis in this Negociation, was full of Artifice and Dissimulation, the Court of Rome was Jealous, and the Pope used all his Power to dissuade the Regent from listening to the offers of his Brittannick Majesty. The Pope plainly told Breves the King's Ambassador, that he took it ill, that there should be any design of mingling the Blood Royal o•…•… France, with that of an Heretick Prince•…•… Breves took the liberty to represent to the Pope, that the welfare of the Kingdom and of Religion it self required that the Proposals of the King of England should not be rejected. The Old Man being devoted to Spain, did not regard him. He insisted to conjure the Regent not to enter into a Negociation, so disadvan∣tageous to the Church, which is really, as much as to say, so little conducible to the Interests of the Court of Rome.

The Nuncio Ʋbaldini very much be∣stirred himself in France,* 1.56 he tired the Queen with his Remonstrances; he ex∣hausted himself in finding out the most pressing motives of Piety and Religion; at length he heated the Cabals of Devo∣tees, which are always numerous and powerful, in an ignorant and superstiti∣ous Court. Said this Italian Prelate to the Queen, Is it possible, Madam, that your Majesty should be so little sensible of the particular kindness of God to you! 'Tis to distrust his Providence, to have recourse to

the Alliance of Hereticks, as a thing neces∣sary for the Repose and Conservation of the Dominions of the King your Son. Your Ministers think it convenient that you should hear the Proposals of an Heretick Prince: Your Majesty agrees with them, but that is not sufficient to clear you before God and all those who detest this sort of Politicks. You should rather listen to the Voice of your Con∣science, and the good Advice of the Pope, than the vain speculations of a Council, that govern themselves by the maxims of the wisdom of the Children of this World, ra∣ther than by those of Religion.

This Prelate advanced at that time, a Principle of his particular Gospel, which deserves to be related. He declares that these pretended good People, whom he would make the Queen afraid of, enter∣tain this piece of corrupted Morality, that the Princes of their Communion, are not obliged to observe Treaties made with those, whom they are pleased to call Hereticks, if the Terms appear to them to be never so little contrary to their Re∣ligion, that is, to the Court of Rome. This Nuncio said moreover, It is true Madam, that promises made against the interest of God, don't in any wise oblige, and that we ought not to keep them. But consider that your Majesty will hereafter find it more difficult to break your promise with the King of England, than it is now to re∣ject his Proposals. Your Affairs are thanks

be to God, in a better Posture, than they have been since the death of the King your Husband. The Kingdom is in a peace∣ful State, without the assistance of such an Alliance. The time of your Administration will shortly Expire: What a comfort will it be to you, to deliver up to the King your Son, France in a better Condition than you found it, without doing any thing against your Conscience, or the welfare of Religion. These studied Discourses made no great impres∣sions on the Queen. She coldly answer∣ed the Nuncio, that all her Council ex∣cept the Marschal de Bovillon were good Catholicks, and that they were the best Judges, what made for the Interest of the Kingdom, and of Religion. Besides, ad∣ded her Majesty, I do nothing upon this occasion, but what certain Princes of Italy have done as well as I, and that before the Pope's Eyes. The Dutches of Tuscany, with all her Devotion, did she refuse to allow of any Discourse concerning the Marriage of her Daughter with the late Prince of Wales?

* 1.57Of all the Protestants, the United Princes in Germany, were those which flattered themselves with deriving great Advantages from the Alliance of the E∣lector Palatine with the Crown of Eng∣land. They hoped that King James would Support their League, of which Frederick his Son-in Law, was the Chief. Since the Dispute that arose concerning the Suc∣cession of Cleves and Juliers, the Ani∣mosite

which the Catholicks and Pro∣testants bore towards one another in Ger∣many, was inflamed. The Two Parties got all the Strength they could, and made Attempts upon each other. The weak∣ness of Rodolphus contributed much to this unhappiness. Matthias his Brother, and Successor, tryed to Cure it in the begin∣ing of his Reign: But he had neither Power, nor Wisdom necessary to re∣concile so different Interests, or to Com∣mand equal Respect from Princes that were sowr'd one against the other, with mutual Discontents. Possibly the Em∣peror had no very ill intentions with respect to the Protestants, at least he seemed to imitate the moderation of Max∣imilian his Father: But not having so much Sense and Resolution, he was ensnared with the Contrivances of the Court of Rome, the Catholick Party. The Progress the Turks made a little while ago in Hungary, seemed to threaten Mat∣thias with a War near Home. This ob∣liged him to keep even with both Sides, because he equally needed their assistance against a formidable Enemy. The Pro∣testants endeavoured to make their use of this opportunity to better their Conditi∣on, and to secure the repose of their Churches.* 1.58

Matthias had promised at his Corona∣tiion, to call a Diet, to consult about means to secure the Peace and Tranqui∣lity

of the Empire, and to remedy those Disorders, of which several parts of it had complained a long time. It was ap∣pointed to meet at Ratisbonne. The Em∣peror and the Three Ecclesiastical Electors came thither: But the other Electors, on∣ly sent their Deputies. Lewis, Land∣grave of Hesse declared at large the Rea∣sons the Emperor had to convene the Diet.* 1.59 Five were with relation to the particular Government of the Empire, and the Sixth related to the Attempts of the Turks upon Hungary. His Imperial Majesty thinking it necessary, vigorously to oppose them, desired that they would grant him certain Contributions for that purpose, but before they would enter up∣on the Consideration of what the Em∣peror proposed, the United Protestant Princes, who were then called Correspon∣dans, presented several Grieveances, of which they had before complain'd, under the preceding Reign, without obtaining any Redress: 'Twould be to no purpose to give an account of them here. The Emperor in vain endeavoured to Elude the Demands of the Correspondans; and to defer till another time the Examination of that Affair, they stood to it, that his Imperial Majesty ought first to Redress their Greivances.

The Catholick Princes being convinc'd of the Justice of the pretensions of their Ad∣versaries, were of Opinion, without

having any regard to the Complaints of the United Protestants, that they should immediately proceed to deliberate upon the Articles proposed by the Emperor. The Consideration of some particular Persons, less in Number, said they, ought to be pre∣ferred before the necessity of the publick Wel∣fare, which was very pressing. Being sure to have the plurality of Voices on their Side, these Gentlemen had a mind that what ever they Ordered; should be lookt upon as a Resolution of the Diet: There could be nothing more contrary to the Repose and Tranquility of the Empire, in the present posture of Affairs. At this Rate they would presently have Ruined all the Protestants in Germany. The Ca∣tholicks did likewise maliciously insinuate to the Empire, that the Protestants had ill Designs under-hand, and that there was Reason to fear they would at last Contest the Lawful Authority of his Majesty. Within a little while after, they present∣ed a long account of the Complaints which the Catholicks had to make against the Protestants: They accused them of diverse Infractions of the Treaty of Pa∣cification that was made some time past at Passau, and of diverse Attempts con∣trary to the Constitutions of the Empire. The Catholicks Demanded Justice in their turn of his Imperial Majesty. These Gentlemen have been a long time us'd to cry out of Injustice, and Persecution, a∣gainst

those very Men which they Tor∣mented and Opprest: Not to suffer them to Tyranize, is to Persecute them. So that the Pope grants Jubilees and Indul∣gences with a liberal Hand, to obtain the Deliverance of those of his Religion, as if they were unjustly Opprest; althô at the same time, they live in perfect Tran∣quility, This, we see done every day.

* 1.60Not being able to Reconcile Spirits which were more and more sowr'd against one another, the Emperor endeavoured to avoid the Examination of the Com∣plaints which were made of either Side: He proposed to defer it to another time. Nevertheless he demanded Assistance for the Security of Hungary, where Bethlem Gabor, the New Prince of Transilvania, Supported by the Turks, had made him∣self dreadful. The Protestants answered, that they did not doubt but the Em∣peror was well affected to them, and that they were ready to Contribute both Men and Money for the Defence of his Ma∣jesties Hereditary Countrys: But that they could not forbear to desire his Im∣perial Majesty in the first Place to resta∣blish the Peace and Tranquility of the Empire, and take Care of redressing the Greivances which they had presented to him. The Arch-Duke Maximilian, the Emperor's Brother, a Prince of a sweet and moderate Temper, was then at Ra∣tisbonne: Matthias desired him to Treat

with the Protestants, hoping he was able to bring them over; but althô they pro∣fest a great Respect for the Arch-Duke, yet he could obtain nothing of them. With a design to make the Emperor more favourable, the Catholicks shewed themselves Liberal and well Inclined: They promised to furnish him for Two years, with their Antient Contributions to carry on a War against the Turks. the Protestants oppos'd this Deliberation, being resolv'd not to suffer, that the Re∣solutions taken by the Catholicks should be lookt upon as the Decrees of the whole Diet of the Empire: Thus the Diet of Ratisbonne broke up; instead of remedy∣ing the disorders of Germany, it made them greater and more incurable.

* 1.61Since Bethlem Gabor must often ap∣pear upon the Stage in this History, I think it necessary to say something of his Fortune, and Elevation: He was one of the most dangerous Enemies the House of Au∣stria had in this Age. I will look a pretty way backwards upon things, that so the Reader may the better understand the Ancient pretenions of the Emperor upon Transilvania. The brave Stephen Battori was the first, who was declared Prince of Transilvania, under the Protection of the Ottomans. After his Elevation to the Crown of Poland, by his means Christo∣pher his Brother, was Elected to the Principality of Transilvania. Sigismond

his Son and Successor, steered another Course by the persuasion of the Emissa∣ries of the House of Austria, which he had about him. This Prince, who did not want Courage, was persuaded that it was more advantageous and more ho∣nourable for him to quit the Alliance of the Sultan, and unite with the Emperor. But to the shame of Christianity, Sigis∣mond found, that, which has happened to a great many more, I mean he met with less Justice and Fidelity among those of his own Religion, than his Uncle and his Father had found among Infidels. That he might be more firmly united with the Emperor Rodolphus, he Married a Princess of the House of Austria, but this marri∣age was the cause of the misfortunes of his Life. They made him give up his Right to Transilvania for a certain Dutchie which they gave him. At length repent∣ing of the bad Market which he had made, he retracted the Cession which he had made to the Emperor, and gave his Principality to Cardinal Battori his Bro∣ther, who was chosen by the States of the Country under the Protection of the Grand Seignior. The new Prince had a terrible War to maintain against the Em∣peror, and in it lost his Life.

Botskay his Kinsman Elected afterwards by the Transilvanians,* 1.62 defended himself with a great deal of Courage and Success, insomuch that he took a great many

Places from the Emperor in upper Hunga∣ry. The House of Austria was forc'd to make a Peace with him. One Article of the Treaty Imported, that if Bortskay died withot Male-Issue, Transilvania should Devolve upon the Emperor: The Sultan Ratified this Treaty in another, which he afterwads made with Rodol∣phus. The House of Austria not long before it Demanded Transilvania, by Virtue of this Agreement. Borskai being poisoned immediately after, by his Chan∣cellor, The States of the Country did not fail to choose Sigismond Ragotski for their Prince. There were then so great Di∣visions in the House of Austria, and such Commotions in Hungary and Bohemia, that neither Rodolphus nor Matthias his Brother, were in a Condition to press the Execution of the Treaty made with Botskay. The New Prince did not long enjoy Transilvania, but Generously gave it up to Gabriel Batori, Heir of that Fa∣mily, whom the Turks publickly Sup∣ported.

* 1.63He being rendred odious by his Cruel∣ties, Bethlehem Gabar a Transilvanian Gentleman, of boundless Ambition, took care to gain the Favour and Protection of the Ottoman Court. This is the Man, which formed a powerful Party against Batori, and which made War against him. The Assistance of the House of Austria was of no use to Batori, who

was presently Reduc'd to the lowest De∣spair, so that he begged of his own Friends to kill him: His Enemies Soldiers did him that kindness, which they re∣fused. Three days after his death, Be∣thlem was declared Prince of Transilva∣nia, by the General of the Turkish Army, who invaded Hungary, The States of the Country assembled at Claussembourg, afterwards chose him, upon Condition that he should ask the Authentick Con∣firmation of the Sultan. When Beth∣lem was in Possession of his New Prin∣cipality, he wrote a Letter to the Pa∣latine of Hungary, to desire the Favour of the Emperor: But his Imperial Ma∣jesty intended to make the best of his Pretensions to Transilvania, by Virtue of his Treaty made with Botskai, which the Sultan Confirm'd. Matthias declared this publickly in the Diet of Ratisbonne, and it was principally for this End, that he desired Assistance of the States of the Empire. With this Prospect the House of Austria kept up the Party of Batori, who refused to acknowledge the New Prince. Bethlem Protected by the Turks, whose Favour he had cunningly gained, not only maintained himself in Transilva∣nia, but was upon the Point of taking away Hungary from them that would op∣pose him.

The Protestant and Catholick Leagues, were Formed in Germany upon the occa∣•…•…ion of the Quarrel that arose about the Succession to the States of Cleves and Ju∣•…•…iers,* 1.64 the Princes of Brandenbourg and Newbourg Governed these Dutchies in Common, Peaceably for many Years, under the Favour of the Protestant League, The strong Places were guarded by e∣qual Garrisons. The Two Princes Re∣sided in the same Palace, and did all by Concert. But how difficult is it that a Country should be long governed after this manner, without Divisions? Princes of a different Family and different Reli∣gion, have not the same Interest and De∣signs. These began to fall out about Ec∣clesiastical Affairs.* 1.65 Brandenburg would have ordered something, without the con∣sent of his Colleague, and Newbourg op∣posed him. The King of great Britain, and the States of the United Provinces, Mediated for a Reconciliation, they were afraid their Division would give oppor∣tunity to the House of Austria to Seize upon a Contested Succession, which would have been so convenient for it; to pre∣vent the Increase of their misunderstand∣ing, their Friends proposed a Marriage, between the Two Families.

That of Newburg was free to it. Prince Volfgang goes to the Elector of Branden∣burg, and desires his Daughter in Mar∣riage. But this step made by the whole∣some

Advice of those, who designed no∣thing, but to Establish a good Corre∣spondence between the Two Houses, was the occasion of an inplacable hatred be∣tween them, and of the Distraction of those fine Dutchies, which they might have divided between them. I cann•…•…t tell how it came to pass, but in the heat of Wine. and at a Feast, The Prince of Newburg said something at the Table of the Elector, which displeased him. Bran∣denburg was so enraged at it, that he gave a Box in the Ear to him, who desired his Alliance. This unhappy accident might have been redrest, if the Elector would have made a suitable Satisfaction; but he obstinately refused to do it. Volf∣gang being provokt with such an Affront, returns to the Country of Cleves, being resolved to be Reveng'd on him, what ever it cost him. From that time, Bran∣denburg and Newburg did nothing by Concert, in the Government of the States of Cleves and Juliers; they Cavild at every little thing, and the one pre∣tended to disannul, what the other had done.* 1.66

The Spaniards wisely made their Ad∣vantage, of so fair an occasion to weaken the Protestant League, and to bring o∣ver the House of Newburg, to their Fa∣ction. They proposed to Prince Volfgan a Match with Magdalen, Sister of Maxi∣milian, Duke of Bavaria, and of Ferdinand,

Elector of Cologne. They promised him the Protection of the House of Austria, a Pension from the King of Spain, and the Support of the Catholick League, if he would quit his Religion, and enter into the Communion of the Church of Rome; a very sensible Temptation to an Ambitious young Prince, and who was big with Revenge for the horrible Af∣front, which had been offered him. New∣burg falls before the force of it: But Wolfgang, whether 'twere to keep fair with his Father, who was a zealot for the Confession of Ausbourg, or whether he had some other Reasons, would not renounce his Religion before his Marriage. He only consented to Marry the Princess Magdalen, and the Duke of Newbourg gave his Consent, not seeing the Snare, which was laid for his Son, who was blinded with Passion. The Marriage was Celebrated at Munich, the 10th of No∣vember, this Year: And that he might keep within bounds, as to outward ap∣pearance; the Prince was not Married by the Mass, he only received the Nuptial Benediction by the hands of the Bishop of Aichstat at Evening Service, in the great Church of Munich: But at length Wolf∣gang declared himself in the Month of May, the next Year. He made publick profession of the Popish Religion at Dus∣seldorp. The Duke his Father was ex∣tremely troubled at it. The Proclama∣tion

which he publisht immediately, after, is an infallible proof of it; It imported, that every Munday throughout the Year, publick Prayers should be made for the Conservation of the Protestant Religion in the Dutchy of Newbourg.

The Artifices and Fetches of the Duke of Savoy,* 1.67 oblige us frequently to return to him. The Treaty of Peace between Charles Emanuel and the Cardinal Ferdi∣nand, Duke of Mantua, had been con∣cluded with so much precipitation, that they spoke there only of Resigning the Places in Monferrat, without making any mention of the Mutual pretentions of each Party, of the reparation of the Da∣mages done in Monferrat, which Ferdi∣nand demanded, nor of an Amnesty for the Subjects of the House of Man∣tua, who had declared for that of Savoy, which Charles Emanuel was willing to ob∣tain. These Affairs not being settled, Disputes must presently revive: Neither were the Princes of Italy very well sa∣tisfied with a Peace, that was so infirm and subject to a Rupture. They imagin∣ed, and that with probability enough, that the Marquiss d'Inojosa had made it, because he could tell how to refuse Obe∣dience to the positive Orders of the King his Master. They were still afraid there was a Collusion between him and the Duke of Savoy, and that they, both of them had an under-hand Design, At

the very same time that Charles Emanuel Restored the Towns in Monferrat, he re∣enforced his Troops, and the Governor of Milan remained in Arms, diligently observing all these steps, of which the most penetrating head could not under∣stand the Secret. The Venetians took care to continue to the Cardinal Duke, the assistance which they had given him since the beginning of the Quarrel, and to be themselves upon their Guard. The Quarrel which arose between their Re∣publick, and Ferdinand of Austria, Arch-Duke of Gratz, who had a great Inter∣est at the Court of Madrid, obliged them to distrust the King of Spain. 'Twas upon the account of the Ʋscoques Pyrats and Robbers upon the Coasts of Dalma∣tia, whom the Arch-Duke openly pro∣tected, although the Venetians and the Turks did equally complain of their Rob∣berys. We shall say something in the Course of this History concerning this Quarrel, which occasion'd the Ʋscoques to be known in the World.

* 1.68That which most perplext the specu∣lative Italians about the Affair of Mon∣ferrat, was, that the Governor of Milan who was thought to be in the Interest of Charles Emanuel; nevertheless powerful∣ly prest him to lay down his Arms as soon as possible: And at the same time, that he was contending with him, he would constrain Ferdinand to do all that the Sa∣voyard

could wish. These steps Contrary in appearance, are not difficult to be re∣conciled. Spain endeavoured to make its advantage of the Quarrel. His Ca∣tholick Majesty pretended to be the ab∣solute Arbiter, and to direct the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua as should be most for his Interest. The Governor of Milan who had no mind to be at the charge of having an Army on Foot to oppose the Duke of Savoy in case his Attempts should make it necessary, was continually pres∣sing him to Disband his Troops: And be∣cause it was of Importance to the King his Master to have at his Disposal the Heiress of Monferrat, he boldly de∣manded her of the Cardinal Duke; and thus the Intrigue comes out. Now let us see how these Two Parties will get clear of the Demands of the Catholick King. Inojosa had sent to Turin the Com∣mander of the Castle of Milan, possi∣tively to tell the Duke that he must comply immediately with what was re∣quired of him. Charles Emanuel bore ve∣ry impatiently this Imperious way, which the Spaniards took with him, and with the other Princes of Italy, althô he had been used to it for many Years. But not being able openly to resist the will of King Philip, he found out according t•…•… his usual way, divers pretences to shrin•…•… back. Never was a Mind more fruitfu•…•… of such Inventions, than that of thi•…•… Prince.

He answered to this Message, that he was ready to dismiss his Troops, when the Marquiss of Inojosa should perform the private Articles, to which the Cardi∣dal Duke of Mantua had agreed, at the time of the Treaty made with him. Mr. the Governor hath himself given me positive assurances, said Charles Emanuel, that the Cardinal Duke did consent to deliver up into my hands the Princess Mary my Grand∣daughter, and to grant a general Amnesty to •…•…he Subjects of Monferrat, which declared for me. Is it not fit that I should continue •…•…n Arms till this be performed? All the World was mightily surpriz'd when this Answer of the Duke of Savoy was known. The Cardinal Ferdinand denied that he had •…•…ver promis'd any such thing. He pretend∣•…•…d likewise that Inojosa had told him to the •…•…ontrary. People could not tell what to ••••ink of this Riddle. Some said that ••••e Governor of Milan having received •…•…resents from Charles Emanuel and Ferdi∣••••nd, had impos'd upon them both, in tel∣••••ng the Duke of Savoy that which I have ••••lated before and in promising the clear ••••ntrary to the Cardinal Duke, that the ••••voyard would not re-demand his Gran∣••••ughter, nor require an Amnesty from •…•…ose of Monferrat who had appeared for 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Inojosa was enrag'd that the Duke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Savoy would have him pass for a Cheat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that he could say in his own Defence, ••••s, that Charles Emanuel had played

many such tricks before. In his Negoci∣ations with the Ministers of Henry IV. and the most considerable Persons in the Court of France, he often affirmed that in their private Conferences they had pro∣mis'd him things which they never thought of.

Whatsoever this Intrigue was, if the Governor of Milan had ever said such things to the Duke of Savoy, he was not much concerned about them afterwards. Inojosa persisted to press Charles▪ Emanuel to lay down his Arms. It was his busi∣ness now to find out other Evasions, France, said he, hath Troops in Dauphine. The Mareschal de Lesdiguieres expects only the Queen Regent's last Orders to advance towards Piedmont. Doth his Catholick Ma∣jesty expect that I should not be upon my guard? This cunning Duke knew very well that Mary de Medicis being fully sa∣tisfied that the Houses of Savoy and Man∣tua had made a Peace without France's sending any Troops over the Mountains▪ had no design that Lesdiguieres should March. The Queen Regent for her part desired likewise, that he should lay dow•…•… his Arms. Charles Emanuel had answer∣ed the Ministers of her most Christian Majesty, that the Spaniards did not wis•…•… him well, and that Prudence obliged him to be in a posture of Defence, agains•…•… those which had not forgot that he was i•…•… a League against them with the late King

Vargas, Secretary to his Catholick Ma∣jesty, was upon the point to return to Madrid, after he had executed the Orders which were given him with relation to Italy. They sent him New ones, to pass first by the way of Turin, and to know the last resolution of the Duke. This business perplex'd Charles Emanuel less than any of the rest.* 1.69 He pretended to dismiss his Troops in the Envoy's Pre∣sence. But he Cashierd only the Militia of his Country, which he could recall in a Moment. It was enough that he re∣tained the Foreign Troops which were in his Pay. We see the reason why he us'd all these Tricks, unworthy of a Man of his Quality. His Spies in France gave him an account, that the Prince of Conde and the other Malecontents would shortly Rise, and that there would be a Civil War. Charles Emanuel was in hopes to make his advantage of this Conjuncture, to re-establish his Affairs in Italy, or on the Side of France.* 1.70 But the poor Duke was always deceived in his Expectations, and unsuccessful in his Intrigues and Artifi∣ces.

The Cardinal Duke would have been pleas'd to see his Enemy perplext with •…•…he Spaniards, if the Governor of Milan had not been as troublesome to him as •…•…e was to Charles Emanuel.* 1.71 The Veneti∣•…•…ns advis'd Ferdinand to make this Answer •…•…o the Demand that Inojosa made him,

to send his Niece to Milan, that as to all his Quarrels with the Duke of Savoy, and particularly that which related to the Princess of Mantua,* 1.72 he was ready to re∣fer himself to the Judgment of the Pope, the Emperor, and his Catholick Majesty: But in his Arbitration, the Spaniard could not endure that Philip should have either a Superior or an Equal, Without ha∣ving any respect to that which his Impe∣rial Majesty had told him by the Prince of Castiglione, that he ought to treat the Princes of Italy with more Softness and Civility; the Governor sent Pimentel General of the Milanois Horse to De∣mand in the Name of the King of Spain, that they would forthwith send the young Princess to Milan to be Educated there Pimentel represented to the Cardinal Duke that Philip would take care of the Education of his Niece, and that the re∣pose of Italy depending in a great mea∣sure upon the disposal of the young Prin∣cess, his Majesty who was careful of th•…•… Conservation of the Peace, ought to have the Princess in his keeping, for fear they should Marry her to one that should no•…•… be agreeable to the Neighbouring Princes and perhaps might raise a War: Pimentel concluded his Remonstrance in giving Ferdinand to understand that if he would not deliver up his Niece willingly, the•…•… would take her away by Force. Th•…•… Cardinal Duke answered according to hi•…•…

usual manner, that he could not do any thing without the consent of the Emperor and the Queen of France. Pimentel not being satisfied with this answer, he told him further, that the Princess was not well; and because he would not believe it, he gave him a sight of her, to con∣vince him that she was not in a Conditi∣on to be removed; after this Ferdinand dismist him as Civilly as he could.

* 1.73It was no hard matter to penetrate the Designs of the Court of Madrid. The Cardinal Duke and Don Vincent his Bro∣ther, had so ruined their health by their excessive Debauches, that it was thought they would never have any Children, and that they were not long lived. To pre∣serve Monferrat in the Family of Gonza∣gue, it was necessary to Marry the Prin∣cess to the Son of the Duke of Nevers, the undoubted Heir of the Dutchy of Mantua: And it was this which the Court of Modrid had a mind to hinder. The King of Spain had a mind to make himself Master of the Dominions of the House of Mantua, for fear they should one day fall into the Hands of a Prince of French Extraction, who would favour the French Interest, by reason of his great Possessions and Alliances in France. This •…•…s too true, that Ferdinand at this time •…•…alling dangerously ill, the Ministers of Spain had already laid their Design, to declare the Duke of Nevers had forfeited

all his Right to the Succession of Mantua, and that the Investiture of the Dutchy should be given by the Emperor to him, whom the House of Austria should best like of, as if the Male Line of the Gon∣zagues had been utterly extinct.

* 1.74The Cardinal Duke of Mantua who had neither understanding nor experience enough in Affairs to extricate himself out of all these Intrigues, did supply his de∣fects by his teachable Temper, and by the Respect which he paid to the good Counsels which the Senate of Venice care∣fully sent him. These refined Politici∣ans saw with extream Jealuosie that the Spaniards had no less a Design than to devour all Italy.* 1.75 Not being content to assist Ferdinand with their Counsels, and with their Forces, and to encourage him resolutely to maintain the Interests of his Family; this Republick further gave pressing Orders to their Am∣bassadors at Rome,* 1.76 Vienna, and at Paris, to Treat zealously with the Pope, the Em∣peror and the Queen of France, in Ferdi∣nand's favour. The Ministers of the most Christian King, and the Republick of Venice represented to Paul V. that his Title of universal Father, indispensably obliged him to prevent the ill Conse∣quences of the Enterprize of the Spaniard, but the Pope was unconcerned, and acted not in this matter, being resolv'd pea∣ceably to enjoy all the rest of his days

the advantages of the Popedom; he would have seen all the Princes of Italy Ruin'd without any Concern, so that they let him alone and suffered his Nephews to grow Rich at their ease. Breves, Ambas∣sador of France, affronted at this natural or affected Negligence, writ to Mary de Medicis, that the Pope was but a lump of Flesh which grew Fat in Laziness, a Man without Courage and without Ex∣perience, who took no other Care but of making his advantage of the highest Place in the Church, which Fortune had given him, thô he did not see Merit in himself to pretend to it: So that there were not hopes that his Holiness would give the least assistance to the House of Mantua. All that Paul V. could do, was to whisper in the Ear of the Cardinal Duke that he should obstinately refuse to part with his Niece, and to Marry Mar∣garite his Sister-in-Law, to which the King of Spain perswaded him, so much afraid was this timerous Old Man to of∣fend the Court of Madrid: Might it not be thus also, that the Pope being well informed of the peaceable Temper of Philip III. and of the Weakness of the Spanish Monarchy, did rightly Judge that all this Bustle was but an Intrigue of the Catholick King's Ministers, and that when their Master should see himself •…•…hreatned with a War with France, •…•…e would put a stop to the forwardness

of his Ministers, and hear Reasons?

As to the Emperor, there was less to be hop'd for from him than from the Pope.* 1.77 Matthias neither was in a Condi∣tion nor in an Humour to send Troops to Italy, and besides he was afraid too openly to offend the Court of Madrid. His Im∣perial Majesty confirm'd to the Cardinal Duke the Guardianship of his Neice: But he writ immediately to King Philip to excuse himself, and tell him that he could not fairly refuse that favour to Ferdinand. And to satisfie the Spaniards yet more, Matthias advised Ferdinand to deliver up the Princess Mary into the hands of his Ca∣tholick Majesty. The House of Mantua had no other Refuge but the Protection of France. The Kindred and Friends which it had there, Solicited for it with all its might: The Ambassadors of the Repub∣lick of Venice and of some other States did still Treat in its favour: Mary a•…•… Medicis was well pleased with the Rea∣sons which they alledged to her, to ex∣hort her to take her Nephews under the Protection of her Son. Interest of Blood was united together with Reasons of State. But the Timerous Regent could not come to a Resolution: Being fond of the double Marriage with Spain, which she had managed with a great deal of application, and which she lookt upon as the strongest support of his Authority, her Majesty was afraid least the Affairs

of Mantua should produce a Rupture be∣tween the two Crowns, and all her Pro∣jects should be unravel'd. She suspected the Importunities of the King of Great-Brittain,* 1.78 the Republick of Venice, the States of the United Provinces, the Prince of Conde and the great Men of the Party us'd with her, to send Troops into Italy. Her skill went so far as to discover that all these endeavoured only to Engage France openly to oppose the Designs of the Court of Madrid to declare War a∣gainst the King of Spain, and consequent∣ly to break the Treaty of the double Mar∣riage which did not so well suit with their Interests.

In this perplexity Mary de Medicis did her endeavour at the Court of Madrid, that the Affair of Mantua might be soon amicably Concluded: But the Spaniards which knew her Temper, did amuse her with fine Words, whilst they heartily en∣deavoured to effect their Enterprise; not being concern'd about the Negociations against their Master in France and Italy,* 1.79 the Ministers of Philip declared plainly that he expected that he should have the Princess of Mantua committed to his Care, and that the Cardinal Duke should Mar∣ry Margarita of Savoy, his Sister-in-Law, in order to compose the differences of the two Houses. That Charles Emanuel and Ferdinand should immediately lay down their Arms, and that the other contested

Points should be referr'd to the Judgment of the Pope, the Emperor and his Ca∣tholick Majesty.* 1.80 These Conditions were agreeable to the Demands which Charles Emanuel had made: And hence it ap∣peared that the Prince of Piedmont who had at last obtained leave to go to Ma∣drid, had not ill managed the Affairs of his Father. In the mean time the Duke of Savoy was enraged to find himself al∣ways curb'd and over-rul'd. But Ferdi∣nand was more agriev'd than he. They were not content to take away his Niece, but would also force him to Marry a∣gainst his Will, his Sister-in-Law whom he did not Love. The hatred which he bore to Charles Emanuel very much E∣stranged him from the Daughter of a declared Enemy of the House of Gonza∣gue. He lik'd better the Sister of Cosmo, Great Duke of Tuscany; she would be a considerable Fortune. The Venetians, his particular Friends advis'd him this Match: And Cosmo was inclin'd to Conclude it as soon as the Quarrel between the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua should be made up.

* 1.81The Spaniards spoiled their Business by speaking too proudly. It was earnestly represented to the Queen Regent that it was a Shame and a Dishonour to suffer the King of Spain to Domineer over Princes Allied to that Crown, and that he should endeavour to hinder the King of France from concerning himself about

the most important Affairs of Italy, Mary de Medicis hard put to it on every Side, began to give some signs of Life. She declared roundly to the Ambassador of Spain that the King her Son should not see the House of Mantua Opprest,* 1.82 and that he should employ his Arms to assist his Kindred and Allies. They talkt of nothing in France but a Rupture between the Two Crowns: And the Nobles who breath'd nothing but War, althô it be the Instrument of their Ruin and by conse∣quence of their Slavery, were in readiness to get a Horsback. They held a great many Councils at Court about the Affair of Mantua, every one advis'd according to their own particular Interest. Villeroy and the Ministers who were best pleas'd with Peace, Represented, that before they were Engaged in a War, which •…•…ight be a long and Bloody one, it was fit to try if the Quarrel could not •…•…e adjusted by way of Negociation. The Princes and Great Men who thought that War would tend most to their Ad∣•…•…ancement and Reputation, did not ut∣terly reject the Experiment of a Nego∣ciation: but to make this Negociation •…•…ow Effectual, that they should have an •…•…rmy ready to March, in case the Duk of Savoy and King of Spain should refuse reasonable Terms.

When the latter had learnt by his Ambassador in France, that they spoke in earnest of sending Troops into Italy, his Majesty and the Duke of Lerma his Fa∣vourite, who had no mind to go to War,* 1.83 began to speak with more humility. They declar'd themselves inclin'd to ter∣minate the Affair of Mantua, by way of Negociation. Philip coldly desires the Prince of Piedmont to write to Turin, that his Majesty would not fall out with France, and that he would not give oc∣casion to others to break with Spain, for the Duke of Savoy's Fancy's who had e∣very day new Chimaera's in his Head.* 1.84 Let your Father, added the King, think of nothing but lying still, unless he find him∣self able to Cope alone with the Two Crowns, and all Italy. A certain Author relates upon this occasion a Circumstance which if True,* 1.85 proves Charles Emanuel to be the most fantastical Man in the World, at least Villeroy told it for certain to the Nuncio Ʋbaldini. The Cardinal Aldo∣brandin an Enemy to the Borgheses being at Turin, perswaded the Duke of Savoy to become a Cardinal. It would be very easie for you afterwards, said Aldobrandin, to be Elected Pope in the first Conclave, I will undertake for all my Ʋncles Creatures. In the mean time we will stick to one another, and make the Pope and Court of Rome do what we please. The Count de Verue, a Confident of Savoy, approv'd of this Pro∣ject,

and thought it one of the finest in the World. Let us return now to see what became of the Affair of Mantua.

His Catholick Majesty sent Orders a∣gain to his Ambassador in France, to De∣clare that he would withdraw his Troops from Monferrat, provided the Cardinal Duke would grant an Amnesty to his Subjects which had Sided with the Duke of Savoy, and desist from demanding re∣paration of Damages. The Marriage of Ferdinand with his Brother's Widow, was proposed at the same time: And as for the young Princess of Mantua, Philip con∣sented that she should be disposed of in a Third hand by the Agreement of the Two Crowns. These Offers were ten∣dr'd in the most Civil Language imagi∣nable: All this seem'd to give an oppor∣tunity to the Cardinal Duke to Extricate himself with Honour. The Court of France was intent upon the Method of Negociaton, and sent one for that purpose into Italy, in Quality of Ambassador Ex∣traordinary.

* 1.86The Marquiss de Coeuvres who was fixed upon for this Imploy, set out from Paris at the End of this Year, took the Road of Turin that he might Confer with the Duke of Savoy, in the first place Coeuvres informs us himself that he had secret Or∣ders to Treat with the Cardinal Duke about surrendring his Cap to Galigai the Mareschalless of Anchre's Brother. These

People set no Bounds to their Ambition. Conchini obtained the Staff of Mareschal of France in the room of Fervacques late∣ly dead: And now Galigai not being content that her Husband was raised to the Second Military Honour in France,* 1.87 proposes to obtain for her Brother the Second Dignity in the Church of Rome: This Creature so far forgot her self, that she did not observe the Rules of Decen∣cy, with the Princesses of the Blood. A little while before she had spoke in the Queen's Closet to the Princess of Conde in such a Proud and Imperious manner, that her Highness was extremely Affronted. All the World was offended at the Inso∣lence of Conchini's Wife, whofe behavi∣our did not a little provoke the Princes and Great Men against her Husband, whose new Dignity of Mareschall of France did yet more expose him, to the jealousie and hatred of the Courtiers.

* 1.88There was not less Confusion in the Ʋnited Provinces. about Questions con∣cerning Grace and Predestination, than in Italy about the Interests of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua. James King of Great-Britain interpos'd in the Disputes of the Divines of Holland with as much Heat and Zeal, as the Kings of France and Spain did in the Quarrel occasioned by the Pretensions of Charles Emanuel up∣on Monferrat. Winwood the English Am∣bassador to the States General of the

Ʋnited Provinces, was very much in the Interest of the Divines which adhered to Gomarus; They did say, that it was a Point of great Concern to the Crown of of the King his Master. Nevertheless,* 1.89 the Question was only to know whether Vorstius should be excluded the Universi∣•…•…y of Leiden, which had Invited him thither •…•…r at most, to determine whether the Five Articles of Arminians were contrary to the Fundamental Doctrines of the Re∣formed Churches. The Ambassador pub∣•…•…ickly Declared, that Barnevelt Pentiona∣•…•…y of Holland, was Govern'd by Ʋytenbo∣•…•…ard Minister of the Church of the Hague, and that the States of Holland, led by Barnavelt, did all that he Suggested to them. The Gomarists which now be∣gan to be call'd Contra-Remonstrants, by Reason of the Contra-Remonstrances which they oppos'd to the Requests and Wri∣tings of the Arminians, their adversaries the Gomarists I say did continually offer new Memorials to their Winwood, some∣•…•…imes against Vorstius, sometimes against the States of Holland, whom they accus'd as •…•…oo favourable to the Remonstrants, and Socinians themselves. The Ambassador Communicated every thing to the King, or to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and publickly disallowed Vorstius and the Ar∣minians. The Support which the Contra-Remonstrants Received from his Majesty, did strangely perplex the States of Hol∣land.

They tryed all possible ways to stifle these Disputes, which might have unhappy Consequences. And the Contra-Remonstrants which always reckon'd upon the Protection of King James, would not be at Rest.

After the famous Conference held at the Hague, in 1611. the States of Holland Ordered the Divines of each Side to draw up their Thoughts in Writing, con∣cerning the Five Articles in Controversie. And to give their Opinion concerning the Means which might be most proper to compose the Disturbance which their Di∣spute had occasioned in several of the Ʋnited Provinces. The Remonstrants de∣clar'd that their way of Toleration seem'd the safest and most convenient; so that every one should have the Liberty to Teach and Preach his Opinion concern∣ing the Five Articles in Dispute. The Contra-Remonstrants propos'd a Convoca∣tion of the National Synode, which should Examine and Determine which of the Two Opinions was most agreeable to the Word of God, and to the Doctrine com∣monly received in the Reformed Churches. When the States of Holland were consult∣ing about this matter in their Assembly, they found themselves divided into Two Parties, the one approv'd the Advice gi∣ven by the Remonstrants, and the other was for a National Synod. The First carried it.

Without declaring for one or the other, the States of Holland publish'd an Edict, in which it enjoined both the Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants, Charitably to bear with one another, not to disturb the Peace of the Churches, not to say which had got the better of the other, to speak with a great deal of Wariness and Con∣sideration concerning the controverted Points in their Sermons, to take more care to inculcate upon the People the duties of the Christian Life, and the necessity of preserving Peace in the Church and in the Common-wealth, then to explain to their Auditory abstracted and difficult Points in Divinity, and whereas the Contra-Re∣monstrants complain'd that their Adversa∣ries entertain'd Opinions contrary to the Doctrine of the Reformed Churches, not only concerning Grace and Predestina∣tion, but also about original Sin, the Sa∣tisfaction of Jesus Christ, and other im∣portant Articles of Religion. The States of Holland forbid them to Preach in their publick Lectures and their Sermons any thing contrary to what the Reformed Churches had always Professed to be concerning Original Sin, the Satisfaction of Jesus Christ, and other Articles spe∣cified in the Edict of the States.

This is sufficient to refute the Calumny of certain zealous Contra-Remonstrants, who had the Impudence publickly to ac∣cuse the States of Holland of a design to

introduce into their Province, the Impie∣ties of Paulus Samosatenus, which Serve∣tus and Socinus had reviv'd in the last Age•…•… They which compos'd this Illustious As∣sembly, always detested the Enemys o•…•… the Divinity of Jesus Christ. If severa•…•… Deputies to the States of Holland did no•…•… think themselves oblig'd to declare agains•…•… Vorstius, his being call'd to the University of Leiden, the Reason was because Vor∣stius publickly disavow'd the Opinions o•…•… Socinus. The States desired him to Prin•••• the Declaration that he had made, both in Latin and in Dutch, and to send it to the King of England. They Command∣ed him also particularly to answer all th•…•… Accusations which he had been charged with in Print, and to stay at Tergow til•…•… they were better inform'd of his rea•…•… Opinions. Grotius so renown'd for his Works, was then Fiscal Advocate of Holland, he had a great share in what the States did, with relation to these disputes. This Learned Man did so abhor Socinia∣nism,* 1.90 that he declar'd that the Followers of Socinus did not deserve the Name of Christians, and that he saw but little dif∣ference between a Socinian and a Maho∣metan. Grotius afterwards did not seem to have quite so bad an Opinion of the Disci∣ples of Socinus, but yet he never espoused their Sentiments. This might be clearly prov'd by abundance of Passages in his Letters and in his Works. Whatsoever

••••ey might say to stain his Reputation he, •…•…ill always have the Glory of having •…•…etter refuted the deceitful subtilties of ••••cinus against the Satisfaction of Jesus •…•…hrist, than any who have writ before ••••m.

* 1.91The Wiser and more moderate Di∣••••nes easily submitted to the Edict •…•…ublish'd in 1611. Those of the Walloon Churches signaliz'd themselves upon this •…•…ccasion, they promis'd in their Synods 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1612, and 1613. to Respect as Bre∣••••ren those which maintain'd the Five •…•…rticles in Dispute. But the far greater •…•…art of the Dutch Ministers were not so •…•…ractable. They had almost all took ••••e Side or other in this Quarrel; they •…•…hich were for the Contra-Remonstrants, ••••claim'd against the Edict; they ac∣••••s'd the States of Holland of a base Con∣•…•…escention to Men whose Doctrine tend∣•••• to re-establish Popery,* 1.92 or at least to ••••troduce Socinianism into the Reformed •…•…hurches. In the Year 1612. there a∣••••se a business which occasion'd a new •…•…ontest, the Remonstrants complained ••••at their Adversaries were more nume∣••••us in their Synods and certain Assem∣••••ies which are called Classes in the Ʋni∣••••d Provinces, and which the Reformed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 France call Colloques, they complain'd ••••at it often happen'd that they refused 〈◊〉〈◊〉 admit to the Ministry, those which •…•…eclar'd for the Doctrine of the Five

Articles; upon this and some other con∣siderations, Barnevelt proposed in the As∣sembly of the States of Holland, the Re∣vival of a Law made in the Year 1591. concerning the manner of choosing the Pastors of the Church.

It seems that at the beginning of the Reformation in Holland,* 1.93 William Prince of Orange, and the States of Holland had a design to make a Law, that the Electi∣on of the Ministers should belong to the Magistrates of the Places, but the Cler∣gy had Wit enough to baffle this Project. A National Synod Convened at the Hague in 1586. Ordered that the Pastors should be chosen by the Consistory, that they would do the Magistrates the Ho∣nour of giving them notice of the Electi∣on, and of asking them whether they found any fault with the Manners or the Doctrine of the Person chosen. The De∣cree of the Synod overturn'd the Right of Patronage Established in Holland a long time before the Reformation which the States and Gentlemen of that Coun∣try endeavour'd to retain, as well as ma∣ny other Reformed Provinces. Far from approving this Order the States of Holland published an Edict the same Year, by which they declar'd, that their Intention was to reserve to themselves and to the Gentlemen the Right of Patronage, up∣on Condition that they who are Named by the Patrons should not be received into

the Ministry but after an exact Informa∣tion of their good Manners, and of their sound Doctrine. Neither did the States of Zealand observe this Canon of the National Synod at the Hague. In the Year 1591. They Convene'd a particu∣lar Synod of their own Province. 'Twas there Decreed that the Consistory should desire the Magistrates of the respective Places to Name certain Persons from a∣mongst themselves, who should proceed Jointly with the Consistory in the Electi∣on of their Ministers.

In Holland, there almost every day a∣rose some dispute when there was a Va∣cant Church, to be provided for; the Consistory maintain'd that this priviledge belonged solely to them: The Magi∣strates and the Gentlemen endeavour'd to maintain their Right of Patronage. But to remedy the disorders which frequent disputes about this Point occasioned, they endeavoured in the Year 1591. in the Assembly of the States of this Province, to make a New Regulation concerning the manner of choosing Pastors. Ac∣cording to this Project the Magistrates and the Consistory were to Name each Four Persons of their own Body, to E∣lect Jointly: The Act of Election was to be carried afterwards to the Body of the Magistrates, who should have power to Accept or Reject the chosen Minister: And in this last Case they were to pro∣ceed

to a new Election. This Law was a∣greeable enough to the Civil Law Esta∣blish'd by the new Constitutions of the Em∣peror Justinian, touching the Election of Ecclesiastical Ministers. And because it was convenient to Reserve some Priviledges to particular Persons, who had the Patronage of Churches; it was added in the same Law, that if there were a Pastor to be cho∣sen to a Church of which a particular Per∣son was the Patron, then this Person was to depute Four others to Elect in Conjuncti∣on with the Four Named by the Consi∣story: So that a Gentleman had the same priviledge with respect to the Church of which he was Patron, as the Magistrates had reserved, with respect to the Churches of Towns and Cities. A Regulation so well Contrived for the Satisfaction of all the World, met with so much op∣position in the Assembly of the States of Holland in the Year 1591. from several considerable Cities, that it was not possi∣ble to pass it into a Law.

In the Year 1612. the Pensionary Bar∣nevelt propos'd a second time to the States of the Province, as more necessary than ever, by reason of the Quarrels that a∣rose about the Five Articles. Besides that the Synod and Classes did not dare to make use of the pretended Heresie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Remonstrants to Interdict those which ha•…•… been chosen after this manner, by th•…•… Consent of the Consistory's, and Magi∣strates,

and Patrons; this Project had a considerable Advantage in the present Posture of the Churches of Holland. It allow'd the Magistrates to choose none but wise and moderate Pastors, and such as should be acceptable to all the World, and well inclined to Peace. When Bar∣nevelt spoke in the Assembly of the States of the Province, of the Revival of the Law propos'd in 1591. Their Opinions were then decided. Some thought it fit that they should publish it; others thought that it was more convenient first to have the consent of the Synode. These latter were apparently afraid that this Law should more provoke the Ministers of the Contra-Remonstrant Party, who grum∣bled very much that the States pretended singly to decide matters belonging to Re∣ligion and the Government of the Church.

Barnevelt, in this Affair, in which he was so heartily engaged so managed those that were concern'd, that he brought them all over to his own Opinion. The States of Holland at last resolv'd, that the Laws which had been Projected con∣cerning Ecclesiastical affairs in the Year 1591, should be from that time observ'd; but they found great difficulty in the Exe∣cution of them: There arose immediate∣ly great Disputes both by word of Mouth and by Writing, concerning this Delibe∣ration of the States. The Contra-Remon∣strants said, that the States had gone be∣yond

the Bounds of their Lawful Autho∣rity, and that it was not fit for them to put their hand to the Censor, in Regulat∣ing the Doctrines of Faith, and the Go∣vernment of the Church. The Remon∣strants side with the States. By this means they had opportunity to curry fa∣vour with the Government, and likewise found their account in the Enacting of this Law. The Armenians maintain'd, and not without Reason, that the States of Holland being Sovereigns in their Pro∣vince, had power to Establish any thing that was not contrary to the Law of God, and to regulate the Government of the Church, to make Laws for the Secu∣rity of it's Peace, according to the Ex∣ample of Christian Emperors and Princes, which have done so before them, without any Contradiction from the primitive Church. So that for the future we shall find there were disputes in the Ʋnited Provinces, not only about the Five Arti∣cles of the Remonstrants, but also about the Right of Patronage, and the Lawful Power of Sovereigns in matters of Faith and Discipline of the Church. This was the occasion of an excellent Treatise which Grotius published to the World. This Learned Man does in that Book defend at large that which he had before advanc'd in an Apology for the States o•…•… Holland,* 1.94 touching the Authority of th•…•… Sovereign Power in Ecclesiastical Affairs

But, before we speak of this Apology publish'd by Grotius, It is fit to say some∣thing concerning this Quarrel, which in∣treas'd every day in the Ʋnited Provinces.

* 1.95Before this time there had been Synod •…•…gainst Synod, that of Ʋtrecht in 1612. •…•…eclare that the Five Articles of the Re∣•…•…onstrants were Tolerable. That of the •…•…rovince of Guelderland, maintains that ••••l the Doctrine contain'd in the Confes∣••••on of Faith, and in the Catechism of ••••e Belgick Churches, was agreeable to ••••e Word of God. * 1.96 The Synod Solemn∣•••••• Engage themselves to maintain and de∣••••nd it. In Some Cities they Suspend and •…•…epose the Remonstrant Ministers as Here∣••••ks; in others they drive out the Contra-••••monstrant as Violent and Seditious. ••••e People being devoted to their Old ••••nisters would not acknowledge those ••••t were put in their Room: So that there ••••s a Schism in one and the same Church. * 1.97 ••••e part of the People assembled with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Depos'd Minister in spite of the Ma∣••••rates: Another part stuck to the new ••••e. One Geselius gave a great deal of ••••ble to the magistrates of Rotterdam. ••••ey Depose him, he sets up Conventi∣•••• they Banish him, and he refuses to ••••ey them. The Magistrates publish'd Manifesto, giving an account of their ••••duct to the People; Geselius answers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his own Justification. In one Word ••••e were not greater Divisions in the

Church in the time of Arianism. Circu∣lar Letters flew about to Exhort to for∣sake the Communion of those who em∣brac'd the Five disputed Articles. The Contra-Remonstrants call'd themselves the unjustly persecuted Church. They had a private Meeting in a Barn at Rotterdam. The Magistrates ordered it to be shut up, the Contra Remonstrants open'd it again. Could they have had more Zeal and more Heat about the Fundamentals of the Christian Religion!

During these Confusions Gomar quitted the Chair of Divinity-Professor at Leyden, and retir'd to Middleburg in Zealand. Polyander a great Stickler for the same Opinion was put in his Place. The Re∣monstrants comforted themselves under this disappointment with Episcopius, be∣ing call'd to the same University. He had obtained a great Reputation in the Party, by his strong Defence of the Five Articles at the Conference in the Hague in 1611. There seem d to be a good un∣derstanding at first between the Two Professors: But it did not last long. Whether 'twas that Polyander was Jea∣lous of the Reputation of Episcopius a Man of uncommon Learning, of a clean subtle and penetrating Head; whither he was urg'd by an honest Zeal and Love of the Truth, to prevent the Mis∣chiefs which the Free Opinions of Epis∣copius's, concerning Important Points 〈◊〉〈◊〉

Grace and Predestination might do in the University of Leyden. There arose an open War between the Two Professors. Polyander had a very strong Party. The liberty with which his Adversary dis∣cours'd concerning the Nature and Attri∣butes of God, the Trinity, and the In∣carnation, did the Remonstrants a very great Injury, since they were headed by Episcopius and Ʋytenbogard.

* 1.98The latter kept himself more within Bounds, and stuck closer to the Belief of the Ancient Church. Count William Lewis of Nassau, Governor of Frizeland, being at that time in the Hague, and contriving means to Calm these Contests about Religion, which were like to be of ill Consequence to the Church and Com∣mon Wealth, brought Ʋytenbogard and Festus Hommius a Professor of Leyden, and one of the moderatest of the Contra-Re∣monstrants, to a Conference. The Count first of all asking them, if they could think of an Expedient, and to restore peace to the Churches of the Ʋnited Provinces; Hommius answered, that 'twould not be hard to re-unite the differing Parties, if till such time as there should be a general Synod, the Remonstrants would declare positively that setting a∣side their Five Articles, they sincerely received the Confession of the Faith of the Belgick Churches. As for me, saith Uytenbogard, I have no other-private Sen∣timents

of my own, I am ready to Declare it, when you please; And I don't doubt, but the Wiser part of the Remonstrants will do the same. This Declaration occasioned another Conference in the City of Delft, in the beginning of the Year 1613. be∣tween certain Select Persons on each Side.

The States of Holland thought it con∣venient that there should be but Three Divines of a Side, when they came to Dis∣course concerning means of healing their Divisions: The Remonstrants propos'd the way of Toleration, and desired that their Adversaries should declare whether the Doctrine of the Five Articles were To∣lerable or not. The Contra-Remonstrants were for a Convocation of a National Synod, which should definitively pro∣nounce concerning the Five disputed Ar∣ticles. As for a Toleration added they, you demand it in too general Terms, Tell us plainly if the Five Articles are the only Points in which you differ from the Confes∣sion of Faith, commonly receiv'd among us. Explain your Thoughts concerning the Satis∣faction of Jesus Christ, of Original Sin, and certain other Important Points. We have taken out of the Books of Armi∣nius, Vorstius, and some other Remonstrants, several Tenets that are contrary to the Cou∣fession of Faith, in other Essential Points, as well as those of the Five Articles: Let us see you Reject these Tenets, which are evident∣ly

Bad. The Remonstrants answered, that Councils had often done more harm than good, that a Convocation of a National Synod did not look like a good Expedi∣ent to end the Quarrel, and that the Pro∣vince of Holland did not think themselves obliged to submit themselves to the Judg∣ment of the other Provinces in matters of Religion.* 1.99 As for the Declaration which you require of us concerning the other Arti∣ticles of the Confession of Faith, said the Remonstrants, We will deliberate of that Proposal with our Brethren. 'Tis likely we may grant your desires, provided you will Sign that the Doctrine of the Five Articles is not contrary to the Fundamentals of Christianity. And thus, the Conference of Delft, was attended with no better Success than the preceding ones, They broke up without coming to any Resolution. Ʋytenbogard one of the Deputies for the Remonstrants, and Festus Hommius for the other Side, went immediately for the Hague, to in∣form the States of the Province of what had past at Delft.

In good truth, these Divines and Pro∣fessors are a strange sort of Men. In∣stead of bringing things to a happy Con∣clusion, they are good for nothing, but to perplex them more, when they are left to their Prejudices and Passions. What hindred them from giving Peace to their Churches and Country, which their Disputes expos'd to remediless Peril?

only a ponctilio of Honour. The Re∣monstrants did not care to humour their Adversaries so far as to explain themselves upon certain Articles, and (I know not what) Tenets of Arminius and Vorstius. As for the Contra-Remonstrants they were afraid of giving ground of Triumph to the others, by letting them obtain a Con∣nivance in favour of the Five Articles. For what reason should they both refuse to make an advance which ap∣pear'd so reasonable? With a little Cha∣rity and Condescention they might have prevented all those Miseries which ensued. For my part I cannot approve of the obstinacy of the Remonstrants on this oc∣casion. If they spoke sincerely, why did not they stop the Mouths of their Adver∣saries, by a clear and distinct Explicati∣on of their Faith? It cannot be denied but that the Writings of Vorstius and some others of that Party, give just ground of Suspicion, both to their Ad∣versaries, and to wise and disinterested Persons.

In the mean time Ʋytenbogard had the skill and Reputation to insinuate a good Opinion into the States of Holland, of the Conduct of the Remonstrants in the Conference of Delft. He excus'd their backwardness, by representing to them that the Contra-Remonstrants had a mind to have the same Power as the Inquisitors

of Spain. It is Lawful said he, to prose∣cute Men when one has sufficient Proof to Convict them: But to oblige those whom they think fit to suspect, to accuse themselves, is a Tyrranical Maxim of the Tribunal of the Inquisition. If we Teach any Heretick Do∣ctrines, our Adversaries have the Liberty to Convict us: But if they have no Proofs a∣gainst us, why should they spread abroad su∣spitions of Persons, whose Doctrines are Ir∣reproveable. This come-off was specious, but had nothing in it at the Bottom. We ought not to think much to give a reason of our Faith, when Charity and the Edi∣fication of our Neighbour, and the Con∣servation of Peace demand it. Certainly there was something in the Conduct of the Remonstrants which wanted Fairness and Sincerity.

Ʋytenbogard and those of his Party,* 1.100 did not take so much Pains to obtain the Favour of the States of Holland, but that they did endeavour also to Efface the ill Impressions which his Brittish Majesty had received of their Doctrines and their Persons. It was of high Concernment to the Remonstrants to withdraw from their Adversaries that Support which they flat∣tered themselves of receiving from King James the I. Winwood his Ambassador at the Hague, had prejudic'd him against the Remonstrants, and the Archbishop of Can∣terbury, the declared Enemy of the Opi∣nions of Vorstius, gave the King a bad

Character of them: In short, this Prelate imagin'd that all the Remonstrants Mini∣sters, and the Magistrates their Protectors had an Inclination to Socinianism, with which he thought Vorstius was infected.* 1.101 Ʋytenbogard and the Rest thought good to oppose to the Archbishop, several Doctors and Prelates of the greatest Note and Me∣ritin England, and especially the learned Ca∣saubon, whom his Majesty had a particular Value for. His Majesty owing his Enter∣tainment of the Sentiments of Calvin, concerning Predestination, more to the prejudices of his Education, than Reason or Study, Casaubon and others easily per∣swaded him to listen to what they had to Offer in favour of the Remonstrants in Holland. These took the advantage of this favourable Conjuncture. They sent to Caron the Dutch Ambassador at London, a Memorial, in which the Questions in Debate were fairly and clearly Stated. This Memorial was read to the King, and gave him Satisfaction. His Majesty writ a Letter to the States of Holland, and to •…•…ell them it was his Opinion that they should Tolerate the Remonstrants, and that the Magistrates should use their Au∣thority to suppress their Disputes, and to forbid them to Preach such difficult and abstruse Doctrines. The King's Letter extreamly vext the Contra-Remonstrants: but it did quite dicourage them. They sent privately into England a Memorial,

to perswade the King that they had impo∣s'd upon him. The Conduct of the States of Holland, and those who had the great∣est share of the Government, was there rail'd at in so outrageous a manner, that his Majesty sent a Coppy of it in a Let∣ter which he wrote to the States of Holland.

Grotius was sent into England about this time, to adjust some Affairs for the East-India Company: I am ap•…•… to think there was something else in the Bottom of this Commission. The States of Hol∣land were very glad that so able a Man undertook to undeceive the King of Great-Britain, and that he Conferr'd upon the Five Articles with the Bishops and chief Divines of England. Grotius found that the Bishop of Ely, the Dean of St. Paul's of London, Casaubon and several others were very nigh of the same Opinion with the Arminians, in the Points of Grace and Predestinati∣on. They all gave him a favourable hearing, except the Archbishop of Can∣terbury, who was always deeply preju∣judic'd against the Remonstrants, and consequently against Grotius, who Stre∣nuously defended them. He had many Audiences of the King, who frankly told him, that the Opinions of Calvin and Beza seemed to him too Rigid, and that according to their Nypothesis, God would be the Author of Sin. But his

Majesty persisted always to Condemn the ill Opinions which he had obser∣ved in Vorstius's his Writings. To gain his Favour, it was necessary to Reject whatsoever savour'd of the Impious pa∣radoxes of Socinus, concerning the Divi∣vinity and Person of Jesus Christ. If you have a mind that I should entertain a better Opinion of Uytenbogard, and the Remonstrants said the King to Gro∣tius, you must perswade me that these Men don't favour Socinianism. Grotius informed Ʋytenbogard his Friend of his Majesty's Opinion concerning him and the rest of his Party. Hereupon Ʋy∣tenbogard by the advice of Grotius, writ a Letter to Casaubon, that he might shew it the King. He plainly saw that Ʋytenbogard had too great an E∣steem for Vorstius.

* 1.102The Contra-Remonstrants did all they could to hinder the success of the Ne∣gociations of Grotius in England. A Professor of the University of Franneker in Frizeland, by Name Sybrand, wrote against Vorstius, whom he accused of maintaining an Hundred Heresies. The Book was Dedicated to the Archbi∣shop of Canterbury. Under pretence of praising the King of Great-Britain for the Zeal which his Majesty had dis∣covered against Vorstius. Sibrand in his Epistle Dedicatory accuses the Cura∣tors

of the University of Leyden, and the States of the Province, of a design to introduce Socinianism into Holland. He endeavoured to render the Conduct of the States suspected, because they would not Consent to the calling a National Synode; he pretended that the Civil Power went beyond the bounds of their Authority, in taking Cognizance of Religious Controversies, which ought not to be Treated of, but in an Ec∣clesiastical Assembly; He declaimed a∣gainst the Revival of the Law made in 1591. in short, he maintained that the Magistrates had nothing to do with the calling of Pastors and the Go∣vernment of the Church. The States of Holland were highly affronted at the Sauciness and Insolence of this Frize∣land Minister. He might have Re∣futed the Errors of Vorstius; and they would have had nothing to say against him:* 1.103 Was it pardonable for a private Person to publish such vile Calumnies against the Governors of a Province Allied to his own, and to speak Re∣proachfully of Laws which they had Right to publish. Grotius was ordered to make an Apology for the States of Holland. He acquitted himself wonder∣fully well of so Honourable a Charge. His Book is Wrote very Elegantly, full of lively Strokes against his Adver∣sary,

and is altogether a learned Com∣posure, worthy of its incomparable Author. He there fully Justifies the Conduct of the States of Holland in the Affair of Arminianism: Grotius there Treats by the by, of the Authority and necessity of Councils, and Solidly and Frirmly Establishes the Power of Sovereigns in matters of Religion, and the Government of the Church. Sibrand endeavour'd to answer Grotius: But he was not a Match for him. It Cost Grotius only Three or Four Sheets to shew that the Professor of Franeker was an unfair Man, and that he understood not the things that he pretended to talk of.

* 1.104The States of Holland were very well pleased with the Advice of the King of England, that they should Employ their Authority to suppress these Di∣sputes, and Command the Divines of both Sides, Charitably to bear with one another, not to disturb any longer the Peace of the Church with abstruse Questions of no Importance to Salvation. Grotius now Pensionary of the City Rotter∣dam, had Orders to prepare an Edict, which they should propose to the As∣sembly of the States of Holland, Here

occurred great Difficulties. One Side said that it was fit that the Five Ar∣ticles should be Considered in the Sy∣node, before they that maintained them should be Tolerated by Law. To give leave to any, said they, in the same Church, in the same Pulpit, to Preach such contrary Doctrines, is to ex∣pose the Province to great Destractions. The Disputes, Replied the others, are about Speculative Doctrines, which are of no Importance to Salvation. What Inconve∣nience is there in giving every one the Liberty of Speaking their own Thoughts with Modesty? The Emperors and Chri∣stian Princes have often without the As∣sistance of the Clergy made Laws to Re∣gulate the Doctrine and Practice of the Church. These Reasons did not then Convince the Deputies and Magistrates of several Cities of Holland. They a long time denied their Consent to the pub∣lication of the Edict. These of Am∣sterdam were more obstinate than the rest. They Demanded that their Dis∣sent should be Entred in the Register of the State.

And hence it came about, that the Edict Projected in the Year 1613. was not published till the beginning of the Year 1614. The States of Holland Exhorted the Ministers when they Preach•…•… from those Texts where Pre∣destination

destination is mentioned, to follow the Pre∣cept of St. Paul, and to Preach that the Beginning, Progress and End of Salvation was owing alone to the Grace of Jesus Christ, and not to Works of those that are Called. They were forbid to Preach that God made Men to damn them; and that he puts them under a necessity of Sinning, and that he invites those to Sal∣vation, whom he has resolved never to Save. Lastly, the States Ordered that they should not be molested, who in ex∣plaining the Doctrine of Predestination, suppose that Men are saved by the alone Grace of Jesus Christ, in persevering in the Faith unto the End, and that all those that believe not in Jesus Christ are damn∣ed: As for all other Doctrines, the States forbid them to Preach any that was not agreeable to the Doctrines commonly re∣ceived in the Chuches of Holland.

So far was this Edict which was drawn up with such Care to satisfie all the World, from Calming the Tempest which had some time continued, that it encreased its Fu∣ry, some Contra-Remonstrants Ministers wrote Books to persuade the People not to submit to the Edict. They openly accus'd the States of favouring Popery, and of introducing a bad Doctrine into the Ʋnited Provinces. Ʋytenbogard wrote in Defence of the Edict of the States. There came out every day some Book or other for, and against the Edict. One

for Sibrand and another for Grotius. This Division entred the Churches. The Contra-Remonstrants being resolved to hold no more Communion with their Adver∣saries, met by themselves in private Houses.

It was matter of great Dispute be∣tween them, whether the Edict was ap∣proved of in England, or no. Grotius re∣ceived a Letter from Casaubon, a Man equally sincere and accomplished with all polite Learning. Casaubon assur'd his Friend, that the King, the Archbishop of Canterbury and several other Prelates of greatest Note had approved of the E∣dict. The Strain in which it is Writ, says Casaubon, seems to the King and to the Rest equally distant from the Two opposite Extremes, Manicheism and Pelagianism. The necessity of Grace is there Establisht. The Contra-Remonstrants produc'd of their Side Letters from England, which Imported, that neither his Brittannick Majesty, nor the Prelates of the Church of England approv'd the Edict, and the Conduct of the States of Holland. But upon the whole, the Testimonies of Ca∣saubon who in Person spoke to the King, and the Bishops seems prefer•…•…able to any angry Mans Letters, which the Contra-Remonstrants pretended to.

Notes

• * 1.1

  1613. The Baron de Luz. Slain by the Chevalier de Guise.
• * 1.2

  French Mer∣cury 1613.
• * 1.3

  Siri Memorie re∣condite. Tom. III. pag. 23, 24.
• * 1.4

  The Queen's Anger against the Guise•…•….
• * 1.5

  Memoires de Bassompierre.
• * 1.6

  Siri Memoire recondite, To. III. pag. 24.
• * 1.7

  The Duke of Guise would joyn himself to the Prince of Conde's Party.
• * 1.8

  The Regent re∣conciled with the Dukes of Guise and Epernon.
• * 1.9

  The Count of Marsan.
• * 1.10

  The old Mi∣nisters of State recall'd
• * 1.11

  Confusion and Troubles of the Prince of Conde.
• * 1.12

  The young Ba∣ron de Luz kill'd in a Duel by the Chevalier de Guise.
• * 1.13

  Mercure Francois. 1613.
• * 1.14

  Memoires de Bassompierre
• * 1.15

  Mercure Francois 1514.
• * 1.16

  The Death of the Duke of Mantua. New Designs of the Duke of Savoy upon this Acci∣dent.
• * 1.17

  Cartifices of the Duke of Savoy.
• * 1.18

  The Governor of Milan de∣mands the Widow Dutch∣ess of Mantua and her Daughter.
• * 1.19

  The Regent of France oppo∣seth the de∣signs of the Duke of Sa∣voy.
• * 1.20

  The Popes Con∣duct in the Affairs of Mantua.
• * 1.21

  Siri Memorie recondite. To. III. pag. 16, 17, &c.
• * 1.22

  The States of Venice stand by the Cardi∣nal of Mantua.
• * 1.23

  Nani Hist. Veneta. Lib. I. 1613.
• * 1.24

  Ferdinand, Cardinal of Gonzague takes upon him the Ti∣tle of Duke of Mantua.
• * 1.25

  Nani Histo∣ria Veneta. Lib. I▪ 1613. Siri Memo∣rierecondite. Tom. III. p. 52, 53▪ 54. &c.
• * 1.26

  New efforts of the D. of Savoy, to fetch the Princess Mary his Grandaugh∣ter from Mantua.
• * 1.27

  The ambiti∣ous Projects of the D. of Savoy.
• * 1.28

  The Duke of Savoy in∣vades Mon∣ferrat.
• * 1.29

  This Enter∣prize occasi∣ons great commotions in Italy.
• * 1.30

  The Mani∣festo's of the D. of Savoy and the Car∣dinal D. of Mantua.
• * 1.31

  Mercure Francoise. 1613▪
• * 1.32

  Artifices and brava∣do's of D. of Savoy.
• * 1.33

  His In∣trigues at the Court of France are discovered,
• * 1.34

  Siri Memoi∣rie recondite Tom. III. page 81.
• * 1.35

  Memoires de Bassom∣pierre.
• * 1.36

  Mercure Francoise. 1613.
• * 1.37

  Memoires de la Regence de Marie de Medicis.
• * 1.38

  The extreme Embarrass∣ment of the Marquiss d' Ancre, which he brought him∣self into by intrigueing with the D. of Savoy. Memoires de Bassom.
• * 1.39

  The Minis∣sters renew their Friend ship with the Marquis d' Ancre-
• * 1.40

  Memoirs de Bassompi∣erre.
• * 1.41

  They resolve at the Court of France. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to send pow∣erful Suc∣cours to the House of Mantua. Memoires de la Re∣gence de Marie de Medicis.
• * 1.42

  Historie du Connètable de Lesdi∣guieres. Liv. VIII. Ch. 4. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.43

  Siri Memoi∣re recondite Tom. III. p. 92.93. &c.
• * 1.44

  They di∣swade the Queen Re∣gent from sending so speedy Suc∣cour to the Cardinal Duke. Nani Histo∣ria Veneta. Lib. 1.1613.
• * 1.45

  The K. of Spain de∣clares a∣gainst the D. of Savoy.
• * 1.46

  Siri Memoi∣re recondite To. III. p. 81, 82. &c. Nani Histo∣ria Veneta 1613.
• * 1.47

  The Emperor Commands the D. of Savoy to desist from his Enter∣prize- upon Monserrat. Siri Memoi∣re recondite To. III. p. 84.85. &c.
• * 1.48

  The Gover∣nour of Mi∣lan compels the D. of Savoy to submit to the K. of Spain. Nani Histo∣ria Veneta. Lib. 1.1613.
• * 1.49

  Mercure Francois. 1613.
• * 1.50

  A dispute between the D. of Ne∣vers and the Governor of Milan.
• * 1.51

  Mercure Francoise. 1613.
• * 1.52

  The Marri∣age of the E∣lector Pala∣tine, with the K. of England's Daughter. Larrey Hist. d' Angliterr Tom. II. 1612.1613.
• * 1.53

  Mercure Francois. 1613.
• * 1.54

  A Marriage talkt of be∣tween Charles Pr. of Wales, & Christiana of France.
• * 1.55

  Siri Memoi∣re recondite To. III. p. 44.45. &c.
• * 1.56

  Ibid. p. 50.51. &c.
• * 1.57

  The Emper∣or Matthias goes to Ra∣tisbonne to the Diet.
• * 1.58

  The Catho∣licks and Protestants complain of each other
• * 1.59

  Mercure Francois. 1613.
• * 1.60

  The bad Suc∣cess of the Diet at Ra∣tisbonne.
• * 1.61

  The Fortune of Bethlem Gabor. Pr. of Transil∣vania.
• * 1.62

  Mercure Francois. 1606, 1607, 1608, &c.
• * 1.63

  Mercure Francois. 1613.
• * 1.64

  The Divisi∣on between the Houses of Branden∣burg and Newbourg concerning the Govern∣ment of the, States of Cleves and Juliers. Interests de Princes per M. de Ro∣han. Part 1. Disc. 4.
• * 1.65

  Mercure Francoise. 1613.
• * 1.66

  Prince Wolfgang of New∣bourg mar∣ries the D. of Bavaria's Daughter, and changes his Religion.
• * 1.67

  The Peace mude be∣tween the D of Savoy &. Mantua, has much ado to continuefirm & stable.
• * 1.68

  The Gover∣nor of Mi¦lan presseth the Duke of Savoy to lay down his Arms.
• * 1.69

  Nani Hist o∣ria Veneta. Lib. I. 1313.
• * 1.70

  The Gover∣nor of Milan demands the Princess of Mantua in the Name of the K. of Spain.
• * 1.71

  Nani Histo∣ria Veneta. Lib. I.
• * 1.72

  Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 123.126.127. &c.
• * 1.73

  The Designs of the K-of Spain in this demand
• * 1.74

  The Repub∣lick of Ve∣nice tra∣verses the designs of the King of Spain.
• * 1.75

  Nani Histo∣ria Veneta. Lib. 1.
• * 1.76

  Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 133, 134, 137.
• * 1.77

  Mary de Medicis per∣plext about the Affairs of Mantua-Siri Memo. recondite.
• * 1.78

  Ibid. p. 174.
• * 1.79

  Nani Histo∣ria Veneta. Lib. 1.1613.
• * 1.80

  1615.
• * 1.81

  It is propo∣sed in the Council of France to send Troops to Italy.
• * 1.82

  Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 141, 142. &c.
• * 1.83

  The Q. Re∣gent sends the Marquis de Coeu∣vres into Italy, for to negociate an Agreement between the D. of Savoy and Man∣tua.
• * 1.84

  Siri Memo. recondite. p, 165.172.173.175.
• * 1.85

  Hist. du Connetable de Lesdigu∣ieres. Liv. VIII. Ch. 6.
• * 1.86

  The unrea∣sonable Am∣bition of Conchini, now Mare∣schal of France, and of Galigai his Wife.
• * 1.87

  Memoires de la Regence de Maria de Medics. Siri Memo. recondite. Tom. III. p. 36.160.
• * 1.88

  Continuati∣on of the Disputes a∣bout Que∣stions con∣cerning Grace and Praedestina∣tion in the United-Provinces.
• * 1.89

  Prèface dee actes du Sy∣node de Dor∣drecht. Brand. Hist. de la Rè∣formation. Liv. XX, XXI. Grotius. Apologeticus eorum qui Hollandiae praefuerunt. Cap. VI. & alibi passim.
• * 1.90

  Epistola Grotii 13. ad Walaeum 1611.
• * 1.91

  New Con∣tests in Hol∣land about choosing their Pa∣stors.
• * 1.92

  Grotius O∣ratione ha∣bità in Se∣natu Amste∣lodamensi, & Epist. 18. ad Uyten∣bogardum. 1613.
• * 1.93

  Grotius. Apologeticus eorum qui Hollandia praefuerunt. Cap. VII.
• * 1.94

  Grotius De Imperio summarum potestatum circa Sacra.
• * 1.95

  The divisi∣ons increas∣ed in the U∣nited Pro∣vinces.
• * 1.96

  Preface des Actes du Sinode de Dordrecht.
• * 1.97

  Brand Hist. de la Refor∣mation. Liv. XX. XXI.
• * 1.98

  The Confe∣rence of Delft, be∣tween the Remon∣strants and the Contra-Remon∣strants.
• * 1.99

  Grotius A∣pologeticus eorum qui Hollandiae praefuerunt. Cap. IV.
• * 1.100

  James K. of England is loss preju∣dised a∣gainst the Arminians, Preface des Actes du Synode de Dordrecht. Uytenbo∣gard Hist. Ecclesias∣tique Part. IV. 16113. Brand Hist. de la Refor∣mation.
• * 1.101

  Grotius A∣pologeticus eorum qui Hollandiae praefuerunt. Cap. VI. & in Epi∣stolis. 1613.
• * 1.102

  Sibrand Mi∣nister of Frizeland, publishes a Libel re∣flecting on the States of Holland. Grotius is orderd to answer it.
• * 1.103

  Ordinum Hollandiae ac West fri siae pietas.
• * 1.104

  B•…•…na fides Sibrandi Lubberti. Edit des Etats de Hollande pour assou∣pir le di••••••∣r•…•…nd sus les Questions de la Prè∣destination & de la Grace. Mercure Francois. 1614. Uytenb•…•…gard Historie Rèformation Dordrecht. Ecclesiae. Part. IV. 1614. Brand Historie de la Livre XXI. Preface des Actes du Sinode de Grtotii Epistolae. 1614.