Tricoenivm Christi in nocte proditionis suæ The threefold svpper of Christ in the night that he vvas betrayed / explained by Edvvard Kellett.

TRICAENIVM CHRISTI, IN NOCTE PRODI∣TIONIS SVAE. (Book 1)

The threefold Supper of Christ, in the night that he was betrayed. (Book 1)

LIB. 1. CHAP. 1. The Contents of the first Chapter.

1. The occasion of this Discourse.

2. The praesumptuous ignorance of some Caco-zelotes.

3. The state of the question.

4. Foure points propounded,

• Three preparatory.
• One decisive, and determining.
• These Preparatory.
  • 1. What course the Iewes tooke at their ordinary meates.
  • 2. What they used to doe at their Festivalls.
  • 3. What they especially practised at their Passeover.
  • 4. The mayne point is, what religious, or civill rites our Saviour more particularly obser∣ved, when he kept the Passeover, in the night of his apprehension.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

WHen I administred the thrice-blessed Sacrament of the body and blood of our Saviour Iesus Christ, to my Parishioners, among many other things, I bad them take heed of the leaven of those refractory Ignorants (swarming otherwhere) who at, and in the receiving of the holy Communion, where so devour pray∣ers are made, where so sacred things are conferred, refuse to kneele; and to their chiefe objection, that they must imitate our Saviour, and his Apostles, who did not kneele, but sit, or leane, or lye downe?

PARA. 2.

I Answered, that these presumptuous silly ones, know onely the outside, and not the inside of these mysteries; that it is not clearely revealed in any place what posture was used, or what was the bodily situation at the giving, or taking of the body of our Lord: but to build their pretended conformity on uncertaine, and unknowne things, is not conformable to reason, much lesse religion, sithence they, by so doing, doe make their imagination their onely originall, their crooked will their onely rule.

PAR, 3.

THen did I enlarge the poynt, that Christ, and his holy Apostles (except In∣das, who went out before the Eucharist was taken) were altogether at three Suppers in one night, in that night in which he was betrayed; and that those A∣postles certainely, and Christ himselfe partaked of all the three suppers; that they kept not one constant forme, but varyed their gestures; that there is no firmenesse of consequence to argue, that whatsoever was done at the first supper, the same was done at the second; or whatsoever was at the second supper, that it continued in the same fashion, untill the end of the third supper; that these se∣verall Suppers were not in the same degrees of holinesse, and were attended with proportionable Rites, and different ceremonies; That the eating of the Paschall Lambe, was the first Supper; That their joynt-eating of common food was their second Supper; That the institution of the Eucharist, and taking of it was their third supper, called by the* 1.1 Apostle, the Supper of the Lord.

To some intelligent people, which heard me, these things seemed, though new and strange, yet probable, and analogall to faith; others, hung betweene doubt and beliefe: but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ecce Rhodus, Ecce salius, here is the man, here his leape; Nunc specimen specitur, nunc certamen cernitur, now is the tryall, you may see it, as Mnesilochus phraseth it in Plautus; what I said, I am ready not one∣ly to say againe, but to prove, and justify: God the truth, and learned men the Dis∣ciples of truth, being judges;

Indocti procul este viri, procul este profani.

Let men unlearned, and profane, Be farre from hence, they judge in vaine.

PAR. 4.

THat I may beare the whole truth before me, necessary to the unfolding of what our Saviour practised from the beginning of his eating of the Paschall Lambe, till he had finished the most sacred Eucharist; I intend, (under the divine bene∣diction) to handle foure poynts, three preparatory, the fourth definitive, and de∣cretory.

• 1. What the Iewes of those times did, at their ordinary meales.
• 2. What they then did at their Feasts, or Festivall dayes.
• 3. What the Iewes were wont to observe at their eating their Passeover.
• 4. What courses in particular our blessed Saviour tooke, and used, the night of his appre∣hension.

The Prayer.

ASsist me therefore, I beseech thee, O omniscient, supreamest intelligence, most wonderfull Vni-Trinity, Trin-Vnity, transcendent in fulnesse of knowledge; and, O sweet Saviour, most blessed Lord, whose cause I handle, whose truth I search, and disclose, take the vayle of ignorance from before my face; let me see with thy piercing eyes; let my fleece be wet with thy dew from heaven, distill upon me some drops of thy Divine knowledge, power thy sacred oyntment, and sprea∣ding oyle upon my head, and fill me with humble veracity, for thine owne Names

sake, O Saviour Iesu, God and man, the gracious Mediator betweene God and Men. Amen.

CHAP. II. The Contents of the second Chapter.

1. The Iewish strictnesse in often giving of thankes.

2. The duty of thankefulnesse exhorted unto.

3. Ingratitude condemned.

4. The Iewes at their Feasts began their banquet with blessing of a ••••p of Wine, what the particular words were, poculum bibatorium, every one dranke in order: our most blessed Saviour scorned not to follow that custome; The custome of the Table of the King of Sweden.

5. The Master of the Feast among the Iewes, consecrated the bread: the very words of consecration translated are set downe.

6. Some recreations were at their Festivals: and wise holy discourses: sometimes rid∣dles were propounded: our Saviours divine Table talke.

7. The duty of Thankesgiving appoynted by the Apostle for all our doings.

8. The temperance of the Primitive Church at their repast, and at Feasts also, proved by Tertullian, and Minutius Foelix: also their Prayers, and singing, and sober retyring.

9. Our age in a double extreame: some over-prodigally feast it: the immoderate use of Tobacco taxed.

10. Some are inhospitable; inhospitality under pretense of devotion distiked.

11. The meane in eating and drinking commended.

12. Mirth, and feasting, practised on the Lords day in Tertullians time.

13. Holy Hester her banquet of Wine: the brethren of Joseph were temperate, though the vulgar hath it, inebriati sunt cumeo: Iosephs liberality, and full table was not in∣temperate, or immodest.

14. Christ Feasted on Sabbath dayes.

15. Ahashuerus his moderation, and Law wished for to be in use.

PAR. 1.

THe Iewes were never wont to eate, or drinke without Prayers, blessings, or giving of thankes, especiall thankes for especiall blessings: some∣times shorter ejaculations were in use, sometimes longer devotions; if they are but of Nuts, Plumbes, Apples, Grapes, or the like, they had Peculiares preculas apt short prayers. Zorobabel powred forth thankes for wisedome given unto him, 1 Esdras, 4.60.* 1.2 The Psulmist was abundant in thankesgiving, above any other duty, both for ordinary and extraordinary bles∣sings, inviting all the Host of Heaven and Earth, reasonable, sensible, vegetable, yea inanimate creatures to prayse the Lord.

PAR. 2.

GIfts of minde, body, and fortunes, are to be received with blessing of God; generall favours of the Almighty looke for a returne of thankes, yea are more to be esteemed, as being more common.

That the heavenly Creatures move constantly in their Spheres, that the Sunne shineth, that the Moone powreth downe the supernall influences; that our pre∣servation with the meanes thereof is continued, deserveth from us the Sacrifice of prayse unto God: every grace of God unto us must be answered with a grace, or thankes from us to God: all Rivers runne into the Sea, saith* 1.3 Ecclesiastes, Chap. 1.7. Unto the place from whence the Rivers come, thither they returne againe.

Adfontem (saith Sainta 1.4 Bernard) unde exeunt flumina, revertuntur, ut iterum fluant; Flummis aqua, si stare caeperit, & ipsa putrescit. & inundatione facta superveniens repellitur: sic plane, sic gratiarum cessat decursus, ubi recursus non fuerit, nec modo nihil augetur in∣grato, sed & quod acceperat, vertitur ei in perniciem: Rivers returne to the foun∣taines that they may flow againe: if they begin to stand they grow to decay: even so grace ceaseth when it is not returned: and to the ungratefull man nothing in∣creaseth, but what he received turnes to his overthrow. Out blessed Saviour spent a good part of his time, in this holy duty; for brevity sake, I will infist onely upon one place,b 1.5 Iob. 6.11. Christ [gave thankes] and then distributed the bread to his Disciples. The Apostle gives a reason, God hath created meates to be re∣ceived with thankesgivingc 1.6 1 Tim. 4.3. It was Gods intention; they were created to that purpose, or end; and they goe against Gods intention, who are unthankefull.

He that eates, and drinkes, and lets grace passe, Sits downe like an Oxe, and riseth like an Asse.

PAR. 3

THe ingratitude of the receivers indeed infecteth not the meate, but their re∣ceiving is uncleane, and filthy; even their minde, and conscience is defiled, as God saith in another case,d 1.7 Tit. 1:15. Every creature of God is good, and nothing to be refused, if it be received with thankesgivinge 1.8 1 Tim. 4.4. For it is sanctify∣ed by the Word, and Prayer, ver. 5. So sanctifyed that the devill cannot use it, to the hurt, either of our soules or bodyes, by stirring us up to sinne, so soone or so much, as if it were received thankelesly. Aquine saith truely, Satan had power over the creature, yea, over us, by our sin; this power is taken away from Satan, through Christ, by prayer, & thanksgiving: ingratitude is one of the greatest sins to humane society, cùm ingratum dixeris, omnia dixeris, you cannot say worse of a man; Viper is a fit Embleme of the unthankefull. This have I pressed the rather because the Apostle saith, ver. 6. If thou put the brethren in remembrance of these things, (which otherwise they are likely to forget, or neglect) thou shalt be a good Minister of Iesus Christ; which God grant me to be! Standeth it not with reason that if God blessed them for us, we should blesse him for them? Creatures taken without thankes are as flesh in our mouthes, or in sacrifices without salt, unsavo∣ry; seef 1.9 Levit. 2.11. The returning of thankes is naturally just, saithg 1.10 Iosephus, Et pro compensutio••e rerum jam factarum, & pro invitatione futurarum, thereby man is recompenced for what is passed, and allured to be more kinde afterward; with God this is approved; Cessonte gratiarum actione cessat decursus gratiae, God is not gracious when man is ••nthankefull. How easie, how cheape a thing doth God expect, when he is pleased with thankes? And what can we returne unto him, if we returne not thankes?h 1.11 Psal. 116.12.13. What shall I render unto the Lord for all bis benefit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 towards me? I will take the cup of salvation, and call upon the Name of the Lord; See also ver. 17. in every thing giving thankes, for this is the will of God in Christ Iesus concerning you,i 1.12 1 Thes. 5.18. Who offereth praise glorifieth God,k 1.13 Psal. 50.23. The Iewes I feare will rise in judgement against us unthankefull Christians, forgetfull of our duty, of our Saviours actions, and example, who was thankefull both in publique and private to his heavenly Father.

PAR. 4.

I Come now unto the second point; what the Iewes did then at their Feasts, or Festivall dayes: whether the Iewes were at marriage Feasts, or other more so∣lemne feasts? this they did generally, as appeareth by the Thargum of Onkelos: the Master of the Family began with the blessing of the cup, which being filled with Wine, he tooke in his right hand, and sayd, Benedictus sis, tu Domine Deus nos••••r, qui cr•••••• fr••ctum vi••i••; blessed be thou O Lord, our God, who createst the

fruite of the Vine; then he dranke, and gave every one to drinke; for it was the fashion of the Iewes to have poculum bibatorium, or asa 1.14 Bolducus fathereth the word upon Oleaster, bibale, a cup before their meales; Iobs childrens Feastings ranne round, In orbem transibant Dies convivii,b 1.15 Iob. 1.5. and the Iewes at their Festivals did drinke in orbem, every one partaked of it: To which fashion Christ alluded, both in his second and third Supper, (as by his grace shall appeare) when he said, Take this, and divide it among your selves,c 1.16 Luk. 22.17. and againe v. 20. He gave them the cup after Supper, and said, drinke ye all of it, or more properly, All of you drinke of it,d 1.17 Math. 26.27.

At the late great King of Swedens Table, a credible eye-witnesse informed me, that they are no part of their food, till the Divine, or Chaplaine of honour had gi∣ven God thankes by a cup of blessing, which was first tasted; this was in imitation of the Iewish custome continued by Christ.

PAR. 5.

THen did the Master of the house take up a loafe of bread in both hands, and consecrated it thus. Benedictus sis tu Domine Deus, qui educis panem è terra, bessed art thou, O Lord, our God, for bringing forth bread out of the earth: Then did he eate, and give every one a morsell of bread; which sacred ceremonies being ended, they fell to their other victuals.

In imitation whereof, when excellent bread hath beene served in at my table, of Wheate, which grew by manurance of most barren ground with Lime; I have of∣ten said, prayse, and thankes be to our gracious God, who hath taught us to make bread of stones, and blessed us in the worke of our hands, &c.

PAR. 6.

SO, when they were eating, or in the Feast time, as it is probable, they had some recreations, as the good Father of the Prodigall child had musique, and dancinge 1.18 Luk. 15.25. so it is certaine, they had many wise conferences, and hea∣venly discourses: happy are these thy servants, saith thef 1.19 Queene of Sheba unto Sa∣lomon, which stand continually before thee, and heare thy Wisedome; for she spake of the attendance of his Ministers, at his Table; it is also likely she spake these words as she was at meate caroufing with him:g 1.20 Est. 7.2. On the second day, at the ban∣quet of Wine; began an happy discourse for the Jewes, which furthered their de∣liverance; in the royall Feast of Ahashuerus, when the heart of the King was merry with Wine he sent for Vasthi, when she would not come, Memucan the last of the seven wise Princes, who knew the Times, spake first, and made an Oration,h 1.21 Est. 1.16. tending to this end, that all women should give their husbands ho∣nour, both great and small, ver. 20. And that every man should beare rule in his owne house, ver. 22. taking downe the imperiousnesse of unruly women. Some∣times they propounded riddles, as Sampson,i 1.22 Judg. 14.12. Vt dum in solutione men∣tis acumen exercerent, interea convivialia jurgia, & intemperantiam vitarent; While they busied their braines to unfold the riddles, in the meane time, they might a∣voyd all quarrelling, and imtemperance, which are too often the effects of fea∣sting. When Christ was at any feast, it was seasoned with Divine discourses; see Mat. 9.12. Luk. 7.36. Luk. 10.38. &c. Luk. 11.39. Luke 16.9. Job. 12.3. Christ about the middest of the Feast of Tabernacles (you must not conceive it in the middest of dinner, or supper) went into the Temple, and taught most heavenly Doctrine.k 1.23 Iohn 7.14.

PAR. 7.

VVHat the Apostles practised appeares by their Precepts,l 1.24 1 Cor. 10.31. Whe∣ther ye eate or drinke, or whatsoever ye doe, doe all to the glory of God; To which that is conformable,m 1.25 Col. 3.17. What ye doe in word, or deed, doe all in the name

of the Lord Iesus, giving thankes to God even the Father by him; This they did at their meales, especially at their Festivals.

PAR. 8.

THe guise or order of the Primitive Church followeth: first for their ordinary meales, they had but poore commons, rose with appetite, pur as coenas, sine ani∣malibus coenas suppers without flesh,a 1.26 Clemens Alexandrinus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Let our Supper saith he, be small and short, fit for men that watch, and not with variety of mingled meates; the Grecians call prodigall men 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, well signifying their end, i. as it seemeth to me, saith Clemens, whilst they esteeme them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, voyd of salvation, by the elision of the letter [σ] Sigma. Tertullian most signisicantly to the prodigall intemperate Ro∣manes saith thus, nostras coenulas sugillatis, cum vestris ructibus acescat aer, you finde fault with our short small suppers, when the very ayre groweth sowre with your belchings. And yet the parsimony of the ancienter Romanes was exemplary, of which more hereafter; take onely one testimony out ofb 1.27 Iuvenal.

Haec olim nostri jam luxuriosa senatus Coena fuit: Curius parvo quae legerat horto, Ipse foc is brevibus ponebat oluscula, quae nunc Squallidus in magna fastidit compede fossor.

that is,

The now luxurious suppers of the Senate Of old were meane: Curius (when as he ate) With a small fire cook'd such few berbes, which he Pick•• from his narrow gardens hus bandry, As now a dirty Ditcher loathes to eate; Though loaden with cold Iron, and Gyves full great.

Secondly for the feastings of the old Christians,c 1.28 Minutius Foelix saith thus, Con∣vivia non tantum pudica colimus, sed & sobria; nes enim indulgemus epulis, aut convi∣vium mero ducimus, sed gravitate bilaritatem temperamus, casto sermone, corpore casti∣ore, pudorem non facie, sed meute praestamus, that is, our Feasts are observed with shamefastnesse, and sobriety, we doe not indulge, and glut our selves with dainties or draw out at length the banquet by bibbing of wine; but we mingle and temper mirth and gravity together, using chaste speeches, in more chaste bodies; our mindes out-blushing our faces:d 1.29 Tertullian more at large sheweth the whole forme of feasting thus; Non priùs discumbitur, quàm or atio ad Deum praegustetur; editur, quantum esurientes capiunt; bibitur, quantum pudicis est utile; ita saturantur, ut qui meminerint, etiam per noctem sibi adorandum esse; it a fabulantur, ut qui sciant, Domi∣num audire; post aquam manualem, & lumina, de Scripturis sacris, vel de ingenio pro∣prio, canitur; bine probatur quomodo biberit; aeque oratio convivium dirimit; inde dis∣ceditur,—non in eruptiones lasoiviarum, sed in candem curam modestiae & pudicitiae, ut qui non tam coenam coenaverint, quam disciplinam, that is, we sit not downe till we have first prayed to God; grace is the first dish we taste of, we eare onely to satis∣fie nature; we drinke no more then is fit for chaste people; we so eate and drinke, as remembring we must rise in the night, to worship God; our discourse is as in the presence of God; after washing of our hands, by candle light we sing either some Psalmes, or other holy Hymnes, or songs of our owne invention; by which we see, that we have not drunke much; Prayer also concludeth the banquet; from whence we depart, not running into lascivious course of chambering and wantounesse, or sporting our selves, in the deeds of darkenesse; but impaling our selves within our wonted bounds of modesty, and shamefastnesse; as if we had made our suppers, ra∣ther of discipline, and religion, then of ordinary meates.

PAR. 9.

OUr age is much faulty in both extreames, of Prodigality, and covetousnesse, neglecting the golden meane of liberality. Some with the glutton fare deli∣ciously

every day, make their belly their God, joyne dinners to suppers, and pro∣rogue suppers till the morning-starre, and light approacheth, to dimme the candles; turning with Heliogabalus night into day, and day into night; their ap∣petite makes raw digestion, and their foule stomackes, by being over-loaden, doe surfet: the meate which is left behind in the dish, is more behoofefull, and health∣full to the Cormorant, or intemperate Epicure, then that which he devoures;

Plures occidit gula, quam gladius,

The two fore-fingers and the thumbe, Kill more, then battaile, sword, or gunne.

The earth, ayre, and water afford not enough for their gluttony, and though saw∣cy Art, second Nature, nor eye, nor desire is satisfyed: the creatures groane under their grosse abuse; these are swinish Epicures, prodigall consumers of Gods bles∣sings.

Tobacco, the never unseasonable Tobacco, the all-usefull Tobacco, good for meate, drinke, and cloathing, as they say; good for cold, heate, and all diseases; this must sharpen their appetites before meate, must heate it at their meare, and close up their stomacke after meate, being the onely curious antipast, sauce, and post-past; wine, and beere must wash downe the stench of that weede, and it againe must dry up their moyst fumes.

PAR. 10.

ANother sort there is who call themselves the generation of the Iust, that fall into the other extreame, who are as unhospitable as Caucasus, as covetous as Euclio, these, to save spending, spend whole Festivalls in the saving, hearing (as they cal it) of the word, and to turne out their poore friends, and kinred, shut up their doores, and pricke up their eares to needlesse repetitions. Fasting on the Lords day is affected, because good cheare is costly; an health at their owne table is damnation, though they will carowze foure times the quantity, even to the over∣throw of health at another mans board. Some will lay up more devout Peter-pence at the yeares end, out of thirty pound certainely, with the voluntary contributi∣ons, then charitable hospitable men can doe, with 200. pounds per annum: the roote of all evill yeelds them their desired fruite, and they live as if Mammon were the onely God they serve, and lecture it onely to picke up Mammon; Mam∣mon may be had, and kept, and used without sinne, yet Mammon must not be served, for yee cannot serve God anda 1.30 Mammon.

PAR. 11.

BVt happy is he who keepeth the middesse; first for meate, what need a Christian solicitously provide for that which makes his ordure? Secondly, for sauce, S. Bernard alloweth no sauce, but salt; a stomacke dieted to a continuall appetite, is the best sauceb 1.31 Clemens Alexandrinns saith, they doe effeminate bread, who sift a∣way the branne; I am sure the one-way bread, the second bread, groweth not mouldy so soone, and is both heartier and passeth speedyer through the body. As for drinke, water was the onely drinke, till the flood, 2000. yeares or thereabouts: Vino vis adhibetur sapientiae, Wine offereth violence to wisdome: Ʋt Venus in vi∣nis, ignis in igne furit: Fire joyn'd to fire is not more mad, then lust, if store of wine't hath had; which is almost all one with that in Valerius Maximus, proxi∣mus a Libero patre intemper antiae gradus ad inconcessam Venerem esse consuevit: Wine in the immoderate use is Sanguis Gigantum, the blood of the Giants; Fel draconum the gall of the Dragons; fel Principum tenebrarum, the gall of the Princes of darke∣nesse: So the Manichees over-bitterly condemned wine wholly, though it be to the intemperate, Ʋenenum terrae, the very poyson springing from the earth; yet moderately and physically taken, it is the blood of the grape,c 1.32 Eccle. 50.15. and cheareth God and Man,d 1.33 Iudg. 9.13. To age especially and some sicke people.

Aquavita, or strong water, in the abuse is, Aqua mortis, the bayliffe of death, the

executioner, leading men to destruction. Tobacco is good for few; the hourely, day∣ly use is good for no complexion: oh that we would use these no otherwise then Physicke! It is not an 140. yeares since Sacke was sold onely in Apothecaries shops. A little contents Nature; the eye is greater then the belly: Summa mede∣cinae, abstinentia, the abbreviation of all Physicke is abstinence: youth groweth taller with slender fare, then with cramming: diseased foule bodies, the higher fed, the more unhealthy they are; Convivia Ʋeneris sunt praeludia, said Accursius; Feasts make way for lasciviousnesse; Venter vino plenus despumat in libidinem: Bac∣chus is a Pander unto Venus; the gut pampereth the groyne; gula est vestibulum luxuri••; You goe into the house of Luxury, by, and over the threshold of Glut∣tony: but, se non satiare cibis, studium est sanitatis; to eate sparingly is to study health; qui multum vult comedere, comedat parum, as Ludovicus Cornarus both di∣rected and practised; a slender dyet brings one to a good stomacke: a chearefull healthfull life, a painelesse old age. If thy appetite enlarge it selfe, put thy knife to thy throate, saith Solomon,a 1.34 Pro. 23.2. that is, Teach thy selfe temperance. I deny not but we may eate of the fat, and drinke of the sweete, Neh. 8.10. and make great joy, ver. 12. and refresh our selves at feasts in a higher degree, then at our or∣dinary food; otherwise there is no difference (post sacra peracta) betweene ordina∣ry, and extraordinary refection.

PAR. 12.

DIe Solis laetitiam curamus, & laetitiae indulgemus, saith Tertullian, in Apologe∣tico: Iacobus Gothofredus upon Tertullian, ad Nationes, 1.13. thus, Die Do∣minica ab omnipressura, id est, a ritu, qui moerorem aliquem inferret, Christiani aberant & abstinebant; hinc jejunium, & geniculatio, ea die, interdicta; and when the heathen objected against the Christians, that they did curare otium & prandium, Tertullian denyeth it not, but doth compare our Dominicall feasting, to the sa∣turnall feasts of the Gentiles, in imitation of the Sabbaticall feasts of the Iewes.

PAR. 13.

HOly Queene Esther kept a banquet of Wine,b 1.35 Cap. 5.6. The brethren of Io∣seph were merry, harmelesly merry with him at his Feast; the vulgar makes the worst of it, when it saith, inebriatisunt cum eo,c 1.36 Gen. 43.34, Though the let∣ter will beare it, and the Septuagint accord to it; yet Vatablus learnedly expounds it thus,* 1.37 Hinc videmus lautius fuisse Convivium, in quo large, & hilariter, praeter quo∣tidianum morem, excepti fuerint; hoc ènim significat verbum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—In mensis hospi∣talibus major erat indulgentia; neque tamen hic notatur ulla intemperies, sed honesta, modestaque liberalitas: Hence we discerne that Joseph kept a plentifull Feast, in which they were above the ordinary fashion, largely and chearefully entertained; for so the word [Shacar] signifyeth both messes, Wine and Mirth did exceed, when hospitality spread the tables for her guests. In this passage Moses toucheth not at any distemper, but denoteth honest, and modest liberality, for these were holy Patriarkes, Fathers of the twelve Tribes: and never any of them was overta∣ken with that devill drunkennesse.

PAR. 14.

CHrist himselfe was at divers Feasts, and that on Sabbath dayes. Christ went into the house of one of the chiefe Pharisees to eate bread on the Sabbath day, (a pure, and chiefe Pharisee then entertained him) to eate bread, that is, to dine, and refresh himselfe; for by bread any sort of food is to be understood,d 1.38 Luk. 14.1. Yea, it is likely that there was a very great feast, for divers guests were bidden, and they chose out the chiefest roomes, ver. 7. and Christ gave them good counsell. ver. 8. and feasted the Pharisee himselfe, who invited him with wholesome Do∣ctrine, ver. 12. and one that was at meat replyed holily, ver. 25. On the Sabbath

toward the evening, he was honorably entertained at Bethany, by Simon the Leper, Lazarus sitting downe at supper, Martha serving, Mary annoynting him, saith Lucas Brugensis, in his Itinerary; and the Apostles accompanyed him, Math. 26.6. Mar. 14.4. John 12.4. Sixe dayes before the Passeover. Tolet also accounteth, that Christ was feasted, on the Sabbath day at night: Christ also turned more wa∣ter into Wine, at a marriage, then there was need of,a 1.39 Ioh. 2.7.

PAR. 15.

OH! that Ahashuerus his law were in force, that none should be forced,b 1.40 Esth. 1.8. or rather that men would force themselves to be a law unto themselves! then might Temperance rule in our Feasts, and innocent mirth mixed with edifying discourses, be heard at our Tables; and charitable hospitality be better practized in our houses; which was the good fashion of the Iewes, and of the Primitive Christi∣ans. Who desireth to read more of the frugality of the ancients, let him have recourse to Franciseus de Mendoza, in his Commentaries on 1 Sam. 9.2. Sect. 4. &c.

The Prayer.

GOod God, grant that I may be really, and truely thankefull to all, and every one, to whom received courtesy bindeth me; to thee above all, for all thy blessings vouchsa••ed unto me, concerning either this life, or the life to come: It is thy selfe, most gracious Father, that crownest the yeare with plenty; though the fields of Corne doe as it were laugh, and sing: thou haste pleased to give me e∣nough, not for need onely, but for recreation: and I beseech thee, that I may make a right use of thy creatures, by taking them soberly and religiously, giving due thankes to thee, their and our Creatour, Through Iesus Christ our Lord, A∣men.

CHAP. III. The Contents of the third Chapter.

1. Divers were the prescribed Customes of the Passeover.

2. Seven famous Passeovers mentioned in the old Testament, the first in Egypt: the se∣cond in the Wildernesse.

3. The differences betwixt the first and second, in Maimonides his judgement: onely one of his differences proveth sound.

4. A true distinction of the particular Eremiticall passeover, of some uncleane, from the generall Passeover in the Wildernesse: also a distinction of both these, from the Egyptian Passeover.

5. The third Passeover under Ioshua.

6. The Israelites for fourty yeares, eate no bread but Manna.

7. Manna commended.

8. The Israelites bought water, and meate, in their Peregrination, but not bread; nor Corn••••ad they of the Nations, till they came to the planes of Jericho, though Masius se••∣meth to thinke, they forbare onely to eate of the corne of Cana••n.

9. The fourth Passeover in the dayes of Samuel.

10. The deplorable estate of Israel, when Samuel entred on the governement.

11. Samuel reformed the Ecclesiasticall estate.

12. Reformation went by former Praecedents: David concurred with Samuel: Solo∣mon followed Davids will nuncupative; and received from him in writing, what the Spirit had taught David: David guided by his Seers, by Samuel, by Aaron.

13. All Praecedentiall reformation must be according to Gods first guidance: David dwel•• with Samuel.

14. Samuel dedicated things of worth to the enriching of the future Temple.

15. Samuel one of the sacred Trium-viri.

16. Samuel governed the state politicke: he was a circuiting, or itinerant judge.

17. The nice distinction of Latria, and Dulia questioned.

18. The Parliament of Mizpeh: the sacred water: Samuels burnt offering accepted: in likelyhood, about this time was the great Passeover kept.

19. Samuel a King, Priest, and Prophet.

20. Josephus defended against Salianus.

PAR. 1.

THe third question succeedeth; what the Iewes were wont to observe, at their eating of their Passeover. That there were divers usances appoin∣ted at the eating of the Passeover, is evident,a 1.41 Num. 9.3. In the foure∣teenth day of this moneth at even, ye shall keepe the Passeover, in his ap∣pointed season, according to all the Rites of it, and according to all the ceremo∣nies thereof ye shall keepe it.

PAR. 2.

BEfore I descend unto the particulars by precept, I wish you to consider what was observed in seven famous Passeovers, which are specialized in the old Te∣stament; and in divers also of the new Testament. The first Passeover was in Egypt set downe at large, Exod. 12. of which more conveniently hereafter; the second Passeover was in the Wildernesse,b 1.42 Num. 9.5. There were some defiled by dead bodies, ver. 6. And were kept backe, that they might not offer an offering of the Lord, in his appointed season, and by especiall direction of the Lord, the uncleane by reason of a dead body, or one in a journey afarre off, were to eate the Passeover, the foureteenth day of the second moneth, ver. 10, 11. The reason why they were put backe, was; because the defiled by the dead were uncleane seven dayes,c 1.43 Num. 19.11. And the uncleane were forbid to eate of holy things,d 1.44 Levit. 7.20. as after al∣so appeared by the Dialogue of Ahimelech with David,e 1.45 1 Sam. 21.4.

PAR. 3.

THe second generall Passeover differed from the first Mosaicall, in three poynts, saith Maimonides: whereas in the first Passeover there must be no leavened bread in the house,f 1.46 Exod. 12.15, And they were not to carry forth ought of the flesh abroad out of the house, ver. 46. And both cleane and uncleane did take it (as in such a promiscuous great multitude, and in so great an hurry, and haste (without miracle, some men and women were uncleane) for there were about sixe hudred thousand men, besides women, and children,g 1.47 Exod. 12.37. In the second, saith he, they might have leavened bread in the house; they might carry it out of the house, (though he hath no proofe for these two points, as hereafter more at large) they might not keepe it in uncleannesse, which last passage is evidenth 1.48 Num. 9.6.

PAR. 4.

THe particular Passeover of the uncleane, when they were in the Wild••rnesse, is not discerned to vary from the generall in ought; but that the generall Passe∣over was kept in the first moneth, and the particular, in the second moneth: these Eremiticall Feasts both of them, had another eminent distinction from the first great Passeover, at their Exodus, viz. that the unleavened bread of these two, was made of Manna, and in the Aegyptian Passeover, their unleavened bread was of common come onely, of which see the proofe, in the next passeover.

PAR. 5.

THe third remarkeable passeover was under Joshuah: the holy Sacraments them∣selves being wholly omitted, during their Itinerary, not of Circumcision one∣ly,

but of the Passeover, that being but once generally celebrated, namely, the yeare following, which was in the first moneth of the second yeare,a 1.49 Num. 9.1. Thirty∣nine yeares after, Joshuah at their passing over Iordan, by Gods appointment re∣established them,b 1.50 Josh. 5.10. Those sacred ceremonies were not dead, but onely slept.

PAR. 6.

THe unleavened bread, with which they are the Passeover, the fourettenth day of the moneth at even, in the plaines of Iericho, was of Manna, as the second great Passeover was, for they did eate of the old corne of the Land, on the morrow after the Passeover, unleavened cakes, and patched corne, in the same day, ver. 11. and the Manna ceased on the morrow, after they had eaten of the old corne of the Land, neither had the children of Israel Manna any more, ver. 12. That the Israelites in their peregrination were willed to buy water, and meate of the Edomites for mo∣ney, is provedc 1.51 Deut. 2.6, But they were not commanded, neither needed they to buy corne of them; for Manna supplyed the roome of it, and was better then Corne, and the best flower of Wheate.

PAR. 7.

VVHen the partiall, and gluttonous mutiners said in a contemptuous loa∣thing,d 1.52 Num. 11.6. There is nothing at all, besides this Manna, before our eyes; as it proveth, by their owne confession, they had no other Corne but Manna; so though their rebellious murmuring had not broke forth, God himselfe testifyethe 1.53 Deut. 29.5. I lead you fourty yeares: your cloathes, and shooes are not old; ye have not eaten bread, nor drunke Wine, or strong drinke: and the divine e∣stimate judgeth better of it; witnesse these Eulogies,f 1.54 Neh. 9.15. God gave them bread from Heaven, for their hunger; andg 1.55 Psal. 78.23. God commanded the clouds from above, and opened the doores of heaven, and ver. 24. God rained downe Manna upon them to eate, and gave them of the Corne of Heaven, and ver. 25. Man did cate Angels food, as made by the power of God, and ministery of Angels.

PAR. 8.

THe moderateh 1.56 Masius, on Josh. 5.12. Inclineth, that the Israelites abstained, it not from other bread, yet from the bread of Canaan, till they were Circum∣cised, and till they had kept the Passeover; that they abstained from the bread of Canaan, till then, is out of doubt; they could not eate it, till they came toward the borders of Canaan, and about that time Manna ceased: but the place ofi 1.57 Deut. 29 5, Joyned with Deut. 2.6. seemeth to me demonstrative, that they are no corne at all, of any other Nations, till they came to the plaine of Jericho.

PAR. 9.

THe fourth great Passeoverk 1.58 recorded (though questionlesse betweene Jo∣shua and Samuel many more were observed) if probability may take place, was in the dayes of Samuel, at Mizpeh,l 1.59 2 King. 23.22. Surely there was not hol∣den such a passeover as Josiah kept, from the dayes of the Iudges that judged Israel (over whom Samuel was the last Judge) nor in all the dayes of the Kings of Israel or Judah: consider the change of the phrase: there was none from the dayes of the Iudges, nor in the dayes of the Kings of Israel, or Iudah: and then we may both fairely conclude for the negative, that no King of Judah or Israel, kept so great a passeover, as Iosiah's was; and affirmatively, that in the dayes of the Iudges, such an one was kept: and lest you might stagger, or be uncertaine, it is expresse∣ly de••ermined,m 1.60 2 Chron. 35.18. There was no passeover like unto that which Iosi∣ab celebrated, from the dayes of Samuel the Prophet: whence conjecturally we may inferre, that in the dayes of Samuel, there was a most famous passeover, equall

to Iosiah's, if not superiour, and in likelihood it was at Mizpeh.

PAR. 10.

A Farther enquiry may perhaps delight you, of Israels estate, at that time,a 1.61 Iosh. 18.1. all Israel assembled together at Shiloh, and set up the Tabernacle of the Congregation there, Ioshua being President: Shiloh was Gods place, where God set his name at first,b 1.62 Ier. 3.12. And the Arke was in Shiloh, and there settled till the sinnes of Eli, and his sonnes, made it errant, so God forsooke the Taber∣nacle of Shiloh,c 1.63 Psal. 78.60. Whereupon all things went to wracke; the Phi∣listines overcame Israel in battaile; the Arke in which they trusted, being sent for from Shiloh did not helpe; but the Israelites were againe overthrowne, the Arke was taken, the high Priest brake his necke, his children dyed suddaine, and violent death's: the Tabernacle was separated from the Arke, if not destroyed, Rulers, Priests and people sinfull: a very anarchy was in Iacob, and that which was worst of all, God was offended with them.

PAR. 11.

IN this deplorable estate, Samuel entreth on the governement; and first for the Ecclesiasticall estate, he brought it into good order, ford 1.64 1 Chron. 9.22. Samuel, Samuel the Seer, was ordainer, and founder of Rules, and Orders for the Levites, in the set offices: though David be mentioned as joynt-reformer with Samuel, and named in the first place, before him (as Kings are above Priests) yet if David had not followed his advice, it would never have beene said, David and Samuel did order it.

PAR. 12.

IT is true that every latter reformation of Religion went by former precedents: King Iosiah said,e 1.65 2 Chron. 35.4. Prepare by the houses of your Fathers, after your courses, according to the writing of David King of Israel, and according to the writing of Salomon his sonne: Againe,f 1.66 2 Chron. 29.25. The Levites were set in the house of the Lord, with Cymbals, Psalteries, and Harpes, according to the commandement of Da∣vid, and of Gad the King Seer, and Nathan the Prophet, as the Lord commanded; the song began with the Trumpets, and instruments ordained by David, ver. 27. And they sang prayses to the Lord, with the words of David, and of Asaph the Seer, ver. 30. This was in Hezekiahs Passeover: Salomon before them, ordered the sacred things in the Temple, he did not order those things by his owne will, but by the last words of David, Ecclesiasticall affaires were ruled, as you may discerne, if you compare,g 1.67 1 Chron. 23.27. with 1 Chron. 24.3. And he was instructed for the building of the house of God,h 1.68 2 Chron. 3.3. Neither was Salomon ruled by Davids mouth-speech alone, but David gave to Salomon his sonne the patterne of the porch, and other particulars,i 1.69 1 Chron. 28.11. And the patterne of all that he had by the Spirit, ver. 12. Whence justly resulteth, that David had especiall divine Revelations from God; and it is likely, that from the day of the first unction by Samuel (when it was said,k 1.70 1 Sam. 16.13. The Spirit of the Lord came upon David, from that day for∣ward) that he made divers of these gracious and divine Psalmes, and tooke on him the extraordinary thoughts of heavenly things: yea, David himselfe framed the services of the Levites according to their manner under Aaron their Father, as God commanded himl 1.71 2 Chron. 24.19.

PAR. 13.

THus winding up from the bottome to the to ppe, all true reformation, must rest in him, from whom all order did spring, that is, God; As in the making of the Tabernacle, there was nothing left to the invention of Moses,m 1.72 Exod. 25.9. According to all that I shew thee, after the patterne of the Tabernacle, and after the pat∣terne

of all the instruments thereof, so shall ye make it. Which is re-confirmed in the New Testament; For see (saith God) that thou make all things according to the pat∣terne shewed thee in the Mount,a 1.73 Heb. 8 5. So, out of doubt, David had his patternes to follow: I named before the Spirit, which taught him, and the direction of his Seers, and Prophets with whom he conversed, and the example of Aaron. Last of all, I say (that I may returne from whence I digrested) it would never have beene said that David and Samuel ordered such and such things: if David had not rather followed Samuels patterne, or directions, then Samuel Davids: For Samuel was the ancienter both man and Iudge, and Prophet, yea, a knowne Prophet of the Lord, unto whom, in trouble David resorted in private,b 1.74 1 Sam 19.18. And both he and Samuel went, and dwelt at Naioth, in Ramah, and were both together, ver. 22. When it is likely he received instructions from Samuel, concerning the future Temple.

PAR. 14.

FOr most certaine it is, that Samuel the Seer had dedicated divers things of worth, which were employed on the enriching of the Temple,c 1.75 1 Chron. 26.28. When David was but in the poore fortune of a Reversioner: and it is as certaine that David and Samuel ordered divers things,d 1.76 1 Chron. 9.22. as I said before: Yea it is added to good purpose, Samuel, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Samuel videns, Samuel the Prophet; both to distinguish him from other Samuels who were not Prophets (if any such men were) and to intimate, that his joynt-reformation with David was determi∣ned, and agreed on, before hand with a divine consent, flowing from the spirit of prophecy.

PAR. 15.

IN somuch that Samuel is counted one of the Trium-viri,e 1.77 Psal. 99.6. which were the great instruments of Gods glory in Sion, whom the Lord answered when they called on him; nor can any wise Christian thinke, but Samuel, who in expresse termes is said to order the porters,f 1.78 1 Chron. 9.22. Had farre greater care of grea∣ter matters. Thus much for the state Ecclesiastique, which Samuel reduced to good order, as a Seer.

PAR. 16.

SEcondly, for the state Politique, which he governed as a Iudge; when in his Circuites, which he yearely kept, as a Judge Itinerant to Bethel, Gilgal, and Mizpeh, he had spoken unto all the house of Israelg 1.79 1 Sam. 2.3. And counselled them to put away the strange gods, and Ashteroth from among them, and to prepare their hearts, and serve God onely (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith the Septuagint.

PAR. 17.

NOw to shew that both dulia and latria, belong onely to God, and that the di∣stinction is over nice, and over-valued, Christ saith to Satan [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] and when the Israelites had done so, ver. 4. Then Samuel bad them gather all Israel to him, and promised to pray for them.

PAR. 18.

VVHereupon a dyer, or parliament was gathered at Mizpeh, ver. 6. The people drew water and powred it out before the Lord; though they drew it perhaps to drinke, as thirsty men (for it was no Sacrifice) yet being drawne, they would not drinke, but powred it before the Lord, as David did his longed-for water,h 1.80 2 Sam. 23 16. &c. They abridged their owne desires, thwarted their owne appetites; certainely they fasted, and confessed their sinnes; then also did Samuel offer a burnt offering, wholly unto the Lord, and Samuel cryed unto the Lord, and the Lord answered him, ver. 9. To which place the Psalmist alluded,i 1.81 Psal. 99.6. yea, but what is all this to the Passeover of Samuel? or where did Sa∣muel

keepe the Passeover? I answer that in all probability, it was about this time, the offering of a sucking Lambe, wholly for a burnt offering, might be no hinderance but that both he, and all the Israelites might keepe a great Passeover before, at, or after this great reformation, though it be not described: for other reformations of Joshuah, Hezekiah, Iosiah, were accompanyed with receiving a solemne Passeover, and so might this. I am surea 1.82 Ecclesiasticus 46.14. It is said of Samuel that he jud∣ged the congregation, by the Law of the Lord, and that in all causes, saith Tostatus.

PAR. 19.

THough the causes, concerning the divine Law, belonged to the high Priest, yet some unusuall priviledge was granted to Samuel, who was both a Levite, and a Prophet, and an extraordinary Priest, saith the great Salianus, in his Annals; let me adde, that he was a judge also; and that the Iudges had a regall power; Samuel being herein a Type of Christ, a King, Priest, and Prophet. Lastly, let the words before cited have their due consideration,b 1.83 2 Chron. 35, 18. There was no Passeo∣ver like to that of Josiahs, from the dayes of Samuel the Prophet; and though we cannot punctually say, it was in such a yeare of Samuel, yet this resultance is un∣forced, and may runne among the likely ones. In the dayes of Samuel the prophet, there was a passeover like to Josiahs.

PAR. 20.

I Cannot omit thatc 1.84 Iosephus agreeth with the Scripture in sense; A Prophetae Sa∣muelis temporibus, in hunc usque diem (saith he of Iosiahs passeover) nulla talis festivit as celebrata fuit: he hits upon an excellent reason, quia tum omnia juxta prae∣scriptum legum, & antiquas consuetudines peragebant; which words (as cited by Sali∣anus) may have reference to the dayes, either of Samuel or Iosiah. Salianus churlish∣ly finds fault with Iosephus, as if he accused of Sacriledge, and of breaking Lawes, and neglecting ancient customes, in the greatest Festivity and Sacrifice; both He∣zekiah, Iosaphat, Asa, Salomon, and David himselfe; yet Salianus himselfe both su∣pinely passeth over the passeover of Samuel, inhering in smaller matters, and doth not observe, that Iosephus hitteth exactly the Scripture straine, namely not so much accusing others of Sacriledge, neglect, or contempt, or any positive mischiefe, as saying in a comparative reference, that upon reformation, there was no passeover every way so absolute, as Iosiahs passeover was, since the great passeover, in the dayes of Samuel: Nulla [talis] Festivit as, which words of his may, Commodo sensu, be well expounded; no passeover since Samuels was ever so reall, and exquisite, for substance, manner, and matter, and so perfectly circumstantiated; which the Scrip∣ture, before Iosephus fully declared. And so much for the fourth great passeover, which would not have beene omitted by all writers, for the place thereof, if it could have beene necessarily, and demonstratively proved from hence; but indeed the argument is onely probable, not apodicticall, or necessary; and yet I thought fit to enlarge this poynt, because some matters momentuall are couched in it, and divers things conjoyned, which lay scattered, and therefore not usually observed, as parts of one history.

The Prayer.

MOst gracious Father, thine especiall love to us hath vouchsafed to ingirt, and encompasse us thy servants of great Britaine, not more with the Ocean, than with a Sea of prosperity and gladnesse; here is no leading into captivity, no com∣playning in our streetes; peace is within our walls, and plenteousnesse within our palaces; the breath of our nostrils, the light of our Israel, is upheld, and comfor∣ted by thee; his most gracious spouse, his most fruitefull Vine brancheth forth joy for the present, and manifold stronger assorances for the time to come. Most heartily we blesse thee for this thy mercy, and humbly desire the continuance of it upon our most Sacred Soveraigne, and upon his most gracious Queene; Vpon our most hopefull Prince, and royall Progeny, and upon us by them, for the media∣tion

and merits of thy beloved onely Sonne, in whom thou art well-pleased, even Iesus Christ our onely Advocate, and Redeemer; Amen.

CHAP. IV. The Contents of the fourth Chapter.

1. In the fifth great Passeover specialized to be kept by Hezekiah; the unsanctifyed in part ate it; and in the second moneth, by dispensation divine; and the Priests and Le∣vits onely killed the Passeover.

2. The Kings prayer accepted both for the uncleane Priests and people, and the people healed at the good Kings prayer.

3. A voluntary Passeover to supply the imperfection of the former. Devotions halfe per∣formed are to be renewed and quickened.

4. The Priests and Levites prayers accepted of God for the people.

5. Religious thoughts must be produced into Acts.

6. In the sixt glorious passeover of Iosiah, were most royall offerings, both for the Pascha and also for the Chagigah, which exceeded the offerings of Hezekiah.

7. Salianus against Vatablus; both reconciled.

8. The Masters of the family killed the Passeover; but the Priests slue the Festivall offerings: Levites might not sacrifice, without divine inspiration, or great exigents: any Levite might sacrifice the proper Passeover for his owne family, or for the impure.

9. In what sense Priests are said to profaine the Sabbath, the Temple, Sacrifices, and Circumcision chase away the Sabbath.

10. The seventh extraordinary great Passeover was foreprophecyed by Ezekiel, but not accomplished, till the returne from captivity, in the dayes of Ezra, and Nehemiah.

PAR. 1.

THe fifth great Passeover was in the time of Hezekiah,a 1.85 2 Chron. 30.15, For I passe by Hezekiah his precedent reformation, of taking away the high places, and breaking the Images, and cutting downe the groves, and brea∣king in peeces the brazen Serpent, which Moses had made, to which the Israelites burned incense,b 1.86 2 King. 18.4. I omit also the preparatives to this great passeover, and begin at the 15. verse. Where it is said, The Priests and Levites were ashamed, for their sins, and the sins of the people, and sanctifyed themselves: And the people received the passeover, though they were not sanctifyed, and in the se∣cond moneth: Wherefore the people themselves, or the Masters of the families, killed not their Lambes, for the passeover (as was their wonted guise or custome, at other times) But the Levites had the charge of killing the Passeover for every one that was not cleane, ver. 17.

PAR. 2.

FOure other things are most observable about this passeover. First, that they who were not cleansed, and yet did eate the passeover, otherwise then it was written, were prayed for by the King, and the forme of Hezekiahs prayer was, The good Lord pardon every one, that prepareth his heart to seeke God, the Lord God of his Fa∣thers, though he be not cleansed according to the purification of the sanctuary, ver. 18. &c. And that you may know the great power of the hearty prayers of a King, even of Hezekiah (as well as of David, and Solomon in other cases) The Lord harkened to Hezekiah, and healed the people: For the Kings heart was cleane, when the Priests, Le∣vites, and peoples were uncleane.

PAR. 3

THe second passage is this, that whereas other passeovers lasted but seven dayes, what was wanting in the former part of their more perfect sacrifice, was sup∣plyed in their voluntary assumed devotions: the whole assembly tooke counsell to keepe other seven dayes, and did keepe other seven dayes with gladnesse, ver. 23. Yea, a great number of Priests (belike, before unsanctifyed) sanctifyed themselves, ver. 24. By which redoubled acts both of priests and people, we are taught, if our prayers, or our owne wandring thoughts, or the sierce suggestions of Sathan, not to give o∣ver, but to reunite our forces, to renew afresh our indeavours, to double the times of our holy exercises: and be thou assured, good Christian, though the devils temp∣tarions doe trouble thee, and vexe the; these repeated, and more perfect prayers of thine; doe more afflict and torment him, and all his infernall crew.

PAR. 4.

YEt that is not all, nor the chiefest joy, but toward the end of this Festivall, (that the people may know also the efficacy of Sacerdot all benediction) both the Priests and Levites arose and blessed the people, and their voyce was heard, and their prayers came up to his holy dwelling place, even unto heaven, ver. 27. which was the third observable puncto, in this great Passeover.

PAR. 5.

THe fourth, and last memorable passage was, that after all this was finished, All Israel, that were present, brake the Images in peeces, cut downe the groves, threw downe the high places,a 1.87 and Altars, a 2 Chron. 31.1. Whence we may learne, that good sincere hearts are more devour, after their religious exercises; that holy perfor∣mances make deepe impressions, and bring forth fruites of amendment, and end in no end, but reformation: Reformation, I say, not popular, which is never aright; but regular, generall, wherein Inferiours are guided by Superiours, and these by Gods Word.

PAR. 6.

THe fixt most glorious passeover was in the eighteenth yeare of the devout Jo∣siah, as appearethb 1.88 2 King 23.21, and 2 Chron. 35.1. &c. Toward which were given for passeover offerings, 37000. Lambes, and Kids, and for other offerings, 3800. Oxen; the first fort was of the flocke, meerely for the Pascha, and them the Master of each Family killed, and they were rosted whole, and eaten by the family, as God commanded by the hand of Moses; the second sort were of the heards, 3800 Oxen (some say Calves among them) these were for the chagigah, for the Feast offerings, and other offerings; some of these holy offerings they sod in pots, cauldrons, and pans, and divided them speedily among the people; of the other part, they made whole burnt offerings (of which the people had no por∣tion at all, but the fire consumed all) observe further, things were prepared the same day, to keepe the Passeover, and to offer burnt offerings on the Altar of the Lord,c 1.89 2 Chron. 35.16. And unto the Pascha was annexed the Chagigah; after their ea∣ting the passeover with sowre herbes, they made up the rest of their supper, a Reare, or a second supper, as you may well call it, with other comfortable, and pleasant meates, according to the Law; this exceeded Hezekiahs passeover, both for num∣ber of paschall and other offerings, and for being kept in a more legall way, for the time, viz. in the first moneth, and because all sorts of men were more sanctifyed, at the beginning of Iosiah's passeover, then at Hezekiahs.

PAR. 7.

ERe I part with this passeover, I cannot let slip; that there is a great question, betweene two learned men, Vatablus and Salianus, viz. Whether it belonged to

the Priests onely, or to the Levites also, to offer sacrifice. Vatablus saith, Levitae im∣mo laverunt Pascha, & mactabant victimas, The Levites slew the passeover, and kil∣led the beasts for sacrifices. Salianusa 1.90 confuteth him saying, Nusquam invenies hostias â Levitis jugulatas; mictatio hostiae vel maxime ad Sacerdotes pertinet (so it should be read) you shall no where find, that the Levites killed the Sacrifices, the slaying of them most properly belonged to the Priests,b 1.91 2 Chro. 29.22. They, that is, the Priests (as is truely expounded) killed the Bullockes, and Lambes, received the blood, sprinkled it on the Altar: This duty is layd on the Priests, the sonnes of Aaronc 1.92 Levit, 1.5. &c. Againe, Num. 18, 3. The Levites shall keepe thy charge•• and the charge of all the Tabernacle; onely they shall not come nigh the vessels of the Sanctuary, and the Altar, that neither they, nor you also dye. No lesse then death is menaced, if the Levites come nigh the Altar, which they must doe, if they sacrificed aright. Both may be well reconciled thus; first, I say, that the ordinary continued duty was committed by God to the Priests onely; and the Levites by their place, were not to meddle in sacrifices; yet if Levites were divinely inspired by God, to doe so, they might, and did; so did Samuel, a Levite, offer a whole burnt offering,d 1.93 and in exigents, the priests were helped by the Levites,e 1.94 2 Chron. 29.35. The priests were so few, that they could not flay all the burnt offerings, wherefore, their brethren the Levites did helpe them, till the worke was ended; now the flaying of beasts belonged to the priests, the sonnes of Aaron,f 1.95 Levit 1.6. As this, upon extremity, was practized by the Levites; so were the other duties also; and Salianus saith well in this point, Nunc ex necessitate duntaxat, propter multitudinem victimarum, non ex officio, id munus usurpabant; Not the place or office of Levites, but necessity priviledged them for this time, and for this Worke.

PAR. 8.

LEt me adde, when priests and Levites were too few, when Sacrifices were su∣perabundant, as in the Iewish passeovers, which were to bee killed on a set moneth; on a set day of that moneth, on a set houre, towards the end of the day, on the first part of that houre, when all the Lambes could not be brought nigh the doore of the Tabernacle; not onely every Levite, chiefe of an house, but e∣very Master of a Family was allowed to be as a priest, for that time; his servants as under Levites, his house, as a Temple: That this was one true reason of com∣munication of that power to the Levites, and the people, appeareth by the contra∣ry practice, when the Sacrifices were few, when they kept the passeover,g 1.96 Ezr. 6.19. The Priests and the Levites were purifyed together; all of them were pure, and killed the Passeover, for all the children of the captivity, and for their brethren the Priests, and for themselves; the Priests and Levites killed all the Lambesh 1.97 likewise: The sonnes of Aaron, offered a sin-offering for the Kingdome and the Sanctuary, and for Iudah (for the number of the sacrifices was but 21) and they killed the bullockes, and received the blood, and sprinkled it on the Altar; but when the Sacrifices and Thanke-offe∣rings encreased, when the priests were too few, the Levites helped, as the Scrip∣ture said before; yet if the people were unpure, they might nor, they did not, use their priviledge; their prerogative ceased: and not the impure people them∣selves, but the Clerus Dei must reconcile the people: the Levites had the charge of killing the passeovers, for every one that was not cleane, to sanctify them unto the Lord,i 1.98 2 Chro. 30.17. Yet did the onely right, in ordinary, belong to the priests, to which sacrificing of beasts by the priests, Christ alludedk 1.99 Math. 12.5. When he said, on the Sabbath dayes, the priests in the Temple prophane the Sab∣bath; which is more forcible then if he had said, they observe not the Sabbath, because God commanded their Sabbaticall duty of sacrificing,l 1.100 Num. 28.9. &c. Which not Levites but priests fulfilled.m 1.101 Levit, 1.6.

PAR. 9.

THey prophane the Sabbath not simply, but by an improper locution, because if eyther Priests, or any others had killed, flayed, or cut a sunder any beasts, any

where else, it had beene a sinne; but the law priviledgeth the Temple, from the Law of the Sabbath (the wiser Jewes held in Templo non esse Sabbatum, there is no Sabbath in the Temple, and a rule they have, that Circumcision chaseth away the Sabbath, for it was exactly kept on the eight day, though the eight day happened to be the Sabbath) it sanctified all the laborious workes of mens hands, done in it, done to the worship of God, and his service (which is perfect freedome) makes those han∣dy-workes lose their name of servile workes. Away then with those halfe-Jewes, strict Sabbatarians, who will not have bells rung on the Sabbath dayes, nor water carryed in pitchers, or payles to fill the font, nor the raw ayre of the Church to bee sweetned with frankincense, perfumes, or wholesome odours, nor the decent orna∣ments of the Priests to be put on; they are ignorant, that the Temple priviledgeth, if not sanctifieth such workes; and what is done in ordine ad Deum, as tending to∣wards the worship of God, is no way forbidden; when their imperiall censorious∣nesse, and scorne (the daughters of pride) are forbidden, for never had the common people libertie to judge their Priests; oh! how humble was Hannah to erring Ely! The heathen were very strict in keeping of their Holy-dayes, yet, saithe 1.102 Macrobius Ʋmbro denyed him to be polluted, qui opus vel ad deos pertinens, sacrorumve causâ fecisset, vel aliquid ad urgentem vitae utilitatem respiciens actitasset: Scaevola denique consultus, quid Ferijs agiliceret, respondit, quod praetermissum noceret; Wherefore, if an Oxe fell into any dangerous place, and the master of the family did helpe him out; or if a man under propped a broken beame of an house, to keepe it from ruine, hee seemed not to breake the holy day, saith Scaevola: which words I have the rather related, to shew, not onely, asf 1.103 Clemens Alexandrinus hath it, Philosophia peripate∣tica ex lege Mosaicâ, & aliis dependet Prophetis; but even the very Roman Priests borrowed much of Moses his Law; and in likelihood, even from the Gospell his par∣ticular instance, that mercy is to be shewed to the Oxe in need,g 1.104 Luk. 14.5. Which of you shall have an Oxe fallen into a pit, and will not straight way pull him out on the Sab∣bath day? which is all one with that, which Scaevola delivereth after to the Romans.

PAR. 10.

ANd now I come to the seventh extraordinary great Passeover, when the Israe∣lites came out of the Babylonish captivitie; for the Passeover appointed in Ezekiel, was onely in Vision, where there is mention indeed of the first moneth, and foureteenth day of unleavened bread, Seven dayes, and other offerings for the feast, to be provided by the Prince,h 1.105 Ezek. 45.21. but what Ezechiel fore prophe∣fied, was not accomplished in his time, but about 150. yeares after, it was performed by Ezra, which is the last famous Passeover specialized in the old Testament: when they were freed from bondage, and had dedicate the Temple,i 1.106 Ezra 6.19. they kept the passeover, for all the children of the captivitie, and for their brethren the Priests, and for themselves. And so much for the seven more eminent Passeovers recorded in Scripture, from the first Mosaicall Passeover, which hee kept through faith,k 1.107 Heb. 11.28. to this of Ezra.

The Prayer.

O Lord God, thou onely art pure, and none of us can be pure enough, sanctifie us I beseech thee unto thy selfe, and teach and helpe us to co-operate thereunto with thee; informe us inwardly, and outwardly; square us according to thy Canon, make us strive for perfection pleasing to thee, but from the wild reformations of the ignorant people, good Lord deliver us. Amen, O Amen.

CHAP. V. The Contents of the fift Chapter.

1. The registred Passeovers of the New Testament: Passeovers were duly kept, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to the custome of the Feast, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, yearely: The just Ioseph and his spouse, the thrice sacred virgin, observed the Passeovers: thrice every yeare all males were to appeare before the Lord.

2. Maimonides his opinion, who might stay at home.

3. Maimonides in divers points erreth.

4. Calvin misopineth: It is unexpressed whether Christ were carryed to the Passeover till he were twelve yeares old: Some Children forwarder then others: At twelve yeares of age Christ ascended.

5. Divers reasons that Christ at twelve yeares of age tooke the passeover: he was a strict observer of the Law: They came to the Passeover principally for devotion: None was ever so well prepared to receive, as our Saviour.

6. The second Passeover, which the new Testament recordeth Christ to have honored with his Passeover, was eighteene yeares after: Then Christ cast out buyers and sellers out of the Temple, and did many miracles, which Nicodemus beleeved, and the Galileans: Christ then received the Passeover, though so much be not expressed: the confession of the Iewes, that Christ strictly observed their Passeovers.

7. The next yeares Passeover is pointed at, Ioh. 5.1. after this there was a Feast of the Iewes: Melchior Canus reproved: Zeppers distinction of Feasts amended.

8. Holy dayes appointed by the Church are sanctified by God, to God: the Feast of Purim, from Hamons magicall Lots, allowed: Queene Hesters decree confirming the ordinance of the Iewes: the Feast of the dedication was of mans appointment: our most heavenly Sa∣viour honoured it with his presence, words, and workes: What, and of what this Dedication was: Zepper doth ill confound encaenia with Renovalia.

9. He is too strict against encaenia, or Feasts of Dedication.

All dancing is not forbidden: encaeniare knowne to be all one with novam vestem in∣duere: Revells or Feasts for the Dedication of our Churches lawfull, and ancient: The royall praescriptions for this point wise and holy.

10. Maldonat his insolency taxed: Canus and Cajetan confuted by Pererius.

11. The Feast of the Iewes mentioned, Ioh. 5.1. was not the Pentecost, nor the Feast of Tabernacles, but the Passeover.

12. Pererius is too vehement, and confuted.

13. The next Passeover Christ went not to Hierusalem: The lawfull reason thereof: The Iewes come to him, because he came not to them.

14. Sacraments, upon exigents, may be deferred.

PAR. 1.

THe Passeovers in the new Testament, honoured by divine remembrance, are these: the first Passeover was, when Christ was about twelve yeares of age, unto which I make these my approaches: That there were yeare∣ly passeovers both before, and after the birth of our Saviour, I doubt not: that Ioseph the foster father, and the most holy Virgin, yearely, and duly at the set time, received the passeover unlesse there were just, and legall impediments, I wil∣lingly grant: certaine it is, they went up to Hierusalem after the custome of the Feast, a Luke 2.42. which custome was Annuall, on the foureteenth day of the first moneth: yea, it is not onely 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to the custome of the Feast. but more distinctly, and plainely, v. 41. they went unto Hierusalem, unto the Feast, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, yearely, per annum, annuatim: the vulgar of Hentenius, and Sa••tandr••anus hath it per omnes annos; whether our Saviour was yearely carryed, when he could not goe, or went himselfe, so soone as he was able to goe, is not expressed: some

thinke yes, because they imagine his gratious mother (who loved him so tender∣ly) would not goe to the Feast without him: others thinke, she left him sometimes behind her, with some especiall friends, which caused the good old man, and the sacred Virgin, to seeke him among their kinsefolkes and acquaintance.b 1.108 Luke 2.44. ra∣ther then among others when he was wanting: cleare it is,c 1.109 Exod. 23.17. Tribus vicibus in anno, conspicietur omnis masculus tuus, ad facies dominatoris domini: three times in the yeare all the males shall appeare before the Lord God, which is repea∣ted,d 1.110 Exod. 34.23. all this seemes to make for Christs often, and yearely ascent.

PAR. 2.

YEt if we may beleeve Maimonides, in Chagigah, cap. 2. little children might stay at home, though every Child which could hold his father by the hand, and goe up from the entrance of the Citie unto the high place of the Temple (which was a steepe ascent) not to be performed by very young children, must appeare before the Lord: also besides little children, and women, the deafe, dumbe, blind, lame, the foole, the defiled, the uncircumcised, the old, and the sicke, the Hermaphrodite, and the servant, were excused if they ascended not; to this effect saith the Iewish pro∣fessour.

PAR. 3.

BUt he is awry in divers points: first, the women neare to Hierusalem, were not exempted from comming, nor they in Hierusalem, from partaking of the Feast: secondly, their sonne, daughter, man servant and maid servant, the Itenerant Levite and stranger, the fatherlesse and widdow were to ascend, and rejoyce at the Feast of weekes,e 1.111 Deut. 16.11. and so at the great passeover in all likelihood. Third∣ly, their Hebrew servants certainly every one that could, did celebrate the passeo∣ver; for if they were circumcised, they were bound to keepe the whole Law, as Saint Paul divinely expoundeth it,f 1.112 Gal. 5.3. though their bought, and uncircum∣cised servants might not come.

PAR. 4.

CAlvin, and his numerous Soldurii, or devoted men unto him, thinke none ascended to Ierusalem, under twentie yeares old, viz. onely those, qui transibant sub censum, who payed tribute, or were taxed, yet Christ went up at twelve yeares of age, and the Iewish professour who knew better then Calvin what the Jewes practised, vary from him: Tostatus thinkes that the males, when they came to yeares of discretion then they all ascended; though it cannot be defined what yeare punctually children come to the yeares of discretion, because some are both riper witted then others, and better bred, and of stronger complexions, and so forwar∣der by farre then others: Caesaribus virtus contigit ante diem: yet I hold more pro∣bable, that as soone as children had strength to goe so farre, and were instructed, and knew what belonged to those Solemnities, then commonly they did first cele∣brate those Typicall Festivities so, (that I may winde up all, to my purpose) I con∣clude that if our heavenly Saviour ascended, or was carryed up to Hierusalem, after the first yeare of his age, till hee was twelve yeares old, it was more then was ex∣pressely by the Law enjoyned: but because then hee did ascend, I resolve it was most convenient for him, then to ascend, if not necessary, infallible consequences prove his ascent,g 1.113 Luke 2.43. The child Iesus tarried behind in Hierusalem (therefore he ascended up hither) and ver. 46. they found him in the Temple, therefore hee went up to Hierusalem, and was in the Temple.

PAR, 5.

BUt whether he kept that passeover, which is made so glorious by the recor∣ded presence of him, is made quaestionable: for the Negative, I see nothing but his duodecennall age (which yet is above answered) and the not mentioning of

his receiving it, when lesse matters are mentioned, which is also of no great weight, sithence both omissions are of great matters, as of the Angels in the crea∣tion, when smaller things are insisted on, and besides are very frequent, seea 1.114 Ioh. 20 30. Joh. 21.25. for the affirmative, thus I argue, first, from authoritie,b 1.115 Theophilact on Luke 2. Simul venit Christus cum parentibus in Ierusalem, ut per omnia ostendat se non adversarium Deo, neque repugnantem his, quae a lege posita fuerant; Christ came to Ierusalem fully to manifest that he was no adversary, eyther to God, or the establish∣ed rules of the Law: Servavit ipse legem, quam dedit, saith B••da, he oserved the law which himselfe gave, ascendit tanquàm homo cum hominibus ad offerenda Deo sa∣crificia, as a man, he went up with other men to offer sacrifices unto God: Ludol∣phus the Carthosian, Laboranit puer Iesus itineribus longis, & vadit, ut honoret patrem coelestem, in Festis suis observans humiliter legem, Dominus legis; Christ when he was yet but a child underwent long journeyes, to honour his heavenly father; and be∣ing Lord of the Law humbly kept the Law in his owne feasts: of our late adversaries Barradius saith, Paschale agebat Festum, he kept the Feast of the passeover: and Francis∣cus Lucas Brugensis, in Christs Itinerary, Celebrat Pascha cum Parentibus. Secondly, from reason, many were the civill & politick causes why the people went to Jerusa∣lem, and there might be mixt causes, consisting both of religious & worldly thoughts, or actions, whilest many a man laboured to improve his journey, but iter hoc Festi celebrandi causâ tanti susceptum est, saith Beda; and so much is intimated by the words of Scripture: they went up to Ierusalem yearely, at the feast of the passeover, ver. 41. after the custome of the feast, they went up to Ierusalem, ver. 42. and when they had fulfilled the dayes (viz. of the Feast) they returned, ver, 43. which all layd together, fairely imply, that they came to Hierusalem for devotion sake principally, if not onely, and were at the eating of the Paschall Lambe, in the appointed season, to wit, in the night of the foureteenth day of the moneth Abib, and stayed there du∣ly, till all the rest of the dayes of that Festivall solemnitie were expired, and so soone as their holy duties were performed, presently they repaired homeward. Neither did our Saviours extraordinary stay in the holy Temple savour of ought, but Reli∣gion, which he expressely calleth his Fathers businesse, vers. 49. briefly thus, Christ came purposely to Hierusalem to offer up, and be partaker of the Passeover, and other offerings; therefore he would not frustrate his owne ends; see a parallell of the last point, ver. 39. they brought Christ first to Hierusalem, and presented him to the Lord, vers. 22. and it is sayd vers. 39. When they had performed all things, according to the Law of the Lord, they returned; nothing was left undone.

The second reason is thus shaped, none ever was so well prepared to eate the passeover as Christ was; therefore I rather resolve, that he did take it; the antece∣dent is thus evinced, first, his bodily health and strength was proportionable to his age, if not above it, in his infancy, the child grew,c 1.116 Luk. 2.40. in his adolescency, or juvenilitie, Iesus increased in stature, vers. 52. no bodily imperfection, or weak∣nesse put an obex to the receiving of the passeover; concerning the qualification, disposition, and state of his soule (even in his childhood) he was not onely come to the yeares of discretion, knowing good from evill, but was capable of the grea∣test mysteries, he waxed strong in Spirit, was filled with wisedome, and the grace of God was upon him; and a little after the time of this passeover, Iesus increased in wisedome, and in favour with God and man, vers. 52. increased in wisedome (though he was filled with it before) increased in favour with God (though before he was strong in Spirit, though before the grace of God was on him) Lastly, he increased in favour with men both before, and at, and after the Passeover (there is nothing to hinder this exposition) lest you may thinke, that mens perversenesse might have put him backe, or beene exceptive against him, e. say now who can, that ever and one was so perfectly prepated as he, or that being so divinely adapted for it, he tooke it not.

PAR. 6.

THe second passeover that Christ is recorded, in speciall, to have sanctified by his presence, was, about the beginning of miracles, which Jesus did, and about the first yeare of his publicke ministery; and about eighteene yeares after, the last mentioned passeover: for from Cana of Galilee Christ went downe to Capernaum, and continued not there many dayes,a 1.117 Iohn. 2.12. For the Iewes Passeover was at hand, and Iesus went up to Ierusalem, ver. 13. There cast he out buyers and sellers out of the Tem∣ple, ver. 14. And did divers miracles, which when they saw, many beleeved on him at the Passeover, in the feast day, ver. 23. About which time Nicodemus seeing his Miracles, con∣fessed Christ to be a Teacher come from God; and by reason of the greatnesse of Christs mi∣racles, that God was with him,b 1.118 Ioh. 3.2. Yea, the very Galilaeans having seene all the things, which he had done at Ierusalem at the Feast received him,c 1.119 Ioh. 4.45. But it is not specialized, no not in this passeover neither, that Christ received it; yet I have read none, who deny, that Christ now received: And this shall make me content with this onely proofe, that he did receive, Christ came not to destroy, but to fulfill the Law,c 1.120 Mat. 5.17. Therefore he being at Ierusalem at that time, when that branch of the Law was to be fulfilled, he omitted it not, he brake it not, he fulfilled it, and received the passeover. A most observable passage is ind 1.121 Sebastian Munster, (as that Gospell is in Hebrew, and by him set forth, and dedicated to Henry the eight) where Nizabon of the Iewes fiercely objecteth against us Christians, Si Christus odivit Sabbata, solennitates, & Neomenias, quarè suscepit super se legem Iudai∣cam, circumcisionem, Sabbatum, & Ʋniversam legem Israel, cunctis Diebus suis? If Christ hated our Sabbaths, solemne Feasts, and New Moones, why did he under∣goe, or fulfill all the Law of the Iewes? Circumcision, the Sabbath, and the Uni∣versall Law of Israel, all the dayes of his life? Munster excellently retorteth it, if Christ observed their whole law (as is here confessed) why doe they, why did their forefathers accuse him of Sabbath breaking, and condemne him as a trans∣gressour of the Law? their present confession is ground enough to conclude, hee strictly solemnized this passeover; and was unjustly both accused and condemned. Whosoever preferreth not the searching out and finding of a truth, before a little paines in reading, may passe over the next argument, and many other in this Booke.

PAR. 7.

THe next yeare, the next passeover that Christ was present at, is poynted at, in these words,e 1.122 Iohn 5.1. After this there was a feast of the Iewes, and Iesus went up to Hierusalem: If any object that here is no mention of the passeover? I answer, there is none expresly, and further adde, both that there were many other Feasts of the Iewes; and that the diversity of expositors, and expositions seeme to make the poynt more full of scruple, than I conceive it to be,f 1.123 Melchior Canus approo∣veth Cajetan for holding that this Feast of the Iewes was a Winter Feast, and so could not be the Feast of Easter, Canus himselfe addeth, Nihil interest, sive dicas fuisse Festum dedicationis Templi secundi sub Zorobabele, quod celebrabatur, tertiâ die mensis Adar, hoc est, Februarii, sive potius Festum sortium, quod Iudaeis solenne erat, 14 & 15. die ejusdem postremi mensis: That is, It mattereth not, whether it was the Feast of the dedication of the second Temple, under Zorobabel, which was kept on the third day of February, or the Feast of Lots, which was observed by them, on the 14. and 15. dayes of the same February, so he may crosse the torrent, and in∣vent a new crochet, he can be content to leave it in a certaine uncertainety. It must be acknowledged that it is said a feast of the Iewes. and that the Iewes had many feasts, some Stata, some Conceptiva, saith Zepper, but, say I, their Conceptiva, were Stata also: therefore thus they may be better divided: Some were of primi∣tive divine institution, as besides other, the three famous feasts of the passeover, Pentecost, and Tabernacles, to which there was due a most strict obedience yearely:

Thrice in a yeare shall all your male children appeare before the Lord God,a 1.124 Exo. 34.23. viz. Once at each of these feasts: And there were some other posthu∣mous feasts afterward, casually, and incidentally appointed, as the Feasts of the de∣dication, and of Lots, &c. made by men, pro re natâ, as occasion served, yet no way against Gods Law divine.

PAR. 8.

ANd howsoever some frothy-mouth'd ignorants raile against holy dayes, and say, none can make holy dayes save God onely, who is holy: I say, when the Church of God maketh holy dayes, it is never done against God, or besides his will, but they are lawfully made, and are holy to God, and God may be said, me∣diately, to make them holy. Concerning the Feast of Lots, thus. When the Iewes were wonderfully delivered from the cursed plots of Haman; and evill fell on him who evill thought, they called those dayes Purim,b 1.125 Esth. 9.26. By reason of the Magicall Lots, which Haman used, calling in the great Abaddon, to helpe the Iewes destruction; And the Iewes ordained, and tooke upon them, and upon their seed, and upon all such as joyned themselves to them, so as it should not faile, that they would keepe those two dayes yearely, ver. 27. This was the decree of Esther, confirming the ordinance of the Iewes, ver. 32. Will you say, this was profane, or unlawfull? So concerning the feast of Dedication,c 1.126 1 Mac. 4.59 Iudas and his Brethren, with the whole Congrega∣tion of Israel ordained, that the dayes of the dedication of the Altar should be kept in their season, from yeare to yeare, by the space of eight dayes Was the dedication of the Altar profane? were no dayes holy but Sabbaths? what was his feast of eight dayes, wherein one Sabbath at least was included? Though they esteeme not of the Chur∣ches power, in making holy dayes, yet Christ in his time did observe those holy dayes, and sanctifyed them with the presence of his owne words, workes, and per∣son,d 1.127 Ioh. 10 22. It was at Ierusalem the Feast of dedication, and it was Winter; there Christ did miracles, there did he plainely avouch himselfe to be God: To that feast of the Maccabees, doe our late translators apply the words of Saint Iohn, and with them agree Maldonat, and some others; yet if it were at the dedication of the whole City of Ierusalem, when the decayed Walls were repayred, as Theodorus Mopsuestiensis opineth (though the dedication of the City Wals is not so holy a thing) or if it were the dedication of Salomons Temple, which was in this place aymed at,e 1.128 Cyril rather imbraceth; though it will be hardly proved, that the day of Salomons dedication was kept holy, and festivall, after his Temple was destroyed, and after the new building of another Temple, and new dedication: Lastly, if it were the dedication of Zorobabel, when the Israelites came from Babylon, and Persiaf 1.129 1 Esd. 7.7. (Where they off••red to the dedication of the Temple, 100. Bullockes, 200. Rammes, 400. Lambes) I say, which soever of all these dedications it was, it is all one to our purpose; sithence Christ did honour the feast of the dedication, with his owne presence, and with wonderfull both words, and deeds; and that feast of dedication was at Hierusalem, and it was Winter, as I said before, fromg 1.130 Ioh. 10.22. Encaenia facta sunt, I cannot but taxe Zepper, lib. 9 c. 9. Who maketh encaenia, and Renovalia to be Synonoma's, whereas Renovations must differ from dedications: and all feasts were often renovated; yea, some annually, some, often in a yeare, as the New-Moones, or the Feasts of the Calends.

PAR. 9.

THe same Zepper, faults those meetings of people, at the feasts of dedication of Temples, and especially the dancing at those times, as provocations to vene∣ry. How temptations may arise from the Dutch dances, I know not, they may be like those ungracious ones,h 1.131 Exod. 32.6. Or like the Herodian dances, though I was never any dancer; I know a harmelesse use may be made of dancing; himselfe confesseth Antiquitùs saltationes illae sacris populi veteris adhibitae sunt, nullaque ferè olim sacra, sine his, peracta fuerunt: the ancient Iewes used those dancings, and there

were scarce any holy times, or duties, performed without them; and he bring∣eth these instances, Iudg. 11.34. 1 Sam. 18.6. 2 Sam. 6.16. Iudeth 15.14. Since Christ he citetha 1.132 Theodoret, and the Tripartite history, and I am sure God turned Davids mourning into dancing)b 1.133 Psal. 30.11. And the good Father and prodigall penitent had dancing,c 1.134 Luk 15.25. And that churlish Euclio, the elder brother faulted it, and that the rather commends it, especially sithence the pittifull old man represented God our mercifull Father; and Christ found not fault with dancing, when he said, We have piped, and ye have not dancedd 1.135 Math. 11.17. But rather com∣mends it, soe 1.136 1 Cor. 4.17. When the Apostle speaketh of piping and harping, gi∣ving a distinction in sounds, whereby it may be knowne what is piped, or harped; it is very probable, that he alludeth unto the piping, and harping unto dancers, whose tunes guide the measures: But, to be briefe, it is not dancing, that we so much strive for, in our Revels, or Feasts of dedication; as all other lawfull Recre∣ations, post sacra peracta, with friendly neighbourhood, and harmelesse good fel∣lowship, and wise modest moderate feastings, to the refreshing of the poore, and indigent; to the cutting off all needlesse, and litigious Law-sutes, when so many friends doe meete to be merry, with putting on of their best apparell; insomuch, that encaeniare saithf 1.137 Augustine, was vulgarly knowne to he all one with Novam vestem induere, to decke themselves in their best apparell, which the Country man calleth the putting on of the Apostle-day cloathes: which Feasts in both Testa∣ments were kept with joy, and the Lord made them joyfull, that I may speake in the Scripture phraseg 1.138 Ezra 6 16.22. Without sinne; if we follow the prescribed rules of our most sacred Soveraigne King Charles (who is Inter primos primus, the glory, and chiefe of Princes) and of his most learned Father, King Iames of hap∣py memory, who did holily what they did, to keepe the Iudaizing Reformers from further madnesse. Even in Constantines time the Encaenia were every where celebra∣ted: Dedicationum Festivitates per urbes singulas, templorum nuper exaedificatorum consecrationes, frequentes Episcoporum in unum conventus, peregrinorum longè ab exte∣ris regionibus accedentium concursus, mutuae populi in populum benevolentiae: And all ho∣ly exercises are particularly recounted byh 1.139 Eusebius,: So on the Anniversary Feasts in remembrance of the dedication of our Churches, after sacred exercises perfor∣med; Festivity, mirth, and jollity may be used: Rhenanus, on Tertullian, de Coro∣nâ militis, thus; Mos commessandi in dedicationibus Templorum, & Natalibus Divorum diebus, antiquus esse cognoscitur; the custome of feasting on the dayes, when Chur∣ches were dedicated, and on the birth-dayes of Saints, is knowne to be ancient: but in all the Scriptures, no holy men ever feasted on their birth dayes; Pharaoh, and Herod did, of all the Feasts in the yeare, only the birth of our Lord, and of his fore-runner, are kept holy, the rest are the Feast dayes of their obit's. Rhenanus is justly taxed by Pamelius, for applying that to their birth-dayes (for such was in∣deed the custome of the heathen) which ought to be said of their death-dayes, for they were anniversarily observed; and both those good customes we may, and doe keepe without sin, &c.

PAR. 10.

I Come to the Iesuite Maldonate, and nearer to the point in hand: Magnâ nos Iohannes molestiâ, contentioneque liberâsset (saith he) si vel unum adjecisset verbum, quo, quis ille Iudaeorum dies fuisset Festus declarâsset, that is, Saint Iohn might have rid us of much trouble, and strife, if he had added but one word declarative, what that Feast day was: sawcily, boldly, malapertly written, Plus quàm pro censurâ, sa∣tis pro imperio, over-censorious, and imperiously enough. Will the Iesuite prescribe to the Almighty a better course then he hath taken? will he grudge if the divine Scripture hath left some points dubious, enveloped, and fit to be enquired after? will he taxe the holy writ of deficiency? when as Nature (which is nothing but the right hand of God) doth neither abound in superfluities, nor is wanting in ne∣cessaries? Or is it a molestation to dive into the harder places of the word of God?

or if it be a strife, is it not an holy strife, to overcome errour, to trace after the truth? The Iesuites impudency being reproved, I approach to the matter. I will not touch at all the Iewish feasts, either primary or secundary; but such onely as have Patrones, and defenders, that they are meant by these words,a 1.140 Ioh. 5.1. There was a Feast of the Iewes: you heard before the opinion of Cajetan, and Canus, see them excellently confuted by the learnedb 1.141 Pererius.

••AR. 11.

SOme of the late Writers held, it was the Feast of Tabernacles, saith Maldonat; but levi conjecturâ, as he professeth his judgement; and there indeed he is in the right: Many have held that it was the Feast of Pentecost, so Cyril. 2.123. Chry∣sostome, Hom. 35. Euthymius, Author Historiae scholasticae, Aquinas, Lyranus, Hugo Cardinalis, Carthusian, thus, Communiter dicitur, quòd erat solennitas Pente∣costes: Pentecoste, opinor, saith Theophylact; but Tolet proveth at large by the series rerum, & ordo historiae, by the passages of those times, it could not be Pentecost, which is strongly confuted also by the Itinerary, in Franciscus Lucas Brugensis: Ca∣nus also; and Cajetan hold it not likely, that it was Pentecost: Pererius refuteth it thus: after the other precedent Passeover, Christ both stayed in Iudaea, and thence after went into Galilee, and in his passage conferred with the woman of Samaria, foure moneths before the Harvest,c 1.142 Ioh. 4.35. But the Harvest in Iudaea was before Pentecost,d 1.143 Levit. 23.10, To the end of the 16. verse. So this Feast of the Iewes could not be Pentecost: Jrenaeus thinkes the Passeover was meant in this place; so Rupertus, Barradius, Tolet, and many others.

PAR. 12.

PErerius in his vehemency for the Passover, mightily overlasheth, and (disput. 1.) he is peremptory; Nusquam, sive inveteris, sive in novi Testamenti Scripturâ reperire est aliud Festum, nisi Pascha, appellari Festum simplicitèr, & precise; that is, in no place of the Old, or New Testament, is any other Feast: But the passe∣over called precisely, singly, and simply a Feast: but the great scholler is certainely in a great errour, for the Feast of Tabernacles is called simply, and precisely a Feaste 1.144 Ioh. 7.8.10, 11.14. verses: But I remember not that ever the Feast of Pentecost was called a Feast singly, and directly: And I am sure the Passe∣over is called so divers times, more then any other Feast: View these proofes,f 1.145 Luk. 2.42. They went up to Hierusalem, according to the custome of the Feast; and that feast was the Passeover, as is proved by the precedent verse: Againe, The Iewes would take Iesus by subtilty, and kill him, but not on the Feast day,g 1.146 Mat. 26.5. And by that word Feast is the Passeover meant, as appeareth ver. 2. Lastly, if you looke for the use of the same word, in Saint Iohn, you shall finde inh 1.147 Ioh. 13.29. Buy those things we have need of against the feast, but by the word [Feast] onely the Passe∣over is meant in that place, as is evident ver. 1. Briefely, summe it thus; Pentecost is never called by it selfe, a Feast: the Passeover is divers times, above other feasts solely, and simply called a Feast; therefore by these words of the Evangelist, Ioh. 5.1. There was a feast of the Iewes, and Iesus want up to Hierusalem; Pentecost was not understood; but the Passeover, in the fayrest way of argumentation, must be meant: It is prefixed, After this there was a Feast of the Iewes, that is, after all things before recorded in the 2, 3. and 4. Chapters, Christ ascended againe into the Holy City, healed him who lay at the poole of Bethesda thirty and eight yeares, ver. 9. And did livers other things.

PAR. 13.

THe next passeover being the third, after Christs publique ministery, Christ went not to Hierusalem, nor did take the Passeover, at least, in its appoynted usuall time, and place: nor was he at the following feast of Pentecost; being seven weekes after: A reason was this; The Iewes sought to kill him, Iohn 7.1.i 1.148 And there∣fore

he walked in Galilee; and therefore he would not walke in Iury, ibid. But cer∣tainely the Scribes came to him from Hierusalem, to Galilee (because he did not at these feasts, come to them) and he disputed with them about keeping the Traditi∣on of the Elders,a 1.149 Math, 15.1. Mar. 7.1. See the many admirable things done by Christ, in the space of sixe moneths, namely, from the Passeover, till the Feast of Tabernacles, in the excellent Itinerary of Christ, made by Franciscus Lucas Bru∣gensis: When the murtherous rage of the Iewes was somewhat cooled (though still the Iewes hated Christb 1.150 Ioh. 7.7.) About the middest of the feast of Tabernacles, Iesus went up into the Temple, and taught, ver. 14.

PAR. 14.

THe exact keeping of the Passeover was not so strictly appointed, but many oc∣casions might cause it to be differred; Christ was not bound to cast himselfe into the mouth of danger, whilest they ravenously thirsted for his blood; but, as sometimes he withdrew himselfe, by disappearing, and passed through the mid∣dest of them, so here he thought fit, not so much as to come among them. Nor is our spirituall passeover so meerely necessary, or so absolutely commanded, but it may be omitted sometimes, though never neglected, much lesse contemned; Sickenesse, locall distance, danger, and the astonishing, or stupifying considerati∣on of sins unrepented of, may excuse one from receiving, for a while: I dare not pronounce that profound humility to be sin, When Peter fell downe at Iesus knees, saying, depart from me, for I am a sinfull man, O Lord,c 1.151 Luk. 5.8, I suppose Christ was seldome nearer joyned to him in love: And I have knowne him, who in holy thoughts of his owne unworthinesse sinlesly (as I conceive) abstained. Want of Charity is a sinne; not receiving, when men want Charity, is not sin; to receive then, were a double sin:d 1.152 Math. 8.8. The Centurion said, Lord, I am not worthy, that thou shouldest come under my roofe; yet none in Israel had so much faith, as he: To the woman of Canaan, who accounted her selfe as a dogge (unworthy to eate bread at the Table) content with the crummes which fell from the Masters Table,e 1.153 Mat. 15.27. Christ said, her faith was great, and, be it unto thee as thou wilt, ver. 28. Subjecting his power to her desires. And thus much of the third passeover, during Christs publicke manifestation, by our blessed Saviour, or omitted, or pri∣vately kept.

The Prayer.

MOst gracious God, and blessed Saviour, who hast commanded all those who are heavy laden, to come unto thee, and hast promised to refresh them, and hast appoynted thy blood of the Testament to be shed for many, for the remission of sinnes, be mercifull unto the sins of us all; make us walke strongly, and Christi∣anly, by the strength of thy Sacraments, all the dayes of our lives; and let us so feed on the holy consecrated signes, that we may never be separated from the thing signifyed, even holinesse it selfe, Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

CHAP. VI. The Contents of the sixt Chapter.

1. In what manner Christ kept his last passeover with its particular rites, cannot bee sooner found then by the Iewish observation of the Sabbath, in those times.

2. The Iewes had a liberty at the first to choose a Lambe or a Goate for the proper rosted Paschall Sacrifice.

3. A Lambe and a Kid are not all one, against Paulus Brugensis.

4. The difference betweene the Pascha, and the Chagigah.

5. The reason of some Iewes, and some late good Christians confuted.

6. Rupertus his over-nice observation.

7. The Lambes or Kids, in the Aegyptian Passeover, were called out foure dayes be∣fore.

8. This was also a temporary rite, divers reasons, why they then chose the Lambe, or Kid so long before hand in their first Passeover.

9. Hunnius erreth in this point.

10. The striking or sprinkling of the blood on the two side-postes, and upper doore-post was not any of the durable rites, but appropriated to the first Passeover.

11. Sprinkling of blood much used of old.

12. Empty houses in Goshen, needed not be sprinkled.

13. The Angelus exterminator could not hurt, when the blood was sprinkled.

14. Such a sprinkling as this was used in no other sacrifice.

15. The Iewes generall consent, that such sprinkling was never after in use.

16. A true reason, why this ceremony ceased.

17. Christ was the doore thus besprinkled.

18. Hannibal his imitation.

19. The first Passeover was eaten in great haste.

20. The succeeding Passeovers were not eaten in such haste.

21. Faire meanes, and foule were used to hasten the Israelites out of Aegypt.

22. Vatablus his opinion of the foure Ensignes, under which the Israelites marched.

23. They went out rather bene cincti, then quintati.

24. Reasons why they went not onely five by five in a ranke.

25. Yet some went well armed, and some were unarmed.

26. The most probable manner of their departure out of Aegypt described at large.

27. The Israelites had abundance of lesser standards, but foure chiefe ones in severall quarters.

28. They ate the Passeover in great haste, with their loynes girt.

29. Loose hanging vestments used ordinarily by the Iewes: Close, well-girt apparell, on speciall occasions.

30. Their haste is proved from their being shod, the Hypallage of Calceamenta in pedi∣bus, instead of pedes in Calceamentis, paralleled.

31. Going barefoote, was a signe of sorrow.

32. Wearing of shooes, or sandals betokened haste.

33. The staffe in their hand, did argue their haste.

34. (In their hand) these words doe not signifie that their staves were never out of their hands.

35. Iacobs staffe passing over Jordane.

36. The usefulnesse of a staffe.

37. The Talmudists say, it was not eaten in such haste ever after.

38. Nor was there any need of such haste.

39. A two fold haste, simple and comparative.

40. The words, Exod. 12.25. Ye shall keepe this service, denote rather the substantialls, then the Accidentalls of the Passeover.

41. A specious objection, that all the precepts of the Passeover were to be kept; the an∣swere thereunto, from a knowne distinction; from the authority of Maimonides; from o∣ther learned Christians, Skilled in Hebrew Criticisme; from the sacred Text.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

THe last Passeover which Christ kept comes now to be handled; what our most blessed Saviour did six dayes before the passeover, see most exactly, and curiously set downe in each particular, in Christs Itinerary, made bya 1.154 Franciscus Lucas Brugensis, pag. 16. and 17. andb 1.155 Selneccerus, in his Christian Paedagogy, fol. 440. &c. The absolute full manner, how he received that last Jewish Passeover, cannot be perfectly understood; many, many things are

omitted; I doubt not, but more is omitted then written, or infallibly deducible from things written: we have no surer rule then the Jewish observation of eating the Passeover, in the dayes of our Saviour; for, as I sayd before, certainly hee transgressed not the Law: here Reader, siste gradum, stay and consider, because inopina are graviora; I give thee warning, I will not goe the nigher way into Ca∣naan, which I could in a short time, but with the Israelites, by the conduct of a pillar of smoake, and a pillar of fire, I intend God willing, to lead thee to, and thorough Iordan; yea, thorough the deepe Seas on dry foot; thorough the thor∣ny, and troublesome Wildernesse, up hill and downe hill, adversaries on every side: if thou wilt walke along with me, I doubt not, but God will vouchsafe unto us, both Manna and Quayles, which shall fit thy taste, being most heavenly food, in comparison of the Garlicke, Onyons and Flesh-pots of Aegypt: if thou faintest, give over, returne; leave me to God my guide, and to my industrious companions: neither shall we ever contentedly finde out, what the Jewes of our Saviours time did observe in the eating of the Passeover, till we have handled these two points. First, what they were to doe expressely. Secondly, what they did voluntarily per∣forme, without particular precept. In the first point, let us weigh these two parts. First, what was temporary and peculiar to the first Passeover. Secondly, what was eternally observable, during the Law Mosaicall. In the first Section of the first part, these were the particular ceremonies annexed to the first Mosaicall Passeover.

• 1. They had a libertie to chuse a Lambe, or Goate.
• 2. They praepared it foure dayes before hand.
• 3. They strooke the blood upon the doores, and posts of their houses.
• 4. They ate the Passeover in haste, which was onely in Aegypt, saith Maimonides: At other times, they had not so great cause to eate it speedily; and other Ceremonies depend on this.
• 5. They went not out of doores.
• 6. They who had small families were to fill the company from the next house.

PARA. 2.

THe first Section, in the first part of the first point is this, the Jewes had a liber∣tie to choose either Lambe or Goate, for the Aegyptian or Mosaicall first passe∣over.

PAR, 3.

TO say, as Paulus Brugensis doth, that a Lambe, and a Kid are all one, or they might not offer a Kid, as others impute unto him, is ridiculous; for the dis∣junctive is observable,c 1.156 Exod 12.5. ye shall take it out from the sheepe, or from the goates: Two distinct words in the originall; both might be, either might be; nei∣ther is excluded. There are two memorable places often to be used in this treatise, proving that divers sorts of Cattle, and beasts, were offered at the passeover,d 1.157 Deut. 16.2. Thou shalt sacrifice the Passeover unto the Lord thy God of the flocke and of the herd; more apparantly and distinctly,e 1.158 Num. 28.19. And two young Bullockes and one Ramme, seven Lambes of the first yeare without blemish, and one Goate, besides the burnt offerings in the morning, vers. 23.

PAR. 4.

SO,f 1.159 2 Chron, 35.13. other divers holy offerings they had at the passeover, but they differed much from the Paschall Lambe.

For first, they roasted the passeover with fire; but other holy offerings they sod, ibidem.

Secondly the Paschall Lambe was killed the even or night before, and eaten, or burnt with fire e're morning, but the other feast offerings continued divers dayes usque ad finem septemdialis Festi.

3. None of the other Sacrifices, Bullockes, Heyfers, Goates, or Kids, &c. no nor other Lambe, or Lambes themselves, which were offered, and eaten, after the first

night (though offered on the Feast of passeover) was the Paschall Lambe, but rather Paschall Sacrifices, and the matter of feasting with much joy; and not celebrated with so ardent devotion as the Paschall Lambe: insomuch, that the whole Feast seemes to have the denomination from the Paschall Lambe, the first dish of that Feast, the especiall type of Christ, and fore-runner, and type of our Sacrament. Likewise one Kid of the Goates was commanded to be offered, for a Sinne-offering in the beginning of their monethsg 1.160 Num. 28.15. in Festo Calendarum, Noviluniis, or new Moones, or Neomenian Festivities; therefore against Brugensis it is most ap∣parent, a Lambe, and a Kid were not all one, one was offered at one time, and a∣nother at another time, and both sometimes in one Feast, and a Kid might be the peculiar passeover, in Aegypt: the Jewes themselves generally agree, that not a Goate, but a Lambe, was ever after their Paschall oblation, in token of their great delivery.

PAR. 5.

THough a most specious objection to the contrary ariseth,h 1.161 2 Chron. 35.7. where the holy King Josiah gave to the people thirty thousand Lambes,* 1.162 and Kids, all for the passeover offerings? yet it is thus fairely allayed.* 1.163 He saith not ex∣pressely, neither can deduction lead that Kids were then the proper passeover; but both Lambes, Kids, and Bullocks are for the universall paschall offerings of that Feast, as is in the same verse reckoned all together, as the magnificent donary of that good King; though the Lambes onely might be at that time, the rosted passeo∣ver, spoken of vers. 13. the Sacramentall passeover, soi 1.164 Deut. 16.2. immolabis Do∣mino Phase de ovibus, & bobus, where we must not conclude, that Oxen, and Calves there and then, were to be offered as the peculiar passeover; the holiest of holy offerings; the sacred Sacramentall passeover: but Oxen and Calves were to bee esteemed passeover offerings, in a large sense, as conducing to the Feast of the Chagigah, and as generall Sacrifices, whose way was to be prepared by the true and proper offering of the Paschall Lambe.

Yet say some, both Jewes and late Christians, that in those tumultuary times,* 1.165 at their going out of Aegypt, when all things were hudled up in haste, when feare, doubt, danger, and amazement incompassed them, they might serve their readiest turne, with either Kid or Lambe, at that time?

But this is non causa pro causâ,* 1.166 and they bring a shallow reason to confirme an apparent truth: the Scripture voucheth expressely, that at the first passeover they might take out of the Sheepe or from the Goates,k 1.167 Exod. 12.5. But against their reason it is observable, that they were not confined to any short time, but might take leasure enough with mature deliberation, before they chose their passeover, and at the choyce of it: Besides, the Sacrifice was to be chosen, on the tenth day of the first Moneth,l 1.168 Exod. 12.3. and slaine on the foureteenth day, betweene the two Evenings, vers. 6. foure whole dayes they were to keepe it by them; and therefore they preferred not the Kid to be the passeover for want of time; nor made they their choyce in the confused hurry; for the great hurli-burly was in the night of their Exodus, and not till the destroying Angell had passed over their houses, and their choyse of the passeover was foure dayes before: I rather take this to bee the cause, the Israelites were under the most heavy persecution of the domineering Aegyptians, and mercilessely as it were condemned to the Brick-kills, which bon∣dage is called the Iron Fornace,a 1.169 Deut. 4.20. the middest of the Fornace of Iron,b 1.170 1 King. 8.51. which is the hottest place; and every Shepheard being an abomination to the Aegyptians,c 1.171 Gen. 46.34. though the Israelites had some Flockes,d 1.172 Exod. 10.9. and the Egyptians themselves had some Flockes,e 1.173 Gen. 47.17. yet it is not likely that the Israelites had Lambes enough of their owne, no nor of the Aegyptians borrowed Lambes (if they borrowed any) for this great passeover; but the sacrifice in this scarcitie of Lambes, was supplyed by Kids, even by Gods owne allotment, or ap∣pointment; which afterward might not be so, when they had sufficient Lambes.

PAR. 6.

RƲpert's observation is too nice, that a Lambe, or a Kid might be the Passeover, to signifie Christ, qui in se est Agnus, sed nobis est Hoedus, quia nostra peccata in se luenda suscepit, that is Christ in himselfe is a Lambe, but to us a Kid, because hee tooke upon him the punishment of our sinnes, as if agnus dei non tollit peccata mundi,f 1.174 Ioh. 1.29. as if he were not brought as a Lambe to the slaughter,g 1.175 Isa. 53.7. and his soule made an offering for sinne, vers. 10. for the transgression of my people was be smitten, vers. 8. As for Hazael 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, caper emissarius, or scape-Goate, the ho∣ly writ is expresse,h 1.176 Levit. 16.22. the Goate shall beare upon him all their iniqui∣ties: It was a Goate, not a Kid, aries not hoedus, and if it had beene hoedus it tooke not the punishment of their sinnes (for it was a scape-Goate, and lived) but their sinnes were layd on the head of it, but Christ his owne selfe bare our sinnes in his owne body, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (to) the Tree, or (on) the Tree,i 1.177 1 Pet. 2.24. and Christ dyed for our sinnes,k 1.178 1 Cor. 15.3.

PAR. 7.

THe second ceremony peculiar to the first Pesach, was this; The Lambe or Kid was prepared, and in a readinesse foure dayes before.

PAR. 8.

THis circumstance is wholly omitted, at the repeating of the Law,l 1.179 Levit. 23. nor is any such ceremony mentioned (though many others are)m 1.180 Deu. 16. Num. 28. Ezra. 6. 2 Chron. 30. 2 Chron. 35. The passeover was prepared for our Saviour, by his disciples, but the day, in the night whereof it was eaten,n 1.181 Matth. 26.17. &c.

Many were the reasons why they tooke so much time, for this Aegyptian passe∣over, and not ever after: First, that by beholding the Lambe, they might be put in minde, to prepare themselves, and all other things also, for their journey, and not [Reason. 1] be taken tardy, nor adjourne all things over to the last: quoties agnus balatum emitte∣bat, toties quasi Tubae sonitus, exitur as castrorum acies excitabat, that is, as often as the Lambe bleated (saith Rupert) it served in stead of a Trumpet, to stirre them up, to the raysing of their armies, at least in affection. Secondly, to shew to the [Reason. 2] Aegyptians, that they feared them not, nor cared to displease them, by setting aside, so long before hand, those Kids, and especially Lambes, for to be sacrificed and eaten, which the Aegyptians could not abide to be slaine, much lesse to be eaten; for this was abhomination to them, because they worshipped them as Gods, there being no such occasion in future times, they needed not to store up their Lambes [Reason. 3] foure dayes before the Sacrifice. Thirdly, that they might have faire time to seach and examine, if there were any manner of legall defect, inward or outward, growne [Reason. 4] or growing. Fourthly, if they had beene to seeke their sacrifice, the last day they might perhaps have missed of it. So many Lambes or Kids, and those every way perfect, were not presently to be found, and then the Apollyon or exterminating Angell would have punished their defect. Fifthly, that the presence of the Lambe [Reason. 5] for foure dayes might minister unto them discourse of Gods great favour to them, by the meanes of that passeover freeing them from the death of their first-borne, and giving them this as a sacred earnest of their delivery from captivitie, and vassalage in Aegypt. Sixtly, what the Jewes wanted, they were permitted by God to borrow [Reason. 6] or take of the Aegyptians: Now if they wanted Lambes or Kids as is likely they must needs provide them foure dayes before hand, because in the three dayes an∣tecedent among the Aegyptians, was continuall darkenesse. And though the Israe∣lites had light, where they dwelt, yet the Aegyptians saw not one another, neither rose any from his place for three dayeso 1.182 Exod. 10.23. neither doe I thinke, that the Israelites had beene able to see to choose Lambes or Kids, if they had gone into the Aegyptian Territories, where one might feele darkenesse, or darkenesse might be felt,* 1.183 Exod. 10.21. Therefore they must needes, and did provide the Lambes and

Kids foure dayes before hand. Seventhly, to put them in minde, that as they pro∣vided themselves for a departure, so it was to an holy departure, [Reason. 7] and the begin∣nings of labouring for Canaan must be sacred, and their first footing not to be mo∣ved, till God had beene devoutly served, which cannot be done suddenly, nor ha∣stily, nor was here done, without foure dayes preparation, and diligent circumspe∣ction. [Reason. 8] Lastly, the Lambe was to bee chosen, and as it were in their sight for foure dayes, perhaps to signifie either that Christ was publikely to be seene, knowne, made manifest by his open workes of his ministery, about foure yeares, e're he was offered up (a day being set for a yeare in Scripture phrase) or else to fore-signifie that Christ should come foure dayes to Hierusalem before the passion; and so he did when they cryed Hosanna, as if they had found the perfect Sacrifice; their re∣deemer being in sight, and welcomed with the extraordinary applause of the mul∣titude, that went before, and that followed after,p 1.184 Matth. 21.9. from the mount of Olives to the Citie, and through a good part of it, from the Citie into the Temple, even in which temple the children tontinued crying, and said, Hosanna to the Sonne of David, vers. 25. Now the most of those reasons saying in future times (for they were gone out from among the Aegyptians) and they needing no such testimonies of the faith, they had no such stinging threate, as the death of their first-borne, nor wanted such a spurre to quicken their preparation, for a spee∣dy journey) as they were not commanded, so neither did they practise in future times, to gather up the Lambes foure dayes before hand.

PAR. 9.

AEGidiusa 1.185 Hunnius hath it thus, Apostoliparant agnum, masculum, anniculum, im∣maculatum, & per quatriduum â reliquo grege separatum, mactantes juxta legem, that is, the Apostles prepare a Lambe, a male of a yeare old, without spot, sepa∣rated foure dayes from the rest of the flocke, slaying it, according to the Law, in which opinion, he is both singular and singularly false, and did not distinguish the temporary rites from the perpetuall.

PAR. 10.

THe third ceremony peculiar to the first passeover was, the striking or the sprinkling of the blood on the two side-posts, and upper doore-post of the house,* 1.186 Exod. 12.7.

PAR. 11.

THe sprinkling of blood was an ordinary ceremony, in the Leviticall Law, and sometimes it was done with the finger alone,b 1.187 Num. 19.4. Eleazar shall take of the blood with his singer, and shall sprinkle the blood of the red Heifer, directly before the Tabernacle of the Congregation, seven times: Sometimes sprinkling was used by other mediate things,c 1.188 Heb. 9.19. Moses tooke the blood of Calves and goates with wa∣ter and scarlet Wooll, and Hysope, saying, this is the blood of the Testament, which God hath enjoyned unto you, and he sprinkled with blood both the Tabernacle, and all the vessells of the Ministery. In the old Testament it was enjoyned unto the people as a part of their Covenant, to be sprinkled with blood, to which words of Moses our Saviour allu∣deth in his consecration,d 1.189 1 Cor. 11.25. This cup is the New Testament in my blood, which is shed for you, or as it is varied,e 1.190 Matth. 26.28. This is my blood of the New Testament which is shed for many for the remission of sinnes.

PAR. 12.

ANd in this third ceremony these things are farther observable as most proba∣ble: first that those houses in Goshen needed not to be sprinkled where no people were, where no Lambe was killed, where all the inhabitants entred into other houses, to make up the full number in Communicants.

PAR. 13.

SEcondly, in the houses that were sprinkled with blood, according to the Law, (whether the doores were open or shut, it was all one) the destroyer was not to doe harme but was to passe by it, and to enter no other way, or ope whatsoever, though the entrances might be many, and questionlesse were many, by the chim∣neyes, by the windowes, and other in-lets of ayre.

PAR. 14.

THirdly, that the striking of the blood on the two side-posts, and upper doore∣post of the houses was used in no other Sacrifice.

PAR. 15.

FOurthly this puncto is most certaine, that this ceremony was onely peculiar to this Passeover and to no succeeding Passeovers, for they had not the same cause. The generall consent of the Jewish Rabbins is, that it was never used after:f 1.191 Beza saith, Summo consensu, Doctores omnes Hebraurum testantur, that is, the Jewish pro∣fessours, with an universall agreement, witnesse that the sprinkling of the doore∣posts, and lintell, and superliminary belonged onely to that night when they were to goe out of Aegypt.

PAR. 16.

THe reason following maketh it apparent, this was commanded to prevent the destroying Angel, and to keepe the first-borne of the Israelites from being slaine, as the first-borne of the Aegyptians were slaine, which is most firmely groun∣ded, ong 1.192 Exod. 12.13. The blood shall be to you for a token upon the houses where you are, and when I see the blood, I will passe over you, and the Plague shall not be upon you to destroy you, and it is also confirmedh 1.193 Heb. 11.28. Thorough faith Moses kept the Passeover, and the sprinkling of blood, lest he that destroyed the first-borne, should touch them.

When this occasion was removed, and no such cause of feare, they omitted ever after that ceremony, and Sublatâ causâ totali, tollitur effectus, nor was ever menti∣on made afterward of this ceremony, as practised from that time, but the words to the Hebrewes seeme to restraine it to the first passeover by Moses rather then by others.

PAR. 17.

I Dare not say, that the sprinkling of the side-posts, and upper doore-post, had no reference unto Christ, who saith of himselfei 1.194 Ioh. 10.7. Verily, verily, I am the doore of the Sheepe; and, without that addition, ver. 9. I am the doore, I am sure this doore was be sprinkled with blood, on all sides, before, and behind; his head, and his armes, as the superliminary, both sides of him, as the side-posts, and his feete as the threshold; Mundans aerem, terramque suo sanguine, cleansing both aire, and earth with his blood, and all mankinde in them, of such as beleeve in him; which was a more perfect smell, or unction, then the precious oyntment of Aaron was, that runne downe upon his beard, and went downe to the skirts of his garments, Psal. 133.2.l 1.195 For this trickled from his bloodyed head, crowned with sharpe thornes, his indented, and as it were furrowed backe, by the tearing whips, and rods, his broad-wounded side, so broad that Thomas the Apostle put his hand into it,l 1.196 Joh. 20.27. his pierced or rather digged hands and feete for so the Hebrew will beare it, Psal. 22.16. I saw trickled even to the ground, this is a better sprink∣ling, then all the Leviticall sprinklings, for by it our hearts are now sprinkled from an evill conscience. In the old Law all parts of their doores were sprinkled with blood, to turne away the Apolyon, or Abaddon, the destroying Angell, but the thre∣sholds of their doores were not bloodied,m 1.197 by which omission perhaps was signifi∣ed, that no sacred or holy thing should be cast on the ground, or troden under feete; which truth our Saviour divinely ratifieth,n 1.198 Matth. 7.6. Give not that which

is holy unto dogges, neither cast yee your pearles before Swine, lest they trample them under their feete: neither doe I remember any where that the Threshold or the ground were sprinkled in any of the Leviticall Services, but men and all the people,a 1.199 Heb. 9.13. and 19. and the booke in the same verse, and the Tabernacle, and all the vessells of the Ministery, vers. 21. but Christ (spirituale illud ostium, that spirituall doore) was sprinkled all over with blood, and by the blood sprinkling of him we are saved from the exterminator, or destroying Angell.

Two things more let me observe e••re I shake hands with this point: first, that one∣ly one doore they did strike with blood, on the two side-posts, and on the upper doore-post of the houses,b 1.200 Exod. 12.7. (the doore in the [singular) throughout all the Chapter, yet doore of [houses] and vers. 13. posternes, backe-doores, or other out-lets needed not to be stricken with blood, but as I guesse, onely the great streete doore, or fore doore, or the doore in the high way of the death inflicting Angell. Secondly, this type must be cast into the number of those types, which were soone to fade away, and were never performed but once, as the offering up of Isaack, as Jonah's resemblance, as Sampsons carrying away the gates of Gazah, and the figure of the Lyon, and the Bees, out of the eater came meate, out of the strong came sweetnesse, other Types of our Saviour were yearely, monethly, weekely, daily to be performed, as sacrifices and the like.

PAR. 18.

IT may be the witty Hannibal had heard how the destroying Angell was to passe over the houses, marked with blood, and in part imitated it; for he commanded the Tarentines to keepe within doores, and write their names on the doores; all houses whose doores were not written upon he pillaged, and gave over to dire∣ption, sod 1.201 Livius, and Polybius specializeth the incription [Tarentini] that was the ward-word. I am sure Master George Sandys in the relation of his travailes begun, Anno 1610. saith thus, during our abode at Cairo in Egypt fell out the feast of their Byram, when in their private houses they slaughter a number of sheepe, which cut in gobbets they distribute unto their slaves and poorer sort of people, besmea∣ring their doores with their blood, perhaps in imitation of the Passeover, so farre hee.

PAR. 19.

THe fourth ceremony peculiar to the first Paschatizing was, They ate their Passeo∣ver in haste; I shall proceede too hastily if I doe not distinguish on the word [haste] haste is twofold, simple; comparative: they ate the first Passeover simply, in all haste possible, God commanded it; time, place, and the occasions so required it; and accordingly they performed it: And in this first Passeover, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [in haste] doth involve, tremulous, fearefull, suddaine, and confused motions, upon the ap∣prehension of some solid, great danger; Mephibosheth's nurse fled in haste, and in the flight lamed him,e 1.202 2 Sam. 4.4. The Syrians fled in haste, and cast away their vessells, and their garments,f 1.203 2 King. 7.15. Concerning the second kind of haste, I say, they are the Passeover ever after in haste, yet not absolutely, but onely refe∣rentially, in respect of their slower eating of their common meales; or in respect of their continued feasting, at other Sacrifices, which were eaten with grave maje∣sty, and devour, during solemnities: In Egypt they ate that passeover in confused haste, caused through danger, and feare; the same radix is used,* 1.204 Deut. 20.3. doe not tremble, or doe not haste which words are Synonyma's, in the judgement of our last translatours, and the immediate consequents prove, that terrours wēre annexed to such haste.

PAR. 20.

IN the like haste was it never eaten afterwards; for they had not the same cause of terrour, or spurre to hasten them; yet for ever after they might eate it in

more haste then their ordinary food, and that first in remembrance of their prime praesident: Secondly as it was a Sacrifice or a Sacrament, not to be retarded, or demurred upon too long: thirdly, because it was as a preparatory, or antipast to a second supper: A sacred messe beginning with sower herbes, their Paschall Festi∣valls, which in Deuteronomy God enjoyned: of which (volente Deo) more hereaf∣ter: where, I say, the eating of the Passeover, in the fore-described haste, was pecu∣liar to the first passeover, in that one proposition two are involved, one affirmative, the other negative, the affirmative, that it was eaten speedily then, and very spee∣dily: the negative, it was never after eaten in such haste, as the first was, for then it would be of peculiar, more common, and indeed, not peculiar, Gratia quae datur omnibus, non est gratia, a courtesie done to all, is no especiall favour done to any one. Concerning the positive, or assertive part, thus; that it was commanded to bee eaten in haste, is notified,g 1.205 Exod. 12.11. yee shall eate it, in Festinatione or Festinan∣ter, in haste, or hastily, that the things commanded were sutably performed, is al∣so evidenced, ver. 28. the Israelites did as the Lord commanded Moses and Aaron, which is most remarkeably repeated, so did they; certainely Moses forepropecied to Pharaoh, and it came to passeh 1.206 Exod. 11.8. All these thy servants shall bow downe themselves unto me, saying, get thee out, and all the people that follow thee, therefore the Aegyptians did humbly beg them to goe forth in haste.

PAR. 21.

IOsephus saith,* 1.207 the Aegyptians went by troupes to the Kings palace, crying out that the Israelites might be suffered to depart; and as certaine it is, the Aegypti∣ans were urgent upon the people, that they might send them out of the Land in haste,* 1.208 Exod. 12.33. And the Israelites were thrust out of Egypt, and could not tarry, neither had they prepared for themselves any victualls, vers. 39. so all things were done in great haste, greater haste with any convenience could not be made, the Israelites longing to be gone, some Aegyptians using faire meanes, some violence, to thrust them out of Egypt in haste.

PAR. 22.

A Maine objection against the speedy departure of Israel out of Egypt,* 1.209 in a con∣fused manner, may be taken from Exod. 13.18. where it is said the children of Israel went up harnessed (or by five in a ranke, as it is in the margent) out of the Land of Egypt, quintati, say some, armati ascenderunt, saith the vulgar, Militari ordine,* 1.210 in battaile array, as Tremellius varieth it, Vatablus from a learned Jew ad∣deth, they marched under foure ensignes: the first was Reubens, whose banner was a Man, signifying Religion, and reason: The second standard was Judah's, and it was a Lyon, denoteing power, as in after times, Pompey the great his armes was Leo ensi∣fer, engraven on his fignet: The third distinct colours were Ephraim's of an Oxe, intimating patience, and toylesome labour: The fourth was Dan's, bearing an Ea∣gle, betokening wisedome, agilitie, and sublimity from whence it is likely, the Tow∣ring Romans had taken after divers descents, their Eagle, their pares aquilas (each side having their pares aquilas in their civill warres) and their spread-eagles, under Constantine, and since.

PAR. 23.

BVt for men to be first marshalled, in such military order, and to march in such equipage, will take up too much time, to be sayd to be done in confused haste: therefore there was no such disorderly speede, as I before established?

PAR. 24.

I Answer, first, though the same Hebrew word may signifie (armed) as Josh. 1.14. yee shall passe (armed) or marshalled by five,* 1.211 as it is in our margent: likewise Phinees came to the outside of the (armed) men, or the men ranked by five that were in the

hoast of the Midianites, and Amalekites,a 1.212 Iudg 7.11. &c. Yet the Chaldee turneth it (girded) and the word may also well denote the girding under the fifth rib, in all three places: The 70. doe render the same word, Iosh. 1.14. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, well-girt: nor am I the first, who observed this double interpretation; Aben Ezra, said of old, Hebraeos praecessisse accinctos, per Quinos, that the Hebrewes tooke their journey by Fives, and girded also under the fifth rib: or thus, their loynes being girded (which declareth the haste, that they were appointed to make) for the girding of loynes, is to make way for haste; of which more hereafter. Secondly, if they had gone in single rankes, onely by Five and Five (as many doe opine) the first five had come to the banke of the red sea, long before any one of the last threescore thou∣sand had stirred, one foote; for as they travelled, they went from Rameses, and pit∣ched in Succoth, which is but eight miles from Succoth, to the edge of the Wilder∣nesse of Etham,b 1.213 Num. 33.6. And that was about eight miles more; from Etham to Pihahiroth (which is about 16. miles) where they emcamped by the Sea, as it is,c 1.214 Exod. 14.1. betweene the Wildernesse and the red Sea; so they had but three 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mansions, or Stations, and they were in all, about 32. miles, till they pitched by the Sea-shore; And fifty hundred thousand men, marching along in their single files by five and five, will take up more length then thirty and two miles.

Therefore it cannot be rightly understood, that they marched onely five, or by fives abrest, or in front, and no more, but they might all, and did all goe more abroad, and tooke up a larger breadth, with their loynes girt, as they were com∣manded, and commanded as a token of haste: Certaine it is, the Land of Goshen is not (in the shortest cut, and the nearest way) above two hundred miles from Hie∣rusalem, toward the South-west: and if all, and every one of them, and their young ones, beasts, and carriages had gone the directest way from Goshen to Ie∣rusalem, Five onely by five, without multiplyed files, or rankes, the first five per∣haps might have beene in the sight of Ierusalem, before the last five had beene out of Egypt.

PAR. 25.

YEt I doe not deny, but that some of them did goe armed, yea, and in military forme; for God himselfe mentioneth the armies of Israel, before the eating of the Passeover,a 1.215 Exod. 6.26. & 12.17. Therefore some such thing there was, resem∣bling martiall discipline: Againe, in the beginning of their march, they are called the Hostes of the Lord; All the Hostes of the Lord went out from Aegypt,b 1.216 Exod. 12.41. Moreover, that the Iewes had weapons, and fought with them, when they slew the Amalekites, is demonstrated,c 1.217 Exod. 17.13. Ioshuah discomfited Amaleke, and his people, with the edge of the sword; and it is probable, they had these their wea∣pons, either of their owne in Aegypt, or else borrowed them of the Egyptians; For the Egyptians lent unto them such things, as they required,d 1.218 Exod. 12, 36. And in common sense and wisdome, if they had wanted weapons, and armour, they would have requi∣red them, and might have had them.

That the red-sea cast up the heavy armour, and weapons of iron of the Egyptians, was a miracle, if true it were; but it seemeth rather to smell of a Iewish fable, or a dreame of Josephus the Historian: Indeed Israel saw the Egyptians dead upon the Sea shore,e 1.219 Exod. 14.30. Or lip of the sea, in the Hebrew phrase, and might take some spoyles from some of them; even such as the Egyptians could not put off, and such as were not over massy, or weighty, to sinke downe their bodies; (they sanke in∣to the bottome, as a stone,f 1.220 Exod. 15.5. As lead in the mighty waters, ver. 10. Wherefore, as it is ridiculous for some to say, they were all unarmed, and unarmed went up out of Egypt, so it is vaine to imagine, that all were armed.

PAR. 26.

IN mine opinion, we may describe their Exodus, or departure most probably, thus: God gives a charge to Moses, and Aaron,g 1.221 Exod. 6.13. And these are that Aaron, and Moses, to whom the Lord said, Bring out the children of Israel from the land of E∣gypt, according to their armies,h 1.222 Ezod. 6.26. And in the following verse, it is (not needlesly) repeated. These are that Moses, and Aaron, called Princes, Iudges, and Rulers of the people, both the civill, and the Ecclesiasticall governours, as Saint Paul applyeth the Scripturei 1.223 Act, 23.5. Called gods;k 1.224 Exod 22.28 So Moses and Aaron, were their two Princes; Nothing was done, but by their conduct: The divine Writ phraseth it thus; The children of Israel went forth with their armies, under the hand of Moses and Aaron,l 1.225 Num. 33.1. The united hand of them, or, the hand of Moses upheld by Aaron, or, the hand of Moses, and Aaron, upheld by God.

These two Princes did not like Alexander the great, and the greater Swede, put themselves in jeopardy, and fight, like common souldiers; but they chose a gal∣lant young generall, even Ioshua, who led the battle, with some chosen men, and fought with Amalecke, whilest Moses and Aaron, and Hur, stood on the toppe of the hill (a place of sufficient safety, and security) with the rod of God, in the hand of Moses,m 1.226 Exod. 17.9. &c. And though this were done, after they were out of Egypt, yet we may guesse at the order of things precedent, by things consequent. Suppose therefore Ioshuah leading the van-guard with armed men, Princes of the Tribes, heads of thousands in Israel,n 1.227 Numb. 1.16. Preparing the way to their followers; And these went more then five in a ranke, with doubled, trebled, retre∣bled files, and more, and broader, as occasion advised them to dilate, or contract their fore-front; sometimes like a Moone crescent, sometimes perhaps like a wedge, or in other severall formes and shapes, wider, or narrower, more open, or closer, as the reason of warre directed. In the midst of their army, we may con∣jecture, were placed their weaker ones, their children, and women, and the mixt unarmed multitude (which some doe equall in number to all the men of warre) with their carriages, and beasts, flockes, and herds, and very much cattell,o 1.228 Exod 12.37. Not an hoofe was to be left behind,p 1.229 Exod. 10.26. For though it be said,q 1.230 Psal. 105 37. There was not one feeble person among their Tribes (which excluded sicknesse) yet none can deny, but children and women were weaker then men; and the unarmed are weake, being compared with the armed; and though in their first setting out not one was feeble, yet afterwards, with marching, divers were faint, feeble, and weary, and became hindmost, and being in the Reere, and feeble behind them, were cut off,r 1.231 Deut. 25.18. Among which weaker, and affrighted sort, might be Mi∣riam, and Zipporah, and other famous heroinae, who, to hearten the fearefull mul∣titude might sing joyfull songs of deliverance, and administer propheticall com∣fort; sure I am, that the people he brought forth with joy, and his chosen with gladnesse, or singing,f 1.232 Psal. 105 43. Thus, as some of the Egyptians were glad at their departure, ver. 38. So, out of doubt, were some of the Israelites also; In cantu electos suos (as Cajetan reads it) cum jubilo, saith Ʋatablus: And yet, before this came to passe, there might be, and was an hurrying haste, and confusion; for the words of the Psalmist, have more especiall reference, to what was done, when they had safely passed over the red sea,t 1.233 Exod. 15.1. Where Moses and the Israe∣lites sang unto the Lord, and Miriam, the prophetesse, the sister of Aaron, tooke a timbrell in her hand, and all the women went out after with timbrels, and dances, Miriam, and the women answering Moses, and the men, ver. 20. Now as Miriam perfor∣med a joyfull part, when the danger was past: So, since God himselfe,u 1.234 Mic. 6.4. saith, He sent Moses, and Aaron, and Miriam before the Israelites, recording her joy∣ning in commission (as it were) with those two great Princes and Leaders; I hope I have not much erred, to place this prophetesse Miriam, as a consorter in the beginning of the uprising of their army; Indeed, God afterwards appointed the Tabernacle, to be in the middest of the campe of the Levites,w 1.235 Numb. 2.17.

And the uncleane were put out of the Campe,x 1.236 Numb. 5.2. &c. And Amaleke smote the hindmost of Israel; all that were feeble behind thee, when thou wast faint and weary,y 1.237 Deut. 25.18. Lastly, I opine, that the other part of armed men, and warriours under o∣ther Princes of the Tribes of their Fathers,z 1.238 Numb. 1.16. led the rereward, se∣curing (as farre as in them lay) the unarmed, casting themselves betwixt the mixt multitude, and danger; supplying the roome of a Port-cullis to a gate of a City; the mighty men of warre opposing themselves as a flood-gate, to keepe the waters from over-flowings; and the perilous, from doing perilous things; which part of warte to act, that is, to secure a flight, or retreate, requireth most skill, incurreth most difficulties, makes, as it were, a Parthian fight, and is reserved as a glory, for the ablest men.

PAR. 27.

AS for Ʋatablus, and his Iewes, their relation is of the Muster, when God com∣manded Moses to set the army in order: Every man of the children of Israel shall pitch by his owne Standard, with the ensigne of his Fathers house,a 1.239 Numb. 2.2, So, besides the particular foure eminent Standards; First, of Judah on the East (for he is first in place, ver. 3 Whatsoever the Iew, or Vatablus hold) under whom were quartered the other two Tribes of Issachar, and Zabulon; Then the Standard of Ruben on the South, under which the Tribes of Simeon and Gad did march; Then followed the Tabernacle of the Testimony, and the Levites were in the mid∣dest of the Campe, under their owne Standards, ver. 17. In the third eminent chiefe place, was the Standard of Ephraim, to the West, and by it were the Tribes of Manasseb and Benjamin governed. In the fourth quarter, was the Standard of Dan, to the North, and under it were ranged the Tribes of Asher and Naphth••li. So they pitched by their Standards, and so they set forward, every one after their Families, ver. 34. They had of the lesser sort, Innumera penè vexilla, abundance of Ensignes; every Colonel, perhaps every Captaine, and other inferiour officers: That this was the order, at their first departure from Egypt cannot be prooved: Some imperfect resemblance might there be; but now at the Muster, was the march made exquisite, and perfect.

PAR. 28.

MOre punctually, concerning the nimble eating of the Passeover, remember in generall, both the generall reason immediately subjoyned. It is the Lords Passeover; and the speciall reason; For, I will passe through the Land of Egypt this night, and will smite all the first borne: So, if you will avoyd the death of your first-borne, kill the Passeover speedily, rost it quickely, eate it nimbly, come not out of the house. Lastly, forget not the unusuall Ceremonies, proving the speedy dispatch; Thus you shall eate it, ver. 11. with your loynes girded, your shooes on your feete, your staffe in your hand.

PAR. 29.

COncerning the girding of the loynes in the first place. That the Iewes used to weare ordinarily loose hanging vestments, is evinced, because on extraordinary occasions, they girded their cloathes to them; for pendent, and discinct cloathes are more offensive to travailers. When Eliah was to runne before Ahab, He girded up his loynes.b 1.240 1 Kin. 18.46. Gird up thy loynes, said Elisha to his servant,c 1.241 2 King. 4.29. when he sent him in haste. When Peter was commanded,d 1.242 Act. 12.7. To arise up quickely, he was also then commanded, First, to gird himselfe, then to bind on his sandalls, ver. 8. Which is another preparative to travaile; and the second hastening cere∣mony, enjoyned to the way-fareing Israelites.

PAR. 30.

THey were also to eate this Passeover with shooes on their feete, as our last Translators well expound their meaning: indeed, if you weigh the words in the originall, there is an Hypallage, they seeme to crosse and contrary the sense, Habebitis calceamenta in pedibus, ye shall have shooes on your feete, instead of this, habebitis pedes in Calceamentis, ye shall have your feete in your shooes; but this is cleared by the Hebrew Idiotisme otherwhere,e 1.243 Judg. 20.48, Miserant civitates omnes in ignem, where the Scripture intends onely this, miserant ignem in omnes ci∣vitates, they fired all the Cities. I will not nicely stand on the difference betweene Calceamenta, and Sandalia, Shooes, and Sandales; A shooe was more compleate than a sandall, and of more defence for the foote

PAR. 31.

GOing bare-foote (that I may presse to the poynt) was a signe of much sor∣row, assumed by David, when (out of question) he might have had shooes or Sandales) to expresse his wofull expulsion, from his owne Countrey, by his re∣bellious son,f 1.244 2 Sam. 15.30. And distressed captives used it in their bondage, in another Countrey, Isay 20.2, 3, 4. verses.

PAR. 32.

BUt wearing shooes or Sandals, betokened also a readinesse to be walking,g 1.245 Isay 5.27. Mar. 6 9. The Apostles in visiting the places of their jurisdicti∣on, were allowed by Christ to be shod with sandals, as the Israelites here were to have shooes on their feete, as a token of their preparation for their speedy Exodus, or forth-going: Neither had the twelve Apostles onely at their Mission, a kinde of conformity for their feet, with the twelve Tribes, at their setting forth for Canaan from Aegypt, but both sorts were commanded to have a staffe; the Apostles had so,h 1.246 Mar. 6.8. And the Israelites.i 1.247 Exod. 12.11.

PAR. 33.

THe third ceremony of their preparednesse, to their journey was, that they were also to have a staffe in their hand; and that, not to set up in a corner; not out of sight, safely kept; not lying by them, or among their carriages, but in their hand.

PAR. 34.

YEt by these words (in their hand) I would have none to thinke, that they ne∣ver left holding their staffe in one hand, or other, during the eating of that Passeover; for then they must have eaten it very unhandsomely; and both cut and eate with one hand onely, at one time, which would have hindred, and prolong∣ed their supper, rather then shortned it: But here, this is reckoned, as a speed-ma∣king ceremony; and therefore, if now and then, or for the most while, they held the staffe in their hands; and yet now and then let it rest, or leane on it, for the nimbler dispatch of their supper, the intent of the Law was fulfilled.

PAR. 35.

A Staffe in their hand: perhaps to put them in minde, that as Jacob passed o∣ver Jordan with his staffe,k 1.248 Gen. 32.10. So should they with their staves; the Israelites doing as their Father Israel did.

PAR. 36.

BEsides, a staffe in a mans hand secureth his footing, preventeth sliding, or fal∣ling; It is an ornament to youth, a crutch, yea, a very third legge to age; it is a stay to the whole body; it helpeth naturall infirmities, and accidentall oc∣currences,l 1.249 Zach. 8.4. Every man with his staffe in his hand for very age. And so much for the first assertive part, That the first Passeover was eaten in haste, in great haste, absolutely.

PAR. 37.

THat it was not eaten in such hast ever after, the Talmudists strongly averre:m 1.250 Beza saith, that the sprinkling of the blood upon the doore posts, the eating the passeover in haste, with shooes on, the men being girded, with staves in their hands, were practised onely this one night of the first passeover, and in this, saith he, all the Jewish Doctors doe fully agree.

PAR. 38.

ANd indeed, what needed the sprinkling of the posts with blood, when no An∣gell was to destroy; and when they had no doore-posts in the Wildernesse to be sprinkle? What needed their loynes to be girded, when they were at rest? What needed shooes on their feete when they mooved not, nor needed to move? What needed a staffe in their hand, when no journey was toward? What needed eating in extraordinary haste, when there was no danger, nor trouble, nor discontent, nor offence, growing by the stay, or by the eating leisurely, or, cum decenti pausâ? The prime reason why they were commanded to eate in haste, with those un-retarding ceremonies, being to prevent imminent mischiefes, ari∣sing from delayes (which was not so, nor likely, nor scarse possible to be so, in succeeding ages) we may fairely conclude they did not in any future times, com∣monly use these posting ceremonies, but they were proper to their first Paschati∣zing. This is undenyable, the quickning ceremonies were neither repeated, nor commanded, at the reviving of the Law, Levit. 23. Nor can be shewed to be pre∣cepted, or practized, at any other Passeover, in any other place, of the Old, or New Te∣stament.

PAR. 39.

ANd so much sufficeth to have spoken of eating the first passeover in haste, in great haste simply: with its running, moving ceremonies, appropriated to it; and never after, in such perplexed speech performed: though ever after, the passeover was eaten in more haste, then common food, or the food sacred, at o∣ther Festivities; in haste, not absolute, but referentiall.

PAR. 40.

THough it be said,n 1.251 Exod. 12.25. When ye be come to the Land which the Lord shall give you, ye shall keepe this service; yet the words have no alliance with the immediately preceding transeunt ceremonies of sprinkling of blood (which is of all men confessed to have ended for ever, in the night of their depar∣ture) and therefore, by parity of reason, the words comprehend not the other temporary ceremonies, but onely extend to the maine businesse; to the substanti∣alls, rather then the Accidentals; to the durable, and not to the vanishing, short, occasionall observances: To the Reall Sacrifice, to the Lords passeover, as it is cal∣led, ver. 27. and not to the partly Semi-diarian, partly Vespernall, fading rites of one night: All which were begotten, borne living, dying, dead, and buryed, with∣in twelve houres: which rituall shadowes comparatively deserve not the great name of Gods worship: the word is in the Originall, [Hagnabadah] translated by the 70. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Latria is the highest part of Gods ser∣vice:

Santandreanus, and Hentenius, doe ill to render it, Ceremonyes: the more learned and wise Montanus, in his Interlineary, expounded it, opus a worke; opus hoc this Worke; which is very well expressed by our last translators, ye shall keepe this service; And the service is to be denominated, from the major, or better part, from the chiefe worke, rather then from the appendant rites.

PAR. 41.

AN objection more, and that seemingly a strong one against mine opinion, is,a 1.252 Num. 9.3.12. Where we read,* 1.253 Ye shall keepe the Passeover, according to all the rites of it; and according to all the ceremonies thereof shall ye keepe it, and according to all the ordinances of the Passeover, ver. 12. Now though the Words (Rites, and Ordinances) are divers translations of one reading, in the places above cited, yet there are also two distinct words, in the Hebrew; one, for the Rites, another for the Ceremonies; the Interlineary renders them, Statuta, and Iudicia, Statutes and Iudgements, the vulgar of Hentenius, and Santandreanus, Ceremonias, & Iustifica∣tiones, Ceremonies, and Iustifications, Statuta, & rationes, as Tremellius: the 70. have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and in the 14. verse. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: from which diversity and extent of words may seeme to be inferred, that not onely the lasting, and more necessary Rites of the Passeover, were re-appointed, but the minutest Ceremonies, the least tittle of them must be still observed; and there∣fore the eating with loynes girded, with staffe in hand, with shooes on their feete, were not peculiar to the first passeover, but were re-observed, at this second passe∣over, the yeare following.

I answer,* 1.254 the Scripture full often restraineth the word (all) to all, of some one kind; to all, that are necessary; to all, that were to endure; to all, that were convenient; Iuxta omne, quod convenit ei, as the Chaldee Paraphrase hath it.

Secondly, looke over the whole Chapter, and you shall find none of the Cere∣monies before mentioned, of being, shod, girt, and having staves once mentioned; but there is expresse mention of the moneth, the day of the moneth, and the time of the day, towards even, also, they were appointed to use unleavened cakes, and bitter herbes; and nothing was to remaine, nor a bone to be broken. And these were of the lasting ceremonies; all other, I say, all other of the same kinde, that were to continue, as, that it must be a male Lambe; not above a yeare; roasted, and with a competent company of receivers, and the like, are involved, and included, in the diversity of words, in the seeming universality, cited in the objection: But it cannot sinke into my head, that by these varyed words, and repeated (all)b 1.255 Num. 9.3. Was ever intended, they should chuse their offering foure dayes before; and sprinkle the doore-posts with blood; when they had few or no doore-posts, per∣haps, scarse Tents some of them; or, that they must eate it girt, shod, with staves in their hands, or the like hastening ceremonies.

Maimonides having used this very objection,* 1.256 in the end resolveth, that the choo∣sing of the Lambe on the tenth day, the sprinkling of blood with a branch of Hys∣sope: and the eating in haste (to which the three fore-cited Ceremonies con∣curre) were not necessary in future times, but were drowned, before they had passed the red Sea, and that the Commandements,c 1.257 Num. 9.3. and 12. concerne the body, and substance of the passeover: not the minuter Circumstances.

In the learned Annotations, on the Pentateuch, Imprinted by Robert Stephen at Paris, 1541. the words (Iuxta ritus suos, & omnes ceremonias suas, celebrabitis il∣lud. i. according to its Rites, and all its Ceremonies shall ye observe it, are thus ex∣pounded, Celebrabitis illud, observando ritus & Ceremonias peculiares illi, i. Ye shall celebrate it, by observing the Rites and Ceremonies peculiar to it.) Some were pe∣culiar to the first passeover, which were not to the second; and the second had some difference from the following ones.

Lastly, the words of Num. 9.3. &c. may be thought to distinguish the Law Rites and Ceremonies of both first, and second passeover, from the rites due to

other Sacrifices; so that the Rites, Customes, or Statutes, or other Offerings, should not be intermingled with the Passeover; but the Paschall Ceremonies are to be exactly kept; kept a part, and peculiarly severed from the other, rather than that th••y doe enjoyne an exact parity, and equality in every degree, of the second Passe∣over with the first, when the causes did differ, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as farre as the East is from the West.

The Prayer.

O Blessed Iesu, our onely true Passeover, sacrificed for the sinnes of the whole world, who by abolishing all Leviticall Rites, Types, and Shadowes, hast de∣clared, that thy selfe art the fore-signified substance, grant us, we beseech thee, so to eate thy flesh, and so to drink thy blood, that we, leaving the meaner rudiments, and all now-unnecessary Ceremonies, may in all purenesse of heart, heartiest devotion, and in the devoutest way, & manner, approach to thee, worship thee, and enjoy thee, our foode spirituall, our never-fading joy, our Celestiall happinesse. Amen. Amen.

CH••P. VII. The Contents of the seventh Chapter.

1. Some thinke the Iewes in the Aegyptian Passeover did Discumbere in signum li∣bertatis: not so.

2. Iosephus misunder stood, and misapplyed.

3. Christ was to keepe it in things necessary, not in the vanishing Rites: Christ did something at his last Passeover, which cannot be evinced to be done at the first Passeover.

4. The Iewes borrowed the fashion of Discumbing from the Romanes, saith Iosephus; but that was of later times.

5. Iulius Caesar feasted the Romanes on twentie two thousand Triclinia.

6. The Indians beds: Discumbing was used in India by the Brachmans; Philo∣stratus proveth it: the armies of the Romanes never pierced into the heart of India: the Indian Discumbing mentioned but as of yesterday, in comparison with the first Passeo∣ver: and rather a resemblance of the Roman fashion, then the same.

7. The Romanes imitated the Grecians, and the Grecians the Asiatiques: most an∣ciently the Romanes did eate Sitting; so Alexander ab Alexandro, and Isidorus: after∣ward women did sit, though men lay downe. saith Varro.

8. Annarus King of Babylon, and Nero Discumbed with their harlots; this was, Labentibus moribus.

9. Discumbing practised by the Primitive Christians: even women discumbed, as Tertullian professeth: Tertullian ad Nationes enlightened an obscure place of his Apologetique.

10. The Grecians did also sit at Feasts first of all.

11. Accubation was in free prosperous times.

12. Curius Manlius first brought in triumph from Asia the Triclinia.

13. Banqueting beds in Ahashuerus his dayes.

14. Discumbing was not in use with any Nation, before, at, or along while after the first Mosaicall Passeover.

15. The lying downe of Angels in mens shapes, Gen. 19.4. was not upon feasting, but upon sleeping beds.

16. Mr. Broughton censured. It is more probable that the Israelites did sit, than lye downe at the eating of their first Passeover, for divers Reasons.

17. Yet it is not expressely, either set downe, or to be determined.

18. No place of the old Testament enjoyned them to stand at the eating of the Passeover: No place of the Old or New Testament testifies that they did stand: no necessary conse∣quence can produce so much.

19. Yet it is most probable, that they did stand: divers Reasons for it; yet none of these

Reason for it; yet none of these Reasons demonstrative, but probable.

20. At the succeeding Passeovers, they did not Discumbere: Philo and Iosephus are to be interpreted of later times.

21. No particular posture can be proved from any of the great Passeovers.

22. They might not goe out of doores in the first Passeover, till the Angell had examined their doores: After, they went forth: this Ceremony of not going out of doores, was onely tomporary: Abroad they might goe, home they might not goe.

23. Christ, and his Disciples went forth.

24. The Master of a scant Family, and the next neighbour to his house, were to joyne together, and to enter Commons.

25. If they had strayed farre, the danger had been greater.

26. There being no such danger of an Abaddon in future Times; they chose any of the Vertuosi, whether they were friends, or kindred, though their dwellings were further off.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

I Cannot passe to the other points, without doing the maine scope and chiefe intended worke great wrong, till I have handled these Questions.

• 1. Whether at the first Passeover, the Iewes did lye downe on their Discubitory beds, or couches, or sit, or stand.
• 2. What was practised at all other the succeeding passeovers?

Some hold, [Quest.] that the Iewes did Discumbere, or lye downe at the great passeouer in Egypt: and one Argument is drawne from the Rabbins saying, that they were wont, Discumbere, in signum libertatis, to lye downe, in token of Libertie.

I Answer, [Answ.] this may be retorted on themselves; for the Israelites, at their first Pasach, were not freed from their Masters, and therefore could not use that gesture, in token that they were actually manumitted; but they were then servants, and, within a short while, to be set at liberty; this Argument (if unquestioned in its chiefe ground) may prove their discubation, at the succeeding passeovers; but whilst they were bond slaves (as at the first passeover they were) it evinceth nothing against us.

PAR. 2.

THe second Argument is from Iosephus, saying, Discumbebant, non sedebant, they lay downe, and did not sit? I answer, Josephus restrayneth not his words, to the first passeover, nor extends them to it; but that is our present inquirie.

PAR. 3.

THe third Argument is this; Christ kept the Law exactly; but Christ, and his Apostles did lye downe at the eating of the passeover, in the night of his betraying; and therefore the Law of the first passeover was, that the Iewes should eat it, lying on their beds? I Answer, that the first proposition must be di∣stinguished upon; namely, in things necessary, absolute; in Ceremonies durable, Christ did keepe the Law; but the antiquated Rites of providing the Lambe, foure dayes before the slaying of it, &c. he brake, he was not bound to keepe; Secondly, we may not conclude, whatsoever Christ did, at the eating of the last passeover, was commanded at the first passeover of all; for his was eaten in an higher Chamber; and just thirteene was their number; which no man can prove, or probablize, was so done, in the first passeover: thirdly, I say to the assumption; what gesture, what vesture Christ, and his Apostles used most, at the eating of his fatall passeover, can∣not be fully determined; the adversary proveth Ignotum per ig••otius, obscurum per ob∣scurius; both this Assumption, and the manner, and forme of their supping on beds, with its severall Ceremonies, must be more fully explained in its proper place.

PAR. 4.

I Now enquire only the Originall of that Custome; and thus I search after it: The Iewes borrowed the fashion from the Romanes, saitha 1.258 Iosephus, Sane, ex quo Iudaei â Romanis subjugati sunt more Romano coenare didicerunt: from the time that the Iewes drew under the Romane yoke, they supped as the Romanes were wont, saith a most credible Author, Petrus Ciacconius, cited by his very friendb 1.259 Baronius; It is true, that the Ʋicti doe oftentimes, trans••re in mores Ʋictoris, the Vanquished doe learne the manners of the Vanquisher; and receive not onely Lawes, but Vsan∣ces and Customes from them: but the Romanes medled not with the Asiatique af∣faires, for a thousand yeares after the first passeover, not so much as began the sub∣jugation of the Iewes, till a good start of time after it: and supposing it so, the Iewes were scarce warme on their feasting beds, in the dayes of our Saviour, accor∣ding to the Romane fashion.

PAR. 5.

NOr was the fashion common at first, but to the better sort; though before our Saviours Incarnation, Iulius Caesar, one day, feasted the people, on twentie-two thousand Triclinia asc 1.260 Alexander, ab Alexandro reporteth; and Suetonius relateth, that in the Augustan age, Tiberius feasted the people at a thousand Tables: But it will be cleared hereafter, that the Romanes in this point, rather imitated the Syrians, than the Syrians them.

PAR. 6.

THe Indians certainely used to take their repast on their beds; and, some say, they also imitated the Romanes, whose power was farre spread and formida∣ble to all the world; Potos terra excipit in lectis, quos ipsamet substraverat,d 1.261 sayth Philostratus of the Indians, that is, the drunkards lay downe to sleepe upon the bare ground: but these were not lecti convivales, Banqueting beds, on which they fea∣sted, but Somniferi, their Repositories for sleepe: yet two or three leaves before, hee speaketh, of a Feast made by the Wise men to the King thus; Terra her bis substrata erat, longe etiam mollioribus, quàm sunt nostri lecti,—discubuer unt velut in coenaculo; that is, the earth was spread over with herbes farre more soft than our beds are; they (lay downe) as it were, in a supping parlour: So Discumbing was then used in India among the Brachman's: yet this withall must be considered, that the Ro∣mane armies never pierced into the heart of India, but stucke about the bankes of Euphrates: but if they had over-runne India, and if the Indians had imitated the Romanes, in their refreshments (which cannot be proved) yet both Appollonius, and those Indians were not borne, till the Emperour of Rome began; and those Emperours were but of yesterday, in Comparison of the Egyptian first passeover.

PAR. 7.

LAstly, the Words of Philostratus doe not evince the Tricliniary accubation; but onely earthen beds, with some shew of resemblance, rather than the true forme: I rather thinke the Romans followed the Grecians; and the Grecians imi∣tated the effeminate Asiatiques: the Romanes tooke most of their Lawes, and most of their Customes from the Greekes. 1. Concerning this particular posture of Discumbing,e 1.262 Alexander ab Alexandro, thus, a principia, Majores nostri (sedentes) epula∣bantur, Laconum more; that is, in the beginning, our Ancestors feasted (sitting) as the Lacedemonians used: apud veteres Romanos, non crat usus accumbendi, saith Isidorus; the Ancient Romanes were not wont to (lye downe) at meales: Afterwards, when the men did lye downe, the women sate, saith the Great Ʋarro; Quià turpit vis••is est in muliere accubitus, because it was a filthy unseemely sight for a woman to lye downe, saith he; afterward none but the next kindred of women-kinde, might Accumbere neither among the greater men.

PAR. 8.

YEt Annarus Babylonia Rex cum 150. psaltrile (accubans) coenitabat, saith Alex∣ander ab Alexandro, Annarus King of Babylon supped with 150. Psalterists or Minstrellests (lying downe) with them: even among the Romans, Suetonius saith of Caligula, pleno convivio, sorores singulas infra se vicissim collocabat, uxore suprâ cu∣bante; that is, at a great feast, he placed every one of his sisters, one after another, below himselfe; and his wife (lay) above him: Nero mixt himselfe with Harlots, on their Feasting Beds; in ipsis lectis, cum viris cubantibus, foeminae sedentes, coenitabant; men and women supped together, the women (sate) the men (lay) on their beds, saith the same Alexander ab Alex. but this was labentibus moribus, when the Empire was increased and good Discipline was corrupted.

PAR. 9.

YEa Tertullian himselfe acknowledgeth, that discumbing was practised by the good Primitive Christians; and (cap. 39. Apologet.) mentioneth, Triclinia Chri∣stianor um, the parlours of Christians, and otherwhere he confesseth, that even wo∣men did accumbere (lye downe) at meales by the men: And to the carping obje∣ction of the Heathens,* 1.263 he answereth fully, holily and truely: the words of Ter∣tullian are these; Vescere libenter, intere à discumbens, dinumera loca, ubi mater, ubi soror, (supple torum presserit) nota diligenter, ut cum tenebrae ceciderint Canine, non erres; piaculum enim admiseris nisi incestum feceris: the supply hath firme ground from his owne words, in anothera 1.264 place, dinumera loca, ubimater, aut soror, torum presse∣rit: Which words of Tertullian may bethus translated; eate willingly (the flesh of an Infant) in the meane time, as thou (lyest downe) observe the especiall places, where thy mother, or thy sister reposeth her selfe on the bed; marke it diligently, that when the dogges have tumbled downe, and put out the Candles, thou mayst be sure to constuprate thy Mother, or thy sister; It is an haynous offence, not to bee Incestuous: lest these words of Tertullian should be mistaken, or misapplyed; you are to be informed, that in that part of the Chapter, Tertullian, to the confusion of the Heathen, most wittily, and divinely frameth his discourse, by way, not of truth, or granting, but by way of supposall; as if a Christian Prelate should say these words to an Heathen newly Christianized; eate the flesh of Infants, drinke their blood, commit Incest, doe such horrid, and dismall sinnes, and live for ever: you would not buy, saith Tertullian, eternall life at so deere a rate; nor would you beleeve him: therefore, you are to thinke, we Christians neither doe such evill, nor beleeve such words, not say themb 1.265 Tertullian againe (ad uxorem) discumbit cum marito in so∣dalitiis, saepè in popinis. I returne to the old Romans, who were wont to (sit) at meales, soc 1.266 Virgill,

Perpetuis soliti patres (considere) mensis,

that is,

It was their guise in Ancient time, To sit at boord when they did dine.

And againe, Vivoque (sedilia) saxo, The rockes did sometimes afford them re∣freshing places, at their meate: and yet Virgill saith of Aenem, before Rome, or Romans were,

Inde toro pater Aeneas sic orsus ab alto,

Then old Aeneas,* 1.267 from his lofty bed, Thus gan his tale; when first be had well fed.

PAR. 10.

THe Graciant also, at first, did fit, and not lye downe onbeds; I observed before, that in the beginning, the Lacedamonians fashion was to sit: they of Crete held it a horrible thing to lye downe at meate, saith Alexander ab Alex. ibid. King Alexander ate his ••eate sitting, saith he, and yet within three leaves after, (even

in the same forecited Chapter) he saith, fertur Alexander Macedo, appetente nocte, coenâsse, & primo diluculo, prandio accubuisse: Alexander of Macedon supped at eare∣ly night, and lay downe to dinner, at the first shine of morning.

PAR. 11

ACcubation was in free prosperous Times, if not delicate, and luxurious: Terentius, Varro, and Hanniball, in their Misery, supped (standing) and Cato, after Pompey's death, in the Civill wars, did not discumbere, as he was wont, but sate: The Romans made their way to Asia through Greece, partaking of the Graecian fa∣shions, as the Greekes did, of the Asiatique effaeminatenes; Antiqui torum ex palu∣stri ulvâ, & ex stramento, vel ex cespite fuisse, saith the often citeda 1.268 Alexander ab Alex. their beds were made of reedes, or of Sea-grasse, straw, stubble, or turfe, then they left those homely Countrey fashions; and had first square, then round Tables, to dine, and suppe on; which fashion, saith he, I beleeve, they borrowed from the Lacedaemonians.

PAR. 12.

AFter this, Cneius Manlius carried in Triumph, upon the Asian Conquest, amongst other things, aeratos lectos, & Triclinia, bedsteads of Brasse, and Fea∣sting beds; and then did voluptuousnesse encrease among the Romans, of which hereafter; but the Asiatiques used it, long before the Romans.

PAR. 13.

BEsides what before I related of Annarus, King of Babylon (which story. I hold to be uncertaine) sure I am, that in the dayes of Ahashuerus, they used accu∣bation of bed-repasting; for Hest 1.6. the very banqueting beds with their furni∣ture, are described, and Hest. 7.8. Haman was fallen on the bed whereon Ester was;* 1.269 and at the banquet of wine, it was a feasting bed; Est. 3.15. the King, and Haman sate downe to drinke, (Iasheba) sate in likelihood, on their feasting beds: yea, an hundred yeares before the raigne of Abashuerus, and Ester; Ezekiel prophecied;* 1.270 and he so describeth a wicked woman, that in her you may conjecture at the custome of the Jewes, and that the Jewes did not take up that custome of feasting beds from the Romans, (for this was within a while after Romulus) but the Romanes, or Grae∣cians might take it from the Jewes; howsoeverb 1.271 Pererius is confident, that here∣in the Jewes followed the Romane usance; the words of Ezekiel are these, cap. 23. vers. 40. &c. They came, for whom thou didst wash thy selfe, painted thy eyes, and deckedst thy selfe with Ornaments; and satest upon a stately bed, and a table prepared before it,c 1.272 where∣upon thou bast set mine incense, and mine oyle: all which ceremonies were after used in the Romane feasting; if you except painting of their eyes; higher than this, I cannot bring the Custome.

PAR. 14.

BUt this was long after the Aegyptian Passeover; and therefore let them, who imagine the Israelites lay on beds, at the first Passeover, produce one Authour or other, sacred or prophane, that at that time, any Nation under heaven used to lye or leane on beds, at their feasting; and then they shall say something, though not fully Conclusive.

PAR. 15.

INdeede it is sayd of Angells, in the shape of men,* 1.273 Gen. 19.4. before they (lay downe) but it is plaine that it is not meant of lying downe on feast-beds (for their supper preceeded) but of their beds, to rest on, all night: and I never found any expositour otherwise interpreting it; the intention of the Sodomites may

prove, that their villanies were ordeined, not at supper-time, but at bed-time: But indeede the manner of Accubation, or discubation at meate was not in use any where for many centuries of yeares after.

PAR. 16.

THe second part of the first question was, whether the Israelites did sit at the first Passeover? M. Broughton in his Generall view of the holy Scriptures, concerning the Ceremonie of sitting, and standing at the Passeover, Pag. 120. thus distinguisheth. This is the consent of the Jewes, they of fit yeares did fit, those that were young did stand, unlesse they were bid to sit; if all this bee granted (for he taketh it up on trust, and specializeth no authority) yet his following discourse savoureth of madnesse, not of truth, or sobriety, Pag. 121. he saith, Christ sate with his Apostles after the manner of the wilde Irish, on the ground: did they so Hugh? Where is thy proofe? Where is any likelihood? First, they are it in an up∣per Chamber, the word (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) signifying a large upper roome furnished, and prepared, Mar. 14.15.) and so it was above ground: Secondly, lying all along on the ground affordeth liberty, and ease for one to lye on anothers brest; whilest they sate on the ground, their posture must be upright, and is not so well accommoded for leaning; but S. Iohn did leane on Christs breast, therefore then he sate not on the ground. Christ washed the Apostles feete; and he (arose) to doe so; did they then sit on the (ground?) and did he kneele to wash and wipe them? Another per∣haps would finde fault with M. Broughtons improprietie of language, for saying Christ, and his Apostles sate, after the manner of the wilde Irish; when hee might better have sayd (if he could have sayd it verifially) the wild Irish fit after the man∣ner of Christ, and his Apostles; ye cannot be partakers of the Lords (Table) and of the Table of Devills, 1 Cor. 10.21. where he intimateth, that they are their Sacred morsells on Tables, or as they were taken from the Consecrated Tables. Have the wilde Irish (tables) to eate on, when they sit on the ground? The hand of him who betrayeth me, is with me on the Table, saith Christ, Luk 22.21. Was a guest-cham∣ber sought? Was a large upper roome furnished, and yeelded up to make ready there, as is to be gathered from, Luke, 22.11.12. and in the end, shall they sit on the ground, and eate the Passeover? Hath M. Broughton beene so drench'd in his Hea∣then Greeke, that he forgetteth that all the Greeke words (used in the New Testa∣ment) describing their posture, at the eating of the Paschall Lambe, doe in their Native signification, imply rather lying along, and recumbing, than sitting? Was the Passeover ever eaten by such, as sate on the ground? Did ever any Jew, any an∣cient Grecian or Roman, yeeld authority to M. Broughton, for his so wilde Irish a conceite? Though Ludolphus the Carthusian went too farre that way; yet doth he not fully agree with him: but of this God willing in the third booke, more at large; indeedee 1.274 Clemens Alexandrinus speaking against costly Utensills, and excesse, saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Rich drinke bringeth danger with it; polished glasse teacheth us both to feare, and to drinke; the costly beds were insolentium deliciarum argumenta, invidiae, mollisque ignaviae insidiosa commoda, signes of excessive pleasure, insnaring benefits of Envie, and soft sloath,—sed vide, but behold, Christus in vili catino cibum sumpsit, & fecit discipulos super herham accumbere, & pedes eorum lavit linteo accinctus; Christ did eate his meate in a poore platter; and made his Disciples lye along on the grasse, and washed their feete, he being bound with a Towell; some have had so little wit, as to apply all this to his last supper, and it may bee Hugh Broughton, and Ludolphus dranke of this cup of intoxication: but whosoe∣ver readeth Clemens himselfe in the place, will finde that he speaketh not of Christs last supper onely, or any one supper onely, but of the continued course of Christ's life, and that by an induction, or enumeration of particulars, hee proveth Christ to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and evinceth his being a stranger to pride. As for the first Passe∣over there cited in the Margin, Mat. 14.19. where it is sayd that he bad the mul∣titude to sit downe on the grasse; and Mar. 6 39. where we reade the Apostles

made all to sit downe upon the greene grasse; these passages have no reference to Christs last supper, and therefore are nothing to the purpose, though the words following doe reflect on the second supper, immediately after the Paschall. I hope they had no grasse growing in an upper Chamber. I hope there is a difference be∣tweene the thousands of Disciples, and his twelve Legates â latere, his most holy Apostles: divers actions are fitted to divers places: and Clemens addeth, Christ asked water out of the Samaritans earthen water-pot, Iohn 4.7. distinct people, distinct places; distinct occasions must not be indistinctly huddled together, and falsely applyed onely to Christs last Supper. And yet I must needes declare for my part: I judge it farre more probable that they did sit, than that they did lye downe at this first Passeover. First, for that the Passeover was to be eaten in haste; but sitting is a gesture more accommoded for haste, than the manner of discumbing was, or could be: Secondly, sitting at Feasts was before this time in use; the bre∣thren of Ioseph (sate) before him, at a feast, Gen. 43.33. which custome of sitting we must not thinke was introductory, but explanatory, it was not onely then used because onely then expressed; but this posture or gesture, did declare the Common practise of them, in those times. Thirdly, sitting was in use by the same Indivi∣duall people, who are the Passeover; For the Israelites, even almost as soone as they were gone out of Aegypt, at the Feast of the golden Calfe; I say, the people (sate downe) to eate, and to drinke, Exod. 32.6. Which the New Testament alsore∣lateth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the people (sate downe) to eate, and to drinke, 1 Cor. 10.7. where the word (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) differenceth the gesture from dis∣cumbing. Fourthly, the fashion of (sitting) at meate, was in use afterwards: Saul being a private man (sate) with Samuel, at a feast and Sacrifice, 1 Sam. 9.22. Yea, Sauls servant also: we will not (sit downe) saith Samuel, till David commeth, 1 Sam. 16.11. David might (sit) with Saul at meare, 1 Sam. 20.5. and Abner did, ver. 25. So it is more than likely the Jewish people did (sit) at other feasts, and meales, rather than (lye downe) Ier. 16.8. Thou shalt not goe into the house of feasting, to (sit) with them, to eate, and to drinke.

PAR. 17.

BUt I will not determine, that they did (sit) at the Passeover; first, because it is no where so expressed: Secondly, because they were to have their staffe in their hand; and this was (as I may so call it) a running banquet; a speedy sacrifice; where delay was dangerous, and haste commanded. To the truer observation whereof, as fitting was more commodious, than discumbing; so (standing) was more proper than fitting. And thus I am devolved on the third branch of the first question.

PAR. 18.

WHether the Jewes did (stand) at the eating of the first Passeover? Both the affirmative, and Negative have many Noble Authours. It is an hinge, on which great matters doe hang; and yet I hope to cleare all difficulties, by these Theses following: First, it is no where in the old Testament, expressely commanded, that the Israelites should (stand) at the eating of the first Passeover. Secondly, is no where in old, or New Testament directly sayd, that they did stand; who thin∣keth otherwise, let him produce his proofes, and places. Thirdly, there can bee no necessary consequence framed, to prove, they did stand; make tryall who will.

PAR. 19.

YEt I hold it most probable, that they did (stand) at the eating of their first Passeover; and these be my reasons.

• First, Eph. 6.11.13.14. verses, there is mentioned of (standing) and a command to (stand) with loynes girt, &c. but all

• this was in allusion to the eating of the Passeover; as by divers other particulars beside standing, it appeares, though it may be answered: first, that there is no allu∣sion to the Israelites, in some particulars there expressed; nor is it likely, that the Iewes had Brest-plates, shield, helmet, and sword; at least, not all of these; which the Apostle wisheth in the spirituall panoplia, generally.
• 2. If the Apostle had his Principall allusion to that place, or custome; yet Symbolica Theologia non est argumentativa, an argument from a simile is no good Divinity, but saith Corneli∣us Cornelii â lapide, Apostolus sanè huc (i. to the Israelites gesture) allusisse, velpotiùs Allegoricum bujus loci sensum dedisse videtur: Surely, the Apostle seemeth to have alluded hither; or rather, to have given the Allegoricall meaning of this place.
• 3. It seemeth that S. Paul putteth the Christian Souldier, into the posture, not of a Traveller, or a moving, journying, way-faring man; as the eaters of the Lambe were to be, and were: but of an armed, prepared, Centinell, watchman, or Soul∣dier, or combatant, bound to keepe his place, and not to goe away, or shew his back (as the Israelites did) for there is no Armour for the backe in all that spirituall Armorie: but all is as for a Combatant, or warriour, who is to bee spiritually as well furnished as the defendant is in the lists, bodily.

My second reason is because their staves were in their hands; what needed fitting men have staves in their hands? and they were to goe forth in haste; but men are readier to goe, when they stand, than when they sit: and they were to eate it in haste, but hasty meales are commonly made by people standing, rather than sitting: sitting imployeth some continuance, therefore in all likelihood, they sate not but stood: and yet who peremptorily concludes, that the Israelites (stood), because they were shod, girded, and had a staffe, doe not enough consider that our gallants in times of peace, in the middest of ease, and Court-glory, doe sit at meate, booted, and spurr'd, some perhaps girt with a sword, when they intend no journying. Barradius thinkes it credible that the Israelites did (sit) at the Passeover in Aegypt, with staves in their hands; which I hold not so credible. The third reason is this the Master sits down to meate, the Servant makes ready supper, girdeth himselfe and serveth, Luk 17.7.8. but the Israelites were now servants, and made ready the Passeover, and waited for a signall of departure, and therefore sate not in ease, but (stood) in expectancie. Fourthly, they had packed up their housholdstuffe, and perhaps that houshold∣stuffe, on which they would otherwise have sate, even their kneading-troughs, be∣ing bound up in their cloathes, upon their shoulders, Exod. 12.34. and the Aegyp∣cians were urgent upon the people, that they might send them out of the Land in haste, ver. 38. and the Israelites were thrust out of Aegypt, and could not tarry, ver. 39. these places prove a busie stirring, and removall, rather than a reposed sitting, either at or after meate. Fiftly, some say Christ (stood) at the eating of the Pas∣chall lambe, and therefore at the first, the Israelites are it (standing:) but a man may answere, argumentum claudicat utroque poplite, is lame in both knees, is divers wayes awry; neither will any be able to proove that Christ and his Apostles are it (stan∣ding;) neither, if they did (stand) will it follow that such was the gesture of the praecedent Passeovers; but rather of the Passeover, at that time. Besides, as at the Aegyptian Passeover, it is more likely that they did (sit) than (lye downe,) and stood rather than sit: so, at our Saviours last Passeover, when wee come to it, it will appeare that it is least probable, that he and his Apostles did (stand;) probable, that they did (lye downe) more probable, that they did (sit) most probable, that Christ did stand administring; and both he and they (kneele) at the receiving of the Sacred Eucharist. Nor was our Saviour tyed to the entire conformity, with the first Passeover: none of these Arguments (we see) are demonstrative; but must be cast into the number of the probable ones.

PAR. 20.

NOw Idesoend to the second Question; what gesture the Jewes used, at the succeeding Passeovers? Some Rabbins say they did discumbere, in signum

libertatis adeptae, lye on beds, to signifie their freedome from Captivitie; but Autho∣ri mendaci, vera dicenti cautè credendum est; we must beware of a lyer, even when he speaketh Truth, saith Adam Contzen; that they were at liberty, I confesse, when they were over the red Sea; but that they used any Accubation, in token thereof, cannot be proved: That they (sate) at feasts, in their profane deifying of the gol∣den Calfe, I proved before; and feasting-beds were not used, long after: Philo, and Josephus are recited for their Accubation; but that their testimony reacheth to the Eremiticall passeover, or their passeover into the holy-land, I deny.

PAR. 21.

IN the forecited seven Passeovers of note, there is no mention of standing, sitting or lying downe, nor consequence of infallible deduction for either of them: so nothing is de fide, in this point: Humane relations, and probabilities must sway all; my opinion is this; that they varryed their gestures, pro re natâ, as time, and occasi∣on prompted to them: Since no particular gesture was precepted, it seemes all was left at large: Innius saith, the Iewes observed all the succeding passeovers (except the first) Sitting. And so much of the fourth Ceremony, peculiar to the first Pascha∣tizing, viz. the eating of the passeover, in (haste) with a declaration of its an∣nexed appendances, and questions, and distinctions elucidarie.

PAR. 22.

THe fifth Ceremony appropriated to the first Passeover, was this; They went no, out of doores; None of you shall go forth of the doores of his house, untill the morningt Exod. 12.22. This is coupled, or linked with the other Ceremonies before-mentio∣ned; of taking a bunch of Hysope, and dipping it in the blood which is in the Bason, and striking the Lintell, and the side-postes; all which belonged necessarily, onely to the first passeover; and so the reason, why it was peculiar to the first passeover, is this viz. The exterminator Angelus, was ready to destroy them, and had power to slay them, if they stirred abroad; when this cause was taken away; when the evill Spirit was, at the succeeding passeovers restrained, or wanted his Commission to destroy, they might, and did goe forth of the doore of their houses, and each man, who was in anothers house, might goe home to his owne house.

Yea, but it is said, vers. 24. Yee shall observe this thing for an Ordinance unto thee, and to thy sonnes for ever.

I answer, the words are to be interpreted of the maine substantiall slaying of the passeover; not of this particular Ceremony, as followeth, in the 25. verse. Yea, but it is said, Deut. 16.7. Thou shalt roste, and eate in the place, which the Lord thy God shall chuse, and thou shalt turne in the morning, and goe into thy Tents? First, I answer, it is confessed, the Greekes, and Chaldee expound it, unto thy dwellings; yea, when the Israelites had faire houses, they were called Tents, 2 Chron. 7.10. Salomon sent the people away into their Tents: and 2 Chron. 10.16. Israel said unto Israel; every man to his Tents, O Israel; and they went to their Tents accordingly, that is, to their owne houses, Cities, and Tribes: God slyleth the Church, the Tents of Ia∣cob, Mal. 2.12. and the Tents of Iudah, Zech. 12.7. But to the point; this verse de∣monstrateth not the proper Paschall Lambe, but some other Paschall Offering is here interserted, which was usuall at their second supper; for the paschall Lambe was to be rosted; but that which our Translators turne here (rost) is in the Hebrew (seeth) not assabis, rost, but coques, seeth; so is it in the Hebrew: So Montanus in∣terlineary hath it; and Pagnines Margin, and the Greeke, thou shalt boyle, or seeth: yet nearer to the point; This precept howsever extendeth not to the second, and third passeovers; but to the Hierosolymitan passeovers, viz. And the place which thy Lord thy God shall chuse. Againe, they are not strictly forbidden to stirre out of their doores (which was the Type, in the first passeover) but onely, thou shalt turne in the morning, and goe into thy Tents; abroad they might goe, home they might

not goe; and this may be a reason: This passeover might be eaten any part of the night; and till it were eaten, or consumed by fire, they might not goe home but up∣on just occasions, they might goe abroad: If any one reply, that the words of the first passeover are very strict; None of you shall goe forth of doore of the his house, untill the morning: and we must not stretch, or torture the sacred Text, let him but consider, for all the seeming strictnesse of words; that all, and every one of the Israelites went out of their doores, that very night, in the first passeover: Pharoah called for Moses and Aaron by night, Exod. 12.31. and vers. 42. It is a night of observations unto the Lord, from bringing them out of the land of Egypt; this is that night of the Lord, to wit, to wit, to be observed for ever, for the slaying, and eating of the passeover, and the going out, a little after mightnight; but not to be observed for ever, for not going out of their houses by night, after the eating of the passeover.

PARA. 23.

FOr in the great passeover, which our Saviour at his passing out of this world, observed; not onely Iudas went out of the house, before day, Ioh. 13.30. Ju∣das having received the Sop, went immediatly out, and it was night; but all Christs A∣postles went our, the same night; and Christ himselfe went out; and, in that night, before the day-spring, he was betrayed: In respect of which darkenesse, Judas came to seeke him with Lanthernes, and Torches, Ioh. 18.3. and in that night, all of them were offended, because of him, Mar. 14.27. I conclude the keeping within doores till the morning, was none of the durable Ceremonies of the passeover, necessarily observeable; neither was the exact strictnesse, according to the Letter, performed, in the first passeover it selfe; and therefore both the words, and the matter must be limited according to the practise; and it may be thought to be fitliest placed, in the number of temporary Ceremonies, appropriated to the first passeover.

PAR. 42.

THe sixth transient Cerēmony of the passeover, was, Exod. 12.4. Let him and his neighbour next unto his house, take it, according to the number of soules; an holy order, as the case stood.

PAR. 25.

FOr if they had rangled, and rambled farre off, the evill Angell, who watcheth such opportunities, might have taken them stragling, and whilst they sought to joyne themselves to remoter Company, they might have beene lost, and de∣stroyed; aliquod bonum, propter vicinum bonum; the next neighbour in this case, was the great good; hence neighbours are taught not to be over-thwart neigh∣bours; communicating neighbourhood is the best; agreement amongst next neigh∣bours is commended, especially in things concerning the Service of God; I was glad, when they said unto me, wee will goe into the House of the Lord, Psal. 122.1. Oh come, let us worship and fall downe, and kneele before the Lord our maker, Psal. 95.6. Innocentius (Epist. 97. ad Augustinum) Communibus, & alternis plus agimus orationi∣bus, quàm singularibus, out privatis: vis unita fortior; Sacred exercises seeke not cor∣ners, but delight in publique meeting; private Corner-Conventicles, in a gracious time of peace, argue distempered, factious braines; and Conventicles, are places of Repitition forsooth, for divers families, were never in use, or allowed, but in times of persecution; and now are both scandalous, and hurtfull: God comman∣ded next neighbours to joyne in pietie,

Vique alior alii de religione docerent, Contiguas piet as jussit habere domos.

Saith Stigelius, that is,

And that of poynts religious they might the better tell, By piety they charged were like neighbours neere to dwell.

PAR. 26.

YEt this could not be a durable, and fixed Ceremony, but was appropriated to the Aegyptian Passeover; for how could the master of the family, and his next neighbour, or neighbours take it together, when all they, who dwelt farre off, went to Jerusalem; and most had no houses there; but went to their several friends or kindred, or hired houses, perhaps farre distant, one from another; so that they, who were next neighbours, in the severall Tribes, Cities, Townes, or Villages, might sojourne farre asunder, whilst they were Commorant, for that weeke, at Ieru∣salem, to observe the passeover: Besides, no Angell of destruction having the like commission to slay them, they might, in after times, seeke out kindred, or friends more remote, leaving the like liberty to their next neighbours.

The Prayer.

ALmighty God, with whom is no variablenesse, nor shadow of change, whilst all sublunary things are alterable; yea the Sunne and the Moone, and the Starres, and the whole host of heaven, are subject to dissolution; God who dost cloath Religions, for severall people, with divers rites, as with interchangeable garments, of many coloured needle-worke; guide us, we humbly entreate thee, so to make use of them, which concerne us, that we may looke through the transito∣rie trash of this world, unto the never-fading joyes, which thou hast prepared for them which sit at thy right hand, for Iesus Christ his sake. Amen.

CHAP. VIII. The Contents of the eight Chapter.

1. The perpetuall Rites of the Passeover were instituted at severall times.

2. The generall perpetuitie excluded not just Dispensations.

3. In what Cases Dispensations were permitted.

4. Our blessed Sacraments may be deferred.

5. Change of Rites might not be.

6. Even included permission is Logall.

7. Some Rites of the passeover unordained in Aegypt, and prescribed in their journyings

8. In extremities a Kid might serve for the passeover.

9. A Kid doth not so exactly typifie our blessed Saviour, as a Lambe doth.

10. The Paschall Lambe must be unspotted.

11. Party-coloured things in high esteeme.

12. Most sheepe spotted about Iewry.

13. The Heathen vilifying their owne gods.

14. The perfectnesse of the offering to be made to God; the imperfections signed out.

15. The bodily perfection of Aaronicall Priest.

16. Diversifying in colour, no blemish, but an ornament.

17. There may be spots without blemishes.

18. Blemishes without deformitie.

19. Christ was blemished, but most unjustly.

20. Blemishes of birds: a little reputed blemish hindered not the Lambe to be the Passe∣over: an ill-blemished spotted Lambe might not be the Passeover.

21. A difference betweene spotted, and party-coloured.

22. The Paschall Lambe must not be a female one, but a male: a male implieth perfection.

23. The Lambe must be under a yeare old; the Lambe of one houre above a yeare old was to be refused, the Sonne of a yeare.

24. The impurity of Creatures, till seven dayes be passed over them: The strange effects

co-incident to the number of seven.

25. The Jewes thinke a Lambe of nine dayes might be the Passeover.

26. It might be a burnt offering.

27. Reasons why it might not be a Paschall Lambe.

28. A proportionable number was to be chosen to the eating of the Paschall Lambe.

29. The exact number is not, cannot be set downe.

30. Maimonides saith, they ought to agree of the number, before they chose their Lambe.

31. The fellow-communicants were called the sons of the Societie.

32. It is more probable, that at the first Passeover, they chose their Lambe first, and company afterward. At the first Passeover, the next neighbour, or neighbours were brothers of the Societie, or members of that brotherhood. At the after-passeovers they were not so strict, not was it a durable rite to have the next neighbours.

33. Sometimes ten, sometimes twentie made up the full number, saith Iosephus: most commonly ten: Cestius the Romane President his Policy.

34. Thirteene were at Christs last Passeovers eating, even Christ and his twelve A∣postles.

35. The Romanes imitation of these Ceremony-sodalitates.

36. Rex convivii, in Macrobius; dominus Convivii, in Gellius; modimperator, in Varto.

37. The number no where fixed, and certaine; but ad libitum; varried, as it pleased the chiefe Ruler of the Feast, &c.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

NOw doe we come to the Paschatizing Ceremonies, which were ever ob∣serveable, during the Law Mosaicall. Before I speake of the Rites of la∣sting observation in particular; I thinke fit to observe these things of them more generally: First, some of these were instituted, Exod. 12. Some Num. 9. Some, Deut. 16.

PAR. 2.

SEcondly, Some of these durable Rites were dispensed withall, by God him∣selfe; and yet the Rites are perpetuall, when there are no just causes to the contrary, the perpetuall Law is, Exod. 12.6. Thou shalt kill the Passeover, on the fourteenth day of the first moneth.

PAR, 3.

THe dispensation on the same, or like regards, is likewise perpetuall, Num. 9.10. If any of you, or your posterity shall be uncleane, by reason of a dead body, or be in a jour∣ney, afarre off; he shall keepe the passeover to the Lord, on the fourteenth day of the second moneth, ver. 11. And I thinke also, if any had had any great sicknesse, or were bed∣ridden, though within foure miles of Ierusalem; or had dangerous wounds, bruises, fractures, dislocations of joynts, where taking fresh ayre, or travelling might call in∣to adventure a mans life, or health; or if a man stood in feare of his life, or were threatned, or sought to be destroyed (which was our Saviours case) they might dif∣ferre,, and omit the passeover that moneth; for those reasons also are equi-pondiall with the Causes specialized, and dispensed withall; Parium par ratio est, the same reason, the same favour.

PAR. 4.

SO now, upon inextricable perplexities, even our most sacred mysteries, and Sa∣craments, may be likewise, adjourned, or put over.

PAR. 5.

INdulgence is granted of time in Cases of necessitie; but there is no license to exchange Rites, or to introduce new matters momentuall; much lesse was a

totall omission, or neglective disrespect, permitted; for, the standing Law, and its intention was for the eating of a Lambe; and so the generall practise was, ever af∣ter; but in case of necessitie, at the first Passeover, either a Kid, or a Lambe was accepted, as I proved before; and no doubt, in exigents it might be, it was done af∣terward: a particular reasonable dispensation, especially by him, who made the Law, hindered not, but the Law may be esteemed, and be called, intentionally, per∣petuall, whiles the Law of Moses was in fore.

PAR 6.

THirdly, permission is either expresse, or involved, an instance of the included permission is this: the passeover was to be eaten in their houses, Exod. 12.7. but they had no houses in the Wildernesse; the best had but Tents; perhaps, some lay sub dio; and had onely the Canopy of Heaven, to cover them; yet under the name of houses, observation of the passeover in their Tents, was inclusively al∣lowed, commanded.

PAR. 7.

SOme of the perpetuall Rites began sooner, some later; the Major part by farre were instituted in Aegypt; and there were first practised: the eating of the passe∣over, in the second moneth, was first permitted in the Wildernesse, and practised: but the perpetuall Ceremony of eating that Iewish Sacrament at Hierusalem, was onely precepted in their journey thitherward, Deut. 12.5. Deut. 16.2.7. but not per∣formed, till they came to Hierusalem; for, as they were commanded, before they came thither, they were legally to offer it at the Tabernacle, at the doore of it (as before they sprinkled the blood, on their doores) Levit. 17.3. Whosoever killeth an Oxe, or Lambe, in the Campe, or out of it; and bringeth it not to the doore of the Congrega∣tion, that man shall be cut off from among Gods people, vers. 4. But this also was of later ordinance; for in Aegypt, they had no Tabernacle erected, but had liberty to slay them, in their owne houses; Moreover, the eating of their common Supper was appointed▪ as they were journying; (of which hereafter) and not practised, in the tumultuary haste of the Aegyptian passeover. And now, I must proceede to the particular durable Ceremonies, which were not to expire, till the expiration of the Iewish Common-wealth.

PAR. 8.

ANd thus, I doe reckon them up in order, as they were used, though not ex∣actly, in the order prescribed. 1. They were to chuse a Lambe for that Sa∣crifice: I determined before, that at the first Passeover, it might be either Lambe, or Kid; and I hold it probable, that in cases of necessitie, when there were not Lambs sufficient, they might follow the first precedent; and rather than they should want a Sacrifice, the Kid should be (uccedaneall, and supply the Lambs stead; a Lambe rather than a Kid; a Kid rather than none: Againe, when there were store of Lambs, yet Kids also might be offered; offered, I say, as other Paschall offerings to make up the sacred Festivall, which continued seven dayes; not as the proper paschall offerings, being the substance of their great Sacrament, and the Type of ours; the Kids might be the boyled offerings, not the rosted; or, if rosted, not rosted in the beginning of the Feast, on the fourteenth day of the first moneth; or if then they were rosted; they might not be, they were not, the Paschall offerings; whose bones must not be broken, whose remainder must be burnt with fire before mor∣ning: for, as I before, from the Iewish consent, and practise, declared, generally, and in the intent of the Law; though Kids might be used in necessitie, and want of Lambs, yet onely the flocke, not any of the herds, must send forth that burnt offe∣ring; and among the flocks a Lambe, not a Kid must be the proper Paschall Sacrifice.

PAR. 9.

THis being a confessed Truth, shall neede no more proofe but this; that a Kid doth not so punctually typifie our Saviour, as a Lambe doth; in many particu∣larities, Christ is called a Lambe of God, Iohn 1.29. and our Passeover, 1 Cor. 5.7. there is no mention before or in his life; nor since his death of a Kid, as the Resem∣blance of him dying; but often, of a Lambe; and though in the old Testament, all Sacrifices did figure out him; some, more evidently, others, more obscurely, and a∣mong the rest, the Kids; yet nor Kid, nor any other Sacrifice, did so lively adumbrate our Saviour, in so many neere specialties as the Lambe did.

PAR. 10.

SEcondly, it must be an unspotted Lambe; your Lambe shall be without blemish, Exod. 12.5.

PAR. 11.

THe Jewes say, a Lambe that is spotted in Wooll, or skin onely, without o∣ther Blemish, is to be accepted; and this reason is for them, the best things are to be offered to God; but the spotted, speckled, or parti-coloured sheepe were most set by, in the land of Canaan; and it is plaine, Iudg. 5.30. 1 Chro. 29.2. divers∣coloured things were so high esteemed; Iacoh made for his beloved Ioseph, vestem polymitam, a Coate of many colours, Gen. 37.3. and though the Hebrew reade it, in exposition, particularum; yet even those particulae might be polymitae, that is, parti∣colouted. More especially concerning sheepe, Mercer thinkes, the shepheards were called, Nochedim, or Nokedim, Amos 1.1. that is, keepers of spotted Cattle; and though Drusius judgeth rather, they were called Nochedim from the Artificiall markes, with which they were wont (as now they are) to signe, and distinguish both sheepe and beasts; deriving the word from the Hebrew radix, Nacad, which is rendred, signare; yet he confesseth, others thinke, they were called Nochedim, from keeping of such Cattell, as had naturall spots.

PAR. 12.

HE citeth also David Camius thus; punctis, & notis pleraeque pecudes aspersae sunt, most of their sheepe were speckled: and these spots were not artificiall markes, or signations, but Naturall; because Camius referreth us to Iacobs, and La∣bans sheepe, Gen. 30.32. Where certainely, the sheepe were not signed by men, or in wooll, or fell, (as the Country-man speaketh) but were as they were yeaned, of distinct, naturall Markes; and most were spotted; therefore more apt for such sacri∣fices, then others. This I am sure of, advantageous Laban chose out for himselfe, and his sonnes, both the spotted, and all the parti-coloured at one time, and at ano∣ther time, or times, left not one to Iacob, Gen. 30 which he would not have done, if he had not thought that way profitablest: and I am sure also, Iacob desired the spotted ones, for his hire, ver. 32. which he would not have covenanted; but that he hoped; it would turne to his gaine; as it did by the approbation of the Almigh∣ty, who onely knoweth what is best.

PAR. 13.

TErtullian,* 1.275 as Rigaltius hath it, better than Gothofredus, Enecta, & tabida quaeque, mactatis; de opimis autem, & integris supervacua esui capitula (Gothofredus hath it, without sense, supervacua sui capitula) & ungulas, & plumarum, setarumque praevulsa, & si quid demi quoque, habitu••i non fuissetis: he varieth in his Apologet. Tabida, & scabiosa, mactatis; sacrificatis, quae domi quoque pueris, vel canibus destinassetis. He just∣ly taxeth the heathen, for not giving to Hercules the third part of the tenth; and

for sacrificing the worst things, to the gods; even those offalls, which the Empe∣rors forbad to be given to their Souldiers, saith Gothofredus; and which they would at home have given to the boyes, or to the dogges; even the rotten, cothed, pining, scabbed, felon-stricken, and infected Creatures.

PAR. 14.

THree objections there are against this opinion: First, that the Paschall must indeede be free from any manner of imperfection whatsoever: Thou shalt doe no worke with the first-ling of thy bullockes; (it might make him weake, or weary) nor sheare the firstlings of thy sheepe (which being shorne is of lesse price) if there be any blemish therein; if it be lame, or blind, or have any ill blemish, thou shalt not sacrifice it, Deut. 15.19, &c. And thou shalt not sacrifice unto the Lord thy God, any bullocke, or sheepe (or goate) wherein is blemish, or any ill-favourednesse; for it is an abomination, Deut. 17.1. Whatsoever hath a blemish, ye shall not offer:—it shall be perfect, to be ac∣cepted,—blind, broken, or maymed, having a Wenne, or skurvie, or scabbed,—a bullocke, lambe, or kid, that hath any thing superfluous, or lacking, in his parts, or bruized, or cru∣shed, or broken, or cut, you may not offer, Levit. 22.20. &c. The red heifer, Num. 19.2. was to be, without spot; wherein is no blemish, upon which never yoke came.

PAR. 15.

SEcondly, the Sacrifice must be like the Sacrificer, without Blemish, Levit. 21.17. &c. Whosoever he be, of Aarons seed, in their generations, that hath a blemish, he shall not approach to offer the bread, or food of his God; not blind, lame, flat-nosed, or blowne-up, or having any thing superfluous, not broken-footed, or broken-handed, or crooke-back'd, or a dwarfe, or that hath a blemish in his eye, or be scurvie, or scabbed, or hath his stones broken.

PAR. 16.

TO the first, I answere; a little change, or diversifying in colour is no imperfe∣ction; nor ill-blemish, or ill-favourednesse, which are both the words, and in∣tention of the Law; deformity inward or outward, was to be removed: But ma∣ny have most delight in speckled, parti-coloured creatures: Is not the Peacocke proud of his Tayle? and most variously feathered birds most glorious in shew? hath not Spaine, of late, sollicited, and obteined some of our pyde or speckled Bulls, and sparked, or splatted Kine? what if I say, this diversity is no blemish at all, but an Ornament?

PAR. 17.

THere is a spot, with a blemish; and some blemishes are greater, some lesse; sin∣full things are called bespotted, the wicked are in the abstract, spots, 1 Pet. 2 13. Iud. vers. 12. On the contrary the Virgin Saints in heaven, were sine macula. Rev. 14.5. without fault; yea, in the Church, on earth, non est macula, Cant. 4.7, There is no spot, and yet I may say also, there are spots, without ill-blemishes; and there are blemishes in comparison, with exactest perfections which yet are graces, in Relation to deformities, or full imperfections.

PAR. 18.

TO the second objection, I answere; a little mole in the face, or, a little red∣marke in hand, or body, excluded not a Priest from Sacrificing: in corpore quantum velis puro, aut integro, naevus aliquis effruticat, verruncula exurgit, aut lentigo sordescit, saithb 1.276 Tertullian, caelum ipsum, nulla serenit as tam colata purgat, ut non alicu∣jus nubecule flocculo resignetur; as he addeth the perfectest body in the world, hath some little frecke, wart, or pimple, or wan leotell; in the clearest skie, is some little clowd: The speckle, or mole, in the face of Venus, was esteemed as a grace unto

her; as a foyle, adding more lustre to a precious stone, and not a blemish: the ble∣mishes forbidden, in the Priests, or offerings, were blemishes tending to defor∣mitie: the Roman nose; the Austrian lip, are highly honoured; unspottednesse ar∣gueth freedome from any ill-blemishes, excludeth not change of colours; spotted∣nesse implyeth a (remarkeable) imperfection; damneth not a gracefull decorum: yea, nor things of a middle Nature, or indifferent middesses, betweene deformity, and fairenesse; perfection and imperfection. A Lambe (broken) in any part, a weake, sickely, poore, or shorne Lambe, was the spotted or blemished Lambe, in the eye of the Law, though the colour of it were all white: and the perfect Lambe both inwardly, and outwardly was the unblemished Passeover, according to the strict Law, though the wooll and skin were parti-coloured.

PAR. 19.

THe third objection is; our Saviour was adumbrated by the Paschall Lambe most significantly? What of that? But Christ was without all shadow of imper∣fection? True, nothing truer; therefore the Pascall Lambe must be likewise? I answere, the most significant ceremonies were not in all, and every puncto like; likenesse in every minutest Re, aut Reculâ, differeth not much from selfe-samenesse; it was enough for the Type to be without any reall deformity, or ill-blemish; but such a blemish as seemes a blemish to some, and not so to others, is not to be re∣quired in the Lambe, or Paschall offering, for even the substance it selfe, the per∣fectly immaculate Lambe of God, was thus blemished, and many wayes blemished; his eating with Publicans, and sinners was (esteemed) as a blemish or fault, Mar. 2.16. He was worse blemished, when they sayd, Mar. 11.19. he was a glutton, and a wine-bibber: and yet none of those, were true blemishes; but divine condescents heavenly favours, and most faire fruites of unspotted humility, and communicated charity: So, in an under degree of comparison, (without disparagement to our most glorious Saviour) the parti-coloured Lambe, for the Paschall offering, might be thought blemished, by some; and yet indeed not truely blemished; Christ are such an unspotted Lambe; offered himselfe, an unspotted Sacrificer, an unspotted Sa∣crifice.

PAR. 20.

THe Rabbins make the offering of Birdes, answerable to the offerings of Beasts, in this point; and more particularly avetre, that small blemishes in Turtles, or Doves, exclude them not from being holy Sacrifices; as if they lost by casualty, some of their feathers; but if they were blemished by the losse of a wing, legge, or eye, this very offering (though of the poore themselves) was to be rejected from Gods Altar, as a forbidden Sacrifice. So much be sayd to distinguish what blemishes, or spots, were accepted, what rejected; and that a Lambe with a petite, or reputed ble∣mish, might be; and an ill-blemished, spotted Lambe, might not be the rosted Pas∣chall offering.

PAR. 21.

THere is an apparent difference, Gen. 31.8. betweene the spotted, and parti∣coloured; though all the spotted were parti-coloured, yet all the parti-colou∣red were not spotted; for one halfe of them might be white, the other halfe black: likewise, of spots, some might be ornamentall, and lovely, some ill-favoured and ougly; deformity excluded the Lambe, from being the Passe-over; a little, shallow, putative blemish, admitted it.

PAR. 22.

SOme thinke an Ew-lambe might be the great Paschall offering; perhaps, in ne∣cessitie, such a matter was dispensed withall; not in ordinary, and usuall pra∣ctise:

But the word signifieth, and so it is translated, a Male-lambe, and Hee-kid: an Ew-lambe had but imperfect reference unto Christ, who was not Agna, or Ag∣nella, but immaculatus Agnus, qui tollit peecata mundi; though he came of a woman, without man; yet was he not to be a woman, but a man: costlyer things were to be offered still; and the best, if they were to be had; but the male is stronger, worthier, costlier; and without necessitie, (which dispenseth with great matters) was one of the durable Rites of Paschatizing: if the Lambe had beene a Fee-Martyn, (as my Neighbours call it) that is, of both sexes; it must not be offered; nor one, that is of neither sexe, discernable; nor yet one, that is cut, or a weather-Lambe: In∣deede 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seh) doth comprehend both sexes, in Grammaticall construction; & tam Agnam, quam Agnum significat, saith Cornelius â Lapide; it signifyeth as well the Eew, as the Ram-Lambe, yet the perpetuall silence, in the Scripture, that ever an Eew-lambe was the eminent Paschall-Lambe; though there was manifold occa∣sion, to utter so much; and though on lesse occasions, in another sacrifice, mention is mude of an Eew-lambe; and the usuall practise, in the generall opinion, proba∣blizeth, a Male-Lambe was to be that offering; a Ram-Lambe was to be the Pas∣chall Lambe; perhaps, in extreame Neces-sity; and perhaps not. Mal. 1.14. Cursed he deceiver, who hath in bis flocke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Male, and voweth, and Sacrificeth unto the Lord a corrupt thing; where (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Male) implyeth perfection, and is opposed to corruption; as unfit for sacrifice, especially in this chiefest offering.

PAR. 23.

A Gaine, the Paschall-lambe must be under a yeare, the Rabbines say well, and truely; if the Lambe had beene, but one day (I say, but one houre) above a yeare old; it might have beene used amongst the subsequent Paschall-offerings; but it was super-annuated, for a Paschall Lambe: I adde, it was, and was to be, un∣der a yeare old, somewhat: viz. Anno currente, non completo; the full yeare, not fully expired. Exod. 12.5. It runneth thus, in the Hebrew; a Male-lambe, the Son of a yeare, that is, not entring into the second yeare; so, Levit. 14.10. There is mention of an Eew-lambe, the daughter of her yeare, that is, before the entring in∣to, or the inchoation of the second yeare: which words, you are to take exclusive∣ly; and inclusively: exclusive, that the offertory be not above a yeare old; and inclu∣sively; that it might be, any reasonable Time, within the yeare.

PAR. 24.

YEa, but what is that reasonable Time? Man, under seven dayes was counted uncleane, and was to be circumcised; beasts, for a whole weeke, were estee∣med uncleane, and as it were in their blood; but in the beginning of the second weeke, when one entire Sabboth had also, in a sort, sanctifyed them; they might offer them without sinne, Exod. 22.30. Seven dayes it shall be with his mother; on the eight day, thou shalt give it me; also, Levit. 22.27. It shall be seaven dayes, under the dawne; from the eight day, and thence-forth it shall be accepted, as an offering made by fire unto the Lord: see admirable mysteries concerning man, and other things,* 1.277 in Macrobius, accomplished by seavens.

PAR. 25.

THe Iewish Doctors have delivered, that a Lambe, from the ninth day, inclu∣sively, to a whole, full yeares age, exclusive of the last day, may be the great Paschall offering.

PAR. 26.

BUt mine opinion is, although God accepted Lambes for burnt-offerings by fire; after they began to be nine dayes old; yet a Lambe of nine dayes old, was

not to be admitted, for the eminent Paschall-offering; nor doth the Scripture any where evince, or intimate so much.

PAR. 27.

MY reasons are; First, a Lambe, at nine dayes old, is no good meate; it is like a Chicke in the Egge-shell; the flesh is rather slime, and uncocted gelly, than substantiall food; and the bones rather tender gristles, than firme, hard, bones; but God would not prescribe unwholesome greene meate in his most solemne feasts; yea, did not: againe a Lambe but of nine dayes old, when it is rosted, is but a poore rost: Two men may easily eate that up; yea, one man with a good stomacke; if the unsavorinesse of the food doe not turne his stomacke; but the Passeover was to be provided to serve a whole houshold, Exod. 12.13. and if the houshold be too little for the Lambe; it was to be food for two housholds, ver. 4. And in the intention of God, it was to be so great, even for two housholds, that a consuming fire was appointed to burne the remainder, when any was left. Tra∣dition hath delivered, that ten in number, were chosen out, for the eating of the chosen Lambe: thirteene were at the eating of Christs last Passeover: A Noven∣diall Lambe could not suffice so many, as the Law in generall intended; so that there could be a remainder even of the flesh, with the bones, combustible: there∣fore, the Paschall-Lambe must be somewhat under a yeare; somewhat above nine dayes old.

PAR. 28.

MOreover, there was to be a proportionable number, so nigh as could bee guessed at; yea, and according to the good, or bad stomackes of the recei∣vers; if they were great eaters, there might be fewer, if the assembly in one house had tender weake appetites, they were to be more in number.

PAR. 29.

NO certainety of number was of institution Divine, but accidentall, and oc∣casionall; the expresse words notifie so much, Exod. 12.3. &c. They shall take to them every man, according to the house of their Fathers, a Lambe for an house; and if the houshold be too little for the Lambe; let him and his neighbour next to his house take it, according to the number of the Soules; every man according to his eating, shall make your count for the Lambe.

PAR. 30.

IF any enquire whether they chose the Lambe first, and the number after; or the number first, and then the Lambe proportionable: Mamonides relateth, that they might not choose the living Lambe, till they were agreed on the number of the communicants; much lesse might they kill it till then; but when the receivers, and the set number of them were knowne, and resolved on; then they chose a Lambe, proportionable to their Company; a greater Lambe for the greatest assem∣bly, and a lesser, for the lesse.

PAR. 31.

ANd those fellow-eaters they termed, brotherly participants, the sonnes of the societie; they might call them filiot contuberniorum (for they did sort themselves, per contubernia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, per sodalitia, (saith Iesephus) amongst which was, (as Demosthenes sayd of the Grecians in another kinde) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, princeps fra∣triae.

PAR. 32.

BUt by the words of Scripture, before recited, it is more than probable, that in the first Passeover, the Lambe was first chosen, and then the company sought

out, conjecturally-adaequate, for the entire eating up of that sacrifice; and foure dayes after, they had time to make choyce of more, or lesse of the next neighbou∣ring Communicants: yet, for all this, if the traditionary consent of the Jewes be true, we may reckon the selected (I say not, alwayes a certaine) number of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or sacred feast, to be one of the durable Rites of the Passeover; though afterwards, they did not alwayes admit into their societie, their next neighbours onely not ante-elect the Lambe.

PAR. 33.

IF any yet be more inquisitive, what was the exact number of the Communi∣cants, in the common practises, at the Passeover? I answere that neither by Divine nor humane Lawes, was there alwayes a stinted number:a 1.278 Iosephus saith, there went not lesse than ten, and sometimes twentie people concurred to the ea∣ting of one Paschall Lambe: yet the same Josephusb 1.279 elsewhere seemeth to restraine the number to ten, and this is his relation; Cestius the governour of the Jewes, (who wasc 1.280 Rationalis Caesaris, as other Praesidents of Provinces were, and gave account to the Emperour of all their publicke proceedings of note) was wil∣ling to certifie Nero the Emperour, the number of all the Jewes; to which purpose he dealt politickely with the High-Priest, and compassed his desires by him; and so by the number of Paschall-Lambes, which were slaine at one Feast; the Certifi∣cate of the High-Priest being, that there were two hundred fifty sixe thousand, and reckoning ten to every Lambe he found, that the number of the Jewes by poll, arose to three thousand thousand, and seventy thousand of them who celebrated the Passeover.

PAR. 34.

MOst certaine it is, our most blessed Lord, and Saviour ate his last Passeover, with his twelve Disciples, Mat. 26.20. He sate downe with the twelve; the twelve Apostles, with him, Luk. 22.14.

PAR. 35.

AMong the Romanes, they had some resemblance of this custome; Cato Censo∣rinus (in Cicero, de Senectute) saith, Sodalitates were instituted, when he was Quaestor, that is, the companies of a Corporation, or brother-hood; adding, epula∣bar cum sodalibus, modice, I ate a bit with the Company. Quintilian, Tempestiva con∣vivia, & pervigiles jecos, advocatâ sodalium turbâ, solutus, & effluens agebam, that is, I was at times extraordinarily merry, with a company of good fellowes: Macro∣bius (Saturnal. 1.7.) Convivarum numerus neque minor quàm Gratiarum sit, neque quàm Musarum numerosior, that is, a knot of good fellowes must not be lesse than three, nor above nine: Gellius (13.11.) Nec loquaces convivas, nec mutos legere opor∣tet, that is, at a feast, you must not make choyce of such guests, which are either as prating as parrets; or as mute as fishes; incipe â Gratiarum, & progredere ad nume∣rum Musarum, ibid. from Varro, that is, begin with the number of the Graces, which were but three; and exceede not the number of the Muses, which were nine: discumbit cum marito in sodalitiis; saith Tertullian, (ad uxorem, 2.6.) speaking of a Christian wife, and Gentile husband; discumbit, cum marito, in sodalitiis, saepè in popinis; she went with her husband, sometimes to Feasts; oft to the Tavernes: Plautus, (in Sti. Act. 3. Scen. 2.) when the parasite handsomely had begg'd a Sup∣per; Epignomus had no better way to put him off, then by saying, here with me, nine other stranger sup; the parasite replyeth, he desired not to be in the chiefest bed, scis tu me esse imi subsellii virum, you know me sir very well, a seate, or a low stoole will be good enough for me, and serve my turne: these sodalitates were broken off, Lege Liciniâ, Arator (l. 1. Hist.) saith, the twelve Apostles, are venerabilis orbicu∣ti••s, a company, which the whole world should reverence; Eusebius (de vitâ Con∣stantini,

4.12.) calleth the meetings of Saints, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Catalogue of Christians; and Constantine himselfe, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Councill or Colledge.

PAR. 36.

THe Master, or chiefe of their Feasts was called,

• Rex Convivii, by Macrobius, Locis supra citatis.
• Dominus Convivii, by Gellius, Locis supra citatis.
• Modimperator, in Varro, Locis supra citatis.

PAR. 37.

IN their common Feasts, the Iewes tyed themselves to no strict number; Ioseph feasting had the number of eleven, or more, at one Table: besides the Aegyptians, who fed by themselves, belike at a second Table, Esters banquet held but three, the King, her selfe, and Haman: If we consider Jobs childrens banquet, there were ten, besides their wives, and their fisters husbands; which in likelihood, they had; and Origen (lib. 1. in Iob) affirmeth it; In orbem transibant dies convivii, they feasted one another round, that is, contigui, non interrupti, saith Bolducus, (in Iob 1.) but Ahashuerus his royalls Feast; first, to the Nobilitie, for 180. dayes, Ester 1.4. and after, unto all the people, in the palace of Shushan, ver. 5. was in wonderfull num∣bers: to the Sodalitates, or Sodalitia; it seemes our blessed Saviour alluded, when he said, Luke 9.14. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, facite illos discumbere discu∣bitus, per Quinquagenos, make them sit downe, by fifties in a company, as is ren∣dred faithfully to the sense, by our last Translators; for Christ could have fed them, if so he had pleased, without sorting them to their Tithings, or Divisions, or halfe hundreds.

Aulus* 1.281 Gellius requiring foure things to a perfect feast; sets this in the first place; Si belli homunculi collecti sunt; If jolly good fellowes be gathered together; Homer allowed ten: Plato more.

PAR. 38.

AVgustus his Supper is famous; Sueton. (p. 127. post. medium secundi libri) It was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, where sixe men were at the Table, in the habit of sixe gods; and sixe women, in the habite of sixe Goddesses,

Dum nova divorum coenat adulteria,

as the Satyriall Poet galled him,

Whilest the old Heathen gods adulteries He imitates, supping with new supplies, Of faigned, yet knowne whoring deities.

Lucius Ʋerus Imperator, praeter exempla majorum, cum duodecim, solenni convivio, pri∣mus accubuit, saith Alexander ab Alex. (5.21.) yet, what did Augustus, as is cited immediatly before? Convivium majores nostri solenne instituerunt, idque Charistia appellaverunt, cui praeter cognatos, & affines, nemo interponebatur; ut si qua, inter necessa∣rias personas querela esset orta, apud Sacra mensae, & hilaritatem animorum fautoribus Concordiae adhibitis, tolleretur, saith Ʋalerius Maximus (2.1) that is, they were wont in old time, to keepe a solemne Feast, which they called Charistia, at which none but children and kinsfolkes were present; to the intent, that if there were any quarrell betweene any friends, the matter might be taken up by some Referees, and Vm∣pires in the middest of their Feasting and merriment. It may be from hence sprang the Custome, in our Westerne parts on little-wiving Sunday (such are the termes) for all married children to bring Cakes to their Parents, and to be merry, and feast with them: Cùm paucissimi convivae erant, non minores tribus; cum plurimi, non ultranovem, in eâdem mensâ, eisdémque lectis coenitabant, saith he, there crossing himselfe; unlesse you interpret him favourably, by distinguishing of common, and extraordinary Feasts: saying, (that I may English his words, when the guests were fewest, there were not lesse then three; and at the most, not above nine did sup at the same Table, and on the same beds: the Grecians used to sup, foure or five toge∣ther:

It is an old proverbe; Sixe make a Feast; seven a brawle; Turba plerunque turbnlenta est, sayth Gellius (13.11) from Varro, that is, a route most commonly turnes into a riot. I would chuse alwayes, if I might, the number of the foure Evangelists, at an ordinary repast; I cannot abide to eate my morsells alone: at a great solemne Feast, the number of the twelve Apostles, seemeth fit to me.

The Primitive Christians continued their course of meeting Per sodalitia, by fraternities, even at the time, that Rome was arrived to its highest pitch of glory: Pliny (10.97.) wrote to Trajan, that the Christians confessed, they were wont to meete before day, to adore, worship, and sing praises to Christ, as God, then to re∣ceive the Sacrament, binding them, as it were, from all evill, and to all manner of goodnesse; when these things were ended, they departed, and met customarily a∣gaine, to eate meate together promiscuously, but innocently. This was at their Love-feasts, which then were taken, after the blessed Eucharist. The same truth is also confirmed by Tertullian, in Apologet. (cap. 2.) Belike Trajan had heard of such meetings; for sayth Plinius to him, secundum mandata tua hetaerias esse vetui; betae∣riae, hoc est, ipsa sodalitita vetia erant, saythb 1.282 Baronius; when Pliny had forbid them, according to the mandate of the Emperour; the Christians did forbeare such mee∣tings. To this effect, Caius Plinius secundus: But I fully beleeve, that after Trajan his favorable Edict, Conquirendi non sunt, that Christians should not be enquired af∣ter: and much more, after that Persecution wholy failed, and Peace was restored to the Churches of God, the Christians met againe, as they were wont, and more boldly, more publiquely, celebrated both Divine, and Humane Offices, and re∣newed their sodalitates or fraternities.

The Prayer.

O Lord, our good God, a little doth content our naturall bodies, yet supera∣bundance of provision thou hast prepared for us; yea, thy mercy hath permit∣ted us; to recreate our selves sometimes, even with Feasting; and holy thankes be ascribed to thy name therefore; yet we meekely beseech thee, O gracious God, that we never so eate, or drinke, to sustaine our weake nature, but we may alwayes keepe our selves in appetite, and strong desire, to feed on the Divine food at thy heavenly Table, with all the most blessed societie, of our beatified Predecessors, the Participants, and Communicants with Iesus Christ our Lord in his Kingdome. Amen.

CH••P. IX. The Contents of the ninth Chapter.

1. Non-admittance of strangers to the Passeover: divers sorts of servants, and strangers: servants of the seed of Israel, their estates, and priviledges: servants of forraine Nations; their hard condition: hired servants; and their differences from others: the hired servant might not he forced to be circumcised.

2. Maimonides falsely opineth, that the seed of Abraham were onely to be circum∣cised.

3. There were three sorts of strangers in Israel: two sorts of Aliens: Adam's sixe Pre∣ceps to all the world: Noahs additionall inhibition: the Law of Moses is a branch of the Law of Nature: Bishop Andrewes commended; and excellent passages of his Worke, tran∣scribed: The Romane Lawes borrowed from the Iewes, in Tertullian's judgement; The twelve Tables, and their supposed perfection: their imperfection, in precept: The fragments onely remaine of them: some semblance betweene the foure first Commandements of the first Table in Gods Law, and betweene the Romane Lawes: Rigalitius rejected: Gothofredus preferred: Comparisons beeweene the Gentiles keeping the Saturday; and Christians, the Sunday: Saturday was the Sabboth of the Romanes; kept with joy, and feasting, as our Lords day: A large Treatise concerning the Lords day: the Christians pray towards the East;

the Reasons thereof: The holy Communion Table justly placed at the East end of the Chan∣cell, ignorant, and irreligious Censurers taxed; and objections answered: the promiscuous use of the words, Altar, and the Lords Table: The Commandements of the second Table of Moses followed by the Papyrian Law, and twelve Romane Tables; except the tenth Com∣mandement onely: a forraigner unfixed might not eate of the Passeover: a sojourner, or stran∣ger, whose males were circumcised, might eate thereof, and so might their sons: onely Cir∣cumcised ones might eate the Passeover: all others were forbidden: women were held as cir∣cumcised in the circumcision of the Iewish males.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

ANother Paschatizing Ceremony of durabilitie, which is the sixt, was, the non-admittance of strangers; or the admittance of the Iewish Church onely: the expresse Lawes concerning this point are some inhi∣bitory, some mandatory. The negative precepts are; first of all, Exod. 12.43. This is the Ordinance of the Passeover, there shall no stranger eate thereof: Second∣ly, ver. 45. A forraigner shall not eate thereof; an hired servant shall not eate thereof. The preceps affirmative are these; Exod 12.44. Every man servant that is bought for money, when thou hast circumcised him, then shall be eate thereof: and ver. 48. When a stranger shall sojourne with the, and will keepe the Passeover to the Lord, let all his males be circum∣cised; and then let him come neare, and keepe it, and he shall be as one borne in the Land—One Law shall be to him that is home-borne, and unto the stranger that sojourneth among you, ver. 49. The same, in effect, is repeated, to shew it is a lasting Rite of the passe∣over, Num. 9.14. If we deepely consider the occurrent, and emergent particulari∣ties, comprised in the affirmative, and negative precepts; I dare say, we cannot open, nor understand the businsse, as it ought to be understood; unlesse we take no∣tice, both of the divers sorts of servants, and divers sorts of strangers, in the Iewish Law. Servants were thus to be distinguished; first, such as were of the seede of Ia∣cob: secondly, servants of other Nations. The first kinde of servants were in a farre better estate, than the latter, and had divers priviledges above other servants: a powerfull man might take some true, or supposed offenders, for bondmen; other∣wise, the brethren of Joseph had needlesse, and false suppositions, in their heads; for they feared, lest they should be taken for bondmen, Gen. 43.18. Any man might make himselfe a bondman, We will be my Lords bondmen, Gen. 44.9. If a Iew did sell himselfe to a stranger, or sojourner; he himselfe, if he grew able, or any of his kindred might redeeme him; if not, he was to be, as a yearely-hired servant, he shall not be ruled with rigour; he, and his children shall goe out, in the yeare of Iubilee: the reasons of these priviledges followeth, Levit. 25.55. For unto me, saith God, the children of Israel are servants, they are my servants; as if he had said, the Israelites in∣deed were Pharoahs bondmen, Exod. 6.21. Thou wast a bondman, Deut. 15.15. But I have redeemed you, out of the house of bondmen, from the hand of Pharoah, Deut. 7.8. there∣fore they shall be no longer bondmen. Gods service is perfect freedome; and now, (saith God) Exod. 4.22. Israel is my Sonne, even my first borne; let my Sonne goe, that hee may serve me, ver. 23. If a Iew did sell himselfe to any of his brethren, the Iewes; hee was not to be compelled to serve as a bond servant, Levit. 25.39. Hee shall be with thee (not onely as an hired servant, but) as a sojourner, he shall be with thee, ver. 40. which was higher in Priviledge, then the servant-Iew, which was sold to a stranger: and no doubt, they used their brethren-servants the Iewes, better that they did servants of other Nations; or than Masters of other Nations did use their servants. The Iewes; even to this day, the hard-hearted Iewes are more com∣passionate on distressed Iewes, than Christians are on Christians. As concerning the servants of forraigne Nations, they were of foure sorts.

• 1. Bondmen, or bought-servants.
• 2. Bondmens children.
• 3. Captives.
• 4. Hired servants.

The three former were almost, of one condition.

• 1. They might be used with ri∣gour; they were kept hard at worke, most times, in the more uncomfortable pla∣ces, of their houses, or out-houses; many, in one house; God redeemed you out of the

• house of bondmen, Deut. 7.8. which, for extremity of hard usage, is called the iron furnace, Deut. 4.20. Salomon saith of himselfe, Eccles. 2.7. I got me servants, and may∣dens; & had sons of mine house, &c. that is, children of my bond-men and bond-women; in a sort distinguishing them from sonnes of the bed; or rather from the children of free-women.
• 2. They were not to be dismissed, at the yeare of Iubilee, Levit. 25 44. &c. Thy bondmen, and thy bond-maydes shall be of the Heathen, that are round a∣bout thee; and of the childrdn of sojourning strangers begot in your Land; ye shall take them as an inheritance, for your children after you, to inherite for a possession: they shall be your bondmen for ever: Such were the Gibeonites. Josh. 9.23. Yee are cursed, and there shall none of you be freed from being bondmen: yet none will deny,

but Captives, and other bondmen might be sold, and redeemed; if so it pleased the owners, and Masters of them. Aristotle (Ethic. 5.) Servus est Possessio Domini; a servant is the Masters pos∣session; vobis erunt in possessionem, they shall be to you for a possession; as it is accor∣ding to the Hebrew, in the place of Leviticus last cited: and servants were recko∣ned among Salomons possessions, as is in Eccles. 2.7. Now upon valuable conside∣rations, such possessions might be sold; yea, he might (if so it pleased him) manu∣mize any of his servants; and was not hindered, from giving freely freedome, and li∣bertie to either male, or female, if he would be so gracious unto them: the words are rather Permissive, then Coactive, that is, thou mayst keepe him for ever, for thy vassall, if thou wilt, him, and his; but it is left to thy choyce, to make him a free∣man, if thou pleasest, him or his: The last sort of servants; were the hired servants; and they were hired as they are with us, by the day, or by the yeare: these were in a better estate than bondmen; God had a more especiall care of them; the impove∣rished Iew was to be, as an hired servant, Levit. 19.13. The wages of him that is hired, shall not abide with thee all night, untill the morning. You may understand this of the day-labourer. Thou shalt not oppresse an hired servant that is poore, and needy, brother, or stranger; at his day, thou shalt give him his hire; neither shall the Sunne goe downe upon it, for he is poore, Deut. 24.14. &c. This you may understand of the Covenant servant, hired a yeare; who was to be payd quarterly, or yearely, as was conditioned: Tob. 4.14. Let not the wages of any man which hath wrought for thee, tarry with thee, but give it him out of hand; the hired servants had bread enough, and to spare, Luk. 15.17. Bread, that is all things sufficient, and competent; in which regard, the Prodigall sonne resolved within himselfe, to bespeake his father thus; Make me as one of thy hired servants, ver. 19. The faithfull and wise Steward, Ruler of the houshold, was to give them their portion of meate, in due season, Luke 12.42. and blessed hee was for doing so, ver. 43. hee was not to beate the Men-servants, and Maydens, ver. 45. the Steward was to call the Labourers to give them their hire; even, in the Evening of the same day, Matth. 20.8. and among hired servants, some had more favour, than others, ver. 14. One difference more there was, betweene the hired ser∣vants, and the bondmen: Bondmens children or Captives: the hired servants might not be compelled, or inforced, to be circumcised. Maymoinides sayth, if a Iew bought a man-servant of the Heathen, he might retaine his servant, a whole yeare, though he were uncircumcised then if he would not be circumcised he must sell him again to his Heathen-Master; but if the servant, whilst he was with the Heathen con∣ditioned, and articled with the Iew; that he should not force him to be circumcised; then the Master might keep his new servant still, in the uncricumcision; but if the ser∣vant bought with money, had these priviledges, the hired servant was much more free; Religion in people of full yeares, and discretion, and of a degree approaching to liberty, was not to be inforced; but their soules were left free, and they were to have it by election, and choyce, without violence, or coaction. But the Iewish glosse of Maymonides, in my opinion, corrupteth the Text; sure I am, God sayd to Abraham, Gen. 17.13. Hee that is borne in thine house, and he that is bought with thy money, must needs be circumcised 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Himmol, Immol, Circumcidedo, circumcidentur, ver. 12. Why the children of Abraham should preferre the Cove∣nant, betweene Master and Man, before the Covenant betweene God and Abraham, I

see no reason: As sure it is, Abraham circumcised Ishmael, and all his servants, as God commanded, ver. 23.: Wherefore, not onely they, that were bought with mo∣ney, and the Captives (whose condition was all one) were to be circumcised; but Omnis servus, dominatus; every sonne of the bondman, or of the Captives, all their children, and childrens children, that were Masculine, were to be circumcised, and were circumcised, Gen. 17.12. these Vernae or Vernaculi, houshould slaves, common∣ly with us called Villaines; whose tenure is said to be in villenage, had no wrong to be circumcised, on the eight day: for if Abraham did circumcise his owne chil∣dren; should he spare his bond children? If he circumcised himselfe, should his servants escape? If he were content, should they complaine? The children were young, and it was a deed of charitie, to bring them within the Covenant; the men were of age sufficient; and it was honour to them, to be of the family of Abraham, and to have the seale of God: All were to be circumcised, except the hired servant, whom they used for their need; but had little, or no proprietie in him, or to his person, but rather to his labour.

PAR. 2.

MAymonides againe is awry, and wringeth blood from the Text, whilst hee voucheth, that Circumcision was appointed to Abraham, and his seed onely; Thou and thy seed after thee, Gen. 17.9. The seed of Ishmael was not bound, sayth he, but in Isaac shall thy seed be called, Gen. 21.12. Esau also, sayth hee, was excepted from Circumcision; for Isaac sayd to Jacob, Gen. 28.4. God give thee the blessing of Abraham, even to thee, and thy seed with thee: but the Iewish Doctor did forget, that Abraham circumcised Ishmael, and that the succeeding seed of Ishmael were circum∣cised; he forgot also, that Abraham did circumcise all bought with his money, Gen. 17.23. and yet the Iew dares not say, all they were of the seed of Abraham: He forgot thirdly, that Abraham circumcised all; all the men in the house, borne in the house, ver. 29. Were those home-borne slaves of the seed of Abraham? Fourthly, he forgot, that Esau was cicumcised; concluding Isaac to be a breaker of Gods Law, by omitting his young sonne Esau his Circumcision. Epiphanius, de mensur â, & ponderibus, about the middle of the booke (as I proved in my Sermon, at the re-admission of a relapsed Christian, into our Church from Turcisme, and is entitu∣led, A returne from Argier) Epiphanius, I say, acknowledgeth Esaus Circumcision and sayth, the Iewes themselves doe father the invention of that Attractory instrument, whereby circumcision was made, in effect, uncircumcision, upon the wicked Esau, and his first practise on himself. Lastly, the Iewish Rabbi forgot that the Esauites, or: Edomites were circumcised, and therein imitated their father. As for the places of Scripture tortured by Maymonides; this may be sayd of them, concerning that place, Thou and thy seed; I say no Iew shall ever be able to prove them spoken, Quoad exter∣nas omnes ceremonias, exclusive, & absolutè for many Proselytes came into the Iewish Church, and were circumcised: Secondly, if you take the word naturally, for the seed, and generation, which flowed from Abraham, Ishmael was of the seed, and Ishmael was circumcised; and the Iew should prove, which hee cannot, that no Ishmaelite was circumcised. The next objection is; in Isaac shall thy seed be called, that is, called to be more blessed, more holy, more preferred, more prosperous in this world, more beneficiall to others, for the world to come; from Isaac, and his seed shall Christ come; yet Christ came of Ruth the Moabitesse, who was of the seed of Lot; I know not that ever he came from any Ishmaelite; the Apostle, Gal. 3.16. interprets thus; he sayth not, unto seeds as of many, but as of one; and to thy seed, which is Christ. Lastly, Isaac sayd to Iacch (as in the Jewes objection) God give thee the blessing of Abraham, to thee, and thy seed with thee? I answer, Gal. 3.14. S. Paul applieth the Blessing of Abraham Thus; That the blessing of Abraham might come on the Gentles through Jesus Christ; and so it did; for Christ came not from Esau, but Iacob: Secondly, the blessing of Abraham was, the promise that he should be the heyre of the world, Rom. 4.13. This indeed befell not Ishmael, or Esau; but

Isaac, and Iacob, and their seede, yea the Apostle saith expressely, Rom. 4.9.10.11. Blessednesse came not upon the circumcision onely, but upon the uncircumcision also. So much for answere to Maymonides his crotchet; whereof, the one part may satisfie any Iew; and the other part any Christian.

PAR. 3.

I Must now proceede to distinguish of strangers also; for strangers, in the begin∣ning of this point seeme to be; both rejected from the Passeover; and admitted to the Passeover; which some reconcile thus. In civill things was one Law both for Jewes, and strangers; but say I, these were matters of Religion; and so we have but slippery footing: secondly, Exod. 12.48. concerning not a civill businesse, but about taking of the Passeover it selfe; it is sayd, One Law shall be to him that is home-borne, and unto the stranger that sojourneth among you. Wherefore, I hold it best, to fetch the beginning of mine answere a farre off, that it may be more fit: there were three sorts of strangers, in the Iewish government;

• 1. the meere Alien.
• 2. then 1.283 Forraigner.
• 3. the Sojournour, or the Profeselyte.

The meere Alien was also of two sorts: first, such an one, who would make no manner of profession of holi∣nesse; no conformitie, either with the Jew or other holy Patriarkes doctrine, be∣fore the dayes of Abraham: and such the Jewes might not converse withall; but slew them every one, as unworthy to breath, or live, so soone as he was descryed, or knowne. The second sort of meere Aliens, were such as acknowledged the Law of Nature; and kept the tradition of Adam, and Noah; and lived in a faire way of Religion, though discrepant from the Jew.

The Jewes say, Adam gave these sixe Precepts to be kept for ever.

• 1. The first against Idolatry, against the adoring of Sunne, Moone, and Starres; and against Images; To this the two first Commandements may bee reduced.
• 2. The second was, against the blaspheming of the Name of God; our third Commandement con∣teineth this; for if we may not take the name of God in vaine; much lesse may wee blaspheme the Name of God; and the blasphemer of the Name of the Lord, was stoned, Levit. 24.11.14.
• 3. The third Precept, say the Jewes, of Adam was a∣gainst blood-shedding: it may be this was given, upon the murther of Abel; if sooner, Cain had the greater sinne: to this accordeth our sixth Commandement, Thou shalt doe no murther.
• 4. The fourth Precept of Adam was opposed to unjust, carnall copulations; our seventh Commandement is correspondent to this.
• 5. The fifth traditionaty mandate of Adam was against stealing; and to that our eighth Commandement answereth exactly.
• 6. The last supposed Precept of Adam, was a charge to punish male-factors.

But what needes this Precept, say I, when the breach of any Commandement, had intentionally the punishment annexed to it, to be inflicted on the malefactor? Noah gave a seventh Commandement, say the Jewes, and it was this, not to eate the blood. It is true that God commanded Noah, Gen. 9.4. Flesh with the life thereof which is the blood thereof shall ye not eate; but every precept which was given to a Patriarch, was not commanded by the Patri∣arch to others; much lesse to all others, for to be observed for ever: if the heathen should not yeeld to observe all these Lawes, the Iewes did interdict them; yea, flew them out-right, as hated Atheists, and professed enemies of God; the murther of whom was a pleasing sacrifice of God Almighty. If the heathen were content to make a profession to these points of Religion, though they kept a loofe off, from the other parts of the Iewish Credo; yet they dwelt among the Iewes, and sojour∣ned in their land; and were the Aliens, or meere strangers, who were not yet ad∣mitted to the Iewes Passeover: I have made the best of these Iewish subtile spe∣culations: but in truth the Law of Moses is but a branch of the Law of Nature; and both Gentiles and Iewes had all the Law of Nature, written in their hearts, though some more plainely, others more obscurely.

PAR. 4.

THe Author of that excellent worke, whosoever he was, called a Patterne of Catechisticall Doctrine, Pag. 122. &c. sheweth, first, that the Iewes had the effect of every Commandement in them, before the Law, as

• 1. Gen. 35.2. Put away the strange gods.
• 2. Gen. 31.34. Idolls; Gen. 35.5. Earerings.
• 3. Gen. 25.3. Sweare by the Lord God of Heaven.
• 4. Gen. 2.3. And Exod. 16.23. Rest of the Sabbath.
• 5. Gen. 27 41. Dayes of mourning for my Father.
• 6. Gen. 4.9. Cain hideth his killing of Abel.
• 7. Gen. 38.24. The whore Thamar to be burnt, and 34.3.
• 8. Gen. 44.7. God forbid we should steale.
• 9. Gen. 38.20. Iudah kept promise, not lying, or deceiving by untruth's.
• 10. Gen. 12.17. and 20.3. It was sin to looke on a woman, with lust after her. Vide (si libet) plura hâc de Re, apud Nicolaum Hemmingium, in libro de lege Naturae. Secondly, not onely the Iewes, but the Gentiles also had the same law by Nature in their hearts; though some of the Commandements, more manifestly, than other some,
  • Manifestly sixe, namely, the 3.5.6.7.8.9.
  • Somewhat obscurely, foure, as 1.2.4.10.

For the most manifest Commandements; the third was a Law of the Aegyptians, as Diodorus Siculus faith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sweare not, nisi morieris, lest thou dye; let me adde, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, He who sweareth, and nameth, Eccles. 23.11. for Reve∣rence to the Name of God; this word [God] is not in the Greeke, but wholly for∣borne; nor in Hentenius, and Santandreanus; though the Bishops Bible, and our late Translation have expressed it, according to the sense, without difference of Character; and though the precedent verse doth necessarily cause it to be under∣stood of God. Drusius on the place thus; the Iewes doe so scrupulously, if not superstitiously observe the precept, that they doe not write in their letters, the name of Elohim, which name yet is communicated to the Creatures; but the proper Name of God, they called Iehovah, which they call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the word of foure Letters; they are so farre from naming; that they know not this day, how it is to be read, or pronounced. Furthermore, it is very likely, that the Heathen imi∣tated the Iewes; for the Religious among them did forbeare to speclalize, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but contented themselves with the reserved sense and understanding, saying onely, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 so Suidas. The fifth, Homer saith of one, that had a misfortune, it was Quia parentes non honoravit, because he honoured not his Parents: the fixt is a Rule even in Nature, Homicîda, quod fecit, expectet, let the murtherer expect murther: the se∣venth Stephanas, out of Nicostratus, Fuge nomen moechi, si mortem fugies; avoyd A∣dultery, as thou wouldst death: the eighth Demosthenes against Timocrates, repea∣teth it as Solons Law, in the very words; Thou shalt not steale. The ninth in the twelve tables, Tarpeio saxo dejieatur, cast him downe from a high rocke, who gi∣veth false testimony. For those they had somewhat obscurely. For the first, Py∣thagoras sayd; if a man come and say, I am God, let him create another world, and we will beleeve him. For the second they agreed, that every god should be wor∣shipped, as he himselfe thought good; and this is the very foundation of the second Commandement. For the fourth, little can be found; but sufficient for their con∣demnation; they know that numerus septenarius est Deo gratissimus, the number of seaven is most pleasing unto God, and it was numerus quietis, a number of rest; and thence they might have gathered, that God would have his rest that day: and so saith the Doctor the seventh day after birth, they kept exequiae; and the seventh day after death, the funerall; which words were mistaken, or mis-printed: the tenth their Lawes neuer touched, yet the scope of them was, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, non concupis∣cere,

Thou shalt not covet; and Menander saith, they should not covet so much as a button; so he most deepely and divinely.

PAR. 5.

ANd yet because the Author bringeth but one instance, and specially out of the Roman Lawes; I hope mine ensuing discourse will not bee ill accepted, by the intelligent Criticke; but he will taste of my gleanings; and thanke God, and pray for me, Tacitus (Annal. 3.) saith the twelve Tables were compounded, and made ac citis quae usquam egregia fuerunt, from Greece and other parts. Indeede there were at first but ten tables of the Roman, answerable to the number of Gods Lawes, being onely ten: afterwards, the Decem-viri added two tables more, quae leges Ro∣manorum proprias continebant, which conteined the proper Lawes of the Romanes; the ten Tables being taken from other Cities, and Law-makers; and as by the se∣quell will appeare, principally from the lawes of God: that the Sibyllae were well acquainted with the Iewish affaires, is most apparent; that the Romanes esteemed the Sibylline bookes, as the Oracles of God; the Romanes themselves doe confesse; and the keeping of them Tarquinnius Superbus committed Duo-viris, sive Duum∣viris Sacrorum, who were the most eminent Patricians; but because Marcus Tullius gave Petronius Sabinus leave to transcribe that booke, which conteined Secreta ci∣vilium sacrorum, the Mysteries of the civill Lawes; Tarquinius caused Marcus Tul∣lius to be so wed up in a sacke, and cast into the Sea. To conclude, by what streames soever, the Romanes had their Lawes, conveighed, or derived unto them; most cer∣taine it is, the fountaines, and heads of their Lawes, they had from the Law of God; Phocylides writeth so many divine passages, that you may imagine, he was ac∣quainted with Moses, or his Law; and so did diverse of the Greeke Poets, in whom the Romanes were well versed.

PAR. 6.

TErtullian (Apologet. cap. 45.) Scitis ipsas leges quoque vestras, quae videntur ad in∣nocentiam pergere, de divinâlege, ut antiquiore, formam mutuatas; which words of Tertullian, since neither Rhenanus, Pamelius, Cerda, Iunius, Albaspinaeus, Regalti∣us, nor any other, ever explaned in particular; suffer me to exercise my Tyrociny, that way; in amplifying this unperformed, this unattempted passage: Cicero (lib. 1. de Oratore) bringeth in Crassus strongly thus avouching; fremant omnes licèt, dicant quodsentio; Bibleothecas meherculè omnium Philosophorum, unus mihi videtur 12. Ta∣bularum libellus, si quis legum fontes, & capita viderit, & authoritatis pondere, & uti∣litatis ubertate, superare: Take exception, who will, I will speake what I thinke, assuredly, that one little booke of the 12. Tables, if a man have recourse to the head∣springs of the Lawes, is to be preferred before the Libraries of all the Philoso∣phers, both by the strength of its authority; and abundance of benefit. Well Rhe∣torized Tully; you knew some would chafe at your Hyberbolicall straine; and la∣boured to prevent it, by fathering it on Crassus: Tully knew what belonged to an Oratour, Rhetori concessum est, sententiis utifalsis, audacibus, subdolis, captiosis, simodò verisimiles sint, & possint ad movendos animos hominum, qualicunque astuirrepere, saith Aulus Gellius (1.6.) A Rhetorician may lawfully use any false presumptuous, sub∣tile, captious passages, so long as they carry with them some colour of truth, and can cunningly wimble themselves into mens minds, by way of perswasion: now, not onely—pictoribus, atque Poëtis, but even to Rhetoricians, quidlibet audendi sem∣pêr datur aequa potestas;

Paynters in paynting, Poets in Poetry, Have alwayes had an equall liberty.

It must needes be acknowledged that the Romanes had a very high esteeme of them; and even till Cicero his time, the Roman youth did learne them by heart; disce∣bamus pueri duodecim Tabulas, ut carmen necessarium (not as our children doe, idle∣songs)

yet presently after, Cicero (2. de legibus) confesseth, Nemo eas jam discit, so that that custome ceased in Cicero his age: other learned men doe differ from Tully, and Crassus: Yet Alexander ab Alexandro (Gen. dier. 6.10.) saith, some of them are made parùmconsultè, & nimis severè; quaedam duriter, & inhumanè; multa velut immitia, & agrestia refellenda sunt; multa incuriosè, & subrusticè, partim insolen∣ter, nonprobabili, nec recto judicio, eâdemlege decreta videntur, & constituta; that is, some of them are made inconsiderately, and too too severely; some are to harsh, and inhumane; many things are to be repealed, as savouring of too much cruelty, and barbarity; many things in the same law, seeme to be decreed, and established care∣lesly, and rudely; and partly, in an unusuall straine, without probability, without a rectifyed judgement. This was a ridiculous Law of the 12. Tables, si injuriam al∣terifaxit, viginti quinque aeris, poenae sunto, that is, if one man doe offer an injury to anorher, let him be ammerced 25. peeces of money: an impudent fellow on L. Nerutius delighted to strike men in the faces, and presently his man had in readi∣nesse 25. peeces of brasse to satisfie them; which was in all about a groate: and Phavorinus, in Gellius (Noct. Attic. 20.1)) findes fault with divers other: I must confesse that I am sorry, that all the world cannot produce the whole and entire twelve Tables, that we might the better judge of them; or the coppies of them; though some say, the writings of Hermodôrus the Ephesian, the first interpreter of the Decemvirall Lawes, are extant; yet these threescore and ten yeares, since Alex∣ander ab Alexandro related this; we cannot finde them, not in these searching and most learned dayes. The points which concerned publique Religion are almost wholly lost; it may be the latter Romans dealt with the Lawes of their devout Nu∣ma; and with part of the Ius Papirianum; as the former Romanes did, with those bookes of Numa; which they found buried by himselfe; and being taken up, di∣vers hundred yeares after his death; when they were informed that they were dis∣cordant from the then professed Religion, they burned them. If they had beene kept transcribed and published; I confesse, I had rather have seene them, then all the Triumphall monuments, that ever were brought into the Capitoll. It may be they perished, when Rome was sacked; wherefore you may not expect a Totall confor∣mity to the first Table of Moses his Law; yet observe somë remnants tending that way: Cicero (de devinat. lib. 1.) Romulus made a Law, that noe man should be ushered into the throne either of Kings, or Magistrates, but by Heavenly appro∣bation. Cicero (2. de leg.) hath divers Lawes touching Religion (it is likely from Numa) separatim nemo habessit Deos, neve novos, sive advenas, nisi publicè ad-scitos, privatim colunto; let not any man deify new gods, or strange gods; nor pri∣vately worship any, but those publiquely received. How little doe these differ from the first Commandement, Exod. 20.3. Non habebis Ders alienos coram me, Thou shalt have none other gods but me: and these words of the second Com∣mandement, Exod. 20.5. Non adorabis, neque coles ea; Thou shalt not bow downe to them, nor worship them; nor had they Images, in Numa his time (if my memory fayle me not) Carmeli Deus colebatur, cui nec Templum erat, nec simula∣chum; sed aratantum, et divinus cultus; that is, the God of mount Carmel had nei∣ther Temple, nor Image; but onely an Altar erected unto him, and was Worship∣ped with divine worship, as Alexander ab Alex. (4.17.) That on the by. And whereas the letter of the Law ran, Sacra privata perpetuò manento, Cicero (ibid, inter∣prets that the Fathers should teach their Children, and derive unto them their re∣ceived Religion. Franciscus Baldwinus Iurisconsultus (In lib. de legibus Romuli) citeth this as the fixth; deorum fabulas, necredunto, let them not beleeve the Poets fa∣bles, concerning the Gods: and as the seventh, Dees peregrines, praeter Faunum ne co∣lunto, let them worship no strange gods, but Faunus. Romulus did thinke, the Fa∣bles which the Ancients reported of the gods, conteining their sinnes, and shame, to be filthy, unprofitable, mis-beseeming good men; much more the gods: suffering nothing to be ascribed unto them, but what was agreable to their happy Na∣ture, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Si dii vitiosa faciunt, non sunt dii. Answerably

Euripides, in Bellerophonte: how greeable is this to our third Commandement? Non assumes nomen domini tui in vanum, Exod. 20.7. Thou shalt not take the Name of the Lord thy God in vaine: did not they take their gods Names in vaine, who told of their adulteries, incests, rapes, murthers, and the like odious and shamefull things, which Romulus forbad? Which rectified Nature abhorrerh, the very mention of, and corrupted Nature delighteth in, as a provocative of sin, and a defence of it; what is to take their gods name in vaine, if this be not?

PAR. 8.

A Gaine, concerning the Sabbath dayes Service, they had a resemblance of it: the great Rigaltius hath these words from Tertullians first booke ad Nationes, cap. 13. Vos certè estis, qui etiam in laterculum septem dierum, solem recepistis, & ex diebus ipsum praelegistis, quo die, lavacrum subtrabatis, aut in vesperam differatis, aut oti∣um, & prandium curetis, quod quidem facitis, exorbitantes & ipsi â vestris ad alienas re∣ligiones; that is, you certainely are they, who have received Sunday into your regi∣ster; and fore-chose that day especially; on which day you bath not, or bath late, you give your selves to ease, and eating; which you doe, wheeling off from your owne, to other mens Religions. But sure Rigaltius is amisse; for the learned Ja∣cobus Gothofredus, from whom Rigaltius had Agobardus his manuscript of Tertulli∣on, in stead of ipsum hath it ipsorum: and the true sense is this; you assuredly are they, who have received Sunday into your Calender, or Registry; for, one of the Seaven dayes of the weeke; and out of those dayes have chosen one; on which day ye bath not you selves, or deferre bathing till night; or give your selves to rest and good cheere, which ye doe in imitation of other Religions: the summe of the controversie is; Rigaltius intimateth, that the Roman Sunday was to them, as the Jewish Sabbath: Gothofredus accounts their Saturday, called Dies Saturni, to be, as their Sabbath; which is the truest opinion: Gothofredus, in his notes on that Chap∣ter, among many other excellent things, observes; that Tertullian compareth the Gentiles keeping of their Saturday; as the Christians keepe the Lords day. First, by their not comming at all to their bath, that day. Secondly, or comming late, (some Colonies anniversarily cloathed with sacke-cloth, sprinckled with ashes, pray to their Idolles; their shops, and Bathes shut up, till neere nine, saith he (ad∣versus Psychicos, cap. 16.) their nine is all one, with our three of the clocke, in the afternoone: Thirdly, he compareth the rest, and the banqueting of the Gentiles on their dies Sabbathi or Saturday, with the rest and banqueting of the Christians, on our Lords day; quare ut ab excessu revertar; qui solem, & diem ejus nobis exprobratis, agnoscite vicunitatem, non longè â Saturno, & Sabbatis vestris sumas; wherefore, that I may returne from my diversion; you Gentiles, who cast into the teeth of Christi∣ans, the adoring of the sun, from their strict observation of the Sunday; confesse that you, and we disagree very little; we keepe our Sabbath's, on Sundayes; ye, on Saturnes-dayes, or Saturdayes: the day of the Lord, or Sunday is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith Isidorus Pelusiota, in his Epistles; a day of rest, and remission; the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] is sometime taken, in an ill sense; here it is not; the Apostle complaineth he had no (rest) in his spirit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 2 Cor. 2.13. or it may be taken for bodily Rest, and repose; 2 Cor. 7.5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, our flesh had no rest; or it may be taken for liberty, opposed to durance, so S. Paul, Act. 24.23. had (liberty) that his friends might come unto him, was per∣mitted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Gothofredus might have observed another parallell, in the beginning of the chapter; alii solem Christianum Deum aestimant; quod innotuerit ad orientis partem, facere nos precationem; vel, die solis laetitiam curare; quid vos minus fa∣citis? nonne plerique affectione adorandi, aliquando etiam coelestia, ad solis initium, la∣bra vibratis? some others say, the Sun is the God of the Christians, because it is commonly knowne; we pray towards the East; and are merry, and refresh our selves on Sundayes; you are like to us; you doe little lesse; most of you affecting the

adoration, sometimes of heavenly things, at Sun rising, doe mutter, or pray; hee saith not, in die solis; but, ad solis initium; or (as it is varied in cap. 16. Apologet.) ad solis ortum; and this they practised as well on any other day, as Sunday; for Sun∣day was not their holyday, or Sabbath day, but Saturday which I marvell that the great Rigaltius erred in, for these considerations. First, that the same Chapter affor∣deth divers passages, that Saturnes day was, as it were the Gentiles Sabbath; there∣fore their Sunday was not so. Secondly, that Gothofredus from Iosephus (lib. 2. contra Appionē) and from Clem. Alexandrinus (5. Strom.) had before hand published, Satur∣ni Diem, seu Sabbatum, otio, & quieti ubique Gentium, Iudaeorum imitatione assignatum fuisse; that Saturnes day or Saturday was the Sabbath, or resting day of the Gentiles in all places, which they borrowed from the Jewish custome. Thirdly, Tertullian in his Apologeticke, (which is an elucidary to the bookes, ad Nationes; and the am∣plified, and refined comment on them) cap. 16. hath it; Aequè si diem solis laetitiae in∣dulgemus, aliâ longe ratione, quàm religione solis, secundo loco ab iis sumus, qui diem Sa∣turni otio, & victui decernunt; if we indulge and be merry, on Sunday; we doe it not in any religion to the Sun; or its day, as the day of the sunne, but as the Lords day; and we are alike, or next to those, who consecrate aturnes day to repast, and rest. Fourthly, Sidonius like wise (Epist. 2. l. 1.) acknowledgeth so much; that the Gen∣tiles kept Festivall the day of Saturne, and termeth their profusenesse, luxum Sab∣batarium. I am sure, the Noble and holy Lady Paula (in S. Hieromes time) and her company, even on the Lords day; after Sacred services were ended; vel sibi, vel caeteris indumenta faciebant; as reformed Churches abroad doe seeme to confine the Sabbaticall day to the Sabbaticall exercises; as witnesseth Hierome (ad Eustochium, Epist. 27.) and esteeme us little better than Jewes, for our strict sabbatizing: Also her (feasts) were turned into mourning, and her Sabbaths into reproach, for Antiochus Epiphanes had by letters commanded, that they should profane the Sabbaths, and Festivall dayes, 1 Mac. 1.39. &c. Yea, many Israelites profaned the Sabbath, ver. 43. Augustine (de Civitate Dei, 6.11.) usque eò sceleratissimae gentis consuetudo con∣valuit, ut per omnes jâm terras recepta sit, victi victoribus leges dederunt, that is, the custome of that most wicked Nation hath beene so prevalent, that it is now general∣ly received almost by all Nations, the vanquished have given Lawes to the van∣quisher: these words doth S. Austin cite out of Seneca, of the generall observa∣tion of the Jewish Sabbath. Fiftly, Philo (in his booke, de vitâ Mosis) glorieth, that all the Easterne people kept their Sabbath, forgetting that the Chaldaeans did mocke at the Sabbaths of Ierusalem, in the dayes of Ieremie the Prophet, Lam. 1.7. Sixtly, Macrobius (Saturnal. 1.7.) at the end affirmeth, that the Saturnalia were more ancient, than the Cittie of Rome: that Macrobius speaketh not of the weekly sacrifi∣ces, I confesse, but his Authors words may meane more, than he did: Lucius Ac∣cius, in his Poeticall Annalls, thus,

Maxima Pars Graium Saturno, & maximae Athenae Conficiunt sacra,—

that is,

The Greatest part of Greece, yea Athens hight, To Saturne on his day, their incense light.

Cumque diem celebrant, per agros, urbesque fere omnes, Exercent epulis laeti.—

that is,

And when both towne and Country, their holiday doe keepe, They most an end doe feast it, untill they goe to sleepe.

Every Saturday, their Servants might rejoyce with them. He farther relateth from Cicero, Septenarium numerum rerum omnium fere modum esse, that the number of seven is the measure almost of all things. The very vast Ocean observes this num∣ber, the first day of the Moones tining, the Ocean is more full, than usuall, it de∣creaseth somewhat on the second day, the third day leaveth it lesse, and dayly it diminisheth, to the seventh day, the eighth day is like the seventh, the ninth equal∣leth the sixth, the tenth day answereth to the fifth, the eleventh to the fourth, the twelfth to the third, the thirteenth to the second, the fourteenth day is as the first

day. So much for the two first weekes; till the full of the Moone: the third week the Ocean keepes his course, according to the first weeke, and the fourth weeke doth as the second did: and so the weekes and moneths runne round with the Ocean. Seventhly Seneca (Epist. 95. somewhat past the middle) confesseth they did accendere lucernam Sabbatis, light their Tapers on the Sabbath dayes, and faulting them, for so doing; because nor God wants light, nor men take pleasure in the steame, or stench of Lampes, or Candles; confesseth withall, their Religious obser∣vation of the Sabbaths, by the Romans, for the point was, quo modo d•• sint colendi? How God ought to be worshipped? Tibullus, (lib. 1. Eleg. 3. pag. 84.) is firme proofe, that he obserued Saturnes day, as the holy day; whether we read it, as it is, in the body of his workes.

Saturni, aut sacram me tenuisse diem,

that is,

Or that unto Saturnus old, I us'd his holy-day to hold.

Or, whether it be, as Joseph Scaliger the Prince of Critickes, in his Castigations on the place, saith, it is better—Omnia dira

Saturni Sacrame tenuisse die,

that is,

Or that to Saturne, on his day, I us'd to feast, to pray, to play.

Thus much with Gothofredus, and the most learned Cerda, against Rigaltius his needlesse alteration of Tertullian, by which the day of the Sunne, or Sunday, is un∣justly made to be the Gentles day of rest, or Sabbath, which indeed was on their Saturday: and yet, if Rigaltius his reading, be supposed to be the best, it affordeth Testimony; that the Gentiles had some knowledge of the weekely honour, due to God, one day or other; in that they observed a Sabbath* 1.284 which reacheth proofe enough to my maine intention.

I cannot yet end the businesse of the Lords Day, but have divers of mine owne observations to set downe, and come nearer to the purpose: the controversie a∣gainst the Sabbatarians; concerning both the day, and the Recreations then law∣full; hath beene so unanswerably handled, by Bishop White, and other most learned Doctors, that much cannot be added; somewhat shall, in a mixed way; nor will I blot out mine owne observations, though others also have lighted on some of them. First then, I say, the Sabbatarians doe grossely, & infantiliter, childishly expound S. Austin; whilst they would violently hale him to their sides, against all manner of Recreations; and nothing is more common, than S. Augustines authori∣tie produced against any Recreation, on the Lords Day: I professe his authoritie moved me much; till I read him himselfe, and saw him misunderstood, even by great ones, and chiefe among the Sabbatarians.

The first place is on the enarration of the 91. Psalme, on the Preface of the Psalme, Melius est arare (in Sabbato) quam saltare; Tis better to goe to Plow, than dance on the Sabbath Day; but S. Augustine speaketh of the Iewish Sabbath, or Saturnes day, of the first day after the creation, when God is said to rest: Let me adde unto him; To Plow on that Sabbath, the Iewish Sabbath was not amisse in a Christian, but to Dance on the Iewish Sabbath, was an approving of the old first Sabbath, and as it were a renouncing of the Christian Sabbath. See the place who will, and he shall find that S. Augustine spake not of the Lords Day, or Dies solis, Sun∣day, nor of the Christians day of rest, properly; but of the Metaphoricall spirituall Sabbath of the dayly Sabbath, or rest of a good conscience; view his words, In corde est Sabbathum nostrum, multi enim vacant membris, & tumultuantur conscientiâ, Omnis homo malus Sabbatum habere non potest, ipsa tranquillitas, Sabbatum est cordis; our Sabbath is kept in our heart; for many have bodily rest, who are troubled in conscience; an evill man hath no Sabbath; Inward tranquility is the Sabbath of our heart. What is this to the question of the Lords day? His words there are these; Ecce, & hodiernus dies Sabbati est, hune in praesenti tempore, ot•• quodom corporaliter languido, & fluxo, & luxarioso celebrant Iudai, Behold, even this day is

the Sabbath day: The Iewes keepe this day, at this present time, idlely, lazily, and luxuriously, so he: But our question is concerning the Lords Day, the memoriall not of the Creation, but of Christs Resurrection, which S. Augustin doth not name, nor meane, not so much as point at, nor the least way censure, for faire Recre∣ations in this place.

The second place extorted from S. Augustin, is in his Booke, De decem chordis, cap. 3. almost at the beginning, It is in his tenth Tome, and is thus cited by Zepper, Legum Mosaicarum Forenstum, 4.9. Satius est operari, quàm spectaculis interesse, mu∣lieres nere, quâm tota die, impidicè saltare? I answer,

• First, I finde not those words, in that Booke, Satius est operari, quàm spectaculis interesse:
• Secondly, if Augustin hath said so, the beholding of bloody spectacles (which were in viridi observantiâ, in greatest request, and permitted most even by some Chri∣stian Emperours) was sinfull in it selfe, and condemned by many Fathers, and reach∣eth not against faire recreations, post sacra peracta, after Service is ended.
• Thirdly, the words indeede are thus truely translated. It is sayd to thee, that thou spiritually observe the Sabbath, not as the Iewes; who observe the Sabbath, by being carnally idle, applying their mindes, to trifling toyes, and luxurie; a Iew should doe better, to goe about his profit, in his ground, then (inthesauro) in the Exchequer, or perhaps in his Counting-house, to be seditious, and their women, on the Sabbath day (or the women on the Sabbath day) the words will beare it, were better card, and spinne, than impudently to dance, the whole day, in their new Moones: but thou art spiritually to keepe the Sabbath, in hope of future rest; which God hath promised thee, who doth what he can, to obtaine that rest, though it seeme laborious what he doth; yet if he referre it to the faith of the promised rest, he hath not truely the Sabbath, in re, but in spe, not in possession, but in hope: but thou wilt rest, that thou mayst labour, when thou oughtest to labour, that thou mayst rest. So farre he. The like he hath toward the later end of the first Chapter. Observe,
  • First, he speaketh of the Christians spirituall Sabbath, with an eye looking for∣ward, to the eternall promised Sabbath of Sabbaths, as he phrazeth it in his first Chapter.
  • Secondly, he speaketh of the Iewish carnall Sabbath, he speaketh not one word, of the Lords Day, or Sunday, neither doth he fault any recreations of Christians on that day.
  • Thirdly, he telleth not, what a Christian, but what a Iew should doe, not simply, but comparatively, rather be busie, and profitable in his ground; than sedi∣tious; and their women, rather card and spinne, than the whole day in their Festi∣vals, and Feastings to dance immodestly, but what are their new Moones, and so∣lemne Iewes-feasts to us Christians? They shamefully wrong S. Augustin, and wrong the unlearned Readers, who produce this testimonie, to confute seemely recreations, of Christians, on the Lords Day, after the holy Service is ended.
  • Fourthly, let the indifferent judge, whether S. Augustines later passages, in this testimony, doe not rather afford a patrociny for labour, than the former words did condemne fit refreshings.

Lastly, good Reader, when thou readest in the Fathers, or from the Fathers, ought concerning the Sabbath, I pray thee search, and examine, whether they speake of the Iewish Sabbath, or of the Christian Quiet; very seldome doe they call the day of Christian rest properly to be Sabbatum: They doe often say it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, dies dominicus, our Lords Day, or Sunday. So much be said to vindicate S. Augustin, from divers too Iewishly addicted, in our dayes against our lawfull Sports.

Secondly, that most learned Prelate, the last Lord Bishop of Ely, citeth Theodoret on Ezechiel the 20. as saying, that no other Nations, but onely the Iewes observed the Sabbath Day. He meant, no Nation kept the Sabbath, to the same end, and with the same strictnesse that Iewes did.

2. Indeede no Nation, but the Iewes onely kept the Sabbath at that time, which Ezechiel speakes of, viz. at their comming out of Aegypt, Ezech. 20.10. &c. yet many Nations did afterwards keepe the Sabbath day.

3. No Nation kept it as a particular Law, and as a signe of a distinct republique; as Israel did, Vt sit signum inter me, & ipsos, to be a signe betweene me and them, saith Theodoret in the very words of the text, ver. 12. yet is he, Totius historiae igna∣rus, blinde in all history, who denieth, that other Nations imitated the Iewes, in observation of a Sabbath; In which regard, the most reverend Prelate, (the Eye of our Tymes; and one, who for all religious learning, may be called, Arca Foederis) In the same page 156. saith, If any Heathen did observe the Iewish Sabbath, they did it not, by the light of naturall reason, but by imitation of Gods people.

But because the living Library, in his Margin, in the same place, quoteth Jo∣sephus, contra Appionem lib. 2. and Clemens Alexandrinus, (stromat. 5.) as denying Ʋrbem ullam Graecorum, sive Barbarorum ex Judaico ritu, âdiei septini cessatione ab ope∣re suo, in suos mores suscepisse. That any city of the Grecians, or Barbarians, did use the fashion of resting from their worke on the seventh day; from the custome of the Iewes; I thus answer them, If they sayd, and meaned, that the Iewish Sabbath, with all its circumstance, and severe strictnesse (which the words, ex Iudaico titu, will well permit) was never received by any Heathen cities, or by the immediat delivery of God, as the Iewes had it; then they are in the right; but particularly Josephus, in the same Booke, against Appion, declareth the cleane contrary, avouching that eve∣ry Nation, Greeke or Barbarous, observed the Sabbath in imitation of the Iewes; and Clemens, Alexandrinus in the same cited booke saith expresly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Septimum diem esse, sacrum non solùm sicut Hebraei, verum etiam Graci: Not onely the Iewes, but the Gentiles also know, that the seventh day, is the holy day, and he proveth it by divers reasons and au∣thorities; but Clemens ibidem, exceedeth, when from Plato his tenth Booke, de Repub. he would prove, that Plato did fore-divine of the Lords day, page 437.

Againe, though that Mundus eruditionis, that world of learning, saith; the Gre∣cians and the Romanes observed for resting dayes, the one, the eight day; and the other, the ninth day, and saith it well enough, to oppose the simple Sabbatarians, who horribly incline to Iudaisme of late, and will not remember, that the Iewes, shall be turned to be Christians, but that the Christians should be converted Pro∣selytes of the Iewes, was never foretold nor expected; yet the most learned Lord Bishops words, if they be rightly printed, must be interpreted of some of the Romanes, and some of the Grecians; and not of the greater part: Or secondly, of the extraordinary dayes of rest, and not of the ordinary, and continued weekely Sabbath. Plutarch in the later end of Theseus life, saith indeed, the Athenians did make the solemnest, and chiefest sacrifices unto Theseus, on the eight of October: and doe further honor him, every eight day of every moneth; but first, this was Athens alone: Secondly, this honoring of Theseus, on the eight day, hindered not their other observations of the seventh day, which they constantly, also kept, as I have demonstated.

Thirdly, in the same place of Plutarch, it is sayd, they worshipped Neptune, or did sacrifice to him on the eight day of every moneth, because the number of eight is the first Cube, made of the even number, and the double of the first squared, which reasons are ridiculous.

Lastly, as we have holy dayes, besides our Lords Day: so had they multitudes of extraordinary Festivals, which were not properly, such dayes, of sacred rest, as the Iewes observed: Romish Pestivalls, on the Ides of their moneths: See at large set downe by Alexander ab Alexandro (Genialium dierum, 3.18.) singulis Idibus, saith he) ibidem, which Ides jumpe not exactly, with every eight day: a Gracis, singuli•• Calendis dii vener antur. The gods are worshipped by the Grecians, every Calends. Macrobius in the like place, maketh not the ninth day a generall rest; Indeed, saith he, Nundina est Romanorum Dea, a nono die nusceritium nuncupata: qui lustric•••• dici∣tur

quo die infantes lustrantur, & nomen accipiunt. Sed is maribus nonus: Octavus est faeminis; Nundina is a goddesse of the Romanes, so called from the ninth day that infants were borne, which day was called Lustricus, because on it children were purged, and first named; but in men children it was the ninth day, in women chil∣dren the eight day; it may now be used for the Christning day, Idem Macrob. 1.11. Nonis Iuliis diem festūm esse ancillarum, vulgò notum est; it is commonly knowne, that the Nones of Iuly is maides holiday: Dio Cassius placing the weekely Sabbath among the speciall observances of that Nation, doth not say, that no other Nations kept their Sabbath day, but rather pointeth at this, the Sabbaths were given more especially to the Iewes; that they were the first Nation that kept the Sabbaths, and generally and strictly observed them.

Secondly, the Sabbatarians, unto their forced expositions, invent lyes that they may further their seeming devotions; but God needs not mans lye to uphold his truth. Who but the Father of lyes suggested those horrid untruths, which are pub∣lished concerning the evills that befell upon Glastonbury, for prophaning the Sab∣bath, which the Inhabitants thereof, and we the neighbours doe know to be false, almost in every point.

Thirdly, is it not knowne generally, how dangerously many fell into Iudaisme, and turned Traskites, the most ignorant of all Hereticks? and would bury in the Dunghill, chines of porke or puddings, or any swines flesh, which their neigh∣boures courteously bestowed upon them; they further bragged, they would know the saved from the damned by their lookes, the Lords day they regarded not, and were as obstinate as the Iewes, laughing at imprisonment, and punishment, as a good poore man complained of his wife to me; and was it not time, that the su∣preme Magistrate should looke to them? If we consider the Scripture of the new Testament, which must first be heard, we shall finde that Christ doth not diminish, but rather augment the weight, force, and power of divers other commandements, concerning Murther, see the strictnesse, Matth. 5.21. &c. and concerning Adultery, Matth. 5.28. &c. and Matth. 5.24. are choyce Rules for swearing; and for other matters in that Chapter; but he no where commanded a more rigorous keeping of the Sabbath: Indeed he sayd, Matth. 24.20. Pray, that your flight be not on the Sab∣bath; this evinceth not, that he intended a stricter observation of the Sabbath, than the Iewes admitted; but sensu primo, his well-wishings were, that they might meete in their flight, (which was to be both sudden, and remote, even out of Judea with no impediment) either from their opinion of the Sabbath, who (then) thought, they might not travell on that day, above two miles; which they accounted a Sab∣baths dayes journey, Act. 1.12. or from any other Crosses whatsoever; and that Christ meaned not, in that place, to improve the strict Religion of the Sabbath, fairely resulteth from the other words, in the first place; Pray that your flight be not in the Winter, that is, cold, wet, stormy weather, or short dayes; nor on the Sabbath, when ye are unprovided to fly, by reason of your full bellies, and store of cloathes, or your over-strict opinion; for in these Cases, many more will dye, than if the flight were at other times. Marke 13.18. He wholly leaveth out the mentioning of the Sabbath; and onely sayth, Pray ye, that your flight be not in the Winter: when he mentioneth an impediment from the Sabbath; himselfe meaneth not, that it is unlawfull, to fly farther than two miles, to save ones life; but argueth from their opinion, at (that) time: but in all other places of Scripture, where he speaketh of the Sabbath, though the Mosaicall Law was then of force, and the Sabbath strictly to be observed; he inveieth against the Iewish rigour, and reduceth it to an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: our Church of England runneth the same way, and is not Iewishly zealous. In a booke of Canons, Printed 1571, by Iohn Day, pag. 15. It is said, Every Sunday and holiday; the Parsons, Vicars, and Curates shall come to Church, so timely, and conveniently, in due season; that the Parishioners, having done their businesses, may come together, &c. Lo, a permittance of doing worldly businesse, before they come to Church; and obiter, pag. 13. on other times, the Parsons are to use their

Bowes, and shafts onely: more to the former point; in the advertisement made upon Queene Elizabeths command, 1584. among the Articles for administration of Sa∣craments, it is sayd; in all Faires and common Markets falling upon Sundayes, there shall be no shewing of wares, before the service be done. Loe, here also is no disallowing of shewing wares, after service is done; but rather an involved indul∣gence, and permittance. Besides, Christ defended his Disciples, for plucking, and eating some eares of corne, which the Pharisees condemned, Matth. 12.1. but Christ proved the lawfulnesse thereof, by Davids eating the shew-bread, in an ex∣igent, which otherwise was unlawfull, ver. 3.4. Secondly, by the Priests, who pro∣phane the Sabbath, and yet are blamelesse, ver. 5. by reason that Christ was grea∣ter, than the Temple, and Lord even of the Sabhath day; which Lord accepteth more of mercy, than of Sacrifices, ver. 6.7.8. and not fearing their accusation, hee both miraculously healed the mans withered hand, on the Sabbath day; and since every one of them, who should have a sheepe fallen into a pit, on the Sabbath day, would lay hold of it, and lift it out; how much better is a man, than a sheepe? wherefore saith Christ, it is lawfull to doe well, on the Sabbath day, ver. 11.12. S. Marke 2.27. addeth remarkeably, The Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath: and S. Luke speaking of the same Story, sayth, Christ propounded to them, this quicke question; Is it lawfull on the Sabbath day, to doe good or to doe evill, Luke 6.9. apparently implying, that not to doe a good worke on the Sabbath day, was to doe evill. Againe, when the Ruler of the Synagogue answered with indignation, be∣cause Christ healed one, on the Sabbath day, Christ called him hypocrite, Luke 13.25. confuting him, by his owne, and their generall practise; Doth not each one of you on the Sabbath, loose his Oxe, or his Asse from the Stall, and lead him away to wate∣ring? Observe first, nor Oxe, nor Asse can take much hurt, if they be not wrought, though they drinke not, from Sun-rising. to Sun-set; yet for covetousnesse, or for pitty, they did loose them: Secondly, they might have loosed them, though them∣selves had not led them away, to the watering places; for Nature teacheth beasts to know their drinking places; but they would (lead) them away thither, which they needed not; and being done for lucre, was certainely a breach of the Sabbath. And Iohn 7.22. The Iewes did on the Sabbath day, circumcise a man, about which they used many Ceremonies, of preparation, of abscission, of washing, of stopping the blood, and applying of salves to heale the would; though it were but one lit∣tle part, to be wounded, and made whole; and are ye angry with me, saith Christ, because I have made a man every whit whole on the Sabbath day? Every member of his body; and I doubt not also, but he healed the ulcers of every ones (soule) whose (bodily) parts he healed. In 1 Cor. 16.2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is well translated, On the first day of the weeke; on the Sabbath day, Christ did not take up already made, but newly made clay, and healed the blinde, Joh. 9.14. so that, not onely the mayne worke of healing, or doing good; but all necessary, or convenient helpes, condu∣cing thereto may be used, on the Sabbath day, without prophanation thereof; for Christ anointed his eyes, and sent him to the Poole Siloam, and there he washed. Againe, it is said, Matth. 28.1. In the end of the Sabbath, as it began to dawne, to∣ward the first day of the weeke, and Marke 16.1. When the Sabbath was passed; the words are most observeable, and may involve within themselves; not onely, that the Sabbath of that weeke, was at an end, and passed; which was true, and no man questioneth; but even this deeper sense; when Christ's rest in the grave had sup∣plied, and substantiated the Typicall Sabbath, adumbrating his rest; for the Sabbaths were shadowes of things to come, but the body was Christ, Col. 2.17. and his Resurrection from the dead, on the beginning of the first day, in the week, had given life to an holy rest on the Lords day; then ended, and passed, not onely the Sabbath of that weeke; but all, and every Sabbath for ever, of the Mosaicall Law was abolished: Men were no more obliged to them; when Christ arose, the Sab∣baths lay downe, and began to taste of their eternall periods: as it was sinne, not to have observed the legall Sabbaths before; so after Christs Resurrection; it had

beene a greater sin, to observe it: the Ceremoniall Law was languishing all Christs life; was dead, at Christs death, in most things; but after his Resurrection, and the promulgation of the Gospell was deadly. The next Sabbath day of the Iewish Church, not after Christs death immediatly; yet after the Lords day was consecrated, by Christs Resurrection; was the first Sabbath, that was needlessely kept, and continued: and now the Apostle, in the same place to the Colossians, is bold to inferre, that no man should judge them, in respect of an holy day, or New∣moones, or of the Sabbath dayes, ver. 16. And if any had judged of them amisse, they neede not to esteeme it: and in all the Apostolicall Writings, is no incite∣ment to observe the Sabbaths any longer, but the Lords day; which Christ him∣selfe chalked out unto us, by his oftner appearing on that day, than on the Iewish Sabbaths: yea, but S. Paul, Rom. 9.29. called God the Lord of Sabbath; it should be read Sabaoth, and the Apostle quoteth it, from Esay 1.9. Where it is Iehovah Tsebaoth, in the Originall; in the Greeke, as it is in S. Paul; in the Latine, Domi∣nus exercituum; and Iehovah exercituum, in our English, The Lord of hostes, and so should be read, in Rom 9.29. for the same words truely transtated, Iam. 5.4. The Lord of Sabaoth, or the Lord of Hosts; yea but, Act. 13.14. the Apostle went into the Synagogue, on the Sabbath day and preached? and S. Panl, Act. 17.2. reasoned with them, three Sabbath dayes? And againe, Act. 14, 4. He reasoned in the Synagogue every Sabbath day? I answer, the Apostles relapsed not to Iudaisme, but laboured to convert the Iewes to Christianitie, and reasoned, out of the Scriptures, to con∣vert both Iewes and Gentiles unto Christ. Secondly, no (place) is excepted, but one may (any where) endeavour the salvation of soules; and what place is fitter, than the Church? or, where are men better prepared to receive instruction, than there? Paul kept not the Iewes Sabbath. These were my thoughts, when I read our last, and best English Translation; but when I consulted with the Originall, Greeke Text, Luke 18.12. I was more confirmed in mine opinion, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, I fast twice in the weeke; there cannot be two fasts in one Sabbath, but in a weeke, they might fast twice or more; and therefore Sabbatum, is there taken for a weeke.* 1.285 Know then, the Hebrew Schabbath, and Schabbathon, have produced, with a milder pronunciation, the Greeke word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. so used every where, both in the Translation of the 70. and in the new Testament; thence issued the La∣tine Sabbatum, and never Sabbathum, and doth sometime signifie a Weeke, accor∣ding to the Hebrew Idiotisme; and sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is used for one Sabbath, Matth. 12.1. and this Sabbatum is properly called the Sabbath of dayes. But other∣where, there is mention, of the (day) of the Sabbath, Luke 13.16. and Luk. 14.4. yet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, are all one, Luke 13.14. The Sabbath day is the primary expression from the fourth Commandement; or the same day was the Sab∣bath, Luk, 5.9. Much more may be sayd of the Sabbath, viz. as that the Primitive Church, and holy Fathers, did seldome, or never call the Lords day, the Sabbath day; and I could wish, we would follow their example. S. Augustin (ad Ianuarium) saith thus; in one place, men receive the Sacrament, on the Sabbath, and on the Lords day; in another place, they take it onely, on the Lords day: Behold a maine difference betweene the Sabbath and the Lords day; the Sabbath was not the Lords day; nor the Lords day the Sabbath; but they were two distinct names, and things. Likewise, though (Morale) naturall poynts out onely (a) set day, for the service of God; yet Morale disciplinae guideth us to doe, as God our Teacher did prescribe, that is, on the seventh day to worship him, rather than on any other day, though the Jewish Sabbath expired, at Christs death, yet one day in the weeke was the Lords. But I hasten to the words, Matt. 28.1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is translated by most learned men; In the end of the Sabbath, as it be∣ganne to dawne, towards the first day of the weeke; but the interlineary hath it ex∣cellently, and properly, Vespere autèm Sabbatorum, in the Plurall, Lucescenti in unam Sabbatorum; and this agreeth with my Interpretation; that not onely that Hebdomal Sabbath was passed over, but all the Iewish Sabbaths were now ended, and passed;

none ever more needing to observe them; when one of the Christian Sabbaths (as, in a good sense, they may be called) or Holy-dayes began to dawne; which in o∣ther places is called the Lords day, (Drusius on that place) saith, that a late In∣terpreter hath turned it, extremo Sabbato, or extremo Sabbatorum, as Illyricus hath it, that is, as I conceive, the last Iewish Sabbath, that ever was; though perhaps they understood it not so In Marke 16.1. it is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not onely peractâ die Sabati; but peracto Sabbato; or, cùm peractum Sabbatum transiret, sayth the Inter∣lineary. The end of one kinde of Sabbath was the beginning of another; or rather, the beginning of the Lords day, was the consummate end of all other Sabbaths: If the publishing, the abrogation of the Mosaicall Sabbath, was not intended by the Holy-ghost, by those words; I am much deceived; and yet herein I submit my selfe to my Superiours. It might have beene sayd, and would in all likelihood; if it had beene spoken onely of the weekely Sabbath, viz. In the end of the Sabbath, or, of the, or that Sabbath day; but, in the end of the Sabbath, cannot but have refe∣rence, as the case stood, to the expiration of the Moisaicall Sabbaths; the Latine Translations have it, Vespere Sabbathi: observe the naturall day, in the Iewish ac∣count, began at the Vespers; The (Evening) and the morning were the first day, Gen. 1.5. and the Paschall day was both to begin at Even, Exod. 12.18. and the Sabbath day among the rest, began at Eventide; for it is said, from Even to Even, you shall ce∣lebrate your Sabbath's, Levit. 23.32. And that was the reason, why the Jewes be∣sought Pilate to have the legges of the Crucifyed broken, and that they might bee taken away, that the bodies might not remaine, on the Crosse, on the Sabbath day, Ioh. 19.31. Which it must have done, if they had not taken them downe, before the beginning of their Sabbath, by the Vespers: observe further, though 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may be truely, and literally interpreted, and is by some in un••m Sabbatorum; which accordeth with, Gen. 1.5. Where it is sayd, & fuit Vespera, & fuit Mane, Dies unus, as it is in the interlineary; yet I thinke, it may be better in∣terpreted, the first day, for indeed it was the first day of the world; and the evening and the morning made the first day, saith our last and best Translation (unum and primum often concurre in one, and adhere together) Vatablus agreeth, ex Vesperâ, & Mane completus fuit Primus Dies; or, as others have it, fuit Vespera, & fuit Mane diei pri∣mae; for instead of the word (first) the Hebrew usurpe the word (one,) Cardinalem numerum pro ordinali, the principall for the initiall; the chiefe, for the first, in num∣ber, or order; as if he had sayd, the (first day) was passed, so farre Vatablus: If therefore you reade it, according to the letter, in the end of the Sabbath's, as it began to dawne: in the first of the Sabbaths, (then you have the end of the Jewish Sab∣bath, and the beginning of the Christian Sabbath) the last of the old Sabbath's, and the first of the New Sabbath's, the Christian Sabbath beginning in the Mor∣ning, the Jewish, at the Evening: observe in the third place, that as every other Jewish Sabbath had one Vesper, and but one: so, this last Sabbath that ever ought to be among them, had two Vespers, the first of them ordinary, and usuall, to make up a naturall day; their Sabbath day beginning with one Vesper, the other subsequent Vesper was ordeined, to bury their last Sabbath, that ever the Jewes should have; their Sabbath was begun with darkenesse, and ended with darkenesse, our Christian Sabbath began with the dawning of the day, and with light; and cannot have two Vespers, their latter Vespers being but halfe of a Naturall day without light, and ending in darkenesse: as their Law it selfe was obscure, and tran∣sitory, fuller of pleights, and vayles than the Gospell: the Scripture being cleared that not the Mosaicall Sabbath, with its strictnesse, and rigour, is now in force; but the Lords Day in remembrance of Christs Resurrection: what then was the Church to doe, but to abolish Judaisme, punish Traskisme, and animate the godly in good courses?

PAR. 8.

AFter this long divagation; or extravagancie; that I may returne with some ef∣fect: I must crosse two by-pathes, and therefore, I pray you suffer two di∣gressions more: one from the words of Tertullian, which shall not be impertinent for these times; another in defence of Authority, for placing our holy Tables at the East: Tertullian is so plaine (ad Nationes, 1.13.) quod innotuerit, ad Orientis partem, facere nos precationem; or (as he after varied it) quod innotuerit, nos ad Orientis regionem, precari (Apologet. cap. 16.) that is, It is commonly or certainely knowne, that we pray towards the East; that Gothofredus justly referreth: Some neede not doubt any longer of that point: Junius was much awry to thinke Tertullian spake Ironically; and Gretzer did well to reprehend, him for it: for not Tertullian alone but many other holy learned Fathers, give in their verdict with Tertullian, that the Primitive Church (to which we ought to conforme even reformation it selfe) used to pray towards the East, or bending that way. First therefore let us prove that they did so. Secondly, let us shew the reasons why they did so: Origen sideth with Tertullian in giving no reason why they did so; yet saith, they did so; and we must needes doe so, (in lib. Num. Hom. 5.) In Ecclesiasticis observationibus sunt nonnulla hu∣jusmodi, quae omnibus quidem facere necesse est, nec tamen Ratio eorum omnibus patet; nam quòd genua flectimus, orantes; & quòd ex omnibus caeli plagis, ad solam Orientis partem conversi, orationem fundimus, non facile cuiquam puto ratione compertum, that is, there are many things, in the Ecclesiasticall constitutions, which all indeede must needes doe, and yet the reason of them is not manifest unto all; for why wee doe bend our knees in time of prayers: and why of all the coasts of heaven, wee turne our faces duely towards the Easterne part, while we doe pray: I suppose no man can readily render a reason: what Origen ascribeth to Ecclesiasticall observations, wee finde written in the Apostolicall Constitutions, (2.61.) Nor doe I agree with Origen, saying, ibid. that they who know the reasons, must also know, sibi velanda haec, & operienda, that these things are covered unto them, as it were with a vaile: other Fathers have revealed the reasons; and we may, and (God willing) will pluck away the Curraine: Epiphanius, adversus Ossen, haere sin, inter Elxai errores posuit, quòd ad Orientem orare, suos sectatores prohibuit, that is, it was Elxai his errour to for∣bid his followers, to pray towards the East. Prochorus (cap. 5.) in the life of S. Iohn the Evangelist, saith that the holy Apostle, at his praying, sighing, or sob∣bing turned towards the East; the like he saith of Linus; and of S. Paul.

I close up this first point briefely, because all the proofes, for the second point, viz. why they prayed towards the East, doe infallibly demonstrate the precedent, name∣ly, that that they did pray towards the East; every 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 proves the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a cause can∣not be given why a matter is so, if the matter be not so. S. Basil. (de S. sancto, cap. 27.) referreth to make us thinke of the Creation, we all looke to the East, when we pray, but few of us know that in so doing we wish, and desire our old Country namely Paradise; which God did frame in Eden, to the East: if S. Basil had thought that Christians inhabite in the East, beyond Eden; by his reason they should turne their faces West-ward; if his words may be restrained onely to us of the Westeme Church, the words may passe for currant: Damascene (de side Orthodoxâ, 4.12.) useth Basils reason amongst others: the like I answere to the full, Cerda who al∣ledgeth this reason; when Christ was on the Crosse his face was towards the West; therefore the Churches converting themselves, as it were to Christ hanging on the Crosse; did looke Eastward: but the Easterne Christians, which lived be∣yond Ierusalem, could not looke toward the East, as it were to see Christs face; un∣lesse their imagination either framed a Crosse, and a Christ, on the East of them; or else supposed themselves to be, on the West of Ierusalem: Caelius Rodiginus (an∣tiquar. Lection. 12.9.) saith, the Jewes worshipped towards the West; and there∣fore the Christians did, toward the East: Pamelius doubteth of the Jewish posture:

Indocus Clichtovaeus, on Damascene (de fide Orthodoxâ 4.13. who might leade the way to Caelius Rodiginus) thus; the Jewes by Gods appointment worshipped God to the West, and he prooveth it fully by Ezekiel, 8.16. Where it is counted the grea∣test of many abominations, in that Chapter: their backes were toward the Tem∣ple of the Lord and their faces towards the East, and they worshipped the Sunne towards the East: and Clitchtovaeus holds it probable that the Jewes were com∣manded to worship toward the West, to recall them from the Idolatry of the Gentiles, who in their adoration bended towards the East: But Idolatry being roo∣ted out by Christianity, and there being no occasion to feare the imitation of Eth∣nickes; as the Jewish Circumcision was turned into the more convenient Bap∣tisme, the Paschall Lambe into the thrice blessed Sacrament; the Sabbath into the Lords day, so the praying toward the West, by the Jewes was more aptly changed to the praying Eastward by the Christians: Clemens Alex indrinus (Stromat. 7. ante medium pag. 520.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Diei Natalis Imago, est Oriens, that is, the East is, as it were the birth day of the day, and from thence the light sprin∣geth; therefore 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ad ortum matutinum, habentur preces, we pray towards the East: Iustin Martyr (quaest. ad Orthodox.) with us, the most excellent things are destinated to the honour of God; it were better for all, (if it were so in our times) but in the opinion of men, the East is better than the other parts, and therefore in the time of prayer, doe we all turne toward the East: this reason was taken from the Apostles (saith Iustin Martyr) not because they thought the Climate of the sunne, to be the Habitacle of God; but for the reasons now speci∣alize. Hyginus (de limitibus) the Ancients builded their Temples toward the West; afterward they changed all Religion, to that place, from which place of heaven, the earth is enlightned: surely Hyginus borrowed the first part of his words, from Cle∣men Alexandrinus, in the place above cited, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. The most ancient Churches, looked towards the West. S. Hierame (ad cap. 6. A∣mos in flne) from the 67. Psalme thus reads it, Psallire Domino, qua ascendit super Caelum caeli, ad orientem; unde (saith he) in mysteriis, primùm renunciamus ei, qui in occidente est, nobisque moritur cum peccatis; & sic versi ad orientem, pactum inimus cum sole Iustitiae, & ei servituros nos esse promittimus, that is, Sing unto the Lord, who ascended above the Heaven of Heavens, at, or in the East, whence in our Sacra∣ments, we first renounce Sathan in the West; and then turning to the East wee co∣ven••nt with Christ and promise to serve him; but this is not done, without prayers: Ambrose likewise, Ad Orientem converteris, qui enim renunciat Diabolo, ad Christum convertitur; illum directo cernit obtutu; the initiate is turned toward the East, for he who renounceth the Devill, turneth to Christ, and seeth Christ directly: Diony∣fins Areopagtia (de Hierarch. Eccles. cap. 2.) Turning to the West thou shalt abjure Sathan; then turning to the East, thou shalt prayse God. These three last Autho∣rities evince; that the turning to the East, was not casuall or indifferent, or done without speciall Reason; but that it proceeded from a Religious observation of those holy times, even in the height of Divine Mysteries, I will close up the point, with the learned Father Damascene (de fide Orthod. 4.13. Non simpliciter, & fortuitò ad Orientem adoramus, that is, we doe not simply, ignorantly, or casually adore God, toward the East; but upon good Motives, did they so: First, because God is an in∣telligible Light; and our Saviour is the Son of righteousnesse, Mal. 4.2. and Christ is called Oriens, The day-spring from on high hath visited us, Luk. 1.78. Therefore, the East is to be dedicated unto him, in our Adoration. 2. Secondly, he who be∣stoweth every good gift largely, willingly, lovingly on us, is to receive from us omne praestantius, every thing that was most excellent; such was the Adoration, to∣wards the East, supposed to be; see the most learned Commentary of Iudocus Clitch∣tovaeus, on this passage. 3. Thirdly, God placed Eden in the East, and cast out man to the West; therefore desiring our old habitation, and sighing for it, towards it we worship. 4. Moses his Tabernacle had the vayle, and propitiatory on the East; and the Tribe of Iudah as the most honourable Tribe, encamped on the East; and

in the most famous Temple of Salomon, the Porch was towards the East. 5. Christ being Crucified looked towards the West; and we in fervent desire, sighing after him, worship towards him; Christ in his assumption ascended toward the East; and so his Apostles worshipped him; and so shall he descend to the last judgement, at his second comming; for Act. 1.11. This same Iesus, which is taken up from you into hea∣ven, shall so come (in like manner) as you have seene him going into Heaven; say the bles∣sed Angels; and this they learned from Christ himselfe, Mat. 24.27. As the light∣ning commeth out of the East, and shineth even unto the West; (so) shall also the comming of the sonne of man be: If it be objected speciously, that it is to be understood, de modo, non de situ, & positione corporis? First, I answere, I onely cited Damascen's argument. Secondly, in mode, situs, & positio Corporis potest intelligi. Thirdly, the unusuall, doubled phrases, shall so come, and in like manner, point out variety of matter, in the manner, for I thinke not fit, to exclude the manner, nor his ascent to the East. 4. Situs corporis may be understood two wayes; either, pro positione cor∣poris quiescentis; this the Text doth not meane; or, propositionis corporis moti, vel mo∣ventis sese; and of this posture is the Text to be interpreted; for Christ, in his body shall come from the East, toward the West. 6. Damascen acknowledgeth, there is no expresse command in Scripture, to pray or worship toward the East; by saying it is an Apostolicall tradition: and an unwritten Apostolicall Tradition (if it be so certainely) binds us as well, as if it were written: see most of these pointsampli∣fied by the learned Clitchtovaeus, upon Damascene: Concerning the two last argu∣ments of Damascene, which Clitchtovaeus wholly omitteth, I will onely say this, omitting many things: that our dead are buried with their feere toward the East, that at the Resurrection their faces may be that way prepared, as it were to behold the glorious second comming of our Saviour, so much expected, so much desired: Thus much be spoken in defence of Christians praying toward the East; which may be done at many fit times; and fitly though we officiate the Liturgie, at the North∣side of the Communion Table.

From whence likewise the Canonicall appointment of the Commandements, to be set on the East-end of every Church, and Chappell; and the placing of our Com∣munion Table, (our woodden Altars) our Sacred boords toward the East exactly (as the Propitiatory was, in the old Law) is justly defended; and found answera∣ble to the Primitive usance; Henceforth let that blaspheunous Gentile, stocke, or stone, who seeing a most reverend, holy, and learned Bishop, at his entrance into the Church, decently to bend, stoope, and doe reverence to God alone, toward the East, where the memoriall is, of the holiest of holies; and where Christ is really spiritually, most ineffably present at, and in our Sacrament: I say, let him (who sayd in a mocke, that he could finde in his heart, to goe to leape-frogge, over that de∣vout Prelate) know his abominable pride, confesse his blasphemie, and repent for his Atheisticall in devotions: likewise that idle busie-body, that irreformable re∣former, who not onely pryeth too boldly into the Arke; but hath sucked in most ve∣nemous hatred, and mightily laboured to spread his poyson against our Church, and Church-Prelates, the upholders under our gracious King of our Arke, yea and against his Sacred Majestie. I say, Naviget Anticyres, let him take Hellebore, and purge himselfe throughly first; and recant his wicked errours; his greasie and un∣mannerly comparison; that the standing of our holy Table, close to the inside of the East, of our Chancell, is like a Butchers boord, or a dreffer in the Kitchin: Jea∣sting, and jeering at the best, is but the froth, and some of a scurrilous wit; of an ir∣religious shallow braine, which never was acquainted with the true inward com∣fort, and joy of the holy Ghost; and therefore breakes out like scabs from a corrupt body, into outward, uncomely, and scandalous making of sport; whilst the mocker is mocked at, many times, most bitterly, and fiercely. Lastly, let those super-nice people, who because we are cōmanded to stand at the north-side of Table, do take excepti∣on at the placing of the East-side of the Lords Table, close to the East-wall, within the Chancell; I say, let them goe to schoole, and be better catechized, and know

what reverence, in the most holy dayes, next to the times Apostolicall, was used toward the East: oh consider, say they, by the Rubricke of our Liturgie establi∣shed by Act of Parliament we are appointed to stand, on the North side; but as our late directions runne; we cannot stand on the North-(side) but on the North-(end) of the boord; if the East-side of it doe touch the East-wall of the Chancell: such is their opposition. I answere, to the point thus.

1. We, the Obedient sonnes of the Church of England, doe no wayes infringe that Divine Liturgie, which our Church-men did frame; and they our Martyrs sealed with their blood; which Royall authority directed and established; which Parliaments yeelded unto and confirmed.

2. In how many other points, the giddy-seeming-precise ones, doe little e∣steeme of Princes, Parliaments, or Church; let their omission of prayers appoin∣ted; their jeering contempt at the holy Liturgie, and their writing against it de∣clare.

3. The Churchmen in appointing, and the civill Authority in ratifying these words, The Priest standing on the Northside of the Table shall say, &c. cannot so much as probably be evinced, to have intended, either that the Priest might not bend sometimes toward the East, or that they meant onely a long Table, excluding a square Table; or that a Table a little more long than broad, may not be sayd to have foure sides: a decent Table is indeede appointed: but is not a square, Table a de∣cent Table? yea, most decent, in a very small square Chancell? If Ecclesiasticall Authority had commanded the use of a square Table, (as nothing hindreth it) all their frivolous exception, and distinction betweene the (sides) and the (ends) of the Table had vanished: But irregular curiosity will now speake by rule, and measure (though otherwise it abhor both reason, rule, and measure) a Cōmunion Table not fully square, must be sayd to have not foure sides; but two sides, and two ends: grant we it so, in a long table, much longer than broad; & confesse we that properly enough one may be sayd to sit, or stand at one end; and another at the other end; and others to be on both sides of the table; yet are we not bound to such strictnesse of termes, in tables almost as broad as long: a trencher is called Quadra; whether the trencher be perfect square, or somewhat more uneven, be equilaterall, or different: Mensa also doth signifie a square table, as well as a long one: Mensae primi saeculi, the ta∣bles of the first age, were first quadratae, foure-square; then orbiculatae, round, saith Alexamder ab Alexandro (genial. dier. 5.21.) yea even in round tables, as wee now call them, the fayrer they are, the more squares they have; and these small squares are, and well may be called (sides) If one of these curious ones had before his house, a court as long againe as it is broad; he would call the two longer spaces, the (sides) of his Court; and the two narrower the two (ends,) he would be loath to say the court had foure (sides,) yet in Scripture phrase, Exod. 27.9, &c. The (ho∣ly) Court is sayd to be placed, or made, on divers (sides,) the South-side, and North-side, each an hundred cubits, the West-side and the East-side each fifty cubits, they are called (sides) not (ends;) though two sides were shorter by halfe, than the other two sides: briefely, that may be called square, which (approacheth) to squareneffe; and those things to be Quadrangular, which have not foure equall Angles (exactly:) and none but refractary spirits would finde a knot in a Bul-rush; by falsely imagining, that to place the Lords Table at the East-side of the Chancell, doth contradict the Rubricke in our Liturgie, established by Religion; though it call the two ends, (sides:) If it be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, truely observed, out of our 82. Canon, that at the time of celebration, the Communion Table is appointed to be placed in Church or Chancell; where may be most convenient for the Minister, and the people: I answere 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, boldly yet humbly; that now with us it is jud∣ged by our Ordinary, that the decent Communion Table shall bee placed at the East-end of the Chancell; and being so, is held to bee placed in so good sort, as thereby the Minister may be more conveniently heard of the Communicants, in his prayer, and administration, and the Communicants also more conveniently, and

more in number may Communicate with the sayd Minister; as I have found lately by experience; and it may be better judged whether people do sit, or leane, or kneele. Secondly, I, for my part doe abhorre singularity, as well as those who would break or cloy the Canon; let me live and dye an obedient sonne of the Church of Eng∣land my holy Mother, and I shall be sure to finde God my Father.

Fourthly, I doubt not, but all the Altars erected by holy men in Scripture, were foure-square: I am sure, there were but two standing lasting Altars allowed; either in the time of the Tabernacle or of the Temple; and both of them were to be, and were exactly foure-square: The Altar of the burnt-offering shall be five Cubits long and five Cubits broad; the Altar shall be foure-square, Exod. 27.1. And a Cubit shall be the length of the Altar of Incense; and a Cubit, the breadth thereof, foure-square shall it be; Exod. 30.2. If our Sacred boord be not called the Altar, yet is the Altar called the Table: Augustine, (Serm. 113. de Diversis) saith, Cyprian's Tombe-stone was termed his table, and Cyprian's Table, Gods Table; In eodem loco mensa Deo con∣structa-est; tamen mensa dicitur Cypriani, non quia ibi est unquam Cyprianus epulatus, sed quià immolatus est, that is, In the same place, there is a table erected to God: neverthelesse, the same Table is called Cyprians Table, not that ever Cyprian did eate there, but because he was sacrificed, or Martyred thereon: yet nearer to our purpose, Isa. 65.11. They prepare a Table, by the word Table, is not onely meant; that they furnished tables with meate and drinke to refresh themselves in the Idolls Temple; but by the Table, the Altar, on which they sacrificed, is also understood: which Sacrifices on the Altar alwayes preceded their feasting; and part of their feastings were relickes of their offering: Nearer yet than so, 1 Cor. 10.21. There is mention of the Table of the Lord, and the Table of Devills: Consider, that the Apostle speaketh, de immolatis, of things offered, whether by the Jewes to God; or by the Gentiles unto Devills, and it resulteth well enough, the Altar of the Lord may be as well understood, as the Altar of Devills: And yet more neere than so, Ezek. 41.22. The Altar of wood is called, the Table that is before the Lord. But most plainely and neerest of all, Mal. 1.7. The Altar of the Lord, and the Ta∣ble of the Lord, are all one, what is termed Altar, in the first place, is termed, the Table of the Lord in the same verse: Contrarily, what is directly the Table of the Lord, vers. 12. is, in the words following, truely interpreted to be the Altar of the Lord, whose fruite and meate was contemptible; whose offering was torne, lame, and sicke, whilst they vowed, and sacrificed a corrupt thing, nor doth Haymo, Remigius, or S. Hierome dissent: shall this Table now have but two sides, and two ends? shall not this Altar have foure sides? So may our 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (as Chrysostome calleth it) our sacred Table, be truely enough sayd to have foure sides; though some peevish ones will difference the ends, from the sides, it is truely called a Triangle, though the latera be inaequalia: and yet, if the sincerely-weake Brethren, (and not those false-brethren, who, in their owne con∣ceite, are the most intelligent, pure, Apostolicall, and strongest Christians, censo∣riously judging all things, and yet call themselves, and their fellowes, the weake Brethren) if any truely-tender-conscienced Ministers doe take up a scandall at the reasonable reformation in this point; I see nothing, but they may remove their scruple of Conscience; either, by making the longer sacred Table foure-square; or, by setting one end (as they call it) of their narrower Communion Table, toward the East; and to officiate Sacred duties, on the North-side, as our Church did order; and Parliaments, with Royall consent, above all, did establish: yet let me be bold, to advise any good man, to avoyde the imputation of selfe love, and selfe-conceite; by requesting the leave of his reverend Diocesan, before he attempt any publique Reformation: If any faithfull, and learned friend, doubt, or feare; that this pas∣sage will not be well-allowed? I answere; I speake but my private opinion, with all subjection; if the Diocesan, allow it not; much lesse doe I; leave is first to be ob∣teined, or if they dislike it, let them blot it out: and thus much also of this Di∣gression.

PAR. 9.

I Returne from the fourth Commandement kept, as well by the Gentiles, on Sa∣turday; in imitation of the Jewish Religion, (though perhaps the most part of them knew not so much) as by the Christians, on Sunday: I now come to the precepts, and observation of the Romanes, concerning the fift Commandement, Honour thy Father and thy Mother, in which point, let me say truely, they were as strict, yea, more strict, then the Law of God: the seventh Law of Romulus, as Bal∣winus recordeth from a most old table, was this, viz. Parentum liberos omne Jus esto relegandi, vendendi, & occidendi, that is, let Parents have absolute power over their children, either to banish, sell, or kill them, at their pleasure: Halicarnassaeus (lib. 2.) more particularly amplifyeth it: the Roman Law-giver granted, (as I may so say) all power unto the Father over the child, even whilst the childe lived, either to im∣prison him, or whip him, or make him worke like a clownish husbandman, or kill him; yea, though he were growne up to the chiefe Magistracy: or three times, to make sale of him for gaine; which is repeated, and inserted into the twelve Tables: which great power no people under heaven, except Romane Citizens exercised, or practised upon their Children; and which in truth was greater, than the power they had over bond-slaves, for, if (they) were once freed, they were ever freed: Festus recites this onely Law of Romulus: If a youth, or mayde beate their Fa∣ther, and there be an out-cry, let them have no protection of the Lawes. The Pa∣tria Potestas, the power of Fathers over their Children, given by the 12. Tables, was excessive; and was, in after times, moderated: Cùm â priscâ severitate descivis∣sent, secuti interpretes jus naturae, caverunt, ut liberi Parentes alant, aut vinciantur, that is; when they began to leave off their ancient severitie, the expounders of the Law following the Law of Nature; provided, that Children should maintaine their (im∣potent) parent; or else, should suffer durance for it; saith Alexander ab Alexandro, (Genial. dier. 6.10.) Faciendum id nobis, quod Parentes imperant, saith Panegyris to her sister, in Plautus his Stichus (Act. 1. Scen. 1.) We must doe that which our Parents command: Further, the children were to hold the persons of their Parents (sa∣cred) according to their latter Law, as the Tribunes were of old. The Romans were strict against Murther, and after that horrible sinne committed, they would not have the offender to be killed, till hëe were condemned publickely; for the Ante∣cedent private Revenge was held another murther: Thou shalt doe no mur∣ther.

Parricidas omnes capite puniunto, let all Parricides be beheaded or hanged. Plu∣tarch hath an odde crochet; viz. That Romulus made no Law, against such, as killed their Fathers; as thinking none would be so wicked: but you heard, even now, from Festus, of a Law, against such as did but (strike) their Parents: and M. Ma∣leolus was the first Romane condemned, for killing of his Mother, and sewed in a sacke, and cast into the Sea: and L. Hostius was so served, for killing of his father. To these dayes saith Alexander ab Alexandro (Genial. dier. 3.5.) this is the Punish∣ment of Parricides; a Cocke, an Ape, a Viper, and a Man, are altogether sewed up, in one sacke, and cast into the waters: Lege Pompeiâ, a Dogge was also sewed up with them; so Modestinus (de Parricidiis) But, it may be well observed, that Ro∣mulus esteemed omne Homicidium to be Parricidium; all murtherers are accounted Parricides; all murtherers were to dye the death. Another branch against murther is from Pandulphus Prateius (in veteri jurisprudentiâ) deprehensi in Homicidio statim puniuntor, the Murtherers must be put to a speedie death. Lex Numae de Parricidiis; si quis hominem liberum dolo sciens morti duit (aut det) parricida esto, that is, Numas law of Parricides, saith, if any one felloniously kill a free Denison, let him be ac∣counted a Paricide: A Paricide (with r) differeth from a Parricide (with rr) a Parricide is he, that killeth father or mother; a Paricide he that flayeth any man: Ius Regium was, Ne mulier, quae praegnans mortua esset, humaretur, antequam partus ei

excideretur; qui contrà faceret, spem animantis cum gravida peremisse videretur, that is, the Kings Law was, No woman that dyes great with child, shall be buried before her childe be cut out of her, he that shall presume to doe the contrary to this Law; shall be found guilty of the death, both of the Mother, and the child.

The Seventh Commandement: Thou shalt not commit Adultery. Lex Numae, Pel∣lex Innonis aram ne tangito; Numa's law, let not a strumpet presume to come neere the Altar of Iuno: Ius Regium, thus; Adulterii convictam vir, & cognati, utivolent, ne∣canto; the Kings law thus, Let the husband and Cousins of a woman convicted of Adultery, kill her, at their pleasure: Lex Julia ranked Adultery with Treason, saith Alexander ab Alexandro (Genial. dier. 4.1.) Plerique Philosophi prodidere, adul∣terium perjurio gravius esse Crimen, ibid. that is, the Philosophers, most an end, have accounted Adultery to be a more haynous sinne than perjury: Sempronius Musca C. Gallum flagellis cecidit, that is, Sempronius Musca caused C. Gallus the Adulte∣rer, to be beaten with rods: Opilius Macrinus Adulteros tàm perniciali odio prosecutus suit, ut deprehensos ignibus cremaret, ib d. that is, Opilius Macrinus prosecuted Adul∣terers with such deadly hatred, that he caused all those, that were taken in the fact, to be burnt with fire: Aulus Gellius (10.23.) citeth the Law from Cato▪ In adul∣terio uxores deprehensas, jus fuisse Maritis necare, that is, the husband might lawfully kill his wife, that was taken in Adultery: But the Romanes Lawes (as made by partiall men) favoured men too much, Cato ibid. In Adulterio uxorem tuam, si de∣prehendisses, sine judicio, impunè necares; Illa te, si Adulterares, digito non auderet con∣tingere, neque jus est, that is, If thou chance to catch thy wife in the Act of Adul∣tery thou mayst lawfully kill her, without any farther judgement; but if thou shouldst chance to play the Adulterer, she shall not dare, neither shall it be lawfull for her, so much as to touch thee with one of her fingers: This was the old Law; and the Iulian Law was also too indulgent to men in this sin: Romulus thought adul∣tery sprange from drunkenesse; therefore a Matrone, who did but open a bagge, in which were the keyes of the Wine-Cellar, was starved to death; as Fabius Pictor hath it, in his Annals; and Cato reporteth, that kinred, neighbours or friends, were wont to kisse the Women, that they might know whether the women smelled of wine, for wine enrageth lust, perhaps that pretence was a fence, cloake, or colour, for their often kissing.

The eight Commandement. Thou shalt not steale. If any stole, or cut Come by night, the man must dye; the boy be whipped, or pay double dammage: this Law was mitigated afterwards: It was Cato his complaint, Fures privatorum furtorum, in nervo, & compedibus aetatem agunt; fures publici, in auro, & purpurâ, Gell. that is, poore theeves who have committed private thefts, doe spend their dayes in ginnes and fetters, whilst publicke theeves doe swish it up, and downe in gold and Scarlet. The Decemvirall Lawes permitted the (knowne) theefe to be killed; who either stole by night, or by day, defended himselfe with a weapon, at his apprehension, Gell. (11.18.) And very strict were they to other theeves; though now, saith Gel∣lius, (ibid.) a lege illa Decemvirali discessum est, that Decemvirall Law is now antiqua∣ted, and out of date, the apparent theefe must pay fourefold, what he stole; the theevery not fully manifested, payd but double: Sabinus resolveth that the Master is to be condemned as a theefe, who onely (bids) his servant steale; Servos manifesti furti prehensos verberibus affici, ac de saxo praecipitari, Decemviri jusserunt, Aulus Gel∣lius (noct. Attic. 11.18.) that is, the Decemviri commanded notorious theeves to be scourged, and cast downe headlong from a high Rocke: Furtum, saith the same Gellius, (ibid.) sine ulla attrectatione fieri potest; sola mente, atque animo, ut furtum fiat, annitente, that is, theft may be committed vvithout taking avvay any thing; if a man doe but onely assent or consent unto the committing of theft: Incujus ope, consiliove furtum factum erit, duplici actione ••ene••ur, saith, from the old Law, Antonius Conteus a Lawyer. (Lection. subcisivarum juris Civilis, 1.14.) He that shall assist, or advise a theefe in his theevery is liable to a double action. Alexander ab Alexandro (Genial. dier. 6.10,) Furta lex Romanorum usque adeò aversata est, & tàm severacor∣rectione

plectit, ut furem manifestum in servitutem tradat illi, cui furto quid surreptum fo∣ret, this the Law of the Romanes did so deadly detest, and so severely correct, and punish theft, that it compelled the notorious thiefe, to become (his) bondslave, who had any thing stollen away from him. Theeves disturbe, Ius gentium, by turning men out of their owne possession; and are enemies to humane Society; breakers of Lawes Divine and Humane: Cicero, pro Caecinnâ, qui per tutelam pupillum fraudâsse, ejusque rem furatus esse convinceretur, infaniâ notatus duplionis poenam subiret, that is, If any Guardian shall be convicted of any cosenage, or theft committed against his ward, let him be branded for an infamous person; and let him undergoe the penal∣tie of restoring him two for one. Admirable was that their Law, Rei furtivae aeterna authorit as esto; at any time, from any man, I may challenge, and take, what was stollen from me; yea, though the possessor had lawfully, and for good consideration, bought it from the thiefe. The manner of searching after things stollen, was better, and more rationall, than any practise, we use; which as some malicious villaine hath beene found, to bring secretly into his enemies house, the thing reported to be stolne, and sought for; and himselfe to droppe it downe slily in some corner there, that others might finde it; and so the suspected one might be found guilty. Dioxip∣pus, that noble Champion, or Fencer, was little better used by the the envious Ma∣cedones, in Curtius (9. pag. 303. for, purposely they stole away a golden Cup from a Feast, and accused him to the King; Dioxippus could not abide to be held, by Alexander, or his envious enemies, as a thiefe, and killed himselfe. It was one of the worst deedes, that ever Alexander, or did, or countenanced. But the Roman Lawes, which they tooke from the Grecians, in the dayes of the Decemviri, ap∣pointed; that the searcher should make oath by the gods (the keepers of the Lawes) that he did search, in hope to finde the things feloniously stollen from him; and then, he should come naked into the house, of the party suspected, covered onely to preserve modesty; whereupon, the suspected party, or parties were to permit him, to seeke in all suspicious places of theirs, locked, or unlocked, within doores or without. The ninth Commandement, Thou shalt not beare false witnesse against thy neighbour: Qui falsum Testimonium dixisset, è Saxo Tarpeio dejiceretur, that is, if any one shall beare false witnesse against his neighbour, let him be cast downe headlong, from the Tarpeian rocke; the rocke was of an huge heigth: Dejectio è rupe, sivê â Saxo Tarpeio, per carnificem facta est, praegressâ verberatione, jussu Magi∣stratûs; this hurling, or tumbling downe from the Tarpeian rocke, or stone; was done by the Executioner, when first he had whipped the malefactor, at the command of the Magistrate; Free-men were so served, saith Appian; (De Bello civil 3.) Cicero, (lib. 4. de Republ.) Siquis actitaverit, sive carmen condiderit, quod infamiam, flagitiúmve alteri precetur, capite punitor, that is, If any one shall compose, or rehearse a Libell, which may redound to the disparagement of a mans fame, or good name, let him be beheaded, let him die the death: Metius Suffetius Albanus, pactum, atque condi∣ctum, cum Rege populi Romani perfidè rupit; & binis quadrigis vinctus in diversa ni∣tentibus Laceratus est, Gell. (20.1.) Metius Suffetius Captaine of the Albanes, did perfidiously violate his promise, and agreement which he made, with the King of the people of Rome; wherefore being tyed, by the armes and legges, to two Chari∣ots, each drawne with foure horses, that were driven two cleane contrary wayes, he was rent-asunder, for his labour: Coelius (ad Favorinum ibid.) testifieth, that the Law of casting Lyers from the Tarpeian rocke, was abolished; and if it had conti∣nued, they had had few false witnesses: acerbitas plerumque ulciscendi males••cii, bene, & cauté vivendi, disciplina est, that is, vehement, sharpe punishment of offenders teacheth people to live well;

—At tu dictis Albane maneres, Virgil Aeneid. 8.

Perhaps it might be better thus;

—At tu pactis Albane stetisses,

But Duke of Alba, you should have observed, Your owne compacts, from which you falsely swerved;

For it was Metius Suffetius, Dux Albanus, to whom he spake: Patronus si clienti fraudem fecerit, sacer esto; if the Patron falsifie the trust, which the client puts in him, he is out-lawed; the Patrones esteemed their Clients above kinred, sayth Gellius; Afterward, Lege Corneliâ, a false witnesse was confined to some Iland, and all his goods forfeited; to this Commandement may this be reduced; Qui terminum exa∣râssit, ipsus, & boves sacri sunto, He was to die, who brake the old boundaries, ma∣king false bounds; he, and his innocent Oxen, for ploughing of a lye, yea, the ab∣stainers from witnessing what they knew, were to be Intestabiles; might neither be witnesses, in any ensuing cases, nor might any witnesse for them: briefely, Polybius (lib. 6.) so great Religion did the Romanes place in an oath; that they therein exceeded, and excelled all other Nations; Polybius himselfe condemning his owne Countrimen, and administring occasion to the world, that Graeca fides might be taxed, and runne into a Proverbe. Concerning the tenth Commandement, no Lawes of man ever established it; for no Law of man could ever punish it; an in∣ward unlawfull thought unrevealed, is above mans judgement; Cogitationis poenam in foro nostro nemo luat; let no man be punished, by our Law, for thoughts onely, say the Civilians; a transient ill imagination, strangled, ere his birth, is subject only to Gods Tribunall. Heathens might, and did counsell well; but they were never able to straine so high; this is a Commandement, which subjecteth all the world to guilti∣nesse. Heaven were not so hard to be obtained but for this; Non concupisces, Thou shalt not lust, or covet. The Apostle, who knew not sinne otherwise, knew it by this Law, Rom. 7.7. In other Commandements, the (Act) in this, the (Intention) of the Act, though the purpose fayle, is forbidden: In this Commandement, the Primi∣tive, transient ebullition; the thought, though corrected presently, is condemned; yea, the very suggestion entertained (though speedily rejected) is condemnable here; not as a suggestion, not as resisted; but as entertained, and too [late] re∣sisted: of thoughts there be divers sorts; In morosâ cogitatione, there is delight; this is condemned in every law; in volatili, or volaticâ cogitatione, where there is no rest, no complacency; yet because, we permitted a noxious thought to supervolitare, it is sinfull. If any one should prudently, cautelously, and lovingly advise me to ex∣amine; whether, in every of the other Commandements, the (Intention) of break∣ing them, be not a violation? I answer, the (Intention) doth; the intention to the contrary, is a breaking of any Commandement; for Intention implyeth a con∣sent; there is the (thought) of the heart, Act. 8.22. the lodging of vaine thoughts within us, is not onely disliked, Jer. 4.14. but their very first approach, or saluta∣tion is forbid, in the tenth Commandement; and not onely the expulsion of them, is precepted, but a quelling of them, at the motus primo-primi, whether arising in∣wardly, or contorted by Satan. To be (tempted) of Satan, is no sinne; else Christ had sinned; but it is a sinne, if we take not the shield of faith, whereby we may be able to quench all the fiery darts of the wicked one, Ephes. 6.16. wee are not onely bound to resist; and that alwayes; but if we so carelesly resist, that he give us a veni; or, our soule receiveth never so little a spot; if any of his darts doe but, as it were, raze our skinne; then this imperfect resistance is a sinne, not as it is a resistance; but as it is imperfect: there is a thought, without voyce; even this is condemned, in the tenth Commandement, though it make no impression on the body, and there is a thought with a voyce, Eccles. 10.20. this is a violation, if it be evill, of (any) of the Commandements; there is morosa cogitatio mali, which nestleth in a man; and there is transvolans cogitatio; this later is condemned, by the last Commandement; there is a (thought) of evill, and there is an (Imagination of a thought, 1 Chron. 29.9. Gen. 6.5. the very (imagination) of an ill thought, breaketh the last precept: but Cogitation is onely as an abortion of the consent, or intention; and is forbid one∣ly in the tenth Commandement; In the other Commandements, is forbid inten∣tio, etsi non consequaris; in the tenth, cogitatio, etsi non sequaris; saith a great Di∣vine of our Church, and he citeth S. Augustin thus; Magnum fecit, qui non sequitur malum, sed non sic perfecit; nam cogitare probibetur; we are bound, by this Comman∣dement,

to keepe the tablet of our hearts, and soules, from being dirted or soyled though neuer so little; the very listning to Satans temptations; and the first thought of evill is sinne, and here interdicted; for God accounteth that to be voluntary, not onely what is committed, but what is intended; yea, the very cogitation, which is not hindered by the Will; when it is bound to hinder it; the thought halfe-recei∣ved, halfe rejected: the very seed, as is were, of sinne, and the first degree of enter∣tainement thereof, subjecteth a man to this Commandement, and not to the breach of others. And thus much concerning the Romane Lawes correspondence with the Lawes Divine; from whence the Aegyptians tooke them; and the Grecians from them; for Clemens Alexandrinus (Stromat. 6. pag. 457. saith well of the Grecians, that they were, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they did (steale) from all sorts of Writers, and the Romanes had most from the Grecians.

PAR. 10.

MIne old taske is not yet ended; after the businesses concerning the meere Alien, are thus done off; I am, by my proposed Method, to treate of the stranger, orb 1.286 forraigner; were he a professed Travellour, were he a Tradsman, or Mer∣chant, rather errant than fixed; he might not be forced to Circumcision; he might not partake of the Passeover, Exod. 12.45. A forreiner shall not eate thereof. The thing that dyed of it selfe, was to be given to the stranger, that is in thy gates, that he may eate it; or thou maist sell it unto an Alien, Deut. 14.21. these two sorts of strangers might be so served; but not the third sort, as I thinke: the third sort of strangers; the Sojourners, were such, as also continued, and dwelt among them, within their gates; these if they, and their Males were circumcised, and desirous to eate the Passeover, were not excluded from those sacred benefits: Let him come neere, and keepe the Passeover, and he shall be, as one borne in the Land, Exod. 12.48. and when they dyed, they were not buried, in the buriall place of strangers; which was a distinct coemiterium, Matth. 27.7. but were buried among the Iewes; Where thou diest, I will die, and there will I be buried, Ruth. 1.17. Yea, if a stranger, or one borne in the Land, should have eaten leavened bread, any of the seven dayes of the Paschall Festivity, even that soule shall be cut off from the Congregation of Israel, Exod. 12.19. These so journing strangers, in later times, were called Proselytes▪ and had many priviledges, Num. 15.14, 15, 16. One Law, and one manner shall be for you, and for the stranger, that sojourneth with you. See also, Num. 9.14. The Iewes called strangers, Sojourners, or Proselytes, within their Covenant; and obedient to the Iewish Law, Righteous strangers: of holy strangers, and converts was our Christian Church also compounded; the Iewes did compasse sea and land to make one Proselyte; and yet (that people may feare without good causes, to change the Religion, in which they were bred) what sayth Christ? Matth. 23.15. Ye make him twofold more the child of hell than your selves. Devoute Proselytes came and dweit at Hierusalem, Act. 2.5. and 10. verses, Act. 13.43. Religious Proselytes follow∣ed Paul and Barnabas: this is confirmed, Esay 14.1. The strangers shall be joyned with Israel, and they shall cleave to the house of Israel; yea the very sons of strangers have Gods gracious promise, Esay 56.3. Let not the sonne of the stranger, that hath joyned himselfe to the Lord, say, the Lord hath utterly separated us from his people: the devoute sons of the stranger within the Covenant, God will bring to his holy mountaines, and make them joyfull, in his house of prayer; the burnt offerings, and sacrifices shall be accepted upon Gods Altar, vers. 7. Thus doe I passe from the described seve∣rall sorts of servants, as likewise of strangers, and close up all for the reconciling of these seeming contradictions mustered up in the front of this Chapter, by obser∣ving two points of moment.

1. First, what indulgence soever is granted, what grace offered, what favour permitted, it is onely to such, as were circumcised; the proofe reacheth home, No uncircumcised person shall eate thereof, Exod. 12.48. And the very approbatory pre∣cepts containe so much; the servant bought with money may eate the Passeover,

when he is circumcised; and the sojourning stranger, when all his Males be circum∣cised, he may keepe it, as is above cited. Thus the negative Precepts; No stranger shall eate thereof; a forraigner, an hired servant shall not eate thereof; all these, and if there be more, must be understood of such as are uncircumcised: for if any of these had beene admitted into the bosome of the Iewish Church; and write their Covenant with the blood of their Circumcision, and sealed it with the seale of Gods people, then had they an interest in the Passeover.

2. The second thing promised to be premised, is this; How strict soever the Let∣ter of the Law seemeth to carry it; that not one, but circumcised people might eate thereof, yet neither were women circumcised, nor yet were they excluded from ea∣ting the Passeover: that the men Idaealitèr represented the women; and the women were (as I may so say) circumcised in the men; see proved in my Miscellanies: con∣cerning the second part of the disjunction, it is true; the Passeover might be eaten by men alone without women; so was that most holy Passeover, celebrated by our most blessed Saviour, & nor women, nor disciple at large, but the Apostles, the 12. Apostles onely ate it with him: of which, God willing hereafter: that onely women by themselves ever observed it, I have not read, I doe not beleeve; though the Ma∣ster of the family supplied the roome of the first-borne; yet the priviledge of the first-borne, or of the Priest, to sacrifice the Passeover, was never permitted to wo∣men. If it be objected, that Zipporah, Exod. 4.25. circumcised her soone, and might she not, as well slay the Passeover? I answer, the difference is great; for, first, Mo∣ses was at the point of death, and could not circumcise him: secondly, it was fit, that she, who in likelihood, had hindered Moses from circumcising him, should now doe it her selfe: thirdly, no Expositor ever doubted, but all this businesse was translated, by the power, and direction of God, or of the Angell, both shewing the cause of Gods wrath against Moses; because he, who was to give the Law to others, was a breaker of the Law, given to him by Abraham, for the circumcision; which though God forbare, whilst Moses continued a private man, among the Heathen; yet now, that he was governour Elect, going as it were, to be installed, with the rod of God, in his hand, Cum baculo Pastorali; lest he should give exemplary scan∣dall by his sinfull omission; God sent upon him, in the Inne, and by the way exem∣plary punishment; and sayd, in effect, Zipporah, thine husband shall die, if thou cir∣cumcise not his sonne; whereupon of two evills, she chuse the lesse, as shee appre∣hended: fourthly, Againe, extraordinary actions are ill precedents for a common course; yet give me God so directing, I will allow a woman sacrificing; give me a good Angell so advising, and I will commend a lay-man; as Manoah a Danite, the father of Samson, offering a burnt-offering to the Lord, and acting the Priests part, Jud. 13.6. fifthly, and lastly, there were many, who were circumcised, that are not the Posseover; as the seed of Esau, but none might eate the Passeover, except the circumcised: therefore, I am (perswaded) he should not heretically erre, that saith, as in our Sacrament of Entrance into the Church, upon great exigents, the Laity may Baptize, though Regularly it belong to the Priests office: so the Iewish Sacrament of Circumcision, in extremity, might be performed by others, though the administration thereof properly appertained to the first-borne, head of the fa∣mily, or Priest. If any thinke I presume too farre? I answer; first, I speake but my owne perswasion, and that humbly with subjection: secondly, not onely the lay∣men, but Christian women have often in extreme necessitie baptized with us, and not beene hindred, nor punished: thirdly, Vorstius on Bellarmine (De ministro Baptismi) confesseth; Inter ipsos Evangelicos benè multos••esse adhuc, qui••etiam laici••, ac feminis (non tamen inc••dulis) in casu necessitatis, officium baptizandi conce∣dunt; that is, among the professours of the Gospell, there are very many, even to this day; who, in a case of necessitie, doe grant the office of Baptizing, even to lay∣men, and to women themselves; so that they be not Infidels; though indeede with∣all, he saith, the greater, and better part dissent: fourthly, Tertullian (De Baptis∣mo;) Hierom (contra Luciferianot) & allipassim; lead the way to my perswasion; in∣somuch,

that Ʋorstius saith to their authoritie; Nimia patrum solicitudo pro Regulâ perperam hic affertur, that is, the Fathers too much care for Baptisme, is not to be pressed upon us, as a Rule to follow: yet, nor may the extraordinary Baptizer consecrate the Body, and Blood of our Lord; nor the extraordinary Circumciser (without expresse Revelation Divine) sacrifice the Beasts offered at the Altar; a nullity followeth in both, joyned with horrible presumption, and intrusion upon the Sacerdotall dignity: that most commonly an houshold, or housholds, mixed of men, and women together, did celebrate the Passeover together, was the confessed practise; Domatim, and the next family, domatim, doe evince so much; the thrice-blessed Virgin went up, with Joseph to celebrate the Passeover; did they doe it, in severall houses, or, not together? The Aethiopians to this day, use to circumcise their very women; I had rather, you should read the words, and manner; in Dancianus â Goes (de Aethiopum moribus, pag. 69) than in me: Johannes Leo verifieth as much, of the African women, that the Turkes Circumcise them; It is in his eight booke, of the African History: but I never read, that eyther God Commanded; or the Iewes used female-Circumcision, or Circumcision of females. The men of the Hebrewes, who had many other Priviledges above the women, in this bore the brunt, both for their Redemption, and Circumcision, and not their women; and the men represented the women. To conclude; as any one, true∣ly, and justly admitted a Proselyte into the Iewish Congregation, might be partaker of the holy Passeover; and might be part of that selected number of peo∣ple, who were prerequired to consummate, or consume that solemne Passeover; whether they were he, or she-Proselyte : so no man uncircumcised in the flesh; no man or woman, as I thinke, who had plainly revolted from the Iewish Religion (though their males were circumcised) were to be numbred among the Society of Communicants, at the Passeover. This I am sure of, Ezech. 44.9. No stranger uncir∣cumcised in heart, nor uncircumcised in the flesh, shall enter into my Sanctuary, saith God, of any stranger, that is among the children of Israel; the bringing in of such, was an abomination, verse the 7. Most summarily thus; Servants or strangers of any kinde; if they were true members of the Iewish Synagogue; might be partakers of their Sacraments; or strangers of any kinde, if they were uncircumcised in heart, or flesh, and separated from Israels God, might not partake; nor be part of this sacred number, at the eating of the Passeover. Now it is high time for me, after so many poynts, and so many digressions, handled in this Chapter; to beginne a new matter, and Chapter; but not, till I have ended with a Prayer.

The Prayer.

HOly, Holy, Holy, Lord God of Hosts; blessed be thy glorious name, for gui∣ding me, through bryars, thornes, and obscure thickets of the Wildernesse, in a day by a pillar of Cloud; and in the night, by a pillar of fire; it hath beene thy good Spirit, O God, which hath lead me, and inspired into me, thoughts above my selfe: good Lord, I humbly begge, for a continuance of thy favour; yea, and in∣crease of thy grace; lead me, O Lord, from knowledge to knowledge, from vertue to virtue; illuminate my dull understanding, sanctifie my perverse affections, and give me a Progresse in all good courses, from grace to grace; and by thy effectu∣all multiplied graces, guide me, good Lord, unto thy glory, for the merits of Iesus Christ. Amen, Amen.

CH••P. X. The Contents of the tenth Chapter.

1. The yeare of the world, in which the Passeover was first instituted.

2. The moneth of that yeare. The old Iewish account of the yeares, and the new. Annus

sacer, & vulgaris. The yeare preceding the seventh Sabbaticall yeare, viz. the 48. yeare, af∣ter the old Jubilee, and the second yeare before the new Iubilee; brought forth sufficient fruits for three yeares.

3. The Magnalia performed, in the moneth of Abib.

4. The Passeover, upon some other occasions extraordinary, might be kept, on another moneth.

5. The proclaiming of Festivall dayes commanded, both by Moses, and some Heathen.

6. The appointed day for the Passeover.

7. It was the fourteenth day of the moneth, not alterable, or dispensable with.

8. The full Moone.

9. The Iewes hope that the Messiah shall deliver Israel, the same day that Moses did, and that the Passeover was kept.

10. Tertullian explained.

11. The Iewes unlawfully altered the day of the Passeover.

12. Christ ate the Passeover on the fourteenth day of the moneth, the Iewes on the day following.

13. The strict observation of the Iewish Festivals: a trappe laid for Christ: and broken taxations are paiable to Princes, against the opinion of Pharisaicall-zelot Galilaeans. The misunderstood story of the Galilaeans slaine by Pilot, explained.

14. Before the Iewish Passeover, our blessed Saviour was crucified.

15. Christ kept the Law exactly.

16. The houre of the day that the Iewish Passeover was kept in: the severall begin∣nings of the day by severall Nations. The Iewes began, from the Evening.

17. In the new Testament, thereckoning was from the morning.

18. The houre of the day, was a lasting, fixed Ceremony: It was to be slaine betweene the two evenings: The divers meaning of the word, Evening: Maymonides reproved.

19. It was to be eaten betweene Sun-set, and any time, till towards the morning; against the opinion of Scaliger: It was usually eaten, after the beginning of the second Evening, and not long, after Sunset.

20. The fixed houre more explained.

PARAGRAPH. I.

THe seventh durable Rite of Paschatizing, was, it must be killed on a set moneth, in the first moneth of the Iewish yeare: but first, let us touch at the yeare of the world, when these great matters came to passe: In those remoter ages, which truely may be called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, fabulous, for mul∣ta confingifabulosa coeperunt, saith S. Augustin (De Civit. Dei, 18.8.) Wee have little beside Scripture, but onely uncertaine conjecture; yea, too many uncertaine con∣jectures upon Scriptures; even they which would seeme to have rocked the Cra∣dle at the Creation, to have taken off the swadling cloathes of time, and to have nursed the world in her infancy, and registred yeare by yeare, all forepassed affaires, with incredible exactnesse, doe yet incredibly differ, concerning the yeare of the first great Passeover: Sure I am, it was 430. yeares, after the Hebrewes beginning to so journe, Exod. 12.40. Even just so long, after the preaching of the Gospell to Abraham, Gal. 3.8. After the Promise made to him, and his seed, that is, Christ, Gal. 3.16. I say, the Law was given full 430. yeares, after the Covenant confirmed, Gal. 3.17. even the selfe-same day 430. yeares, was the eating of the Paschall Lambe, and their arising to goe out of Aegypt; and the selfe-same yeare, (within fiftie dayes of their Paschall solemnity) was the Law given on mount Sinai; for, though God reckoned unto Abraham no more than 400. yeares, Gen. 15.13. with which number the new Testament exactly accordeth, Act. 7.6. (so that we may not so much as ima∣gine an errour, or mistaking) yet God accounted not to him, the thirtie yeares of Abrahams fore-journying, or current troubles, both in Aegypt, and in the rest of his travells, or peregrenation (as he did by Moses, and S. Paul) but poynts out the time, when the mocking of Ishmael, the ••oune of the Aegyptian Hagar, was to be so appa∣rent,

that Sarab her selfe saw it, Gen. 21.9. Which mocking the holy writ estee∣med as a persecution, (He that was borne, after the flesh persecuted him, that was borne after the spirit Gal. 4.29.) from this scourge of the tongue, or vexation by other mis-behaviour no more, nor lesse, than 400 yeares were expired to the de∣parture of Israel, out of the house of bondage.

And yet there were in an undeniable account, full 430: yeares, to a day, from A∣brahams first arrivall into Canaan; till his seede began to journey, toward their pro∣mised Patrimonie, in the Land of Canaan: distingue Tempora, & concordabit Scrip∣tura, distinguish the times, and the Scriptures will easily accord: God began one aeri or account, from Abraham's first footing in Canaan, at his being 75. yeares old; and thence to the first Passeover, were 430. yeares: God also tooke a second Epocha or ground of an account, from the time of Ishmaels notorious abuse of Isaac; from which time, 400. yeares were to flow before the seede of Abraham were freed from the Aegyptian servitude: I am sure also it was about the foure-score, and first yeare of Moses his age; and about the 84. of Aarons life, Exod. 7.7. Concerning Moses his co-equalls, and contemporaries, S. Augustine hath planted a dainty dis∣course (de Civit. Dei, 18.8) Ludevicus Vives of old, and the most learned Leonar∣dus Coquaeus, have watered it of late; and though much may be graffed on, or su∣per-added, to make it more fruitefull, or tastefull, yet because this falls in onely, in transitu, on the Bye, I passe it by, and referre you to them, and their records of anti∣quitie: in faire computation the Passeover was, in the 54 yeare of Ioshuah, after the Universall undage, in Noabs time, 797. yeares, in the dayes of Alman, who was the Hercules of the Germanes, (for Varro reckoneth up 44. Herculesses) and from whom the Almans, at this day, tooke their name; about the times of the Trojan Teucer, and Greeke Amphictyon, before Christs incarnation 1536. yeares; and in the yeare of the worlds Creation. 2453. So much be sayd concerning the yeare of the world, which passed away: let us now fall downeward, and enlarge our selves upon the first moneth, of the yeare; which was indeede the lasting Ceremo∣nie of the following Passeover.

PAR. 2.

YEt let me, on the Bye, observe a fault in the great emendator of times: I will not determine at large, that quaestion, which hath exercised so many great Wits; whether the world was created in the Spring, or in the Autumne; yet I can∣not but gently censure the error, of that great Censor of times, Josephus Scaliger, who in his fift booke, de emendatione Temporum, (pag. 368.) discourseth, to this ef∣fect: the more ancient opinion was, that the world was created in Autumne; but, by a later opinion, it was made in the Vernal aequinox, or spring, because all things did then grow, bud, and encrease, which in the Autumne decrease, and wither: o∣therwise, say they, why was the earth commanded to spring, branch, and bud forth; that with the first frosts of Autumne it should be nipped, and leave growing? But, this is a vaine, fond, and foolish argument, saith Scaliger; though I was sometime of that opinion; hearken to his reason, for if this be true, saith he, when God bad the trees produce their fruite; there must needes have beene grapes, and other fruites (which are not ripe, but in Autumne) even then in the Vernall aequinox, which is most absurd. I answere.

• First, a man must not lightly change his opini∣on, if he doe, let him not censure it for an idle, babling, or uncomely opinion; but part with it fairely, without laying an aspersion of folly, on the argument, which before was prevalent with him, lest it reflect folly on himselfe, to be so simply mis∣led.
• 2. Secondly, Scaliger might have considered, Adam was created, not a child, but a perfect man.
• 3. Thirdly, that God, out of the ground formed every beast of the field, and every fowle of the ayre Gen. 2.19. And that God could easily create ripe fruite, as trees at any time whatsoever; that on every tree in Eden fruite did grow, and of every tree in the garden, man might freely eate except of the tree of

• knowledge of good and evill; Gen. 2.16. therefore there was fruite on that tree also, otherwise there needed no inhibition, and if Adam had not eaten of that forbidden fruite, we had not fallen.
• 4. Fourthly, God gave man every herbe bearing seede, or see∣ding seede, Gen. 1.29. and every greene herbe was for meate, Gen. 1.30. but because Scaliger instanceth in (grapes) he might have considered, Gen. 1.11.12. God sayd let the earth bring forth grasse; the herbe yeelding seede, and the fruite tree yeelding fruite, after his kinde; whose seede is in it selfe on the earth, and so it was: are not Grapes fruite? is not the Vine a Tree? Iudg. 9.8. The trees went forth to annoint a King over them, and the trees sayd to the Vine come thou and rule over us, ver. 12. and the Vine refused to be promoted over the Trees, verse, 13. see Ezek. 15.2. and 6.
• 5. Fiftly, the powerfull will of the infinite Creator, was as the Father; and the earth like a fruitefull wombe of a Mother, which brought forth full-growne creatures; why were not ripe Grapes created as well as other Autumnall fruites, ripe also?
• 6. Sixthly, if Adam had not fallen, it is more probable, that trees should have borne fruite all the yeare; some ripe, some halfe-ripe: some blossoming, some budding; as divers trees doe now, in divers parts of the world: as Aarons rod, Num. 17.8. was budded, and brought forth buds, and bloomed blossomes, and yel∣ded Almonds:

  Ver erat aeternum, placidique tepentibus auris, Mulcebant Zephyrinatos sine semine flores,

  saith Ovid, (Metamorph. 107. and 108. verses,) that is,

  The lovely Ver kept still in lively lustre, The fragrant vallies, smiling meades, and pasture, And Zephyre did sweete muskie sighes afford; Which breathing through the Garden of the Lord, To seedes gave vigour; verdure to the field, That verdure, flowers; those flowers, sweete savour yeeld.

  As Ioshuah Sylvester, our English Du Bartas, in his Eden, Fol. 219. hath excel∣lently translated him: I am sure, the tree of life in the Coelestiall Hierusalem, bare twelve manner of fruites; and yeeldeth her fruite every Moneth, Rev. 22.2. And the earthly Paradise was a type of the heavenly.
• 7. Seventhly, if it should be ab∣surd to say that our Autumnall fruites, were ripe and perfect, at the Creation; as the contray is most probable; yet, it is not absurdissimum; thousands of matters are more absurd; I am sorry to see Scaliger, in the superlative of Censure, for little or nothing; so that I cannot forbeare to say of him, as he sayd (pag. 568.) of Aben Ezra, En jecur Criticum, see how a Criticke may erre.

Lastly, S. Ambrose (Hexam. 1.4.) saith expressely to the maine question; In hoc principio mensium, quo Pascha, jussu Dei, celebrabant Iudaei, calum & terram fecit Deus, that is, in this beginning of Moneths, at what time the Jewes did celebrate the Passeover, according to Gods Commandement, God created the heaven, and the earth also, Athanasius (quaest. 17.) Eodem Die, quo Christus in utero virginis conceptus est, in mundi principio, Deus creavit Adam, that is, the same day on which Christ was conceived in the wombe of the Virgin, God, in the beginning of the world created Adam. Againe, Da∣mascene (de fide Orthod. 2.7.) in the spring, Deus fecit universa, God created the whole Universe. Briefely, (for I remember my promise at the beginning) of the same opinion, are Leo, (de Possi. domini. Ser. 5. and 9.) Beda, (de ratione Temporum, cap. 40.) Cyrill Hierosol. (Catech. 14.) Gaudentius, (tractat. 1. de Paschae observati∣me) and Iacobus Salianus; (in his apparatus, ad Annales Ecclesiasticos veteris Testa∣menti cap. 4.) citeth forty Authors, or thereabout, that the world was created at the Spring; and yet in my opinion, very simply, and superficially confuteth Ioseph Scaliger, viderit Lector. Now to returne to the former point; of the varietie of the yeares, and their severall beginnings and endings, with the divers accounts of divers Nations: see Alexander ab Alexandro (Gen. dier. 3.24.) and how many occasions, and some foolish triviall ones, caused some to begin their yeare, from such a Day; but I must apply my selfe to the Israelitish computation: that the Jew∣ish

account of beginning the yeare, and moneth, was different from that before established, appeareth by the expresse words, Exod. 12.2. This moneth shall be un∣to you the beginning of moneths, it shall be the first moneth of the yeare to you; as if he had said; it hath not beene so heretofore, it shall be so hereafter. But, whether the Is∣raelites in their Aegyptian captivitie, reckoned according to the old Hebrew ac∣count, or according to the Aegyptian account, may be doubted; howsoever an alte∣ration is estabished by God himselfe. And now by this meanes, you may know which is the first moneth, when Paschatizing was to be kept: that moneth whose fourteenth day or full moone, falls, either upon the Vernall aequinox, or after it, the same is the first Paschall Moneth; and hence it commeth to passe, saith Cornelius a Lapide; that the New-Moone of the first moneth, can neither be, before the eighth day of March; nor after the fifth day of Aprill: So that if it fall out that two full Moones are equally distant from the Aequinoctiall, as may be, though very seldome, not the praecedent full Moone, but the subsequent, designeth out the first Moneth: Indeede the yeare began before that time, in September, and that Moneth did runne out into our October: that moneth is called (Tisri) which signifieth in the Chal∣dee, the Beginning; and the beginning of their yeare it was. It is remarkeably sayd Exod. 28.16. Of the feast of Tabernacles, that it is the feast of in-gathering, which is in the end of the yeare. It was sayd of old, Supremum inferioris tangit in∣fimum superioris, the top of the inferiour thing toucheth the bottome of the supe∣riour; 2. Esdr as 68. Iacob's hand held from the beginning the heele of Esau; Esau is the end of the old world, and Iacob the beginning of it, that followeth ver. 9. and the end of one yeare past, toucheth the beginning of the yeare following: two minuts are not farre a sunder, the first determineth the preceding yeare, the second giveth life, motion, and account to the succeeding yeare: Ʋbi desimit Philosophus, incipit med cus; the Physician begins where the Philosopher ends, where one yeare ends, the other yeare begins; that part of time which determineth the old yeare, initia∣teth the new; The same feast of Tabernacles, which is sayd to be, Exod. 23.16 in exeundo annum, in the going out of the yeare, as the Hebrew runneth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.287 Beizeth Hasshânab, is said also to be (as it is in the Interlineary) in revolutione anni, Exod 34.22. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Tekuphath Hasshânah, at the Revolution of the yeare, as it is in the Margin of our last Translation: And though it be sayd in the body of our Bible, At the yeares end: yet the yeares end is the Revolution of the yeares beginning: the words differ more than the sense:i 1.288 Quando redeunte anni tempore cuncta conduntur, saith Hentenius in his Vulgar; and Santandreanus; which signe out not the past, but present renewed yeare: Where it is sayd, Exod. 23.16. In the end of the yeare; you must not understand the words of the Jewish yeare, which God hath newly established, but of their old computation. Septem∣ber which was termed anciently the first moneth, is now the seventh moneth, saith the Chaldee Paraphrase, on 1 King. 8.2. Where the seventh moneth is called also Ethanim; though the usuall name was Tisri; as now the first moneth here instituted is called by the Hebrewes, Abib, and in the Chaldee tongue, Nisan; and ordinarily consisteth part of March, part of Aprill; the New-moone beginneth the first day of the Moneth, as the Moneth did of the yeare. The Sacred things most of them were accounted from the Annus Sacer; and the Scripture most times accounteth by this Sa∣cred yeare, and yet we may not deny, but the yeare is truly distinguished, in vulgarē, a••t Civilem; into the vulgar or civill yeare: & Sacrū vel Ecclesiasticū, the sacred or Ec∣clesiasticall yeare: Some holy things were accounted even according to the common yeare, as the Jubilee by Gods owne appointment, Levit. 25.9. and it is generally a∣greed; the Common yeare, Quantùm adpublica negotia, & res saeculares pertinet, Moses, ut priùs erat, reliquit, saith Ribera, on Hag. 2.1.)k 1.289 and he proveth it by Iosephus, (Ant. 1.4.) The Jubilee was a sacred, most sacred feast: For though Civill things, di∣vers great Civill affaires were transacted in it: yet they were in ordine ad Religio∣nem,

and in respect of the Jubilee, which was as it were, a Sabbath of Sabbaths: and after 7 Sabbaticall yeares fully compleate, the fiftieth yeare was the great Jubilee, which was blessed of God, with extraordinary favours: for though the yeere pre∣cedent, being the 49. yeare, and the last of the 7. Sabbaticall yeares, they did not sow, nor reape: yet the corne growing in the 48. served both the remainder of the same yeare, and the whole Sabbaticall yeare of the 49. yeare; and for the yeare of Jubilee: Nor let any man wonder at the great encrease of the 48 yeare; God is able to raise up children of stones unto Abraham, Mat. 3.9. much more super-abun∣dancie of Corne out of the earth. But who doubts of Gods power? Let us see what he hath promised; let us see, what he hath done, Levit. 25.21. I will com∣mand my blessing on you, in the sixt yeare, and it shall bring forth fruite, for three yeares; was he not able to performe his promise? or, was he not as good as his word? He spake the (Word,) and it was made, He commanded, and it was created; as is divinely sayd in another case; He who made all things of nothing could easily crowne the sixt yeare, with an encrease for three yeares, and without doubt, performed it. Let us now see, what he did at another time, 2 King. 19.29. Yee shall eate, this yeare, of such things as grow of themselves, and in the second yeare, that which springeth of the same; in the third yeare, sow ye, and reape. In the first of these yeares, they gathe∣red in (as I thinke) the cadiva, or, that which grew from the fallings of the prece∣dent harvest, the selfe-sowen corne, selfe growne corne, as my Neighbours call it: the yeare also following, and the earth without tillage, manurance, or sowing, of its owne accord, brought forth sufficient corne for them; the Hebrew verily hath it, Germinatum sponte; which words may signifie, either the Cadiva of the second yeare, or corne miraculously springing up the second yeare, which I hold to be more like∣ly. The English is somewhat uncertaine, ye shall eate this yeare such things, as grow of themselves, and in the second yeare, that which springeth of the same; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [the same] hath not reference to the yeare; for then it must be sayd, in the same; not, of it, certaine it is, all plowing and sowed corne is excluded.

PAR. 3.

THis moneth of Abib, was the chiefest moneth of the yeare, wherein the Mag∣nalia, the wondrous things of God were vouchsafed to the Iewes; therefore worthy to be the first of moneths; for the Israelites this Moneth escaped many of the Plagues, inflicted on Pharoah, and his people; and ate the Passeover; and came, though hastily, yet safely out of Aegypt; miraculously passed the Red-sea, on foote, the waters being, as two fir me walls on the right hand, and on the left. This mo∣neth, they found the comfortable safe conduct, of the Pillar of cloud, by day, and of fire, by night. In this moneth they first passed over Iordan, and came into the Land of Canaan, Iosh. 4.19. In this moneth was Christ conceived, and suffred and arose; and that even in the Jewish 70. Jubilee, as a great Hebraizer resolveth; which was the last Jubilee, that ever that Nation, or land joyfully observed: Ambrose (de Pas∣chae mysteriis, cap. 2.) thinkes, the Passeover is the beginning of the yeare, in the Spring; that giveth first Being, to the first moneth; the renewing of buds, flowres, and hearbes, the overcommer of winterly night, and darkenesse; the recoverer of our Vernall Iubilation, or joy in the spring: On this time, God made heaven and earth, (as is before touched at) inlightening the day, with the sunnes heate; In this moneth, the corne in those parts, began to be eared; and therefore the mo∣neth, and the word Abib, doe signifie an care of Corne.

PAR. 4.

NOw, though this were a perpetuall durable Ceremony, that the Passeover should be eaten, on the first moneth of the yeare; yet, upon extraordinary occasion, both the Passeover was kept, and to be kept, on the second moneth, Num. 9.11. (the people being uncleane) and this we may truely call, a second, Succe∣daneall

Passeover; when the Israelites were indisposed, for the receiving of it, in the first appointed season: Hezekiah also kept his great Passeover, in the second moneth; whereof two other Reasons are given; First, because the Priests had not sanctified themselves sufficiently, 2 Cor. 30.3. Secondly, the people had not ga∣thered themselves together in Jerusalem, duely as they ought, in the first moneth. These things adjourned the Passeover over to the second Moneth.

• 1. The Peoples uncleannesse.
• 2. The insufficient sanctification of the Priests.
• 3. The paucity and absence of people from the due place of offering: observably it is sayd, Deut. 16.1.

Observe the moneth; Abib, and keepe the Passeover unto the Lord thy God; for in the moneth Abib the Lord brought thee forth out of Aegypt. So much bee spoken of the moneth of the yeare, which was to be the first moneth: Now, let us consider the day of the moneth, when the Paschall Lambe was to be offered; which is another of the durable rites, generally to be observed.

PAR. 5.

THere were feasts of the Lord, even holy Congregations, which they were to proclaime to bee holy, Levit. 23.2. Yea, which ye shall proclaime in their seasons, vers. 4. Among the Graecians Plato (11. de Legibus) and Plutarch, (in the life of Solon; mention such a custome, as proclaiming by a praeco, or cryer; of holy times, and Sacred Feasts: among the Romans Cicero (2. de Legibus) mentioneth the same; Date linguam praeconi, is growne to an adage, that is, give a tongue to the Cryer, or make the Cryer proclaime: the Cryer bad them abstaine from strife and brawling, and to separate from their lippes all obscaene speeches, Iob cap. 1. vers. 5. Mittebat ad filios, Iob sent to his sonnes; Mittebat quoque, as the Hebrew bear••th it, Misso nuntio, eos accersebat, saith Vatablus; He sent a Messenger to call them: Psal. 81.3. Blow up the Trumpet, in the New-Moone, in the time appointed, on our solemne Feast-day: more punctually, Exod, 23.6. Aaron made Proclamation, and sayd, To morrow is a feast to the Lord, Praeconis voce clamavit, he made the cryer proclaime, as the Vulgar hath it. This Proclamation might well be made by an under-Officer, or Cryer; though the Hebrew ascribeth the Proclamation to Aaron, as being ap∣pointed by his authority, as our King proclaimeth, what his Officers proclaime in his Name; and it is his Proclamation, though others reade it, and proclaime, and Preach it. The very name of their holy dayes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, mogned,* 1.290 comes of the radix 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, jagnad, to appoint a fixed time; likewise 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Michea, from their being called together; nor were they summoned onely, before the feasts,* 1.291 that they might know the appointed times, but even at, and in their feasts they did blow with Trumpets over their burnt-offerings, and over the Sacrifices of their Peace-offerings, that they might be to them, a memoriall, before the Lord, Numb. 10.10.

PAR. 6.

AS the first moneth of the yeare is called the appointed season for the eating of the Passeover, Num. 9.2. So in the 14. day of the moneth, at Even, ye shall keepe it, in his appointed season, ver. 3. Moneth, day, evening of the day, are styled by God, the appointed seasons: things out of season are lesse regarded: Be∣neficia moment is valent, a courtesie is more acceptable at one time, than at another; the hitting of the punctum, & articulus Temporis, the point and minute of time; and the striking sweetely upon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a seasonable hint, or fit oppertunity, is very gra∣cious.

PAR. 7.

IF any desire a proofe, that the Jewes were commanded to keepe, and did keepe the Passeover, on the 14. day of the first moneth, he shall finde the words ex∣pressely, Exod. 12.6. Yee shall keepe it, (to wit, the Paschall-offering) untill the

14. day of the moneth, and the whole assembly shall keepe it, betweene the two Evenings; Num. 28.16. In the 14. day of the first moneth, is the Passeover of the Lord; and in the 15. day of this moneth, is the feast, ver. 17. And this Ceremony was so du∣rable, that they, who were dispensed withall not to keepe the Passeover, in the first moneth; were not yet dispensed withall, but they did keepe the Passeover, on the 14. day of the next moneth. One reason may seeme to be touched at; Exod. 12.40. &c. just that day, 430. yeares, that they came into Aegypt, to sojourne, even the selfe-same day it came to passe that all the hostes of the Lord went out of the Land of Aegypt; but they were not to goe forth, till they had ended their Paschall solemni∣tie.

PAR. 8.

ANother reason might be, it was plenilunium; and both Naturally, they had more light, in the night, to goe forth, with that confused mixed multitude: the full bright-moone-light being almost of the sun-light: God brought the Is∣raelites out by night, Deut. 16.1. And it is probable, the Moone might, that night, supply the roome, and office of the Pillar of fire, which is spoken of in the next Chapter; and though it be sayd, Exod. 13.4. This day ye came out, in the moneth, Abib, yet Deuteronomie toucheth at the beginning of their going forth, and Exo∣dus, of the end of it; the first in fieri, the second in facto esse: and mistically Pleni∣lunium, saith Rupertus, indicabat illam Temporis Plenitudinem; the full moone did point at the fulnesse of Time, spoken of, Gal. 4.4. When the (Fulnesse) of time was come, God sent forth his Sonne, made of a woman, made under the Law; to redeeme them that were under the Law, (to a better redemption, than the Israelites were now redee∣med unto) that we might receive the Adoption of sonnes, whereby we are now no more ser∣vants, as it followeth ver. 7. This also by some, will be thought a good reason, or a strong confirmation of the Praecedent.

PAR. 9.

MAsius on Ioshuah, 5.10. Hoc unum addam memorabile sanè quod in Thalmude scriptum reperi, ubi de anni principio disputatur, celebrem fuisse, & veterem opi∣nionem àpud priscos Iudaeos; qui Dies vertentis anni Israelites fuisset libertatis Aegyptiacae initum, eundem olim ip sit fore initium quoque libertatis, quam essent â Messiah recepturi, that is, I will adde this one thing, and that verily is a memorable one; which I found written in the Jewish Talmud, where the beginning of the yeare is handled; that it was a famous, and common received opinion, among the Ancient Jewes; that Messiah should begin to deliver them, on the selfe-same day of the yeare; that God, by Moses, delivered them out of Aegypt. How excellently it accordeth with the truth of our Religion, every man seeth; saith he; since within 24. houres of the killing of the Paschall-Lambe, our most blessed redeemer was crucified, and by the sprinckling of his blood, saved us. Yea, Eugubinus (on the 12. of Exod.) assureth us, that the Jewes of these Times doe fully beleeve, that the Messiah shall come exactly, on that day, on which the Passeover was offered, when they fled out of Aegypt; which most exactly is squared to our blessed Saviour, though the Jewes, who have yet a vayle before their faces, doe not, or will not see this cleare light.

PAR. 10.

TErtullian cast it in their teeth, (in his booke, Adversus Iudaeos, post medium) thus: Hoc Moses initio primi mensis novorum facturos nos prophetavit, cum omne vulgus filiorum Israel advesperum, agnum esset immolaturum—&c adjecit, Pas∣cha esse Domini, i. passionem Christi, quod it à quoque adimpletum est, ut primâ die azi∣morum interficeretis Christum; & ut prophetiae implerentur, properavit dies vesper am facere, i. Tenebras eff••ce••••••, quae media die fastae sunt, that is, Moses did prophecie, that wee

should doe this, in the beginning of the first moneth of new things, when all the children of Israel, pell-mell, or the whole assembly of the Congregation (as our last Translation hath it) were commanded to kill the Paschall-Lambe, in the Evening; and be added, It is the Lords Passeover (that is to say) the Passion of Christ; which was even so fulfilled, in that yee crucified Christ, on the first day of unleavened bread; and that the Prophesies might be fulfilled, the day hasted to make the Eve∣ning (that is to say) to cause darkenesse, which came to passe, at Mid-day: and be∣fore, he saith, In passione Christi, at the Passion of Christ (as Rigaltius, and Pamelius, read it better, than it was in Rhenanus) Primis men sis novorum, is plaine enough; and, as needing none explication, is omitted, and unexplained, by all those three learned men; and it sheweth the new occurrences and strange effects begun, neare a∣bout their going out of Aegypt. But why Tertullian should say, Initio primi mensis novorum, which were not done, till the tenth, and fourteenth day, I see not; unlesse Tertullian thinkes, it was foretold by God to Moses, by Moses, to Israel, on the first day of the moneth, what was to be done, and was done afterwards, in the tenth and four∣teenth day. The summe of Tertullians meaning is, that Christ was slaine, as the Passeover was, in the first day of unleavened bread, toward the Evening; the day hasting to make the Evening, by the mid-dayes turning darke, to adapt the sub∣stance to the figure, and fulfill the prophesie; and therefore, the sacrifice was called the Passeover of the Lord, Exod. 12.11. that is, the Passion of Christ, which was ac∣complished, above all other Evenings, betweene the two Evenings; the one mira∣culous, Cùm media dies tenebresceret, saith Tertullian, when the mid-day waxed darke; and lasted so a long time. The other naturall, toward the shutting of the day, Exod. 12.14. This day (viz. the fourteenth) shall be unto you for a memoriall; and ye shall keepe it a Feast to the Lord, throughout your generations; and doubling the pre∣cept, ingeminateth, you shall keepe it a feast, by an ordinance for ever; therefore were the Iewes to blame, to shift off the day, and to translate the Feast, which was nayled to the Iewish policie, for ever. Though this fourteenth day of themoneth, was never dispensed withall by God Almighty (for ought that we can learne) and therefore was one of the rites of perpetuall durabilitie; yet the Iewes presumed to change it as is now to be explained.

PAR. 11.

MOst holily did our Saviour say to them, Matth. 15.3. Ye transgresse the Com∣mandements of God, by your traditions; and verse 6. Ye make the Commande∣ment of God, of none effect by your tradition; and ver. 9. In vaine doe they worship mee, teaching for doctrines, the Commandements of men: what the Iewes before, and in our Saviours life did practise; their Successours followed to an haire. Sebastian Mun∣ster (in his Tractat. called, Translationes anni, fixioner, pag. 141.) bringeth in a Iew, giving a reason, why they varied from Gods appointment, thus; Sapientes roborave∣runt verba sua, plus quà ea, quae sunt legis; our Rabbins, and Wise men have more regarded their owne Interpretations, than the letter of the Law. So I expound. In sensis favorabili; they trod in the steps of their Fathers, preferring their owne Tra∣ditions before the preceps of God. More particulatly, the said Munster, in his Booke, where he handleth the Hebrew Calendar, thus; Patet, apud Judaeos duplicem haberi Paschae rationem, unam ••egitimam, quâ juxta legem Mosaicam, &c. It is appa∣rent that the Iewes kept a double account of their Passeover; one lawfull, by which, according to the Mosaicall Law, it was appointed to be killed, towards the end of the fourteenth day, and to be eaten toward the Evening, which began the fifteenth day. The other account was (full of Law) invented by the Lawyers; and for foolish causes erected against the Law of God; by which they put over, for one or two dayes, their New-Moones, or Calendar of their moneths: other where, in the same booke, he promiseth to shew, with what frivolous reasons they endeavoured to palliate, or varnish over this changing of Feasts; and to excuse the Transgression of the Divine Law.

PAR. 12.

MOst specially to our purpose, Munster, ibid. thus. It is plaine, that Christ did eate the Passeover, the lawfull Passeover, with his Disciples, on the fifth day of the weeke, at even; and he annexeth his Reason; because Christ fulfilled the Law, which established that time; but the Iewes abstained from entring into the Judgement Hall, on the sixt day of the weeke, Joh. 18.28. that they might eate the Passeover, that day at even, according to the decrees of their fathers; for the Iewes, saith he, tooth and nayle, hold fast the traditions of the Elders, eating the Passeo∣ver, on the sixt day of the weeke; or on the preparation of the Passeover, Luke 23.54. but translating the Feast of the passeover, from the sixt day, to the Sabbath day; which, by reason of the concurrence of two feasts, is called an High Sabbath day, Joh. 19.31. I will a little enlarge the arguments of Munster. The Iewes led Christ, from Caiphas, unto the Hall of Judgement, and it was earely, and they themselves went not into the Judgement Hall, lest they should be defiled, but that they might eate the passeover, Joh. 18.28. therefore, they had not then eaten it, though Christ, and his Disciples had eaten the passeover, the night precedent; for, after the three-fold Supper of Christ, Iudaicall, Ordinary, and Eucharisticall, Christ passed the brooke Cedron, entred into a Garden, was apprehended late at night; and the next morning, lead early into the Iudgement-Hall, or Pilates House. Secondly, Ioh. 19.14. It was the preparation of the Passeover, and about the sixt houre, when Pilat sate downe on the Iudgement-seate, and when he delivered Christ unto them, to be crucified, ver. 16. The preparation of the passeover, differeth from the ea∣ting of the passeover, and precedeth it; wherefore, the Iewes had not eaten the passe∣over before; and none can thinke with reason, that the Iewes, after they had once ap∣prehended him, would, or did dismisse him, that he might eate the passeover; but they kept him, in safe-custody, after Judas had once betrayed him; and Judas betrayed him not, till Christ, and his Apostles, and Judas among them, had celebrated the passeover, which the Iewes had not.

PAR. 13.

A Third Argument may be this; when they consulted to take Iesus, and kill him, they sayd, Matth. 26.5. Not on the Feast-day, lest there be an uproare among the people; they were so superstitiously addicted to their seeming-strict observation of their Feasts; that if they had taken, or killed any man, in such a solemnity, it would have made an uproare, or mutiny; therefore it was told to Christ, as an un∣usuall, and offensive matter, that Pilat had mingled the Galilaeans blood with their Sa∣crifices, Luke 13.1. as I conceive, these Relators intended to have made this bloody deed of Pilat, an occasion of a new commotion, & consulted with Christ, to that end: Iudas Galilaeus, Act. 5.37. rose up, in the dayes of Taxing; and the dayes of taxing were about the birth of our Saviour, Luke 2.1. &c. Then Judas Galilaeus stood up, and hee would have the free-borne of the Iewes, the sonnes of God forsooth, to pay no tribute; though he perished, and all, as many as obeyed him, were dispersed, as it there followeth; yet those scattered ones continued, and propagated their He∣reticall opinions, after Iudas Galilaeus, his death; and most especially, they prevai∣led in Galilee: In the time of Christs publike teaching, the Pharisees laid a double trappe for Christ, about this point, Is it lawfull to give tribute to Caesar, or not, Matth. 22.17. They fully supposed, he would have answered, yea, or no; and if hee an∣swered, yea; their emissary-Disciples would have taken advantage, as if Christ had favoured the Romanes, not the Iewes; the Prince, and not the people; and so might have stirred up the giddy people against him; if Christ had denied it, to be lawfull, to give tribute; the Herodians (whom also they sent) would have seized on him, as an author of rebellion, as a follower of Iudas the Galilaean: but Christ did then most divinely breake their net in peeces, and established the lawful∣nesse of paying Tribute; so soone as he was borne. Ioseph, and the thrice-blessed Virgin did, in all likelihood, pay Taxation-money for him, as well as for

themselves; that Ioseph was taxed, no man may doubt; that Mary also was taxed, is proved from the words, Luke 2.5. Ioseph went up, to be taxed with Mary; for that holy Virgin was the onely daughter, which had nor brother, nor yet sister, sayth Aeuthymius on Iohn; and heire of her father, and had land by him, saith Lyranus, (on Luke 19.25.) and Eusebius Emissenus at large, in his Homily, of the Nativity of Mary. The Taxe was to be done, Capitatim, by poll; and so our Saviour not ex∣cluded. I am sure, as by precepts, he upheld the Magistrates authoritie, Matth. 22.17. so, he payd tribute for himselfe, and for Peter, the then Representative body of the Church; and rather wrought a miracle, than he would not pay Tribute, a Fish, after a wonderfull manner bringing money in his mouth: nor did he appeale from the judgement seate of Caesar; his Apostle appealed unto it, and both S. Paul, and Peter called for obedience of the people to their Magistrates, both Civill, and Ec∣clesiasticall; but, after Christ, and his Apostles were dead, who signed this obedient Truth, with their blood, and opposed the denyers of tribute: then the Galilaean opinion of Zelotes prevayled amaine, as witnesseth Josephus (Antiq. 18.2.) and a∣gaine (antiq. 20.3.) and once more (De Bello Iudaico. 7.29.) insomuch, as to that one particular amongst others, both Iewes, and Gentiles doe ascribe the besieging of Hierusalem: Now the remnant of those scattered Mutiners, who sometimes fol∣lowed Iudas Galilaeus, in likelihood, came up to Hierusalem, to worship (with in∣tentions too-high swolne, and revolting) whom Pilat prevented, by mingling their owne blood, with their owne sacrifices. Pilates act indeede had beene a most un∣godly act, if he had not had most certaine intelligence of their resolved rebellion: but Christ found no fault at all with Pilat, but confessing that the Galilaeans were sinners, and great sinners (Tertullian, ad Nationes, 1.17.) calleth Commotions, and conspirations against Princes, Crimina Ʋaesaniae, frantique sinnes) yet addeth, other Galilaeans (understand it, of the same factions) were as great sinners; and even of themselves, who related this prodigious act (for he knew their thoughts marching along, in all likelihood, with those rebellious ones) he saith, Except yee repent, yee shall all likewise perish, Luke 13.1. &c. So much for the explanation of that misunder∣stood story, and the third Argument. That the Iewes apprehended not Christ, on their Feast-day, for feare of an uproare; but, after hee, with his Disciples had re∣ceived the Passeover; and before themselves received it; they tooke him, they crucified him.

PAR. 14.

AGaine, Ioh, 13.1. Before the Feast of the Passeover, Iesus knew that his houre was come, that he should depart out of this world. These words (before the feast of the Passeover) cannot be meant of that Passeover, which Christ and his Disciples were to take: for, they had celebrated their Passeover before, and Supper was ended, ver. 2. (at least, the Paschall Supper, if not the common supper also) And Christ arose from Supper, and layd aside his garments, and tooke a Towell, and girded himselfe, and after∣wards powreth water into a Bason, and began to wash the Disciples feete, and to wipe them, ver. 4.5. Therefore the words (before the Feast of the Passeover) must of necessitie poynt out the Iewish Passeover, then drawing on, before the feast of the Passeover (the other words are but a parenthesis) he loved his own unto the end, ver. 1. For indeede, be∣fore the Iewish passeover, he was apprehended, condemned, crucified, and cryed, Consummatum est, It is finished; Hee prowred out his life for them; Hee loved his owne unto the end, before the feast of the passeover. So, there were two distinct passeovers, on two distinct dayes. To this purpose, the words, Luke 22.7. Goe, and prepare us the passeover; and Marke. 14.2. Where wilt thou, that we goe, and prepare, that thou maist eate the Passeover? and Matth. 26.18. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, My time is at hand; I say, the words (having the Emphasis fixed to the Pronoune) declare that Christ tooke not the passeover, when the other Iewes did; that his time was so marked out from their time; and, in their first Native sense, and intention, imply Christs passeover, not the Iewish passeover.

PAR. 15.

AS, on the contrary, it is said of this passeover, in the yeare, when Christ was put to death, Joh. 11.35. The Iewes Passeover was nigh at hand; for though Christs passeover was a day nearer; yet the words, Pascha Iudaeorum, was nigh also, & might punctually signe out the lewish passeover, as divers from Christs passeover; divers from the true-right passeover; contrary to the Law, contrary to Christs pra∣ctise, Pascha Iudaeorum, justly to be taxed for being out of order, and opposed to Pascha Legale, or Pascha Mosaicum; for Christ kept the Law exactly, ad unguem, saith one. And Beza, on Matth. 26 17. Thus, Impium est, existimare, Christum â le∣gis praescrip to vel tantillum discessisse; It is impietie to thinke, that Christ erred one jot, from the prescript Law. Againe, Stet illud, legem prorsùs â Christo fuisse observa∣tam; let it never be questioned, but Christ did exactly observe the Law, with all the durable Ceremonies thereof, and this rite, among the rest, that he celebrated the passeover, on the fourteenth day of the moneth; though the Nation of the Iewes, following the Commandements of men, rather than the letter of the Law, observed it, on the fifteenth day, presently after Christ was buried. I will not meddle with that controversie of the Christians, which perplexed the East, and West Churches, till, from almost the Apostles dayes, even till the time of Constantine; whilst, in mine opinion, Polycarpus, and Irenaeus were more moderate; as leaving all Churches to their former practise, than such as made more garboyles, and conten∣tions, than the matter was worth. I would the Church had never knowne those differences, while the orientalls kept their Easter, in die 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, on the day of his Passion; but the Westerne Churches, in die 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, on the day of his Resurrecti∣on. See the Epistle of Cummianus (de Controversiâ Paschali) set out, by the most learned Bishop Ʋsher, in his Sylloge of old Irish Epistles, pag. 24. You have heard the discourse of the yeare of the world, that the Aegyptian passeover was first kept, on the first moneth of the yeare; and on the fourteenth day of the first moneth, be∣ing the onely Legall day. Let us now descend, to speake somewhat, of the houre of the day.

PAR. 16.

THe division of the day is into

• 1. Naturall, consisting of 24. houres; and
• 2. Ardificiall, distinguished by foure watches, and consisting of 12. houres;

Are there not twelve houres in the day, Joh. 11.9. saith Christ (which he accounteth not from Sun-rising to Sun-set; or, from light, to darkenesse, which varied; but from the set watches, the foure knowne watches) as is knowne to all. The Persians, and Babylonians began their day, from Sun-rising, ending it at Sun-set: the Umbrians, and Hetu••ians began the day, at sixe of the clocke, and ended it at sixe of the next day: the Romanes, from midnight to midnight following; beginning at the last part of the first night; and ending with the end of the first part of the night succee∣ding. The Aegyptians, and Athenians reckoned the day, from one Sun-set, to the other: the common people from the morning light to darkenesse; so Alexander ab Alexandro, (Genial. Dier. 4.20.) I marvell that he saith nothing of the Iewish or sa∣cred account; which was this: in the old Testament, they accounted the Evening, from the beginning of the day naturall; God himself began so to account it, Gen. 1.5. The Evening and the morning were the first day; not only were so (called) but (were) so, for darkenesse was upon the face of the deepe, ver 2. before God said, let there be light, and there was light, ver. 3. likewise ver. 8. God called the Firmament, Heaven, and the Evening and the Morning, were the second day. The French, and the Grecians, pre∣ferred the nights before the dayes; and held, that the nights were before the dayes, saith Alexanderibid. According to the former sacred account, the Festivall dayes were appointed, to be kept; from Evening to Evening, Levit. 23.32. Yee shall af∣flict your soules, at Even; from Even, to Even, shall yee celebrate your Sabbath.

PAR. 17.

BVt in the new Testament, after, or rather at Christs Resurrection, began a new reckoning; the day was reckoned from the morning, or, toward the beginning of light, Ioh. 20.1. The first day of the weeke, Earely, when it was yet darke, Mary came to the Sepulchre: and Mar. 16.1. &c. When the Sabbath was past—very early in the mor∣ning, the first day of the weeke, they came to the sepulchre, at the rising of the Sunne; which is thus varied, Matth. 28.1. In the end of the Sabbath, as it began to dawne from which three places, compared together, resulteth, that the Sabbath endeed; as the day be∣gan to dawne; and the dayes are reckoned, from the breaking of the morning, a∣bout, or a litttle before Sun-rising: but let us draw nearer.

PAR. 18.

THe houre of the day, was another of the durable observations, belonging to the Passeover. It is a generall rule, Num. 9.3. Yee shall keepe the Passeover, in the appointed Season: which words extend to the moneth of the yeare, to the day of the moneth, and to the houre of the day, what houre of the day, it was to be killed and eaten, is now inquirable. Concerning the first point, it is most apparent, that the Passeover was to be slaine, betweene the two Evenings, Exod. 12.6. The whole Congregation shall kill it in the Evening, according to the Originall, it is to be read, betweene the two Evenings, in the duall number: for the clearing of which intri∣casie; know, that the word (Evening) is not here taken, as it is, in the first of Genesis for the whole night, or the halfe of the naturall day, consisting of twelve houres, because some distinct things are appointed to be done, in this evening, as the eating it, and some distinct things appointed to be done in the night, as the burning of the remainder, before the morning: so that, the Evening here com∣prehends not the whole night; yea, the two Evenings involve part of the prece∣dent day, and therefore cannot be interpreted, for the darke-halfe of the naturall day, opposed to the other lightsome halfe thereof: but the first Evening is here ta∣ken for the time (towards) the Evening, when the Sunne was yet in their Horizon, though past its middle declination; the day being farre spent, and the Sun hastening to its lodging; any time betweene three of the clocke, and sixe, might the Lambe be slaine. Thus are our afternoone-devotions called Ʋespers, or, preces vespertinae: Eve∣ning prayers, though begun, and ended sometimes, divers houres, before Sun-set; so Suppers are called Vespernae, by Tertullian, though ended, in Summer Evenings, long before Sun-set; this, I say, was the first of those two Evenings, Exod. 12.6. be∣ing used for late day, or early night; somewhat improperly so called, beginning, at the end of three of the clocke, and ending, at the end of sixe of the clocke. I can∣not agree to Maymonides; that immediatly, so soone as it was Noone, began the Evening; or, that they might kill the Passeover any time, after twelve of the clocke till sixe; for he may be confuted by this; that the daily Evening Sacrifice, was alwayes slaine before the Passeover, and that sacrifice in all tooke up about one houres time; and in their greatest haste, or businesses, the daily Evening Sacrifice, was never offered neare high-noone; in exigents perhaps; about two of the clocke, and then, how could the subsequent Passover be sacrificed, within a while of Mid∣day? Secondly, the word [Evening] or the second of the two Evenings, before mentioned, is used more properly, for that space of time, which we call Twi-light. In Scripture phrase, it is termed, the lodging of the day, Jud. 19.9. and is a min∣gled compound, or partaker, both of some light of the day departing, and of some darkenesse of the night incroaching; which Twi-light dured somewhat more, than an houre. Observeable is the place, where the Evening, and Sun-set are Synonyma's and of the same signification, Iosh 10.26.27. They were hanged on the trees untill the (Evening) and at the time of the (going downe of the Sunne) they tooke them downe off the trees; and Deut. 16.6. Thou shalt sacrifice the Passeover at Even, at the going downe of the Sunne; at the season, that thou camest forth out of Aegypt, or, begannest to comforth out

of Aegypt, inchoatè, non completè; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, say the 70. thou shalt sacri∣fice the Passeover of the Evening; the Originall hath it, Sacrificabis Pesach in Ve∣sperâ circa ingredi solem; Thou shalt sacrifice the Passeover, in the Evening, about the Sunnes entring in at Sun-setting; Occumbente sole, as it is in the Interlineary, How then was it lawfull to slay the Passeover (as Maymonides saith) any time after mid-day was passed? The words, Occumbente sole, may signifie the last quarter, the last watch of the day; from three, till fixe: and the Septuagents, Pascha 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, may well denote the (approach) of the Evening, from that time. Lastly, the Hebrew phrase, Circa ingredi solem, doth intimate; in my judgement, the descending of the Sunne; almost out of our sight; or, rather the Time, about which he is entring, as it were, towards, or, into his lodging; which may well be reckoned, from the second quar∣ter of the Sunnes declination, but cannot without violence, be extended to the be∣ginning of the first quarters declining, immediatly after Noone-tide, as the Iew would have it, Luke 9.12. when the day began to weare away. Briefely, the slaying of the Passeover, was to be, betweene these two Evenings; not on the fourteenth day before the first Evening, that is, not before three in the after-noone (that had beene a breach of the Law) not after the beginning of the second Evening; no, nor after sixe of the clocke; for then they should have had no time sufficient to kill it; flay it, wash it, disembowell, or paunch it, dresse it, and rost it, that they might have eaten it, in the appointed season. In other termes conceive the matter thus; these words (betweene the two Evenings) may be taken, either Divifim, or Con∣junctim, disjoyntly, or joyntly; disjoyntly, for the two Evenings of one day, di∣stant far asunder: the first Evening beginning from the Sun-set of the precedent day; and ending in the first houre of the night succeeding (which evening begun the day, with the Iewes) the second Evening of the same day beginning, about three of the clocke, in the afternoone, ending in Sun-set; which Sun-set closed up the prece∣ding day, and opened the Evening of the day following. These words (betweene the two Evenings) are not thus meant, in this place; nor used for the two divided, and seperated Evenings of one day; but, the two Evenings are to be taken, Conjun∣ctim, joyntly; namely, as the end of the last Evening of one day, is the beginning of the first Even of the next day; one Evening almost, if not immediately touch∣ing the other. Betweene these two Evenings of two severall dayes, was the Passe∣over to be slaine, and prepared. This is the Reason, why the Passeover is said to be kept, sometimes on the fourteenth day of the moneth, sometimes, on the Feast of unleavened bread; which feast was, in the beginning of the fifteenth day of the moneth, and not before; because, the first Evening partaked of the fourteenth day; the second Evening of the fifteenth day; like as our Evangelist saith, Christ was crucified, on the third houre, Marke 15.25. which Matthew, and Luke imply, was about the sixth houre, because he was crucified, and hung on the Crosse, about both those two times; so, the Passeover is said to be kept, both in the fourteenth, and fifteenth dayes, because, betweene the last Evening of the fourteenth day, and the first Evening of the fifteenth day, it was to be killed, and prepared.

PAR. 19.

THe next inquiry is, what houre it was to be eaten? Some say, it was to be eaten in the night; and that therefore, it is called▪ Exod. 12.42. a (night) of Observations; or, a night to be much observed unto the Lord, of all the children of Isael, in their generations. If they meane that they might eate (some) of it, in the night, none will oppose them; for cleare it is, they might eate, any time of the night, any part of it, conditionally, that all might be eaten, or consumed with fire, before morning. But if they speake, exclusively, as if it might not be eaten till the darke night was in, or say, it might not be eaten about Sunne-set; nor in the first Evening of the fifteenth day, I cannot subscribe unto them. The Angell did doe the great mischiefe to the Aegyptians, in the night: no time is un∣seasonable to doe good-service, when that hand of Heaven pusheth as on, or mi∣nistreth

deliverance; God will be served, both night and day. The Christian Agapa, or feasts of Charity were at night: quis solennibus Paschae abnoctantem securus susti∣nebit? who without jealousie can endure his wife to be absent all night at the so∣lemnitie of the Passeover? saith Tertullian of an Heathen, concerning his Christi∣an wife. Pervigilium Paschae celebrari putat Hieronymus, quia Iudaeorum traditio est, Christum in media nocte venturum, in similitudinem Aegyptii temporis, unde reor (ai•• Hieronymus traditionem Apostolicom permansisse, ut in die vigiliarum Paschae, ante noctis dimidium, populos dimittere non liceat, expectantes adventum Christi; & postquam illud tempus transierit, securitate praesumpta, Festum cunctis agentibus diem; saith Rhenanus, (in argumento, lib. 1. Tertul. aduxorem) that is, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Hierome thinketh that therefore the vigile of Easter was kept, because the Jewes had an ancient Tradition, that Christ should come againe at mid-night, as the destroying Angell did in Aegypt; whence I suppose, saith S. Hierome, the tradition of the Apostles hath still conti∣nued, that on the vigiles of the Passeover, or on Easter Eve, it is not lawfull to dis∣misse the people before midnight, who then expect the comming of Christ; but when that time is once past, they all then securely, without any feare keep Holy-day.

PAR. 20.

THat the Passeover was to be eaten, at a set fixed houre, needes no more proofe than thus, Luke 22.14. When the houre was come, he sate downe and the 12. Apo∣stles with him, to eate the Passeover, (for indeede he did eate it with them) as the pre∣cedents, and consequents doe demonstrate: Hora was constitutum Tempus esui agni; when it is sayd, Iob. 13.1. Christ knew that his houre was come, that he should depart out of this world: significantly he alludeth to the set houre of the eating of the Passeover, ut transeat ex hoc mundo, as the Vulgar hath it: A Transitus, or de∣parture there was in the two Passeovers, both Typicall, and substantiall, and at a de∣termined houre also; what that houre of eating the Passeover was in precise termes, I thinke is, Mat. 26.20. determined; When the (Even) was come; Horam mandu∣candi Paschae designat, he meanes the houre, of eating the Passeover, saith Beda. The time of (killing) it, was in the Duall, inter Duas vesperas, exactly; betweene the two Evenings: the (eating) was, ad vesperam, in that night, Bagnereb, in the singular number: they might not (eate) till the sunne was set, and the second evening en∣tered; which was within a while of the sun-setting, or vanishing out of their Ho∣rizon; and toward the beginning of the night. Some conclude they were not to eate the Passeover till the beginning of the first houre of the night, because till then they might not eate unleavened bread: but they must eate unleavened bread with the Passeover. Edit agnum hora Noctis prima, he ate the Passeover the first houre of the night, saith Maldonat, (on Matth. 26.2.) and nothing forbad but it might be eaten, after the first houre; though not before the evening say I, most pro∣perly, sub vesperam, in the twi-light, as Hunnius stemmeth the time, Tempus con∣stitutum esui agni, fuit crepusculum vespertinum, inter sextam & septimam horas vesper∣tinas, nostro more numerandi; the set time for eating the Passeover, was the Evening-twilight, betweene sixe and seaven of the clocke at night, according to our man∣ner of computation, saith Franciscus Lucas Brugensis, comedere agnum post solis occa∣sum, est legem ignorare, to eate the Passeover, after sun-set, is to be ignorant of the Law, saith Scaliger; (de emendat. Temp. 6. pag. 568.) yet was it eaten in vespera, post solis occubitum, in the evening, after sun-set, saith Hugo Cardinalis, Cùm coepisset noctescere, when it began to be night, saith Faber Stapulensis, Oecolampadius, the translator of Theophylact (on Mat. 26.) thus, Cùm esset Tempestivum, accubuit; When the season was come, he sate downe: so it was not onely the time, but the seaso∣nable time, the prefixed time: It was not onely opus diei in die sui, the worke of the day in its day, but opus illius horae, in hora sua, the worke of that houre in its houre. Dionysius Carthusianus, cum facta esset hora vespertina feriae quintae, in qua hora agnus Pascholis secundum legem manducabatur, when the evening houre of the fifth Festivall was come, in which houre the Paschall Lambe was eaten according to the

Law, directly against Scaliger it is sayd, They shall eate the flesh in that (Night) rested with fire, Exod. 12.8. It is not et âdem vesperâ, in the same evening, but Nocte, in the same night, according to the Hebrew and Greeke; which I marvaile Scaliger obser∣ved not, and ver. 10. Ye shall let nothing of it remaine till the morning; therefore they might at any time of the night eate of it; and that which remaineth of it till the morning you shall burne with fire, if they might not eate of the Paschall-Lambe any time of the night when they pleased, they would have beene commanded presently upon the eating of the Lambe, to have burnt the remainders: But the precept unto them, to keepe the remainders till toward the morning, includeth permission, that they might eate of it, any part of the (night) before the morning to save the bur∣ning thereof. The eating of it, at the (beginning) of night, or in the Evening, was repeated after the first Passe-over; and the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or practise was by the Jewes accordingly performed. They who might in uncleanenesse exchange the moneth, repriving the Lambe for a whole moneth; they who did put off and tran∣slate the day; even they alwayes observed the houre of the night, and ate it in the evening; nor might they eate one bit of it, either before sun-set, or after Sun-rising; the beginning to eate of it, must be in the Evening, Exod. 12.8. They shall eate the flesh in that night roasted with fire.

The Prayer.

O Good, and gracious, my Lord God; when I consider and recount within my selfe, that of the Ceremonies, belonging to the Passeover of the Jewes, there was not any one idle, unnecessary or unsignificant, I admire thy wisedome; but when I weigh, what an happie change of Sacraments, thou, O God, hast made for us Christians; fewer in Number, easier to be performed, fuller of Divine energie, I am astonished and ravished with the riches of thy love, exceeding to us, and most humbly begge at thy mercy-seate, that Jesus Christ our Passeover, who was once slaine for us, may be my dayly foode, remitting my sinnes, replenishing me with goodnesse; so perfecting all my courses, in this life, that I may be thought worthy, and accepted through him, to be a Communicant, at his Table in the world to come, for his All-sufficient merits sake. Amen, and Amen.

CHP. XI. The Contents of the eleventh Chapter.

1. It was a lasting Ceremonie, to keepe the Passeover at Ierusalem, and not as any man fansied: yet this praecept, binded them not, till they came to Hierusalem; and notwith∣standing, under good distinctions, may truely be sayd, to be no fading, but fixed Ce∣remonie.

2. A most memorable passage from Munster, concerning the late great fast of the Iewes. The Iewes keepe no Passeover now; because they are outed from Hierusalem.

3. The Iewes were to roote out the Names, and places, where Idolatry had beene: Cities were sometimes so called, from the Idolls, in that place worshipped.

4. Not till Davids Time, was the particular place knowne, where the Temple should bee.

5. Davids great care for the Temple so soone as he was enthronized.

6. That hard place explained, (We have heard of it at Ephrata, we found it, in the fields of the wood.)

7. The Psalme 132. not made by Salomon, but David.

8. Salomon kept the first Passeover, at Ierusalem.

9. The Israelites lef•• all their Cities, even almost emptie, to goe to Ierusalem, and eate the Passeover, God kept them: when they forsooke him, all mischiefe fill upon the City, the Temple, the People.

10. Five things in the first Temple, which were not in the second: the fire from heaven which lighted on the Altar: the Urim and Thummin was not in the second Temple: Bath∣col, and its signification: the Arke was not in the second Temple: In this third the Arke, Ribera includeth the two other of those famous five things.

11. Divers reckonings, and estimates, what those five things were: Ribera censured: the Iewes confuted.

12. The last Temple had more glory than the first, by the Praesence of Christ, our Messiah, and it is cleared by divers memorable particularities.

13. The Passeover from the restauration of the second Temple by Zorobabel, till Ve∣spasian and Titus destroyed it.

14. The miseries at the Passeover, when the second Temple was destroyed, and the ensu∣ing calamities of the captive Iewes.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

BEfore that prefixed time (whereof in the 10. Chapter) they might come; after it, they might not come; and they must come, dwell they farre, or dwell they neere; after God had fixed his Temple at Hierusalem, to* 1.292 Hierusalem must they come; which is the next point. For another fixt and durable Ceremony was, they were commanded to keepe the Passeover at Hierusalem: the moneth, day, and houre was duely to be observed; and that not eve∣ry where, or any where, as every man, or Master of a family did fansie: they had no libertie to choose their place; but it was to be performed at Ierusalem, Deut. 12.8. Ye shall not doe, after all the things which ye doe here this day, that is, every man whatso∣ever seemeth good in his owne eyes. Indeede, it was not so commanded, at the first institution of the Passeover, nor could it be kept there, till they came thither: but they celebrated it first in Aegypt, then in the wildernesse of Sinai, Num. 9 5. In Ioshuahs time they are the Passeover in the plaines of Iericho, Iosh. 5.10. For they were not yet arrived at Hierusalem: It is also confessed that Jerusalem was not par∣ticularly named to be the onely place, where the Passeover was to be eaten, till after and a good while after they were seated in Ierusalem; but by the generall indeter∣mining words, (the place which the Lord thy God shall choose) Ierusalem was undoubted∣ly meant, and intended by God, and therefore I am not afrayd to place this Ceremo∣nie among the fixed ones, and say, it was eternall, â parte post, not â parte ante, in intention, not in execution; eternall from the first convenient, and possible obser∣vation there; not to be performed, till the Israelites possessed Ierusalem, nor to bee performed other-where, after they were throughly setled in Hierusalem; and this is the onely Reason why the Jewes of these times observe not the Passeover, because they cannot doe it in the Temple at Hierusalem.

PAR. 2.

MƲnster (de fide Christian. & Iudaeor. pag. 26. in fine) which voctate is placed before S. Matthews Gospell in Hebrew) hath a memorable story, and thus trippeth up the Jewes; quid quaeso, juvat vos magna illa poenitentia, quam fecistis, An∣no Christi, 1502, quando vos Iehudaei omnes, in cunctis habitationibus vestris, & in cunctis terris vestris, & in universa Captivitate poenitentiam fecistis, quatenus veniret Messiah, ferè integro anno; Puer & senex; parvuli & mulieres; qualis nunquàm facta est poenitentia, sicut fecistis, in diebus illis, &c. what did your great penance profit you, which you shewed in the yeare of our Lord, 1502, when all you Iewes in all your habitations and Lands, and in your universall Captivitie dolefully behaved your selves, that the Messiah might come, tepenting almost a whole yeare; young and old, men and women, with so great a repentance, in those dayes, as there was ne∣ver the like; yet nothing was revealed unto you, you were nothing the nearer, in∣somuch as it was a wonder, an hissing, and clapping of the hands to all that heard, that neither your Law, nor repentance, nor prayer, nor almes, that you dayly doe,

doe profit you: but it is a plaine and evident signe that the Messiah is come. I might easily instance in divers other things, which the Jewes of these dayes, doe keepe as exactly as did any of their fore-fathers; but the Passe-over they omit, and professe they omit it, because it is to be observed in no place, but in Ierusalem. Deut. 16.2 Thou shalt Sacrifice the Passeover in the place, which the Lord shall chuse to place his Name there; and ver. 5. thou mayst not Sacrifice the Passeover within any of thy gates; but, ver. 6. At the place which the Lord thy God shall choose to put his Name in (the re∣duplication is not needlesse, but intimateth a stricter observation) There shalt thou Sacrifice the Passeover; and thou shalt roast it, and eate it in the place, which the Lord thy God shall choose, as it followeth. See this point (and not onely the Passeover, but for many other great matters, concerning the Service of God, to bee performed, where God should choose his place) strictly commanded, and largely explained, Deut. 12. from ver. 5. to the 14. inclusive.

PAR. 3.

OBserve also that the Israelites were not onely to destroy the Altars of other Nations, breake downe their Images, cut downe their groves, and burne their graven Images with fire, Deut. 7.5. But they were further commanded utter∣ly to destroy all the places wherein the Nations served their gods, upon the high mountaines, and upon the hills, and under every greene tree, Deut. 12.2. Yea, to destroy the names of them out of that place, ver. 3. which the Rubenites performed, Numb. 32.38. Nebo and Baalmeon (their names being changed) they (that is the Rubenites) called their names by the names of their Cities, which they builded; for so it may be read, though the sense of divers translations be but one. Here is a sure, faire, and easie answere to the first part of the most learned M. Selden his que∣stion, de diis Syris (syntagm. 2. cap. 11.) ab urbe, an â monte, cognomine dictus Nebo? was the reputed god Nebo so called from the Citie, or from the mountaine called al∣so Nebo? I answere, the Idoll was not so called from the City Nebo, but the Cittie was so called from the Idoll; the names of Nebo, and Baalmeon, (being Cities so named from Nebo, and Baal) were changed, as was sayd before; and therefore changed, because the names of Idolls were not to be mentioned, but they were to destroy the names of them out of that place, Deut. 12.3. and Exod. 23.13. Make no mention of the Names of other gods, nor let it be heard out of thy mouth. Gaspar Sanctius (on Ier. 48.1.) handleth the point thus: An Nebo, Babylonicus Deus, nomen Ci∣vitati dederit, Nominis ipsius communit as nihil affert conjecturae, sed quicquid est, obscu∣rum est; whether Nebo the god of the Babylonians gave the name of the Citie or no, the commonesse of the name proves nothing, it is an obscure point; but I thinke I have cleared it; that the Idoll gave the name to the Citie. If the Israelites had li∣ved on mount Nebo; I doubt not but they would have changed the name of that Mountaine also. As for the second part of his question, in likelihood that great hill was so denominated, from the reputed Deitie of Nebo, there worshipped: Nabo or Nebo, was an Idoll, saith S. Hierome: Numen etiàm erat Nebo, seu Nabo, Nebo, or Nabo, was also an Idoll, saith my honour'd friend (that living Library) Mr. Selden. Mountaines might partake of their Deities Names; Princes did, Dani∣el was called Belteshazzar, according to the Name of my God, (which was called Bel) saith that great Tyrant, Dan. 4.8. as the beginning of his owne name, Nebu∣chadnezzar was derived from Nebo, the god of the Babylonians; S. Hierome makes autèm, & ipsum Idolum est, Nabo is the same Idoll; whence I thinke, the full-read Mr. Selden sayd, Certe haud alium Nebo a Chamos, & Belo Phegorio jure forsan putes; verily you may suppose and that not amisse, that Nebo was none other but Chamos, and Bel, the Idoll of the Phegorians. Chamos is out of my roade at this instant, I passe by him; but Baal, Bel, or Belus, was one supposed god, and Nebo another: Baal signifieth Dominus, a Lord, and intimateth Bel, or Belus his domineering. Be∣lus

is called Nimbrotus in ancient Histories, saith Montanus (on Isa. 46.2.) and Nimbrotus is but the corruption of Nimrodus, Gen. 10.8. Nimrod began to bee a mighty one, on earth, a mighty hunter before the Lord: For he chased the Nati∣ons, and subdued many countries, a famous warriour he was. But Nebo was the first inventer, and teacher of Chaldee Discipline, and Astrologicall praedictions. Nebo or Nabo, is rendred Vaticinator, a Prophecyer; the verbe Naba is interpreted, to speake or speake out; the signe of the Noune Nabo, sheweth some great Majesti∣call thing: namely, the very faculty, and vertue of divining, as native and proper to Nebo, which he imparted to the followers of the Chaldaean Discipline, saith Montanus, ib. Bel was renowned for a Captaine, Nebo for a Scholler, both of them afterwards esteemed to be gods, and divers deities, Isa. 46.1. Bel boweth downe, Nebo stoopeth, and ver. 2. They stoope, they bow downe, even Bel, and Nebo, even those two: their Images (we have it, Idolls) the vulgar, simulacra, so Ʋatablus; their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, their graven Images) were on the beasts. S. Hierome interprets Nebo, to be Pro∣phecie, or divination, in the abstract; but I follow Montanus, who was the grea∣ter Hebrician; and he who makes Nebo, to signifie a diviner; a god esteemed to have the spirit of foretelling, and prophecying of things to come. It is sayd remarkea∣bly, Esa. 15.2. He is gone up to the high places to weepe, Moab shall bowle, over Nebo; that there was an Altar on Nebo the 70. say; that there was mourning for Nebo, the judicious M^r. Selden confesseth, expounding the Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 commonly rendred, super by propter, that they mourned for the City or Country, I will not de∣ny; and I thinke they wept also, over their bowed Bel, and stouped Nebo, their Cap∣tive Images, as People weepe over their dead; they bowed and stouped before Bel, and Nebo, but now Bel bowed, and Nebo stouped before them.

PAR. 4.

SO much, if not too much, to evince, that no places, where the heathen gods, or Idolls were worshipped, nor any other place which man or men should choose, was to be the place of the true Gods great worship, but that place onely which reserved as secret, within the closet of his owne breast, for a long time af∣ter they were gone out of Aegypt, even untill the dayes of David: then the Lord revealed himselfe more plainely, that the place so often before spoken of, was to be in the Temple; and the Temple in Jerusalem, unto which God appropriated most of his Service, and among the rest, the observing of the Passeover there, and no where but there, when once they had began there.

PAR. 5.

FOr the Iebusities inhabited Hierusalem divers yeares, after David was King in Hebron, 2 Sam. 5.6. in which City of Hierusalem when David was once quietly setled, I am fully perswaded that the thought of nothing more than of fix∣ing that individuum vagum, that wandring Arke; and reducing those often fore-pro∣phecyed generall words (the place that God would choose) to the choosing of some such determined place, as God should particularly designe, and marke out: See 2 Sam. 7.1. &c. At that time God did thus farre proceede by the Propheticall mouth of Nathan, and revealed unto David, 2 Sam. 7.10. &c. that God would ap∣point a place, and Davids sonne should build an house for Gods Name; and Sa∣lomon by Name▪ 1 Chron. 22.9. Yet David rested not, but was very inquisitive, and most eager, to know the speciall place, that he might provide Materialls for the future building of it, Psal. 132.1. Lord remember David and all his afflictions, by which he meaneth not all the Troubles, and crosses, that David had, in all his life, but all his holy-afflicting cares, that he had about things Sacred, and the worship of God; or his unresting griefes, prayers, and almes, after he had made a vow, till God had declared, where the Temple should be. They enquired not at the Arke of God in the dayes of Saul, 1 Chr. 13.3. but there was an heare-say that Ierusa∣lem

was to be that place, saith Cajetan; and therefore so soone as ever David was made King by all the Tribes of Israel, the first thing that ever hee is recorded to have done, after he was thus chosen, was to recover Ierusalem from the Jebusites, 2 Sam. 5.3. and 6. verses. In the fixt Chapter, see his great care to bring the Arke into the City of David: yet when God had smitten Ʋzzah, David was afrayd of the Lord, and sayd, How shall the Arke of the Lord come to me? So he carried it aside into the house of Obed Edom; but when he discerned, that the Lord blessed Obed Edom, and all his houshould; then David went and brought up the Arke of God, from the house of Obed Edom, into the Citie of David with gladnesse; then David danced before the Lord, with all his might, and Michal dispised David in her heart. When it was thither brought, and set in the midst of the Tent which David had pitched for it, 1 Chro. 16.1. and the Arke of the Covenant of the Lord remained under Curtaines, 1 Chro. 17.1. David did not like those slacke, covetous ones, of whom God complaineth, Hag. 1.4. Is it time for you, O yee, to dwell in your sieled houses, and this house lye waste? But he sayd Loe I dwell in a house of Cedar, but the Arke of the Lord dwelleth within Curtaines, 2 Sam. 7.2 Whereupon he intended to build the Lord an house, but was forbid, 1 Chro. 17.4. Yet David rested not here, but having onely a promise, I will ordaine a place for my people, ver. 9. and desirous to know the parti∣cular place, now, as is most likely, did he make that binding vow and oath to the mighty God of Iacob; that he would not come into the Tabernacle of his (New∣builded) house, nor climbe up to his bed, nor sleepe, nor slumber, till he knew the Ʋbi or setled place of the Temple. If you aske why he named (Iacobs) God, rather than the God of Abraham? Cajetan saith, it was for the likenesse of the oath that Iacob made when he saw the Ladder reaching from earth to heaven, Gen. 28.21. The Lord shall be my God; and this stone which I have set for a Pillar, shall be Gods house; this is none other but the house of God, and this is the gate of heaven, saith he, ver. 17. Cajetan addeth, that David beleeved the tradition of the Elders; that the Temple should be built in the place where Iacob saw the Ladder; but Cajetan; and the tra∣dition (if so it were) are both deceived: for Bethel, or Luz was not nigh the place of the temple, at Ierusalem, he should rather by this laft reason, have called on the God of Abraham, who sacrificed on mount Moriah, where certainely the Temple afterward stood. They are much awry, who thinke David made this oath and vow to finde out the Arke at Shilo, or Cariathiearim, or Abinadab's, or Obed Edom's house, or the threshing-floore of Araunah; Davids prayer was, saith the Margin in Vata∣blus, Ʋt Deus institutum suum de Templo perficiat, that God should once bee pleased to bring to passe what he had purposed concerning the Temple: all other places wheresoever the Arke had beene, were sufficiently, knowne to David before, and needed not to be sought for, or enquired after, anxiâ animi solicitudine, with such carking and caring, as David did now; in Tremellius his phrase: but to finde out the exact place, within which the Temple should be circumscribed, Hic labor, hoc opus est, this David so strugled for, that he might prepare things necessary for the Temple.

PAR. 6.

THe issue followeth. Loe, We heard of it, at Ephrata, we found it, is the fields of the woods, ver. 6. An Ephramite is all one with an Ephrathite, as the Interline∣ary reades it. Iudg. 12.5. (should it not rather be an Ephrathite?) I am sure Iesse the father of David, is as well called an Ephrathite of Bethleem Iudah, 1 Sam. 17.12. to signifie he was not of the Tribe of Ephraim, as a Bethleemite, 1 Sam. 16.1. An∣eestors of David, Boaz, Obed, Iesse got riches and power in Ephrata, and were fa∣mous in Bethleem, Ruth. 4.11. as is most probable. In Ephrata was David borne, & ibi unctus in Regem, and there he was annointed King saith Mollerus. At Ephra∣ta had he this Revelation, where the Temple should be; Loe! we heard of it at Ephra∣ta, and according as we heard we found; we found it in the fields of the Wood; in the

fields of the woody places, about Hierusalem: Campos Sylvae nominat Hierosolymam, quae cincta erat montibus Sylvosis, & olivetis: He calls Hierusalem, the fields of the wood,, which was invironed with woody mountaines, and groves of Olive trees, saith Mollerus, on mount Moriah, was the Ramme caught in a thicket, by his hornes, Gen. 22.13. yet there might be fields by the wood. The place; which God so long, so often, promised to chuse, is now revealed to be found; and found to be, in the fields of the wood; upon one of the mountaines of Hierusalem, was the Temple to be founded, and accordingly was founded. So soone, as God heard the petition of David, and satisfied his desire, by revealing the particular place, it stan∣deth with faire Reason, that David then brake out into these words, 1 Chron. 22.1. This is the house of the Lord God; this is the Altar of the burnt-offerings of Israel; which words, though they may well be appplied to the Altar spoken of, 1 Chron. 21.26. yet they may be extended to the place of the Temple, also. David fore∣knowing the place of the Temple, prepareth abundance for the building of it, as it is in the Contents, before the 22. Chapter. That it was Davids prayer to finde out, the especially-designed place of the Temple. None will deny, that David did imprecate unto himselfe some mischiefe, if he did lye downe on his bed, or sleepe, before he knew that place, is proved by the forme of the words, oath, and vow, in Hebrew, viz. si introjero, si ascendero, si dedero; If I goe in; if I shall climbe up; If I shall give; which being imperfect sentences, you must under∣stand, this or the like sense; then may some evill come unto me; thus David sware, and ratified his oath by his vow also.

PAR. 7.

BVt whether David himselfe recorded these things of himselfe, or his Sonne Salomon related them of his Father David, and from him, is more questioned, then necessary to be knowne, or resolved. The Iewish Doctors ascribe this Psalme to Salomon; so doth the late learned Musculus; I will helpe them to some Argu∣ments. First, the immediately, and subsequent Psalmes have this inscription, Canti∣cum graduum, ipsi David; a Song of degrees of David; this Psalme hath onely this Canticum graduum, a Song of degrees. Secondly, David was wont to say of him∣selfe; Why hast thou forsaken me? My helpe commeth of the Lord. He doth not say, Why hast thou forsaken David? or, Davids helpe commeth of the Lord. Thirdly, Saith Musculus, the later words of the Psalme are wholly Salomons; and therefore he fathereth this Psalme on Salomon. To the first Argument, I answer; many, yea most Psalmes were made by David, and yet doe not beare the Image, or Superscrip∣tion of his name. The 125.126.128.129.130. and others, have onely his Fron∣tispeece, Conticum graduum, a Song of degrees; as this, the 132. hath, and yet were not Salomons. Againe, when Salomon builded so glorious things, and made the 127. Psalme; it is written, in the forefront, Canticum graduum ipsi Selomon; which word, if it had beene added in this verse, should have had force, to make mee thinke, Salomon had indited this Psalme. To the second, I answer; the Argument is onely probable, for Psal. 18.50. It is said, God sheweth to his annointed, to David, and to his seed; yet David made that Psalme. So David was the Author of the 144. Psalme; as appeareth also by that inscription; and yet, it is said, in a manner, as of a third per∣son, ver. 10. God delivereth David his servant from the hurtfull sword. To the Argu∣ment of Musculus, I answer, though Salomon use the like forme, 2 Chron. 6.41. &c. yet he might doe it, imitating the holy words of his Father David, as David in some part, and a loose off, imitated the prayer of Moses, Num. 10.35. and admira∣bly enlarged it, Psal. 68.1. &c. My opinion is, that David was the Author of this Psalme; and God revealed unto him, that the especiall place, which God so often promised to chuse, was his Temple; and his Temple was to be, at Hierusalem, and, in such a part of Hierusalem. I have not dwelt in any house, since I brought Israel out of Aegypt; but have walked in a Tent, and in a Tabernacle, 2 Sam. 7.6. If hee did dwell he dwelt mobiliter, still ready to remove, saith Cajetan. Spake I. saith God, a word to any of the Judges of Israel, why have yee not built me an house with Ceders? 1 Chron. 17.6.

or, spake I a word, to that effect, with any of the Tribes of Israel? 2 Sam. 7.7. But hee promised David to apppoint the place; and David knew certainely the very Ʋbi of the Temple, at Hierusalem, Psal. 68.29. David mentioneth by name, The Temple at Hierusalem, 1 Chron. 28, 11. David gave to Solomon the patterne of the Porch, &c. and the Patterne of all that he had, by the Spirit, ver. 12. &c. All this (said David) the Lord made me to understand, in writing, by his band upon me, even all the workes of his patterne, ver. 19. And by the same Spirit, he did foresee, not onely severall positures, of the parts of the Materiall Temple, but also, the formall parts, even the particu∣lars of Gods Service. See, 1 Chro. 23.6. and 27. verses, 1 Chro. 24.3. 1 Chron. 25.1. &c. 2 Chron. 8.14. 2. Chron. 25.27. and 30. verses. Yea, by the same Spirit, did he fore∣see the removing of the Arke, out of the City of David, into the Temple, and re∣joyced at it, as Abraham did, to see Christs dayes, a farre off. We will goe into his Taber∣nacle, we will worship at, or, towards his footestoole, Psal. 132.2. Incurvabimus nos scabell•• pedum ejus. We will bend our selveslow before his footstoole, as Ʋatablus reads it.

PAR. 8.

AFter these profitable, and not unpleasing discourses, not wholly upon the By; but trenching along upon the maine poynt, I returne, reassuming, that though the Passeover was not to be kept at Hierusalem, till the Israelites quietly en∣joyed it; yet that was the place so often foretold of. David had it revealed unto him, and prepared for the building of the Temple; and David did, in spirit, foresee the particular, both forme, and matter of the Temple, with the service of God, though David lived not, to see a Passeover kept there; but Salomon made his de∣dication, in the seventh moneth, and in the first moneth of the yeare succeeding, the fourteenth day of the moneth, he kept the first Passeover at Hierusalem: as he also observed the dayly offerings, and the Sabbaticall offerings, and offerings on the new-Moones, and on their solemne Feasts, three times in a yeare; even in the Feast of unleavened bread (which was the feast belonging unto the Passeover) 2 Chron. 8.13. for, though it be no where expressely said, that Salomon kept the Passeover at Hierusalem: yet it is not to be questioned, but he, who was so strict, to provide the daily Sacrifice, and other things according to the Commandement of Moses (as is ibid!) did also himselfe observe it yearely, according to the Law. Neither doe I remember, that Salomon is said to have kept ever, after the Dedication, or the Feast of Tabernacles, or the Feast of weekes, or any other of the Iewish Feasts observeable at Hierusalem; but rather, he is truely presupposed, to have so done, then punctually specialized; for, why did he build the Temple, if not, that the appointed Sacrifices should be performed? and they were appointed, to be perfor∣med yearely; and therefore certainely were observed, whilst the Iewish policie la∣sted; whereupon, I have reckoned the sacrificing, and eating of the Passeover, at Hierusalem, to be one of the durable Rites thereof; which Paschall offering (as I said before) the Iewes, since the destruction of the Temple, even to this day, have not observed; because, that the Passeover was to be kept onely in Hierusalem.

PAR. 9.

ONe objection seeming very strong, is against the continuall observation of the Passeover, at Hierusalem; and this it is. Did all the Israelites, in all the twelve Tribes, leave their severall houses, in their severall Villages, Townes, and Cities; and all the men, and some women ascend up to Hierusalem, as it were invi∣ting their enemies to their undefended habitations, and for a whole weeke, besides their dies exitus, & redbitus (their dayes of going and comming) expose their yong ones, and their cattell, and wealth, to danger? I will answer, in the words of holy writ, Exod. 34, 24. No man shall desire thy land, when thou shalt goe up to ap∣peare before the Lord, thy God thrice in the yeare. Vult intelligi, ut securus, quisque ascendat, nee de terrâ suâ sollicitus sit, deo promittente custodiam: God would have them

understand, that every one might safely goe up to Hierusalem; nor neede care for their lands; God having promised to keepe them, saith S. Augustin, (quaest. 161, in Exod.) Againe, it is thus promised, Levit. 25.8. Keepe, and doe my judgements, and ye shall dwell in the land, in safety; which is repeated, ver. 19. the Land shall yeeld her fruite, and ye shall eate your fill, and dwell therein in safety; absque ullo pavore, without a∣ny feare (as the vulgar of Santandreanus hath it, in the first place) nullius impetum formid intes, fearing no mans forces, as it is in the 19. verse; so likewise Huntenius. The Interlinearie varieth it thus; ad fiduciam, & ad confidentiam, even to trust, and confidence. A mutuall Covenant, as it were, was betweene God, and the Israelites; if they regarded God, and things divine, God kept, and cared for them, and their humane affaires. Oh let not us neglect things sacred, and spirituall, and God will watch over our Temporalls, for our good. If it were said to the Iew, Exod. 23.15. None shall appeare before me emptie: much more is it said to us, saith Chrysostome, (Homil. 1. in 2. Epist. ad Timoth.) yet alas, who thinkes of this to practise it? Ano∣ther use also may be made of this. When thou commest into the Church, if the poore lye not at the porch of the Temple; but be absent, yet the poore mans boxe is present. That thou mayst obtaine mercy, shew mercy; woe worth the times; the voluntary offertories are ceased; prescription, and custome, even against the Al∣mighty, are commonly esteemed the onely guides of Devotions; but when the children of Israel did breake the Covenant of their God; when their will-worship, was preferred before the prescript of Gods Law; when the tradition of men, carried it, above the Commandements divine, when the Isrelites made, as it were, the salt of the Covenant unsavory, then God held himselfe discharged from the Covenant of salt. Then did the Nations trample over them, and lead Israel captive; and there was none left, but the Tribe of Iudah onely, 2 King. 17.2.6 18. verses. After Senacherib tooke all the fenced cities of Iudah, 2 King. 18.13. And Hezekiah, became Tributary to him, ver. 14. but in Zedekiah his dayes (who did evill in the sight of the Lord, 2 King. 24.19) Nabuzaradan burnt the house of the Lord, and the Kings house, and the houses of Hierusalem, and every great mans house, and brake downe the walls of Hie∣rusalem, round about, 2 King. 25.9.10. And now could no more Passeover be kept in Hierusalem, till the restauration of the Temple, by Zorobabel. No sooner was the Feast of the Dedication of the house of God, kept for the Service of God which is at Hierusalem, but they kept the Passeover, Ezr, 6.16.18.19 verses; which holy duty they continued all the time of the second Temple; till the destruction of it, by Ʋespasian, & Titus. 'Some indeede would have three Temples; Salomons, Zerubabels, and Herods; but these know not what the ancienter Iewes acknowledged, that Herods worke was but an enlargement of the second Temple; which second Temple being made, not without much opposition, as it is to be seene in Ezra, and Nehemiah, and perhaps by a forme prescribed, and limited by the Heathen Monarch's: was not so large, as the first Temple; but was, at the last, gloriously ampliated by Herod.

PAR 10.

AGainst the learned, and accute opinion of Genebrard (on whose side, are Elias Levita, David Kimchi, and Rabbi Iacob) the Iesuite Ribera struggleth hard (on Hag. 1. and 2. Chapters) canvasing this poynt; whether the five things were wanting, in the second Temple, which were in the first Temple? Genebrard, and many others, of great note, say, that the fire from heaven, which lighted on the Altar, Levit. 9.24. was not in the second Temple. Ribera affirmeth it, from the authority of, 2 Macc. 1, 19. but say I, that was rather water than fire. No fire, but thicke water, ver. 20. and, if at the shining of the Sunne; a great fire was kindled, either the Sunnes heate might naturally burne the subjacent combustible things, as it doth the Phoenix and her death-bed of Spices; or, if it were an heavenly fire ex∣traordinary, it was a new fire, like that of Elijabs (whose fire did kindle, at the end of Eliah his short prayer, whether the Sunne shined or no, 1 Kin. 18.38.) or like those descending fires (which expected not the shining, heating, or kindling from

the Sunne) 2 King. 1.10. and 12. verses; the old sacred fire of the Altar, it was not. And herein Ribera was foulely deceived (that I may not now question the authoritie of the second Book of Macchabecs) How apt Naptha is to conceive fire, every Schol∣ler knoweth; even as apt as Pitch, Brimstone, or Powder; it being a kinde of liquid bitumen; but Nehemiah himselfe called this thing Napthan, 2 Macc. 1.36. which little differeth from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greeke, or Naptha in Latine; and out of doubt, poyn∣ted plainely, that Art, and Nature concurred without miracle, to kindle that fire, though the King of Persia understood not so much.

2. The Vrim, and Thummim was not in the second Temple; say the whole streames, with Genebrand. Ribera opposeth it, grounding onely on Iosephus. But the great vaunter of his owne Nation, is not a fit man to crosse the current; and yet Iosephus himselfe (Antiq. 3.9.) confesseth, that 200▪ yeares before he writ so; the vertue of them failed; God being angry for the prevarication of his Lawes; as if they angred not God, above 200. yeares. And yet, if it were so, there is no men∣tion of them, neere the dayes of our Saviour; nor were they in the Temple, with him; and, after bis death, at the destruction of the Temple, other Monuments, and sacred reposites being found, the Ark was not found. Some, as polluted, were put from the Priesthood; and the Governour told them, they should not eate of the most holy, till there stood up a Priest, with Ʋrim, and with Thummim, Ezra. 2.69. which is repeated, Nehe. 7.65. Now, though the Governour did hope, that the Lord would give the same priviledges to the intended second Temple, as he had to the first: yet, fince we know no such thing, we need not beleeve it; but may firmely conclude, that at the building of the second Temple, they then had them not; though they stood, in expectancy thereof; and if they had them, in likelihood; we should have heard of it. Some write, saith Ʋatablus, on this last place; that this must needs be understood of Christ; for the Ʋrim, and the Thummim, which Mo∣ses put in the breast-plate, were not in the second Temple. Montanus thinkes, Tempore Iremiae desiisse, that they ended, in the dayes of Ieremy the Prophet; and the reason of not finding them againe, he ascribeth to this; Id agente Deo, ut hominum genus sanctiorum, etiam, rerum quae novi Testamenti tempore oblata sunt, desiderio, & expectatione afficerentur: It was Gods good will, and pleasure so to have it, that men might be affected with the desire, and expectation of more holy things, which were offered, in the time of the new Testament; you shall finde the decay of the Ʋrim, and Thummim, confirmed by the Tractat Jomah, Rabbi Salomoh; Joseph Ben-Gorion; Abrabureb in his Commentary on Pirke Aboth; and Rab. Aben-Ezra. Against single Iosephus, the Iewes themselves administer an unanswerable argument, viz. that in the roome of Ʋrim & Thummim, succeeded another kind of Oracle; which the Commentator of the Talmud Text, from the Sanhedrim, thus describeth. The voyce from heaven was not heard, but the Echo thereof, and therefore they cal∣led it Bath-col, the daughter of the voyce. This voyce shewed, what was to be done, or omitted, foretold future things, and revealed what was to be thought of things passed. Happy, most happy was that time, when that voyce was heard, saith Rabbi Salomon. Most of this I had from Balthazar Bambach, in the third of his foure most profitable Tractates. I hope, I shall be charitable enough, though I suspect this re∣flecting voyce, the jugling of the Priests, in the old Law; I am sure, Ben Syra, when hee tells of the voyce, that came from heaven to David; let Rhehoboam, and Ierobo∣am, divide the Kingdome; when David seeing the truth of Mephibosheths cause, did right him but by halves, and said, Thou, and Ziba divide the land, 2 Sam. 19.29. I am sure, I say, he doth not establish Bath-col, but speakes of an unreflected voyce, upon that peremptory injustice of David, who did rather, in part, uphold his owne errors, than right Mephibosheth; Thou, and Zibà divide the land; let Re∣hoboam and Ieroboam divide the Kingdome. To which let me adde, that the Pro∣phets also did, in a sort, supply the decay of the Breast-plate.

3. The Arke was not in the second Temple. So Genebrard, Lyra, Carthusian, Dorothous Martyr, cited by Ribera. By the Arke is meant, both the body of the

Arke it selfe, and the Pedestall, or Subpedaneall being a chariot on which the Che∣rubims stood, 1 Chron. 28.13. beside, and the Propitiatory, which was over the Arke; and the Cherubims, and the voyce of God which came from over the Propiti∣atorie. The Arke was not all of pure gold; the cover, or Propitiatory was all of pure gold, called by the 70. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, placamen, operculum, by the Vulgat, oraculum. Ribera thinkes it not improbable, for one to say, that it was a while kept in the se∣cond Temple, His onely ground is the second Booke of Macchabees. But himselfe saith, perhaps the controversie is sooner ended, if we remember, the same Ieremy foretold, that in the time of the New Testament, the Iewes should not remember the Arke, Ier. 3.16. In those dayes, they shall say no more the Arke of the Convenant of the Lord; neither shall it come to mind, neither shall they remember it, &c. But, by his leave, this ends the controversie little the sooner; for it might be in the second Temple, & yet not, in the time of the New Testament: Just, as Josephus said before of the Ʋrim, and Thum∣mim, if he said true. In secundo Templo (saith Gaspar Sanctius, on the place of Jeremy.) Arca Domini non fuit, in the second Temple, there was not the Arke of the Lord. Por∣chetus (part. 1. victoriae contra Hebraeos, cap. 4. fol. 19.) thus; In libro Talmud, qui dici∣tur [Ioma] dicitur, in Sanctuario secundo non fuit Arca; in the Booke of the Talmud, which is called [Ioma] it is written: In the second Temple, there was no Arke. And Tradition saith, that with it was taken away the pot of Manna, the Chris∣matory, or vessell of oyle; the rod of Aaron, with the Almonds, and Buds, the gol∣den Emrods, which the Philistims offered, 1 Sam. 6.17. With the golden Mice, ver. 18. and Coffer holding them. Comestor, said, that the Arke was carried in tri∣umph of Titus, and is now kept at Rome, in the Church of S. John of Lateran. Ri∣bera himselfe (on the fabricke of the Temple, 2.2.) saith, this is false, and dis∣proves it by Iosephus. Christopher Castrus (on Ieremy 3.) proveth, Satis, superque, very abundantly, that the Arke was not in the second Temple. Chrysost. oratione. 3.3. adversus Iudaeos denieth the heavenly fire, the Ʋrim, and Thummim, and the Oracle from the Propitiatory to be in the second Temple. Now the Propitiatory was a part of the Arke; and the Divine presence gave answers from the Oracle; and there∣fore, some needed not to make distinct things of the presence of God, in shining, or in a cloud; in the oracle of the Propitiatory, and in the Spirit of Prophesie; for, the divine Presence answering from the Propitiatory, was the Propheticall Spirit; and when the Arke, and propitiatory were not in the Temple restored, no more was the presence of God, or the Oracle, following from the Spirit of Prophecy. Ri∣bera made the Arke comprise these three last things.

PAR. 11.

A Man might weary himselfe, and the Reader, in the severall reckonings of the five things wanting. Galatinus running one way, the later Iesuites another way. Porchetus (primâ parte victoriae contra Hebraeos, cap. 7. fol. 19.) hath accounts divers, all from the Talmud, saying, these five things were wanting; Vrim, Thummim, Archa, Ignis, Deitas, & S. Sanctus: the Vrim, and Thummim, the Arke, the holy Fire, the Presence of God, & the Holy Ghost. Againe, he recknoneth these from the Talmud; Archas Cherub, Ignis, Sechina, or Dietas, S. Sanctus; Ʋrim & Thummim, the Arke, the Cherub, the Fire, the Sechina, or Presence of God, the Holy Ghost, the Ʋrim and Thummim; from the glosse of the Talmud he reckoneth, Ignis, Oleum, Ʋnctionis, Archa, S. Sanctus, Ʋrim & Thummim; the Fire, the Holy annointing Oyle, the Arke, the Holy Ghost, the Ʋrim, & the Thummim. Ribera doth not amisse, by answering three, to esteeme that all five be an∣swered; but he doth ill, to call it a fable of the Iewes; and is not able to prove, that the heavenly fire, Ʋrim, & Thummim, and the Arke, were in the second Temple. These things I have purposely enlarged, to confound the obstinate Iew; the first Temple had these glorious things; which the second Temple wanted, till Christ came. The first exceeded the second, in all outward glory; for, Ezra. 3.12. Many of the Priests, and Levites, and chiefe of the fathers, who were ancient men, and had seene the first house when the foundation of the second house was layd before their eyes, wepts with a loud voyce:

for, the Temple lay destroyed, not sixtie yeares, saith Tremell; and these ancients wept onely, because they saw the second Temple could not be equall to the first. Au∣gustin (De Civit. Dei, 18.28.) Ex quo instauratum est, nunquàm ostenditur habuisse tantam, gloriam quantam habuit tempore Salomonis: Since the time, that the Temple was renewed, it could never be proved, that it had so great glory, as it had, in the dayes of Salomon: No, say I, though you adde Herods structures, and so S. Augustin meaneth. See this confirmed by Galatinus (4.3.) Blame not me, if I oppose the lear∣ned Ribera; since his brother Iesuite Christopher Castrensis, on the place, maintai∣neth the contrary to him; and refutes him by name. Likewise, I have seldome ob∣served the wary Leonardus Coquaeus, humani aliquid pati, to have erred like a man; yet his lukewarme fort âsse, peradventure, that Herods Temple exceeded Salomons, is un∣seasonable, too hard of digestion, and to be spued out. Though Ribera (on Hag. 2. num. 45. &c. from the two Iosephus, preferreth Herods Temple, and great charges; yet David gave more, than ever Herod was worth. See 1 Chro. 29.3.4. 1 Chro. 18.11. especially, 1 Chro. 22.14. and 16. verses, an 100000. talents of gold; and a 1000000. talents of silver; besides, what Salomon, and the Princes, and people offe∣red. Hag. 2.9. The Prophet saith, the glory of this later house shall be greater than the former, and the desire of all Nations shall come, and I wil fill this house with glory. This all Iewes confesse; yet they deny the Messiah is come, of whom principally those words must be understood; though they may be applyed, Sensusecundario, in a second sense, to the Chruch, the body of Christ; as the 70. and Augustin sense it. But, Rupertus, Lyranus, Burgensis, Vatablus, Galatinus, Rabbi Abiba, misprinted Aniba, and Beda cited by Leonardus Coquaeus, Ambrose (lib. 3. epist. 12. & Cyrill. (in Gen. lib. 15.) expound these words of the Messiah. So Adrianus Finus (in flagello Judaeorum, 5.2. Iohannes Eckius, and Paulus Palacius; these are cited by Ribera. Aquinas (on 29. of Esay) Hugo, Dionysius, Isidorus, are also cited by the consenting Christopher Castrensis to this purpose, Leonardus Coquaeus excellently illustrateth this poynt; and, above all, the Prophet Malachy 3.1. correspondently, Statim venit ad Templum suus dominator, quem vos quaeritis; & angelous Testamenti, quem vos vultis; The Lord whom ye seeke, shall suddenly come to his Temple; even the messenger of his Covenant, whom yee delight in. And now, let me say, in honour of my deare Saviour, that hee was a Light to lighten the Gentiles, and the glory of Gods people Israel, Luke. 2.32. that the glory of the second Temple in him, and by him, was farre greater, than the glory of Salomons time, Judge by these comparisons.

PAR. 12.

1. THE Iewes had the presence of God in a cloud, or in the brightnesse, Christ was Emmanuel, God with us; we had the presence of God in Christ. Gods presence to them was separable, and separated; Gods presence to Christ, by Hy∣postaticall Union, was inseparable; if Gods presence, in Nube, or nubeculâ Iudaeorum, in the (Cloud) of the Iewes, was such a Prerogative, much greater was the pre∣sence, in the flesh of Christ, with which he was clouded, Christopher Caster: Sicut in Templo Salomonis, Praesentia dei nebula aliqua, aut fulgore declarata, dicebatur gloria dei, Templum illustrans, & inhabitans: ita, dispensatio Carnis assumptae cum patibulo triumphantis (ut ait Hieronymus, epist. 150. ad Hedibiam, Quaest. 9.) quae est nubecula, quâ tectus est sol Iustitiae, filius dei, gloria verè dicitur, & illustriorem reddit posteriorem hanc domum, quàm illam priorem, suo in eam adventis; that is, As in Salomons Temple, the presence of God, appearing in a cloud, or brightnesse, was accounted the glo∣ry of God, inhabiting the Temple: So, the Incarnation, and Triumph on the Crosse (as Hierome phrazeth it) which is the Cloud, wherewith the Sunne of Righteousnesse, the Son of God was covered, is truely called glory; and maketh the glory of the second house, by his comming into it, more glorious, than ever was the glory of the first house. It is not more old than true, Quod Sol in Nube, Deus in Carne; God in the flesh, was like the Sunne in a cloud. When Christ was first brought into the Temple, the Propheticall Spirit came upon Simeon, Luke 2.27. and of ex∣traordinary

thanks giving upon Anna, ver. 38. Was the presence of God in a Cloud, glorious in the first Temple? Much more was the presence of God in Christ, of Christ in a Cloud, superabundantly glorious, Mat. 17.5. A cloud over-shadowed them; and a voyce out of the cloud sayd, this is my beloved Sonne, in whom I am well-plea∣sed: this voyce came to him from the excellent glory, 2 Pet. 1.17. Was it not a glo∣rious cloud received him out of their sight? Act. 1.9. Againe, was the presence of God in fulgore, in brightnesse, such a great Priviledge of the first Temple? Cer∣tainely, the presence of God in Christ, who was the brightnesse of Gods glory, and the expresse Image of his person, upholding all things by the Word of his power, Heb. 1.3. was much more illustrious and glorious; and the presence of Christ, in the bright cloud, when his face did shine as the sunne, and his rayment was white as the light, Mat. 17.2. was more resplendent.

2. The fire falling from heaven upon the Altar, made the people shout and fall on their faces, Levit. 9.24. But when God bringeth in his first-begotten into the world, he commanded all the Angels of God to worship him, Heb. 1.6. Was it ever so sayd or done in the first Temple? was the heavenly fire in Salomons Tem∣ple? Did not also both a sound from heaven, fill all the house where the Apostles were sitting? and did there not appeare cloven tongues, as of fire, and sate on each of them? Act. 2.2. &c. which of these Miracles was greatest? The fire of the Altar was to be kept in by humane helpe, and Art: this Sacred fire of tongues or grace, needed no Art.

3. But the Jewes had their Ʋrim and their Thummim, in Salomons Temple; God indeede spake to our Fathers, at sundry times, and in divers manners; but hee hath spoken to us by his Sonne, the heire of all things, by whom hee made the world, Heb. 1.1. &c. By his Sonne, whose Name is called wonderfull, Counsellour, the Mighty God, the everlasting Father, the Prince of Peace, Isa. 9.6. Was the Ʋrim and the Thum∣mim on the brest-plate of the High Priest? True, but Christ was in the bosome of the Fa∣ther, Joh. 1.18. Were they to harken to the Ʋrim, and the Thummim? much more were they to hearken to the words, which came from heaven, concerning Christ, and concerning the Apostles, Heare ye him, Mat. 17.5. The Ʋrim and the Thummim by its resplendencie, guided onely some causes, some people; Christ was the true light, and lightneth every man that commeth into the world, Ioh. 1.9. Whose light was greater, whose glory more firme, or lasting? Though it did prophecy, yet we have a more (sure) word of Prophecie, whereunto ye doe well that ye take heede, as unto a light that shineth in darke places, 2 Pet. 1.19.

Fourthly, the first Temple had the Arke and propitiatory; what did that Arke figure out, but our Saviour? the keeper of our Sacred things; before whom the Cherubines doe cover their faces; and in whom are hid all the Treasures of wise∣dome and knowledge, Col. 2.3. And in him dwelleth all the fulnesse of the God-head bo∣dily, ver. 9. As for the Propitiatory of the Leviticall Law, we have a better in the Law Evangelicall, Christ forgiving us all our Trespasses, Col. 2.3. &c. He is our Peace, Ephes. 2.14. We are accepted in Christ the beloved, in him we have redemption through his blood, the forgivenesse of sinnes, according to the riches of his grace, Eph. 1.6. See our priviledge preferred before the Jewish, in many Chapters of the Epistle to the Hebrewes, Gods Sonne is our propitiation, 1 Ioh. 4.10. 1 Ioh. 2.2.

Fiftly, Had they an oyntment? We have an Unction from the holy one, 1 Ioh. 2.20.

6. Had they the Pot of Manna? Moses gave not that bread from heaven, but my Father giveth you the true bread from heaven; the bread of God is he which commeth downe from heaven; I am the bread of life, saith Christ. He that commeth to me, shall ne∣ver hunger, Ioh. 6.32. Had the Iewes their Altars, one of Incense, the other, of burnt sacrifice? had their Altar of burnt-offerings, divers Priviledges, strange, and won∣derfull? Fire from heaven, fire, which never went out and yet consumed not the wood, of which the Altar was made? grant also that their Altar never stanke, nor the place about it, nor the holy meate-offerings, and that never was flye there abouts,

nor did women ever suffer a plunge, or abortion, by the smell of the sacred offe∣rings; nor did Scorption or Serpent approach the place: nor ever winde so boy∣sterous, but that a Constant Pillar of smoake, was Pyramidally ascending; grant also the traditionary miracle of the second Temple, upon Herod's enlarging of it that it never rained in the day time, till all the worke was ended, least the labourers should be hindered, but shewred downe sufficiently, in the Night season; grant all this, say I, and whatsoever more the factious Jewes invent, or beleeve for the glory of their adored Sanctuary, yet, for all this, our Priviledges goe beyond theirs, and weight more than theirs, though they were tryed in the ballance of their owne Sanctuaries. For we also, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Heb. 13.10. and this Altar is Christ, say Ambrose, and Bernard, from those words, Revel. 6.9. I saw under the Altar. A∣gaine, Moses, and Aaron's Altar was made of Shittim wood, and this wood was over-layd with Cedar, by Salomon; Altare vestivit Cedro, the Altar he cloathed with Cedar, and the Cedar he covered with gold; we likewise have a golden Altar, on which the prayers of all Saints were offered, Rev. 8.3. And this Altar signifyeth Christ, saith D^r. Estius, and we must offer living Sacrifices, Rom. 12.1. Medullata sacrificia, Sacrifices that have no marow; better than those which had hornes, and hoofes. Nor was Christ onely an Altar, but on this Altar, did hee offer the most blessed incense, and the most blessed Sacrifice, that ever was offered; himselfe was both 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an offering on the Altar of Incense, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Eph. 5.2. A bloody Sacrifice, on the Altar of the Crosse; in both a sweete-smelling Savour unto God; an expiatory sufficient offering for the sins of the whole world. Nor, was he one∣ly the holy Altar, and the holy offering: but he was also the most holy Priest, and hath an unchangeable Priest-hood, Heb. 7.14. He was made not after the Law of a Carnall Commandement, but after the power of an endlesse lise, ver. 16. Wee are sanctified, through the offering of the body of Iesus Christ, once for all, Heb. 10.10. He offered one sacrifice for sinnes, for ever, ver. 12. By one offering, he hath perfected, for ever, them that are Sanctifyed, ver. 14. He hath obtained a more excellent Ministery than Mo∣ses, Heb. 8.6. (yea, or Aaron either) and is the Mediatour of a better Covenant, which was established, on better promises, ibid. the same Saviour being Priest, of∣fring, and Altar which was in no other Law. Now, would I aske any indifferent man, which Testament had the better priviledges? Or, what was there in their first, that we have not by Christ, in more ample manner fully accomplished in the second Temple?

Seventhly, to conclude, as they had their Passeover, so Christ our Passeover is slaine, 1 Cor. 5.7. If they had Prophets, we have had Prophets, if they had a voyce from heaven, we had many; if they raysed some dead, many more were raysed in the New Testament; for one miracle that they had, we have had hundreds; and the Gospell of Christ hath lasted longer, than both their Temples, with all their Jewish Policie: yea for Numbers of each side, we have, and yet doe exceede them by mil∣lions.

PAR. 13.

ONce more, I returne from my By-pathes, and Diversions. The Passeover con∣tinued all the dayes of the prosperity, during the second Temple; nor did the Annuall sacrifice cease at Hierusalem, whilst the Temple was purified, yet must you not thinke, that the proper Passeover was tyed and fastned to the Temple, but rather the Sacrifices of the feast, belonging to the Passeover. It is a confessed and yet proved truth, that the Passeover was not bound to be slaine, and eaten in the Tem∣ple, but might be, must be performed in their private houses at Hierusalem; but the rest of all the Sacrifices which were to be offered, during the feast of unleavened bread, which endured seven dayes, all those were commanded as well as other Sacri∣fices, to be killed in the Temple, at Hierusalem, Deut. 12.13. Take heede to thy selfe that thou offer not thine offerings in every place that thou seest, but in the place which thy Lord shall chuse, in one of thy Tribes: There thou shalt offer thy burnt offerings, and there

shalt thou doe all that I command thee, ver. 14. I will not deny but sometimes upon some extraordinary occasions, the Passeover might be slaine in the Temple: but, that was not often, or necessary-legall; nor might ever, or, was it ever eaten there, but in any other part of the City.

PAR. 14.

MArke the judgements of God, in these two points, (though many are most observable.) First, he who undertooke, and performed, to keepe their Cities, during their absence at Hierusalem, whilest they truely served him: the same Almighty God caused the Romans, to fall upon their Cities, and to besiege Hierusa∣lem, whilest they were there, when once their sinnes were come to maturity. Iose∣phus (de Bello Iudaico, 6.4.) is either wronged by transcribers; or wrong in his account (which is not likely) when he saith that the day of unleavened bread fell on the 14. of Aprill. The City was full of people observant of the Passeover: and Titus besieged them, and they valiantly beate him off. One of the 3. Factions, viz. the Zelotes were slaine, upon the day of unleavened bread, every one of them, by Iochanan, the head of other mutiners, who closely sent armed men into the Tem∣ple and filled it with blood. They broke the Covenant, and therefore the bond be∣tweene God and them, was now of none effect. Nor was the siege ended, till to∣ward the end of September; the Temple being fired, and the people in it, on the tenth day of August; even the same day, that it had beene burnt once before, by the King of Babylon, as Baronius collecteth from Iosephus, the City was burned after; and mount Sion forced on the Sabbath day, being the 8. of September, A stone was not left upon a stone, in Hierusalem. The second point, which I observe is this; that where∣as the Jewes cryed fiercely, when they would have Christ crucified, His blood bee on us, and on our Children, Mat. 27.25. Titus, as the Jewes were taken, even five hundred a day and more, caused them all to be crucified: Ita ut jam spatium Crucibus deesset, & corporibus Cruces; so that there was not roome for crosses, nor crosses enough for their bodies, as Iosephus an eye-witnesse relateth it, (de Bello Iudaico, 6.12.) Lastly, I have either credibly heard or read, that whereas Christ was sold for 30. pieces of silver, the Captive Jewes were sold, 30. of them for one piece of silver; and more particularly, for Iudas Rupertus observeth, that for the 30 pieces of silver; which Iudas tooke to betray Christ, he had just as many Curses Prophetically de∣nounced against him, Psal. 109.6 &c. though I will not avouch, that Rupertus hitteth the exact number, or that every curse in that Psalme is appropriated to Ju∣das onely, excluding all other of Davids enemies. Yet, I dare say, most of them, fully reflect upon Iudas. So much concerning this sixth Ceremony, this durable Rite: that the Passeover was to be kept in Hierusalem onely, after the Temple was once erected.

The Prayer.

MOst infinite and incomprehensible God; sometimes, above all the rest of the world, in Iury wert thou knowne, thy Name was great in Israel, in Salem was thy Tahernacle, and thy dwelling place in Syon, Salvation was of the Jewes, unto the Jewes were committed the Oracles of God, and the Sacraments of the old Law, but bles∣sed be the glory of thy mercy to us, the partition wall is now broken downe; and thou, O blessed Saviour, didest dye, (out) of the gates of Hierusalem, with thy face to us-ward, and the houre now is, when the true worshipper shall worship the father in Spi∣rit and in Truth; and that not in Hierusalem alone, or in any other especiall moun∣taine, or valley, but every where art thou called upon, and every where art praysed. The heathen adore thee O God; and the Islands rebound thankes unto thee, for enlarging thy Kingdome, for spreading thy armes of mercy, to embrace them, and for bringing them unto thy fold: O blessed Saviour, the onely shepheard of

our Soules; O Jesus Christ the Righteous, who didst give thy life for thy sheepe, and who by tasting death for all men, doest bring us to life againe. All prayse, ho∣nour, and glory, be ascribed unto thee, the most holy, indivisible Trinity, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

CHP. XII. The Contents of the twelfth Chapter.

1. The Paschall Lambe was to be eaten in one house, and slaine not in the Temple, but in the house commonly. More Lambes might be eaten in one great house. It might not be eaten without doores. No Salvation without the Church: Schisme is forbidden.

2. Not onely the Priests, but the people of Israel might kill the Paschall-Lambe: the peo∣ple might not slay any other Sacrifice: Nor the Levites ordinarily, but the Priest onely. Every one in the Congregation of Israel, did not slay the Passeover; but the Chiefe, in one houshold. Maymonides rejected. Bellarmine truely avoucheth this duty of offering the Paschall-Lambe, to belong to the priviledges of the first-borne, before Aaron, or his sonnes were chosen to be Priests.

3. The Levites might offer the Sacrifice of the Passeover for the Priests, if the Priests were not sanctified: and the Priests might slay the Paschall-Lambe, for the people, if the people were not sanctified.

4. Whether the head of the family himselfe must of Necessity slay the Passe-over; or whe∣ther he might depute another in his place; Barradius rejected, for saying Christ himselfe slew the Passeover.

5. A strange story out of Suidas.

6. The Apostles prepared the Passeover before Christ came.

7. The Passeover was not slaine, at the Altar neere the Temple.

8. The roasting of it whole, is another fixed Ceremony.

9. They were to eate it roasted with fire.

10. They were not to eate it raw.

11. Not sodden at all with water.

12. The head was to be roasted with the legges.

13. They were to roast the Purtenance also.

14. The Jewes came not empty, but offered according to their abilities: and Christians are, to equalize, if not to exceede them.

PAR. 1.

THe next Ceremony of continuance was, In one house it shall be eaten, Exod. 12.48. &c. That there were some houses in which no Lambe was eaten is appa∣rent. Indeede it is sayd, Exod. 12.3. They shall take every man a Lambe, according to the house of their fathers, a Lambe for an house; yet there is added, ver. 14. If the house be too little for the Lambe, let him and his neighbour next to his house, take it according to the Number of the soules: Whence, I justly inferre, that, that house stood either emp∣ty, or at least some few weake people might be in it, which were unfit to be Com∣municants, in the Aegyptian Passeover. I am perswaded that the postes of that doore were be-sprinckled with some blood, for feare of the destroying Angell; which was not performed afterwards; and the non-Communicants might stay in them, and by the blood be freed from danger. Secondly, I inferre where the family was too little, or small in number, the Passeover was not eaten in that house; but they are it in another house where there was a competent number together. Corne∣lius â Lapide, the Jesuite, concludeth hence, Agnum non in Templo, sed in domo immo∣latum esse; that the Lambe was not slaine, in the Temple, but in the house, both now and ever after; but I answere, if he restraine himselfe to the most common, usuall custome, I hold with him; if he exclude extraordinary occasions, and thinke

it was never otherwise; he shall give me leave to dissent. That these words, [a Lambe for an house] doth necessarily include this meaning, either that no house was without the slaying and eating of a Lambe; or that two Lambes might not bee slaine, and eaten in one house, I cannot beleeve: there were not more, than one Lambe killed or eaten in one house, some say. Dr. Willet, (on Gen. 12. quest. 7.) is peremptory; there was not more than one lambe killed in one house; and elsewhere (on Exod. 12. quest. 12.) in his third answere to an opi∣nion, which he otherwise justly confuteth, letteth fall these words, though the houshould were never so great, one Lambe might suffice to have every one a part, it was not provided to fill their bellies, ît was lawfull for them afterward, to eate o∣ther meate, it was prescribed to be used as a Sacramentall commemoration of their deliverance; and so to be a food, rather for their soules, than their bodies. The first two sentences onely give matter of exception. I say then, the company in one house, might be so great that one Lambe onely could not afford to every person one bit. Salomons dayly provision was; 1 King. 4.22. &c. 30. measures of fine flower, and 60. measures of meale, 10. fat Oxen, 20. Oxen out of the Pastures, 100. sheep besides Harts, Roe-Buckes, Fallow-Deere, and fatted Fowle. Could one Lambe afford one morsell a peece, for a Paschall Sacrifice to every one of this houshold, and dayly eaters? a Wheate-cornes weight of the Lambe could not have beene sufficient for every one, but some would have wanted. Againe we never reade, that if the family were over-great, and super-numerous, they were commanded to di∣vide their companies and goe to other houses; but if they were too few, they went to the next house. So one Lambe was not killed in some house or houses; but for all this, two or more Lambes might be eaten in one house, in another house. Be∣sides, God appointed rather of the two, that they should have too much, rather than too little, and tooke order for the burning of the remainder; whence fairely resulteth he intended every one should have some, and a competencie, yet some might be left. If the Sacred Morsels had beene scant, and some had wanted to eate, it had beene a great sinne, the un-eating soules shall be cut off, Num. 9.13. The man that is cleane, and is not in a journey, and forbeareth to keepe the Passeover, the same soule shall be cut off from Gods people. In other Sacrifices, the Primitive appointment was that some parts of them were to be burned, and others eaten; the Priest being to haue his share, Levit. 7.30. &c. But in the Passeover all of it was to be eaten, if they could eate all, and the remainder was to be burned; not onely the bones but the flesh also. Maymonides (on Corban Pesach, cap 9. sect. 1.) saith, two companies might eate two Lambes, in one house; but they must not be mingled; nor looke one company upon, or to another. By the same reason, say I, in severall roomes there may be severall companies,, and severall Lambes according to the numbers of the family; proportioning the Lambes to the fraternity, or the fraternity to the Lambes; from five, sixe, or more, both companies, and Passeovers. Christ and his Colledge of Apostles are the Paschall Lambe in an upper-chamber; yet the Master of the family, and some other with him, might eate their Passeover other-where, in the same house: In one house it must be eaten, therefore it might not be eaten with∣out doores, sub Dio, in aprico, not in Bowers, not in Tents purposely erected, but in their standing houses. No eating without the house, figureth this proposition; no Salvation is without the Church. Non habet Deum patrem, qui non habet ecclesi∣am matrem. He hath not God for his father, that hath not the Church for his mo∣ther. I could wish those factionists, to whom the very name of the Church is odi∣ous, that they would remember this lesson, God is not their Father, if the Church be not their mother: they that are cut off from the Church by excommunication, are in a most fearefull estate, and are excluded from this sacred Supper. The beasts, and beastly men which were not in the Arke, were all drowned. In (one) house it must be eaten; Schisme, and separations are herein forbidden. In one house or roome as some interpret it: the Chaldee interpreter hath it most significantly, In one com∣pany; as if there might be divers roomes, and divers Lambes, and divers societies;

but onely one Paschall-Lambe, in one roome, and one company. More Lambes, in populous families, might be eaten in one house, upon no occasion might one Lamb be eaten in two houses. There was Ʋnus in unâ domo agnus, one Lambe in one house saith Adam Contzen the Jesuite: not unicus, one onely say I; yes, saith he; and he proveth it by Exod. 12.3. and inferreth that the Lambe was provided, foure dayes before. What of that? the provision of the Lambe, foure dayes before, was none of the durable Rites; but served them then, against the present exigent, the place in Exodus, doth not evince, that every house must have a Lambe, but rather the contrary. For if the houshould be too little for the Lambe, let him and his Neigh∣bour next to his house take it, ver. 4. So that one of their houses must be empty, and have no Lambe in it. Nor doe the words containe, that some populous full fami∣lies, and supernumery, might not have more Lambes, as I sayd before. It must be (eaten) it had beene a mocke if some had beene present and not eaten. It was or∣deined for use, not for shew. At what age the young Jewes began to eate the Pas∣chall-Lambe, cannot exactly be defined: this I hold, to be most certaine. They that were of sufficient discretion, to judge of so holy Mysteries, and fitted to receive, those did eate it; but because some come to ripenesse, and understanding before o∣thers: there was no fixed time of their age appointed. I also conclude, upon pro∣babilitie, that the young children that uncleane persons, that the over-oppressed with grievous paines or sickenesse, being unable to receive, and eate it, I say, none of these were present in the roome or place where the Passeover was eaten. In o∣ther roomes of the same house, they might be; there is no likelihood that they were shut out of doores. The next durable Circumstance was this. The people might kill the Lambe; the immolation of the Passeover was not appropriated to the Priesthood.

PAR. 2.

THat the people might not presume, themselves to sacrifice, but that they were to bring their offerings unto the Priests, and they to offer and slay them, is confessed by all; and apparent in many places, both of Exodus, and Leviticus, Heb. 7.27. The High Priest did offer up sacrifice, first for his owne sinnes, and then for the peoples: Heb. 10.11. Every Priest standeth ministring, and offering many times the same sacrifice. It was the sinne of Corah, that being but a Levite, he would usurpe the office of Aaron and his sonnes. much lesse might the people dare, to slay their Sa∣crifices. The Levites might not come nigh the vessels of the Sanctuary, and the Altar, that neither they nor you also dye, Num. 18.3. Aaron and his Sonnes shall keepe the Priests Office, for every thing of the Altar, ver. 7. Yet either Priest or Levite, or any Lay-man, the head of a family, might officiate the slaying of the Passe-over. As the former is true, for the generall; so for this their Jewish Sacra∣ment, for the Passeover in especiall; no Israelite (caeteris paribus) who had compe∣tencie of meanes, and company, and other requisites, was excluded, but might slay it. Every master of the houshold, either slayed, or appointed others to slay the Passeover, Iubente Lege, by the letter of the Law, saith Iosephus (Antiq. 2.6.) Om∣ne vulgus filiorum Israel, all the whole assembly of the Congregation of Israel, as before I cited out of Tertullian, against the Jewes. Philo (in vitâ Mosis) Ʋniverso populo celebrante laetas epulas, quisque se gerit pro Sacerdote; when the whole assembly doth celebrate the Passeover, every one doth execute the Priests Office: againe, (lib. 3. de vitâ Mosis) Non (ut alias) plebeii homines victimas adducunt ad Altare, ma∣ctandas â Sacerdotibus, sed Tota gens sacrificat; the Laicks doe not (as at other times) bring their Sacrifices, to the Altar, to be slaine by the Priests, but the whole Nati∣on doth offer sacrifice. Idem, (in lib. de Decalogo) popularitèr singuli sacrificant, non expectatis sacerdotibus; ipsipermissu legis fungentes sacerdotio, quotannis, per unum diem. The same Philo, in his booke of the Decalogue saith, every one doe offer Sacrifice not expecting their Priests; but they themselves, by the permission of the Law, doe

execute the Priests office, one day, every yeare. By which, or the like words, nei∣ther Iosephus, nor Philo, doe meane, that universally all, and every Iew killed the passeover. But every Master of a Family, sufficiently compleate in number for the eating of the Paschall-Lambe, he was the Priests in that businesse, unlesse sicknesse, or some other casualty of moment, caused him to depute another to that office; Ag∣nus Paschalis non â Sacerdotibus, sed â multitudine immolabatur; the Paschall-Lambe was slaine, not by the Priests, but by the multitude, saith Kemnitius. He might have expressed the matter, handsomer: for, there is a double apparent untruth in his words, as they present themselves, to the first apprehension. No doubt, some Priests killed some Paschall Lambes, namely, such as were to serve their owne houses, and the Master of each house, was selectus è multitudine, Chosen out of the multitude; and represented the Priest, on the one side; and the multitude, under him, on the other side. Indeed the Scripture phrase doth afford him some Patrocinie; for, Exod. 12.6. Its said, The whole assembly of the Congregation shall kill it; where, the whole assemly, & Congregation, hath reference to the particular assemblies, in eve∣ry private house, where the Lambe was to be slaine; where, one man stood, Idaealiter, by way of representation, for the rest; for, it is most incredible, that all, & every one, of the assembly of the Congregation, could actually slay the Lambe. Shall we thinke there were ten slayers to every Lambe? Ten or more, even as many, as were to be eaters of it? Was every Lambe, a Iulius Caesar, stabbed by multitudes? no, no; one in each family, sufficed for that businesse. Now as wee have avoyded the one ex∣treame of such as doe thinke, that every one indeede, of the whole Nation, did actually sacrifice (though I will readily confesse, that every of that Nation might sacrifice, and not one was excluded; but any one, who had a covenient house, and company under him, might then act the Priest) for himselfe, and perhaps; any man deputed, might doe it for his Master, or, at his appointment. So, we must avoyd the other extreame of Maymonides, who avoucheth, that the Priests killed the Lambes, and flayed them; and the provider of the Lambe brought it dead to his house, and rosted it, and are it. But this is a grosse errour of the Iewish Doctor. The Priests might kill for their own families, who will deny it? and they only might kill other Sacrifices (for that is our of question) but he wanteth proofe to conclude, that the Priests onely did slay the Passeover, for all the people; and if some few Priests, at some extraordinary time, or occasions, had perchance done so: yet the Priests did in trude, and usurpe the more common right, and did ill, to monopolize, that office. Bellarmin (de missâ, 1.7.) Pascha non offerebatur â solis sacerdotibus, sed â multis, non sacerdotibus; many that were not Priests (I say, nor Levites neither) slew the Paschall Lambe; and he giveth an excellent reason; Hoc sacrificium institutum fuit, antequàm familia Aaron determinabatur ad sacerdotum; & ideò quantùm ad hoc sa∣crificium, mansit antiquum privilegium, ut omnes patres familiâs sacerdotio fungerentur; Before the Aronicall Priesthood was appointed, and chosen, after the Aegyptian passeover, and before the Priesthood of Aaron, the chiefe of the family, the first-borne, the fathers of the housholds had the right, and exercise of the Priesthood annexed unto the priviledges of their Primogeniture; which ancient Custome they observed in this poynt, not onely at the first Passeover, but ever after; even when the Priesthood was setled on Aaron, and his sonnes, or families, unlesse they were defiled, as 2 Chro. 30.17. or else, some other great occasion interceded.

PAR. 3.

THe first objection to the contrary. Yea, but it is said, 1 Esdr as 7.12. The Le∣vites offered the Passeover, for all them of the Captivity, and for their brethren the Priests, and for themselves? I answer, as it is in the precedent verses. They that were of the Captivity, were not all sanctified together: but the Levites were all sancti∣fied together. Want of sanctification might make them unfit, who otherwise had right enough to have discharged the duty. The second Objection, Ezra. 6.20. The Priests, and the Levites were purified together; all of them were pure, and killed the Passe∣over,

for all the children of the Captivity, and for their brethren the Priests, and for them∣selves? I answer, the Priests, and Levites extraordinary sanctification in the pollu∣tion of the multitude, reached them out an handle, on just opportunity to doe that, which others might have done, if they had beene truely sanctified. This answer is confirmed, 2 Chr. 30.17. Many in the Congregation were not sanctified; therfore the Levites had the charge of killing of the Passeover, for every one that was not cleane; and the uncleane did eate it, but not kill it. And God heard the voyce of Hezekiah praying; the good Lord pardon every one, that prepareth his heart, to seeke God, though he be not cleansed, ac∣cording to the purification of the Sanctuary, ver. 18. and 19. Observe, I pray you, the force of the illative, Therefore, Therefore the Priests had the charge of killing the Passeover. Why? first, because many in the Congregation were not sanctified. Se∣condly, They killed the Passeover for every one, who was not there; it is not said the Levites or Priests killed the Passeover, for all, and every one of the Con∣gregation (the cleane might sacrifice for themselves, and their families) but for every one; that was not cleane, did the Priests and Levites kill the Passeover. Lastly, some interprete the immolation by the Priests, and Levites onely, of the Pas∣chalia sacrificia, the Paschall Sacrifices (so Barradius termeth them) and not of the great passeover: Sacrificium Pascha, the sacrifice of the passeover; but because, there may seeme little difference, in this distinction: I rather diversifie it thus. They slew, and flayed the sacrifices of the Chagigah: not of the Sacramentall Pascha; of the Herd, not of the flocke: or, if they did sacrifice any of the flocke, Lambs Wea∣thers, or Rammes, these were not for the first dish of the first Course, the first night of the Paschall solemnity (which was to be an unspotted Male; under a yeare old, &c.) but for the other second dishes of the second course; or, for other dayes, of their great Septemdiale Festum, Festivity of seven dayes.

PAR. 4.

BEllarmin (de missâ, 1.7.) Paterfamiliâs per se immolabat, reliqui per patrem familiâs; paterfamiliâs propriè, & per se immolante; reliquis per illum immolantibus, & volunta∣te, & participatione in sacrificium consentientibus: The Master of the Family, killed the passeover, by himselfe; others, by him, and in him; he properly, they, as Consen∣tients, and Co-parthers: yet Bellarmin determineth not, whether the eldest, or chiefest of the Family, were bound personally to doe it himselfe; so bound, that he could not depute another in his roome. I, for my part thinke, that, as the Primo∣genitus, or First-borne did willingly, and most ordinarily performe the duty, in his owne person: So, there were divers dispensable occasions, which might permit him, to consigne over that office, of preparing the passeover, for some times, to another, in his place, and, as his substitute, with vicariall power. Barradius (more peremptory than Belarmin) saith, Christ himselfe slew the passeover. Where is his proofe? That Christ himselfe [might] have slaine the passeover, I deny not: hee had a double right unto it; first, as Paterfamilias, or Master of the Family: secondly, as he was a Priest spiritually, of the order of Melchizedek, and had the fountaine of all authority, and Priesthood in him, as he was the eternall Priest; but, â posse ad esse non valet consequentia; from what he (might) have done, to what he actually did doe, is no good consequence; or, he might have done it; Ergo, he did doe it, is no good Argument: and the question is not, de jure, of the right; but, de facto, of the deede. This perhaps might be one reason, why he designed others to slay the passeover; lest, if he had slaine it himselfe; some mis-judging people might have beene deceived, and perhaps thought him to be a Priest lineally descended from Levi, or Aaron (who were not excluded from slaying the passeover, in their owne houses) but Christs pedigree is not counted from Levi, or his sonnes, Heb. 7.6. nor is he to be called Priest, after the order of Aaron, ver. 11. but appertaineth to ano∣ther Tribe, of which no man gave attendance at the Altar, ver. 13. For it is evident, the Lord sprang out of Judah, of which Tribe Moses spake nothing concerning Priesthood, ver. 14. Aquinas (part. 3. quast. 22. Art. 1. ad secundum) thus; Quia sa∣cerdotium

veteris Legis erat figura sacerdotii Christi, noluit Christus nasci, de stirpe figura∣lium sacerdotum, ut ostenderetur, non esse omnino idem sacerdotium, sed differre, sicut verum â figurali; that is, Because the Priesthood of the old Law, was a figure of the Priesthood of Christ: Christ would not be borne of the stocke of the Leviticall Priests, that it might appeare, that his Priesthood, and theirs was not all one; but that they did differ, as the truth from the shadow.

PAR. 5.

SVidas, on the word Iesus, saith; the Iewes kept among their Archiva, or Regi∣stries, that Christ, about thirtie yeares of age, was chosen a Priest of their Law, and thence taught in their Synagogues. It is truth, they delivered him the Scrip∣ture to interpret it, Luke 4. but, whether to intrap him; or else, in admiration of his learning, or, indesire to heare Novelties; none knoweth. Certainely, Priests were Hereditary, not Elective; and Interpretation of Scripture belonged not to the Tribe of Levi onely; for, Act. 13.15. Paul, who was of the Tribe of Benjamin, was requested to exhort.

PAR 6.

HE, who diligently readeth the divine story, shall find, how: First, the Disciples were carefull to have the passeover provided, Matth. 26.17. Mar. 14.12. Se∣condly, our Saviour hearkened to their request, as there it followeth. Thirdly, Christ made an exempt of his Disciples, retaining some with himselfe, and he sent others, to make ready the passeover. Fourthly, those two, whom he sent, were none of the meanest, but rather the chiefest of his Apostles, S. Peter. and S. Iohn, as it is, Luke 22.8. Fiftly, in the sacrificing of the passeover, you may observe these distinct grada∣tions; in termes unconfused and proprietie of Language. 1. The preparing of the passeover may imply, the choosing of a fit legall Lambe. 2. Then succeeding the slaying of it. 3. There was the making of it ready, that is, flaying, paunching, washing, dressing, and roasting it. 4. Lastly, followed eating of it. Sixtly, when the Disciples had made ready the Passeover, it is likely that S. Peter, & S. John went out to meete him; for he cometh in the Evening with the 12. Marke 14.17. and the Preparers went from him forth before, as it is, vers. 16.7. Most certaine it is, Christ appointed his Disciples to prepare, and make ready the Passeover, (in which is necessarily included the immolation) and himselfe came not, till the Evening, that is, till the exact houre; when all things were made ready; and when it was to be eaten.

PAR. 7.

IT is a great misprision of M. Iohn Weemse of Lathoker, that the Lambes of the passeover were killed, at the Altar, and brought home to their houses; and his proofe is lame, from Luke 22.7.8. that the Master of the house caused them to bring backe the Lambe to his house; for, what intimation is in that place (yea, or in any place of Scripture) that it was so generally either precepted, or practised? there is no mention of Altar, or bringing backe of the passeover, but rather the contrary. The Apostles were to prepare it; the place inquired, and resolved upon, was an house: the preparation was in an house; the manducation in a guest Chamber, ver. 11. One Altar (for there was but one) could not receive so many thousand Pas∣chall Lambes, as was killed, within a few houses. But, in their houses was the passe∣over slaine, and in their houses flayne; there was it eaten. In all the Evangelists, the preparation, even from before the slaying, to the eating, seemeth to be included, within the compasse of the House, and the Iewish professors runne with might, and maine, for the democraticall immolation; but the people never slew any sacri∣fices, on the Altar.

PAR. 8.

THe next durable ceremony, is the rosting of it whole, Exod. 12.8. They shall eate the flesh rosted with fire, and ver. 9. eate it not raw nor sodden at all with water, but rost with fire, his head, with the legges, and with the purtenance thereof. In which divine words, five precepts are comprehended. 1. Thou shalt eate the flesh rosted with fire. I omit the naturall reasons; that rost meate hath lesse crudities, than boyled meate; that it is wholesome feeding, that it is best for supper-meate, and more hearty foode, and more pleasant to taste: I omit Reasons congruentiall; that some might have wood nearer, than they could have water; the waters might be troubled by accident.

PAR. 9.

Mine opi••ion is, the mystery lay in these things. Principally to signifie, the extremitie of heate, paine, and affliction, and as it were the torrid Zone, un∣der which Christ laboured, sweate, and languished, upon the Crosse. 2. To put them in minde, how the Israelites themselves were, as I may so say, tosted and rosted in the Brickilnes of Aegypt; and in the Lime-kilnes thereof. Here, the difference is to be observed, betweene the Primary Paschall-dish, and the other Paschall-Solem∣nities; betweene the passeover, and the feast of the passeover; betweene the Sacra∣ment, and Sacrifice. The offerings might be either sod, or baked, or rosted, or o∣therwise dressed; the passeover, the Lambe must be rosted: 2 Chron. 35.13. At the great Passeover of Iosiah, they rosted the Passeover with fire, according to the ordinance.

PAR. 10.

SEcondly, this was the next precept. Eate it not raw, Exod. 12.9. In this poynt, you may not thinke, that the Israelites would have eaten raw gobbets of beasts slaine; if they had not beene forbidden; they needed no inhibition, to abstaine from raw flesh; or, that God esteemed them, as Canibals, or, as dogges, to gnaw on raw-undressed flesh; but, by raw, halfe-rosted, or raw-rosted is meant; and by not raw, is meant not greene, as we use to call it; not, in his blood; the blood, or bloody-gravy may not swimme in the dish, or besmeare the mouth of the Eaters; as is practised at the Tables of many wanton stomacks. The spirituall meaning might be against luke warmenesse in Religion; against halfe-services in holy things. God will not have body alone, or soule alone, hee will not have halfe thy prayers, whilst the great Compasser of the earth, and wanderer of the world, hath the oth••r part of thy straying conceptions, Thy devotions must be intire, Matth. 22.37. Thou shalt love the Lord thy God, with all thy heart, with all thy soule: and with all thy minde. It is added, Luke. 10.27. With all thy strength; To walke in all Gods wayes, Deut. 10.12. God findeth fault with the Angell of the Church of Sardis, that his workes were not perfect before God. Rev. 3.2. God likes not the Laodicaean temper, Rev. 3.15. Thou art neither hot, nor cold; I would, thou wert cold, or hot; so then, because thou art lukewarme, and neither hot nor cold; I will spew thee out of my mouth. Raw meate is undigestible, and commonly spewed up againe. To these things used among men, God alludeth, and therefore, forbiddeth raw-meate. Hi∣ther you may referre those precepts, Levit. 19.19. and apply it, against the Hypo∣crites of our dayes, who are, forsooth, all for the first Table; Gods Religion is their onely care; but they esteeme not the duties of the second Table, these cleanse the out-side, but not the in-side,

PAR. 11.

THe third precept was this. Not sodden at all with water; the Hebrew runneth, Not sodden sod in water; washed it must be in water (perhaps hot water) and rinsed it might be, to cleanse it from filth; or blood; soked also it might be, for the better defecation; parboyled it might not be, much lesse sodden. Maymonides saith, it might not be so much as basted, or dripped with water; yet, in his opinion,

it might be basted, or smeered with wine, oyle, or any other liquor. Butter was permitted, in all likelihood to keepe it from burning, they were to eate roasted flesh, not scorched, or burnt Lambe; especially in the Land that flowed with milk, and afforded much butter. He is distempered, who thinketh that God prescribed distem∣pering food; meate parched like coales, rather then well-ordered, well-cooked meate, in so extraordinary a sacrifice, and Sacrament. In the great Passeover of the good Iasiah, other Sacrifices indeed were boyled in severall instruments: but the Passeover, the proper Passeover was rosted, 2 Chro. 35.13. The vertue in sod meate is extracted, in rost meate contracted. Sod meate spends its strength in the pottage, or some part of it, in bettering the broth, more than the rost doth. (I have heard of some, who have spoyled their meate, to make good pottage,) If any one aske, what was the substance of this shadow? and why water was forbid, and fire permitted? I am loath to give this reason; that the great inundation by waters was passed, but the fire of conflagration was pointed at; or, that Moses his taking out of the water was here remembred, as past; and the fiery Pillar, fiery Serpents, and fiery tryall of them, was prefigured; or, that Christ did baptize with the holy Ghost, and with fire, Mat. 3.11. or, that the cloven tongues, as of fire, Act. 2.3. were se∣cretly resembled. This I am sure of; an ancient Divine makes this Divine applica∣tion, Justinus contra Tryphonem Iudaeum) Christus in Cruce nihil habuit aquae, idost, nihil mitigationis, nihil solatii in poenis; sed tam dolore, quàm amore nostrifuit assus, & tostus; Christ on his Crosse had no water, that is to say, no mitigation, no comfort in his torments; but he was tosted, and rosted, as well with the griefe, as for the love of us. No marvaile, he thirsted, and sayd, My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me? At his agony in the garden, Christ was so inwardly fired, and rosted, as Iustinus phrazeth it, that he sweate great drops of blood: nor were those grumi sanguinis, sine guttis aquae, those drops of blood, without drops of water, in all likelihood; so when he was as on the spit of the Crosse, and when they digged his hands, and his feete, did not both water, and blood gush forth? I am sure, when his side was pierced, there flowed out, both blood, and water, Ioh. 19.34.

PAR. 12.

THe fourth precept involved, in this Ceremony is, the head must he rosted with the legges. I shall noterre from the matter, though I misse the maine intenti∣on, if I say; the whole rosted Passeover on the spit, did some way resemble our Saviour, on the Crosse; the spit being a shadow of the lignum arrectarium; and both the fore-legges and hinder legges bored through, and strained; or otherwise it had beene an unhandsome sight. Each part of his was to indure affliction. [Rosted] Iudgement must begin at the house of God, I Pet. 4.17. If they have done these things in a greene tree, what will they doe in the dry? Luk. 23.31. Ioh. 13.16. The servant is not greater, than his Lord; neither he that is sent, greater than he that sent him. If they have persecuted me, they will also persecute you, Ioh. 15.20. Matth. 10.24. The Disciple is not above his Master, nor the Servant above the Lord; and ver. 25. It is enough for the Disci∣ple, that he be as his Master, and the Servant as his Lord; if they have called the Master of the house Beel-zebub, how much more shall they call them of the houshold? Luk. 6.40. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, perfectus omnis erit; every one shall be perfected, as his Master. God had onely one sonne without sinne, none without punishment, Revel. 3.19. As many as I love, I rebuke, Heb. 12.6. Whom the Lord lo∣veth he chasteneth, and scourgeth every sonne, whom he receiveth; answerable to that, Pro. 3.12. Whom the Lord loveth he correcteth; even as a Father, the sonne, in whom he deligh∣teth: and in our Saviour rosted whole, was God well pleased; no rent in his coate; no schisme in his body: no separating Button-maker, no leader of such obstinate ignorants, to the all-permitting Amsterdam; no Buchanan, no Knox; the whole in∣••••re body, without partiary divisions, must be roasted together.

PAR. 13.

THe fift, and last appendant precept, to this Ceremony, was; they were to rost the Purtenance also. This may also touch at the whole Service of God; and signifie their Totall delivery; so that no good thing should be left behind, no quar∣ter sacrifices; no halfe-sacrifices please our God; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, either all or not at all: whether in the Lambe, or by it selfe; or one side of the Lambe, I will not determine: the purtenance; not the guts, and garbage; not the gall, not any thing unsavorie, uncleanely, or unwholsome: I will, for my part, not envie the feasts of those daintie ones, who use to eate the guts of Larkes, and Wood cockes new-kil∣led, young chickens in the shells, not yet, or newly pipient; and raw-bacon:

Ingeniosa gula est,— Bello crudelior omni Luxuria incumbit—

that is,

The gut for dainties, witty is; hence farre More Cruell Luxury doth flow, than warre.

The Lights are good food, easie of digestion: some love them above all other inwards; the Liver, and Heart, are principall parts, healthy, and strong: no good thing was to be cast away: one part might please one, another part might be desired by another; here was variety; the head of the company, the Mr. of the society might eate the choycer-bits: the meaner people might eate the courser, and more refused, or lesse-desired morsells. This sacrifice was like nature; it neither abounded in things superfluous; nor was wanting in things necessary. So much for the 13. prepara∣tory Ceremony, of continuance, before the eating of the Passeover.

PAR. 14.

THe 14. and in my Method though not in Nature, the last durable Rite prepa∣ratory was; that every one, was to bring an offering, according to his ability, the proofes are these: Deut. 16.16. Three times shall all thy Males appeare before the Lord, in the feast of unleavened bread, and they shall not appeare before the Lord, empty; 17. Every man shall give as he is able; according to the blessing of the Lord thy God, which he shall give thee. The like precept for the gift at the Passeover, is, Exod. 34.18.20. and Exod. 23.15. which is thus enlarged, Eccles. 35.1. He that keepeth the Law, bringeth offerings enough, and so on to these words, ver. 6. The offering of the Righte∣ous maketh the Altar fat, and the sweete savour thereof is before the most high; and so for∣ward to the 10. ver. Give unto the most high, according as he hath enriched thee, and ••s thou hast gotten; give with a chearefull eye: a reason of strong consequence is annexed, in the words following; for the Lord recompenseth, and will give thee seven times as much. In this point, two things are observable from the Jewish professour. First, that every man of ability came into the Temple; the great first day of the Feast; and there, and then, was to make his offering, a burnt-offering, either of fowle, or beast; yet if sickenesse hindred him by the way; so that of necessitie, he came tardy at the beginning, yet his first day of appearing in the Temple, (what day soever it were) was to him, the day of his offering; and as the first day of the feast, to others. Secondly, no man was bound to bring his offertory, on the other dayes of the feast, though he appeared often in the Court, and holy Convocation, yet if any man would, it was accepted; and the more Religious the people were, the more they gave, proportionable to their worth: remember the royall gifts of Hezekiah, for offering day by day, during their great Passeovers, 2 Chro. 30.24. and of Josiah, 2 Chro. 35.7. and the most munificent offerings of Josiahs Princes, ver. 8. Tea, to the people Hezekiah sayd; Come neare, and bring Sacrifices, and thankesgi∣vings; into the house of the Lord; and the Congregation brought in sacrifices, and thanksgi∣vings; and as many as were of a free heart, burnt offerings, 2 Chro. 29.31. And the offe∣rings were more, than the Priests could kill, ver. 34. It is most remarkeable, what even the most learned Mr. Selden confesseth, and what is a knowne truth; that one way, or other, the Iewes did pay, by Gods appointment, the fift part of their whole e∣state

unto the Lord, and his Priests, annually. Let the Sacrilegious tithe-robbers, seriously weigh that point: we have too many so devout forsooth, that they give to God their eares; yet so prophane and covetous, that they will afford God no∣thing but their eares. A single scute, or farthing, they will not offer, (how rich so∣ever they be) unlesse the Law compell them; unlesse their Priests be at their beckes; dues, duties, or Revenewes, they cannot abide to neare of; yet God hath done more for us Christians than he did for the Iewes; and therefore out returne unto the Lord ought to exceede theirs. It was a well-weighed collection of Chrysostom's, that a good Christian, when he considereth what the Iewes pay'd to their Priests, and Levites, will thinke more is due from him: even Horace condemned himselfe, for having beene, Parcus deorum cultor, & infrequent, a spare, and seldome wor∣shipper of God: David would not offer to the Lord, but, that which cost him enough for it; nor would the Father of the faithfull, consecrate his Church-yard, or Abrahemium, for a burying place, till he had payd for it. But, we have a late ge∣neration of Religion-framers, who; as I sayd before, give nothing willingly unto God, but their eares, which cost them nothing; and have found (as they thinke) the cheapest way to heaven, that ever was thought of by any unlesse Atheists; by keeping all to themselves; as if no Recognition, by goods, were due to God, for his Creation, Universall Dominion, generall preservation, and particular blessings upon men. The Iewes gave God of his owne, as much as they were able, let Chri∣stians looke to it; and that they may the better looke to it; (at least, for the pay∣ment of their tyth's) let them consider, what Augustine writeth (Serm. 219. de Tempore) let us give thankes to God therefore, because he gave us good Corne; and let us thinke of offering, or rather restoring backe the tithes to God; he who payeth no tithes, invadeth anothers goods. S^t. Hierome (on the third of Malachi) what I sayd of tithes, which were wont of old, to be payd by the people, to the Priests, and Levites; is commanded also to the peo∣ple of (our) Church; viz. not onely, to pay tithes; but to sell all, and follow Christ; All in affection, and habite; not alwayes all actually; yet must the taught man com∣municate unto him, that teacheth in all good things. While thou with-holdest thy due, thou deceivest thy brother, thou defraudest God of his due; yea, doest mocke with him, thou deceivest thy selfe. But, be not deceived, God is not mocked, Gal. 6.6. if thou payest not God, God will pay thee; as wee have opportunity, we must doe good to all men, especially to them, who are of the houshold of faith, Gal. 6.10. Lastly, Origen (Homil. 11. on Num. 18. Tom. 1. pag. 209. &c.) how doth our justice exceede the justice of the Scribes and Pharises? (as it must, or else in no case shall we enter into the kingdome of Heaven, Matth. 5.20.) if (they) dared not to taste of their fruits before the Tenths were separated for the Levites: and we doe no such things, but so abuse the fruites of the earth, that nor Priest, nor Levite, nor Altar partake of it: It is convenient, and profitable, that first-fruites should be payd, to the Priests of the Gospell; for the Lord hath so ordeined, that they who Preach the Gospell, should live of the Gospell: Contrarily, it is uncon∣venient, unworthy, and impious; that he, who worshippeth God, and goeth into his Church, and knoweth that the Priests, and Ministers waite at the Altar; doth not give the first-fruites to the Priests, of those fruites of the ground, which God giveth by his sun, and his raine; I thinke such a soule hath no memory or mind of God; nor thinketh nor beleeveth; that God gave those fruits, which he so hideth, as strange from God: For, if he beleived them, to be given of God; he would al∣so know, to honour God, by rewarding his Priests: what Christ would have done by the Pharises; more, and more abundantly, would he have his Disciples to per∣forme; and very earnest he is, for the first f••uites of Corne, and beasts; and not for the tithes onely: so farre Origen.

The Prayer.

VVHether it were thy will, O heavenly Father; that thy precept to the Jewes, of rosting the Lambe whole, who did secretly insinuate unto us; that halfe-Services please not thee; that the Sacrifices of our soules, without the body, or the body alone, without the soule, are disliked; or, whether by it, thou didst typifie that thou hatest division, schisme, partialities, and delightest in perfect, intire unity; or, whether thou didst intimate both these: I humbly beseech the for Jesus Christ his sake, that I may please thee, both with my soule, and with my body; and that I may ever be defended, and preserved from any singularity, defection, and obstinacy, and may by thee be strengthned to keepe the unity of the Spirit, in the bond of peace. Amen.

CHAP. XIII. The Contents of the thirteenth Chapter.

1. Bread and water imply all Necessary food; and sometimes, full store.

2. Ʋnleavened Bread was to be eaten with the Passeover, and the flesh of the Passe∣over, not to be eaten, with any other, save unleavened bread.

3. Maymonides confuted.

4. Sowre Herbes must of necessitie, be also eaten with the Passeover.

5. When leaven was permitted; when the use of it forbidden.

6. The Israelites ate no leavened bread; from their comming out of Aegypt, till they trod on the borders of the Land of Canaan.

7. Leaven betokeneth, either good or evill.

8. Illyricus his triplex fermentum.

9. How unleavened bread is called bread of affliction.

10. What are the best Monuments.

11. The pracept of bitter herbes is a durable Rite.

12. Why bitter herbes were to be eaten.

13. Christ ate the Passeover with bitter Herbes, and the Mysticall signification.

14. The bitter Herbes mentioned in the Law.

15. The Jewes used herbes for meate, as well as for sauce.

16. Salt, and Vineger were not onely the Jewish sauces.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

I Come now to the Ceremonies properly Sacramentall, they were three. 1. The Eating it. 2. With unleavened bread. 3. With soure herbes. I refer the discourse concerning the eating of the flesh of the Passeover, untill I handle the first of the 3 suppers; or it may be, I may touch it on the By, in the interim. Bread and water imply all necessary food; and sometime full store: Elisha said unto the King of Israel, set bread and water before them, 2 King 6.22. and he prepa∣red great provision for them, ver. 23. Not against the intent of the Prophet. But here bread is taken properly, as the two other things. Cyprianus (in Serm. de Caena Dom. pene in principio Parag. 2. p. 500.) Christus finem legalibus Ceremoniis impositur us, pa∣rari sibivoluit Pascha; & ex consuetudine Legis, ea quari, quae solennitas exigebat, assum agnu••••, panes ezymos, lactucas agrestes; that is, Cyprian (in his Sermon, of the Sup∣per of the Lord, almost in the beginning) Christ being about to put an end to the Legall Ceremonies, would have the Passeover prepared for him; and those things to be provided, according to the Custome of the Law, which the solemnitie of that feast did require, namely, a rosted Lambe, unleavened bread, sowre ••erbes.

PAR. 2.

VVE may not imagine, they ate the flesh of the Paschall, without unleave∣ned bread; nor yet unleavened bread alone, in that supper, without the Paschall-Lambe: but were to be both served in, and eaten together; the end of ro∣sting was for eating; and the manner of eating the Lambe, was with unleavened bread; Exod. 12.8. They shall eate the flesh rosted with fire, with unleavened bread; and this precept is repeated, Levit. 23.6. Numb. 28.17. At the Even, the 14. day, was the Passeover of the Lord (to be slaine) and to be eaten, the other Evening (which began the 15. day) with unleavened bread.

PAR. 3.

MAymonides saith, the Passeover may be eaten; if they cannot get unleavened bread, nor sowre herbes? I answere, it is not then truely, and perfectly the Passeover; the infinite wisedome of divine providence, so sweetely ordeined this Sacrament, that where Ewes and Lambes were fed, there must needes be grasse, and other herbes; and naturally, some wild herbes sprout up, rather than the choycer herbes; and may be sooner gathered, picked, washed, and minced, then a Lambe could be rosted: In lesse time, also might the flower be made unleavened, either bread, or cakes, or wafers: likewise, the leavened Masse presupposeth the unleave∣ned, for if any flower be to be had at all, it is unleavened, before it is leavened. So that the Jew neede not suppose the want of unleavened bread, if they had any corne at all; ye shall eate the Passeover with unleavened Bread, and with bitter herbes; therefore, whatseover the Jew saith, they might not eate it, without either of these.

PAR. 4.

BOth unleavened bread, and bitter herbes, must not onely be present; but eaten, and eaten with it; else it was but an adulterate Passeover; and a great spot, or maime was in that Sacrifice; was the flesh of the Passeover to be, without bread, especially in a Land of Corne, Deut. 33.28. They may as well remove bread, from being one of the materialls, in our Sacrament of the Eucharist.

PAR. 5.

IN the Sacrifice of thankesgiving, they were to offer unleavened cakes, or wa∣fers, Levit. 7.12. and yet, besides the cakes, he shall offer for his offering, lea∣vened bread, with the sacrifice of thankesgiving of his peace offerings, ver. 13. And in the new meate offering, or the first fruites unto the Lord, they were to bring two wave-loaves, of fine flower, baken with leaven, Levit. 23.16, 17. And yet Leaven was wholly forbidden, in divers things, Levit. 2.11. No meate-offe∣ring, which ye shall bring unto the Lord, shall be made with Leaven, for ye shall burne no leaven, in any offering of the Lord made by fire? I answere, these words, and they immediately following doe evince; leaven is not excluded from all offe∣rings, but onely in burnt-offerings, on the Altar: As for the oblation of the first-fruits; yee shall offer them unto the Lord, but they shall not be burnt on the Altar, for a sweete savour; why so? because the two wave-loaves of the first fruites were to be baken with Leaven, Levit. 23.17. Briefely, thus with Origen: leaven was forbidden, ad sacrificium, non ad sacrificii ministerium; ad sacrificium, non ad esum, that is, it was forbidden in the Principall sacrifice, not to the subservient ministers: againe, Levit. 23.18. Thou shalt not offer the blood of my sacrifice with leavened bread; which is varied thus, Levit. 34.25. Thou shalt not offer the blood of my Sacrifice with leaven: Lastly, in the Passeover offerings, unleavened bread was excluded even from their houses, and coasts, in the feast of seven dayes, which feast was called the feast of unleavened Bread, Exod. 12.17.

PAR. 6.

THat the Israelites used any at all, from their going out of Aegypt, till they came into the Land of Canaan, I doe not see prooved; sure I am, God saith, Levit. 23.10. When ye be come into the Land, which I shall give you, leavened bread was permitted to be offered, ver. 17. So, the Law of meate offering, and drinke-offering was prescribed; When ye be come into the Land of habitations, Numb. 15.2. and ver. 18. And when you come into the Land whether I bring you, then it shall be, &c. Likewise for the leavened wave-loaves of their first fruites; this was not fulfilled in the wildernesse where they had no corne growing, but the Law was to take force when they came into the borders of Canaan, where corne was. They carryed no Leaven out of Aegupt, and within 33. dayes, they were fed with Manna, till they tasted of the old corne of the land of Canaan, Josh. 5.12.40. yeares did they eate Manna, Exod. 16, 35. In this journey, from Ramesis to Succoth, or, at their resting places there, they baked unleavened cakes of Dough, Exod. 12.39. Josephus saith, the Israelites lived on unleavened bread, till they had Manna: It appeareth not, that they are leavened Manna; nay rather, it is probable that they did never leaven it; For no Manna was kept above two dayes, none above one day except the Sabbati∣call Manna, which was a wonder; and (except the re-memorative and miraculous Manna, reserved in the pot for future times) besides the taste of Manna, was like wa∣fers, made with honey, Exod. 16.31. If it had beene leavened it would have beene bitter or sowre: cleane contrary to the taste of honeyed things: againe, Manna needed no preserving by leaven: it was stedfastly good, till the time by God ap∣pointed; corruption could not seize on it: on the other side, all the leaven in the world could not keepe it from stinking, and wormes, and putrefaction, if they spent it not, by its appointed time: to put leaven into Manna, was to mingle things profane with sacred: Dr. Willet (on Exod. 12. quest. 15.) hath these words; it is to be considered, that in this first Passeover, they were not commanded to eate un∣leavened bread seven dayes: neither did they intend so much; but they carryed their dough forth unleavened, not for any Religion but for haste, therefore that prescription, to abstaine from leavened bread seven dayes, ver. 14. belonged to the perpetuall observation of the Paschall, but the other Rites prescribed unto the 14. v. appertained to the first Passeover: If D^r. Willet, doe meane onely, that the Israelites did eate unleavened bread the night of the Passeover; but were not necessarily bound to keepe the feast of 7. dayes, of unleavened bread, till they came into Canaan: I will not much oppose him, both because it is so appointed, Exod. 13.5.6. and be∣cause they had no leasure till they were past the Red-sea, to keepe much feasting: but withall, he doth well to acknowledge it very likely; that from the houre of their departure, they are no leavened bread, for the next 7. dayes, and after: for they baked unleavened cakes of the dough, ver. 39. That the Israelites ate the ro∣sted Passeover, with unleaved bread; I finde generally confessed; this durable cere∣mony bound them, even in Aegypt, and in the wildernesse, Numb. 9.11. and ever after.

PAR. 7.

LEaven may very well signifie two things; yea, two disparate, if not contrary things: briefely it may shaddow out both good and evill: you shall finde it taken in the good sense, Matth. 13.33. The kingdome of heaven is like unto lea∣ven; so Luke 13.20.21. The Kingdome of God is like a Leaven, which a woman tooke, and hid in three measures of meale, till the whole was leavened: thus leaven implyeth an effectuall good, unseene operation, and communication of its proper vertue, con∣tinuance in things mingled with it; a spreading or growing from a small matter, to a great; a diffusive grace. Againe, leaven doth shadow-out, a godly affection, min∣gled with some griefe, as the Psalmists heart was leavened, Psal. 73.21. For so the

word signifieth; the Radix is all one with that of Levit. 7.13. Indeede, our Translation readeth, Thus my heart was grieved; acescit cor meum, saith the Interline∣ary, My heart waned soure; and perhaps, this may be the reason, why, after deli∣verance from griefe, and sorrow, the devout and godly duty of thanksgiving, was appointed to be offered with leavened bread, Levit. 7.13. As leaven may be taken, and is taken in an ill sence; so, our bread, in our Paschatizing must be unleavened. Leaven is taken for malice, and froward affections, 1 Cor. 5.8. Leaven is taken for erroneous opinions; Take heede and beware (both are specialized) of the leaven of the Pharisees, and Sadducees, Matt. 16 6. And the leaven of Herod, Marks 8.15. Leaven is taken both for a corrupting, infectious disposition; and for a pronenesse, and in∣clination of the subject corruptible; for corrupted nature; for the whole masse of us deformed, and soured; Purge out therefore the old leaven (not, that wee may be newly-leavened, but) that yee may be a new lumpe, as yee are unleavened, 1 Cor. 5.7. Unleavened bread, is more pure, more naturall, more free from art, and humane devices; and though Tostatus say, Leavened bread is Saporosior, & stomacho salubrior, more savoury, and more wholesome for the sto∣macke; yet I say, dainty, tender natures prove it otherwise; and unleavened bread doth signifie incorruption; Let vs keepe the feast, not with old leaven, neither with the leaven of malice, and wickednesse, but with the unleavened bread of sincerity, and truth. 1 Cor. 5.8.

PAR. 8.

I Llyricus, upon the word, Fermentum, or leaven, thus, There is a threefold kind of leaven found in holy writ.

• 1. Pharisaicum, quod significat corruptelas doctrinae, Pharisaicall, which signifies corrupt doctrines, or opinions.
• 2. Apostolicum, quod est regnum coelorum, Apostolicke, which increaseth to the Kingdome of God.
• 3. Malitiae, & versutiae, quod est morum perversitas, of malice, and craftinesse, which per∣verteth good manners.

PAR. 9.

BEsides all this, you shall find, Deut. 16.3. Unleavened bread, is called, even the bread of affliction, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Some are headstrong in beleefe, that the meaner sort of men, and the poore common people were wont to eate unleavened bread among the Iewes; wherefore Cajetan calleth it, Panem paupertatis, the bread of Poverty; but proofe hereof is wanting; Pauperum est carere commoditate fermen∣tandi panem, poore men most commonly doe want the benefit of leaven for their bread, saith Cornelius â Lapide: but I know the poore use leavened bread for their owne use more than the rich: Pauperum est, saith he, uti pane subcineritio qui azymus est, statimque fit, & coquitur; It is for poore men, saith he, to eate unleavened cakes, baked on the coales, which are made, and baked, on a sudden: but, if he had kept a great house, he might easily have knowne, that as well (though perhaps, not so often) leavened cakes, as unleavened, are baked on the hearth, or under embers, or set up against the sides of the Oven; and are often baked, before the oven be stop∣ped. Amongst us, the most of our poore, and rusticks eate leavened bread; weake stomackes, and rich men, eate unleavened bread; but is not unleavened bread called here, Bread of Affliction? Yes, yet by these words you are not to thinke, that un∣leavened bread is undervalued, or held to be naughty, bad bread, or worse tasted; but it is called Panis afflictionis, bread of affliction, per appositionem; as unleavened bread was appointed by God, to be the record, and monument of their affliction in Aegypt: This reason is expressely added, ibid. Thou shalt eate unleavened bread, with the Passeover, even the bread of affliction; for thou camest forth of the land of Aegypt (in pa∣vere, in feare; as some reade it; cum trepidatione, with Trembling; as others read it) in (haste, say we) That thou mayst remember the day when thou camest forth,—all the dayes of thy life: the bread of it selfe was not bad; but was onely to be a remembrance of their affliction passed, rather than leavened bread; because they had not time to leaven their bread; for it was not leavened, because they were thrust out of Aegypt.

PAR. 10.

THe same things are the best monuments of themselves; thus, the pot of Manna, and Aarons rod, Heb. 9.4. Next unto these, not things unlike; but semblable, proportionable, and like are fittest to be remembrancers; who hath a deare child, or friend, that is absent, if hee see a thousand that have no lively resemblance of him, he doth not so readily thinke on him; but if he see one, who is very like unto him, yea, but his lively picture, he quickly calls his absent beloved, to his present remem∣brance. Leavened bread they had none, in that burly-burly; unleavened they had; therefore unleavened bread was the apter, and fitter, than leavened bread, to call to minde the great affliction in Aegypt; when they had the like unleavened bread be∣fore them. So much for the second Sacrametall Ceremony; unleavened bread.

PAR. 11.

THe next Sacramentall, and durable ceremony; was, The passeover was to be ea∣ten with bi••ter herbs, Exod. 12.8 With unleavened bread, and bitter herbes they shall eate it: though there be no mention of this precept reiterated, Deut. 16. yet there is no doubt but it was of stable continuance; and perhaps is so presupposed, and therefore omitted in Deuteronomy: you shall finde it particularly commanded, Num. 9.11. Eate it with unleavened bread, and bitter herbes; indeed in the Hebrew, it runneth thus, Super infermentatis, & amaritudinibus comedent illud; yet the generall Exposition runs to our purpose; Cum lactucis agrestibus, say some; Cum herbis ama∣ris, say others; and among the rest, the learned Hebrew Observations, Printed at Paris, by Robert Stephen, 1541.

PARA. 12.

LActucae agrestes valde amarae sunt, saith Rabanus Maurus (in his second Booke of Numbers, Chap. 2.) Carnes agni cum Lactucis agrestibus sunt edendae, ut cùm cor∣pus redemptoris aceipimus, nos pro peccatis nostis in fletibus affligamus, quatenus ipsa a∣maritudo poenitentiae abstergat â mentis stomacho perversae amorem vitae; Id. ibid. Wilde Lettuces are very bitter; and the passeover must be eaten with them, to that end, that we afflict our selves, with sorrow and weeping, when wee receive the blessed Sacrament of our Lords body; and that the bitternesse of Repentance may wipe off perverse desires: furthermore, by the bitternesse of these herbs, the Jewes were wont to retaine, as it were, a taste of their sharpe torments, in the time of their pressures in Aegypt; of which these bitter herbs were a proper, adapted, re-memora∣tive monument.

PAR. 13.

THus did Christ himselfe (for our good, and his Disciples) eate the Paschall Lambe, both literally with bitter herbs, and Mystically, in bitternesse, com∣pounded of desire and sorrow, Luke 22.15. With desire, I have desired to eate this Passeover with you, before I suffer; and yet, not onely Christ himselfe was troubled in Spirit, and testified, and said; Ʋerily, verily, I say unto you, that one of you shall be∣tray me, Ioh. 19.21. but his Disciples also, as they were at the boord with him, were exceeding sorrowfull, and began every one of them, to say; Lord, is it I? Matth. 26.22. Likewise, he was offered up, and slaine; in amaritudinibus; what had he else tendred unto him, on the Crosse, by his enemies, but bitter things? Ʋi∣num myrrhatum, wine mingled with myrrhe, was amarissimum, most bitter, saith S. Augustin; he was served with sowre, sharpe Vinegar, more than once; gall likewise was presented unto him; what is more bitter? Lam. 1.12. Behold, and see, if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow, which is done unto me, wherewith the Lord hath afflicted me, in the day of his fierce anger; Lam. 3.15. Hee hath filled me with bitternesses, and made me drunken with Wormewood; it is Merorim, in the Hebrew, which, I presume, I may well render, implevit me moeretibus, implevit me amaritudinibus, saith

the Vulgar; by which phrases, a sorrowfull soule, in feare, paine, and anguish is described; and so were the Jewes, at their Exodus in true bitternesse, betweene Hope, and Doubt; betweene present danger, and future liberty; or, if you please so to call it; betweene the affected, present liberty, and the likelihood of being over-taken, if Pharaoh should pursue them.

PAR. 14.

THe bitter herbs mentioned in the Law, are Cazareth, Gnolshen, Tameah, Char∣cabinah, and Meror; any one, or all of them together, saith Maymonides. If you wish to know, the English words, infallibly answering to the Hebrew, I thinke, it cannot be done: It is most likely that Sorrell, Cichory, wilde-Lettuce, Tansie, Endive, or the like, were ingredients of that bitter sallet. Beza, (on Matth. 26.) makes these herbes to be a kind of sowre sallet; and saith, the Iewes had a pleasant Condiment to eate with them; but, say I, even by his owne authority, the Condi∣ment was at the (second) supper; and there, the sawce might be more artificially tempered for the palat: and yet the herbs prescribed to the first supper, that is, to the eating of the rosted Passeover, must needs be bitter, and eaten (quatenus amarae) as they were bitter, being memorialls of their bitternesse in affliction (though, after they were passed the red-sea, their sorrowes were sweetned with much joy) their lives were made bitter with hard bondage, in morter, and bricke, and, in all manner of service in the field; all their service, wherein they made them serve, was with ri∣gour, Exod. 1.14. a more exact, and adaequate record, or resemblance of their bit∣ternesse, could not be invented, then these bitter herbs; being to be eaten, at the first supper, and service of the Lambe; which, neither Baronius, nor Beza, suffici∣ently distinguished, though they acknowledge a second Supper likewise at the same time.

PAR. 15.

IN that hot Countrey of Iudaea, they had herbes for cooling sauce; yea for, meate also; Hence is mention of a dinner of herbs, Pro. 15.17. yea, even some weake ones did eate herbs, Rom. 14.2. the tithe Mint, and Rue, and all manner of herbs, which the Iewes payed, and were bound to pay, Luke 11.42. were not for sauce onely, but for food.

PAR. 16.

THat they used salt, as their sauce, no man doubteth; can that, which is unsa∣vory be eaten without salt? Iob 6.6. To this the Apostle alludeth, Col. 4.6. Let your speech be alwayes with grace, seasoned with salt. Bernard (ad Nep.) prudenter sobrié∣que conversanti satis ad omne condimentum sal, cum fame, that is, salt, and hunger is sauce enough for a wise, and sober man: likewise, for Vinegar, Boaz said to Ruth, Dip thy morsell in the Vinegar, Ruth. 2.14. Our blessed Saviour, on the Crosse, had Vinegar, more than once tendered unto him; and you may marvell at the abundance of Vinegar, which they had on Mount Calvary; as shall be manifested (God wil∣ling) when I have ended my Tractat, of Christs descending into hell:

Nec cibus ipse juvat, morsu fraudatus acceti;

said the Poet,

Nor doth the meate good unto me, Which from the taste of Vinegar is free.

The Prayer.

GRant, gracious God, I meekely beseech thee, that I may purge-out the old leaven; that I may be a new Lumpe, and unleavened; and that I may keepe every day holy, not with old leaven, neither with the leaven of malice, and wicked∣nesse, but with the unleavened bread of sinceritie, and truth; that so I may be ac∣cepted of thee, for Iesus Christ his sake. Amen.

CH••P. XIV. The Contents of the fourteenth Chapter.

1. The not breaking of a bone, was a perpetuall Ceremony: Not a bone of Christ was broken.

2. The marrow of the Pascall Lambes bones, might not be taken forth: the Mysteries thereof; and of not breaking of a bone.

3. No part of the flesh of the Lambe, was to be carried out of the house.

4. The Reasons, and the mysteries thereof.

5. The Table-talke was another Concomitant, fixed rite; and what it was in particular.

6. Gods great care of keeping memorialls.

7. Whether they sang at the Passeover, or no; and what they did sing.

8. Instructing of youth, in the principles of Religion, necessary.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

THat Salt, and Vinegar onely, were the Iewish sauces, Mr. Weemse cannot prove: that they had other sauces, will be proved from the Scripture, from the Jewish Rituall, from learned men (God willing) when I han∣dle Christs second Supper. So much for the rites properly, and substan∣tially Sacramentall. The first subsequent fixed Ceremony (you may, if you please, call it Concomitant) was this; Ye shall not breake a bone thereof, Exod. 12.46. which is confirmed to be perpetuall, by Num. 9.12. You shall not breake any bone of it: and it had most apparent reference unto our Saviour; the bones might be picked, and scraped, broken, not any one must be, Psal. 22.14. All my bones are out of joynt, saith the sweete Singer, in relation to our Saviours Passion; and ver. 17. I may tell all my bones; and, they pierced, or rather, digged my hands and my feete, ver. 16. and yet for all this, not one bone was broken; the Souldiers breake not the legges of our Saviour (as they did of the Malefactors) Ioh. 19.33. One of the Souldiers indeede pierced his side, and forthwith there came out bloud, and water, ver. 35. For these things were done that the Scriptures should be fulfilled; a bone of him shall not be broken: and Psal. 34.20. He keepeth all his bones, not one of them is broken.

PAR. 2.

THe marrow might not be taken forth; perhaps to intimate, that man may not be too-busie, with Gods secret counsells, with pearles wrapt up, and in∣closed in his owne breast: for, as in the breaking of the bones, some marrow is di∣minished; so, in the determining of hidden things, Gods wisedome is too-much intrenched upon, undervalved, and by humane reason, or conjecture, broken in pieces: wherefore, God will have some, and the daintiest, and chiefest things, as the marrow in the bone, reserved from mans curiositie, which man must not seeke after: other hard matters there are, that he may exercise his wit upon, and picke upon; see Deut. 29.29. though it had beene a young Lambe, whose bones are little, and no harder, than some sinewes; yet they must forbeare, from the eating of them; for they were bones, though tender. In the slaying of the passover, they were to take heede of breaking a bone; at the taking out of the entralls, at the cutting out of the heart, liver, and lungs (for they were to be washed, and cleansed) they were to take heede, lest they brake a bone; they were so to spit it, and fasten it on the Spit, and take it from the Spit, that no bone of it was to be broken: Lastly, they were neither so to eate of the flesh, nor so to carry and to burne the remainder, that any bone at all was to be broken: In a mystery, this might signifie, that not one Article of our beliefe; not one mayne poynt, which upholdeth Christianity (as the bones do the body) may be broken; but must be preserved intire; yea, it might imply,

that no one Commandement of God is to be broken, I am. 3.10. Whosoever shall keepe the whole Law, and yet offend in one poynt (if he breake but one bone) he is guilty of all: how can those words be reconciled? To keepe the whole Law, and yet to offend in one poynt? I answer, to keepe the whole Law, except one poynt onely. In like sort, our blessed Saviour saith, Matth. 12.31. All manner of sinne and blasphemy shall be forgiven men; but the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost shall not be forgiven; you may say, Is not the blasphemy against the holy Ghost, a sinne, and blasphemy? I answer, it is, but the native proper sense of the words, implyeth onely this; that all blasphemy shall be forgiven, except the blasphemy against the holy Ghost. Lastly, the not breaking of the bone might typifie; that, till heaven and earth passe, one jot, or one title shall in no wise passe from the Law (no, not from the law of the Passeover) till all be fulfilled, Matth. 5.18. The Iewes doe constantly avouch, that the Almighty hath more care of every word, syllable, and letters of the old Testament, than hee hath of the starres in heaven: and the Iewes themselves have beene so excessively, even to a prodigie, carefull and diligent, that they have reckned, how many times every severall letter in their Alphabet, is to be found in all the old Testament. Againe, I will not say, but that, by the not breaking off a bone, may be meant, either a hard place of Scripture, is not too-much to be forced, 2 Pet. 3.16. or else, that no words of Christ were superfluous, or vaine; no promise of his should be broken, but re∣maine firme, Matth. 24.35. Heaven and earth shall passe away, but my words shall not passe away.

PAR. 3.

ANother durable Rite of the passeover subsequent, was; Thou shalt not carry forth ought of the flesh abroad out of the houses, ver. 46. This the Rabbins expound thus; not only, they may not carry forth, ought of the flesh, to another house; or to o∣thers, without any house, in the open fields, or streets; but they must not carry that, from one company, which belonged to another company; nor might they carry it from the whole, that were present, to the absent, that were sicke; nor might they carry it out of the Passeover-Chamber.

PAR. 4.

ANd these may seeme to be the Reasons.

• 1. If ought of the flesh might have beene carried forth, some uncleane body might have touched it, or met with it.
• 2. Or Legally uncleane might have employed it, to profane uses.
• 3. Or, noto∣riously professed enemies of the Church, might have vitiated it.
• 4. It had not neede, to have beene brought in, if it might have beene carried out.
• 5. The remain∣der of the flesh needed not to have beene burnt, if it might have beene exported: The mysteries may be these: Secretior a non divulganda, von communicanda in vulgus; the mysteries of Gods Word, are not to be divulged, nor made knowne unto the rascall-many; Cast not pearles before swine, nor bread unto dogges: unfit recipients must not be dispensed withall, through any favour, to take it; no not at the second or third hand, or bound; No communion of light with darkenesse: Concord and Commu∣nion are to be found, within the pale of the Church: Christ made an exempt of Disciples from the Iewes; of the Apostles, from the Disciples; of three, viz. Peter, Iames, and Iohn, from the rest; and yet revealed not all things to them; because they were, for a while, unfit.

At night commonly, both Coelestiall-ill-influences, and infernall Spirits doe more hurt; this passeover was in the night; To goe away, Sa∣cris non peractis, before service was ended; (from the first word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, silence; till the last word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ye may depart in peace) was a sinne; A sinne censured, in the Primitive Church, by Excommunication, as appeareth, in the fourth Coun∣cill of Carthage; this Sacrifice was not ended, till all was consumed; To eate part, and carry away part, is but halfe a sacrifice: Let them looke to this, who carry a∣broad the consecrated Host, till it incline to rottennesse, or come to an ill favour: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vocat Menander; the Poet Menander calls the night,

The Mother of all Mischiefe; Amor illicitus, is called ovum noctis, Lust is called, the nights Egge; Post solis occasum, Noctem esse 12. Tabulae decernebant; the twelve Tables decreed, that, after Sun-setting, it should be accounted night, as Alexand. ab Alex. Genial. dier. 6.10.

PAR. 5.

THe Table-talke was the next fixed subsequent Ceremony: Maymonides saith, the religious Table-talke began not, till the cloath was removed from the Ma∣ster of the Feast, at the end of the first Supper: And after blessing, then, the younger fort enquired; why, the preceding Supper was so discordant, and divers from all other Suppers, with double washings, without baked, boyled, or stewed meates, without any herbes, save bitter ones: As the youth enquired (according to that, Exod. 12.26.) So the head of that societie; (you may say, he was Rex, sacrorum Ar∣chitriclinus, King of the Ceremonies, Sewer, or Master of the feast; Gentleman-Vsher, Chaplaine in Ordinary, or, Marshall of the Hall; or Symposiast, pater discubitus, Ini∣tiator, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who placed the guests, according to their worth; Nomarcha Coenae, the Ruler of the Feast, according to that of Exod. 13.8. made remonstrance, of what God had done, to deliver them, from the house of bondage: nor might any of their Table-talke, be irreligious, or vaine, or carpingly censorious, or provoking to wrath; nor was it, as at other times, with Riddles, or other delightfull good discourses; nor roved they at large, at all sacred conferences; but was empaled in, and confined, to the well-seasoned Relations, as the Memoriall then lead them; of the plagues in Aegypt; of the de∣stroying Angell; inhibited to destroy their First-borne; of the Seas retiring; and the Two walles of water (forgetting their naturall Fluidity) on the right hand and on the left; of their haste, and feare, and of Pharaohs hardened heart, mollified by his drowning; and Gods carrying them, on Eagles winges. Aulus Gellius (Noct. Attic. 13.11.) Nec loquaces Convivas, nec multos legere oportet; guests must not be tatling like Geese, nor mute, as Fishes; and the discourses must be jucunde, & invitabiles, delightfull, and profitable; not perplexing, or troublesome; the Master, or Lord of the Feast, must be, Non tam lautus, quàm sive sordibus; neate, and cleane∣ly: Macrobius (Saturnal. 7.1.) handleth the poynt, more at large; as a few, mute letters dispersed among many vowells, in societatem vocis facilè mansuescunt, doe make an easie pronounciation; so, some few unlearned, delighting in the company of more learned, either accord with them, if they can; or, are delighted, with their discourse: Timotheum, clarum hominom Athenis, & principem Civitatis, ferunt, cùm coenuvisset apuà Platonem, eoqui convivio, admodùm delectat ••s esses, videssetque eum po∣stridiè, dixisse, vestrae quidem Coenae, non solùm in praesentiâ, sed etiàm postero die jucundae sunt; that is, It is storied of Timothy, a famous man of Athens, and one of the chiefe of that Citie; that having, on a time supped with Plato, hee was wonderously de∣lighted with that Feast; and meeting him, by chance, the next day; he told him, that his Supper did rellish a long time after; a Philosophers banquet; as Cicero (lib. 5. Tusquaest.

PAR. 6.

HOw great a care God had of continuing the Memorialls of his favour to the Israelites, appeareth, by appointing the pot of Manna to be kept; and Aarons rod, which budded likewise, Iosh. 4.5. &c. Twelve men tooke up twelve stones, every man, a stone upon his shoulder; that this may be a signe among you; that when your children aske their fathers, in time to come, saying, what meane you by these stones? Then ye shall an∣swer them, that the waters of Jordan were cut off, before the Arke of the Covenant of the Lord, when it passed over Jordan; the waters of Jordan were cut off, as it is pithily re∣peated ver. 7. See to the same purpose, Iosh. 4.20. &c. Quoties Christiani agapis ves∣cebant, fidem Psalmis pascebant, ait Tertullianus; that is, as oft as Christian did fill their bellies together, with good cheere, they fed their faith with finging of Psalmes: Cyprianus (lib. 2. epist. 2.) Nec sit velhora convivii gratia coelestis immunis; So∣net Psalmis sobrium convivium, that is, at all your sober Christian Feasts, let Grace

be Salt, and Psalmes the Musique: what Ioshua did, was, in immitation of what God commanded, Exod. 12.35. When ye be come to the land, which the Lord will give you, you shall keepe the Passeover; and when your children shall say unto you, what meane you by this Service? that yee shall say, It is the Sacrifice of the Lords Passeover, who passed over the houses of Israel, in Aegypt, when he smote the Aegyptians, and delivered our houses. ver. 27. Though such discourse was not directly appointed, at the first Aegyptian passeover, because of their affrighted haste; yet I doubt not, but both they, and their children knew, why this Feast was thus kept; and ever after, it was to them, a speaking memoriall of their deliverance; concerning which, their children were taught to enquire of their parents, and their parents were used to relate unto them all their passed seares, sorrowes, and deliverances, with their enemies destructions, Exod. 13.8. Thou shalt shew thy sonne, in that day; and 14. When thy sonne asketh thee, Thou shalt say, &c. So Deut. 6.20. &c. When thy sonne asketh thee, in time to come,—Thou shalt say to thy sonne, we were Pharaohs bondmen in Aegypt; and ver. 7. Thou shalt teach them diligently to thy children, and shall talke of them, when thou sittest in the house, when thou walkest by the way, when thou lyest downe, and when thou risest up. The Spouse, Cant. 2.9. saith of Christ, My beloved is like a Roe, or a young Hart, behold, hee standeth behinde our walls, he looketh forth at a window, shewing himselfe through the Lattesse; Which words the Targum thus Paraphraseth, to our purpose, as it is set forth, by the learned Edmund Rivius; The Congregation of Israel, said, in the time, when the glory of God was revealed in Aegypt, in the night of the passeover; and when he slew all their first-borne; God ascended upon swiftest lightning, and ranne like ae Roe, or young Goate, and protected, and defended the houses in which we were, and stood behind our wall, and looked through the Lattesses, and saw the blood of the Passeover, and of the Circumcision imprinted, as it were, on our portalls; and behold from the highest heavens, and saw his people eating the passeover, rosted with fire, with wilde Lettuce, and unleavened bread; and spared us, and gave no power to Apollyon, to destroy us. These are the declarative sayings of the Church, as the Targum imagineth; in answer (forsooth) to the question, like enough to be propounded, at the eating of the passeover: but in truth, Delrio most divinely (on the place) adapteth the words to our Saviours Incarnation; which the obstinate Iew, will not beleeve to be accomplished.

PAR. 7.

IF any Psalme were sung, at their passeover, after Davids time, or in it; I pre∣sume, it was the 78. Psalme; in which was a full relation of Gods wonders in Aegypt; and he teacheth them, what he had learned of others, ver. 3.4. as God com∣manded them, ver, 5.6. though God commanded them, in other places, to teach their children; yet this place, of Exod. 12.25. may be also aymed ar. Till Davids time, I suppose; they at the passeover, did recite Moses his song, Exod. 15.1. I will sing unto the Lord, for he hath triumphed gloriously; the horse, and his rider hath hee throwne into the sea, &c. Then followes Miriams Amaboeum, ver. 21. Miriam answered them; sing yee to the Lord, for he hath triumphed gloriously; the horse, and the rider hath hee throwne into the sea; as in our Cathedrialls, some excellent voyce cheerefully begin∣neth some heavenly ditty, and then the whole quire repeateth, and resoundeth the same; not without a joyfull quickning, and reviving of devout affections.

PAR. 8.

FRom this place, of children questioning, and Fathers teaching, what belonged to sacred duties; we may learne that instructing of youth, in principles of Reli∣gion, is very ancient; God acknowlegeth it, in Abraham, Gen. 18.19. Nor was Adam negligent in that duty, as may be probablized, from Gen. 4.3.4. and 26. vers. Die thy wooll well, and it will never change colour:

Quo semel est imbuta recens servabit odorem Testa diu.—

saith the Poet, that is,

The barrell long doth keepe her primer sent, Of that same liquor which it first did vent.

Timothy learned the holy Scriptures from a child, 2 Tim. 3.25. It is the relation of the Iewes, that they did instruct their children, in the commandements, so soone as they could eate bread: They shall give me leave to doubt of that: but this of Maymonides seemeth more true; that they, at the first, gave them but a little quantity of the passeover; and so trained them up by degrees: and certainely, at the passeover, they had the whole discourse of their Case, at the first passeover; each Ceremony affording variety of talke, some more, than others; and this they did yearely; using fewer words, when all were before well instructed; but discoursing more at large, where people were more ignorant; the Master of the family being the Speaker in that Parliament. So much be spoken, concerning their Table∣talke.

The Prayer.

MOst mercifull, and gratious God, who stintest the punishments of thy ser∣vants, and sayest unto the devourer, hitherto thou shalt proceed, but shalt goe no further; thou shalt bruize, and wound, but shalt not breake one bone: I bow the knees of my soule unto thee, and humbly doe supplicate unto thee; that, since I have offended, and deserved punishment; thou wilt be pleased, to remem∣ber mercy, in the middest of punishing; and to restraine the fury of Abaddon: and good Lord, for Iesus Christ his sake, commute the eternall torments, which I have merited into the temporall chastisements, which thou inflictest on me; and then, gracious God; whatsoever I shall suffer; I shall joy, that thy wrath will end, in loving kindnesse, pitty, and compassion, most holy mediator, say; so be it; and my soule, doe thou answer. Amen, Amen.

CHAP. XV. The Contents of the fifteenth Chapter.

1. The Ceremonies after their Table-talke.

2. They continued to eate unleavened bread, seven dayes.

3. But, it seemeth, the Israelites were not bound, to keepe the Festivall, at their first Passeover, or Exodus, though they did eate unleavened bread.

4. Nothing was to be left till the morning.

5. They burned the remainder of the Passeover, if any remainder were: Reasons there∣of: Holy Sacramentall Reliques not to be prophaned: The Romanes Protervia, or Feast of frowardnesse.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

WHen that sacred Conference, and Supper was ended, or almost ended, I judge, other lasting, subsequent Ceremonies of the Passeover, to be these.

• 1. That they continued their eating of unleavened bread, for seven dayes after.
• 2. That no part of the Passeover, was to be left till the morning.
• 3. That they burned with fire the remainder thereof, if there were any remainder.

PAR. 2.

THe next fixed, subsequent rite, was, the continuing to eate unleavened bread, seven dayes, Exod. 12.15. Seven dayes shall ye eate unleavened bread; even the first day shall ye put away leaven out of your houses; for, whosoever eateth leavened bread, from the first day, till the seventh day, that soule shall be cut off from Israel: most effectually is it precepted, and ingeminated, ver. 17. Yee shall observe the feast of unleavened bread;

for in this selfe-same day, have I brought your Armies out of the Land of Aegypt, therefore ye shall observe this day, in your generations, by an ordinance for ever, Exod. 12.17. In the first moneth on the 14. day of the moneth at Even, ye shall eate unleavened bread, untill the 21. day of the moneth at Even, ver. 18. see it further ratified, the 19. and 20. verses; No precept whatsoever concerning the Passeover, is so largely and fully precepted: Levit. 23.5. On the 14. day, is the Lords Passeover, and on the 15. is the feast of un∣leavened bread: But how commeth it to passe, that there is a memoriall for the 15. day; and in Exodus, for the 14. day? I answere this place of Leviticus discriminateth the Sacramentall Passeover, from the festivall solemnities of the Passeover: the Passeover was indeede to be slaine, on the 14. day toward night: so both Exodus and Leviticus, speaketh of the immolation, and of the preparation; yet was not the Passeover eaten or to be eaten, till the even; or betweene the two evenings, when the 15. day began; and then did they eate both the Passeover, and unleavened bread, as both Exodus and Leviticus accord; nor might they eate the Passeover, without unleavened bread, nor unleavened bread, in reference to that feast, without the Passeover; nor either till the beginning of the 15. day; and though the Sacramentall Passeover was ended that night; and the analecta, or remaines (if any) were bur∣ned, ere the morning; yet the Paschall-festivity continued with unleavened bread, and other sacrifices, full 7. dayes inclusive, including the Sacramentall Passeover: Likewise Numb. 28.16. is exactly the same distinction; In the 14. day of the first mo∣neth is the Passeover of the Lord; in the 15. day of this moneth, is the feast: seven dayes shall unleavened bread be eaten: killed on the 14. eaten the beginning of the Evening of the 15. day: for on the first minute of the second evening, began the first minute of the 15. day.

PAR. 3.

NOw though it be generally confessed; the eating of unleavened bread seven dayes, was one of the lasting Ceremonies; yet some question; whether this was commanded, to begin at the first Aegyptian Passeover? That much feasting was then commanded, I cannot thinke; that they went out onely with unleavened bread, is apparent; that they are onely unleavened bread, till Manna did fall, Iose∣phus saith: But they are not unleavened bread, with a religious intent, but for want of other bread, saith D^r. Willet: if he speake of the last 23. dayes; I confesse they had no religious respect, in the eating of unleavened bread: for they had no precept to eate unleavened beyond 7. dayes, in any sacred relation: yet consider, that the ob∣servation of 7. dayes eating unleavened bread, was enjoyned, before they went out of Aegypt; and so they undoubtedly observed them. Oh, but saith Dr. Willet, they went out in haste? I answere, haste and Religion may stand together; yea, they had beene irreligious, in that point, if they had not hasted; they had haste, and were in all haste, till the Armies of Aegypt were drowned; Now this being 7. dayes, from the eating of the Paschall-Lambe; the inhibition of leavened bread conduced more, to hasten their haste: For unleavened bread, or manchets, or cakes are soo∣ner made, than any flower or bread can be leavened; make ready quickly three measures of fine meale saith Abraham, to Sarah, Gen. 18.6. She could not so soone have lea∣vened, and made it ready, for eating: Moreover the eating of bread, of unleavened bread, of unleavened bread for want of other, or for necessity, excludeth not devout intents, or performances; if a Religious observation was appointed, a naturall du∣ty may concurre with an holy end: At all their feasts, they satisfied nature, either wholly or in part; these civill or naturall respects did joyne hand in hand, with de∣vout and Sacred intentions. Lastly, the Divine Scriptures are to be understood li∣terally, as they offer themselves, in their first sense to the hearer, or reader, (if there follow no inconvenience, or absurditie) therefore in the commandement to eate unleavened bread 7. dayes, is included a sacred duty; and an holy observation might be performed, though they had no other bread to eate, though they were in

want, and necessitie, and haste: See this precept of eating unleavened bread 7. dayes, recommanded, Deut. 16.2. &c. that you may not doubt, but it was eternall, pro statu illius politiae; not absolutely, but periodically aeternall.

PAR. 4.

ANother subsequent, fixed ceremony was this; Exod. 12.10. Yet shall let no∣thing of it remaine untill the morning. This precept was not absolute, and ir∣respective, even at the first Passeover, if it had beene exactly necessary, there needed no second annexed command in default thereof, viz. that which remaineth of it till the morning ye shall burne with fire, ibid. In this sixt precept, the first of these two ob∣serve; that the Israelites might eate of the Passeover often, if their stomacke served them, till almost the very morning: and I have read it as a tradition that the last meale, which they ate, that night was a bit, or morcell of the Passeover; as, the last draught they dranke that night, was of Sanctified wine. Certainely, great reason there was, that nothing should be left untill the morning; for the Aegyptians might have profaned it; dogges might have torne it; and if there were any part left, some perhaps might have worshipped it. As it was to be rosted whole, so they might eate it wholy, if they could conveniently without gluttony, excesse, or any other intemperancie; and if the number of Communicants had beene great, and the Lambe but little, and adaequate for them. Voluntary offerings might be eaten, on the first day, and if any remained, it might bee eaten, on the second day; but on the third day; the remainder of the flesh was to bee burnt with fire, Levit. 7.16. &c. If any flesh of the Sacrifice of Peace-offerings be eaten at all, on the third day—it shall be an abomination, Levit. 7.18. The flesh of the Sacrifice of Peace-offerings for thankesgiving, shall be eaten the same day that it is offered; he shall not leave any of it untill the morning, Levit. 7.15. he might eate of it any part of the day, or any part of the night: the strictest Law of all was for the speedy con∣suming of the Passeover; of all other, that must not be kept, lest it bee dis-religio∣nized, or adored: let them consider this precept, who long keepe the blessed Sa∣crament, never without some possible danger; sometimes likely, sometimes appa∣rent, from wormes, theeves, mice, nastinesse, mouldinesse, stinke, &c. And yet, be∣cause God never liked intemperance, rather than they should play the gluttons, and cramme their guts too full; he commanded them to burne that, which was left; and this was an unchangeable, closing, and parting ceremony.

PAR. 5.

THe next subsequent, fixed ceremonic was this; they burned the remainder of the Passeover, if any remainder were; no sinne it was to burne it; a sinne it had beene not to burne it. Flesh, if any were left, and bones were certainely to be burned; no Passeover was exempted from this conclusive Ceremony, and binding precept; not fading by time, till the death of the Messiah. Iunius questioneth whether the skin were burnt with fire? and resolveth for the affirmative: I thinke the skin and entralls, with its ordure were removed, a good while before the eating of the flesh; and if they were burnt, (as doubt may be made of the wooll and of the skin) they were burnt either before the manducation of the Sacrament, or in another fire, after the end of all: for if they were burnt after the full end, of their Pascha∣tizing banquet; no shadow of reason evinceth, or probabilizeth, that the Sacrae re∣liquae, sacred reliques of the flesh, (if any were) or of the bones, (for whose not breaking such strict order was given) were consumed, in the same fire, which the retrimenta, & excrementa Naturae, the retriments, and excrements of nature, or or∣dure, were: Reverend opinion, or estimate of things, once sacred, perswadeth the contrary. Heathens would say, such a mixture were an abhomination. Divinis rebus suus constet honos intemeratus, let holy things be attended with reverence: as the whole Lambe was rosted with fire, so the residue or remainder, was to be burnt with fire; they burned the remainder thereof with fire, if any remainder were,

Exod. 12.10. Ye shall let nothing of it remaine untill the morning; and that which remai∣neth of it, till the morning, shall ye burne with fire; it is repeated thus, Numb. 9.12. They shall leave none of it unto the morning; nor breake any bone of it; the coupling of these together, doth shew, it was an eternall ceremonie; though Iunius opi∣neth, this ceremonie seemeth to be peculiar unto this first celebration of the Passe∣over. This excellent reason about this point may be given, Levit. 7.15. The flesh of the Sacrifice of the Peace-offerings for thankesgiving, shall be eaten the same day, that it is offered; he shall not leave any of it till the morning; but the Passeover was an Euchari∣sticall Sacrifice: Cornelius Cornelii â lapide, maketh this ceremony to be perpetuall: for it seemeth not consonant to so great a devout Sacrament, that the dogges might gnaw the bones thereof; nor other profanation to be used to any part of it: its an old Proverbe used by Aulus Gellius (13.16.) Inter os, & offam, betweene the mouth and the morsell, many mischances may come; which is all one with that,

Multa cadunt inter calicem, supremaque labra,

that is,

Betweene the cup, and upper lip, Many times the Wine doth drip.

or,

Full many dangers quickely slip.

But how many sort of abuses, or prophanations might be used, to the reliques of that Sacred banquet, if they had not beene burnt who knoweth? therefore God who onely did foreknow, did also provide an antidote to such horrid abuses, by burning what was left: the Romans had one kinde of Sacrifice which was called Protervia, Frowardnesse, in that feast it was the fashion; that if any thing had beene left of the banquet, or feast, it should be consumed with fire; this made Cato (who was no common jeaster) when Albidius had wasted his goods, and at last had his house burnt, to scoffe, saying, that he did Proterviam facere, offer the Sacrifice Protervia, and what he could not eate, he did burne; Macrobius (Saturnal. 2.2.) This also amongst other parts of devotion among the Romans, it seemed, they bor∣rowed from the Paschall-Lambes remainders burned. So much for the prescribed ceremonies of the Passeover, whether temporary or perpetuall.

The Prayer.

LOrd, thy Law was the guide of performance unto the Jewes for the ceremo∣nies, and Service of their Passeover; thy Prescriptions, their directions, give me grace, good Lord, still to looke up to thy Commandements, and to regulate my thoughts, words, and workes, thereby; through the mediation of my blessed Lord, and Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen.

CHAP. XVI. The Contents of the sixeteenth Chapter.

1. The Jewish custome to wash their feete, especially at feasts.

2. The Jewes did not stinke more, than other men; against Cardinall Baronius; M^r. Fuller taxed also.

3. If the Emperour Marcus sayd so, probable reasons, for his imaginations at that time.

4. Of Judas his stinke, when he was dead, out of Cedrenus; and the Iewish Nation defended. The great number of the Iewes long agoe and now: from whom the Americans descended: the Tartars came not, from the Israelites.

5. The Pharisees marvelling at Christs not washing before meate: the double sinne of Pharisees, in washing.

6. Women in the Primitive Church washed the feete of Saints.

7. In the old Testament they onely presented water, but washed not the feete of their guests.

8. The great sinner is the first recorded, to have washed anothers feete, even Christs; and the great Saviour is the first recorded to have washed many mens feete.

9. They sometimes washed and bathed their whole bodies, and anointed them also.

10. The Iewes used more than ordinary blessings at the Passeover: a particular ex∣plication thereof.

11. The reasons, why I handle at large the Iewish Passeover.

12. Christ kept all the fixed rites preparatory, and the Sacramentall Ceremonies; and the subsequent perpetuall Customes.

13. Christ a perfect observer of the Law; yet not bound to the Iewish voluntary under∣takings, or will-worship.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

ANd now am I fallen upon those rites, and ceremonies of the Passeover, which were not of expesse command; either fading or fixed, but of vo∣luntary undertakings; and those have I mustred up from Iosephus, Philo, the ancient Rituall; from Fagius, Beza, and Baronius; and especially from that Rabbi of Rabbins, Moses Ben-Maymon, and I reduce them, to these two heads.

• 1. Their washings, and anointings.
• 2. Their reiterated blessings: these two belong partly to the first, and partly to the second Supper.

First concerning their washings, they are well knowne to have beene in much request; pedibus de more lotis, saith Iosephus (de bello Iud. 6.31. This was an ordinary usance, at times unsacred; Nor may we thinke, they omitted washing, at houres of greater devo∣tion; for the Jewes placed much Religion in manifold washings: at common meales, they were cleanely-fowle, even to superstition: Baronius (ad An. Christi, 57. Num. 107. &c.) proveth that Jewes, Gentiles, and holy Primitive Christi∣ans were wont to wash before they prayed.

PAR. 2.

BUt it is an incredible report, that above others, gravis foetor corporibus eorum in∣haeret, their bodies did stincke above ground, which he avoucheth, (ad An. Christi, 72. Num. 31.) It may be, some called them foetentes Iudaeos, stinking Jewes: as our English calleth those stinking companions, who are wicked and offensive: Besides, some uncleanly might be so called properly; that the Nation were, so, all, or most I deny; though we apply it to those, since the great 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or dispersion of them: I knew but two Jewes, in all my life; both Teachers of Hebrew in Cam∣bridge; with one of them, I was well acquainted, but never did I smell any ill smell from them, more than from other men; though I was one of their Auditors, and ve∣ry familiar with one of them.

PAR. 3.

IF Ammianus Marcellinus say true, that the Emperour Marcus passing through Palestine to Aegypt, complained that the Jewes did stinke; and were worse then the Marcomanni, Quadi, Sarmatae; yet this is no proofe, that the Jewes were natu∣rall stinkards; or inwardly had noysome, mal-odorous bodies; but many other ac∣cidentall occasions might cause the Emperour to say so; he might passe through Iudaea, in a very hot season, when a little ill smell disperseth it selfe,

• 2. He spake comparatively, preferring the cold Germanes, Bohemians, and Scythians, before the sweaty-open-pored Jewes.
• 3. He might dislike the Jewes more then those other, for their unruly tumultuating, and pressing upon him, with so much company, that the steame of them was offensive, as is often done amongst us, in narrow roomes.
• 4. It may be some poorer petitioners of them might be noysome, (as those of the

• Jayle are amongst us) and their smell might be, by that meanes unhealthy, yea in∣fections; was not the like at our Assizes in England? namely at Exeter in Devon, un∣der the raigne of Queene Elizabeth, Anno 1586, vide Stowes Annalls, fol. 1218.
• 5. The rebellious Jewes were often slaine by thousands, and by thousands crucify∣ed; and they might lye unburied, and so corrupt the very ayre, as he passed by: If any pious soule shall feare an inconvenience, and shall either from report or likeli∣hood, or desire, perswade it selfe; that it is generally observed to be thus, in the places, where the Jewes dwell; and if we hold it, as one brand of the curse, that lyeth upon them, since their crucifying, and rejecting the Lord of Life, it maketh much for the honour of our Saviour?

I answere, I know no such generall observa∣tion, nor ever heard of it, till now: nor was there ever any threatning of such matters denounced against them; if they left their stinking when they were washed in the laver of regeneration, and turned Christians, (which the accusers of them will not grant) I would confesse both the matter, and the cause; nor would any argument prevaile so much with them, (if stinking Jewes were never changed to savorie Christians) to turne inoffensive converts. Iohannes Baptista Montanus, in his Consilia (pag. 331.) saith indeed, Totum genus Hebraeorum est ferè melancholicum, quia sanguinem habet crassum, & hepar calidum; the whole Nation of the Iewes is for the most part melancholy, because they have grosse blood, and hot livers; yet these distempers make not, in my opinion, os olidum, a rammish smell, or a stinking breath, foetidum anhelitum: Moreover, if the Iewes the now out casts of the world live in homely places; and through covetousnesse, be not cleanely, but sordid, nasty, and stinking, this is not their nature nor yet generall: againe, divers who have li∣ved among the Iewes, smell no such matter, or make no such complaint; I would hold it, (if it were true) as one brand of the curse, that lyeth upon them, since their crucifying the Lord of life, and say, it made much for the honour of our Saviour; if it were sure or probable that when they shall be turned to Christ, their breaths shall stinke no more, than they did before Christs death: Lastly, nor Mar∣tiall, nor Tacitus, nor any other, that I have read, though they hated the Jewes, taxed them for this matter; and God needeth not the lye of men, to uphold his Ho∣nour, or Cause.

PAR. 4.

CEdrenus reporteth from Papias; and Papias from others relations, that when Judas dyed, in his owne ground, praefoetore, illud desertum remansit, & inha∣bitatum, usque ad hodiernum diem, by reason of his stinke, that field continued de∣sert, and not inhabited to this day. If thus it were (as there is no likelihood of it) and if people could not passe by, without stopping their noses (as they say) shall we judge the worse, or the like, of the whole Nation? Other reasons might move Marcus to say so, if he did say so, as Ammianus Marcellinus, no friend to Jewes, but great enemie to Christians, hath perchance, in spleene, related: Yet me thinkes, the great Baronius, who lived at the same time in Rome, with so many thousand Jewes, who are allowed to have, in that famous City, foure Churches; might have sought some better grounds, ere he had proclaimed; Judaei etiam foetoris signo infames, Naturâ ipsâ in eos inclamante; the Iewes are infamous, for their ill-smel∣ling bodies, naturally; the whole Nation (and though the now accursed seede, yet still the carnall seed of Abraham) should not be so charged, without better grounds; give the Devill his due, & let us rather pray, for their conversion, (for converted they must and shall be, ere the worlds end) yea, howsoever Mr. Fuller (in his sacred Mi∣scellanies, 3.13.) passeth a presumptuous and uncharitable verdict upon the Iewish Nation; that as it doth live now in vastatione, & horrendâ in Terras omnes dissipatione, so, vivet perpetuò, sine ullâ reditûs spe; yet others have proved, and I doe second them; that before the end of the world, the dispersed Iewes shall bee gathered together, and become one flocke with us under Christ; and have their politie, and govern∣ment, perhaps even in the holy Land; see, and deepely ponder, Rom. 11.25. &c.

and more especially, Luk. 21.24. and among humane Authors, Barradius (tom 3. pag. 576.) Aretius, & Estius, on Rom. 11. and Dionysius Carthusianus, on Luke 21. Let us, I say, rather pray for their conversion, than loade the Nation with unjust aspersions; for the fault perhaps of some few, whose abhorred Covetousnesse per∣swades them, to exchange sweetenesse and cleanelinesse, which is not unexpensive, for that cheape, sordid, nastinesse, and fulsome-accidentall-ill-breathing smells; which would be alike disliked, in any of any nation, that would be so basely penu∣rious. Purchas in his Pilgrimage of Africa (8.8. Paragr. 4) relateth, from M^t. George Sandys, that the Iewish men are of indifferent statures, and of the best com∣plexions (pag. 1306.) that the Iewish women (about Constantinople) are generally fat, and ranke of the savours, which attend upon sluttish corpulencie, (as it is, in the next page) here, not nature but idlenesse causeth the stinke, I must adde that a very learned man a great traveller, who was inwardly and familiarly acquainted with many of the Iewes, (as himselfe seriously professed to me) could never dis∣cerne any such odious smells, or ranke nastinesse by them: Sir Edward, the Bishop Sandys, his elder sonne, (who loved not our Clergie as a Bishops sonne should) towards the end of his relation, could not have passed over the remarkeable diffe∣rence of the Iewes, (if such it were) above other nations; when he highly com∣mendeth some of them, with whom he was well acquainted, as seeming to want no grace, but the faith of a Christian: Indeede their dispersion is most just, which they called for, and more upon themselves; when they cryed, Christs blood be up∣on us, and on our children, Mat. 27.25. Yet who so shall consider their number and power, will say, it is not so ill with them as the world imagineth: Benjamin of Tudela, in Navarr, ended his journey, (1173.) and relateth huge numbers of them at that time; he maketh first mention of the Iewes residing at Barcelona; then, he proceedeth to this effect; at Gerundam he found a small congregation of Iewes; at Narbona almost 300. Iewes. at the towne of Baetiras, a company of students; at Mount-peslier, the most famous Disciples of the wise men of that age: at Lunel, an holy assembly of about 300. Iewes; at Bea••caire, 40. Iewes, and a famous Univer∣sity of them; at Nogres about an 100. of their wise men; upon the banke of the river Rhone, divers Rabbins, Iewes; at Arelatum, 200. Iewes, at Marseillis, two Colledges of almost 300. Iewes; at Genoa, about 20. Iewes; at Luca almost 40. Iewes; at Rome almost 200. Iewes; at Capua, almost 300. Iewes; at Naples almost 500. Iewes; at Salernum, almost 600. at Malti, about 20. Iewes; at Benevent, almost 200. Iewes; at Malchi, 200. Iewes; at Aesculum, almost 40. Iewes; at Trone, almost 200. Israelites; at Tarentum, almost 300. Iewes; at Barnedis, about 10. Iewes, dyers of scarlet; at Otranto, almost 500. Iewes; at Corfu, one onely Iew, at Larta, about 100. Iewes; at Achilon, about 10. Iewes; at Patra, almost 50. Iewes; at Lepantum, almost an 100. Iewes, at the mountaine of Parnassus, almost 200. Iewes; at Corinth, almost 300. Iewes; at Thebes about 2000. Iewes; at Aegriphon, about 200. Iewes; at Iabusteria, almost an 100. Iewes, at Robinica almost an 100. Iewes; at Kuxopotamos, about 50. Iewes; at Gardegis, a few Iewes inhabite; at Armilon, about 400. Iewes; at Bissina, almost an hundred Iewes; at Seleucia, almost 500. Iewes; at Melrisi, almost 20. Iewes; at Darnea, almost an 140. at Canistolin, almost 20.200. Iewes, at Pera, and there∣abouts; at Rodoston, almost 400. at Gallipoli, almost 200; at Calas, almost 50. at Mitilene, in 10. places the Iewes have their Synagogues; at Chios, almost 400. at Samos, almost 300. at Rhodos, almost 400. at Cyprus (as it were a Colledge) divers Iewes; at Antioch, some glasse-makers; at Laodicea, almost 200. Iewes; at Gebal, al∣most 150. Iewes; at the Temple of Ammon, almost 200. at Biroth, almost 50. Iewes; at Tsidon, almost 20. at Tyrus, almost 400. at Akadi, almost 200. at Schizeria, or Caesarea, almost 10. Iewes besides 200. Cathaei, or Samaritine Iewes; at Lux, one Iew a Dyer, betweene the mountaines of Gerizzim, and Ebal, about an 100. Sama∣ritans; under the Tower of David, 200. Iewes, or thereabout; at Bethleem 12. Iewes, at Beth-Gabarim, 3. Iewes; at Shunem, 300. at Nob, 2 Iewes, Dyers; at Ramas, 3. Iewes; at Ioppa, 1. Iew, a Dyer; at Askalon, almost 200. Iewes; 40. Karites, who

stickt closely, onely to the Scriptures; and almost three hundred Samaritans; at Jisreel, one Dyer; at Tiberias, are about 50 Jewes; at Aschath almost 20. Iewes; at Alma 50. Iewes; at Damascus, almost 3000. Israelites; almost 200. Karaites; Sa∣maritan Jewes 400. at Gilead, almost 60. Iewes; at Tadmor, in the Wildernesse, al∣most 2000. Iewes; at Kiriathaiim, one onely Iew, a Dyer; at Aram Tsobae, almost 1500. Israelites; at Balits, a competent number of Iewes; at Kalagaber, almost 2000. Iewes; at Rakia, about 700. at Hanane, about 20. Iewes; at Gozen, almost 200. at Netsibi, about 1000. Iewes inhabite; at, or in the Isle of Omar, the sonne of Alcitab, almost 4000. at Ashture, 7000. Iewes, and three Synagogues; at Rohoboth, 2000. Iewes inhabite; at Charthemis, almost 500. at Aliobar, almost 2000. at Harda, almost 15000. Iewes; at Okbera almost 10000. Iewes; at Bagdad, almost 1000 Iewes live; and there, they have ten Synedria, or Consistories; and at Bagdad, 28. Synagogues of the Iewes: at Resen, almost 5000. Israelites: twentie miles from Nebuchodonozars Palaces, are 20000. Iewes; at Hila, almost 10000. Israelites, with foure Synagogues; at Naphan, almst 200. Jewes, and a Synagogue; at Al∣kotsonath, about 300. Iewes; at the village of the Wildernesse, five Doctors; at Kupha, almost 7000; at Elnebarum, almost 3000. with a Synagogue. The Rhecha∣bite Iewes dwell at Thema, having cities well fenced, and a Territorie towards the Northerne Mountaines, of sixteene dayes journey, and are under no governors of the Gentiles; there have they almost 40. Cities, 200. Villages, Castles an 100. in these places, 300000. Jewes, or thereabout doe dwell, and Thanai is their Metro∣polis, being fifteene miles long, and fifteene miles broad; at Tilimas, are about 100000. Iewes; at Cebar are almost 50000. at the river Ʋira almost 3000. Iewes; at Nasetum, about 20000. at Botsra, almost 2000. at Samura, almost 1500. at Susan, 7000. Iewes, and 14. Synagogues; at Rebadbar, were about 20000; at Ʋanah, al∣most 4000. at Molhath, are foure Companies of the Iewes; at Aria almost 25000. at Haphton, more than an 100. Companies of the Iewes are, which were of the first Cap∣tivitie, by Salmanaser.

Here, the Jewes called David, Al-roi, their Messiah, and under tooke to conquer Ierusaelem, and was a notorious Witch, or Necromancer, working false miracles, and wonders; at Hemdane, almost 50000. at Tabreztaan, almost 4000. at Ispahaan, almost 15000. at Shiphaa, almost 10000. at Gina, almost 8000. at Samarcant, almost 50000. in the Cities of Nesbor, foure Tribes are said to reside; the Tribe of Dan, Ze∣bulon, Asher, and Naphthali, which Salmaneser carried away; and at Nisbor, the Iewes professed to the King of Persia, Nec regem, nec principem ullum è gentibus nobis praefectum habemus, but one Prince who is a Iew; at Nikokris, almost 500. at Rati∣pha, 5000. at Haonla, almost an 100. at Dugbijim, 23000. at Gingaba, almost 1000. at Zebid, a few Iewes; at Adan most Israelites, and many of those of Adan, came in∣to Persia, and Aegypt; at Halava, almost 300. Iewes. In the citty Konts, at the be∣ginning of Aegypt, about 30000. Iewes; at Pithon almost 20. Iewes, at Misraim, al∣most 2000. at Goshen, almost 3000. at Albubijgh about 200. at Munziphta, almost 300. at Rimerae, almost about 700. at Lambala, almost 500. at Alexandria, almost 3000. at Damiata 200. at Tunis, 40. at Messana, almost 200. at Palermo, almost 1500. He doth not particularly specialize any in Germany, or France, as he returned; the whole summe, being in probability above a Million; concerning which Itinera∣rie, observe; I have followed the names of mine Author, though the places be not all so called, at this day: againe in the single summes, I have not included the Iewes, whom he aymes at, in the words, Justus Caetus Iudaeorum; or, Sacer Coetus; virique sapientes; or, exiguus Coetus; or, most Israelites, which are indefinite, and may be many thousands; or the like; though I wonder, that he would specialize some places, where there was onely, one Iewe, a Dyer, as, at Kiriath-jearim, and at Ioppa, and two Iewes Dyers of Scarlet, or Purple, as, at Nob; and three Iewes, as at Ramas; and yet seldome sets downe an exact number, by almost, or about, or somewhat a∣bove; It had beene, but a little more absurd, to have said; at Ioppa, were almost two Dyers; at Nob, almost three; at Rama, almost foure; whereas there was but

one, at Ioppa; but two, at Nob; but three at Ramas. Moreover, how could hee know the set number of 7000. Iewes, at Susar; and 5000. at Kaliba; at Tunis, 40. at Damiata, 200. and yet otherwhere be ignorant, of the certaine number of some few, who lived together? As at Biroth, he accounteth almost 50. Iewes; at Zidon, al∣most 20. at Ashtha, almost 20. at Schizeria, almost 10. By the same way, and meanes, by the which hee came, to the certaine knowledge of some greater number, as 7000. he might have sooner come, to the exact knowledge of 20. but, it seemeth, he affected obscurity, and concealed somewhat, what he might have revealed, for a Superfuge, if neede were: certainely, he indeavoured to increase, rather than de∣crease the number of the Iewes; as the putting into the account of onely one, in one city, doth prove; and that, in most of his reckonings, he setteth more, than the perfect number, and then minceth it, with the word (almost;) Therefore, when he saith, almost, or about, or more than such a summe; I doe of such uncertainties, one with another, make a certaine stint.

Constantine l' Empereur ab Oppicke, judiciously findes fault with Benjamin for many things; for his Metachronismes, and fables; for saying, that Romulus stood in feare of David, and Ioah, and made vast under-ground Caves, to lye hidden in; for faining, or increasing the number, or power of the Jewes, in remote places; where lyes are not so easily found out; because, he would answer Christians, who count them, as vassals, and vagabonds, and would perswade us, they have King∣domes, and free power over them, in the East; consult with him. Let me adde; Ben∣jamin little thought, that we should search throughout all the East, as it were by a Candle, and know every corner of it, even farre further, then Benjamen travelled; for, he came, but to the Westerne borders of China; whereas the Countries, and Ilands, on the East of China, are knowne to many Christians now. Moreover, hee erreth grossely; saying (pag. 39.) The Samaritans want these three Letters, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the name of Abraham, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the name of Isaac, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the name of Iacob, and use 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for them; and make this to be, as it were the Shibboleth, to try who were the true Israelites; but Scaliger, against Serarius, hath vouched; that the Samaritans them selves, under their owne hands, have described unto us, the whole Alphabet, and have sent unto us, the names of the Patriarches, with the same letters (which Benjamin saith, they want.) So Constantine l' Empereur (pag. 170.) Againe, in the Samaritan Pentateuch, purchased at a deare rate, by that holy, and learned Arch∣bishop Ʋsher, to be seene (through his kindnesse) by any learned Linguist; all those three letters, are to be seene: in Prologo Galiato, cited in the beginning of Hen∣tenius his Edition of the vulgar, S. Hirome, thus; Samaritani etiam Pentateuchum Moysis totidem literis scriptitant, figuris tantùm, & apicibus differentes; the Samari∣tans write the Pentateuch of Moses, with twentie two letters, as the Hebrewes doe; differing onely in figures, notes, and accents; and afterward, unto Esdras his time, the Hebrew and Samaritan Characters were the same; so he, also (Tom. 3. pag. 6.) in the beginning of his Preface to the Booke of the Kings; but the Patriarkes names were written long before Esdras; therefore they had the same letters with the Hebrew, and were writ with them: many Kings and Princes, through the mediation of great friends, or, for the gainefull considerations, or for the particular worth of some eminent deserving Iew, have given them sometimes power, and authority, to rule over their fellow-Jewes, in such, and such places; as, one of our Kings gave unto a Jew power, in our owne land, to governe, and reigle all the Iewes here; for, to that effect, I read the Kings Patent, as it was drawne, out of darkenesse, and pub∣lished by M. Selden; who like the Sunne, hath enlightened many obscure places, both in divine, and humane literature, and is indeede Mundus eruditionis; so Amurath gave Tiberias, a city in Palaestine, to Alvarez Mendez, a Iew, as our Brerewood, in his Enquiries (cap. 13.) proveth from Boterus; but such authoritle is farre from an absolute Monarchy, not having Crowne, Scepter, Sword, Chaire of Estate, or any great solemne ceremony annexed unto it. My Pen having travelled, with Benjamin, over most parts of the world, is not yet so weary, but it meanes to describe unto

you, very briefely the present estate of the Iewes, who are multiplied to such num∣bers, that our great Geographer, M. Brerewood (as a reverend Divine Master Rogers, hath vouched, (pag. 31.) of the Protestant Church) saith; there are now so many of them, that they are able to people all Europe; but there is no such thing, in M. Brerewood, nor any such thing deducible from him; and if so it were written, it had beene awry; for the peopling of Europe, as it ought conveniently to be peopled, is more of moment, than is imagined; and requireth greater numbers, than are in the world of Iewes; and yet, it must be acknowledged, they abound in numbers, and, like bad weedes sprout up apace, and, if they should come safely, from the foure parts of the world, from the foure corners of the earth, to its Centre, the middest of the world, about Hierusalem: I say, their promised Canaan might very well bere∣plenished, by their recollected multitudes; I should not doe my duty, to the omni∣scient, true, and onely God, if I laid not open the ignorance, and folly of their false god Iupiter. Among Divines, it is knowne by some, and taken as granted by others, that about Hierusalem, is the middest of the earth: Iupiter was so stupid, and ignorant, that he knew not so much; but as Strabo saith: Iupiter willing to finde the perfect middle of the earth, let fly two Eagles, one from the East, another from the West: and these Eagles meeting at Pythya, a towne in Greece, taught thereby their Jupiter, that Pythya was the middle of the world. But might not one Eagle fly swifter than another? Might not one finde more, and better prey, and be longer a feeding on it than another? For, they were not able to fly over halfe the world, without bayting; and one Eagle might wander, from the right way, or line, and fetch compasses, more than another; and could not he, who is said to let goe the Eagles, one from the East; another from the West, have easier measured it him∣selfe, than trust two unreasonable creatures with that discovery? You, say the Scythians, to Alexander, in Curtius (lib. 7 pap. 212.) would, if you could, hold the East in one hand, and the West in another: did you so, Iupiter, by the two Eagles? And, did you let them fly, both at the same time? Did they fly both night, and day, and make their way, through darkenesse? If the Easterne Eagle were cast off, at their Sun-rising; our Westerne Eagle was then cast off, about our midnight; oh wise Eagles, and foolish Iupiter! oh mad people, to beleeve in such lyes, in such gods! And if this former opinion should be true; I dare say, there are more Iewes now living, than ever were, at any one time of the Nation, since it was a Nation; the whole land of Canaan, the promised Land, the holy Land, being leffe than England; and being but two hundred miles long; or (as M. George Sandys saith (lib. 3. fol. 141.) not more, than an 140. and, where broadest, not fiftie, as he saith: In∣deede, if the Tartarians be the seed of Israel; as Postellus, Genebard, and others hold; they, and the other Iewes, might throughly inhabite, and people all Europe; for the Tartarians by themselves, have a long time, and doe yet hold, at this day, a great part of Asia, in subjection, saith M. Brerewood (pag. 94. and 95.) they over∣spread halfe the vast continent of Asia, or there about: all the great Nations, from the rivers Wolgba, and Oby, Eastward; and from the Caspian sea, the river Oxus, the countreyes of India, and China, Northwards, are contained, under the appellation of Tartars (though Lipsius calleth them Scythians) and yet, without those bounds, many Tartars there are, both toward the West, and South: see the Epitome of Or∣telius. fol. 99. and Doctor Heylin. pag. 649.) Campanella (de sensu rerum, 4.19.) saith, perchance Nature may temper and make fit, such powers, in some places, as may, or shall frame a perfect animal; and God can presently infuse a soule, into that faire Fabricke, as he doth into the wombe; this he writeth, as if America perhaps were so peopled; but he correcteth himself, saying, we have no certaine History, but of Adam; and the Art: to make perfect animals, is not yet found out, saith he, Avicen∣na judged, that America was peopled, from our Hemisphaere; but, I thinke it impos∣sible, saith Campanella; yet he recounteth from Plato, that the Atlanticke Island, in the Ocean, did joyne together both Hemisphaeres; yet had the inhabitants of that Iland (if any such were) two Hemisphaeres: they did sayle over the seas, in the

dayes of Noah, to America; and the memoriall of it is lost, saith Campanella; how then, good Fryer, came you to know it? Or, how date you so peremptorily assert it, when it is unknowne? From Island to Estotilant, is, a short, but by-Sea; and shorter, form Estolilant, to the maine Continent of America; and so, from China, to Iapan; and there is a nearer passage, to sayle, from Iapan, to Quevera; intimating that from these parts, they embarked, and peopled A∣merica; but New-found Land, which is Estotiland, is not so neare a cut, as Campanella phancieth from Island: but our deeper, and better Geographer, M. Brerewood, saith, it is very likely, that America received her first inhabitants, from the East-border of Asia: concerning Island, he mentioneth not a word: and it is confessed, Quevira is not much distant from Tartaria: and though both Ererewood, and Campanella con∣fesse, that some of the new world are circumcised; yet Circumcision came not from Isl••nd, or Greeneland, to Estotilant, but the Tartarians (since they received Turcisme, and not before) have beene, and are circumcised; they be no remaynders of the old Israelites, as he proveth at large. If the Tartars had descended from the true Israe∣litos, questionlesse they, with the other Iewes, were able to people farre more, than all Europe: but M. Brerewood wholly explodeth that fable, though upon powerfull reasons, be opineth, the Americans descended from those, who are now Tartarians; especially because Scythia was held, of old, to be Officina hominum, and never were overcome, but abound in men; the mother of inundations, through their infinite multitudes; Curtius (7. pag. 216.) saith, the Asiatickes beleeved, that the Scythians were invincible, but they were overcome by Alexander; and though they were held Invicti, yet their armies did not alwayes prosper; they tried con∣trary fortunes with Cyrus: in may be better said; Scythia was never over-come, or over-runne, nor they expelled their Habitations, others possessing them; but they increased to incredible numbers, and might send forth thousands, when both Fris∣land, and Greeneland could not set forth hundreds. And it is certaine, saith Brere∣wood (pag. 97.) and, without all doubt, that the Tartarians coasts of Asia, are con∣tinent with America, or, at most, disjoyned, but by some narrow channell of the Ocean; but a mayne, wilde salt sea is betweene Greeneland, and Estotilant, say I: I could wish all you consult with M. Brerewood himselfe, whosoever doe thinke, that the Tartarians are the seed of Israel; for he learnedly disproves it: and you, who imagine the Americans are non-Adami; for he strongly probabilizeth, if not evin∣ceth, they descended from the now-Tartarians in old time called Scythians; for the name of Tartarians was not heard of in Europe, till 1212. saith Ortelius his Epi∣tome. I will end this my^b digression, as Benjamin endeth his Itinerary; Deus miseri∣cordiâ suâ maximâ nostri, & illorum misereatur; atque cùm in nobis, tum in illis, istan•• impleat Scripturam, Deut. 30. si convertaris, iterum colliget te ex omnibus populis, quò di∣sperserat te Deus dominus tuns: God, of his great mercy, take compassion, both on us, and them; and let him fulfill, both in us, and them, that Scripture, Deut. 13.2.3. If thou shalt returne unto the Lord thy God, and shall obey his voyce, according to all, that I command thee this day, thou, and thy children, with all thy heart, and with all thy soule—Then the Lord thy God, will turne thy Captivity, and have compassion upon thee, and will returne, and gather thee; from all the Nations, whether the Lord thy God, hath scattered thee: There is onely this diversitie of Intention, in our prayer; I pray, that the vayle upon their heart, may be taken away, 2 Cor. 3.15. I pray for their con∣version unto Christ; and then, if it be Gods will; for their glorious returne unto Hierusalem (which is likely enough) he prayeth for their temporary Messiah, and consequently, for obstinacy in Iudaisme, and yet prosperity in Judea; which will ne∣ver come to passe. So much, in pitty of the wronged Jewes, and commiserable, a∣gainst Baronius: Our Saviours saying, that the Scribes, and Pharisees were like un∣to white Sepulchres, which indeede appeare beautifull outward, but are within, full of all uncleanchesse, Matth. 23.27. did not ayme, at their bodily uncleanenesse, inward, or outward, but within are full of hypocrisie, and iniquitie, saith he, ver. 28. they had uncleane soules, faire pretensions, soule intentions: but indeed, be∣fore

fore they crucified our Saviour, they delighted in manifold washings, as other Nations did, and in our Saviours dayes, they were over-nice: They found fault with Christs Disciples, for not washing their hands, when they eate bread, Matth. 15.2, but Christ excusing his Disciples, reproved them, ver. 11. Not 'that, which goeth into a man, defileth a man; but that which goeth out of the month, defileth. To the Iewes hands unwashed and defiled, were all one, Mar. 7.2. The Pharisees, and all the Iewes, except they wash their hands oft, or diligently, and that, up to the elbowes, saith Theophylact (on Mar. 7.3.) doe not eate; yet, as Theophylact argu∣eth, It was not written in the Law, Lavandum Cubitaliter, hoc est, usque ad cubitum; no command enjoyned washing, from the elbow, to the end of their fingers; but it was a Tradition of the Elders, and that they followed: They eate not; when they came from the Market, except they wash: many other things they have received to hold; as the washing of cups, and pots, brazen vessells, and tables, Mar. 7.4. and many other such like things doe ye, saith Christ to them, ver. 8. Note the words, They have received to hold; they were not bound to it; the tie is from themselves; they needed not but they have (received) to hold; both to hold, and to practise; I have seene Oxen, to draw up upon the Cart their own great load; and an Asse will stand till he hath his full burthen; the Law was such a yoake, as neither they, nor their fa∣thers were able to beare; and yet the Jewes were worse yoaked with Traditions.

PAR. 5.

VVHen a Pharisee besought Christ to dine with him, and Christ wen•• in, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, recubuit, he sate downe to meate; the Pharisee, when hee saw it marvelled, that he had not first washed before dinner, Luk 11.37. &c. and Christ him∣selfe could not escape some inward dislike, even to the admiration, or, rather astonishment of such a Pharisee, as seemed to be a quarter-disciple of Christ: the Pharisees themselves made cleane the outside of the cup, and platter, Luke 11.39. which they performed not for civill, or morall cleanlinesse, which is comely, and commendable; but for a traditionary purification; and therefore, Christ replyeth, ibid. Your inward part is full of ravening and wickednesse; but from Matth. 23.25 &c. it may be more, than probabilized, that the Jewes washed not so much the insides, as the outsides; sure I am, Christ saith in the same place, They, within are full of ex∣tortion, and excesse: not yee, but they; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, plena sunt, they are full; no man will doubt, but these words were spoken obliquely, and referentially of the Pharisees; but it is most significantly spoken, and expressely of the pots, and platters them∣selves; not in the second, but in the third person; They within are full of extortion, and injustice; as if their pots, and platters receiving bribes, and filled with the ef∣fects of wrong and rapines, might be produced, as evident witnesses of their op∣pression: If they had cleansed the inside of the cup sufficiently, our Saviour would not have said unto them, ver. 26. Thou blind Pharisee (blinde in not seeing the double foulnesse, of the insides of your platters, or cups; neither the naturall, nor ac∣cidentall foulenesse opposed to neatnesse, or cleanelinesse; nor the morall foule∣nesse, which is contradistinct, or opposite to cups, and platters, lawfully acquired, or possessed) Thou blinde Pharisee, cleanse that which is within the cup, and platter; cleanse that first; whether (bodily filth, or soule-spots) that the out-side of them may be cleane also. If Christ had not meant at all, that the cups within were full of extortion, when his speech was to the Pharisees; he would have said; ye, and not they: but he spake in the third person plurall, not in the second; therefore, the very pots, and platters, were dumbe, deafe, and finlesse accessories, or attestates to the oppression, and wrong committed by their owners, and masters the Pharisees; I am not ascended very high, Pedibus de more lotis, saith Josephus They were wont to wash their feere.

PAR. 6.

SAint Paul approved those widowes, which lodged strangers, and washed the feete of the Saints, 1 Tim. 1.5. Tertullian, (ad uxorem, 2.4.) testifieth that the

Christian women did, and that their Gentile husbands disliked them, because they did, aquam sanctorum pedibus offerre: Hierome (in his Apologet. against Ruffinus) pro∣positum nobis est, pedes luvare veneratione, non merita dissentire; we are resolved, to wash our feete, with worshipping; not to boast of our merits. Christ himselfe gent∣ly did chide Simon the Pharisee, for administring no water for his feete, Luke 7.44. the rather, I thinke, for that he was a water-foule Pharisee; which sect was over∣scrupulous, in manifold washings: feete commonly are lesse white, than mens hands, especially in hot countries, or with labouring, or wayfaring men, and smell worse than their hands doe; Thou, O Pharisee, hast beene so farre from washing, and wiping of my feete, that thou hast not afforded mee water. cold water, the cheapest of all dishes, to wash; or linnen to wipe them; but this woman hath drawne water, hot water, from the fountaine of her eyes; and hath washed my feete with teares, and wiped them, with the haires of her head; using her tresses, in stead of a Napkin.

PAR. 7.

ABraham, and Lot onely afforded water, but washed not the feete of their guests: Let a little water, I pray thee be fetched, and wash your feete Gen. 18.4. even ye your owne selves; and I will fetch a morsell of bread: so Gen. 19.2. Lot wisheth the Angels, in mens shapes, to wash their feete; the Levite, and his wife washed their owne feete, Judg. 19.21. The washing of our feete conduceth to health, cleanelinesse, and recovery of strength, and was next in goodnesse to a Bathe, saith Montanus: Josephs Brethren had water given them, but they washed their owne feete, Gen. 43.24. Abrahams servant, and the men that were with them, had water given them to wash their feete: Aaron, and his sonnes were to wash their owne feete, Exod. 30.19. So did both they, and Moses, Exod. 40.31. It was a dainty complement of her (who complemented once, before her betters, when so cunning∣ly shee bespake a reversion, 1 Sam. 25.31.) even of Abigail, the Super-witted-Abigail, upon the pleasing message, to be Davids wife; to bow her selfe, on her face, to the earth; and to say, ver. 41. Let thine handmaid be a servant to wash the feete of the servants of my Lord: It was a Courtly ayre, and blew sweete from Carmel, and the humblest temptation, that I have heard of; but for all that fayre semblance; I remember not that ever any, in the old Testament, were wont to wash their guests feete, or of travellers: that the Apostles had washed, before their beginning to eate the Paschall-Lambe, some parts, or others of their bodies, is probable e∣nough, from Christs saying to Peter, Ioh. 13.10. Hee that is washed, neede not save to wash his feete: these words were spoke at the second Supper; and it seemeth, they were washed before; and if reference be not had to their Baptismall Regeneration, the words ran fairest, for their first washing ordinarily practised, before the passe∣over was eaten; though commonly the Iewes washed againe, at the beginning of their second Supper; of which, God willing, hereafter.

PAR. 8.

THe great sinner, I thinke, began this kinde of humility, and was the first recor∣ded in holy Writ, that washed anothers feete: the Saviour, the onely Saviour of the world, first fully accomplished that Ceremony, by washing the feete of many, even of all his Disciples, and even of awicked Judas among the rest. Heliodorus (be∣ing the Greeke Sir Philip Sidney) or, that noble knight, the English Heliodorus, lib. 2. Aethiop. Hist. Haec lavabat pedes, & p••lverem abstergebat; she washed my feete, and wiped away the dust: Eusebius (3.15.) Calceamenta quoque pedibus tentabat educere, quae nunquam, nisi â religiosis resolvi consueverunt; non solùm pedibus de more lotis, sed totis etiam nonnullis corporibus: that is, they did not onely wash their feete, as the usance was, but some of them did also wash their whole bodies, saith Josephus.

PAR 9.

THat bathing was used for cleanelinesse, none but slovens will deny; you shall finde it used to that end, 2 Sam. 11.2. and Neh. 4.23. But, of this hereafter, against the much-erring Peterius: that it was appointed to Naaman, by an especi∣all command, to a religious purpose, is apparant, 2 King. 5 10. Wash in Iordan se∣ven times, and thy flesh shall come againe to thee, and thou shalt be cleane, cleane from the inherent and cutaneall harme: that there were also divers Legall or Leviticall Purt∣fications, by water, is evidenced, Heb. 9.10. but, that bathing of their whole bo∣dies was used by the Iewes, before the beginning of their feasts, or at them; I can∣not finde, though it be probable, that some superstltious precise ones, might volun∣tarily take up such a fashion, which Iosephus seemeth to point at, or, it might bee done by some, in the latter times of the Emperours, for the Romans were wont to bathe ere they feasted: but this custome sprang up, after Iewish Bathings: In Plantus his dayes, they washed both their hands and feete. Plautus (in Persa, Act. 5. scena. 1.) Hoc age, accumbe—date aquam manibus, apponite mensam, goe to, sit downe—give us some water some body, for our hands, set dinner on the Table, and (scen. 2.) Locus hie Tuus est, hic accumbe, ferte aquam pedibus: praebe Tis, puer, this is your place, sit you here, bring some water for our feete, you sirra, boy: as Baro∣nius well amends it: the Graecians did so with more cost: Plutarch, in Phocions life relateth, that Phocion found in his friends house, choyce bathes of wine, and odori∣ferous spices, to wash the feete of their fellow-feasters, and taxeth it for prodigali∣ty: They did not onely wash but anoynt themselves at feasts: Athenaeus (lib. 15.) saith, the Athenians were wont to annoint the feete of delicate Persons: the Ro∣manes had to most parts of their bodies appropriate, especiall and curious oynt∣ments, Baccarimum Aegyptium, Phoenicium, Nardinum: Nar do vina merebere, saith Ho∣race, in his invitation of Virgill, to a feast, (Garm. lib. 4. od. 12.) that is,

I will requite thy Nard so fine, With a whole tearse of Campaigne wine.

Never doe we reade, that Christ, in his life, used naturall or artificiall, sweete odours, but at feasts that oyntment of pure or liquid nard, which was powred on Christs head. Mar 14.4. Was very precious and costly: and that Nard also, with which Mary anointed the feete of Iesus, was so rich that the odour of the oynt∣ment filled the house, Iohn 12.3. who pleaseth to read learned, and worthy curiosi∣ties, on this point, let him have recourse, to Fulvius Ʋrsinus, in his Appendix, to Petrus Ciacconius his Triclinium; nor shall I passe by it, but discourse at large of anointings, when I wrestle with Pererius.

PAR. 10.

SEcondly, concerning their blessings; at the eating of the Paschall-Lambe, the Iewes used much blessing: blessings were in ordinary use: therefore, at ex∣traordinary feasts, and especially at this feast of feasts, they were not wanting, 1 Sam. 9.13. The people will not eate, till Samuel be come, because he doth blesse the Sacrifice; afterwards they eate that are bidden: Maymonides saith, all commu∣nicants at the Passeover, were to take off 4. consecrated cups of wine; rich or poore; men or women; they might take 5. if they would, but then they must say, Psal. 136. O give thankes unto the Lord, &c. each cup contained above a quarter of a pint, as I guesse: the blessing of the wine was none other than that which was used in ordi∣nary forme; blessed art thou O Lord, which drawest wine out of the Vine: a fourth part of an Hin of wine, was exactly proportioned, for a drinke-offering, with the burnt offering or Sacrifice of one Lambe, Numb. 15.5. The Sacred Pas∣chall-flesh, and bread was not eaten without drinke: The consecration of the bread was thus, at the Passeover; Blessed art thou O Lord our God, King of the Uni∣verse, in the eating of this unleavened bread, this is the bread of affliction, which

our fathers ate in the Land of Aegypt; quisquis esurit, accedat, & Paschatizet; who∣soever is hungry let him eate of this Passeover; Cuicunque opus est, accedat, & Paschatizet: whosoever ought or must take it, let him approach, and take this Passeover: when the Table was furnished with the Paschall-Lambe, with unleave∣ned bread, and sowre herbes, and wine; then did they eate and drinke, and properly keepe the Passeover, and fell to holy discourses: That our most blessed Lord, both washed when neede was; and blessed all things as he ought, let no Christian doubt; that he strictly observed these agraphall traditions of men, according to the Iewish forme, commeth not into my Credo.

PAR. 11.

BUt Reader, thou wilt perhaps say; here is much adoe, about an antiquated ce∣remonie? but what is the Iewish Passeover, or the knowledge of the Rite of it now to us? I remember a story of the old Poet, who made an unpleasant begin∣ning, when he saw the people offended; started up, and desired them to hearken pa∣tiently unto the end; and the end should declare, that the beginning was not to be disliked: the like say I now concerning my Tractate, which may bee thought a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or needelesse peece of worke, let them attend the issue, and application, and what resulteth from this discourse, and then they will not so readily mis∣judge it: besides, if I never made any digression; but to cleere some questioned dif∣ficult, or unusuall point; let thy delight or benefit (good Reader) make thee re∣member the old proverbe, that the farthest way about, is the nearest way home; and the old verse of Ennius,

Ʋnus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem,

that is,

One man to us, by long delayes, Did all our fortunes strangely raise.

Againe, S. Paul saith, 1 Cor. 5.7. Christ our Passeover is Sacrificed for us; and there is no small resemblance betweene the Type and substance; to inhere so long on the Jewish customes, were impertinencie, if our blessed Saviour had followed none of them; but as they hold out a Lanthorne, and alight to make Christs actions better knowne; so is the disquisition necessary, and the dwelling so long on them, pertinent to many purposes? But, I answere, without the knowledge of what be∣longed to the Iewish Passeover; without distinguishing what were the temporary; and what were the fixed and lasting Rites of this Passeover; thou shalt never be a∣ble to know what our Saviour did practise, when he ate the Paschall Lambe, with his Disciples, immediately before his death, Luk. 9.31. Moses spake of Christs decease, which he should accomplish at Ierusalem, Moses was the schoole-master to bring unto Christ, Gal. 3.24. The ignorance of Moses his Law, draweth on with it, the ignorance of Christs actions: And by the exact discerning of the in∣tention of the Law; what Rites were to continue; thou mayst be sure, that Christ observed all, and every one of them; whether praeparatory, Sacramentall, or sub∣sequent.

PAR. 12.

FIrst Praeparatory; he sent his Disciples, for the choosing of a Lambe.

• 2. It was an unspotted one.
• 3. It was a Male-Lambe.
• 4. It was under a yeare old.
• 5. He had chosen before hand a fir number, to eate it.
• 6. None excluded out of the Ie∣wish Church; none uncircumcised did eate of it.
• 7. He kept it on the first moneth of the yeare.
• 8. He kept it, on the 14. day; for then it was killed.
• 9. At the Even; that in the beginning of the 15. day it was all ready.
• 10. This was to be and was at Ierusalem.
• 11. It was in one house to be eaten with well-fitted, religious Ta∣ble-talke, concerning the Passeover.
• 12. Not the Priests Leviticall, but by Christs appointment, the Apostles killed and prepared, or caused the Passeover to be killed, and prepared.
• 13. They did dresse the Passeover whole; rosted with fire: throughly rosted; not sodden at all, with water: the head with the legges,

• the quarters with the purtenance.

So, for the two Sacramentall Ceremonies.

• 1. Christ and his Apostles did eate the Passeover with unleavened bread.
• 2. Nei∣ther were the bitter herbes wanting. Lastly, for the subsequent Rites perpetuall; not any one was omitted.

• 1. A bone was not broken.
• 2. No part of the Sacrifice was carried out, of that private Sacrary.
• 3. The table-talke was most holy.
• 4. They continued the feast of unleavened bread; and if Christ had lived longer, he would have performed the Hebdomadall observation of that Paschall-feast, with unleavened bread.
• 5. They left none of the flesh, till the morning.
• 6. What was left, was burnt with fire.

PAR. 13.

ALL these points of fixed duration, were exactly observed, in Christs last Passeover: For otherwise he had beene a breaker of the Law: but as I pro∣ved before, by undenyable arguments, in divers passages and places; Christ follow∣ed the Law of God, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, answering number of precepts, with a like number of performances: he could not have helped us law-breakers but by keeping all of it: Christ was the onely true observer of the Law, Gal. 4.4. God sent forth his sonne, made of a woman, made under the Law, to the intent that he might fulfill the Law. Gal. 5.3. And when Christ was circumcised, he was made a debtor to fulfill the whole Law; I testifie againe to every man that is circumcised, that he is a debtor, to keepe the whole Law: Chrysostome (Homil. 16. in Mat.) thus; Christus implevit legem; primb quidem, Ni∣bit Transgrediendo legalium. 2. Justificando, per fidem, quod lex per literam facere non valebat, that is, Christ fulfilled the Law, first of all, in that he transgressed none of the Rites of the Law. 2. in that he justifieth us by faith, which the Law according to the letter, could not doe: As for the other fading, and vanishing ceremonies, he was not bound to them; what is likely he did, shall (God willing) appeare better hereafter: To this liberty was every man left; and shall we now have Christ tyed? Christ was not tyed: likewise for the ceremonies, which the Iewish Church vo∣luntarily assumed unto themselves to performe; we cannot thinke that our blessed Saviour was bound to obey, and keepe them: he who so often chid them for wil-worship, in preferring humane traditions, before the precepts of God, would not be an observer of any, but such as best pleased him, and were sorted to times, and occasions. So much for the first Supper; the Passeover of the Iewes; wherein you may see, what Christ observed, and what not; so farre, as the Old Testament affor∣deth us any light.

The Prayer.

O Thou immaculate cleanser of the world, and purifier of man-kind, without whom nothing is holy, nothing cleane; wash not my feete onely, but also my hands, and head, and heart; and purge, and mundifie my besported soule, that I may faithfully love, and please thee here, and when I shall hence depart; I meeke∣ly beseech thee, to array me in the fine linnen, cleare, and white, which is ordeined for thy Saints, through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

CHAP. XVII. The Contents of the seventeenth Chapter.

1. A just Tractate, against Pererius the Iesuite, concerning the correspondencit, be∣tweene the Iewes, and the Romans in their feastings.

2. The Romanes imitated the Iewes, not the Iewes the Romanes, in their suppings, feastings, against Pererius.

3. The Jewes not infected with the manners, or supperstitions of other Nations.

4. Pererius enterferes, Iewish, Romane customes, in Festivalls Cousin-Germanes.

5. Conquerours condescend to the fashions of the conquered; divers particularites in∣stanced in.

6. Pererius his 13. specialties; wherein the Iewes (as he sayes) imitated the Romanes: The place a Parlour, an upper Chamber, a supping chamber.

7. Christ and his 12. Apostles lay on 3. beds at his last Supper: Iudas the traytor signed out, at Supper.

8. The ancient Romanes supped in the open ayre, without any Tables.

9. Christ, and his 12. Apostles supped in a guest-chamber: houses in ancient times buil∣ded with flat roofes.

PARA. 1.

ANd now having handled the Rites of the Iewish Paschall Lambe; and shewed what were transient; what were permanent; what selfely un∣dergone by a traditionall sumpsimus; having also shewed, that Christ observed all the durable ceremonies of the Passeover, and every of them; and that he conformed himselfe to the free, and vo∣luntary observations of the Passeover, no further than he thought fit; as not being bound to them, on the one side; nor bent against them on the other side; when they were not against reason, or conveniencie: my proposed method calleth me to other matters, of mayner intendments, and consequences, viz. what was said or done, (so farre as is revealed in the New Testament) particularly (in) and (at) Christs last Paschall supper; which was the first of those three Suppers, at which he was present, in the same night that he was betrayed: but even this point also cannot have its perfect explanation; unlesse as we have manifested how, and when Christ followed the Iewish Rites of Paschatizing; so we also search, and determine wherein Christ did symbolize, with the Romane fashions, in feasting; since in many specialities, the Iewes and Romanes accorded in their feastings; and our blessed Saviour abhorred singularity, and did swim with the Current of those times, for outward Civill usage, deportment and behaviour, in things decent. But loe! here am I to enter into the Lists, against Benedictus Pererius, that most learned and fa∣mous Iesuite; who is as a Gyant, and one of the sonnes of Anak; in Comparison of whom I may seeme as a grasse-hopper, Num. 13.33. he is a very Goliah, a man of warre from his youth, 1 Sam 17.33 which Pererius, in his labours on S. Iohn, and in that worke of his, of which Vere dici queat, fuisse hoc opus nostrum, quod nunc Typis mandatur, Trigenario studio, & curâ elaboratum, atque confectum; (that I may translate his owne words, in his Preface, to the fourth Tome) I say, in that worke of his; of which it may be truely sayd, that he was 30. yeares studying, ma∣king, mending, polishing, and perfecting it.

PAR. 2.

IN the fifth Tome of those his select disputations, (disput. 39. Pag. 266.) on Iohn the 13. he determineth in the Contents of the Chapter, thus; Judaeos Christi Tempore, more Romanorum suas egisse Coenas, & Convivia; that the fashions, customes and usances of feastings in those times, were borrowed by the Iewes of the Ro∣manes; and then he beginneth thus; Ante omnia illud nos quasi fundamentum suppo∣nentes iis, quae dicenda sunt, affirmamus; Iudaeos, quo tempore Christus Dominus vixit in Terris, in suis Coenis, & conviviis agendis, servâsse morem Romanorum: above all things, laying this as a foundation; we affirme, that the Iewes, in Christs time, kept the manner of the Romane supping, and feasting: But this very foundation is layd upon the sands, say I; or is like to a foundation, which mouldreth away, of its owne selfe: a better foundation had beene this; and better than this no man can lay, that the Romans borrowed most of those customes from the Iewes; and not the Iewes from the Romans, as will appeare in the particularities, mentioned by Pererius, when we shall fall upon them: in the meane while let us take a survey of

the reasons, which induced him to supposit, or suppone that foundation: Is mos jampridem (quacunque Romanum patebat imperium) praesertim autem apud Genter ori∣entis (inter quos Iudaei numerabantur) invaluit; wheresoever the Romanes ruled espe∣cially among the Easterne Nations, (among whom the Iewes were reckoned) this custome of supping (like the Romanes) was in force [jampridem] if by (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 jampri∣dem) he meane 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, long since; I answere, not very long before the Iewes stood upon equall termes, in their capitulations, with the Romanes; see 1 Maccab. 8.22. &c. againe on the 62. yeare before Christs birth, did the Iewes first lose their liberty, as appeareth by Salianus; and that time was not long before, to induce a generall custome. 3. He cannot proove that all the Nations overcome by the Romanes, feasted or supped, as they feasted and supped. 4. I stand forth, to justifie, that the Iewes used most of the festivall and vespernall ceremonies, before the Romanes did: Gens Hebraeorum (saith Pererius) jam inde à Pompeio Magno; Romanorum imperio subjecta, corum mores, & instituta, quae patriis legibus minimè re∣pugnabant, vel adulationis vitio, vel ambitiosa aemulatione libenter suscepit; that is, the Hebrewes either to flatter the Romanes, or ambitiously to imitate them, followed their fashions, where they were not against the Iewish Lawes? I answere this is most likely to be true in some things; yet cannot be verified, in such things, as the Iewes had in Practise, before they knew the Romanes: Besides Pompeius his victory over Hierusalem, was but in the same yeere, that Augustus Caesar was borne, as their owne Salianus chronologizeth; and therefore, there was time, little enough, to introduce new, and generall customes.

PAR. 3.

IƲdai•• solenne fuit, Gentium, quibuscum versarentur, vel quarum dominatu regerentur, moribus, & superstitionibus infici, that is, the Iewes were wont to be infected, with the manners, and superstitions of oher Nations, with whom they conversed or by whom they vvere ruled, saith Pererius; not more than most other Nations were, say I; yea, the Iewes in the Captivitie of Babylon, were taught by God, Ier. 10.11. in the Chaldaean language, to confute the Chaldaeans themselves; and if some were infected, yet many remained most holy, pure and undefiled, as Daniel, &c. The Jewes who lived at Rome, in the dayes of the Emperours, so farre prevayled with the heathen Rulers, that they forbad them to be troubled or called into que∣stion of Law, on the Jewish Sabbaths; So eager were they, not to degenerate in that matter: Pererius addeth Christi tempore, Rex Herodes, in the dayes of our Saviour Christ, King Herod, (who first, of the Aliens, reigned over the Jewes) was whol∣ly addicted to obey, and gratifie the Romans, who made him King; and introduced many, many things into custome according to the Romane guize; and so did his Successours? I answere, violent and suddaine alterations, are either never, or rashly attempted by New-made Princes, especially intruders,

—Mitissima sors est Regnorum, sub Rege novo,—

that is,

Most gentle is the peoples state, Ʋnder a King that's crown'd but late.

Especially if there be a cracke, or flaw in the new-crowne. 2. Insensible, and slow changes are guarded with safety. 3. Herod could not, in favour of the Ro∣mans induct any customes, which the Iewes before observed, though his heart was never so much set to gratifie the Romans: yea, but there were in Iudaea, (saith Pererius) a great number of garison Souldiers, and after Archelaus his removall, In∣daea was governed by Romane procurators? I answere, the Romane Praesidiary Souldiers, of all, were most unfit to bring in new customes of civill behaviour, in∣to other Countries: one Legion was called Rapax from its unjust preying on all, that came to hand; they were fleshed in blood and cruelty; and many times did out-rage the Countries; and mounted up, even to those Crimina vesani••, franticke sinnes; as Tertullian aptly termeth Rebellion, and murther. Lastly, the procurators,

which followed Archelâus, were (as I may so say) but Hesterni, of yesterday; and these customes were introduced, before Archelâus was removed.

PAR. 4.

HAec itaque, cùm vera sint, (sunt certe vero admodum similia) plane consequens est, quae Romaniservabant in Coenis, & conviviis, eadem servare Iudaeos, id temporis, fuisse solitos; that is, since therefore these things are true, (as indeede they are very like to be true) it plainely followeth, that the Jewes at that time, were wont to keepe the usance, of the Roman supping, and feasting: here Pererius Humani non∣nihil passus est, speakes like a man; these two propositions doe enterfere, Hac vera sunt; eadem sunt vero admodum similia; these things are true; and the same things are likely to be true; if they were true undoubtedly true, what neede he care for the (likelihood) to truth? Nullum simile est idem, nothing that is (like) another thing is the very (same) thing; if it be onely (like) to truth; it is no (absolute) truth: againe; if the things were onely probable, or likely; he could not safely say, as fol∣loweth; planè consequens est, &c. probabiliter consequens est, it is a plaine conse∣quent, &c, It is a probable consequent, had beene enough; planè consequens est, must of necessity proceede, from unquestioned, and unquestionable verities; the cer∣taine sequell is at oddes with an uncertaine ground. Lastly, I will willingly con∣fesse, the Jewish, and the Roman customes were Cousin germanes, and almost the same in the festivalls, and suppers: But against Pererius, I am now to prove; that the Romanes borrowed those customes from the Easterne Nations, among which the Jewes were numbred; and the Jewes were not imitators, or Apes of the Ro∣manes.

PAR. 5.

HOw large a field I have to expatiate in; if I should take a full liberty to shew that Conquerours have condescended to the fashions of the conquered, who seeth not? I will be briefe: Justinus (Hist. lib. 12. penè in Initio) Alexander habi∣tum Regum Persarum, & diadema (insolitum anteà in regibus Macedonicis) velut in le∣ges eorum, quos vicerat, transiret, assumit; quae, ne invidiosiùs in se uno conspicerentur, amicos quoque suos, longam vestem auream, purpureá;mque sumere jubet, ut luxum quoque, sicuti cultum, imitarensur: that is, Iustine, almost at the beginning of the 12. book of his history, thus: Alexander that he might as it were subject himselfe to the Lawes of the Persian Sophies, (whom he had Conquered) tooke on him their garbe and Crowne, (an unusuall thing among the former Kings of Macedon) and lest he might chance to be envyed by his Nobilitie, and Courtiers, for so doing; he commanded them also to weare long robes of gold, and purple; that so they might imitate, and follow the Persians, as well in their luxury, as in their bravery. Q. Curtius (6. pag. 153.) Alexander â victoris insignibus, in devicti transivit habi∣tum, & ille se quidem spolia Persarum gestare dicebat, sed cum illis quoque mores (eorum) induit; that is, Alexander leaving his accustomed ornaments, went habited like the conquered; and indeede, he sayd, he wore the spoiles of the Persians, but with them he also assumed, and put on their manners, and all the Campe beleeved; and reported, that more was lost by the victory, than gotten by the warre; (Pag. 154.) and Alexander was alwayes, bello, quàm post victoriam, clarior, more famous in War than after his victories, saith Curtius, (8. pag. 253.) againe, Alexander mores Persa∣rum assumpsit, quos propter mores tales, vicerat; sed ne solus vitiis eorum, quos armit subegerat, succubuisse videretur, militibus suis permisit uxores ducere; that is, Alexander imitated the manners of the Persians, whom by reason of such manners, hee had overcome; and because he would not be thought, to be the onely man, who would yeild to their vices, whom he had overcome by Armes; he gave his Souldiers leave to marry any of the Captive women, whom they lust: Thus Asia corrupted Greece, Greece also being conquered, corrupted Rome; even old Crones, did wantonize

with their Graecisme, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, My life, my soule;—

—Non possum forre, quirites, Graecam urbem—

saith Iuvenal, very tartly, that is,

I cannot I, O Romanes sure, The Graecian Language well endure:

And Horace before him, most truely, Graecia victa suum victorem cepit—Greece overcome her Conquerour overcame: Macrobius, (Saturnal. 3.13.) Triumphales viros, victores gentium, Luxuria vicit, that is, Luxury hath conquered and trium∣phed over the triumphant Conquerours of Nations, Let us briefely touch, how the Asiatickes corrupted the very Romanes; for almost the first sixe hundred yeares, ab urbe conditâ, from the foundation of the city; the forth-right; and plaine Ro∣manes had no Bakers, nor Milles; nec pane sedpulte victitabant, they fed not on bread, but on beanes or barly, mingled with water, sometimes with honey. It is not a thousand yeares since Sugar was first found, by the Arabian Philosophers, or Physi∣tians; none of the foure Empires, no not the Roman it selfe, till its declining ever knew the use, or heard of the name of Sugar, (though now it be Temperamentum omnium medicamentorum, the sawce of Physicke) honey was their prime, if not onely sweetner: Martial (lib. 14. Epigr. 222. ad pistorem Dulciarium)

Mille tibi dulces operum manus ista figur as, Extruit; huic uni parea laborat apis.

that is;

That curious hand of thine a thousand shapes, in paste Hathrais'd; for that thy hand the sparing Bee doth haste.

I come now roundly up to the point: Florus (rerum â Romanis gestarum, 3.12.) Syria prima nos victa corrupit; mox Asiatica, Pergameni regis haereditas; Illae opes, atque divitiae afflixere saculi mores, mersamque vitiis suis, quasi sentinâ, rempubl. pessum de∣dere; famem luxus fecerat, hinc seditio; that is, Florus saith, Syria, after it was vanqui∣shed, did first of all corrupt us; then the Asiatickes, the off-spring of the Trojans; their wealth and riches afflicted the manners of the world, and have utterly ruina∣ted, and drowned our Common-wealth, in her owne vices, as it were in a kennell, or sinke of all filthinesse; Luxury brought forth famine, and famine was the mother of sedition; who now corrupted one the other first? Rome Syria? or Syria Rome? Iustine (Lib. 36.) saith, Licinius Crassus was attentior Attalicae praedae, quàm bello; Li∣cinius Crassus was more attent to the wealth of Attalus, then to the warres with Aristonicus: and in the end of that booke; sic Asiafacta Romanorum, cum opibus suis, vitia quoque Romam transmisit; that is, when Asia was become a Province to Rome, it sent thither its vices, together with its riches: Alexander ab Alex. (Genial. Dier. 3.11.) Luxuriae peregrinae (invictum malum ad effoeminandos animos) ab Asiatico exercitu in Romam primùm invectae; mores infecerunt; Forraine Luxurie (an invin∣cible evill, to effoeminate mens mindes) being first brought to Rome, by the Asiatick Armies, infected the sound manners of the Romans; from this servile imitation of the Conquered, and against it issued forth all those excellent Lawes; by which the Romans were forbid to have such sumptuous suppers, and cloathing: The Fan∣nian, Orchian, Didian, Oppian, Cornelian, Ancian, and Junian Lawes; Tiberius Caesar would have repressed the immoderate spending by a new Law; but when he saw, he could not well compasse it, he held it better to omit that, he could not handsomely bring to passe, then vainely to attempt it: Lastly, the Romish imitation of the Jewes, caused the Poet justly to complaine,

O utinàm nunquàm Iudaea subacta fuisset, Pompeii bellis, imperiove Titi! Latiùs excisae gentis contagia serpunt, Victoresque suos Natio victa peremit:

that is,

O that Judaea never bad beene wanne, By Pompey's sword, nor yet by Titus Ramme: Then had not sinnes of Jewes beene Romanes bane, Nor Nations Conquered beene the Conquerours want.

Now let the Reader judge, betweene divers the recited passages of Pererius; and me, whether the Romanes borrowed these customes, of the Iewes, or the Iewes of the Romanes. Lastly, more particularly, concerning the gesture of (discumbing) at their feasts, and Suppers; Rosinus (Antiquit. Rom. 5.28.) Manavit hie mos accumben∣di, ad Romanos, ut verifimile est, post Asiam devictam, Graciamque cognitam: that is, this custome of (accumbing) was in all probabilitie derived to the Romanes, after the conquest of Asia, and their acquaintance with the Graecians; and the Graecians had it from the Asiatickes, as they had most of their superfluities; what sayd Alexander to his Souldiers? Curtius (7. Pag. 251.) view my whole Armie; He, who a little while since, had nothing besides his Armour, now lyeth on silver beds, and they loade their Tables, with gold: But of this more hereafter.

PAR. 6.

I Am to follow, foote by foote, inquest after Pererius, in 13. specialties; which he determineth, were derived from the Romanes, to the Iewes, or other Asiaticks; but both of us agree that the same customes were in use, among the Nations: which consent serveth both our turnes for our maine intentions, to prove the particulars used by our Saviour, and the Jewes then living; yet the Reader, I hope will not judge the disquisition, unlearned, vaine, or unprofitable; because it shall give light, to many passages in this booke: Primò, saith Pererius, Locus, in quo caen••s, & con∣vivia agebant Romani, appellatur coenatio, coenaculum, conclave, & Triclinium, that is, the place in which the Romanes were wont to feast, and sup, is called a Parlour, or upper-roome, a closer, a supping-Chamber? I answere, this was true in the later times of the Romanes; but at their beginning, before all Italy was subdued; the plaine, military, home-spun Romans, did use to dine and sup in their Kitchins, or neare them; and the place was called Atrium, from its blackenesse, and sooty smoa∣kinesse; others made their refections, sub Dio, in the open ayre; in the end they came to sup in Apollo; and had goodly, large, costly dining-Roomes, and supping-cham∣bers, even in one house, with the proportionable rates, to be spent, in the severall Halls, or Chambers of that house; see Plutarch, in Lucullo: but grant we all this; what is his inference?

PAR. 7.

THe place also in which Christ, with his Disciples, kept his last Super: S. Luke calleth, Coenaculum grande, stratum, stratum tribus lectis; unde, (Triclinii) nomen ductum est; Tribus autèm lectis, discubuisse Christum, & Apostolos, illud indicio est, quòd cùm essent Tredecim, omnes tamen in caudem patinam, cibum sumentes, manum inferebant; ut ex illis domini verbis licet intelligere; qui intingit mecum manum in paropside hic me tradet; id autem est, unus ex vobis tradet me; omnes enimex eâdem patinâ cibum capiebant: non itaque illis verbis Dominus, unum aliquem certum discumbentiam de∣signavit: Tredecem porrò ex unâ, & eâdem paetina cibum omnes capere, si mensae fuissent perpetuae, nequaquam potuissent: This proveth that Christ, & his Apostles lay on 3 beds; because though they were 13. all are out of the same platter, as appeareth in Christs words: Who dippeth his hand with me in the Platter, he shall betray me, that is, one of you shall betray me: for all are meate, out of the same platter: besides thirteene could not eate, out of one, and the same platter, if the Tables had beene long∣sided: First, I say, if all this were granted; mine undertakings are no way prae∣judiced; but how lamely doe his proofes creepe? Christ and his Apostles lay, on three Beds; because thirteene put their hands into one platter; which they could not doe, if it had beene a long Table: For all this, they might have lyen on foure, or five beds; yea, or on two beds; yea, or on one; if it had beene of compasse, and large: For their Tables were fitted to their beds, (and some fitted their beds to their Tables) and some of them were round enough, like an halfe-moone; some like a Σ sigma; and might have beene capacious enough. Secondly, the Platters

were very large, and were sometimes removed from one place of the Table, to an∣other; and yet Judas might so lye, that both Christ, and the Traytor, might, at the same time, dippe into the platter. Thirdly, why doth Pererius say, that Christ did not signe out, any certaine one of the Discumbents? When he said; He, who dippeth the hand, with me, in the platter, shall betray me, Matth. 26.23. Did ever any other Interpreter deny, but he signed out Judas particularly? Though after, ••here was a more manifest 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when Christ tooke a Soppe, and said, he would give it to the Traytor, and did give it, Ioh. 13.26. Yet the former words, in the Paschall-Supper, Matth. 26.23, made such an impression on the heart of Iudas, that he said, Master, is it I? ver. 25. Theophylact, on the place; Manifestè proditorem reprebendit, quoniam cum reprehenderetur, non emendabatur; propterea manifestat illum, dicens, qui intinxerit mecum; that is, He doth manifestly reprove the Traytor, be∣cause when he was reprehended, he was nothing amended; and therefore, he doth manifest him, saying, He that dippeth his hands with me. A man may therefore just∣ly marvell at Pererius, denying, that Christ by these words, did signe out one cer∣taine Traytor.

PAR. 8.

BVt I come to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to the Poynt, matter in question, betweene Pe∣rerius, and me: How homely, and poore the Romane people were, at first, hath beene, in part, touched at: I will further say; Prandium, & Coena, in propatu∣lo fiebat, quià palam coenitare, dedecus non erat; secretò verò coenitâsse probro, & ignomi∣niae fuit; They dined, and supped, in the open ayre, under the Canopy of heaven; because; it was no disgrace, to sup openly; but it was ignominious, to sup secret∣ly. Then say I, they ate their meate, by the fires, in their Kitchins; Hyeme ad fo∣cum, aestivo verò anni tempore, in aprico coenitabant, in Winter, they supped by the fires side; in Summer, in the open ayre: sometimes they supped in other roomes, close by their Kitchings; which received smoake, and blacknesse from their fires, and from those fuliginous noy somnesses both smelt, and seene: those places were first called Atria; though afterward, such inward reserved roomes were called Atria which nor smelt of soote, nor were blacke-coloured: that the ruder, and first Ro∣mane people did eate, without any tables at all, may well be collected from Alex∣ander ab Alex. (Genial. Dier. 5.21.) in the beginning. I will not deny afterwards, the dainty fitting of their roomes, and chambers; who knoweth not Lucullus his Summer-house, and his Apollo? and the horrible excesse of later times.

PAR. 9.

IT is true, what Pererius saith, that the place, where our blessed Lord supped last of all, with his Apostles, is called Coenaculum grade, stratum, a large upper-roome, furnished, by the vulgar; and if he had consulted with the Greeke, he should have found, that the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, doth signifie more, than Coenaculū grande stratum tri∣bus lectis; more than a large, upper-roome furnished with three beds; that is, to say, a roome so furnished; ut nihil deesset, sive ad usum, sive adornatum, that nothing was wanting, either for use, or ornament; some Greeke Coppies, after (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) fur∣nished, have also annexed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, prepared; this the Syriacke followeth; and Ori∣gen hath it, paratum, prepared; Hierome, Mundatum, made cleane: It was also, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an upper Chamber, Luke 22.12. In the Syriake Helitho; so called, from the ascending up the stayres; which higher roomes they usually let, and set out, keeping the lower roomes for themselves: you may call it, if you please 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quod subductum sit â solo; because it was above-ground, above staires; and is properly opposed to an under-roome, or a roome placed on the earth: I am sure it is, in the vulgar of Hentenius, and S. Andreanus, 1 Sam. 9.21. Assumens Samuel Saulum, & puerum ejus, introduxit eos in Triclinium, & dedit eis locum, in capite eorum, qui fuerant invitati; that is, And Samuel tooke Saul, and his servant, and brought them into the Par∣lour, and made them sit in the chiefest place, among them that were bidden; Vatablus hath

it better, in Coenaculum: Triclinia were not then heard of: the 70. have it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which word is likewise, Marke 14.14. and is well interpreted, a guest-chamber: the Hebrew hath it, Liscatab, Cubiculum, a Chamber, as the Inter∣lineary turneth it, though the Margin supplieth, Coenaculum, a Supping-roome, with Vatablus. Some may thinke, that this Feast, or Sacrifice of Samuel, and Saul, was, Sub dio, in the open ayre; but they are much deceived; for though the houses, in those times, and places were made plaine, that people might walke securely on the top of them, because they were appointed to make battlements for their roofe, lest they brought blood upon their house, if any man fall from thence, Deut. 22.8. and though the house tops were places to walke in, and refresh themselves, as David did, 2 Sam. 11.2. and places for private Prayer, as S. Peter used them, Act. 10.9. and a place of secret conference, as Samuel used it; who communed with Saul, upon the top of the house, 1 Sam. 9.25. when Samuel would not suffer so much as Sauls owne youth, to heare what passed betweene them, ver. 27. Christ commanded his Disci∣ples, Mat. 10.27. What ye heare in the eare, that preach ye upon the house-tops: Aegidius Hunnius (on the place) saith, the Iewish house-tops were plainer, than ours, sen∣ced, suis peribolis, with battlements, ut iis commodè inambulari possit: I say, if the house top, bad not beene a convenient place, for such a matter, Christ would not have bid them preach it there; yet, I no where can find, a footestep, or signe of proofe, that Samuel and Saul feasted, in solario, in the face of the Sunne; but rather went into the house, or into the Parlour, as our best Translations excellently render it: That the house, where Samuel then rested, was on an Hill, is apparent, 1 Sam. 911. and whereas it is said, ver. 25. When they were come downe from the high place into the city; the Bishops Bible doth as sensibly expound it, When they were come downe from the H••ll: but, for the manner of eating, it is no sooner said, Samuel brought them into the Parlour; but it is added immediatly; Hee made them sit, in the chiefest place, among them that were bidden; as if the Palour, the Parlour onely had beene the place of refreshment, and feasting; and their places, the chiefe places in the Parlour, yea the chiefest places. Now in this first point, it is plainely demon∣strated, that the Iewes had their Coenacula, Parlours, or Supping-roomes, before e∣ver Rome was heard of, or Romulus borne: The later Nation of the Romanes, might indeede follow in this point; other people, or these very Iewes; or by the dictate of Nature, might concurre with others, in fitting themselves, with decent Supping-places; but that the Iewes did imitate the Romanes herein; or tooke up this Cu∣stome; either to flatter the Romanes, or ambitiously to be like unto them; Portrius affirmeth; I deny: let the Reader judge.

The Prayer.

GRant, good Lord, that I am not high-minded, that I have no proud lookes; but weane my soule from losty thoughts, and let my utmost ambition be, that I may be a doore-keeper, in thy house; and lye downe, at the feete of the meanest of thy Saints, whilest they sit, with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, at thy Table, in the kingdome of Heaven; grant this, most mercifull God, for Iesus Christ his sake. Amen. Amen.

CHAP. XVIII. The Contents of the eighteenth Chapter.

1. Pererius, his second Particular: the Romanes feasted not, till they had washed.

2. Washing among the Heathen twofold; sacred, unsacred.

3. Reasons, why the ancient Romans often washed: first, because they used not much linuen: secondly, to remove their sweate.

4. The divers manners, places, times of hathing among the Romanes: bathings used a∣mong

the Romanes, most commonly before meales: the signe of the Crosse much used in the Primitive Church: divers houres of Bathing; stately Bathes among the ancient Romanes.

5. The Jewes used to wash, and bathe themselves, long before Rome was founded: Apocryphall Scripture is to be preferred, before any Humane authority whatsoever: divers costly kinds of Bathings: white Doves among the Jewes, sacred, and inviolable.

6. The Iewish traditions not derived from the Romane ••••sance; but expositions of Moses Law: commanded many kinds of washings: Maymonides his Exposition of the Law of washing.

7. The difference betweene the Iewish, and the Romane washings.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

SEcondly, saith Pererius; the Romanes feasted not, till they had washed; and often, from their Baths, went to their victualls: and some doe guesse from those words of Joh. 13.10. He that is washed, needeth not, save to wash his feete, but is cleane every whit: that the Apostles before the last Supper, had washed their faces, heads, and hands: Certainely, Mar. 7.3. It is said, all the Iewes eate not except they wash their hands often? I answer, what Pererius hath (Crebrò) is, diligently, or, as it is in the Greek, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with their fist, which implieth hard rubbing, scouring, and neate cleansing: Pererius proceedeth; the Pharisee did marvell, that Christ washed not, before dinner; and it was a solemne thing, with the Jewes, before meate, to wash their faces, hands, and feete? I answer, the words of Saint Iohn doe as well signifie, that the Apostles washed their whole bodies; yea, more properly, before that great Feast; then that they washed onely their faces, heads, and hands, as some conjectures, in Pererius, hold: If any stand up, and re∣ply: Why did Christ then wash their feete, which were cleane, and but newly wa∣shed before? I answer; first, would they thinke fit, that Christ should wash rather dirty, and stincking feete, than cleane? Secondly, we cannot properly imagine, that the Apostles came, with unwashed feete, to that great Festivall, because it was contrary to the Custome of those times. Thirdly, Christ, for this end, more chiefely washed their feete, to give them an example of Humility. Ioh. 13.14. &c. and therefore, it was not a needlesse worke, to wash them, though they were cleane before.

PAR. 2.

I Will but poynt at the washings (esteemed sacred) in Aeneas his time, I may not touch such things,

—Donec me flumine vivo, Abluero—

Ʋntill in living River, I make my members shiver.

As himselfe saith, of the Sacrifice, to the Supernall Deities; but when they sacrifi∣ced to the infernall Deities; sprincklling with water was sufficient;

Dic, corpus properet fluviali Spargere lymphâ,

saith Dido,

Goe, bid him hasten to the river side, Let water 'ore his body lightly glide.

And Virgil relateth, when Misenus was upon buriall,

—Spargeus rore levi,

—He doth with water new, His body all-bedew.

And in another place of Aeneas, being in hell, as he faineth:

—Corpusque recenti Spargit aquâ—

These things you shall finde, in Macrobius, (Saturnal. 3.1.) Concerning the Romanes, and their unsacred washings, or bathings; somewhat, to good purpose, may be said, which Pererius omitted. See, what I said before, of their washing; for the first, they onely washed their hands; Virgil (Aeneid. 1.)

Dant famuli manibus lymphas—

The servant with a Bason stands, Of water pure, to wash our hands.

In after times, they washed their feete also; Scaliger saith, some washed their whole bodies.

PAR. 3.

THe Romane Communalty, at first, used not much linnen; Lini usus, apud Ro∣manos, erat rarior, saith Rosinus (Antiq. 1.14.) And therefore, they had neede to wash away oftner, the sweat, and filth of their bodies; (Breeches they had not, till about Christs time) and it is confessed, that, at first, they had no Table-cloaths of linnen; but brushed away the analecta, scraps, or fragments; or, with a Spunge, wiped their Tables; afterwards▪ they used course woollen cloathes: It was long, ere the common people came to use choyce linnen Table-cloathes, and napkins; even, in Martialls time, some of those above-named, homely, and home-spunne fur∣niture was used; before the Capitoll was so called: the Iewish whore, in Salomons time, Pro. 7.16. Had decked her bed, with coverings of Tapistry, with carved workes, with fine-linnen of Aegypt; and the good wife, maketh fine linnen, Prov. 31.24. A second Reason, why the Romanes were wont to wash and bathe themselves, was, to cleanse, and remove a way their sweate, after their morning walkings, after their rough exercises; and this they esteemed (and that deservedly) very wholesome: Seneca (Epist. 86.) saith, Scipio Africanus, had balneolum angustum, tenebricosum, ex consuetudine antiquâ non videhatur majoribus nostris calidum, nisi obscurum; abluebat corpus laboribus rusticis fessum; terram ipse subigebat; nunc pauper sibi videtur, ac sordidus—nisi aquam argenteâ epistomiâ fuderunt: that is, Scipio Africanus had a little darke bath, according to their ancient Custome; our Ancestors accounted it not hot, ex∣cept it were obscure; he washed his body, being wearied with country-labour; be himselfe held the Plough; but now (forsooth) every one thinkes meanely, and basely of himselfe, who hath not his silver Basin, and Eure, to wash in: even Bathes of the common people; but in the bathes of free men, or their sonnes called Liberti∣ni, eò deliciarum venimus ut nisi gemmas calcare nolumus; olim (saith he) ibid. & paue•• erant balnea, nec ullo cultu exornata—qui priscos mores urbis tradiderunt, brachia, & crura quotidie abluebant: caeterùm toti nundinis lavabantur—Hoc loco, dicet aliquis, liquet immundissimos fuisse; quid put as illos oluisse? saith Seneca; militiam, laborem, vi∣rum; postquam munda balnea inventa sunt spurciores sunt; that is, we are come, to that height of nicenesse (forsooth) that wee must have them paved with precious stones; In time of yore (saith hee) in the same place, there were, but a few Baths, and those but homely neither. They which write, of the ancient manners of the Romanes, say, that they were wont to wash their armes, and legges dayly, but Market-dayes, they washed their whole bodies. But here, perhaps, some one will say, It should seeme, that those ancient Romanes were very nasty; but what, thinke you, did they smell of? Ile tell you, saith Seneca; they smelled of warfare, they smelled of labour, they smelled of manhood; but after that the Baths began to be more cleanely; men themselves became more filthy. Plautus (in Sticho) posteaivila∣vatum, âpilâ: the Poet Plautus (in his Comedy, intituled Sicibus) saith, after I came from Tennis-play, I went to wash the sweate away. Artemidorus, speaking of the Romanes, saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: after labour, or war∣like exercitations, the Romanes bathed themselves. You are further to observe, that the Romanes, â primis originibus, cùm pauca essent balnea, & nullius cultûs, rarò lavabant: that is, in the first beginning, where there were but a few bathes, and those, God wot, but homely ones neither; they used to wash themselves, but seldome; and, being weary, washed onely their armes, and thighs: all their bodies they washed onely, in Nundinis; at faires, markets, or times of leasure: see Alexan∣der ab Alex. Genial Dier. 4.20.) which he borrowed from Seneca. In the later times, they rung a Bell, when the fit houre was to come to the Baths: Lucian, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

Campana sonàt, the Bell ringes: Martial (lib. 14. Epigr. 163.)

Redde pilam, Sonat aes Thermarum, ludere pergis?

Restore the Ball, to the Keeper of the Tennis-court; the Bell rings in, to call us to the bath; dost thou offer to play longer? or thus,

Leave off your play, give me the Ball, The Bell unto the Bathes doth call.

See to this purpose, Adrianus Iunius, (animadvers 3 11. Martial his words evince punctually, their exercising, before bathing, and their being called to the Bath, by the sound of a Bell; then did they first goe, into the hot-bath; and from the hot, into the coole-bath: Petronius thus; Intravimus balneum, & sudore calefacti, momento temporis, ad frigidum exiimies; after sweating, we passed speedily, from the hot bath, to the cold. Though Apollonius Tianaeus called hot baths, Senectum hominum, mans old age; yet were they, in great use: and so may our naturall baths be very usefull, and healthfull, for many diseases, if people would be guided by good, and learned Physitians, and prepare their bodies fittingly; but, if ignorant people will drop into the baths, so soone as they come into that City; and, with∣out advise, physique themselves; no marvell, if many are rather worse, than better, partly, through the ill ayres, which arise from those minerall waters; partly through their bodies imbibing, by the opened pores, more ill humoures, than they can sweate out. Seneca indeede reproveth hot baths; in a straine, as hot, as the baths, that he findeth fault withall, as if they were, almost as boyling cauldrons, to cast condemned bondmen into; I deny not some excesse that way; yet the better sort had their divers partitions, or cells, Caldaria, for their hot-water; Tepidaria, for their luke-warme Bath; Frigidaria, for their last cooling Bath, and cleansing wa∣ter: Martial (11.3.) A Sinvessanis conviva Philostratus undis, &c. Philostratus came from the Bath, and Supper, where he was invited at Sinvessa, a city of Cam∣pania. That they were wont to bathe about dinner-time, is proofe enough. Ter∣tulian (in Apologet. cap. 40.) statim pransuri, balneis operamini; ye goe into the Bath, a little before dinner. I marvell, that the accurate Rigaltius leaves out the words (Statim pransuri) which Rhenanus, Pamelius, and Cerds have; and I almost as much marvell; why Pamelius (in his Annotations) rendreth it thus, Pransuri, pro, pransi; before dinner, for, after dinner; Since the more wise, and temperate, went not into the Baths, upon full stomacks; to use violent exercises, or speedy bathings, upon liberall meales, and crammed guts, is very unwholsome.

PAR. 4.

I Vven••l (Satyrâ primâ) justly faulteth him—qui deponit amictus Turgidus, & crudum pavonem in balnea portat; who, having first crammed full guts, doth forthwith doffe his cloathes, with undigested Peacocke then into the Bath, hee goes, adding,

Hinc subitae martes, atque inteslata senectus,—

Hence earely, hasty, unprovided deaths: Spartianus (in vitâ Severi, & Lampri∣dius, testifieth, that the Romanes used to bathe, before meales; you may well in∣terpret it before dinner, or supper-times. Tertullian (de poenit. cap. 11. exquirit•• balne•••• latiores, hortulani, maritimive secessus,—conquirito altilium enormem sa∣gin••m, defacato senectutem vini; that is, seeke out the more private-retired-choyce-garden-Baths, or baths, by the sea-side; provide for thy selfe, the extraordinary unkindely-fat of franke, and crammed creatures &c. drinke a cup of good old Sacke; hence you see, Bathing preceded Eating; Martial (3.44.)

In Thermas fugio, Sonas ad aurem, Piscinam peto, non licet natare, Ad coenam propero; tenes euntem, &c.

that is,

I wash ith' bath, thou buzzest in mine care, I Swimme ith' ponds, thou dost me pester there, I haste to sup, thou stopp'st me like a Beare.

Thus you see the approaches to their Suppers also: Ʋsitato more, ante Caenam, bal∣neis utebantur; item, post ambulationes, exercitationes, oper as, saith Rosinus (Antiq. 1.14.) according to the usuall fashion, before Supper, they went into the bath: so did they in like manner, after their walkings, exercises, and laboures: none conversant in Romane history, will deny, but that divers places of divers exercises, were neare to severall Baths: Tertullian (cap. 3. de coronâ Misitis) ad lavaera, ad mensas, ad lumina, ad cubilia, ad sedilia, quaecunque nos conversatio exercet, frontem crucis signaculo terimus; that is, when we goe into the Bath; when we goe to Supper; when candles are brought into the roome; when we goe to bed; when we sit downe, in our chaires; what exercise soever, almost, we goe about, wee weare our foreheads with the signe of the Crosse, from whence, (omitting the Lawfull use of the Crosse, by the Christians of those times, almost upon every occasion) I collect Bathing was, before Eating; Eating before Candle-light; Candle-light before bed (and yet I cannot but adde, against Puritanes of our Times; that the Crosse was so honoured, in the dayes of the best Christianity, after the Apostles; that the Heathen termed those holy Christians, commonly, Crucicolas, as well, as Christicolas:) Martial (11.53.)

Coenabis belle, Iuli Cerealis, apud me, Octavam poteris servare, lavabimur unà. Scis, quam sunt Stephani balnea juncta mibi;

that is,

Pray (Julie Cerealis) sup with me, And welcome shall you be; At eight a clocke, into the Bath we'le goe, How neere to Stephens Bath, I dwell, you know.

Rich men had their Baths in their houses; and meaner sort, hired Baths for their guests; as Martial did here, of Stephanus; then followeth Iulius Cerealis his Sup∣per, better set forth by Martials Pen, then it was served in, by his servants: the same Martial (lib. 10. ep. 41.) speakes, of the seasonable houres of Bathing in Nero his Bath,

Temperatb 1.293 haec Thermas; nimios prior hora vapores, Halat, & immodico sexta Nerone calet.

The Bathes at 8. a clocke are mild, at 7. the vapours toyle, And Nero's Bathe, with fervent heate, at 6. a clocke, doe boyle.

Alexander ab Alex. Hora Balnei, hyeme, nona; aestate, octava fuit; at winter they used to goe into the Bathe at 9. a clocke; in the summer at 8. The Emperours changed the houres; no bathing was allowed in the night, but in corrupter times: In dayes of devotion, among some Romane Colonies: Balnea, & tabernacula, in nonam usque eluduntur for clauduntur saith Rigaltius; the bathes and Tavernes were shut, untill 9. a clocke; and Tabernacula are taken for Taberna; the testimony is in Tertullian (contra Psychicos, cap. 16.) and againe, (in Apolog. cap. 42.) Non lavo sub noctem Saturnalibus, nè noctem, & diem perdam; attamen lavo, de∣bitâ, horâ & salubri, quae mihi colorem, & sanguinem servet; that is, I use not to bathe my selfe in the Evenings during the Saturnalls; lest I should lose both the day and the night; neverthelesse I goe into the Bathe at a seasonable, and healthy houre; which will preserve my colour, and my blood: in the first passage, he implyeth, that the Romans bathe about twi-light, in their Saturnals, Marcus Agrippa made 170. baths, for the Romans. In the eighth of the Romane Empire, were made most costly, and Princely bathes; Thermae Agrippinae, Neronianae, Domitianae, Alexandrinae, Gordia∣nae, Severianae, Aurelianae, Constantinianae, &c. a great number of Thermae, doth Ro∣sinus recount (pag. 35.) yet all, after our Saviours time; Publius Victor reckoned a∣bove 800. so great was the later luxurie, and prodigality; Statius (5. Sylvar.)

—Argento felix propellitur unda, Argentoque cadit, labris nitentibus instat, Delicias mirata suas,—

that is,

The spont of silver was, the pavement silver; Silver the brimmes, all the bath over silver Except the waters, wondring at their silver.

Plinius (3.12. and 13.3. witnesseth, the bathes were paved with silver.

PAR. 5.

GRant we therefore that the Romans exceeded the Iewes, in number, and sumptuousnesse of bathes, in the Augustane times, and after; yet the Jewes in Christs time, or before, tooke not their custome of washing or bathing from the Romans, nor intended any flattery or imitation of them, since the Iewes observed such things long before, from the tradition of the Elders: and the tradition of the Elders had some shadow of practise from times long precedent, and from some precepts in the Law, which they extended too much, at their pleasure: In the Babylonish Captivity, the example of Susanna may give us some light: For, grant it be not Canonicall: yet God forbid we should thinke every passage in the Apocryphall to be untrue, or without ground of practise, in those dayes: for my part, ••professe, I ascribe to the Apocryphall more than to any meere humane au∣thority: Susanna as it is, ver. 15. was desirous to (wash) her selfe in the garden, for it was hot, and she sayd to her maydes, ver. 17. Bring me Oyle and washing balls, that I may wash me: It seemeth this was the practise of those times, (yea, though they were in bondage) and good women used, both Oyle, and washing Balls: Poppaea, in the Romane story, used milke, which by its fatnesse hath a cleansing po∣wer: the Romans used divers sorts of Oyles, and I finde there was such an Officer, as was called (Olearius) from his performing the duty of anointing; as well, as from buying or selling of Oyle: the matter was not strange to any; the word and the name as of a peculiar Minister in their vocation, is rare; but to the Oyle, in the story of Susanna, are added washing-balls, not used by the Romans neere those times, for the washing of their bodies, so farre as I remember: the whore, in Eze∣kiel, did wash her selfe for her adulterers, and painted her eyes, Ezek. 23.40. and sate upon a stately, or honourable bed, and a Table prepared before it, whereon was set Gods Incense, and his Oyle, ver. 41. And the Adulterers or drunkards, put bracelets on their hands, and beautifull Crownes upon their heads, ver. 42. This was also in the Non-age of the Ro∣manes, when their name was scarce knowne throughout Italy: The holy Spouse sayd, Cant. 5.3. I have (washed) my feete, how shall I defile them? the Bridegroomes eyes, were as the eyes of Doves, by the Rivers of waters, washed with milke, ver. 12. Lest some may perhaps thinke that Salomon washed his eyes, or face, with milke, (which our Translation will not beare) let it be observed; the Originall apply∣eth it, to the Doves themselves, and to white Doves, whose wings are sayd to bee covered with silver, Psal. 68.13. and which were highly esteemed; so that no man out-raged them, or killed them: Tibullus (Lib. 1. Eleg. 8.)

Quid referam, ut volitet crebras intacta per Ʋrbes, Alba Palaestino sancta columba suo?

that is,

Through many Cities the white Dove divine, Doth flye securely to her Palaestine.

Joseph Scaliger, forsaking his owne Coppie, varyeth it thus; Alba Palaestino san∣cta columba Syro, making Palaestinus Syrus, to be as Psyllus Paenus, the sense is all one: The Jewes hold their white Doves inviolable, and Sacred: upon what ground, the white Doves were so priviledged by the Iewes, I see not, unlesse they had refe∣rence unto the Holy Ghost, appearing in the likenesse of a Dove: or, some Eulogie of the Doves in Scripture, or that Noah his Dove, or other Doves mentioned in Scripture, were white: Bathshebah, in Davids time washed her selfe, 2 Sam. 11.2. Not her face, and her hands onely, but bathed her body; the Chaldee interpreter (in 2. Eccles.) holdeth that Salomon had costly bathes, and fit for so great a King: before this the daughter of Pharaoh came downe, to wash her selfe at the River, and the maydens walked along by the River side, Exod. 2.5. By how much the Coun∣tries of Babylon, Aegypt, and Iudaea were hotter than the City of Rome, by so much more neede had they, of oftener washings. And these causes continuing, from the beginning of the world: I determine, though the latter Romanes in the Casarean

Principalitie, or Augustan dayes, and afterwards; as farre exceeded the Jewes in sumptuousnesse, and magnificence of bathes: as the Mistresse of the world might out-goe her servant, in attire: yet the Iewes tooke not their first bathings, or wa∣shings, either of their bodies or of some parts from the Romanes; as Pererius ground∣lesly supposeth.

PAR. 6.

Consider what before I sayd, of the Iewish often washings, and of Christs ascri∣bing those Customes, not to the Romanes, but to the tradition of the Elders. For not one of all the traditions of the Elders, was derived from the Romane usance, but was peculiar to their owne Jewish Nation, and opposed to all other Countries, being expositions, though farre-fetched, and violent, of the Mosaicall Law, and the Mosaicall Law commanded very many Purifications, and washings, Exod. 30.21. Aaron and his sonnes shall wash their hands, and their feete, at the Laver of brasse, when∣soever they goe into the Tabernacle of the whole Congregation: they shall wash their hands and their feete, that they dye not: it shall be a statue for ever, to them. Levit. 15.5. Who∣soever toucheth the bed (of any man, having a running issue) shall (wash) his Cloathes, and bath himselfe in water, and be uncleane untill the Even: and the like is commanded in divers verses following: and when a man is cleansed from his issue, he shall bath his flesh in running water, ver. 13. The like precepts follow concerning the uncleannesse of women: Levit. 16.26. He that let goe the Goate for the scape-Goate, shall wash his Cloathes, and bath his flesh in water. Levit. 17.15. Every soule, that eateth that which dyed of it selfe, or that which is torne of beasts, shall both wash his cloathes, and bathe him∣selfe in water, Numb. 19.17. For an uncleane person, they shall take of the ashes of the burnt-Heifer of Purification for sinne, and running water shall be put thereto, in a vessell: and the Cleane shall sprinckle on the uncleane: and on the 7 day he shall purifie himselfe, and wash his cloathes, and bathe himselfe in water, ver. 19. In which washings and bathings of their bodies: the tradition of the Elders was so strict, that the bathing was of none effect; if any part or the least particle of the body, but so much as the top of his little finger, were not washed: yea, he must wash not onely his head, but all his hayre, and every locke of his head, which the tradition of the Elders esteemed as his body: Maymonides expoundeth Moses his Law thus: In every place where is mention made of bathing the flesh, and washing the garments of the uncleane; you must understand it of laving the whole body in water: when they washed them∣selves in their cloathes, the Law was not satisfied, unlesse the water did sinke through their cloathes, to wet their whole bodies: or if any part were kept by the cloathes, from being washed. So, the cloathes were rather loose, then girt, or so girded, that the water, for all that had free passage.

PAR. 7.

THe Iewish washings looked up higher, than the Romane, these respected onely bodily neatenesse, and cleanelinesse, and strength, but the Iewes purifications or washings leade them up to sanctification, and betokened their being cleansed from sinne, Exod. 19.10. and 14. verses: sinne is of a defiling nature, repentance is a cleanser, not onely our cloathes are made white in the blood of the Lambe, Revel. 7.14. But our hearts are washed from an evill Conscience, and bodies washed with pure water, Heb. 10.22. Christ cleansing his Church in the Laver, or washing of re∣generation. Ephes. 5.26. alludeth to the Priestly washing and clensing in the brasen Laver; and to their bathing, is reference made, 2 Cor. 7.1. Let us cleanse our selves from all filthinesse of the flesh and spirit; much Niter, Camphire, and Sope, are not so cleansing, as a contrite and a repenting heart: and now, if Pererius were living, would I referre it to his owne judgement; whether the Iewes did imitate the Ro∣manes, or the Romanes the Iewes; sith long before there was any Romane, the Iewish Nation used such frequent bathings; and by the appointment of God, their Law-giver, upon more occasions, than all the Law-givers else, of all Nations, enjoyned to their people.

The Prayer.

MOst gratious Lord Jesu, I meekely implore thy divine goodnesse, thoroughly to bathe my soule in thy blood, and by thy selfe to purge my sinnes; that I may be presented by thee, unto God, without spot, or blot, and so partake of thy rich blessednesse, in the world to come. Amen, Amen.

CHAP. XIX. The Contents of the nineteenth Chapter.

1. Pererius his third Ceremony: Romanes anointed themselves before feasts: Sō might the Jewes but not ordinarily: the Pharisee reprooved for not anoynting Christ: Maries anointing Christ, was of Devotion, not fashion.

2. Romanes used unction before feasts.

3. True joy rests in vertue, not in vice.

4. The Graecians used anointings at their Feasts.

5. Severall oyntments for severall parts and uses: Alexidemus, and Cleopatra's, and Aesop his sonne, excessive prodigalitie.

6. Olyes were of diverse sorts; and for diverse uses: Oyle Olive commended.

7. Jewes used anointing, before the siege of Troy: Jewes, Syrians, anciently aboun∣ded with Oyles: Oyle good for outward, inward uses: Oyle, some Sacred, some of common use: The divers uses of Sacred oyle: Kings, Priests, Sacred things anointed with it: The composition of it: David anointed King, with Gods Oyle. David anointed King twice.

8. The Jewes commonly anointed onely Head, and feete, the Babylonians anointed all their body:

9. The Jewes used anointing, after washing: Ashers dipping of his feete in Oyle.

10. Mary Magdalen washed Christs feete with teares.

11. Iewes anointed their heads, before ever the head of Tolus was found.

12. Women among the Iewes in Spaine the best perfumers.

13. Anointing the head ordinary among the Iewes.

14. Myrrhe and Nard, precious oyntments: Nard taken sometimes for an Herbe, some∣times for an Oyntment.

15. Anointing Corporall, Spirituall.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

THe third Ceremonie, which both Iewes and Romanes used; and in which (as in all the 13.) saith Pererius, the Iewes did imitate the Romanes, and followed their Praesidents, was this; the Romanes being well a∣nointed lay, or sate downe to feasts; that the same was practised by the Iewes, we may judge; because Christ sayd to the Pharisee, who had in∣vited him, Luke 7.46. Mine head with Oyle thou didst not anoint: and the Lord saith, Mat. 6.17. When thou fastest (anoynt) thine head, and wash thy face, that thou mayst seeme not to have fasted but dined: therefore Mary the sister of Lazarus, powred oyntment on the head of Christ, as he sate at Supper; which unlesse it had beene the fashion in banquets, Mary Magdalen durst not have done: so farre Pere∣rius. I answere, Quid hoc ad Parmenonis suem? What is this to the purpose? If all be yeelded how doth this evince, that the Iewes herein followed the Ro∣manes? which is the maine Quaere of mine, and the ground-worke layd by Pere∣rius. To his arguments I thus answere.

• 1. If it had beene usuall at every meale, and at every invitation, to anoynt the head of guests; the Pharisee would not have omit∣ted

• that Ceremonie towards Christ: At their more solemne feasts; the custome of the wealthier sort, may be granted to be such; not at their dayly repasts; and to guests of prime note, of upper-most roomes, at feasts, Mat. 23.6. of the chiefest seates, not to the men imi subjellii, as the Parasite, in Plautus, phraseth it.
• 2. Christ found fault with his omission accidentally; and as he reproved him not, at the first sitting to meale, so we may thinke, he would have wholly passed by that point, of the Pharisees incivility, if the Religious act of that devout woman had not mini∣stred a faire occasion of fault finding.
• 3. Our Saviour was to be reputed, above any ordinary guest; and his entertainement to be above any feasting; for he never ate with any, but he fed their soules, more with grace and goodnesse: then they fed him, or his Apostles with bodily food: therefore justly was the Pharisee re∣prooved, because on so momentuall occasions, and times, and persons, fit for the best entertainement; both for the matter, and the manner of their well-come, both Reall, and Complementall; he neglected that Ceremonie, of anoynting our Lord.
• 4. The penitent womans act had not beene so glorious, if the fashion had beene ordinary or dayly, at every meale: To the second instance of Pererius, I say; the Lord commandeth the Faster to anoynt his head) as if he were very merry, chearefull, or going to a feast indeed) as if he feasted; not as if he dined onely, as Pererius hath it: for they had many dinners, and many suppers, in which they used none anoyntings; and where joy and mirth were not alwayes seene attendant, at the Table, nor to be discerned by their lookes, as Christ would have it seene in him who fasted before God; and seemed not to fast before men: to the third in∣stance, I say, the fact of Mary powring oyntment on the head of Christ, was rather heroically devout and divine, than a matter of fashion; she durst have done that holy deede, if anoynting had never beene used, in feastings; for, her end was hea∣venly; Against the day of my burying hath she kept this saith Christ, Ioh. 12.7. and I doubt not but she had supernall inspirations, directing her to doe so; if we shall argue from a singular fact, to a generall usance, (as Pererius doth) then one might as well conclude, that washing ones feere with teares, and wiping them with the haires of a womans head, without ceasing, was the custome of those times, because the himbled penitent did so, Luk. 7.44.

PAR. 2.

BEsides, let the difference be observed: according to Peterius, the anointings of the Romans, preceded their feasts; but the anoyntment of Christ was in Supper-time, by his owne confession; and so, no imitation was taken up, by the Iewes, from the Romans in that point; which recoyleth on Pererius his maine ground: that Unction, and anointing before feasts, was usuall among the Romanes, is a confessed truth; lesse proofe will serve: Martial. 8.77.)

—Assyrio semper tibi crinis amomo Splende at, & cing ant florea seri a caput; Candida nigrescant vetulo Chrystalla Falerno, Et caleat blando mollis amore torus: Qui sic vel medio fivitus vixit in aevo, Longior huic facta est, quam data vit a fuit.

that is,

With choyce Assyrian gunune, let thy lockes alwayes shine. Let flowrie garlands eke compasse that head of thine: Let thy cleare Venice glasses be crown'd with Bacchus browne, Whilest wanton Venus tosses upon thy beds of Doune; Who thus shall live and dye, though in the flowre of's age, Hath runne a pleasant race, beyond dame Natures stage.

So held the Epigrammaticall Epicure.

PAR. 3.

BUt the sober Orator Tully (5. Tuscul. quaest.) saith divinely, Ʋnus dies benè, & ex praeceptis Philosophiae actus, (understand him of true Philosophy, which dif∣fereth not from our Theologie) peccanti immortalitate est anteponendus; that is, one day spent well, and according to the Rules of Philosophie, is to be preferred before a world of wickednesse: Omnis iniquit as est stultitia, all iniquity is folly, say I; Et omnis stultitia laborat fastidio sui, saith Seneca; and every folly is a burden to its selfe: continuall joy is found commorant among the actions of goodnesse, and wisedome; (Rejoyce alwayes, and againe I say rejoyce in the Lord, Phil. 4.4.) the greeke Philoso∣pher Musonius hath a dainty quaint sentence; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. which cannot be better translated than by the words of Cato; in his Oration to the Knights, and Horsemen, at Numantia, about Biscai in Spaine, (from whom Musonius, as it seemeth borrowed the matter) si quid vos per laborem recte feceritis, labor ille â vobis citò recedit; benefactum â vobis, dum vivitis, non abscedit; si qua per volupta∣tem, nequiter feceritis, volupt as citò abibit; nequiter factum illud, apud vos, semper mane∣bit; you shall finde this in Aulus Gellius, (16.1.) If by labour you doe any thing well; the (labour) shortly vanisheth from you; but whilest you live, the (good (deede) departeth not from you; if you doe any thing unlawfull, though pleasure; the pleasure soone fadeth; but the foule fact will still remaine with you. Thus much on the By, against that loose voluptuous Poet, Martial, and his fellow-hog-Epi∣cures: Seneca (Epist. 86.) Parum est sumere unguentum, in his die, terque renovetur, ne evanesecat in corpore; quid quod odore, tanquàm suo, gloriantur? Horace (2. Serm. satyr. 3.) describeth a fordid Clowne, from him not anoynting himselfe;

Quantulùm enim summae curtabit quisque dierum, Ʋngere si cauleis olco meliore, caput que Caeperis, impaexa faedum porrigine?—

that is,

Tell me, I prethee, how much from thy summe Well each day shave, if that with sweeter butter Thou baste thy meate; and with more costly gumme Thou dawbe thy pate, which Dandraff-scurfe doth utter.

PAR. 4.

THe Graecians also used anoyntings at their feastings; Thyestes (Versu. 944. &c. in Seneca's Tragoedie, Act. 5. Scaen. 2.)

Verne capiti fluxererosae, Pingui madidus crinis amomo, Inter subitos stetit horrores,

that is,

My rosie Vernall Crowne dropt from my head, My bayre with fattest oyntments moystened, Through suddayne horror, upright startled.

Martial (lib. 5 Epigr. 65.) Pinguescat nimio madidus mihi crinis amomo; let my moyst hayre be far, with store of Oyle or Gumme.

PAR. 5.

ANtyphon witnesseth, that the ancient had severall Oyntments, appropriated to severall uses, of each severall part; you shall finde it in Athenaeus (lib. 15.)

—Ʋnguento Aegyptio, pedes livit, & crura: Phaenicio, buccas, & ubera: Sisymbrino, utrumque brachium; Amaracino, supercilium, & comam: Serpellino, cervicem, atque genna:

that is,

—He doth Anoynt His feete and legges, with Oyle Aegyptian; His cheekes, and brests with Oyle Phoenician, And both his Armes, with oyntment Sisymbrine,* 1.294 His brow, and hayre, with Oyle Amaracine,* 1.295 His necke and knees, with oyntment Serpilline.* 1.296

Who also there affirmeth, that Oleum Nardinum, was Oleum pretiosissimum; oyle of Nard was the most precious oyntment: the like saith Theodoret (on Can∣ticles 1.) That they were wont to anoynt their heads with Nard, every one that hath read Horace and Tibullus, can well witnesse: Plinius (13.3.) most bitterly inveigheth against the women of those times, who mingled oyntments with their drinke; etiam in potu unguenta addunt; tantaque amaritudo est, ut odore prodigo fruantur, ex utraque parte corporis; that is, they temper even their drinke with oyntments; in so much, that they stinke with it, both before and behind: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith Aelian (12.31.) they mingle their wine with Myrrhe, before they drinke it: Juvenal (Satyr. 6.)

Cum perfusa mero spument unguenta Falerno,

that is,

Their oyntments mingled with Falernian wine, Doe make it froth, and briske, neate, sweete, and fine.

Plutarch, (toward the beginning of his Symposia) relateth; that Alexidemus being but a youth, powred an excellent oyntment, which was brought to Thrasi∣bûlus, into a great cup, or platter, and mixing it with wine, dranke it up; and is there censured for it; yea, they were growne to that heigth, that not onely Cleopa∣tra dranke a precious pearle called an Union, of great esteeme, and rated at Centies Hs: which is, of our money, about fiftie thousand pound, and would at the same meale, have dissolved, and supped up such another, if shee had not beene hindred; (see Macrobius, Satur. 3.17. in fine) but afterward their more ordinary men, and women, did swallow downe dissolved pearles; some for Physicke, and some for Luxurie;

Filius Aesopi, detractam ex aure Metellae, Scilicet ut decies solidûm exsorberet aceto, Diluit insignem baccam,—saith Horace,

that is,

Aesope, the Tragicke stage-player, had a sonne, Who for to swallow one most costly draught, Tooke from Metella's eare, a precious stone, And it, dissolv'd in Vineger, off quaft.

Lastly, Martiall taxed one, (and no great one, no doubt, more did so)

Ʋentris onus puro, nec te pudet, excipis auro,

that is,

Fie, fie, for shame, thou makest of gold, A pot, thine excrements to hold.

As for their Massie cups of gold; they inlayed, and inset them, with gemmes, and shining-glister of diamonds, pluckt off from Sardonychata manus, their fingers full of gold-rings;

Behold a cup mixed of Pearles and gold, Inlayd with Schythian, pretious, shining mold, Which made bare many fingers, young and old,

at that, Epigramme, in Martial (14.109.) may be rendred, viz.

Gemmatum Scythicis, ut luceat ignibus aurum Aspice, quot digitos exuit iste calix!

This is also confirmed by the testimony of Plinius (37.2.) Juvenal (Satyr. 5. vers•••• 42.) Nam Virro, ut multi, gemmas ad pocula transfert, that is, with many more to embosse their cups, un∣jewell all their fingers.—A digitis—& (Satyr. 10.)—pocula sumis. Gemmata.—

The Iewes had spiced wines, of the juyce of the Pomegranate; Cant. 8.2. and Prov. 9.2. Wisedome her selfe had her mingled wine; but so excessive

prodigality, I reade not, that they had: their very meate being carved up, made a sweete perfume in the whole roome: So saith Plutarch (in Antonio.) Athenaeus (lib. 15.) adviseth, unguenta in compotationibus deligenda, quae caeput minimè gravent, a stringant nonnihil, & refrigerent; that is, to make choyce of such oyntments, at their merry-meetings, which might not make the head heavie; but might be some∣what astringent and cooling.

PAR. 6.

OYles were for divers uses, and of divers sorts; the ground of all, was the Oyle-Olive; and this was in great plenty, amongst all Easterne Nations: all Oyntments, of sweete composition had this, for their chiefe temperament, or prime ingredient: the manifold additions of other juyces, or fat simples, which Diony∣sius (de Coelesti Hierarchiâ, cap. 4.) calleth, Collationem spirantium suaviter materia∣rum, habentem in se affatim odoratus qualitates, a composition of most sweete, and odoriferous simples, might truely be called the anoynting Oyle: but the simple Oyle-Olive is of that nature; that I never knew any; who at the first taste liked it; and I never knew any, but after a little use much commended it: and I have reade, that as Sugar is heating, being mixed with cold things, and cooling amongst hot things; so the Oyle-Olive also heateth coole bodies, and cooleth hot bodies; Calx fervet in aquâ, in oleo, frigida est, Lime burnes in water, but is quenched with Oyle, saith Augustinus (de Civit. Dei, 21.7.) It is good inwardly; its glibbery, un∣ctuous quality remooveth poyson, and is a present remedy, if presently taken; it re∣fresheth the spirits, both Naturall, Vitall, and Animall; it conduceth to health, as above all other things, best agreeing to our humidum radicale: it is also a good nourishment; Alexander Aphrodisiensis saith, Nulla in oleo exuperat qualit as; sed medio potius constat Temperamento; in Oyle there is no superfluitie of any quality, but is of a middle kinde of temper; it is called, Oleum laetitiae, the oyle of gladnesse; because it exhilarateth men, and maketh them looke pleasantly, and merrily; it is good outwardly; it asswageth swellings, easeth paine, suppleth ill-affected hu∣mours; and is a greater healer in the true use of it: Splendet, & nitet supra reliquos colores; semper ad superficiem emergit: In oleo optimum est, quod supernatat; in melle, quod in imo est: optimum Ʋinum in dolii medietate consistit; Macrobius (Saturnal. 7.12.) that is, it shineth, and is bright, above any other colour; it alwayes swimmes, at the top of all other liquors: In oyle, the best is at the Top; in hony, the best is, in the bottome; and in wine, the best is in the middle: it congealeth sooner than wine, which is of an hotter nature, or vineger which is of a cooler nature: see Au∣lus Gellius (17.8.) and was much used for sawce, as Gellius, ibid. If wine stand long, in an halfe empty vessell, it groweth worse; but oyle when it is halfe spent, is best, sweetest, and savourest; Macrobius (Saturn. 7.12.) P. Licinius Crassus, and Iulius Caesar being Censors, forbad any to sell unguenta exotica, forraigne or out∣landish oyntments, as the Lacedaemonians banished such out of their City: Alexan∣der ab Alex. (3.11.) Plutarch (in Alexandro) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, God gave Oyls to mankinde, to refresh them, after their labours, Oyle was ordei∣ned ad nitorem, alacritatem, & agilitatem corporis, for the neatenesse, alacrity, and agi∣lity of the body: Plinius (13.1.) Hactenus in odoribus habent pretia sylvae; erantque per se, mira singula, juvitque luxuriam ea omnia miscere, & è cunctis, unum odorem facere; ita reperta sunt unguenta, that is, hitherto woodes have beene in request, for the ma∣king of perfumes; but, whereas every severall thing, by its selfe, was admirable; it much increased their Luxury, to have a sweete perfume, made by the composition of them all together; and by this meanes, oyntments were first found; after in the same booke, he confesseth the Romanes had their Anoyntings, from the Graecians, and the Graecians, from the Persians. So much concerning the anoyntings of other Nations, and especially of the Romanes, at their feasts.

PAR. 7.

BUt, that the Iewes did take their formes, or fashions of anoyntings, from the Romanes; that against Pererius, I stiffely deny: it was Patrius Mos Iudaeorum, ut qui laetitiae vacare, aut comptiores, gratioresque vellent prodire aliquò, lavarent faciem, caputque ungerent, saith Franciscus Lucas Brugensis; that is, it was the countrey-fa∣shion of the Iewes to wash their faces, and to anoynt their heads, when they inten∣ded to be merry, or to make themselves neate and handsome, to goe among their friends; and he bringeth instances, before the burning of Troy; and therefore the Iewes tooke not up this custome of anoynting to ingratiate themselves, with the Romanes: that the Iewes, and Syrians abounded with store of Oyles, in very anci∣ent times is apparent; the blessing of Ashur was to dip his foote in Oyle, Deut. 33.24: that is, he was to have abundance of Oyle, as Iacob before in another point blessed him: That his bread should be fat, Gen. 49.20. The Land of Canaan is called a Land of Oyle-Olive, Deut. 8.8. Israel sucked honey out of the rocke, (where the Bees had built their Honi-combes) and Oyle, out of the flinty-rocke, Deut. 32.13. the rocke powred me out Rivers of Oyle, Job. 29.6. Not, as if honey or Oyle did Naturally, but Miraculously spring, and flow out of the rockes, as wa∣ters did sometimes, in the Israelites necessity, Exod. 17.6. When God turned the hard rocke into a standing-water; and the flint-stone into a fountaine of waters, Psal. 114.8. Numb. 20.10. &c. But stones and rockes being naturally barren, were made by Gods extraordinary blessing, fruitefull; to beare Olive, and Palme∣trees, and they to send forth their fruites: Nor can we reasonably imagine, that this superabundance of Oyle was onely for outward or onely for inward use, but rather for both: questionlesse, the Widdowes little Oyle in the Cruse, 1 King. 17.12. Was to be eaten; not to anoynt; as the case then stood, in the great famine; and the other Widdow (the relict of a sonne of the Prophets, who was a good man, yet dyed indebted) who had nothing in the house save a pot of Oyle, 2 King. 4.2: kept not that Oyle by her, for anoynting, but for eating; and so the pot of mul∣tiplyed Oyle, which filled many vessells, may well be thought to bee used in or for foode: for there are very few things in the world; if any so agreeing to the primi∣genium humidum, or the radicall moysture in man-kinde; so corresponding in nature with it, so naturally cherishing it, as Oyle-Olive, Isa. 1.6. In the Lamentation, that extraordinary wounds, bruises, and putrifying sores, were not mollified with oyntment, is a confession involved, that Oyle or oyntment is a mollifier and hea∣ler; the good Samaritane powred in Oyle into the woundes of him who fell a∣mong theeves, Luke 10.34. Of Oyles also among the Iewes, some were Sacred, some of common use: Iacob powred Oyle on the top of a Pillar, Gen. 28.18. As it were consecrating the place to Gods worship, and he re-iterated this Ceremonie, Gen. 35.14. Though, when the Law was given by Moses; no Religious Pillars (without Gods especiall Command, for Salomon erected many) might be erected, Levit. 26.1. And the Pillars made by heathen, were to be destroyed, Deut. 12.3. breake their Pillars, other Sacred Oyle was to anoynt the High-Priest, and his sonnes, and things Sacred as the Laver, Exod. 30.23. is the receipt of sweete Myrrhe 500. sheckels; sweete Cynamon 250. sheckles; sweete Calamus, 250. sheckles; Cassia, 500. sheckles; Oyle-Olive an Hin; it shall be an holy anoynting Oyle unto me, throughout all your generations, ver. 31. Ʋpon mans flesh shall it not be powred; nei∣ther shall ye make any other like it, after the composition of it, whosoever compoundeth any like it; or whosoever putteth any of it upon a stranger, shall be cut off, ver. 32.* 1.297 Yet this in∣hibition hindereth not, but their Kings might be anoynted with this Holy Oyle; though Saul and Iehu were anointed out of a brittle Vessell; which might denote the short continuance of their Reigne: and David and Salomon were anointed out of an Horne, which implyeth both abundance, and lastingnesse; yet the Iewes cannot thence fairely inferre, that the Oyles also did differ, in specie in kinde: per∣haps not in Individuo, in the particular, since the consecrated Oyle was made in

great quantitie, and was of a lasting strength, and might be renewed by Samuel; if so there were not 120. yeares, betweene Saul and Iehu, their severall un∣ction; when David bemoaned Sauls death in these words, 2 Sam. 1.21. As though Saul had not beene anoynted with Oyle; he acknowledged his Unction, and sig∣nified, it was with more than common or profane Oyle; all being done by Sa∣muel, at Gods especiall Commandement: For the service of God, see cakes tem∣pered with Oyle, and wafers anoynted with Oyle, Exod. 29.2. and oyled bread, ver. 23. The morning, and the evening Sacrifice of a Lambe, were to have a tenth deale of flower, mingled with the fourth part of an Hin of beaten Oyle, Exod. 29.40. This holy quaternion, of fine wheate, salt, wine, oyle, were of much use in the service of God, Ezra, 6.9.7.22. and if I mistake not, the chiefest of these was Oyles: pure Oyle-Olive was beaten for the Lamps, Levit. 24.2. Will the Lord be pleased, with ten thousand of Rivers of Oyle? Mic. 6.7. The Vulgat and 70. doe ill to reade it, in ten 1000. of fat Goates, when the Hebrew hath it, In myriadibus torrentium Olei; the best or fat of Oyle was given to holy uses, Numb. 18.12. In this matter I should finde none end, if I make it not up my selfe: Psal. 89.20. With holy Oyle have I anoynted David; in Oleo sanctitatis meae uuxi eum, I have anoynted him with the Oyle of my holinesse, as the Interlin. turneth it; In Oleo Sanctitatis meae, as Vatablus his Margin hath it, Ritu solenni, adhibito Oleo Sancto, quo Reges, & sacer∣dotes inungi solent; after a solemne manner, with holy Oyles such as Kings and Priests doe use to be anoynted with all; so Mollerus on the place; who also well observeth that it is called both holy Oyle, and Gods holy Oyle, and that God did doe what Samuel did; neither was Samuels action onely accounted Gods action; but when David was twise anoynted, after Samuel his death: First in the 2 Sam. 2.4. The men of Judah anoynted David King over the house of Judah. 2 Sam. 5.3. All the Tribes of Israel anoynted David King over Israel, yet this was done not by meere motion of men onely; but by knowne inspiration Divine, and directions before prophecied of; they anoynted David King over Israel, according to the word of the Lord by Samuel, 1 Chro. 11.3. Or by the hand and appointment of Samuel; for Samuel was dead divers yeares before; nor could it be done by all the Tribes; save onely by vote, and consent; but David was anoynted perso∣nally, by some Priest, Prophet, or Seer; who had a lawfull authority so to doe: Nor doe I doubt but as the precious oyntment which was powred on Aarons head was so plentifull, that it ranne downe upon the beard, and went downe to the skirts of his cloathing, Psal. 133.2. So the Royall anoynting was in like plenty; the Kings themselves kneeling or bowing downe before the Priests or Prophets, who anoynted them; as by picture is described, in our old Bishop's Bible, on 1 Sam. 10. So much for the Sacred use of Oyles, by the Jewish people.

PAR. 8.

COncerning the Oyle for common Unction, whether simple or compound. I read not in Scripture, that the Iewes did ordinarily annoint any other parts of their bodies, but their heads, and feete: indeede Ester (according to the Custome, of those times, and such Virgins) was purified sixe moneths, with oyle of Myrrhe, and sixe moneths, with sweete odours, and with other things, for the purifying of women, Est. 2.12. which Ʋatablus, thus expresseth, (on the third verse) Det munda∣toria earum (i.) quibus sordes corporis detergere solent, & cutem suam ungere, &c. Let him give them their Mundatories, that is, those things for their Purification, where∣with they are wont to scoure off the filth of their bodies, and to anoint their skin; & on the 12. verse; twelve moneths were to passe, ere they came in to the King; in the meane time, dabant oper am ungendae cuti, prioribus sex mensibus, oleo myrteo; posteri∣ori semestri, aromatibus ungi solebant; they tooke great care, in anointing their bodies, the first fixe moneths, with the oyle of myrtles; the last halfe yeare, with oyles of Spices; and with other Purificatories, which women used; which use cannot well

be restrained to head, and face, and hands, and feete; but was applied to other parts of their bodies also; but, here you may truely say; This belonged to the Babylonish, rather than to the Iewish fashions. Also, Wisd. 2.7. Let us fill our selves with costly wine, and ointments; let no flower of the spring passe by us; let us crowne our selves with Rose-buds, before they be withered: In these words, Let us fill our selves with costly wine, and ointments, I say, these Iewes preceded the Romanes, in drinking oyntments min∣gled with wine. Secondly, I doubt not also, but they annointed themselves, more, than head, and feete; the vastnesse of their intentions, going beyond the common practise, probabilizeth as much; Impleamus, Let us fill our selves; Holcot, on the place, thus; Ad vinum addunt unguenta, id est, electuaria, ad jucundè bibendum, & secundum hoc unguentum pertinet, tàm ad gustum, quàm. Tactum; aliter exponitur de unguentis ad ungendum corpora, & facies, ut magis resplendeant, & suaviùs redoleant, & mollius tangi possint; & sic pertinent ad delicias, tam visus, quàm tactus; that is, to their wine they adde oyntments; that is to say, electuaries, that they may take the more delight in drinking, and in this respect unguent belongs, as well to the taste as to the touch: In another respect it is to be understood of oyntment, to anoynt the bo∣dy and the face; that they may glister the better and brighter, and smell the sweeter and in palpation, feele the softer, and so it belongs to the delight, as well of the sight, as of the touch.

PAR. 9.

THeirvery being crowned, at their festivalls, did argue their anoynting of their hands, as appeared before in the feast of Thyestes; and I hope shall playner ap∣peare by and by: that holy Susanna at her bathing, used also anoynting, is proved before; Wash thy selfe and anoynt thee, as Naomi instructed Ruth, Ruth 3.3. So David arose from the earth and washed, and anoynted; but whether the whole body in both these places, be to be understood; or some especiall parts, may justly be questioned. Theophylact, (on Mat. 6.17.) Prisci in gaudii signum, habebant ungi post lotionem: our Ancestors in token of joy did use to anoynt themselves, after their bathing: Ezek. 16.9. God alludeth to the fashions of the Iewes, who anoynted after wa∣shing. I conclude, some few upon some extraordinary occasions, might anoynt their whole bodies; but I finde it not written of the generall practise: the Iewes questionlesse used the medicata unguenta, and the compounded oyntments, Nard, and other: And the house was filled with the odour of the Oyntment, Job. 12.3. againe Ier. 8.22. Is there no Balme in Gilead? and Ier. 46.11. Goe up into Gilead and take Balme: directly inferring, that there was a great medicinall vertue, in the Balme, especially of Gilead: that the washing of feete was usuall among the Iewes, is proved before: I read not of the anoynting of their feete practised in speciall, throughout the whole Testament: Ashurs dipping of his foote in Oyle, implyeth not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, principally, in the Native sense, the anoynting of his feete with Oyle above other parts; but fore-prophecyeth the abundance, in which hee should as it were swimme.

PAR. 10.

THe woman indeede in the Gospell, Luk. 7.37. used a most civill, decent, heavenly method in her devotion; she began to wash Christs feete with teares; she did wipe them, with the haires of her head; she kissed his feete and anoynted them, with the oyntment? I answere, this fact was extraordinary; she making oyntments which were before, the instruments of sinning, now to be effects of de∣votion: nor doth Christ finde fault with Simon, the Pharisee, that he afforded not oyntment, for Christs feete, (which, if it had beene common, it is likely he would have done) but Christ saith onely, ver. 46. Mine (head) with Oyle, thou diddest not anoynt, Irenaeus, (3.14) among the peculiaria 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or peculiar passages, which S. Luke alone hath recorded, reckoned this; Quomodò apud Pharisaeum, recumbente Chri∣sto,

peccatrix mulier osculabatur pedes ejus, & unguento ungebat; that is, how when our Saviour went into a Pharisees house; to eate with him, A woman that was a sinner kissed his feete, and anoynted them with oyntment; and it may be therefore peculiarly insisted, on the anoynting of Christs feete; who because it was not an u∣suall thing, which was now done in Galilee; and differed from the other latter anoyntings, neere Jerusalem, towards his death, (where is no mention of the anoynting, especially of his feete) and because this woman, contrarie to the com∣mon custome, durst not presume to anoynt Christs head; but began her religious humiliation, with anoynting of his feete, as if she were then unworthy, to come nigh his head.

PAR. 11.

BUt the anoynting of the Head, among the Jewish Nation, was long in fre∣quencie, before ever the Capitoll was heard of, or the head of Tolus found: So, the Romans might imitate the Jewes, but the Jewes could not be, the Apes of the Romanes, which Pererius in a sort saith: when our Saviour said to Simon the Pha∣risee; Mine head with oyle thou didst not anoynt, thence is fairely deduced, that at festi∣valls guests of the better sort, were wont to have their heads anoynted, (as we have aquam manualem, water to wash our hands tendred unto us) if no such thing had beene in use, upon such occasions, Christ would not have challenged him, for the neglect of that curteous duty, Luke 7.46. Also from Christs advising or comman∣ding the true penitent, in the usuall houres, and times to anoynt his head, Mat. 6.17. that he may seeme rather to be merry, than in the sight of men to fast, is in∣volved, and included; that in the dayes of mirth and festivitie, (when there was no cause of mourning, fasting, or humbling of their soules) in such joviall, and geniall dayes, they did anoynt their heads, expressing thereby their inward rejoy∣cing: Hierome (on the place) thus: Iuxta Ritum provinciae Palaestinae loquitur, ubifestis diebus solent ungere capita; he speaketh according to the usance of the Land of Palaestine, where upon festivall dayes, they were wont to anoynt their heads; and indeede so did all the Easterne Nations, before the Romanes were a People.

PAR. 12.

IN Samuels dayes, he foretelling that a King would take their daughters to bee Confectionaries, 1 Sam. 8.13. (as now in Spaine the women are the best perfu∣mers, or Milleners) is proofe enough, of the use of anoynting, even in those dayes, which custome of womens preparing perfumes, and sweete Oyntments, continued even in Christs time; yea even of applying them: for we reade not of any man, that at feasts anoynted any, or any whilst they lived; divers women anointed Christ; nor did Simon the Pharisee grudge at the woman, for anointing him, (for that, as it should seeme, was usuall and lawfull, and an Office reserved rather for women than men) but because she being a sinner, presumed to anoynt him, a sinner 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a notorious sinner which he disliked, and Christ defended 1 Sam. 8.14. when he threatneth that the King will take away their Olive-yards, no man can deny, but the use of Oyle, was in esteeme; for the King would not seize, on the worst things.

PAR. 13.

IN Davids time, the use of anointing their heads, was usuall, Psal. 23.5. Thou hast anointed mine head with oyle: Inpinguâfli in olio caput meum; hee speaketh not here of the Regall, sacred Unction; but of a Festivall anointing; for these words precede, Thou hast prepared a Table before me; and these words follow, my cup run∣neth over; because they were wont to drinke liberally, and plentifully at their feasts; Judai quoties excipiebant convivas bonoratiores, quos splendidè tractare volebant; eos per∣fundebant,

vel balsamo, vel aliis unguentis fragrantibus, ut ità exhilerarentur; nàm cerebrum, & spiritus suavi odore, mirabilitèr reficiuntur; & excitantur saith Mollerus; that is, the Jews, as often as they entertained their best friends, to whom they desired to give the royallèst welcome, did use to cast balme, or some other fragrant oyntment, upon their heads, to make them the more merry; for, the braine, and spirits of men are wonderfully refreshed, quickned, and stirred up, by sweete oyntments. Againe, Psal. 92.10. I shall be annointed with fresh oyle; where he speaketh de futuro, and not, de praeterito, of the time to come, and not of the time past; of the holy oyle (as the Scripture phrazeth it, Psal. 89 20.) where with David had beene anointed, Psal. 141.5. Whether you read it; Let the righteous smite me, it shall be a kindnesse; and let him reprove me, it shall be an excellent oyle, which shall not breake mine head; or thus; Let the righteous smite me kindly, or reprove me, let not their precious oyle breake my head; I am sure, the annointing of their heads in those times, is proved in the Interlineary, it is thus rendred, Percutiat me malleo justus in misericordiâ, & increpet me; oleum capitis ne frangat caput meum; that is, Let the righteous smite me, with a Mallet, in mercy, and let him reprove me; let not the oyle of the head breake my head. The best, and principall oyle, with which they annointed their heads is there poynted at, Psal. 104.15. Ad nitere faciendum sacies ab oleo, oyle doth make mans face to shine; oyle of joy is opposite to mourning: Esay 61.3. In the same Davids time, Annoint not thy selfe with oyle, saith Joab to the wise woman of Tekoah, 2 Sam. 13.2. which in∣hibition, in a case extraordinary, argueth; that anointing of the (head) at least; was ordinary; The anointing of the (head) might be, without the Unction of the whole body; but, they never anointed their bodies, unlesse they anointed their heads also: semblably, Mic. 6.15. Thou shalt tread the Olive, but thou shalt not anoint thee, with oyle; which menace argueth, they should not do; as they were wont to doe; for, they were wont to treade out the Olives, and to annoint themselves. S. Hierome, on the place, thus; Prodest tibi, errore cognito, ne habeas discipulos, ne caput tuum oleo ungas peccat••rum, &c. 'Twere good for thee, since thou once knowest thine errour, to shake off thy followers, lest thou annoint thine head, with the oyle of sinners; when griefe, and sorrow was passed, when Davids first child by Bathshebah was dead, David arose from the earth, and washed, and annoited himselfe, and changed his apparell, and went in∣to the house of the Lord, and worshipped God; then, he came to his owne house, and did eate, 2 Sam. 12.20. In the dayes of Salomon, it was part of his Divine Proverbs; oyntment, and perfume rejoyce the heart, Prov. 27.9. more punctually, Eccles. 9.8. Let thine head lacke none oyntment; where, an ordinary, if not a dayly use thereof is advised: Athenaeus reporteth, Possidonius his History; Apud Syros in epulis Regum, ubi datae coronae sunt convivis ingredi quosdam cum utriculis unguenti Babylonii, qui mensam circum-euntes, accumbentium coronas eo errorant, aliud praeterea nihil consper∣gentes, that is, Among the Syrians, at the banquets of their Kings, they use to crowne their guests with crownes; certaine Servitors came in, with little bottles of Ba∣bylonian oyntment, who going round about the Table, doe besprinkle the crownes of their guests, with that, and with nothing else; but sure, the guise of those times, was to anoint their haire, and their heads: you heard what Thyestes said, as is be∣fore cited; and, the whore, in Ezekiel, prepared beautifull crownes, for her lovers, at her Festivalls, Ezek. 23.42, nor was oyle wanting, or Incense, in the precedent verse; and we may well thinke, they were there for use, and not for sight onely.

PAR. 14.

MYne hands droppe with myrrhe, and my fingers with sweete-smelling myrrhe, Cant. 5.5. saith the Spouse; The Bridegromes lips, like Lillyes, dropping sweet-smelling Myrrhe, vers. 13. Because of the savour of thy good oyntments, thy name is oyntment powred forth; therefore, doe the Ʋirgins love thee, said the Spouse to Salomon, Cant. 1.3. Oyntment, even in the abstract; oyle powred out, not inclosed; not unlike the Poet, who said Fluere, excusso Cinnamafusa, vitro; While the King sitteth at the Table, my Spikenard sendeth forth, the smell thereof, Cant. 1.12. saith the Spouse; out of question, fore-sig∣nifying

what in aftertimes, was to be done, when Christ was to be anointed: Nard, may be taken, as well for an oyntment, so called,—Nardo vina merebere, saith Horace, to Ʋirgil; as for an herbe, Pliny (12.12.) describeth it: S. Bernard taketh it, as an herbe, whose lownes causes him, to discourse of humility: Philo Iudaens, thus; Nardus medicus est fructus Syriae, & Indiae praestantissimus; eolore rufo, comosus, odoratis simus, saporis amari, snavitatem odoris diutissime retinens, calefacit, exiccat, vi∣retque perpetuo, miscetur antidotis, & efficacissimas vires, ad quam phorimos morbos ba∣bet; that is, spikenard is a most excellent Plant, growing in Syria, and India; of a red colour; full of branches, and leaves; most odoriferous, bitter in taste, and con∣tinues fragrant in smell, a very long time; it is hot and dry in operation, it conti∣nueth alwayes greene; is an excellent ingredient in your dosies; and is a Soveraigne Medicine against most diseases: of its use, in Compositions, or unguents he spea∣keth not here, though some were more thicke, some more thinne, all appliable to Unctions.

PAR 15.

ASI will not deny, in these places, abundance of choyce metaphors, and spiri∣tuall meanings; so, I will not wholly abolish the litterall sense; but freely confesse. 1. That both Salomon, and his Spouse, were gloriously attyred, so glo∣riously, that our Saviour thought not fitter of any Art, or Artsman, to approach, in borrowed beauty, to the Naturall beauty of the Lilly, the worke of Gods owne hand, I say unto you, that even Salomon, in all his glory, was not arraied like one of these, Mat. 6.29. 2. Immediately after, the Holy Ghost had sayd literally, of Salomon, Psal. 45.7. God thy God hath anoynted thee, with the Oyle of gladnesse, above thy fellowes; the spirit addeth, ver. 8. All thy garments smell of Myrrhe, Aloes, and Cassia; so, for the Church, her cloathing was of wrought gold; she shall be brought unto the King, in rayment of Needle-worke, Psal. 45.13. &c. And the smell of the Spouses Oyntments, was better than all spices, Cant. 4.10. And, as Aaron's sweete perfumes de∣scended upon his garments, as it is in the Hebrew; So the very cloathes of those great∣ones were not untouched, but sweetened with those spreading sweete Oyntments, Who is this that commeth out of the wildernesse, like Pillars of smoake, perfumed with myrrhe and frankincense, with all powders of the Merchant, saith our last Transl••tion, Cant. 3.6. All manner of Spices of the Apothecary, as it is, in the Bishops Bible▪ pigmentarii, of the perfumer, saith the Vulgat, good part thereof was, about their vestments, some purposely, some casually, all with comfort, decencie, and sweete-smelling. But, the (head) above all, did they anoint. So much be said, for the anoynting of the Head, in Salomons time, before Rome was out of the shell, or pipient. Let, who will now take up the bucklers, in defence of Pererius, for this third ceremony: I am ready to mainetaine the Iewes that custome, long before the Romanes; and did not so, to flatter or imitate the Romanes; and the Romanes might imitate the Iewes; or other Syrians, or the anoynted Graecians: Yet, what needed all this stirre, by Peretius, about anoyntings, at the feasts of Romanes, and Iewes? when no Evan∣gelist, no Apostle, no holy father, (so farre as my memory beareth) ever sayd that Christ and his Apostles, were anoynted, at the eating of the Paschall-Lambe; ei∣ther a little before, or whilest they were earing, or presently after? since no Cere∣mony of Pascharizing, either transient, or permanent, or voluntary; so farre as is to be proved implyeth such a businesse: and no Precept, no example of Scripture, no tradition of Elders, invited them thereunto: besides if I should not bee too great a digressour I could quaere whether at any great sacred feasts and festivals, the Jewes were wont to be anoynted? since the prime end of them was devotion; and this festivall was of this sort: though I am ready to acknowledge, at the lesse-sacred festivities, and solemnities, at solemne invitations of their better friends, and kinred, they were accustomed to Unctions; especially, the able, sufficient-rich-ones; who used that exercise more frequently, and some perhaps dayly; with∣out some intervenient occasion to the contrary.

The Prayer.

BLessed Saviour, the vēry Christ and Messiah anoynted, anoynted of the Lord, with the Oyle of gladnesse, super-eminently above any, or all other Creatures, in the lower or higher world; I beseech thee of thine infinite mercy, to powre thy healing Oyle, into the wounds of my soule; and so anoynt me with Oyle, that I may have a chearefull countenance; and smell sweete, and be pleasing to thee; O Lord my God, through Christ who is a sweete savour for us all: So be it, O Lord; so be it. Amen, and Amen.

CHAP. XX. The Contents of the twentieth Chapter.

1. Pererius his fourth Ceremony.

2. Romanes and Jewes at their feasts, changed their cloathes.

3. The Romanes Tricliniary Ornaments; wearing apparell; Larding, and cramming, purple; Scarlet, cloath of gold, silver; Lex vestiaria.

4. The Bed-Ornaments of the Jewes.

5. Ornaments of Idolls; Levites, Priests, High-Priest; Tabernacle.

6. Wearing apparell of the Jewes; varietie thereof for divers occasions; for,

• 1. Gifts.
• 2. Appearance.
• 3. Disguise.
• 4. Sorrow, or Mortification; Sacke-cloath: feasting, white apparrell: extraordinary apparrell approved, at feasts; comely alwayes: new-fanglednesse taxed, in French, English, Spanish; English, in part defended: diversity of apparrell, for severall ages, degrees: abundance of apparrell, a blessing: the excesse taxed.

7. Changing of apparrell at feasts, practised by the Jewes before the Romanes; Ro∣manes had more than one garment on at feasts: the wedding garment not the onely garment: fashions at sacred civill feasts, different.

8. Wedding garment, What.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

THe fourth ceremony, on which Pererius insisteth, now followeth: Quartò, saith he, Romani accubituri mutabant vestes, quòmundiores, viz. & hilariores convivarentur; in antiquis marmoribus Romanis, accumbentes in Tricliniariis lectis, magnâ ex parte, veste duntaxat unâ, super nudo tecti conspiciuntur; that is, fourthly, the Romanes before they went to dinner, or supper, did change their garments; to the intent they might be the more cleanely, and merry, at their feastings: In the ancient, marble statues, among the Romanes, they that lye on their Tricliniary beds, are for the most part, seene to have but one onely garment upon their bare skinne: These points he insisted on; they changed their cloathes; the ends were two, to be cleanlier; to be merrier: Lastly, great part of the ancient Statues, represent the discumbents, with one onely vestment, to cover their bare skinnes: that this was observed in the feasts of the Jewes, is plainely signified in that parable in the Gospell, Mat. 22. Who came in to the feast not ha∣ving a wedding garment, and therefore was cast out into outer darkenesse: thus farre Pererius? I answere, (supposing, though not granting all this to be true) it is more probable that the Iewes, long before did the like; let us come to the proofe by these degrees.

PARA. 2.

FIrst, let us consider the costly hangings, in the roome, where the Romanes fea∣sted, and their tricliniary ornaments, as the Mediastinus, the Scullion, or

varlet of the house attended his Office in the Kitchin; so the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Lecti∣sterniator, or Chamberlaine, decked their neater Chambers, and beds, with hang∣ings, curtaines, carpets, tapestry, and coverlets, according to the estate of their ma∣sters; stragulâ veste, auro, & murice Tyrio depicta probè consternunt, saith Apuleius (lib. 10.) they decke their beds with coverlets, and their hangings of Arras, or ta∣pestry, their aulaea, were of Babylonian painted worke; many of the Aegyptian fa∣shioning; and the Aegyptian hangings were more curious; Martiall. (14.150.)

Haec tibi Memphitis tellus dat munera, victa est Pectine Niliaco jam Babylonis acus:

that is,

The Land of Memphis sends these robes to thee, Babylon's needle now is blind, I see. —Spartâna chlamys, conchylia Coa,

Your Greeke Mandilion, and your Coos purple, are reckoned by Juvenal, (Satyr. 8) as their choyce houshold-stuffe: Martial (14.135.)

Hic opus est pictis accubuisse toris; Here they neede to sit on tapestry:

Acu pictis, Pavoninis; coverlets wrought with needles shadowed like Peacockes feathers: Quid Tyrio recubare toro? saith Tibullus (Eleg. 1.) their very beds were covered with purple; scarlet tapestry did over-spread them: Plantus (in Stycho, act. 5. Scenâ 3.) saith, the Merchant Epignomus brought Lectos eburatos, auratos, dec∣ked with ••vorie and gold, tùm Babylonica peristromata, sella, & tapetia, also Babylo∣nian hangings, or Curtaines, seates, and tapestry: Lucian in the banquet of the Lapithae, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, let us spread the purple Co∣verlets, and lye downe upon them: purpurâ quis non jam Tricliniaria facit? who hangeth not his supping roome or Parlour with purple or Scarlet? saith Pliny (9.39.) Romulus did weare scarlet or purple, saith Pomponius Laetus; and so other both Kings and Consuls: but Plinie (in the place last cited) saith, Lectulus Spinther was the first who used dibapha Tyria in praetextâ the double-ingrayned-throughly-dyed purple, in his gowne or robe, yet prodigality did sprout▪up apace; for Lu∣cullus his discubitory beds were adorned with purple; and himselfe served in dishes of gold and silver, set with rich precious stones, the spoyles of barbarous Nations, as you may finde in Plutarch (in Lucullus his life) Cajus Ʋrbinus and others know∣ing Metellus Pi•••• his will, when they invited him to Supper, Ʋltra Romanorum, ac mortalium usque morem, they did beyond example, adorne their houses, with Arras, Tapestry, and costly hangings, and built stages for Players; the ground was sprink∣led with saffron; and other things done, as in a most stately Temple of the Gods; more particularly, a painted gowne for the most part, was his garment, when hee lay downe feasting, saith Macrobius, (Saturnal. 3.13.) from the authority of Salustius: about the same time they did conquirere altilium enormem saginam, as Tertullian phrazeth excellently that excesse (de Poenit. cap. 11.) or rather I will speake more to the purpose in the words of Tertullian (lib. de Pallio cap. 5.) Aufidius Lurco primus saginâ corpora vitiavit, (it may be, he speaketh of their lar∣ding of meates) & coactis alimentis in adulterinum provexit saporem; which later words can be understood of nothing else but the enforced cramming; which is not so kindely wholesome or pleasing a taste, as when naturally they feede themselves fat, as God taught them to eate; rather than as man compelleth them; Aufidius Lurco was the first, who by larding, and cramming, gave the flesh of creatures a new, but more adulterate savour.

PAR. 3.

ANd thus we cast our eyes on their wearing apparrell, which is the second point inquireable. Seneca (in Thyeste, ver. 953.)

Libet & Tyrio saturas ostro Rumpere vestes;

that is,

It pleaseth me, in sunder for to pull My robes, with Tyrian dye drencht to the full.

What the Romane Court used, Seneca imputeth to the Graecian: and perhaps justly: Martiall (14.154.) saith,

Ebria Sydoniae fuerat de sanguine conchae,

Their wollen robes were drencht, as in a flood, With the Sydonian shell-fish-purple blood.

And their Wooll, which was dyed in Tyrian, or Sydonian colour, was drunke with the liquour of the shell-fish; as Seneca, before, sayd, they were glutted with it: behold the excessive gluttony, and drunkennesse, even in their Scarlet-colours: Plinius (4.48.) saith of old, they were wont to dye their wooll, and cloathes, with so divers and sweete colours, that the cloath did equall the best of flowers, or herbes: purple, and scarlet, was the robe of their Senatours, that extraordinary robe, distinguishing the Patricians, from the Plebeians: optatus (lib. 5.) cum pretiosus inficitur color, Natura saepè convertitur; dum continctione vellus candidum purpurassit; sic alba lana Regalem transit in purpuram; that is, the nature of wooll seemeth to be changed, when it is richly dyed; the candide fleece is impurpled by the intinction; and the white wooll is turned into the Royall scarlet. So, scarlet was the peculiar ornament of Kings, in other Countries. Seneca (de tranquilitate, cap. 1.) non spendeat toga, nec sordeat quidem; let not thy garments be too rich, nor base neither: it may be he gave advice to the time for moderation, and repressing excessivenesse: I am sure Nero forbad the use Amethystini, ac Tyrii coloris, of violet and purple-colour, saith Suetonius (lib. 6.) and vestes auratae, cloth of gold was forbid to any, except to Emperours, Princes, or great ones; when before the use was over-com∣mon: cloth of silver was called vestis Attalica, as invented in Attalus his domini∣ons; and cloth of silver; yea, cloth of gold was worne by the Romane Knights: Tibullus (Eleg. 1.) speaketh of a victorious souldier, and horseman,

Totus & argento contextus; totus & auro, Insideat celeri conspiciendus equo:

that is,

Him on a swift Steede placed, you might behold, Clad whole in cloth of silver, and of gold.

After the Empire was setled in the Caesarean Line, ryot did over-flow, but the more sober behaviour of the Ancients, disliked such intemperance, and curbed them, decreeing Leges Vestiareas.

PAR. 4.

THe third, and next steppe is, to consider the Bed-ornaments of the Jewes, the good housewife so much commended, cloatheth all her houshold with scar∣let, Prov. 31.32. she maketh her selfe coverings of tapestry: Salomon his bed, (on which he did discumbere) was covered with purple, Cant. 3.9. though it bee read in our last translation; Salomon made him a Chariot (a bed, as it is in the Margin) yet the precedent words of the seventh verse, Behold, his bed, and the subsequent words, ver. 10. The middest thereof, being paved with love, for the daughters of Jerusa∣lem; inforce me to thinke it was not meant of his Chariot; but is meant of his bed: the Hebrew word (Aphirion) being no where else in Scripture, affordeth conjecture to many interpretations: Kimchi, and Jarchi, S. Ambrose, with others, expound it, per Thalamum, aut lectulum, a bed; others reade Conopaeum, or conopium, of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Canopie: most certaine it is, that Salomon had most choyse, costly, and curious Bed-ornaments; in so much, that the comeliest, and fairest among wo∣men, Cant. 7.8. was compared to the Curtaines of Salomon, Cant. 1.5. After this Abasuerus perhaps imitated Salomon: for at his feast were white greene, and blew hangings, fastned with cords of fine linnen, and purple, to silver rings, and pillars of marble; the beds were of gold and silver, upon a pavement of red, and blue, and white, and blacke marble, Est. 1.6, The representative whore in Ezekiel, sate up∣on a stately (or honorable) bed, Ezek. 23.41. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. sedisti in

lecto pulcherrimo, as Ʋatablus rendreth the 70. sedisti super lectum honorabilem, as hee rendreth the Hebrew; and expoundeth all thus: In thoro egregio, vel pulchro, benè ornato, & inclyto; which the common whore interpreteth, Prov. 7.16. saying of her selfe, I have decked my bed, with coverings of tapestry, with carved workes, with fine linnen of Aegypt, and she perfumed also her bed, ver. 17. This was long before Romulus was borne; and therefore if the Jewes, in our blessed Saviours time, were so excessive in their chamber, and bed-ornaments; they borrowed not those fashi∣ons, of the Romanes which themselves used long before; but the Romanes imitated the luxurie, and prodigality of the Iewes, and other Easterne Nations.

PAR. 5.

I Might spend much time, if I reckoned up all that may be said, either of the wo∣mens aboundant cost, in adorning their Idolls; or, of the sacred attire of the Le∣vites, Priests, and especially the High-priest, and the Tabernacle; briefely thus, 2 King. 23.7. In the house of the Sodomites, women wove hangings for the grove, Ezek. 16.16. Of thy garments thou didst take, and decke the high places, with divers co∣lours; Thou takedst thy broydered garments, and coveredst Images; Ezek. 16.8. The I∣dolaters cloathed their Images, with blew, and purple, Ier. 10.9. yea silver spread into plates, is brought from Tarshish, and gold from Vphaz, the worke of the workeman, and hands of the founder: Tenues, & subtiles bracteae, seu crustae inducur∣tur ligneo simulacro, quibus imbracteatur; that is, their woodden Images are curiously over-laid, and embellished with gold foyle: that I may speake in the phraize of Ammianus Marcellinus: concerning sacred ornaments: Aarons holy garments, were for glory, and beauty Exod. 28 2. so were the garments of his sonnes, verse 40. made, and wrought, by all that were wise-hearted, whom God had filled with the spirit of wisedome, vers. 3. At the making of the Tabernacle, they offered gold, silver, and brasse, blew, purple, and scarlet, Exod. 25.3. &c. see Exod. 39, 2. &c. and they made the tabernacle, with ten curtaines of fine twined linnen, and blew, and purple, and scarlet; with Cherubims, of cunning worke; Exod. 26.1. And not onely the doore but the very Court of the Tabernacle, was inclosed with rich, broad, and long hangings, Exod. 27.9. &c. And for the very gate of the Court shall be an hanging of 20. Cubites of blue, and purple, and scarlet, and fine twined linnen, wrought with needle-worke: Moses used purple, and scarlet wooll, to besprinkle things sacred, or to make them sacred, Heb. 9.19.

PAR. 6.

BUt I descend to the wearing apparell of the Jewes: the Jewes had varietie of apparell, (I thinke I may say above other Nations) fitted to all occasions.

• 1. For gifts.
• 2. For appearance in publique.
• 3. For disguise.
• 4. For Mortifica∣tion.
• 5. For feasting.
• 6. For severall ages and degrees in wonderfull plenty.

• 1. Joseph gave Benjamin, five changes of rayments, Gen. 45.22. Naaman brought with him as a present, ten changes of rayments, 2 King. 5.5.
• 2. Iosephs garment was changed, and he shaved himselfe when he appeared before Pharaoh, Gen. 41.14. And Pharaoh arrayed Ioseph in vestments of fine linnen, or silke, ver. 42. So Daniel was cloathed with Scarlet, by Belshazzar his Command, Dan. 5, 29. and Mordecai was cloathed with the royall apparell which the King did weare, Est. 6.11.
• 3. Saul had rayment for disguise, 1 Sam. 28.8. and Ieroboams wife in all likehood 1 King. 24.2. the widdow of Tekoah put on a new mourning apparell, 2 Sam. 14.2. when she undertooke to be a curious Masker.
• 4. In sorrow, squalid apparell was used; Zech. 3.3. Ioshuah the high-priest was cloathed with filthy garments, and God promised him, saying, I will cloath thee with change of rayment: David lay, all night upon the earth, 2 Sam. 12.16. and afterward changed his apparrell, and came into the house of the Lord, and worshipped, ver. 20. In adversity also many lay in sacke-cloath, and ashes, Est. 4.3. &c.

Cloath of sackcloath was worne in dayes of

tribulation, Revel. 11.3. Yea, it was next their very skinne, Iob 16.15. I have sowed sackecloath upon my skin; penitents sate in sacke-cloath and ashes, Luke 10.13. Iacob rent his cloathes and put sackecloath upon his loynes, Gen. 37.34. Hierome (Epist. ad Lucinium; fol. 69. literâ, 〈◊〉〈◊〉.) saith, ego insignia paupertatis, & quotidiana symbola, id est, signa poenitentiae tibi, & sorori tuae, nisi, quatuor Ciliciola apta proposito, & usibus vestris; that is, I have sent thee, and thy sister 4. hayre-cloathes, or Sacke-cloathes, the ensignes of poverty, and liveries of dayly pennance, fit for your use, and purpose: for hayre-cloth, or sacke-cloath was the induments of penitents. 5. Eccles. 9.8. Let thy garments be alwayes white, saith Salomon; where he speaketh of times of joy, and feasting, as appeareth both by the precedent, and subsequent verses: be alwayes neate, handsome, cleanely; but especially, at mirth, and feasting; alwayes white; not alwayes white; as whitenesse is opposed to blackenesse; but as white is taken for well-coloured, shining, exquisite; and is contra-distinguished to base, beggerly, sordid, or foule; Salomon had linnen yarne, brought out of Aegypt; the Kings Merchants received the linnen yarne, at a price, 2 Chro. 1.16. So that they might frame the cloth, according to their owne desires: other phrases are used, Iam. 2.2. &c, goodly apparell, and gay-clothing, is contra-opposed, to vile ray∣ment: Philo lib. 2. de vit â Contemplativâ) saith, the Iewes are wont to feast in white apparell, which in likelihood they practised, from the cited place of Salomon; yea, saith Philo, the very attendant waiting-boyes, at those their feasts, were tenuissimas & candidissimas praecincti tunicas, clad in very thin and white garments; anteriore parte, ad genua demissas; posteriore ad poplites; the fore part reaching to the knees, the hinder part to their hammes: The Lord threatneth in the day of his Sacrifice, (which was commonly a day of feasting) to punish such as are cloathed with strange apparell, Zeph. 1.8.) which may be well interpreted of such as weare not apparell appro∣priated to the Sacrifice, answerable to that of him, who was punished for not ha∣ving a wedding garment; unto this place of the Prophet Zephanie, might our Sa∣viour allude, in that parable, Revel. 3.18. I counsell thee to buy of me white rayment that thou mayest be cloathed; the wicked woman, Ezek. 23.40. decked her selfe with ornaments, against the feast of her lovers: Pelagius was wont to say; Gloriam ve∣stium, & Ornamentorum Deo esse contrarium; the glory of vestments and ornaments, is contrary to God. S. Hierome (in his first booke against him) poseth him thus; quae sunt rogo, inimicitiae apud Deum, si tunicam habuero mundiorem? I prethee what offence is it to God, if I weare, on my backe an handsome garment? The linnen of the Spouse was fine, cleane, white, Revel. 19.8. Was not Salomon, being cloathed in his royall apparell, heard of God, and accepted at the Dedication of the Tem∣ple; both publickely, by day, 2 Chro. 7.10. and secretly by night, ver. 12. aswell, if not more than any other, who wore meaner apparell? Was not our blessed Savour, his coate of an extraordinary texture, or working? yet, none ever so accepted, as He: for in him was God well pleased, supereminenter: Hierome (ad Eustochium) vestis nec satis munda, nec sordida, & nullâ diversitate nobilis sit; that is, let not thy garments be over-nice, nor yet sluttish, nor variegated like a Peacocke, with divers colours. I judge this passage mis-printed: It ought rather, as I guesse to be reade; Vestis nec nimis munda; since, non satis munda, doth signifie little else; but sordida, & maculata; and mundities, or cleanelinesse, was alwayes allowed for good; though nicenesse, and over-neatnesse bee, in excesse, and faulty: a foule imputati∣on hath beene cast, by the seeming grave Spanish, on the French; and on the English especially, for new-fanglednesse, and dayly-varyed shapes, and fashions of their apparrell: But Ribera, (on Zephan. 1.8) saith the Spaniards are Hujus vani∣tatis supra modum studiosi, qui suis relictis, aliarum Nationum vestibus utuntur; the Spaniards are exceedingly vaine, to follow the fashions of other Nations, and leave their owne guise: his fellow Jesuite Christopher Castrus, on the same place, taxeth the same Nation of the Spaniards, for the same point, of following the hu∣mours of other Nations, in their apparell: In quo vitio maximè sunt Hispani, qui ve∣stibus, & idiomate gentium, quibuscum agunt, delectantur, that is, the Spaniards, of

all other are most to blame to delight in the like apparell of other Nations, and to use their language: This I observed that I may wipe off part of the blot, from the English, for their imputed affection of new-fangled apparrell. 6. Concerning the diversity of garments, for severall ages, and degrees, among the Iewes; I may truely say, Versicolores vestes, & acu-pictae; Raiment of needle-worke, with diverse colours, were in great use, with the Iewes, before Rome was ever heard of: the ve∣ry youth of Ierusalem were brought up in scarlet; Lam. 4.5. Phrygionicae vestes, the Phrygian needle-worke wrought about, with divers colours, was worne as is men∣tioned Psal. 45.13.14. The Kings daughter is described as adorned with them: So Tamar, Davids owne Daughter, being a Virgin had a garment of diverse colours upon her: for with such robes were the Kings daughters, that were Virgins appa∣relled; 1 Sam. 13.18. The good hous-wifes cloathing is of silk, and purple, Pro. 31.22. Ezek. 27.20. They had precious cloathes for Charets: likewise more especially the valiant men did weare Scarlet, Nah. 2.3. Sisera his mother expected, that he should have spolium tincturarum, spolium tincturarum acu intertextum; tinctum his intertexta, as it is, in the Hebrew, Iudg. 5.30. A prey of divers colours, of divers Colours of needle∣worke; a prey of divers Colours, of needle-worke on both sides, meete for the necke of them, that take the spoyle; as our last translation rendred it: So then, about their neckes, they wore those glorious Ornaments, like Collars of SSSS esses: soft raiment was the clothing of delicate persons, in Kings houses, Matth. 11.8. Purple-ray∣ment was on the Kings of Midian, Iudg. 8.26. Captaines and rulers were clothed, in blue, Ezek. 23.6. Gabriel Palaeotus (de sacris Consistorii Consultationibus, pag. 369.) maintaineth from Augustine his authority; quod deceteos, qui aliis praesunt, glo∣riosos, in conspectu populi apparere, nè, si nimiae dejectionis servaretur humilitas, regendi frangeretur authoritas; that is, it behoveth them, who are set over other, to appeare glorious, before the People; lest by over-much humility, the authority of govern∣ment be broken in peeces; but part of that gloriousnesse consisted in gorgeous ap∣parell, as besides what is above written, may be seene, by Isaiah his description of Christ, Isa. 63.1. and Act. 2.21. Herod was arrayed in royall apparell, Jam. 2.2. A rich man is described by being in goodly apparell; and Mordecai went in Roy∣all apparell; Est. 8.15, Compendiously thus: the severall uses, and employments of manifold garments, among the Iewes, and others of former times, pro re natâ, as occasion guided them, may be imagined by the infinite store of them, then hea∣ped up; and this store may be found in the wicked mans wardrobe, Iob. 27.16. Though he beape up silver as the dust, and prepare rayment as the Clay; he may prepare it, but the just shall put it on, ver. 17. God promiseth apparell in great abundance, to the Israelites, Zech. 14.14. and yet, upon abuse, the women are taxed for their ex∣cesse herein, Isa. 3.22. are reckoned up changeable suites of Apparells, and Man∣tles, and wimples, and fine linnen, and hoods, and vailes, ver. 23. Ezek. 27.24. They were rich, in broydered worke, and in chests of rich apparrell.

PAR. 7.

NOw, let us closely grapple with Pererius, in these 3 points.

• 1. First, who changed their clothes, at their feastings, first, the Iewes, or the Romanes? Pererius saith, the Iewes tooke up this fashion from the Romanes; yet hee hath not one shadow of proofe: But I have manifested that the Iewes did at such times of feasting, change their apparrell, long before ever the first stone of Rome was layd; and that the Romanes did imitate the fashions of the Iewes, and other Easterne Na∣tions, in apparell and feasting.
• 2. The second point from Pererius his words is questionable, whether the Romanes had on them, one onely vestment, when they feasted? I answere, if Pererius meane; they had onely, one feasting vestment, I will not dislike him; but since he saith from the authority of the statues, that for the most part, that onely vestment was upon their bare, or next to their skinne; hee shall give me leave, to dissent: and to conclude from his owne words, since the statues were onely so, magnâ ex parte, for a great part; it is probable, from a great

• part of, and other statues; they might have more cloaths, to cover their naked bodies: againe as they might have but only one feasting garment, & that only on their bodies, in excessive hot weather, so it is likely they had more than one garment, to keepe a∣way the cold; their evenings being naturally coole; & their suppers being taken late, in the Evening.
• 3. The 3 point disputable, from the opinion of Pererius is, whether that place in the parable, Mat. 22.1.
  • 1. A man had not on a wedding garment, doth prove; that the Iews had only one garment, on their bodies, when they feasted; he saith, this is plainely signified, in that parable: I distinguish, the feasting garment was one∣ly one, for every one; yet is there no signe, or footesteppe of proofe, that the Iewes had onely one vestment a peice, on their bodies at their feastings.
  • 2. Though the intruder were most justly punished; because he had not on the Nuptiall indument, yet it is a sound proofe (and he is not condemned for it) that he came to feast in his owne cloathes (as others were wont.)
  • 3. Suppose the Iewes had on them onely one garment, at their Nuptiall feasts; yet, it is not to be evidenced, that they had it in their other sacred, or civill feasts; for their ceremonies varied, Ezek. 16.7. &c.

God speaketh to Ierusalem, and alludeth even to their marriage ceremonies; yet intimateth more garments, then one on them; thou art come to Ornament of Ornaiments, or, excellent ornaments; I clothed thee with broydered worke; I gir∣ded thee about with fine linnen; I covered thee with silke; I decked thee also with ornaments; thy rayment was of fine linnea, and silke, and broydered worke; of thy garments, thou didst take, and decke the high places; and tookest thy broydered garments, and coverest them: Christ's practise is most plaine against it, Ioh. 13.4. Christ rose from supper, and layd aside his garments, and tooke a towell, and girded himselfe; and ver. 12. After he had washed their feete, and had taken his garments, he sate downe againe; it is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, garments, in the plurall number, in both verses: againe, here at this great sacred feast: there is no mention of any especiall feasting indument: I acknowledge that both the Iewes, and after them, the Ro∣manes after their purifications, Pedilavians, or bathings, did put on cleane cloathes, oftimes: but there were both some bathings, without feastings, and many feastings, without bathings; and neither feastings, nor bathings, were alwayes accoutred, with change of vestments; and different were the fashions, at Sacred feasts, from those, at civill feasts: we reade indeed, Mark. 14.51. There followed Christ, a young man; having a linnen-cloath cast about his naked body; and he left his linnen cloth, and fled from them naked: Yet this was not a feasting or Nuptiall garment; but seemes to be a bed-syndon, caught-up, on the sudden; When the putting on of his other apparrell, would have bred more delay, than the young man would in∣dure; in that whirle-wind of state, against our blessed Saviour.

PAR. 8.

BUt concerning the Nuptiall garment instanced upon, by Pererius; and the infe∣rence thereon; let us heare the testimonies of our adversaries, and his friends: Barradius (Tom. 3. pag. 483.) thus; solebant Convivae vestibus indui coenatoriis; quibus induti sumebant cibum linteati; that is, the guests were wont to bee clad, with supping or feasting garments; and these being on, they tooke their meate, in ano∣ther linnen-indument; which garment is here called the wedding garment; because at marriage feasts, all discumbed, clad in syndons; and in the end, (though some∣what enterfering, with his owne former words) I doubt saith Barradius, whether this custome were among the Iewes, for we are not to ascribe the Romane customes to the Iewish Nation: and herein, as also in the plurality of vestments, he crosseth Penerius; who will have this Romane custome to be imitated by the Iewes: Fran∣ciscus Lucas Brugensis, speaking of the young man, who ranne away naked; and holding it very unlikely, it should be S. Iohn the Evangelist; who using this syndon, for a supping garment, forgot for griefe, to put on his dayly garment, holdeth it incredible (to say no more) Apostolis fuisse vestis coenatorias, alias, â quotidianis, aut ••o•• c••nasse amictes syndons, super nado, ut nibil amplius dicam, saith he, that is, that

the Apostles had supping garments, different from their usuall apparell; or, that they did sup, with onely a linnen garment, upon their bate skinne: if Pererius his best friends forsake him, and leave him naked; it is no matter of censure; if I mani∣fest his manifold mistakings: Mine owne opinion is this; Concerning that Nup∣tiall-garment, it was not all, and wholly alike, on every one; nor exactly of the same cloth, stuffe, linnen, colour, cost, length, or breadth; the poore and little short people could not have it, or have it sitting, as the rich and taller people had: what if I should thinke? that the nuptiall garment was some choycer garment of any kind, linnen, stuffe or wollen, silke or velver; or any other chiefe indument; oppo∣sed to dayly or sordid, bare, ragged, or cheape apparell; different from the ordi∣nary wearing; set apart, for sacred or civill feasting? whereby, they might testifie, their unusuall, good respects; and credit both the bridegroome, bride, and them∣selves: And so the delinquent instanced in, by Pererius, might justly be cast into outer darkenesse; for comming in sordid, torne, or common apparrell; when hee had costlyer and better: for there were few but had some cloathes better, than other: arguit impudentiae, (saith Hierome) quòd vestis sordida munditias polluerit nuptiales; that is, he doth checke him for sawcinesse, that would presume to disgrace; the nuptiall cleanelinesse, with his slovenly garments: and yet the guests were ta∣ken, de sepibus, angulis, & platêis, and from the very high-wayes, whose poverty might not excuse them, from having a wedding garment. So much if not too much of the fourth Parallell, or comparison; which Pererius idly, and groundlefly; even in this his most elaborate worke maintaineth, that the Iewes borrowed from the Romanes the custome of feasting-apparell; whereas the Iewes did weare white-feasting-garments; before the head of Tolus was found; or Romulus borne into the world. Pardon (good Reader) my former prolixity; and I promise, to be more briefe, with Pererius; in the subsequent points.

The Prayer.

INfinite, and incomprehensible God; thou art cloathed with light, as with a vest∣ment; and with immortality, as with an everlasting garment; I doe not desire to be cloathed in soft rayment, nor precious attires; to cover my nakednesse, my un∣cleannesse: Let my humble desire be heard, at thy mercy seate, that I may be cloa∣thed with the wooll of the immaculate Lambe of God; and bee arrayed in the cloathes of Christ; that I may partake of his blessing, and be accepted for his sake; and not reprooved for wanting of the wedding garment, at the feast of the Lambe with his Spouse: say Amen, O blessed Saviour; and let all the Children of the Bride-Chamber (whom it concerneth) redouble, Amen, Amen.

CHAP. XXI. The Contents of the one and twentieth Chapter.

1. Pererius his sift Ceremony; Bodily posture: the ancient Jewes, and Romanes sate at feasts.

2. Discumbing at feasts.

3. Pererius his 6. Ceremony omitted.

4. Pererius his 7. Ceremony; supping, on high-beds: The woman standing behinde Christ.

5. Pererius his 8. Ceremonie; feasting bare-footed: washing of feete practised, in Abrahams dayes.

6. Pererius his 9 Ceremonie, lying in the bosome: Abraham's bosome.

7. Pererius his 10. Ceremony; highest roomes, at feasts; the Chiefest guests, sate in the cheif••st and highest roomes: which place, in discumbing was the highest? whether Christ,

in the Supper, at Bethanie, sate in the highest-roome? Christ had the middle-place; and is sayd, most commonly, to be in the middest: highest in situation, not alwayes highest, in dignity.

8. Pererius his 11. Ceremonie; three on a bed: Triclinium, whence so called: How many beds, at feasts: Σ, sigma, what it was: Biclinium: How many guests, on a bed.

9. Whether Christ and his 12. Apostles, at his last Supper, discumbed, on three beds.

10. Order of discumbing: Iesuites, in this point, dissent among themselves; Faire col∣lections from the Scriptures, lawfull.

11. How farre the Apostles discumbed, the one from the other.

12. The words, dividite inter vos; not to be understood, of the Eucharist: edentibus illis, interpreted: Eucharist instituted, after the Paschall Supper: Christ gave the bread, and wine to his Disciples severally.

13. Pererius his 12. Ceremonie; the Romanes and Jewes ate in Common: the Ro∣manes huge Platters, Aesop's, Vitellius Platters: Trojan Boare.

14. Romanes, and Jewes, in their feastings, had divers dishes: the Romane car∣ving of foules: Aegyptians, and Jewes great Platters: M. Anthonies immania po∣cula: Vessels of the Sanctuary, vessels of desire.

15. Romanes did lye, not sit on beds: discumbing, Pererius affirmeth, deuyeth it: Romanes Suppers at times, continued, from night till Morning: Romanes changed their Posture, in discumbing: Rosinus his description of the Romanes discumbing: ancient Romanes temperance, at feasts: Romane fashion, in drinking at feasts.

16. Pererius his 13. Ceremony: the Romanes, in their feasts appointed; Magistrum potandi; Regem vini; modimperatorem: the manner of the Graecian, and Latine jolly drinking.

17. The Epitome of all Pererius his twofold mistaking: the Conclusion directly, a∣gainst Pererius.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

THe sift point singled out, by Pererius, wherein he saith, the Iewes obser∣ved the custome of the Romanes, concerning their bodily Posture, in their feasting. 1. Pererius acknowledgeth that the ancient Iewes at sup∣per, and feasts did sit: Eccles 31.12. If thou (sit) at a bountifull Ta∣ble; Prov. 23.1. if thou (sit) to eate with a Ruler: Iudg. 19.6. The Le∣vite and his Concubine (sate) downe, and did eate and drinke both of them together, 1 King. 13.20. They (sate) at the table; Gen. 43.33. the brethren of Jo∣seph (sate) before him, 1 Sam. 20.5. To morrow is the new moone or Kalends, and I should not faile to (sit) with the King, at meate; Exod. 22.6. The people (sate) downe, to eate and to drinke; and rose up to play; so farre Pererius. Let me adde, the Apostle citing that place of Exodus, readeth it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they sate downe, which shaketh off tricliniary accubation, and properly signifieth Session. 2. The ancient Romanes were wont to (sit) at feasting, saith he,

Perpetuis soliti Patres considere mensis,

saith Virgil. that is,

It was their guise, in ancient Time, To sit at boords, when they did dine.

And Pererius grounds himselfe on Philander, and Mercurialis: Marcus Varro indeed and Servius affirme, that both men and women among the Romanes, anciently sup∣ped (sitting) in processe of time, the men did (lye) along, at their feasting, and the women (sate) still, at last both men and women, lay along on beds, when they sup∣ped, and feasted: he addes, Virgil, at the latter end of his first booke of Aeneids,—Pictis discumbere lectis,—To lye along on painted beds; This last autho∣rity addeth no force to the point of (sitting) at feasts, but rather weakeneth it: Secondly let me adde, in all those places of Canonicall Scripture, the Radix Jashah is used, which seldome, very seldome, by it selfe, proveth discumbing, but sitting. Thirdly, more places may be added, Prov. 9.14. She (sitteth) at the doore of her

house, on a seate, in the high-places of the Citie: Ier. 3.2. In the wayes hast thou (sate) for them, which two places cannot possibly bee interpreted, of tricliniary accubation: Lastly, in 1 Sam. 20.5. it is doubled Iashab, Esheb, sedendo sedebo, by sitting I will sit.

PAR. 2:

THirdly Pererius saith, the Iewes in Christs time, did not feast (sitting) but (dis∣cumbing) praeter morem Romanorum, quem ipsi tum imitabantur, contrary to the usance of the Romanes, whom they did imitate: the mis-printing of (Praeter) is the least fault, it should be, juxta, propter, or secundum morem Romanorum, quem ipsi tunc imitabantur, according to the usance, &c. as the sense convinceth, and his sub∣sequent proofes declare: fourthly, the Romanes feasted and supped, Non sendentes inscamnis, vel sellulis, sed accumbentes in lectis, not sitting upon benches, formes, stooles, or chaires; but lying along on beds, saith he, as he proveth by many authors, and by the Marble Statues to be seene in divers Palaces of Italy, sternantur lecti, Cae∣ciliane, sede, saith Martial. (8.67.)

The discumbing-beds are fit, Pray good Caecilian sit.

Not onely (out) of Supper-time, as here, but even (at) supper, sometimes was Session, even in the midst of accubation, upon the beds, as the woman in Ezekiel, Veiashabt, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sedisti in lecto pulcherrimo, she sate even on a stately bed, Ezek. 23.41. yet the stately bed on which she sate with a table prepared be∣fore it, as there followeth in signe of a feasting bed, is also called ver. 17. the bed of love, into which the Babylonians came to her: So Hest. 3.15. the King and Ha∣man, Iashbee, (sate) downe, that they might drinke: As I easily grant this manner of Jewish and Romane feasting, so, nor he, nor any of his, shall ever bee able to proove, that the Jewes did take up that custome from the Romanes; though perhaps, in some few or small Ceremonies, of their feasting, some few who had beene at Rome, or were inwardly acquainted with the Romanes, might conforme themselves to the Romanes: For not onely other Asiatickes, but the very Iewes used that cu∣stome, before ever Rome was thought of: much lesse will it ever bee evicted, that the Iewes in their Sacred Paschalls, had any resemblance, with the profane feastings of the Romanes, which is the maine point now in question. See the first booke, (7. Chap.) what there I prove or disprove.

PAR. 3.

THe sixt point, wherein Pererius intended to shew, the assimilation or corre∣spondence of the Iewes, unto the Romanes, either he quire forgot; and so I must let it dye with him; or he did not marke it, or mis-marked it; and then it hath its answere under one of the other points.

PAR. 4.

SEptimò, saith he, the Romanes were wont to sup, and feast; & accumbere in altis lectis, seu thoris, to lye-downe, on high-beds, Inde thoro Pater Aeneas sicorsus ab alio: Christ also did sup, at the Pharisees house, on an high bed: for the great sinner, Luk. 7.38. Stood at his feete behind him, weeping, and began to wash his feete with teares, and did wipe them with the haires of her head, and kissed his feete, and anoyn∣ted them with the Oyntment: Id autem fecit (saith Pererius) non procumbens, necgenibus nixa, sed (ut dixit Lucas) stans retrò, secus pedes ejus; quò evidenter ostenditur altitudo lecti, in quo discumbebat Dominus, that is, she did not that falling downe, or kneeling on her knees; but (as S. Luke saith) standing behind Iesus, at his feete, by which word, the height of the bed, on which our Saviour lay, is plainely shewen: First, to the word of S. Luke, in which the pith, and marrow of his Argument consisteth: I say, with Lucas Brugensis on the place: the participle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, stans, or standing; is not ne∣cessarily

to be taken, as opposite to lying downe, or sitting: It may be taken, for any Posture; ut sit idem quod existens, & manens, and may signifie, being, or remai∣ning; as it often used: See Psal. 34.3. Who shall stand in his holy place? Yea (saith he) we may not doubt, but that she cast her selfe downe, on the ground, to the feete of Jesus; which did either touch the earth; vel non perindè alte distabant; or were not very high above it; which killeth Pererius his opinion, in the eye: Cy∣prian (in Serm, de ablut: pedum) goeth further, saying; suum etiam caput sternebat calcandum pedibus Iesu,, pro suppedaneo; she layd downe her head under Christs feete instead of a footestoole, for him to tread upon; though the scripture mentioneth not, either her falling downe to the ground, or her offering her head as a foote∣stoole, to be trod or trampled on, by our blessed Saviour; yet, that holy extasie of Repentance, might carry her, so farre, or farther: Maldonat, fellow Jesuite with Pererius, saith of her, Non dicitur stetisse, quod rectâ in pedes steterit; stetisse, id est, constitisse dicitur; she is not sayd to have stood, because she stood upright, on her feete; but she is sayd to have stood; that is to say, to have beene there; the dis∣cumbing bed was not so high, that the woman standing upright, did kisse his feete, and wiped them with the haires of her head: Mine owne opinion is, she used the humblest gesture, that a contrite soule could suggest unto her; if she did cast her selfe downe to the ground, as was usuall, in adoration, if she rose on her knees, and wept, and prayed; yet because the principall posture, was, her standing, (though even standing, she might stoope, and weepe, over the feete of our blessed Saviour, and wash, and wipe, and anoynt them) it is sayd she was (standing) and stand shee might in that sort, though the bed were very high: againe, that Christ lay, on an high-bed; and that the custome of feasting, on high beds, was taken from the Ro∣manes, by the Jewes: Pererius will never be able to demonstrate. Lipsius saith, Mensa collocabatur rotunda, humilis; there was placed, a low round Table; how then were the Toralia, alia? or the Torus, altus? how was the bed high: sith the beds were not higher than the Tables? That the Romanes used at first round Tables; I will confesse with Lipsius, but that then, they had their faire discumbing beds, and from them did eate the meate, on those Tables; I will not beleeve; if the Table were round; or (which is lesse) of an ovall forme; the beddes must be framed, in such sort, that the conveniencie of eating, at those roundish tables, might not be hindred; but they must all come to their meate, at a faire proportionable distance; and so one side of a bed, at least made some what round, and orbicular, to come neere to the round table; or else one who was farther off, must reach, and stretch himselfe, more than others did; to take hold of his meate: but I have not read in profane History, of the sides of their beds, made hollow and concave; or propor∣tionate in roundnesse to their tables; nor doth Romane antiquitie mention, that or Table, or beds were so inequally framed, that it were paine and trouble for some to come to their victualls, and easinesse, and pleasure to others; such feasting was never generally observed; it would have bred strife for the easier places; whereas their maine endeavours aymed at content, and all were fellowes at feasting: againe, one Swallow makes not a summer; one proofe evinceth not a custome, or fashion; and it yet remaineth, to be evinced by Pererius, that the Romanes had higher discum∣bing beds, than the ancient Iewes: Lastly, though I cannot directly evince the Negative, that Virgil had no ground, but his imagination, for high-beds, in those ancient times; yet I held it probablest, he Poetized in that point, rather than histo∣rified; writing 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, at large; rather than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, verity, in exactnesse: but supposing all perfect truth: Pererius his collection is not sound: for if Aeneas, a great governour, did lye downe and discourse from an high-bed; it followeth not that others then did so: and as I sayd, if other Latines, Trojanes, or Romanes, or Jewes in Christs time, did so; or (if they did) that they did so in imitation of the Romanes.

PAR. 5.

EIghtly, saith Pererius, solebant Romani coenaturi, & cónvivia inituri priùs detrahere sibi sole as; & nudis pedibus accumbere: the Romanes when they were about to goe to Supper, or to feast; were wont first of all, to plucke off their patens, and to lye downe bare-footed; Christus etiam in ultimâ Coenâ, nudos Apostolorum pedes la∣vâsse creditur; & Magdalena nudos coenantis Christi pedes lavis, & unxit; Christ also at his last Supper, is supposed, to have washed his Apostles bare feete; and Mary Magdalen did wash and anoynt the bare feete of her Saviour Christ, as he was at Supper? I answere to the phrase; why not rather, Lavit, than Lavâsse creditur? especially, sith it is expressely sayd, Ioh. 13.12. that Christ washed their feete, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Lavit pedes eorum, saith their owne Vulgar; Mary Magdalen washed not his feete, so properly, as Christ washed the Apostles: but to the maine; though both Iewes, and Romanes were wont to feast bare-footed, yet Pererius makes it not good, that the Jewes borrowed the Custome of the Romanes; which ought, chiefely to be handled: poore Cotta, to prevent farther stealing of his shooes (as he pretended) and yet to be like others at, or in, their Suppers;

Excalceatus ire coepit ad coenam;

Martial. (12.89.)

He'gan to goe unshod to Sup.

And Martial. (3 49.) Deposui sole as,—I doffe my sandalls; at a feast of Ligurinus: Servi soccos detrabunt—Lectos sternunt, coenam apparant; my Servants plucke off my Pinsens; they make the bedds, and provide Supper; saith Menedemus (in Heau∣tontimor. Act. 1. Scen. 1.) Nor can we fairely suppose, but both Mary Magdalen washed Christs naked feete; and Christ washed the bare-feete of his Apostles; nor was the pedilavium of the Romanes so ancient, as the Custome of the Jewes: In Abraham's time, was there use of it.

PAR. 6.

NInthly, the Romanes were wont at their feasts, to place below them, neare their bosome; their Children, or deare friends: So did Christ to Iohn, the chiefe-disciple, whom Christ loved; Ambrose, Nonnè tibi videtur Christus incidisse in collum Ioannis, quandò Ioannes erat in sinu, cervice recumbens reflexâ? Doe not you thinke, that Christ leaned on Iohns necke, when Iohn lay, in his bosome, looking backe∣ward? So farre Pererius: I answere, that granting all this to be true; yet Pererius his maine intendment proceedeth lamely, that the Iewes did so, in imitation of the Romanes; yet, is it likely that from the custome of discumbing on the breast of their friend, in their Suppers; was the phrase, borrowed of being in Abrahams bo∣some; yea even that divine speech, in which it is sayd, that the Sonne came out of the bosome of his Father, Ioh. 1.18.

PAR. 7.

Decimè, Rex Sacrorum, who was chiefest among the Romane Bishops, in, their Episcopall Suppers, which were most stately, and excessively profuse, posses∣sed the highest of the middle bed, none lying above him: Likewise, the Iewes, as places of great honour, amant primos recubitus in coenis, Matth. 23.6. the upper∣most roomes, at feasts; as our Translation rendreth it; and therefore they were much desired, by Pharisees: and truely, Christ, in the Supper, made to him, at Bethanic, lay downe in the first, and highest place of the bed; for Mary Magdalen could not have powred the Alabaster boxe of Oyntment, on his head, if Christ had laine in the middle-place; nor would Iohn have lyen in his bosome, if Christ had beene in the lowest place of the bed. So farre Pererius: I answere, what hee saith besides; that Christ perswaded the guests, who chose out the chiefest roomes, not to sit downe, in the highest roomes, Luke. 14.7.8. But to sit downe in the lowest roome, ver. 10. seemeth to proove that Christ himselfe did not affect

the highest roomes (and perchance possessed it not) for he would not goe against his owne advizoes, nor practise that which he faulted in the Pharisees. Indeede, it is a well-weighed argument of Pererius, that the resting of S. Iohn upon the breast of our Saviour, both shew that our blessed Saviour Iesus Christ did lye above S. Iohn: But that Mary Magdalen could not powre the Oyntment on his head, if Christ had sate in the middle part of the bed; I see no reason to perswade it: Sure I am, one sinner stood at his feete behinde him; and began to wash his feete with teares; and did wipe them with the haires of her head, and kissed his feete, and anoynted them, with the oyntment, Luk. 7.38. And it is as sure, that a woman, having an Alabaster boxe of very precious Oyntment, powred it on his head, as he sate at meate, Math. 26.7. and it was her intention to anoynt his body, Mark 14.8. and it is most likely she did so; for she came aforehand to anoynt his body to the buriall: but at their burialls, they were anoynted all over; and she anoynted the Lord with Oyntment, Iob. 11.2. Nor see I any thing to the contrary, but wheresoever any one lay in any bed, or any place of any bed, their heads, bodies, and feete, might be anoynted by them, who stood behinde them, if they would bee at the cost and labour, and if the discumbent would permit it, the beds were not so broad, but they might reach over them: that some place was higher and some lower, on those beds, or, that some were chiefe, some meane, is confessed. They chose out the chiefe roomes, Luk. 14.7, there was a lowest roome, vers. 9. and an higher, above the lowest, ver. 10. and an highest roome, ver. 8. which was above the higher, and the comparative degree might be manifold in its latitude. That the chiefest place was due to Christ, in very many regards, wheresoever Christ supped, none will de∣ny, that the prime place was offered unto him (for the most part) if not alwayes, I verily beleeve: But some assume it as a truth, that the middle place was the chie∣fest in dignity: Cicero (lib. 9. Epist. ad Familiares in the last Epistle) telleth of a merry supper, that he was at, in Volumnius Eutrapelus his house, that Atticus lay above Cicero, and Verrius below him; yet Cicero was in dignity above Atticus: and in the luxurious Supper of Metellus, pontificis maximi, the Arch-bishop so called by Macrobius (Saturnal. 3.13.) though the Triclinia lectis eburneis strata fuerant; the Parlours were adorned with beds of Ivorie, and both the Antipast and supper are set downe, with almost incredible particulars; yet which is the highest place, or chiefest roome, is not described: Nine were on two beds, it is likely, foure on the one; Quintus Catulus, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, D. Syllanus, Cajus Caesar, Rex Sacrorum: and on the second were five men, Pub. Scaevola Sextus, Quinius Cornelius; Pub. Ʋolumnis: Pub. Albinovanus; & Lucius Iulius Caesar Augur: In tertio Tri∣clinio, were sixe women: foure Vestall Virgins; Popilia, Perpennia, Licinia, Aruntia; and the wife of the Arch-Priest, and Sempronia, one of their mother-in-lawes; yet, who sate highest or chiefest in either of these tricliniary beds, is, rather to be gues∣sed-at, then determined: But, I stand not much on these things: and yet it stan∣deth with faire likelihood, that Christ tooke not the highest place for the reasons, before-mentioned, and for his great humility: for as he would be baptized of Iohn, though Iohn had neede to be baptized of him, Matth. 3.14. And as he sayd unto Iohn, suffer it to be so now, for thus it becommeth us, to fulfill all righteousnesse; whereupon, John suffered him, ver. 15. Likewise, he might doe in giving the up∣per-place to one of his Disciples or friends; and might alleage the same reason, and then who durst deny him? especially consider the Sonne of man came not to bee ministred unto, but to minister, Matth. 20.28. in which regard also he condescended to wash all his Apostles feete; even Iudas his also, and subjected himselfe, and wit∣nessed a good confession, under Pontius Pilate, 1 Tim. 6.13. For Christ was rich, yet for your sake, he became poore, that ye through his poverty might be rich, 2 Cor. 8.9. Luke 22.27. I am among you as he that serveth; all this, and more than this did Christ doe, to give his Disciples examples of humility, & to take them off, from that ambitious humour, which so oft he found fault withall in them, even that very night, Luk. 22.24. Barradius saith expressely, Christ had the (middle place) of the bed, which

was the chiefest place; Peter was above, Iohn beneath in Christs breast, yet mee thinkes, somewhat more might be sayd, not altogether improbably for Christs be∣ing in the middle place, at Supper, as he was in other things, at other times: I omit, that he was the second person in the Trinity; that he was the great 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Mediator betweene God and man; nor stand I upon this point that hee saith; where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the (middest) of them, Matth. 18.20. For it is not spoken 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, bodily, or locally, but Metaphorically, and by a figure: More appropriate∣ly, Christ sate in the (middest) of the Doctors, Luk. 2.46. After his Resurrection Jesus stood in the (middest) of his Apostles, Ioh. 20.19. So, the doores being shut, Iesus came, and stood, in the (middest) Ioh. 20.26. After his Ascension Christ was in the (middest) of the 7. golden Candlestickes, Rev. 1.13. and walked in the (mid∣dest of the 7. golden Candlestickes, Rev. 2.1. and in the (middest) of the throne, and of the 4. beasts; and in the middest of the Elders, there stood a Lambe, Revel. 5.6. To con∣clude, I see no proofe; that the highest in situation, was the highest in dignity: For Salomons mother was not above him, though she was on his right hand, 1 King. 2.19. and Zebedees children were to have beene below Christ, if Christ had granted one to be on the right hand, and another on the left. Secondly, I see no proofe that Christ was the highest or uppermost on the discumbing bed. Thirdly, I see no proof that this was the Iewish custome, that the chiefest man should have the highest place: Pererius his owne words are, Iudas discubuit in primo loco extremi lecti, qui proximus erat Christo, ad sinistram ejus; that is, Iudas lay in the highest place of the lowest bed, which was next to Christ, on his left hand; yet who dare say Iudas Iscariot was any way above the 4. Apostles, who are presupposed to lye under him? Lastly, if so it were, I see no proofe, that the Jewes borrowed that fashion from the Romanes: I must be briefe and passe over to another matter.

PAR. 8.

THe eleventh point insisted on by Pererius, standeth on these diverse branches. 1. The Romanes feasting, lay 3. on every bed; and all the guests were a tri∣ple-trine, for the honour of the nine Muses; yet, Non rarò, often (saith Pererius) 4. or 5. did lye on one bed; concerning foure on one bed; Horace saith,

Saepè tribus Lectis videas coenare quaternos,

that is,

Oft times you may see 12. on 3. beds sit, On each bed 4. and 4. themselves they fit.

Againe, though the Romanes were wont to make 3. beds, at a feast; from whence the place of the feast had the name of Triclinium; yet sometimes 4. sometimes 5. beds were made, even to 10, yea, to 30. as Philander: so farre he. I answere, all this discourse is full of generality, ambiguity, and if not totall impertinencie, yet no∣thing to his maine purpose; that the Iewes imitated the feastings of the Romanes: let me rove a little after the Rover: about Vespasianus his time, they had but one bed called sigma, Σ, from the forme thereof: the Greekes, and after them the La∣tines named it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, stibadium; so Plinie, and this incompassed three sides of the feasting Table: Martial. (10.48.)

Stella, Nepos, Cani, Cerealis, Flacce, venite, Septem sigma capit,—

that is,

Come to my house, you five be bold, My Table well will seven hold.

Idem. (14.87.)

Accipe lunatâ scriptum testudine sigma, Octo capit, veniat, quisquis amicus erit.

that is,

Accept this Table sent from me, Like a New-moone, tis shap'd you see; Eight guests, I know, it well will hold, Let every friend come and be bold.

Concerning the correspondence of guests to the Muses, it held sometimes, but the old adage cited by Alexander ab Alexandro (5.21. crosseth it; Septem Convivium;

novem Convicium facere; that is, seven make a feast; nine, a frey; when they had the fewest guests, they had not under three; when they were the most at their ordinary repast there were not above 9 at the same boord, on the same beds; yet extraordi∣narily, and at great feasts they had more discumbents, often they had but two beds: Plautus mentioneth, Biclinium, a Roome, wherein two beds, or two Tables stood: Iulius Caesar had his Biclinium, as he passed the Provinces; yet Suetonius, (pag. 35.) in Iulio Caesare, saith; he feasted dayly, Duobus Tricliniis; one, on which Cassocked Souldiers, with Philosophers, or Cloake-men did lye; on the other lay gowne-men and the chiefest of the Provinces: sometimes but one onely lay on one bed, saith Cicero (in Pisonem) onely Volumnius Eutrapelus, and his Cytheris lay on one bed, when Atticus, Cicero, Verrius, lay on a second bed; sometimes 4. sometimes 5. lay on one bed; the most usuall course was indeede, for three beds; see Alexander ab Alexandro (Genial. dier. 5.21.) Macrobius, at that great feast of Metellus, placed foure men on one bed, five on another, sixe women on the third bed: Lucius Ʋe∣rus Imperator, praeter exempla majorum, cum duodecem, solenni Convivio, primus accubuit; that is, Lucius Ʋerus the Emperour, was the first, that contrary to the custome of his Predecessors, sate at a great feast, with twelve in his company, saith Alexander, ibidem: I thinke I should puzzle any of Pererius his friends, to bring me a Patteme (if that of the Emperour Verus be not one) that five lay on one bed, five on ano∣ther; and but three on a thrid bed, as Pererius saith, Christ and his Apostles did.

PAR. 9.

THe second branch of Pererius his eleventh point, in Christs last Supper, it is beleeved, that Christ and his Apostles did lye, on 3 beds. I answere, it is well, he ascribes it to beleefe; no proofe infallible can be made; the most probable may be signed out, to be so: Secondly, when he saith, in Christs last Supper, as the words may be spoken, or written; if fairely interpreted, for the last night of refre∣shing, that ever he had, before his death, or, for the last meale, that hee are meate, with his Apostles: So Pererius had done more Schollar-like, more properly, more truely, to have distinguished betweene the 3. Suppers; the Paschall, the Common Supper; and the blessed Eucharist, which indeede was the last Supper onely; though also it may be stiled, the close of the great Supper, or the like, in the opinion of his owne friends.

PAR 10.

A Third branch is this; concerning the order of discumbing: in the middle-bed lay three: Christ in the first place; Iohn in the middle; Peter, in the third place: and therefore might fitly signifie to Iohn, that he might question Christ, con∣cerning the traytor; So Pererius: Aquinas more soundly reasoneth, that Petrus was remotus â Domino, Peter sate remote from his Master; and the Scripture is full, that Simon Peter beckoned to Iohn, that he should aske, who it should be, of whom hee spake, Joh. 13.24. Such beckoning needed not, if Peter had layen close by Iohn, and touched him; and if Peters head had reached to Johns breast, as Johns did to Christs breast, for such was their manner of discumbing, even in Pererius his owne judgement: but (beckoning) signifieth a locall distance, where speech cannot be so conveniently had, as might have beene, if Peter lay on the same bed, with S. John, and under him. Barradius is expresse, that Peter lay above Christ, and Iohn below him; Peter had the highest place, in that place, or bed, saith Maldonat; and Christ might lye, on Peters lap; as Iohn did on Christs, who can reconcile these discordant Jesuites? for the highest place of the lowest bed; which was nearest to Christs left hand, lay Judas: for so could Christ easily give him, the dipped sop, saith Pererius. Conjectures, when will yee leave off your vastnesse of conjecturing? I doubt not but they were so placed, that Christ might have given to any one of his Apostles bread; yea, or meate, if he would: nor was the distance so farre, but they might have reached one to another, if they had resolved, and stirred to doe so; especially

they, who lay on the middle-table. It is most true, what the Divine Saint Austin saith (Contra Maximinum Arianum, 3.3.) In the Scriptures, ex eo, quod Scriptum est debemus etiam colligere, quod non est Scriptum; from that, which is written, wee may collect that, which is not written; yet, we must not looke for Figges on the Vine; nor Grapes, upon the Olive-tree: the Genuine fruite, the unforced collection, the faire resultance, is highly commendable: Te••tullian (de pudicitia) satius est sa∣pere, in Scripturis sanctis, quod minus, quam contra; Humanae sapientiae pars magna est, velle quaedam nescire; that is, it is better, in the Scriptures, to be wise, a little too little, than too much; It is a high point of wisedome, in men; to be willingly igno∣rant of some things; or, to that effect, saith Iulius Scaliger: Basilius (in Regulis bre∣vioribus, regula 235. and 261.) Nè nos ingeramus ad ea, quae ad nos non spectant; let us not meddle, with those things, with which we have nothing to doe.

PAR. 11.

THe last branch of the eleventh Point, is more crooked, and out of the way, than the rest: Quoniam Apostoli (saith Pererius) diversis & dissitis locis discum∣bebant; proptereà, non potuit Christus, manu suâ omnibus, & singulis, eucharistiam ex∣hibere, sed dixit, accipite, & dividite inter vos: that is, because the Apostles lay in di∣vers, and severall places; therefore Christ could not deliver the blessed Eucharist, with his hand, to all, and every of the Apostles; but said; Take this, and divide it among you? I answer, they were not so farre divided one from another, but that, by Pererius his owne Confession (in the twelfth point) the Apostles are, out of the same platter with Christ, as is not obscurely signified, by those words, Matth. 26.33. and his parallel, with the Romane fashion, implieth so much. Secondly, though the Romanes had great dishes, very great; yet had they, at their Tables, more, than one dish; and ate of such meate, as they fancied, and not alwayes all, out of one dish; and, though the whole Paschall-lambe were placed in one dish (and that had need be a great dish; especially, if it were a great Lambe, and almost a yeare old (for they might chuse such an one) as I said before:) yet, I doubt not, but the sowre herbs were in another; and that, in the common and second Supper, there were more, than one dish.

PAR. 12.

LAstly, how supinely doth this great Scholler confound these Suppers! Suppo∣sing the blessed Sacrament, to be, whilst they were eating; either the paschall Lambe; or, of the second Supper, whilest they were discumbing, at the second boord together; of which, at large, hereafter. I thinke the Reverence; yea, the a∣doration due to Christ present; and by his opinion, due to the Sacrament, at the elevation; should have made him distinguish the severall Suppers; or, is it likely, that Christ would change, the old Sacrament of the Paschall-Lambe, into the more blessed Sacrament, of his body and blood, disannulling the former; and, till the worlds end, establishing the latter; and cause his Apostles, to shew no more devo∣tion, then they did, at their usuall repast? Or, did Christ say, Accipite, & dividite inter vos, take this, and divide it among you, as it is, Luke 22.17. because, Christ would not give to all, and every one of his Apostles, the Eucharist with his owne hand, as discumbing aloofe-off, from him: must this great Rabby Pererius, be put to his A. B. C? Must he be new catechized, in the Principles of Religion? What S. Luke saith; Dividite inter vos; was not any part of the Eucharist, which,* 1.298 in the same Saint Luke, is afterwards consecrated; both the Bread, ver. 19. and the Wine, ver. 20. but, it was part of the Wine, at the Paschall-Supper; which they were bid to take, and divide, betweene themselves, as appeareth from the 15. verse, to the 19. Indeede, both Saint Matthew, and Saint Marke, have it; edentibus illis, as they did eate; but, what saith that learned Franciscus Lucas Brugensts, on the words, Matth. 26.21. Edentibus illis? Non tam de comestione ipsa, hoc est, actu come∣dendi, quàm de convivio, hi•• sermo est; The Evangelist here speaketh; not so much of

the eating it selfe; that is to say, of the very act of eating, as of the Feast: and, on the same words, ver. 26. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as they did eate; Quod non de actu coenandi, aut comedendi, intelligendum est; sed de coenâ, sive convivio ipso; quasi diceret, Coena ad∣huc durante, mensa nondum ablata; non est verisimile, quod novum, & sacrosanctum corporis sui cibum, miscuerit Iesus, cum cibo profano. So he: which words are not to be understood, of the act of Supping, or of eating; but of the Supper, or Feast it selfe; as if he should say; whilst Supper did yet last; or, before the Table was removed: It is not likely, that Christ mingled the new, and thrice-holy meate, of his most blessed body, with profane meate: but, of this, againe, hereafter: I rather interprer, edentibus ipsis, before they were parted, from the feast, or, before they removed, out of that roome. Maldonate, on the words; they are not to be understood, Quasi durante adhuc Coena id fecerit, statim perana est, antequā surgerent, antequâm mensurae, & ciborum reliquiae removerenter; that is, as if Christ spake those words, whilst the Supper lasted; but presently, after Supper was ended; before they rose from the Table; before bread, and salt, and the fragments were removed: Beza dislikes not this Interpreta∣tion, quùm autem cibum sumpsissent, when they had done eating: for, it is cleare, that the blessed Sacrament was administred, after Supper; post agnum typicum, expletis epulis, corpus dominicum datum discipulis, saith the Ecclesiasticall Hymne; Ergo, post Coenam, & epulas omnes; therefore after Supper, and all Feasting, saith Barradius, (Tom. 4. pag. 64.) Luke 22.20. Likewise also, he tooke the Cup, after Supper; the word (likewise) implying; that after Supper also he tooke the Bread; Saint Paul, 1 Cor. 11.25. After the same manner, he tooke the Cup when he had supped. Lastly, to me it seemeth most probable; that Christ gave to every one of his Apostles present, a piece of that bread, which he brake into severall parcells, and gave the Sacramen∣tall bread to them himselfe, with his owne hand; and said, Take, Eate: but the wine was all, in one cup, and undivided, and all the rest might take it, one after an∣other; after he did perhaps give to one alone the Cup; as was the fashion among the Jewes; where, the master of the Family began, and every man did not take it particularly, from the hand of the Governour of the Feast; but, it went round, and one received it, in order, after another, and from another, in Orbem: and yet, per∣haps, the word (likewise) may import, that he did in like manner, by the Cup; as he did, by the Bread; for, he might reach it, to every one of them; thereby di∣stinguishing it, from all other Cups, and drinkings, as taken from his most sacred hands immediatly; and, by the same hands, given to every one of his disciples, that were present; wholly abrogating the old Sacrament; wholly superinducing, and establishing the most blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist: but of these things, more at large; if it please God, in the third Booke.

PAR. 13.

THe twelfth poynt instanced by Pererius; the Romanes ate all of the same platters, and in common, which seemed more civill, and friendly, saith, Pererius; and to that purpose, used great platters; Pliny (15.01.) mentioneth the vast charges of Aesop, the Tragedian; he paid for one platter, sestertium centies; and Aesop, the Tragedian his sonne, was so prodigall, ut uniones ace••o liquefactos coenis apponeret; he would have pearles dissolved in Vinegar, set before him, at Supper; as Pliny ob∣serveth. Tertullian (de Pallio) relateth of the same Aesops; the father, with costly, melodious, prating-chirping birds; sexcentorum millium patinam conflavit; the mea∣ning is, one dish of birds, cost him, sixe hundred thousand sesterties; whereupon. Saint Hirome, (ad Salvinam) giveth his seasonable Counsell; procul sint a conviviis tuis, aves; quibus amplissima patrimonia avolant; let not such birds be, at thy feastings, on whose wings most large patrimonies fly-away, and come to nothing: the sonne, to out-vye the father, Margarita vel ipso nomine pretiosa dehausit, ciedo ne mendiciùs patre coenasset; Dranke dissolved pretious stones, lest he should suppe more poorely, and more beggerly, than his father; and because, hee was most admirably pleased with the taste, he gave to every one of the guests, one dissolved

pearle, Margarite, or union, saith Pliny, (9.35. & 35.12.) & the foresaid Pliny menti∣oneth the capatious platters of Vitellius; which, for the immense, & huge greatnesse, Mutianus called Paludes, Fennes, Marshes, Mores, or Ponds: I answer, if those Table∣vessells had broth in them, or spoone meate, Mutianus fitly stiled them. Pooles; if dry meates did stuffe them up; he might have rather called them. Cookes-stalles, or Butchers-dressers. Certaine it is, the Ramanes used great platters, or rathercaul∣drons, than platters: Martial (13.81.) maketh mention of lata patella (though a broade-little-platter, is not so proper)

Quamvis lata gerat patella Rhombum, Rhombus latior est tamen patella.

When Martiall invited Iulius Cerealis to Supper (lib. 11.53.) one dish could not hold, the poore Poets meate; and the same Martial (10.48.) reckoneth up, at his feast, more variety, then could well be comprehended, in one dish: Martial (4.46.) Sabellus, at his Saturnalia, had store of diversities to eate, and Septenariam Synthesin, a neast of seven Cups, and had he but one platter? Plutarch (in Antonio) saith, not onely whole Boares were brought in, to their Tables, but all that was boyled, or rosted, was served in whole; therefore, they must needs have monstrous great dishes, to carry them in; yea Cincius, who perswaded the Fannian Law, objected as a fault, to that age, that they were served, at their Tables, porco Trojano; not with a whole Boare onely, at one time rosted and served in; but with a Boare stuffed in∣wardly, with other beasts; by pudding, or other delicates; and therefore called the Trojane Boare; because the Trojan Horse was so stuffed, lined, and great, and rea∣dy to burst, with armed men, saith Macrobius (Saturnial. 3.13.) and there, hee reckoneth, among many other things, before Supper, patinam ostrearum peloridum, a platter full of monstrous-great-huge Oysters; and at Supper, patinam pisicum, pa∣tinam suminis, a dish of fish, and a dish of tripes, with abundance of other meates; which, of necessitie, were to be in severall dishes: Pliny (lib. 33.11.) saith, there were in Rome, in his time, above five-hundred chargers, è centenis libris argenti; weighing an hundred pound weight apiece, of silver; and Drusellanus had so great a Charger, that, before it was framed, they first built a shop of purpose, to worke on it; the old former shop was too little; and yet, this Drusellanus was but a ser∣vant of Glaudius; which vast platters began, about the dayes of Sylla: Gellius (Noct. Attict. 15.8.) thus, praefecti popinae, atque luxuriae negant coenam lautam esse, nisi cum libentissimè edis, auferatur, & alia esca melior, & amplior succenturietur; that is, the Masters of Ordinaries, or Tavernes, and guides of luxury, say, it is no choyce supper; unlesse, even then, when you eate hartiest, that dish be tooke away, and o∣ther meate be brought, in the roome of it, and that meate be, both better and grea∣ter; and this, among them, was accounted, Flos coenae; the chiefe grace of a full supper: the same Gutnals maintained, that no bird might be wholly eaten, but such, as a Larke, or Nightingale; and, unlesse, there were such plenty of other birds, and crammed foule, that the guests might be fully satisfied, with their very rumps, and thighs, they held it but a poore feast; and that they had no palate, who did, or doe eate, any part of the wings, breast, or body: So much, out of Gellius from Phavorinus:

Aureus immodicis Turtur te clunibus implet;

Martial, (3.59. that is,

The golden-feathered Turtle doth thee fill; With her fat-swelling buttockes (fed with skill:)

Iuvenal, (Satyr. 5. ver,. 166.) speakes, as of a choise favour, that one should give—Aliquid de clunibus apri, a taste of his gammons; when as, to others, Ʋeniet minor altilis; others should be served, with courser fare: Seneca (Epist. 47. Cùm ad coenan∣dum discumbimus, alius sput a detergit, alius reliquias temulentorum subtus colligit; alius, pretiosas aves scindit, pectus, & Clunes, certis ductibus, circumferens eruditam manum, in frusta excutit; Infelix, qui huic uni rei vivit, ut altilia dicenter secet, nisi quòd mise∣rior est qui hoc voluptatis causâ docet; quàm quinecessitatis discit; that is, when wee lie downe to Supper, one servant wipeth away the spittle; another stoopeth

downe, and gathereth up the offalls, or remaines of such, as are drunke; a third carves up the costly birds; and guiding, here and there, round about, his skilfull hand (and crooked little finger) after a set, and constant forme of cutting, divides into severall pieces, the breast, and buttocks, that is, their thighes, and rumps; un∣happy man! who liveth onely, to carve up foules hansomely, and decently; but, he is more miserable, who (teacheth) it, for voluptuousnesse; than he, who (learneth) it, for necessitie sake: I will onely glance at that beastly monster of men, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that uncleane spirit, Tiberius Caesar; who created a Magistrate, called, forsooth, â voluptatibus; an Inventer, Procurer, and guide of new pleasures, fresh delights; as it is, in Suetonius: and though, these abuses were justly taxed by Seneca; yet, it grieveth me to say, but that, I both finde it so, and thinke that Sene∣ca, the Philosopher, was a very compound of Sin, as bad, as any, whom he disappro∣ved: Cornelius Tacitus (qui Antiquitatum canos collegerat, as Tertullian (ad Nation, 2.12.) phrazeth it; who gathered up the very hoary haires, which fell from Anti∣quitie; and was the best humane Historiographer (except, when he speaketh of the Iewes, or Christians) that ever wrote, relateth many observable passages concerning him: Suilius accused him, for defiling of a Princes bed, (An. 13.10.) and he was justly banished by Claudius, saith Suilius, ibid. and when Claudius was dead, he made a most spitish, and revengefull invective against him, in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; he was rayled at, by Agrippina her selfe, who pocured Seneca his returne from exile, for quarrelling, and debating the rule of the whole world (Annal. 13.3.) Suilius further accused him, that he had cozened men of their Legacies, and such also, as died without children; he was further complained on, by Suilius, that he had got, within foure yeares, two thousand thousand, three hundred fortie three thousand, seven hundred, and fiftie pounds; even three thousand times, three hundred thousand Sesterces, which a•• ounteth, of our Coine, to, 2343750. pounds; and though the informer Silius, was condemned into exile, yet, saith Tacitus himselfe, it was not without spot, or touch on Seneca his credit (Annal. 13.10. in initio) Seneca further, consented to the Paricide of Agrippina (Annal. 4.2.) (not considering, that if he killed his mo∣ther, he would not sticke at the murther of his Schoolemaster) yea, he was accused by others, that the thought, to winne the peoples hearts, and the report was, saith he, (Annal. 15.14. in fine) that Subilus Flavius, with the Centurions, in secret coun∣cill (not without Seneca's privity) had determined, that after Nero had beene slaine, by the helpe of Piso; Piso also should have beene slaine, and the Empire delivered to Seneca, as to one just, and upright; to this end, he made pleasant gardens,

—Magnos Senecae praedivitis hortos,

saith Iuvenal, (Satyr. 10.) and, in gardens, and stately buildings, he did almost exceede the Prince (Annal. 14.14.) but, what saith Seneca himselfe, in his owne defence; he confesseth in his Oration to Nero (Annal. 14.14.) that Nero had enriched him, with infinite wealth; and by confessing, that he was once content with a little, he secretly acknowledgeth, that of late, he was more covetous; and could not deny, but he abounded, in scope of grounds, and usury, in many places; (Italy, and the Provinces were drawne dry, by his excessive usury, Annal. 13.10.) and his usury extended even into our Bri∣tany, as Lipsius recordeth it; that he was dimmed, and dazeled with wealth, that he spent his time, in gardens, and houses of pleasure; that he could not sustaine the burthen of his riches, and longer; yet, when he was put (for being found ma∣nifestly privy to the conspiracy, Annal. 15.14. perhaps for the cunning affecting of the Empire) to death; almost, at the last breath, he complained against Nero; nei∣ther did there remaine any thing, saith he, to be done (Annal. 15.14.) after hee had murthered his Mother, and Brother, but that he should adde the death of his Master, and Tutor: but what saith Tertullian (Apologet cap. 12.) Seneca convitiatus est Deos, he railed at the gods; see a fragment of it, in Augustine (De Civ. 6.10.) from whom Lipsius hath taken it (Elector 2.18.) if hee jeered at the Romane gods, (or Idols rather) I commend him; Cyprian thus; Pudeat te eos colere, quos ipse de∣fendis; pudeat de iis tutelam sperare, quos ipse tueris; one may be ashamed to worship

those Gods, whom himselfe defends, or locke for helpe from them, whom your selfe doe helpe and maintaine; his master Tertullian (ad Natisnes. 1.9.) pudeat, deos ab homine defendi, it is ashame that gods should neede mans Patrimonie, and be upheld by them; yet while men continue the profession of the same Religion; it is unfit to mock at their own Religion but so did Seneca, who sheweth no token, any where in his un∣doubted works of approving the Christians, and rayleth down-right, at the Iews, as being Natio Scelestissima, likwise Cornelius Tacitus, doth lay cruell aspersions, both on Iewes & Christians; and calleth the Christian Religion, Maleficium; though he con∣fesse they were falsly accused by Nero, for firing Rome, (An. 15.10. And yet they were most direfully punished both day, and night: but you will say, his books are Divine? It is true, that never any profane Heathen man wrote better; though Gellius (12.2.) senselesly and horribly, profaneth his workes; but take my opinion withall; till hee saw himselfe decayed in Court-credit, or till he repented of his ill courses, he wrote none of his diviner workes; but toward his end, because his wealth could not up∣hold him, for the present; he layd a foundation for future estimation, by writing most excellent bookes, and Epistles; but in his flourishing times, he was very wicked; for Dion (in Nero's life) recordeth: Seneca was most Covetous, and that which was an effect of his Covetousnesse; he did unjustly accuse too many, unto Nero; and so begged their goods; and Dion accuseth him in particular; that Seneca played the Adulterer, with Iulia, the Daughter of the ever-honoured Germanicus, and was not his excesse abominable, when he had, as Dion saith, five hundred Caedar-Tables, standing on Ivorie feete, to feast upon?

PAR. 14.

THe Apostles also at the last Supper, ate out of the same dish with Christ, saith he, for Matth. 26.23. where Iudas is sayd to dip his hand with Christ in the dish: I answere, because he did, doth it therefore follow they had but one dish? and because (he) did so, did (all) so? and every one? The sawce of the Paschall-Lambe, was to be of divers sorts of herbes; who ever sayd, they were served in with the Lambe, in the same dish? Besides, they must needes have more Platters, to hold their second, or ordinary Supper, and the sawces thereunto belonging; such as was the dish, in which Christ dipped the sop before he gave it to Iudas; and the ordinary Supper was made up, both of the flesh of the Hearde, as well as of the fold, and could not conveniently be comprized in one dish. The Aegyptians used such great Platters, as may be gathered, from Cleopatra her banquers, and the Iewes had as great, and former correspondence with the Aegyptians, before the Romanes. Briefely, I doe not see any inkling of any great Platters, in Christs time, among the Jewes, save such ones, as might hold the whole Paschall-Lambe, but such Plat∣ters were, no doubt, even from the first eating of the Paschall-Lambe; which was long before the Romanes were a people or Nation: when Salomons dayly provision or for one day, was 30. measures of fine flower, and 60. measures of meale, and 10. fat Oxen, and 20. Oxen out of the Pastures, and an 100. sheepe, besides Harts, and Roe-buckes; and fallow-Deere, and fatted foule, 1 King. 4.22.23. I cannot chuse but thinke the Jewes had great Platters, and this was, before Romulus was borne: Neither did ever Romane King, Consul, or Emperour, for dayly provisions, come nigh Salomon; wherefore, the Iewes could not take this Custome, from the Romanes; but the Romanes might imitate the Iewes: twelve silver chargers were offered, Numb. 7.48. of 130. shekles weight, after the shekell of the Sanctury, and they must needes be great: afterward, Cyrus re-delivered to the Israelites, to carry to Jerusalem, 30. chargers of gold, a 1000. chargers of silvers; 30. basons of gold; silver basons, of a second sort, 410. Lastly, if we grant all this, yet is Pererius ne∣ver the nearer his maine conclusion; that they borrowed this fashion of the Romanes: Judg. 5.25. She brought forth Butter in a Lordly dish; Phialâ magnatum usa est, shee made use of a plate, fit for a Prince; which (saith Peter Martyr, on the place) was very great; Poculis enim peramplis, ac patentibus, insignes vini solent accipi: For great

men doe use to be entertained, in very great, and spacious cuppes, pieces, or vast drinking bowles. Cicero (in Antonium) mentioneth Anthony his immania pocula, vast drinking bowles, in Conviviis magnatum consuevê unt sub finem, afferri majora pocula; towards the end of the banquets of Noble men, greater cups did use to be brought forth: in Cratere insignium, in a goblet of Noble men, as Vatabl is hath it, making it to be a drinking-cup: Tremellius hath it, In simpulo magnificorum, in a Chalice of honourable magnificoes; or persons, id est, amplè, ut ad satietatembiberit; that is to say, saith he, that he might drinke his fill. All are in one errour; the Lordly dish was not to drinke in, but to eate on; who gives butter, in a great drin∣king vessell? The Lordly dish was either some great or costly platter: R. David kimki expoundeth it, in mine opinion, farre more likely that Iabel, after she had gi∣ven him drinke, now sets something for to eate: and in this sense Peter Martyr ex∣pungeth the word (phiala) which is often used for a (drinking) vessell, rather than an (eating) one; unlesse saith he, by (phiala) genus vasis intellexerimus, in quo & ipse Cibus apponi soleat; that is, unlesse (phiala) may be taken for a Platter, out of which we eate meate: in the great feast, or Supper, (as the 70. have it) which Belshazzar made to a thousand of his Lords, Dan. 5.1. though Belshazzar, and his Lords, his wives, and his Concubines did drinke, in such sacred vessells, as were fit, to con∣teine, and handsomely re-deliver the wine; yet, I presume they dranke not, in ba∣sons, and Chargers, of which they had store, from Ierusalem; and I doubt not, but they did also eate, out of such holy vessells, as were convenient to hold the meate; though so much be in drinking, and carousing, than in eating: Nor could this great feast be without great platters, and chargers: I am sure, some of the vessells of the house of God, were great; 2 Chro. 36.18. and are called goodly vessells, or vessels of desire.

PAR. 15.

THe close of the 12. point in Pererius his resemblances, is this; the Romanes did lye, not sitting on the beds, but stretched themselves along, resting on their left elbowes, or on pillowes, or cushions, sometimes with legges stretched out at length: now and then the hamme of the right legge leaning on the left knee; then with feete folded up interchangeably; at some times weaving one legge within ano∣ther, as if they sate on benches; that I may use the old words of Pemponius, in a bodily posture, and gesture, like to Taylours; and as Turkes, and other Easterne people use to sup, that is, crosse-legged: concerning this fashion he expresseth no∣thing of the Iewes imitation of the Romanes, Secondly, he denyeth and yet con∣fesseth the sitting on the beds; the truth is, the greater part of their time spent in feasting, they did lye all along; thence hath it the name of discubitus; yet because they could not so conveniently eate or drinke, lying at full length; as if they sate up, it must fairely follow, they did rise up, and sit sometimes also, as, sicke people with us, when they keepe their beds, are raised up right, or almost upright even un∣to their middle: that they may, as it were sit, and most commodiously eate and drinke: So did both Jewes, and Romanes; they changed their gestures, and postures, as was easiest for them; or else, we must acknowledge them, to be fooles; for nature delighteth in varietie. I would not wish one a greater torment, than to lye along all the feast time, without any manner of sitting up: their Suppers were some∣times, from night to morning, Martal, (7.9.) In lucem coenat Sertorius: Sertorius useth for to sup, till the night set, or, till darkenesse flye, and day be up: Martial, (1.29.)

Hesterno foetêre mero, qui credit Acerram, Fallitur; in lucem, semper Acerra bibit.

that is,

Who ever thinkes Acerra stinkes, with wine he dranke ore night, Is much deceiv'd; Acerra drinkes, untill it be day light.

If they had eaten, and dranke (lying along) it had beene a woefull Supper; it would rather have choaked them than afforded them delight, and ease; therefore as

they did, most an end discumbere, during their times of discoursing; so divers times they rested their bodyes on their elbowes; and their elbowes on pillowes, or cu∣shions; and at other times they sate upright; and they may be truely sayd to fit, even then when they are as truely sayd to lye on their beds: See what weapons, I used, in the sift grapple with Pererius. That I make not mine owne, ipse dixit, or affirma∣tion, for the guide unto errour; I have learned this, from that great Antiquarie Rosinus, who (Antiquit. Roman. 5.28.) describeth the Romane discumbing, partly from bookes; partly from monuments, thus they lay with their heads somewhat lif∣ted up, pillowes at their backes: If more lay upon one bed, the first lay at the head of the bed, whose feete reached behinde the backe of the second; the second mans necke and pole, being to the Navell of the first man, a pillow being betweene, and his legges lay at the backe of the third man; and so the third fourth and fifth; when they had ended eating, they layd downe their heads; on the boulster, and sometimes they sate bolt-upright: He who will see more rarities, concerning this point, let him have recourse to Dionysius Lambinus, in his edition on the fourth Satyre, of the 2. booke of Horace, who hath exceeded all other in this point: the same Rosinus (cap. 29.) saith, from Macrobius, and Plutarch; Ʋeteres foris coenitare, nec mensam omninò tollere, sed semper aliquid, super eâ reliuquere, consuevêrunt; our Ancestors were wont to sup, without doores, and removed not the Table, but alwayes left some∣thing upon it: Rosinus (cap. 30.) confirmeth another custome, which before I tou∣ched at from Peter Martyr; A parvis calicibus incipiebant & in capaciores desinebant; they began with small Cups, and ended in full bowles; Nature being glutted with great draughts, at the beginning, the feasters dranke the lesse, and if they doe but as it were kisse the cup, drinke a little at first; 4. spoonefulls, (which was the measure of a Cyathus) they might afterwards drinke larger draughts, and greater quantities: And they commonly used this forme of speech; Bene te, Bene me, Bene, &c.

God blesse thee, and God blesse me, God blesse our friends, and all the company.

Pitissando releverunt omnia mihi dolia, saith he, in Terence; concerning the women, by simpering, and sipping, they drew all the liquid linings out of my hogshead, or Tuns, (he saith not amphoras, which were 30. times, lesse vessells) they left no li∣quour, in the vessells, either greater wooden vessells, or lesse Jugges, or stone ves∣sells: who desireth to know more of these points, let him; saith Rosinus consult with Justus Lipsius, Hierome Mercurialis, Coelius Rhodiginus.

PAR. 16.

THirteenthly, saith Pererius; the Romanes, in their feasting, appointed Ma∣gistrum potandi, seu Regem vini, (for so they called him) a King of good fel∣lowes: That the Romanes had it (alwayes) thus, may be denyed, or for the most part may be justly questioned: as in ordinary feasting; the master of the family; or he at whose charge the feast was made, or his substitute, or especially deputed friend or the chiefest man, in esteeme was called the governour of the feast, (such a super∣intendant, was the Archi-Triclinus, in the Nuptiall-feast, at Cana of Galilee, Job. 2.8.) So I cannot imagine, this was practised dayly, at their suppers; but on some great momentuall occasions, they might have one; I meane, both Jewes and Ro∣manes, who might have such titles given unto him: In Varro, the Ruler of the Feast is called Modimperator: out of doubt, Christ was Rex Sacrorum, the King of the Ceremonies; which was a name of high account, given by the Romanes, to chiefe men: Christ was also Pater-familias; and the chiefest in the Tricoenium; and in a large sense, he who is Rex mundi, the King of the world, may be called, Rex Ʋini, the King of wine; but to intimate, (much more to say) that Christ was Ma∣gister Potandi, the master of drinking; or, King of wine, Rex Vini, in the Roman sense, doth derogate from our Saviour; and if Pererius apply it not that way; it needed not to have beene mentioned at all; when we speake of the Paschall-Supper:

I cannot passe by that heathenish observation; Numero Deus impare gaudet, God af∣fects not the Even, but the Odde number; and amongst men, their inclinations ben∣ded that way, in very many matters: in the very point of bibbing, and carousing, the Graecians had a kinde of diverbium; Plautus (in Sticho, Act. 5. Scen. 4.) hath it thus; Cantio est Graeca, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Tis a Greeke Caroll, drinke thou three, or else, five cups, end not thy quaffing, in foure cuppes: In the beginning of the same Scene, is the manner, and forme of the Joviall indulging, by the Romane Serving-men,—Cado te praeficio, Sticho, O Stichus, I make thee Ru∣ler, and master, over my wine, and wine vessell; and there, he intituleth him to be, Strategus Convivii, the Generall of the feast; then follow their familiar options, and frolickes; when they dranke, Bene vos, Bene nos; Bene te, Bene me, Bene nostram etiam Stephanium; that is,

God blesse you, and God blesse us, God blesse me, and God blesse thee; And may our sweete-heart likewise have, Life, health, prosperity, I doe Crave.

The Latines excesse of drinking (which began after the Jewish Compotations, and good-fellowship) I handled before; and so I quit this matter.

PAR. 17.

AS the Epitome of all; Pererius saith two things: first, I have disputed these things briefely, concerning the manner of supping, and feasting; of the old Romanes, and of the Iewes, in the time of Christ: he should have sayd of the an∣cienter Jewes, and latter Romanes; for it is most certaine that some of these cere∣monies were used by the Iewes, before Rome had a Being: nor hath Pererius ex∣actly proved; nay, scarce so much as probablized, that any one of these Jewish cu∣stomes was borrowed from the Romanes: Secondly, (saith he) I touched those points which may seeme to conferre much, to illustrate the History of Christs last Supper: I answere, if he understand by Ʋltima Coena all that was done at the three Suppers, in the night that Christ was betrayed, he speaketh somewhat to the point: But Pererius did not so much as dreame of the second, common, or ordinary Supper; and erred concerning the discumbing at the Paschall: and for the most holy of ho∣lies, the third Supper, the Supper of the Lord, the Eucharisticall Supper; Pererius against all authority, against sense, likelihood, reason, or devotion, avoucheth; that the Apostles tooke it, as they did discumbere on their beds; for who can thinke, that our most glorious, most wise Saviour, would sit on a bed, or lye on a bed; and then, and there, administer that heavenly banquet, the food, and refreshment of mens soules? who descended from his discubitory bed, in the second Supper, and put off his cloathes, and girded himselfe to wash the feete of his Disciples; was he more cleanely, in Ceremonialibus; or Moralibus? in Matters of Ceremony, or Mo∣rality; then reverend or Devout, in Sacris? in point of Religion?

—Credat Judaeus Apella, Non ego,—

Beleeve 't Apella, of the Iewish seede, It nere shall come into my Christian Creede.

Hac hactenùs: So much for this.

PAR. 18.

MY Conclusion is directly opposite to Pererius, and is thus briefely determi∣ned, viz. the Iewes in Christs time, did not either through flattery or emu∣lation, keepe the Romane fashion at feasts, and suppers; but rather the Iewes kept, their owne old custome, which the Romanes borrowed from the Graecians, and the Gracians from the Asiatickes.

The Prayer.

O Thou Aeternall truth, who knowest that in this Controversie with my adver∣sary; I principally sought after thy mistaken verities; not after any vanitie; I adore thee with my soule for such Patefactions; as thou hast vouchsafed unto me; and in most submissive manner beseech thee to pardon my errours; and to guide me in the true way, which leadeth to life everlasting; for Jesus Christ his sake; who is the way, the truth, and the life. Amen.

CHAP. XXII. The Contents of the two and twentieth Chapter.

1. How Christ with his 12. Apostles, kept his last Passeover: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: two Disciples prepare it: Christ with the 12. eate it: in the Evening, they sit downe.

2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 expounded: S. Matthews Evangelisme, written in Hebrew: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, its divers significations; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, interpreted: The Apostles, in the description of the Lords Supper, single out words, properly signifying, lying downe.

3. Our English Translatours excused.

4. Sitting Communicants censured.

5. As they did eate expounded.

6. The use of the word, Verily; Amen, its divers acceptions.

7. Future things are to others unknowne; to Christ knowne. The Table and its rites sacred, even among the heathen.

8. Judas not necessitated, to betray Christ: the manner of Christs detecting him, Traytor.

9. What was done in the first Paschall-Supper: Judas detected for a Traytour in a generality; Disciples enquire.

10. Judas discovered for a Traytour, in a mixt manner: good for Iudas not to have beene borne.

11. Thou sayest, is no full discovery of Iudas, to be the Traytour: Simon de Cassia his errour: Iudas, his treason not discovered till the second Supper; divers reasons thereof.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

HAving ended whatsoever I thought convenient about the Passeover; so farre as the old Testament directed, or explained, or as the volun∣tary practise of the Iewes was. The next part of my method leadeth me to handle how our blessed Saviour, with his Apostles observed this his last Passeover, (which most properly may be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Passeover of the Crosse) so far as the New Testament affordeth light. S. Marke describeth the Paschall Supper briefely: observe these things: first, although S. Luke saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Luk. 22.13. two Disciples went from Christ, to prepare the Passeover; yet in the Evening Christ came with the 12. Mar. 14.17. therefore they who prepared the Lambe, viz. Peter and Iohn, Luke 22.8. went forth to meete Christ; and went backe againe to him (whilest some o∣ther of the house tended it) to signifie, all was prepared; whereupon Christ knowing the Passeover was made ready, ver. 16. He commeth in the evening with the 12. not with 10. onely, but with the 12. Secondly, They sate, it is added, Luke 22.14. When the houre was come he sate downe: So they might be in the house before; and might both say and doe diverse other things; yet, till the exact appointed time of the Passeover, they sate not downe to eate it. Thirdly, he sate downe and the 12. Apostles with him, ver. 14. the circumstance of that number is exactly instanced upon also, Matth. 26.20. Though other where, it is likely that more than 12. did

feast with Jesus, Matth. 9, 10. Sinners sate downe with Jesus, and his Disciples, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Fourthly, S. Marke useth the phrase, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (as they sate) Mark. 14.18. which is all one in sense with that, Matth. 26.20. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he sate downe with them, both words being derived, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to sit downe.

PAR. 2.

I Cannot omit, how the learned doe interpret the word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Maldonate thinkes, that at the Paschall they did not discumbere but sedere: Barradius judgeth it more likely to be so: accordingly, our late translation rendreth it, he sate downe, Matth. 26.20. They sate and did eate, Mark. 14.18. He sate downe, and the 12. Apo∣stles with him, Luk. 22.14. Moreover, Irenaeus (31.1.) saith S. Matthew wrote his Evangelisme in the Hebrew tongue: and I am sure in the Hebrew Gospell, according to S. Matthew, set out by Munster it is sayd, he sate; Iashab gnal hashulcan, sedit ad mensam, He sate at the Table, as Munster translateth it; yet in the Greeke the words which properly signifie sitting are not used in the text, nor any one of them: the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is often used, when no (lying downe) can be understood, Matth. 19.28. When the Sonne of man, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, shall sit in his glory; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ye also shall sit; Mark. 10.37. grant that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; we may sit, one, on thy right hand, another on thy left; and (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) signifieth (sitting) at meate, as opposed, in my opinion, to (recumbing) Gen. 43.33. They (sate) before him; and in those times, it was not the Aegyptian guise, to lye all along at meate; Exod. 32.6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The people (sate) downe, to eate, and to drinke; which words are repeated, 1 Cor. 10.7. Nor were discubitory beds in fashion, in the wildernes: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, runneth to the same sense, Matth. 22.44. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (sit) thou on my right hand, excluding (discumbing) beds Matth. 26.69. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Peter (sate) without in the Palace; you must not thinke, he (lay) all along, basking himselfe against the fire; yet, Peter was warming himselfe, Mark. 14.67. and more expressely, Luke 22.55. The fire was in the middest of the Hall, and they (sate) downe together with Peter in the midst of them; for so runneth the Ori∣ginall; no likelihood at all, that he (lay) along: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, also, is so to be interpre∣ted, Matth. 26.55. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I (sate) dayly, with you, teaching;

Non (jacet) in molli veneranda scientia Lecto,

that is,

Knowledge, that brings men to renowne, (Lies) not upon a bed of Doune:

Nor did they teach, è molli Lecto, on a feather bed: Io. 4.61. Iesus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he not (stretch'd) himself, at length but (sate) on the well: Nor is the word (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) or its derivation, or descendents, once named, in the description, of the Paschall Supper; but the Apostles doe sin∣gle out such words, as principally import, lying along; S. Matthew, and S. Marke, the compounds of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the word used by S. Luke is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, He (sate) downe, Mar. 6.39. upon another occasion, the people are sayd, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to (sit) downe: and though it be sayd, in the time of the second Supper; after he was (set) downe, againe, Ioh. 13.12. where his thrice sitting is insinuated; yet the originall runneth, in that place, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was (set) downe againe; yet, Maldonate truely ex∣poundeth the meaning of both words; Evangelistae verbis (discubitum) significanti∣bus, significant (sessionem;) sicut nos nunc dicimus, Accumbere mensae, & in mensâ dis∣cumbere, cùm tamen sedeamus, non discumbamus; mutatus mos est recumbendi, verba re∣tenta; that is, the Evangelists, by words, which signifie (discumbing, or lying down) doe meane (sitting) as we now adayes say, to sit at the table, and to discumb, or lye at the table; when as neverthelesse, we doe (sit) and doe not (lye-downe) the manner or fashion of (recumbing) is changed; whereas we keepe the words still: Barradius also judgeth this opinion probable, Joh. 6.10. There was much grasse in the place, so the men (sate) downe in number about 5000. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Mark, 6.39. Jesus commanded them, to make all 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; (another word implying recubation) to (sit) downe by companies upon the greene grasse; the Interlineary erred, to interpret it, super viridi foeno, upon the greene Hay: Franciscus Lucas Brugensis thus; ut verbo (discum∣bendi)

vel (accumbendi) non necessariò significatur, quòd cubuerit, seu jacuerit Iesus, inter coenandum, (quanquam ea est propria verbi significatio) ita nec significatur necessariò, quòdsederit, praesertim semper, quasi non potuer it aliquando stetisse; sed quòd convivio af∣uerit; quòd ex eâ, ad quam accesserat, mensâ, caenam sumpserit, nunc stans, nunc sedens, pro opportunitate—vox Syra, Semich, & stanti, & sedenti ascribi potest, significat enim proprie, innixum esse; quod quidem, tam de baculo, quàm de lecto, vel scamno, potest acci∣pi: that is, as by the word of (discumbing) or (accumbing) we are not necessari∣ly, to understand, that Iesus (lay downe) at supper time, (although that indeede, be the proper signification of the word) so, neither is there any necessity, enfor∣cing us, to say; that he (sate,) at least that he sate (alwayes) as if sometimes, hee might not also (stand;) but the meaning is, that he was present at the Passeover; be∣cause, he supped, at that Table unto which he came; sometimes standing, sometimes sitting, as occasion served.—The Syriacke word Semich may be applyed; either to him that standeth, or to him that sitteth: for it signifieth properly (to leane upon) which may be understood, as well of a staffe, as of a bed, or of a forme or boord: and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they (sate downe;) in rankes, by hundreds, and by fifties; these places, were no discubitory beds, besides the greene grasse; and yet the Holy-ghost, for∣beareth the properest words, for sitting, the Evangelist also doubleth the word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, in a sort, as they did, at feasts; to that effect, I thinke, the originall ought to be interpreted though our translatours, wholly skip the words, and render it onely by companies, though many thousands might be by com∣panies, which had no reference to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Piscator thus observeth, S. Marke (saith he) chap. 6. ver. 39. word for word hath it, banquetting companies, banquetting companies: it is a kinde of distributive speech; as above, two, two, in a company; So, in the verse following, rowes, rowes; the praeposition 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, per, or By, is under∣stood; so that the sense must be, by companies, that is to say, they were so distribu∣ted, into smaller companies, as they commonly use to be, at banquets, &c. See Pis∣cator farther (on Matth. 14. ver. 19.)

PARA. 3.

AS this is a faire excuse, why our English Translatours do use the word (sitting) throughout all their description of the Ceremonies, in the eating of the Paschall, though the words, in the Originall doe signifie no such thing, sensu primo, at first sight: for the learned translatours respected the sense, and significant meaning; not the propriety of the words; and in their very (discumbing) beds, there was (sit∣ting) as I noted before, and though we should grant that most of their time was spent, in discumbing; yet sitting was in likelihood the next lasting Posture, and (un∣der it) in much practise.

PAR. 4.

SO, thē madnesse of some people, is hence apparent; who will (fit) forsooth at the receiving of the thrice Sacred Eucharist, because Christ is sayd, by Matthew, Marke, and Luke to (fit) at the eating of the Paschall-Lambe; nor, have they ought to insist upon, but the English Originall; upon whom a just seducement hath fallen, for being deceived by an indifferent translation of such whom they will not, they dare not trust for a faithfull interpretation; whilst they will be lead onely by the evidence of the spirit, but, let them take heede, it be not a blacke spirit, transfigured into an Angell of light: I ever suspected any spirit, who shall offer to lead me into matters beyond my Capacitie as God knowes, the Common-peoples capacity; and the floating imaginations of boyes and girles, Apprentises, and mo∣noglosses, cannot be, (as such) stewards of the Mysteries of God.

PAR. 5.

THe fifth Puncto, expressed by S. Marke 14.18. is this. As they did eate Jesus spake; no doubt some at that instant did not eate, and to those perhaps, Christ principally spake those words; they might pawse a while; others did eate, and yet harken also; yea chiefely harken, yet fall againe to their meate: and it seemeth Christ both are, and yet chose a fit time, to speake; One of you, who eateth with me, shall betray me, ver. 18. Ergo, he ate; and yet it may seeme probablest, that Christ spake not much, of the act of their eating; but spake onely of them, as they were Convivae, or Convivatores, eaters together with him: Beza. (on Matth. 26.23.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, He that dippeth his hand with me, in the dish; whether it be, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (as it is read, Mark. 14.20.) it is not to be taken, as if at the very time, when Christ sayd these words, Iudas his hand was in the dish, (for this had beene a manifest, and undoubted signe of the Traytour, as Erasmus rightly observeth, but it is to be referred, to the mutuall dayly eating together: I say, against Erasmus and Beza, the Apostles understandings being clowded with sorrow, or eclipsed, divinely, they did not take this for an unboubted remonstrance, as they suppose.

PAR. 6.

VVHat sayd our Saviour? Verily I say unto you, one of you, which eateth with me, shall betray me: all words of our Saviour, were full of verity; nor was one more or lesse true, than other, yet, all words of truth are not of equall weight, goodnesse, benefit, or consideration; therefore when remarkeable mo∣mentuall, or more necessarie marters are handled, the word (verily) is perfixed; and set as a Beacon upon an hill; as a Diamond, in a Ring of gold: and sometimes the word is doubled, Verily, verily, Amen; sometimes is a kind of Prayer, 1 King. 1.36. After David had declared that Salomon, should succeede him; Benajah sayd, A∣men; the Lord God of my Lord the King, say so too; and it was commanded to be used at the vote of the people, in cursing of sinners, Deut. 27.15. &c. and ever since used at the close of all Prayers in all Churches: likewise it signifyeth, a certaine asseve∣ration, next in firmitude to an oath; thus, 2 Cor. 1.20. All the promises of God is Christ, are yea, and in him Amen; the adverbe being put, for the adjective, truely or certainely: for true, certaine, and faithfull; Amen, in this place, signifieth no o∣ther thing but (assuredly) by which he raiseth up their attention, to observe some∣what more than ordinary.

PAR 7.

I Say unto you; future things are to others unknowne, but not unto me; others may be deceived, I cannot; though no man knoweth the beart of man, except the spirit of man; though mans minde be volubilis, & deambulatoria, usque ad mort••••; slitting and roving even untill death; and what he purposeth one day hee altereth estsoone, and sometimes contradicteth, ere long; yet praescience Divine enlight∣neth me, assureth me; I say unto you, even among the heathen; the Table was coun∣ted sacred; and the rites thereof hallowed, and it was not onely a degree of friend∣ship, but of familiarity, and most inward love, to eate dayly together; and therefore Judas had the greater sinne, to violate the Lawes of Hospitality; the words are Emphaticall; one of you who eateth with me, shall betray me.

PAR. 8.

BY the word (shall) let no man thinke that Judas by a compulsory decree of God was violently drawne, and enforced to betray Christ; that his will was haled, or bound up in fatall chaines of impelling, and co-working necessitie: it was

indeed written, and set downe; that one of Christs company would betray him; but Judas was not compelled to doe so, though it were fore-prophecied, but it was fore-prophecied, because Iudas was known willingly, wittingly, & of his own accord, resolved to betray him: I thinke it may with lesse offence be read, One of you will betray me; concerning Christs manner of detecting of the Traytor, and the degrees thereof; because there were divers steps to it, both at the eating of the first Paschall Supper, as also divers times in the second Supper; suffer me to recollect, by way of an entire history: First, what was done, at the first Supper: then in the second booke, what was accomplished, at the second Supper.

PAR. 9.

IN the first Supper, there was a generall, mixt, especiall designing out of the Tray∣tor: In the generall, Thus; after Christ had voluntarily begunne, to open the gap; and said, verily, I say unto you, one of you that eate with me, shall betray me; it lessened their feares, that but one was the Traytor, but it troubled them all, that it was one of them; They beganne to be sorrowfull, Marke 14.19. yea, their sorrow tooke deepe roote, and sprung up▪ higher, and higher; They were exceeding sorrowfull, Matth. 26.22. Semi-mortui erant, they were halfe dead, (saith Chrysostome) Christs words, like a sword, piercing through their hearts; from this exceeding sorrow proceeded, the first disquisition, mentioned by S. Luke alone. Luk. 22.23. They be∣gan, to enquire among themselves, which of them it was, which should doe this thing; Iudas kept his countenance, was not appalled, looked, as if hee had beene innocent; the traytor was not manifestly revealed; things manifest; neede no se∣condary, after disquisitions, doubtfull things are the object of enquiry; and be∣cause, they could finde out, who was the Traytor, after they enquired among themselves, in more generall termes; who should doe this thing; they fell to a more particular, and distinct examination, proceeding, and saying one by one, Is it I? Marke 14.19. Erasmus expoundeth it, by qul intinxit, He that dippeth his hand; yet in Matthew, Marke, and Luke, is no word, that inclineth, as if Christ spoke of a deede, but rather present; In the third place, when all their search could not discover him, when humane endeavours failed; yea, every one said unto Christ, Is it I? Lord, Is it I? Matth. 22.22. Iudas, among the rest, here calleth Christ, Lord; as it is, in the Syriake, Mari Domine mi, My Lord; appealing to him, as to the judge of mens hearts, and interrogateth Christ, as the other Apostles did; our blessed Saviour answered the particular question, more generally; He that dippeth his hand with me in the Dish, the same shall betray me, Matth. 26.23. Origen thinkes, Iudas little thought, his heart had beene knowne; but, when he saw his conscience knowne to Christ; he embraced the opportunitie of lying hid under the doubtfull speech; the first arguing Infidelitie; the other impudency: and this is all one, with that, which is said, Marke 14.20. It is one of the twelve, that dippeth with me, in the dish; and both these agree with that, Luke 22.21. Beheld, the hand of him that betrayeth me, is with me, on the Table; for, he could not dip his hand, with him, in the dish, if his hand had not beene on the Table; and, all pointed, I thinke, to that, Psal. 4.9. Mine owne familiar friend, in whom I trusted, did eate of my bread.

PAR. 10.

THen followeth that fearefull menace to the Traytor (though then not per∣fectly knowne to the Apostles, yet, in a mixt sort, generall and undefinite) Woe to the man, by whom the Son of Man is betrayed; it had beene good for that man, if hee had not beene borne, Matth. 26.24. The Hebrewes want the degrees of comparison; It had beene good, that is, it had beene lesse evill: Augustine (lib. 2. de lib. Arbitr. cap. 7. tom. 1.) thus; Si beatus es, utique esse, quàm non esse, malles; & nunc miser, cùm sis, mavis tamen esse vel miser, quam ominino non esse, cum nolis esse miser,—non tibi di∣spliceat, imò maximè place at, quòd mavis esse vel miser, quam propteria miser, non esse;

quià nihil eris—qui mavult non esse, nè miser sit, quià non esse non potest, restat, ut miser sit; that is, if thou be happy, verily thou hadst rather (be) than (not) be; and now, though thou be miserable, yet hadst thou rather be, even miserable, than not to be at all, when thou wouldst not willingly be miserable; let it not displease thee, nay, let it exceedingly please thee, that thou hadst rather have a being, though a sorry miserable one, then therefore not to have a miserable being, that thou mightest have no being at all; He that had rather have no being at all, that hee might not be miserable; because, he cannot chuse, but have some being; it remaines, that he is in a miserable taking; and (in the beginning of the eight Chapter) Ab∣surdè, & inconvenienter dicitur, mallem non esse; quàm miser; it is an absurd, and un∣seemely speech, to say, I had rather not be, at all, than be miserable; but Hierome thus; Multò melius est, non subsistere; quàm malè subsistere; It is much better, not to subsist, or, to have no being at all than to subsist unhappily, or, to have a wretched being; Victor Antiochênus, in Marcum; Christ saith, it had beene good for Iudas, not to have beene borne, because of the horrid torments, which Judas was to en∣dure in hell; for, it is much better, not to have any being at all, than to be eternally tied to such miseries, and calamities; Lucas Brugensis reconcileth all thus; Al∣though it be impossible, that a not being should properly be chosen, or desired; yet, if it be considered, as a Privative, or exclusive from misery, so, it is apprehended as good; and (as such) it may be desired, though in it selfe it be nothing; yea, the mi∣sery may be so great, that a not being may be rightly, and reasonably preserred, be∣fore a very being: but, I returne unto the words, (Woe to the man, &c.) where hee doth not designe out the Individuall; non apertè affirmat, de quo quaeritur he doth not make, or shape a direct, and plaine answer, to the Question, saith Augustine; now, because none of those words did sufficiently enough declare the Traytor, (for divers might dip-together, with Christ; and, in likelihood, divers did dippe) yet, did they make the galled-horse, to winch; when Christ said, It had beene good for that man, if he had not beene borne; whereupon Iudas alone replied, Master, Is it I? Matth. 26.25. and Christ replied, Thou hast said.

PAR. 11.

VVHich words (Thou hast said) though they be an Hebrew Idiotisme, and plaine enough to those, that are skilfull, in that language; yet, in ano∣ther Language, they are ambiguous, and reserved enough; The Apostles now spake Syriacke, and perhaps, were not then acquainted, with the more learned pro∣prieties of the holy tongue; I acknowledge, that Matth. 26.64. and Luke 22.70. the words are to be taken, for the affirmation of a question; yet, it may be doubted; whether of malice, they did so interpret them; that they might the rather con∣demne Christ; I am sure, when Christ said to Pilat. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Thou sayst, Matth. 27.11. Pilat esteemed it not for an affirmation, for then he would, and must have condemned Christ, as publikely professing, He was King of the Iewes; and durst not have excused him (as he did) for feare of Caesar, his Master: The words, Thou sayest, are ambiguous; and, to any, to all of the Apostles; who likewise interrogated, Is it I? Christ might have sayd, Thou sayest; Christ could have sayd, O sordid, and wicked Judas, thou haste a long time, sate abrood, on this evill, and of late hast concluded for money; darest thou as an innocent man, interrogate me? to thy que∣stion, Is it I? take this answere, thou sayest; Terminos nobis, ac regulas tolerantiae figens & oblivion is injuriarum: Thou sayest the truth, or a truth; or the matter questioned may be here understood: a full and cleare light of detection, as yet shineth not, These are all the things, which S. Matthew, or S. Mark have recorded of the words, or deedes spoken or done, at the eating of the Paschall-Lambe: If any object that I leave the businesse of Judas imperfect, let him consider that our blessed Saviour, during the Passeover, and till that Supper was ended, did leave the designing of the Traytor, in ambigno: so that the Apostles knew, not perfectly whom Christ meant: they might perhaps upon some of those severall Indicia, or discoveries,

which Christ made, guesse at the Traytor, certaine knowledge of him they had not: Simon de Cassiâ thinketh Christ did purposely with-hold the Apostles, from under∣standing when he described the Traytor, lest they would have made a tumult: Aqui∣nas, & before him Theophylact, and Chrysostome thinke, Peter would have killed Iudas: yet Simon de Cassiâ might have remembred that our blessed Saviour could as well, and as easily with-hold his Apostles from a tumult, and Peter from killing Judas, as he could keepe the Apostles, from understanding, what he meant, by words, not very obscure; Barradius judgeth, that, if the Apostles had infallibly knowne Iudas to be the Traytor, they would have laboured to convert him. I answer, could not Christ himselfe have done it, more easily, if he would; and if they had laboured, to convert him; would Iudas have regarded their words, who regarded not the words of Christ; and who, after so many warnings, so many reproofes, and mena∣ces, intermixed also, with many kinde offices, done to him, by our Saviour; yet would not be recalled? I rather imagine, our Saviour, at the eating of the Passeo∣ver, made no exact, and perfect discovery of him; because, his sinne not full, and ripe, as then, his conscience might recoyle; and be on the stayes; he might doubt, feare, and vary from himselfe: but as Treason did grow upon his soule, more and more; so were the detections proportionable; and none beyond the present in∣tentions of Iudas, when our blessed Saviour spake: degrees of detection answered the degrees of Iudas his entertainment of sinne, and courting it; nor may a man doubt, but, at that instant, when Christ spake in the present tense 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, tra∣ditur, Is betrayed, Matth. 26.24. even then the Treason was in Iudas; often, before Christ had foretold them, he should be betrayed; when Iudas began, to undertake the Treason, Christ spake more clearely of it; and, the more his heart was hardened, the more did Christ detect him; but, a full discovery of the Traytor, was not cleare∣ly made to the Apostles, was not made at all; at least, till towards the end of the second Supper; though Iudas perhaps understood every word: but in the second Supper, you must heare more of this. He named him not, Ne irritaret cum, &, ut conscius agat poenitentiam, saith Hierome, lest he should stirre up his conscience unto Repentance. Leo (Ser. 7. de Pass.) Notam sibi esse proditoris conscientiam demonstravit, non asperâ, & apertâ eum increpatione confundens, sed leni, & tacitâ admonitione conve∣niens, ut facilius corrigeret poenitendo, quem nulla deformâsset abjectio; that is, hee made demonstration, that he knew well enough, what was in the Traytors conscience, in that, he did not reprove him sharpely, and openly; but admonish him gently, and privily; that so he might the more easily draw him to repentance.

The Prayer.

WHom have I, O Lord, in heaven but thee? and there is none on earth, nor a∣ny thing, that I desire, besides thee; keepe me ever, in this constant love; I beseech thee; and if thou vouchsafest unto me, but the meanest degree of glory; if I may but eate of the crummes that fall from thy Table; my soule shall be refreshed; and, I shall for ever, magnifie thy holy name, through Jesus Christ, my Mediator, and Advocate. Amen.

CHAP. XXIII. The Contents of the three and twentieth Chapter.

1. Christs hearty desire, to eate his last Supper.

2. The words (before) after, untill, unto, from, &c. are particles, sometimes inclusive, sometimes exclusive.

3. Donec, or untill, negatively used, de futuro.

4. Kingdome of God, what.

5. He tooke the Cup, not the Eucharisticall Cup: fruit of the vine, spirituall Nectar: Turkes place eternall felicitie, in sensuall Pleasures.

6. Maldonates error, concerning the Cup.

7. Spirituall Table-Talke, at Christs last eating of the Passeover.

8. Methodus rerum, aut Historiae, not alwayes observed, in Scripture: the Originall, of greatest authority: nothing to be altered, in the Scriptures.

PARAGRAPH. 1.

SAint Luke hath most considerable varieties; Christ said; With desire have I desired, to eate this Passover with you, before I suffer; that is, I have hearti∣ly desired, to eate it with you, Luke 22.15. Tertullian (Contra Marcion. 4.46.) rendreth it, concupiscentiâ concupivi; the reason of his desire, an∣nexed by S. Luke, which is omitted by all the other Evangelists; For, I say unto you, I will not any more eate thereof (donec) impleatur, (untill) it be fulfilled in the king∣dome of God. Luke 22.16. He meaneth not, saith the learned Lucas Brugensis, that he would againe at another time, eate the Paschall-Lambe (especially in the Kingdome of God) but, that he would eate it, no more, in this world; much lesse, Quando suppetet Pascha beatius, cibusque coelestis, in Regno Dei; since hee had a more blessed Passeover, and a heavenly banquet in the Kingdome of God.

PAR. 2.

IT is a true Rule, that not onely the prepositions, before, after, untill, unto, from, and the like; which denote, or signifie the bounds, & limits; either of time, or place; either initiall, or finall, and determinative, but all other descriptions, or circum∣scriptions of time, space, or place, are ambiguous, and sometimes include, sometimes exclude those very bounds assigned out: Before the day of the Passeover; the word (before) saith Illyricus, sometimes includeth, sometimes excludeth the very day of the Passeover; when it is to be understood inclusivè: the sense is, Ante diem Pasche terminatum, vel finitum; before the day of the Passeover, was terminated, or ended; yet commonly, it is used exclusivè so, after three dayes, Christ shall rise againe Marke 8.31. and, after three dayes, he said, he would rise againe, Matth. 27.63. by which expressions, is not meant that he would rise againe the fourth, fifth, sixe, or seventh day, or any time after that; but the third day is included, not exclu∣ded; for his Resurrection was fore-prophecied of, by Christ himselfe, that it should be accomplished, on the third day, Matth. 16.27. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 raised againe, the third day, and accordingly, it was performed: Christ rose againe the third day, saith the Apostles Creed: He rose againe, the third day, 1 Cor. 15.4. according to the Scriptures. After sixe dayes, Jesus taketh Peter, and James, and Iohn, and bringeth them unto an exceeding high mountaine, Matth. 17▪ 1. Marke 9.2. yet, is it varied, Luke 9.38. about an eight dayes after: The reconciliation is faire: the word (after) in S. Matthew, and Marke, excludeth dies terminales; It was not, in any part, or par∣cell of the sixe dayes; they were fully ended, and passed; but the preposition (af∣ter) in S. Luke, excludeth them: So Christ became obedient unto death, Phil. 2.8. and though the word (unto) be often exclusive; yet, because Christ came, not onely to the gate, doore, or chamber of death; but passed through them, and really, truely was dead; therefore, death is not here excluded, but included, in the word (usque) or (unto) 1 Sam. 15.35. Samuel came no more, to see Saul (untill) the day of his death (usque ad) that is, from the houre, neither before, nor then, nor after. I have the more insisted, on this Rulebecause it removeth many seeming contradictions, in Scripture; which the ignorant are not able to reconcile, but swallow downe, with their difficulties: and now, I descend unto the word, Donec, or untill: to the fur∣ther clearing of these difficult words, Donec, or untill: the first is affirmative, Matth. 28.20. I will be with you, unto, or, untill the end of the world: which promise proveth not, that he would not be with them, after the end of the world; but ra∣ther, that he would be much more with them, in another world, though he would

not desert them here, Psa. 110.1. Sit thou on my right hand, till I make thine enemies, thy footestoole; grosse is the man, who, hence inferreth, that Christ shall not sit at Gods right hand; when Christ shall tread upon his enemies; now, he doth raigne over them, even whilst there is opposition; and, shall much more hereafter, when they shall be, under his feete; here (Donec) also affirmeth, of the future times.

PAR. 3.

THe second force of (Donec) is negative, defuturo, for the time to come, Matt. 1.25. non cognoscebat eam (donec) peperit, He knew her not (untill) shee had brought forth, &c. he meaneth not, that after her sacred child-bearing, Ioseph knew her; for, it is an Hebrew Idiotisme; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 donec, the word (untill) excludeth without ex∣ception, expressely, till such a time; and leaveth it implicitely, to be understood, that much lesse was it done, or to be done afterward: Rem nunquam factam certo tempore, exprimit non factam, quô videri facta poterat, scireque necessaria erat non factam; Ex∣cellently saith Lucas Brugensis; he expresseth a thing never done, by the not do∣ing of it at a certaine time; viz. at such a time, as in all likelihood, all others would have knowne their wives, upon a new marriage: but Ioseph did not so much; no, not at that time; much lesse, did he so afterward. Michal the daughter of Saul, had no child (untill) the day of her death, 2 Sam. 6.23. Stupid is he, who con∣cludeth, that she had children, or a child after her death. The Resultance is rather, and firmer thus: If shee had no child (till) her death; much lesse, had shee one after: Ioseph knew not the blessed, ever-Virgin Mary, till she was delivered; much lesse did he, after that. In both these passages, the force of (donec) is negative: So here; I will not, any more, eate thereof (till) it be fulfilled; not here; much lesse here∣after, in heaven; where we shall have, a more blessed Pascha, sine intybis, vel amari∣tudine, without any bitter Sallet: the like may be said, of the word (untill) in the 18 verse; but, what is the kingdome of God? Or, how is the Passeover fulfilled, in the Kingdome of God? I answer, by the Kingdome of God, in this place, is not meant the Militant Church, but the Triumphant; Origen, Euthymius, and others here appropriate it, to the future world; and in the world to come, the Passeover is thus; then fulfilled, and perfected; because the Iewish Passeover, was to be eaten, with bitter herbs; and that Passeover was accompanied with a second Supper: nor, were all, and every one blessed, that tooke the Passeover; therefore was it, in a manner, imperfect; but, blessed are all, and every one, who are called, to the Mar∣riage-Supper of the Lambe, Rev. 19 9. and, in that Supper, is nothing wanting; all sorrow excluded; all joy prefected; the Type being drowned, in the glory of the great antitype; an happier Supper; an happier Passeover, shall be in heaven. This manner of speech perhaps hence arose (saith Illyricus) because the Writer would determine onely, for his owne time; or the time, he propounded, to handle; and, cared not, to speake, of further, or remoter times, as it was principally intended, and all things were accordingly prepared; that Christ might eate the Passeover, Marke 14.12. So it is most true; Christ sate not, as an idle spectator: but, he did, indeede, eate the Passeover, and promised, never to eate it more.

PAR. 4.

WHat else? Luke 22.17. He tooke the Cup, and gave thankes, and said; Take this, and divids it among your selves; for, I say unto you; I will not drinke, of the fruit of the Vine, untill the Kingdome of God shall come: that this was not the Eucharisticall Cup, appeareth, by the Sequell, where he instituted the blessed Sacrament, of his body, and blood.

PAR. 5.

BUt, what mean these words? I will not drinke of the fruite of the Ʋine, untill the Kingdome of God shall come? What is the fruite of the Vine, which then

shall be drunken? the wine saith Lucas Brugensis, Non exvirtute vitis, sed ex Dei fruitione proficiscitur, that wine shall not flow-forth, from the blood of the Vine: but from the beatificall fruition of the face of God, Psal. 36.8. They shall be abun∣dantly satisfied, with the fatnesse of thine house, and thou shalt make them drinke of the ri∣ver of thy pleasures: inebriabuntur ab ubertate domus tuae; they shall be drunken with the plenty of thine house; as it is in the Vulgar: Bellarmine (de Sacramento Eucharist. 1.11. in fine cap. &, 4.10. saith truely, and exquisitely, to the purpose; the first cup of wine in Luke ended the Pascall; or the Supper of the Paschall-Lambe: So also thinke, Theophylact, Montanus, Beda, Cajetane, Carthusian: but if you will see the point handled at large, have recourse to the first cited place of Bellarmine: the best Nectar: I appoint you a Kingdome, that yee may eate and drinke at my Table, in my Kingdome, Lvk. 22.30. Math. 8.11. Many shall sit downe with Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob, in the Kingdome of Heaven: not as if Christ and his Disciples did place eternall felicity in sensuall pleasures, as the Turkes doe at this day, but by these out∣ward things the inward is sigured: Titus Bostrensis, haec eâ de causâ non asserit, quasi ullus istic denuo mensae, aut esculentis locus futurus sit, sed quod res spirituales, rebus apud nos usitatis, exprimere voluerit; that is, our blessed Saviour doth not therefore speake this, as if there should be any place hereafter, for tables, or meate, or drinke, in the Kingdome of God: but that hee might expresse spirituall things, by carnall things: things, that are frequent and usuall amongst us, i. you shall enjoy all pos∣sible spirituall pleasures with me: Beza hath an old exposition upon usque quo completum fuerit, untill it be fulfilled, S. Paul. saith he, 1 Cor. 5.7. best cleareth the sense, Christ, our Passeover is sacrificed for us, for from that time compleate, Christ doth feast with us, and we with him, in the Kingdome of God, which truth that figure designe: Beza, on Matth. 26.29. Non bibam, ab hoc Tempore, ex hoc fructu vitis, usque ad diem illum, quùm ipsum bibam vobiscum novum, in regno Patris mei: bie sermo, vel Metaphoricè accipiendus est, in posteriori membro, de convictu, ac si diceret Do∣minus, adhuc vobiscum vixi, ut homines cum hominibus consueverunt; ab hoc Tempore, desi∣net vitae istius consuetudo; siquidèm, vobiscum non ero, nisi in Regno illo aeterno, ubi aliam vitam vivemus; that is, I will not from henceforth drinke, any more, of this fruite of the Vine, untill the day when I shall drinke it new, with you in my Fathers Kingdome; this say∣ing is, either to be understood metaphorically; in the latter member of it, concer∣ning his manner of living with them; as if the Lord should have sayd, hitherto have I lived with you, as men use to doe with men, but henceforth that manner of living shall surcease; for I will not be with you any more, but in that eternall King∣dome, where we shall live another manner of life: or (saith he) this is to be refer∣red to that which is written, Act. 2. that Christ, to make his Resurrection belee∣ved, did eate 40. dayes with his Disciples; not for necessity; nor as other men doe usually eate; because he had put off all bodily infirmity; which is signified here, under the name of the Raigne of his Father: to which those words seeme to have reference, Mat. 16.28. Some here shall not taste of death, (till) they see the Son of man comming in his Kingdame; So Beza: That this cup was part of the second Supper, I see no proba∣bility; the words praecedent, of eating the Paschall-Lambe, co-haering so strictly to the drinking afterward of the wine, (used also at the Paschall) doe evidently evince, that all this was done at the first Supper, onely of the Passeover.

PAR. 6.

MAldonate thinkes, Christ speakes twice, of the same cup, because the words which S. Luke here useth, of the first cup; I will not drinke, of the fruite of the Vine, untill the kingdome of God shall come, Luke 22.18. is in substance, repeated, and applyed, to the most sacred cup, Mat. 26.29. Mar. 14.25. But, Maldonate is deceived: for in S. Luke, he spake of the wine at the Paschall, as is most apparent; and it is as apparent, that S. Matthew and S. Marke doe apply the like words to the Vine Eu∣charisticall; and there is no incongruitie, to say that Christ did repeate the substance

of the same words twice; on two severall occasions: for he never dranke of either of those cups afterward, either of that belonging to the Old Testament▪ or of that which belongeth to the new-law of grace. Secondly, the very variety of words, which are used by the severall Evangelists, prove that he spake not twice of one and the same cup, but of severall and distinct cups: so much for the words spoken▪ at the eating of the Passe-over.

PAR. 7.

IF any object, Christ brake the Law, because by the Law their especiall Table∣talke was appointed, (of which before) and the children were to aske and the men to answere, as it is Exod. 12.25.26.27. but here was no such thing at the eating of the Paschall; but other discourses which now I have recited: I an∣swere; blessing and giving of thankes, and divers other things are omitted in words; which we may be sure were performed in deedes: and why might not this rite be performed, though it be not recorded? Secondly, I answere, if Christ at his last eating of the Paschall-Lambe, mentioned nothing concerning the deliverance in and from Aegypt; I say, he therefore might well omit the type; because, he spake of the substance, at least implicitely: of the Sonne of man, and his death, (to de∣liver mankinde from hell) of the fearefull woes, due to the Traytor (worse than the Aegyptian drowning) of heavenly promises, and food spirituall, at the heavenly Table; (which super-coelestiall Manna, farre exceedeth the being carryed on Ea∣gles wings; and being enlightned by a Pillar of fire by night, and guided by a Pillar of clowd in the day; or, their Manna on earth) of Christs ardent desire to eate the Passeover with his Apostles, (the Law required the performance onely) a fervent desire to eate it, was more than was commanded: of the voluntary death of the worlds Saviour, under the covert of these words) The Sonne of man goeth indeede 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vadit; of the going out of this world, to his father, Iohn 13.1. even by the phraze of Transitus or Passeover; ut transeat ab hoc mundo, ad patrem, to passe out of this word unto his father as the Vulgat translates it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, better; then Be∣za his digrediatur goe away: of Gods determination that the Sonne of man should fulfill his will, of Judas his treason, against the innocent blood of Christ, which was to be farre more precious than the blood of the Paschall-Lambe, that sprinkled the doores, and the lintells; this sprinkling our Consciences; that blood delivering from temporall death; Christ from eternall: the standing-water being a wall to the Israelites, on hoth sides; but the flowing water and blood streaming from his side, washing and purging our soules, and preparing us for heaven; of which the terrestriall Canaan was but a Type: thus of the Paffeover; and of better than the Passeover did our Saviour discourse, according to the Law; at the eating of the Pas∣chall-Lambe.

PAR. 8.

THe words which follow, Luke 22.24, And there was also a strife among them; were spoken at the second Supper: when I handle it, they shall have their explication, in their due order: and this is plainely acknowledged, that the blessed Spirit did not, by S. Luke keepe Methodum Rerum, or Historiae; the History of things in order, as they were done; but upon great and just cause, (though un∣knowne unto us) did intermingle other matters; unlesse we flye to that wich Beza thinkes not impossible, that there is a transposition of verses, that the now 19. and 20. verses, should be annexed to the 16. verse: and after them the now 17. and 18. veses, should be numbred, but this transposition and trans-changing of verses, doth as much confound the story in mine opinion: and the same things might bee sayd at two suppers: Apud Syrum interpretem, maximae merito authoritatis; in the Syriake translation which doth worthily deserve the greatest authority. (Beza should rather have given the greatest authority to the Originall Greeks, from whence the Sy∣riack

was derived) the 17. and 18. verses, of Luke 22. are wanting: Contrarily in a Greeke and Latine Coppie of mine, saith Beza, venerable for Antiquitie, the lat∣ter part of the 19. verse, and the whole 20. verse, are not reade; I doe say with Beza; Ego nihil mutandum censeo, I hold, that nothing ought to be altered: and yet hee propounds a transchanging of the verses; but I would have nothing altered at all; nor like these shifting dislocations.

The Prayer.

O God, thy Word is a Lampe unto my feete, and a light unto my path; the fulnesse of thy Scripture doe I adore, the riches thereof are above silver, gold, or precious stones; good Lord grant that I may examine all my actions, words, and thoughts by it, and frame them all unto it: in thy light I shall see light, and come to the light of the living; which I beseech thee to grant for Jesus Christ his sake, who is the joy of my soule, and the blessed summe of my desires. Amen.

CHAP. XXIV. The Contents of the twentie fourth Chapter.

1. Ministers or attendants, at Christs last Passeover: the blessed Virgin Mary no attendant: difference betweene Apostles, and Disciples: Disciples might attend.

2. Bishops, Presbyters, succeede the Apostles, the seventy: Names of Apostles and Dis∣ciples, confounded: S. Augustine questioned.

3. Whether any of the 70. Disciples were Apostates, other Disciples, beside the 70. Some of them backe sliders: the 70. Disciples were the future Presbytery Idolater: the 70. Disciples who they were, whether there were 72. Disciples.

4. Divers Legall Types of the 12. Apostles, 70. Disciples.

5. The Master of the house was not excluded, he might waite on Christ, also some of the houshold might be attendants.

6. Attendants, Male, and Female; three degrees of Male-attendants: divers offices of Attendants; Christ and his Apostles had their attendants.

7. Some of the 72. were Christs Auditours, to heare his Table-talke: Servitours, am∣mated instruments.

8. The Synopsis, or summe of all.

PARAGRAPH. I.

I Cannot end this first booke of the Paschall Supper, till I have hand∣led one quaere more, whether any waited in the roome, whether my servants, ministers, or attendants were present besides Christ, and his Apostles, at his last Passeover? For the Negative part, these arguments may be collected. First, there is no mention of any one attendant; Ergo, none. Re∣spondeo, the argument for the Negative, is but weake; for I thus retort it: there is no mention that there was none attendant; Ergo, some were, Argumenta â Scrip∣turis Negative non tenent; arguments drawne from Privative Scripture, are no good Logicke. Secondly, there is mention of no more, than twelve, who came with Christ, Mark. 14.17. Thirdly, there is mention only of 12. that did sit, or sup with Christ, Luke 22.14. He sate downe and the 12. Apostles with him. Fourthly, Mark. 14.20. It is one of the 12. that dippeth with me in the dish. I answere to all three, that the certaine mentioned number, that came, or did sit or suppe with Christ, doth not exclude the unmentioned servants attendant: both may well consist together, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the sitters at meate and the attendants. Fiftly, Christ saith Luke 22.26. Let him that is chiefe, be as he that doth serve, and ver. 27. I am among

you, as he that serveth, I am in the middest of you, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as he that serveth: I answere, this rather proveth, that some did serve indeede, to whom Christ did liken himselfe; that Christ did not serve (as others) but was as one, that serveth; Cin∣ctura ministrantium est; the being girded about, is a signe of service, attendance, and administring; whilst Christ was bound, and busie with water and the bason, and the towell, he might properly be sayd, through his owne voluntary condescent, to serve and administer; and so Kings and Queenes may be sayd, to serve, when they descend to wash the feete of the poore. Sixthly, S. Peters, and S. Johns praepara∣tion, for the Passeover, may seeme to be of little waight, if all things, and every thing necessary was not throughly provided, but they must have others to attend: I answere, no preparation was so exquisite, that waiters were unnecessary; who should fill out fresh wine? who remove the dishes? who serve them in? who was to take them away? who to save or gather up the fragments? Seventhly, if any one besides the Apostles, had beene there; we may thinke, the most blessed Virgin was there, but she was not to be an attendant? I answere out of question. Christs most holy Mother had not attended if she had beene there; though she would not grudge to waite on him; but his greatest humility would never have permitted her, to serve him; yet other attendants might be, and were in likelihood, though shee were absent. Eighthly, it is not likely, Christ would have washed his Apostles feete, especially the feete of Iudas, if other attendants had beene there? I answere if in the presence of others he did wash them all; it was an evident signe of his grea∣ter humility, and then more might take good example, contrarily, for the Affirma∣tive. 1. It is sayd, Matth. 26.18. I will keepe the Passeover at thine house, with my Disciples; so ver. 19. Marke 14.12, 13, 14, and 16. verses; Luk. 22.11. But there is great difference betweene the Disciples, and the Apostles; wherefore the Apo∣stles might sup with him; and the Disciples waite, and eate after him in some other roome; or perhaps after the 2. Supper, in the same roome. I answere, indeede they were distinct, in dignity and order; and the Apostles were a choyce sort, selected out of the Disciples and Peter, James, and John were exempt in great matters, out of the rest of the Apostles.

PAR. 2.

MOreover, Bishops succeeded the Apostles, as the Presbyters doe the 70. in the Language of antiquitie: and the Commission of the 12. Apostles, was more large, than that of the 70. Disciples; and had more and better promises. See Matth. 10.1. &c. and Luke 9.1. &c. And he ordeined 12. that they should be with him; Marke 3.14. that is, of his house and family; Sacellani Domestici, Domesticke Chaplaines, in Ordinary, unto him, â sacris, the 70. were to goe still before him; we reade not that after their Commission was certified by them; to have brought forth wonderfull effects; that ever they did eate or drinke with him, if not now: and if (they) were none of the waiters, yet many (other) might, yet are the 12. Apostles called 12. Disciples, and the names are confounded, Matth. 10.1. He cal∣led unto him his 12. Disciples, and ver. 2. nameth, Simon, Andrew, Iames, and John, &c. who were most properly Apostles, Luke 9.1. he called his 12. Disciples together, and it is apparent; (if you compare, S. Matthew with S. Luke) that they were the 12. Apostles onely: for after the Commission given to the Apostles, The Lord ap∣pointed other 70. also, and sent them two and two, before his face, into every City, and place, whither he would come, Luke 10.1.

PAR 3.

SAint Augustine, (on those words, Psal, 99.5. Worship at his footestoole; but with him it is, enarration, on Psal. 98. fol. 230. litera. A.) thus, Scandalizati sunt quidam discipuli ejus, 70. fermê, & dixerunt, durus èst hic sermo, & recesserunt ab eo, & amplius culm eo non ambulaverunt; that is, Certaine of his Disciples, (well nigh 70.)

were offended, and sayd, this is a hard saying; and departed from him, and walked no mort with him: the words indeed he spake, Joh. 6.60. and 66. but that they were propetly, wholly, or for the greater part of the 70. Disciples; S. Augustin shall give me leave to doubt: Ambrose (in Epist. ad Rom. cap. 8.) giveth over the 70. Disciples, as cast∣awayes, apostates, or reprobates: Epiphanius (Haeresi 51.) is more moderate, that some of them returned unto Christ, yet he secretly granteth their fall from Christ: If the fathers say true, we cannot thinke that any of the 70. ministred after unto Christ; viz. at his last Supper: But I first require proofe, that any of the 70. pe∣culiarly so called; did fall, either totally, or finally, from Christ: Secondly, I am sure, Luke 10.17. Even the Devills were subject unto them, through Christs Name; and Christ sayd unto them, ver. 20. Their names were written in heaven, and bids them rejoyce therefore. Are they reprobates, whose Names are written in hea∣ven? And they had small cause to rejoyce, if they were to be damned. True it is that many Disciples of his went backe, yet it cannot be evinced, that any of the 70. were among the number of those backesliding Disciples. I am sure, besides the Apo∣stles, and besides the 70; there were another sort of people; who sought him and followed him, for to satisfie their hungry guts. Ioh. 6.27. and in a large sense, may be called Disciples; and some perhaps followed him, for Novelty-sake; some for curiositie; others to spie bis wayes; others, to question him, on the suddaine, and to entrap him;

Morbus, signa, Cibus, blasphemia, dogmafuerunt Causae, cur Dominum turba sequuta fuit.

that is,

Cures, signes, meate, Doctrine, (suppos'd) blasphemie, By these five cords Christ drew his Company.

These also, in as much as he taught them, and they followed him, and he fed them, may in a general appellation, be termed Disciples; and some of these Disciples belee∣ved not, and Christ knew who they were that beleeved not, Iohn 6.64. But that any one of the 70. to whom Christ said before, that their names were written in the book of life, did Apostatize, or that they to whom the devils were subject, should be subje∣cted to the devils (as they were if they were damned) cannot creepe into my Creed, that a whole troope of 70, or the major part, chosen especially out by Christ him∣selfe, and representing Idaealiter, the future Presbyters of the Church for ever should perish everlastingly, seemeth unto me contrariant to reason, or Divinitie, Let any that are uncharitable concerning the 70, remember what Christ sayd unto them; Luke 10.16. He that heareth you, heareth me, and he that despiseth you despiseth me, and ver. 19. I give you power over all the power of the enemie; but they had not power over all the power of the enemie, if they were damned. And nothing shall by any meanes hurt you; which words extend to more than miraculous outward opera∣tions; and designe Christs particular grace, and saving Co-operation for them: I must adde, that Christ in that houre, (thanked) God, ver. 21. for revealing those things, unto babes, (for so he calleth the 70.) and opposeth them, unto the world∣ly wise, and seeming prudent, which were blinde. Were those Babes, to goe to hell, for whose Illumination, Christ gave thankes unto the father, so solemnely, so speedily? Besides, antiquity saith, Matthias was one of the 70. Disciples. So Eu∣sebius, (1.12. and lib. 2.1.) so Epiphanius, (Haeresi 20.) and Hierome (de Scriptori∣bus Ecclesiast. in Matthiâ) yea, Beda, (on the Acts) saith, from Clemens Alexandrinus; that both the Competitors, Ioseph called Barsabas, and Matthias, were two, of the 70. Chrysostome (Homil. 3. in Acta) avoucheth, that the 70. whom Christ chose, were among the 120. Brethren, who were assembled at the Election of Matthias, Act. 1.15. Clemens, (as Eusebius hath it, 2.1.) maintaineth that the Apostles did instruct the Disciples, as Christ instructed the Apostles, the seven Deacons were chosen out of the 70. Disciples, saith Epiphanius (1.21.) the 70. were exactly ty∣thed, say I; the same Epiphanius (Heres. 20) saith that after Christs Ascension, the 70. were great Publishers of the Gospell: James the brother of the Lord was one

of the 70. and made a Bishop, by Apostolicall authority, saith Eusebius (2.1.) Like-wise, S. Marke, was one of the 70. saith Epiphanius (Haer. 51.) Christ had many Disciples, ere he chose the twelve Apostles; and of the Disciples, immediatly, af∣ter a whole nights prayer, he selected twelve Apostles, Luke 6.13. The very A∣postles, are called twelve Disciples, Matth. 10.1. and Luke 9.1. nor were they part of the 70. Disciples; for, after Christ had chosen his Apostles, out of other dis∣ciples; The Lord appointed other 70. also, Luke 10.1. Some indeede, who were called Christs Brethren, like false brethren, did not beleeve in him, Ioh. 7.5. I can∣not finde, an Instance effectuall, to prove; that any of the 70. were condemned: I know many reckon the disciples to be 72. but the Greeke, Chaldee, and Syriack, are for the just number of 70.

PAR. 4.

THe twelve Patriarkes, Fathers of the twelve Tribes, were in the Law of Na∣ture, figures of the twelve Apostles: the twelve Wells of water, at Elim, where the Israelites encamped, under the Law of Moses, were types of the twelve Apostles: The 70. Languages arising from one (if they were, nor more, nor lesse, in number) as is commonly held, from Gen. 11.7. may then be said, to be, in the Law of Na∣ture, types of our 70. The 70. soules, of the house of Iacob, Gen. 46.27. were fi∣gures in the Law of Nature, of our 70. Disciples; which were to be in the Law of Grace. The 70. Elders, Num. 11.16. in the Law of Moses did typifie, our 70. Dis∣ciples, to be chosen, by a better, than Moses: the 70. Palme trees at Elim, Exod. 15.27. did signifie the like; the Law adumbrating the veritie of the Gospell. Lay all, that I have writ together; and I presume, no man will now be so censorious, against the 70. as some others (without deeper considerations, concerning that poynt) have beene; and therefore, as mine owne opinion, in probability; I hope, I may set it downe; that some of the 70. might minister, and attend upon our Sa∣viour, even when Christ, and his twelve Apostles did eare the Paschall-Lambe. I am sure, the two Carthusians, Ludolphus, and Dyonysius, are confident enough, that Martialis, and some other of the Disciples, did administer unto Christ, and the twelve Apostles; and some of them brought water to Christ, saith Ludolphus.

PAR. 5.

ANother opinion is not improbable neither; namely, that some of the houshold, where Christ was entertained, might wayte upon him, and his Apostles, at his Pascha 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or crucifying Passeover: He, who might command the roome, might command the attendance; yea, the Master of the house himselfe; or the best Master, or man, in the world, would not grudge; to waite upon Christ; may I attend upon them, who attended on him: yet, concerning the owner of the house, I hold it more probable, that he, with his company, did eate another Lambe, in his owne house; for Christ desired but one faire Chamber, to keepe his Passeover in, with the twelve; likely it is, other roomes were in the same house, and large faire enough, to serve, to that purpose; for, he kept the Passeover also; and therefore, he did eate, either in a roome, of the same house; or else he, and his joyned, with some others; and ate the Passeover; in another mans house; where they had a com∣petent company of Receivers; but, this is not so likely, for, it was not, against the Law, to have two or more Lambes, to be eaten, in one evening, in one house: See the first Booke, 12. Chapter. Secondly, the Master of the house, seemeth to have beene a rich man; he had a man-servant bearing a pitcher of water; a great vessell, as the word (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) sheweth, quod propriè de (gravioribus) oneribus dici puto, saith Beza; which I think, properly, is to be understood, of heavie burthens: he had a guest-Chamber, Marke 14.14. Many rich men have none such; every guest-Chamber is a costly Chamber; that Chamber was furnished, and prepared, large, and above staires, ver. 18. which never concurred, in a poore mans house, in their great Me∣tropolis at Jerusalem: In which large roome, without annoyance, or inconveni∣ence, among other things, was there also a basin of water, and a Towell, or

Towells, large, and long enough; both, to gird our Saviour; and to wipe the feete of the twelve washed Apostles, Joh. 13.4. &c. What favour Christ could shew to the owner of the house, without breaking of the Law: no man may doubt, but our Saviour did it unto him; therefore, to me it seemeth not likely that our Saviour would, as it were, force a man, and all his family, wholly, out of his owne house: Christ confined his desire, to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as it is in Beza his oldest Coppy; the under-roomes, or some other upper-roome, might serve the turne of that fami∣ly; Christ came often, into mens houses; that ever he excluded his hosts, out of their owne houses, I am yet to learne; Though Christ might have requited them, wich greater kindnesses, by farre, if so, it had beene (for, he never received courte∣sie, but he gave better; and more) yet, I see no probability stand forth, to per∣swade, that it was so; but rather, that the houshold continued in their masters house, and all necessary service of attendance, was presented, and performed, unto our Saviour, by some of the family: but nothing is demonstrative, or certaine; and therefore, I leave every man to his owne conjecture; and onely shew mine owne, that Christ, and his Apostles, had some, to administer unto them; (and that, either some of the 70. or some of the houshold attended them: Hoc ultimum Pascha, this last Passover (saith the great Ioseph Scaliger) was like to the precedent ones, and the precedent were kept after the same manner, by Christ, as the Iewes kept them: (de emendat Temp. 6. pag. 571.) let me adde, that the other great Feasts of the Jewes, had, in the lesser matters, some correspondence, one with another; without at∣tendants, they were not, at other their feasts, nor now in likelihood.

PAR. 6.

THere never were discubitory beds, and Feasting-Suppers, but there were al∣wayes some administrants; let a contrary example be instanced in, from either Iewes, or Romanes: Salomon was renowned; 1. King. 10.5. For, the meate of his Table, the attendants of his Ministers, and their apparell, and his Cup-bearers; and the company received it, by the hands of the waiters, saith Hierome; Pincernae, & pocillatores, Butlers, and Cup-bearers, were of great esteeme, both young men, and Virgins: Hierome calleth them, Ministros vini, & ministras; fusores vini, & fu∣salrices; propinatores, & propinatrices, saith Olympiodorus, men, and women-servitors, powrers-out, or Cup-bearers of the wine: Philo (de vitâ contemplativâ) reckoneth three degrees of male-attendants, lesser children, greater boyes, and downy-bearded youths: Among them, the Syrians, and Aegyptians, boyes were, in chiefest request; Publius Mimus, of Syria, is famous: Syrians, and Mores, were Augustus his play∣fellowes; Suetonius (in Augusto, cap. 83.) the Epigrammatists intemperate lust prefer∣red the Aegyptian boy (Marcial (4.42.)

Niliacis primùm puer hic nascatur in oris, Nequitias tellus scit dare nulla magis:

that is,

Let my lewde Catamyte be borne on Nilus bankes, No nation hath such witty, wanton, damned pranke.

A sweete commendation of Aegypt; but such lips, such lettuce: Seneca (Epist. 47.) superbissima consuetudo, coenantem Dominum stantium servorum turba circundat;—Cùm ad coenandum discumbimus, alius; sputa detergit; alius, reliquias temulentorum subditus colligit; alius pretiosas aves scindit, pectus, & clunes (certis ductibus circumfe∣rens eruditam manum) in frusta excutit; infelix, qui huic uni rei vivit, ut altilia de∣center secet; nisi quòd miserior est, qui hoc, voluptatis causâ, docet: quàm, qui necessi∣tatis, discit; alius vini minister, in muliebrem modum ornatus, cum aetate luctatur; effu∣git pueritia, sed retrahitur; that is, 'Tis a most insolent custome, that a company of Servingmen, must stand round about the Table, waiting upon their Master, whilst he sits at Supper: when we are set downe to Supper, then one (forsooth) must tread-out our spitting, and spawling; another must take up that, which the drun∣kards have let fall under table; another carves up the costly foules (and) carrying about his cunning hand, this way, and that way, disjoynts the legges, and the

wings; unhappy wretch! who was borne, for none other purpose, but to a cunning Carver; onely of the two, he is the more wretched, who doth teach it, for plea∣sures sake, more than he, that learnes it, because of necessitie; another waytes on his Master, to attend him with wine; and he (forsooth) must be attired, like a Vir∣ginella, that so he may seeme young; and contend with age; his youth is past; but he would faine (if it were possible) draw it backe againe: he intimateth also the censors of the guests; & obsonatores, quibus dominici palati notitia subtilis est. To them were added Tasters, and carvers, & analectae servi; which tooke up the remainders of Supper; or, the things, which fell from the board; more than one Analect; whereas almost the meanest housholder, had one, or more, to tend on him, at Feasts; we cannot imagine, that our blessed Saviour, and twelve others, of his Apostles, were without some Administrants. It must be acknowledged, that as it is not im∣possible; so it is very improbable, that thirteene discumbing should serve them∣selves without any other assistants; we can hardly suppose such a thing, at our Refections; which yet were, and are more commodious, for such ministeriall sub∣serviency, then the discubitory beds of the Iewes, or Romanes, especially on their feasting dayes: and yet more especially, on this great Feast; by how much sitting with shooes on, they can sooner, aptlier, and easier stand, and goe from place to place; and move, or bring any thing to the Table, or carry and remove any thing from it; then they could, on discubitory beds; whence it was harder to arise, and more cumbersome to addresse them, and put on their shooes, if not their cloathes also. When our Sa∣viour arose, to wash his Apostles feete, observe the preparation specialized (besides, what was omitted, as putting on of Sandals, or the like) He riseth from Supper; He laid aside his garments; he tooke a towell, and with it he girded himselfe, Ioh. 13.4.5. and, after he had washed their feete, he tooke his garments (put them on) and did sit downe.

PAR. 7.

THe Iewes were appointed, to have a company of the yonger, and inferiour sort to aske questions, and heare the Rememorative Table-talke; but, this was a fixed Ceremony; and therefore Christ omitted it not; and whom should he have, in all like∣lihood, but some of his 72. Disciples? For they were as children, in comparison of the Apostles, who were as fathers. Our Saviour himselfe mentioneth two distinct sorts, at the Table, at that Table; one greater, that sitteth at meate, and one that doth serve, Luke 22.27. and yet, even the Servitors were esteemed, and called by Crassus: the animated instruments of houshold affaires; Comiter servum in sermonem admitte, & in consilium; & in convictum, amicum invenies; Seneca (Epist. 47.) Be affable to thy servant, in thy common discourses, in thy counsell, at meate, and meale; and thou shalt indeere him unto thee, and make him thy friend. Some servants have beene, even to wonder, faithfull, and carefull of their Masters; and have voluntari∣ly shed their owne blood, for them: So was Eros to Antonius; and in the times of the great proscriptions, many more: Naamans both maid-servants, 2 King. 5.3. and his men-servants, ibid. ver. 13. gave him better advice, than himselfe; and being fol∣lowed, proved benificiall to him above expectation. Vertue knowne, and alwayes stedfast, draweth on the love of all by-standers, as the loadstone attracteth iron; and if it breede love in others, it raiseth admiration in servants. They who behold the di∣vine worth, the glory of the Creator, the love of the Redeemer, & the sweet refresh∣ing of the Comforter; and see it, as it were, but a far-off, cannot be so ravished with it, as Gods sons, and servants, who daily discerne it, and feele warmer flames of zeale, piety, and conformitie, to the divine will: O Lord, I am thy servant, I admire and love thee for thy selfe; and in my most rectified reason, acknowledge thee, the chiefest good, the onely good, such a good, as (if it were in my power) I would not alter, nor wish any way altered; I meekely praise thee, for being as thou art; for thou continuest such, as nothing can be imagined better; either, in it selfe, or in

the common, eating its goodnesse, of which I have found manifest experience; and therefore, among other things;

The Prayer.

MY God, my God, I humbly blesse thee, that thou hast prolonged my life, and sent me such a portion of health; that I have made an end of this first Book; and I entirely desire thy fatherly goodnesse, to continue thy gracious favours unto me; that the rest of those Workes, which I have undertaken to declare thy truth; may be also accomplished, and published; and that thereby thy great name may be glorified, and the soules of the Readers, and my selfe edified; and that, for Iesus Christ his sake. Amen.

PAR. 8.

BEhold then the Summe of all, that hath beene delivered by me, as in a Picture.

A faire upper-Chamber well furnished.

A Table almost foure-square in it, decently adorned.

Three Bedsteeds, with their furniture; one on each of the three sides of the Table (the fourth side standing uniclosed, and open) on which, they might either sit; or, lye downe; but most probably, they sate, and lay not downe, at the Passeo∣ver; which was, in a short time, dispatched; for, the first Supper was quickly ended; in the first Passeover, were no such discubitory-beds.

Our Saviour, and the Apostles washing.

After washing.

Vnleavened bread brought in. A Lambe. An unspotted one. A male Lambe. Under a yeare old, served in, in one dish. Soure herbes were also set on the Table: in all likelihood, salt; it being the ge∣nerall Condiment. All Consecrated, as well as the wine. The number of the recipients was thirteene; Christ and the twelve Apostles. All of the Iewish Church. This was all done, on the first moneth of the Iewish yeare. On the fourteenth day of that moneth. Betweene the two Evenings. At Ierusalem. In one House.

The Lambe was dressed whole. Rost with fire,

Not eaten greene, or rawish; but thoroughly rosted. No part sodden with water. The Head with the legges, altogether. And with the purtenance, altogether.

So was it eaten; and

A bone not broken. No part of the flesh earried out of the House. The Table-talke of our Saviour, equall in goodnesse; if not better, than was commonly appointed. No part of the flesh left till morning: Or, If any was left, it was burnt with fire. The Servitors, or Attendants. No certainty, who they were. In likelihood, some of the Seventy; (the 70. defended) Or, Some of that household, where our Saviour Supped.

BEnedictus sit Deus, qui dat lasso virtutem, & cui non sunt vires robur, multiplicat! As it is in the end of the Logique, of wise Rabbi Simeon, latinized by Sebastian Munster.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Notes

• * 1.1

  1 Cor. 11.20
• * 1.2

  1 Esdras 4.60.
• * 1.3

  Eccle•••• 1.7.
• a 1.4

  Bern. in cap. Iejunij, Serm. 1
• b 1.5

  Ioh. 6.11.
• c 1.6

  1 Tim. 4.3.
• d 1.7

  Tit. 1.15.
• e 1.8

  1 Tim. 4.4.
• f 1.9

  Levit. 2.11.
• g 1.10

  Iosephus An∣tiquit. Iuda. c. 4.6.
• h 1.11

  Psal. 116.22.13, 17.
• i 1.12

  Thes. 5.18.
• k 1.13

  Psal. 50.23.
• a 1.14

  Bolducus in Iob. 1.4.
• b 1.15

  Iob. 1.5.
• c 1.16

  Luk. 22.17.20.
• d 1.17

  Mat. 26.27.
• e 1.18

  Luk. 15.25.
• f 1.19

  1 King. 10.8.5.
• g 1.20

  Esth. 7.2.
• h 1.21

  Esth. 1.16.
• i 1.22

  Iudg. 14.12.
• k 1.23

  Ioh. 7.14.
• l 1.24

  1 Cor. 10.31
• m 1.25

  Col. 3.17.
• a 1.26

  Clem. Alex∣and paeoa. 1.11.
• b 1.27

  Iuvenal. Sa∣tyr. 11. ver. 77. &c.
• c 1.28

  Minut. Foelix, in Octavio, pa. 391.
• d 1.29

  Ter••al. in A∣polog. cap. 39.
• a 1.30

  Mat. 6.24.
• b 1.31

  Clem. Alex∣and••. paeda. 2.1.
• c 1.32

  Eccle. 50.15
• d 1.33

  Iudg. 9.13.
• a 1.34

  Pro. 23.2.
• b 1.35

  Esth. 5.6.
• c 1.36

  Gen. 43.34.
• * 1.37

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Shacar.
• d 1.38

  Luk. 14.1.
• a 1.39

  Ioh. 2.7.
• b 1.40

  Esth. 1.8.
• a 1.41

  Numb. 9.3.
• b 1.42

  Numb, 9.5.
• c 1.43

  Num. 19.11.
• d 1.44

  Levit. 7.20.
• e 1.45

  1 Sam. 21.4.
• f 1.46

  Exod. 12.15.
• g 1.47

  Exod. 12.37.
• h 1.48

  Numb. 9.6.
• a 1.49

  Num. 9.1.
• b 1.50

  Iosh. 5.10.
• c 1.51

  Deut. 1.6.
• d 1.52

  Num. 11.6.
• e 1.53

  Deut. 29.5.
• f 1.54

  Neh. 9.15.
• g 1.55

  Psal. 78.23.24.
• h 1.56

  Masius, is Iosh. 5.12.
• i 1.57

  Deut. 29.5.
• k 1.58

  See 2 Chro: 35.18.
• l 1.59

  2 Kin. 23.22
• m 1.60

  2 Chro. 35.18.
• a 1.61

  Iosh. 18.1.
• b 1.62

  Ier. 7.12.
• c 1.63

  Psal. 78.60.
• d 1.64

  1 Chro. 9.22
• e 1.65

  2 Chro. 35.4
• f 1.66

  2 Chro. 29.25
• g 1.67

  1 Chro. 23.27. & 1 Chro. 24.3.
• h 1.68

  2 Chro. 3.3.
• i 1.69

  1 Chro. 28.11.
• k 1.70

  1 Sam. 16.13.
• l 1.71

  2 Chro. 24 19
• m 1.72

  Exod. 25.9.
• a 1.73

  Heb. 8.5.
• b 1.74

  1 Sam. 19.18.
• c 1.75

  1 Chr. 26.28
• d 1.76

  1 Chro. 9.22
• e 1.77

  Psal. 99 6.
• f 1.78

  1 Chro. 9.22.
• g 1.79

  1 Sam. 2.3.
• h 1.80

  2 Sam 23.16
• i 1.81

  Psal. 99.6.
• a 1.82

  Eccle. 46.14.
• b 1.83

  2 Chro. 35.18.
• c 1.84

  Iosephus l. 10. c. 5.
• a 1.85

  2 Chro 30.15.
• b 1.86

  2 King. 18.4
• a 1.87

  2 Chro. 31.1.
• b 1.88

  2 Kin. 23.21 2 Chro. 35.1.
• c 1.89

  2 Chr. 35.16
• a 1.90

  2 Chr. 35 11
• b 1.91

  2 Chr. 29 22
• c 1.92

  Levit. 1.5.
• d 1.93

  1 Sam. 7.9.
• e 1.94

  2 Chro. 29.35.
• f 1.95

  Levit. 1.6.
• g 1.96

  Ezr. 9.19.
• h 1.97

  see 2 Chron. 29.21.
• i 1.98

  2 Chro. 30 17
• k 1.99

  Math. 12.5.
• l 1.100

  Num. 28 9.
• m 1.101

  Levit. 1.
• e 1.102

  Macrob. Sturnal. 1.16.
• f 1.103

  Clem. Alex. Strom. 5.
• g 1.104

  Luk. 14.5.
• h 1.105

  Exek. 45.21.
• i 1.106

  Ezra 6.19.
• k 1.107

  Heb. 11.28.
• b 1.108

  Luk. 2.44.
• c 1.109

  Exod. 23.17.
• d 1.110

  Exod. 34.23.
• e 1.111

  Deut. 16.11.
• f 1.112

  Gal. 5.3.
• g 1.113

  Luk. 2.43.
• a 1.114

  Ioh. 20.30. & 21.25.
• b 1.115

  Theophilact in Luc. 2.
• c 1.116

  Luk. 2.40.
• a 1.117

  Ioh. 2.12.
• b 1.118

  Ioh. 3.2.
• c 1.119

  Ioh. 4 45.
• c 1.120

  Math. 5.17.
• d 1.121

  Sebastian Munst. Annot. in Mat. 12.
• e 1.122

  Ioh. 5.1.
• f 1.123

  Melchior Cae∣nus, loc. com. 11 c. 5. ad 5.
• a 1.124

  Exod. 34.23.
• b 1.125

  Esth. 9.26.
• c 1.126

  1 Mac. 4.59.
• d 1.127

  Ioh. 10.22.
• e 1.128

  Cyril. in Grae∣ca Catena.
• f 1.129

  1 Esd. 7.7.
• g 1.130

  Ioh. 10.22.
• h 1.131

  Exod. 32.6.
• a 1.132

  Theodor hist. Ec••le. 4.27. & Tripartit. hist. 6.48.
• b 1.133

  Psal. 30.11.
• c 1.134

  Luk 15.25.
• d 1.135

  Math. 11.17.
• e 1.136

  1 Cor 4.17.
• f 1.137

  August. ••ract. 48. in Iohan.
• g 1.138

  Ezr. 6.16.22
• h 1.139

  Euseb. Histo. Eccle. 10.3.
• a 1.140

  Ioh. 5.1.
• b 1.141

  Perer. disput. 1 in Ioh. 5.1.
• c 1.142

  Ioh. 4.35.
• d 1.143

  Levit. 23.10. & 16.
• e 1.144

  Ioh 7.8.10.11.14.
• f 1.145

  Luk. 2 42.
• g 1.146

  Math. 26.5.
• h 1.147

  Ioh. 13.29.
• i 1.148

  Ioh. 7.1.
• a 1.149

  Math. 15.1. Mar. 7.1.
• b 1.150

  Iohn 7.7.
• c 1.151

  Luk. 5.8.
• d 1.152

  Math. 8.8.
• e 1.153

  Math. 15.27.
• a 1.154

  Franc. Lucas Brugens, in I∣tinera. p. 16. 17
• b 1.155

  Selneccer. fol. 440. &c. Chri∣stian Padagog.
• c 1.156

  Exod. 12.5.
• d 1.157

  Deut. 16.2.
• e 1.158

  Num. 28.19.
• f 1.159

  2 Chro. 35.13.
• g 1.160

  Num. 28.15.
• h 1.161

  2 Chro. 35.7
• * 1.162

  Ob.
• * 1.163

  Sol.
• i 1.164

  Deut. 16.2.
• * 1.165

  Ob.
• * 1.166

  Sol.
• k 1.167

  Exod. 12.5.
• l 1.168

  Exod. 12 3.
• a 1.169

  Deut. 4 20.
• b 1.170

  1 King. 8.51
• c 1.171

  Gen 46.34.
• d 1.172

  Exod. 10.9.
• e 1.173

  Gen. 47.17.
• f 1.174

  Ioh. 1.29.
• g 1.175

  Esa. 53.7
• h 1.176

  Levit. 16.22
• i 1.177

  1 Pet. 2.24.
• k 1.178

  1 Cor. 15.3.
• l 1.179

  Levit. 23.
• m 1.180

  Deut. 16. Num. 28. Ezra 6. 2 Chro. 30. and 35.
• n 1.181

  Matth. 26.17
• o 1.182

  Exod. 10.23
• * 1.183

  Exod. 10.21.
• p 1.184

  Matth. 21.9.
• a 1.185

  Aegid. Hun∣nius comment. in Matth, 26.
• * 1.186

  Exod. 12.7.
• b 1.187

  Num. 19.4.
• c 1.188

  Heb. 9.19.
• d 1.189

  1 Cor. 11.25
• e 1.190

  Matth. 26.28
• f 1.191

  Beza, ad Matth. 26.20.
• g 1.192

  Exod. 12.13.
• h 1.193

  Heb. 11.28.
• i 1.194

  Ioh 10.7.
• l 1.195

  Psal. 133.2.
• l 1.196

  Ioh 20.27.
• m 1.197

  Heb. 10.22.
• n 1.198

  Matth 7.6.
• a 1.199

  Heb 9.13. & 19.
• b 1.200

  Exod. 12.7.
• d 1.201

  Livius, lib. 25
• e 1.202

  2 Sam. 4.4.
• f 1.203

  2 King. 7.15.
• * 1.204

  Deut. 20.3.
• g 1.205

  Exod 12.11.
• h 1.206

  Exod 11.8.
• * 1.207

  Iosephus lib. 2. cap. 5.
• * 1.208

  Exod. 12.33.
• * 1.209

  Ob. Exod. 13.18.
• * 1.210

  Vatablus in Num. 2.2.
• * 1.211

  Sol. Ioh. 1.14.
• a 1.212

  Iudg. 7 11.
• b 1.213

  Num. 33.6.
• c 1.214

  Exod. 14.1.
• a 1.215

  Exod 6.26. & 12.17.
• b 1.216

  Exod. 12 41.
• c 1.217

  Exod. 17.13.
• d 1.218

  Exod. 12.36.
• e 1.219

  Exod. 14.30.
• f 1.220

  Exod. 15.5.
• g 1.221

  Exod. 6.13.
• h 1.222

  Exod. 6.26.
• i 1.223

  Act. 23.5.
• k 1.224

  Exod. 22.28.
• l 1.225

  Num. 33.1.
• m 1.226

  Exod. 17.9.
• n 1.227

  Num. 1.16.
• o 1.228

  Exod. 12.37.
• p 1.229

  Exod. 10.26.
• q 1.230

  Psal. 105.37.
• r 1.231

  Deut. 25.18.
• f 1.232

  Psal. 105 43
• t 1.233

  Exod. 15.1.
• u 1.234

  Mic. 6.4.
• w 1.235

  Num. 2.17.
• x 1.236

  Num. 5.2.
• y 1.237

  Deut. 25.18.
• z 1.238

  Num. 1.16.
• a 1.239

  Num. 2 2..
• b 1.240

  1 Kin. 18.46
• c 1.241

  2 King. 4.29.
• d 1.242

  Act. 12.7.
• e 1.243

  Iudg. 20.48.
• f 1.244

  2 Sam. 15.30 Isa. 20.2, 3, 4.
• g 1.245

  Isa 5.27. & Mar. 6.9.
• h 1.246

  Mar. 6.8.
• i 1.247

  Exod. 12.11.
• k 1.248

  Gen. 32.10.
• l 1.249

  Zach. 8.4.
• m 1.250

  Beza, ad Mat. 26.20.
• n 1.251

  Exod. 12.25.
• a 1.252

  Num. 9.3.12
• * 1.253

  Ob.
• * 1.254

  Sol.
• b 1.255

  Num. 9.3.
• * 1.256

  Maimonides, in Korhan Pesach c. 10. Sect. 15.
• c 1.257

  Num. 9.3. & 12.
• a 1.258

  Iosephus 6.6.
• b 1.259

  Baronius, ad An. Christi. 34. Para. 37.
• c 1.260

  Alexand. ab Alexand. gen. dier. 6.6.
• d 1.261

  Philostracus, lib. 3. postn.ed.
• e 1.262

  Alexander ab A••exan. gen. dier. l. 5. c. 21.
• * 1.263

  Tertall Apolo∣get. cap. 7.
• a 1.264

  Tertul. ad Na∣tiones. 1 7.
• b 1.265

  Tertul. ad ux∣orem, v. 5.
• c 1.266

  Virgil. Aeneid. 8.
• * 1.267

  Virgil. Aeneid. 2.
• a 1.268

  Alexand. ab Alex. l. 5. cap. 25. initio.
• * 1.269

  Est. 1.6. & 7.8.
• * 1.270

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• b 1.271

  Pererius, in Ioh 13.••.
• c 1.272

  Ezek. 25.40. &c.
• * 1.273

  Gen. 19.4.
• e 1.274

  Clem. Alexan. paedagog. 2.3.
• * 1.275

  Tertul. ad Na∣tion. 1.10.
• b 1.276

  Tertul. contra Nation. 1.5.
• * 1.277

  Macrobius, Sa∣turnal. 1.7.
• a 1.278

  Ioseph. de Bel∣lo Iudaico, 6.31.
• b 1.279

  Id. ib. 7.17.
• c 1.280

  Caesars Regi∣ster, Auditor, or Secretary, or accountant.
• * 1.281

  A. Gellius, Noct Attic. 13.11.
• b 1.282

  Baron. ad An. Christi. 104. Num. 4.
• n 1.283

  Concerning this sojourning or Forrenour, strangers in the businesse of ea∣ting the Passe∣over: see Chap. 9. Pargra. 10.
• * 1.284

  The returne to this Point, after the ensu∣ing digressions, you shall finde below, Para∣graph the 9. Chap. 9
• * 1.285

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• b 1.286

  See above in this Chapter, Parag. 2.
• * 1.287

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• i 1.288

  That is, when all things are buried at the returne of the yeere.
• k 1.289

  That is, so far as it concerned publick busines∣ses, and secular affa••res, Moses left it, as he found it.
• * 1.290

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.291

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.292

  See this (af∣ter some inter∣venient digres∣sions) speciali∣zed, Chap. 11. Parag. 8.
• b 1.293

  Hora Scil. octava.
• * 1.294

  Water-mint.
• * 1.295

  Marjerome.
• * 1.296

  Savorie.
• * 1.297

  Nota.
• * 1.298

  Nota.