Of the heart and its right soveraign, and Rome no mother-church to England, or, An historical account of the title of our British Church, and by what ministry the Gospel was first planted in every country with a remembrance of the rights of Jerusalem above, in the great question, where is the true mother-church of Christians? / by T.J.

Col. 3.23. Whatsoever you do, do it from the Heart, as unto the Lord, and not unto men, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the Soul.

THe difference between the Soul and the Body, (which is the foundation of all Re∣ligion, and Honesty, and Honour,) is not so plainly demonstrable from Natural marks and arguments, (wherein the resemblance of Organs and Animal operations in man and beast, puts a meer Naturalist often to a stand,) as from Moral effects and experiments, and signatures undenyable.

For men's Actions good and bad, (like the Men themselves) consist of two Essential parts, Body and Soul, or the outside of the Action (which men regard) answering to the Body or Carcass; and the inside, or the intent and manner, (which God respects) answering to the Heart and Soul, which is all in all▪ to assigne a few instances received throughout man∣kind without controll. It is the mind and kindness of the giver, (which is as the Soul of the guift) and not the bulk and quantity, (which is but as the Body) that gives price and valuation to presents, with God and God-like men. And a Dinner of Herbs, or Bread and Water, where there is love and a cheerful coun∣tenance, as a signe of hearty welcom, (which is the life and Soul of entertainment) digests better, than the most Sumptuous Magnificent Feast, that is, where these are wanting. If a life be destroyed, yet if the will and intention (that is the heart) appear to have

no manner of hand at all therein, there is a non est factum in the Case; it's neither Murder, nor Slaugh∣ter, but Chance: Lucretia, though Villanously Ra∣vished in her Body, stands Chast and undefiled in Story; because she fully proved (after her Roman way) her mind to have been pure and unconsenting. It was done against my will, is a plea of Natural Lo∣gick in tender Age, and Riper, for their indemnity, in any fault committed, unawares: ••••ir promises and Professions, that proceed not from the heart, none value, but as wind; or as God doth the worship or repentance of a Hypocrite that hath a relapse and falsehood in his heart. The Roman General knew not how to be angry with the transported Greeks, that went nigh to press him to death with their excessive joy and thankfulness, at his unexpected Publication of their liberty at the Olympick Games; the verity of their heartiness, drown'd the danger of their out∣ward rudeness.

Whereby, as by a tast, it is apparent, that the want and absence of the Soul, or heart, render all our actions not only pale, and ghastly, and ill fa∣vour'd, but also null, and void, and dead; and that the least touch and tincture communicated from the Soul unto them, gives them a new and admirable life, and beauty: How great then must the loveliness and beauty of the Soul itself be? if the image of the Sun shines so bright in a Pail of water, How glorious is the Sun it self in full body in his own orb and firma∣ment?

Upon this account, so great a stress is laid upon the heart in all mens Actions; by all wise and holy men, by Solomon, My Son give me thy heart, Prov. 23.26. By our Blessed Saviour, from the heart proceed all evil thoughts and works, and all good by the con∣trary,

Mat. 15.19. By St. Paul in my Text, What∣soever you do, do it from the Heart, &c. without which all Religious worship would be Insignificant, and Cadaverous, and dead; as without brotherly love from the heart amon••••t brethren, your solemn Festi∣vals would be but jejune Pageantry, but a Feast of Artificial Napkins or painted Pastboard, or that wooden treat of the Poet,

Et tot á sonat ulmea Caena saburrâ.

2. The Text is a rule and lesson given to Servants; But doth God take care of Servants only? Doth it not as well belong to Masters also? yea it doth as much belong to Masters, Col. 4.1. For if the Servant is bound to eye the Authority and fear of Christ in his Master, is not the Master bound by Counter-part, in Equity, to appear in the mercy and tenderness of Christ towards such an awful and conscientious Ser∣vant? Or is there, or can there be any better regu∣lation of Master and Servant, than when Christ is made a Rule for both? And wherein lies the main∣stay and support of all the Societies and Commu∣nities of the World more, than in the right Regulati∣on of Master and Servant, Superiour and Inferiour? For Communities ever stand, or fall; decay, or flou∣rish, as Servants and Subjects▪ Masters and Gover∣nours, neglect or discharge, each their several parts and duties.

For in all our service and subjection, we have two Lords and Masters before us, our 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, v. 22. those our visible Lords and Masters, whom we outwardly and subordinatly serve in our Mortal bodies, with a condition and reservation ever, that they interfere not in their Commands with God, Acts

4.19. And our Invisible and supreme Lord and Master, whom we absolutely and unconditionally serve and obey, with our immortall Souls and Spirits, which know no Superiour but God alone, or Christ, (the Lord in my text) who, because he hath right to the entire service of the heart and soul, according to our Apostle in this text, is therefore truly God.

And seeing we are to do all from the heart and soul, (or else nothing in reason is by us ever done) And the heart or the soul knows none over it, but only God, the Apostle therefore takes Christians off from serving Earthly and perishing Lords & Masters, to serve our only ever-living Master in Heaven from the heart, (of whom Masters on Earth to Christians, are as Signs and Symbols,) changing eye-service for fear, into heart-service for Conscience. v. 22. Our Earthly drudgery to men, into Heavenly worship towards God; fear of blows, into fear of Hell: tem∣poral liberty, and salary, into everlasting bliss and Glory; knowing saith he v. 24. That of the Lord you shall receive the reward of the Inheritance, for ye serve the Lord Christ.

Ye serve the Lord Christ, and you are to serve your Masters and Governours over you in the flesh, never∣theless; yea the more, because they are now, (to you,) vested with Christ. By the Christian Hypothesis Earthly Masters and Governours, are, as I may say, Sacramentally chang'd and consecrated into Christ, yet continue the same Masters and Governours nevertheless, un-transubstantiated, un-removed from their beings and stations, to make room for Christ▪ So that a Quaker may with a safe conscience, ye•• ought in conscience, to express Reverence from his heart, as to Christ in the first place, so to his Superiour in the next, yea to Christ himself in the

persons of his Superiours at once. And as the Blessed Sacrament is Holy Bread to our sense, while yet Christ himself, to our Faith; so the Christian Servant, or Subject serves an Earthly Prince or Master in the flesh, but serves the Lord Christ himself, in his heart and Faith; the outside of the service is transacted here on Earth, between man and man; the Inside is performed in Heaven through Faith between the Soul and God. The height and stature of a Right Christian reaches from Earth to Heaven, pedibus terram terit, & caput inter nubila condit. The Origi∣nall Model and Truth of all his actions, is order'd and contriv'd in his upper-man, in his Sanctum Sancto∣rum, where there is access to none, but God and his conscience, Christ and his heart: his outward Actions in his lower man, or outward court of the body, are but Copies and Proclamations, of those Rules from above; and are all executed by, and towards de∣puties; our hands being the Proxies of our Souls, and our Neighbours and Superiours, the Proxies of Christ. And should a lust or Idoll, or Self-interest or Carnall fear, steal in, or usurp, (like Lucifer or Antichrist,) the Throne of Christ in the upper man (the Soul,) the Inferiour faculties below, will serve and worship this Impostor or Usurper, with the same Allegiance, the same fear and trembling, as Christ himself, which is an abominable Idolatry and confusion, and a vile and treasonable Prophanation and subversion of Christs Honour and Soveraignty in us, together with that of our own Liberty and felicity. Therefore the heart is to be always watch'd and guarded against invasions. Prov. 4.24. and kept free and entire for Christ; and whatsoever we do, we are to do it for no other end or respect, and for no mans sake, but Christ, which is the benefit and Interest of the superi∣our,

and Inferiour too. The Master or Superiour is happy in the fidelity and Religion of his Servant, who is now as diligent in his work behind the back, as before the face, directing his service not to man, who cannot always see him, but to Christ from his heart, present at all times and places to him in his heart and faith: And the servant is much more happy, not only in his Immense and Infinite reward for his labour, a∣bove what his Earthly Lord or Master could ever reach to give, but in the glorious liberty and dignity of his condition, being not so much Servant, as bro∣ther to his own Lord and Master, in Christ, whose Servants both are alike, and the chief Rulers of the Earth, and the Angels of Heaven, count it their chief honour and glory so to be.

The text, (as we, all men,) consists of two parts, Body, and Soul. The Body in those words, what∣soever ye do; ye, that is ye Servants; which takes in all ranks and orders, and degrees of men; all from the Plow to the Throne, being but Servants; Servants, either of man, or God, or both; and the word, what∣soever, comprehends all the duties and Actions of them all. The Soul, or the heart of my text in the other words, do it from the heart, as unto the Lord and not unto men: where there are two parts of this, the heart, the right. ventricle, and the left: the right, or positive part, in these words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as to the Lord; and the left, or Negative part, in the other, and not unto men.

(1.) In the right part, the particle, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ implies a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or quatenus ipsum, as Logicians say, between the Lord and the heart; whatsoever is done, or not done, from the heart, is done, or not done to the Lord in effect; and whatsoever is, or is not done for the Lord, is, or is not done from the heart; because of

the concat••nation or eternall correlation between these two (for ever Inseparable Liege and Subject,) God and the Soul: for though a sincere Heathen, and a carnall Christian seem both miserably out, the one, for want of God, the other for want of the ••ear•• in worship: yet in neither, where one is present, i•• the other correlative, really ever wanting: and Socrates and Cicero who serv'd false Gods actually, did design the true God in their hearts, and will rise up in judgement, against such nominall Christians o•• Catholicks, who actually worship Christ, but de∣sign another end in their hearts, their Backs or Bellies, or secular conveniences by him; and whatsoever is the aim of our heart, is our God. And this chief end, and treasure at the bottom of the heart and intention, (which as our Saviour notes, Math. 6.21. goes ever with the heart) is that, which (as the Soul of the acti∣on,) gives life and formality to it, and denomination to the worshipper: either of a true worshipper, or true Christian, where the chief end at bottom is the true God, or Christ: or of an Idolator, or Atheist, where the chief end in the heart, is the world, or self; which God well knows, and every mans con∣science can best tell him, which it is.

(2.) The negative part, not unto men; yea to men, as secondary Masters, by the order of Christ, the chief: to Masters according to the flesh, v. 22. but not from fleshly motives or worldly respect or fear; that were contrary to the nature of the Soul, and the faith of Christians: for the Soul knows none to be loved or feared, but God alone, or in reference to him; and faith sets us above the world, and consequently above all wordly fears or ends in our actings, if our actings be Christian, and our Christianity be true.

To dwell on the first part, or body of the text, and

to enumerate all the fair limbs and lineaments of du∣ty belonging to all sorts of men, in their severall ranks and orders, were in effect, to sum up to you, the whole duty of man: which yet, without the second part, or the heart in my text, would prove but a meer Anatomy, or Skeleton, the shell without the kernell, the body without the soul.

And though the outside of our duties be nothing, (if compar'd to the inside or heart therereof,) and the latter is to be chiefly done, yet the former is not to be left undone, for how can that be done from the heart, which is not done at all? or well done before God, which is ill done before men? before whom we are bound to glorifie God, as well as within our hearts.

I shall therefore fall to the heart and life of my text, after warning and detection given of a great and dangerous errour among Christians, which lies in the extreme, (where faults use to lie.) Not theirs do I mean, with whom their body, and its wellfare, are all in all, with them, and their immortall Souls, but as ciphers, out of sight, out of mind, which is a very Catholick Irreligion, not to be refuted here, because such cannot pretend to be Christians, because they are no men; and no men, because they deny their Souls; falling short of nobler Infidels and Heathens, in Wit, and Spirit, and Religion, and hearding themselves unworthily with the beasts that perish, having no signs of manliness left, but the false magnanimity of wounding and damning there no Souls, and vilifying the Lord Christ, his Scriptures, and Ministers, and that before any open renunciation of their Christianity, which is against the Law of Nations, in the treachery, and of common sense and reason, in the contradiction.

But the errour in extream, that I would warn you of, hath the face of sincerity, and Christian honour

and perfection, maintaining the soul to be all in all, and the body, or outside of our duties to be nothing, and not worth the ordering or regarding; who therefore seldom or never open their hands, in charity to their brethren in distress, but think it enough, to pity and re∣lieve them in their hearts, that think good works need∣less, least they justle out Faith, which is the heart of all Religion: that think decent ceremonies and habits in Gods service lawfully ordain'd, (and answering but to the body) to be slighted, as Inconsistent with the worship of God in Spirit and Truth, (which answers to the Soul) and that there are to be no Masters, or Superiours, according to the flesh; whatsoever St. Paul saith here to the contrary v. 22. but all to be thou'd with Hat on, as equalls, because the Soul hath but one Superiour to it, that is, God.

The root of such mens mistake lies in this, that they conceive Subordinates to be contrary, and compara∣tives wholly to destroy the positive; that heart and hand cannot go together; that the body and the soul, and God and man, and Heaven and Earth be inconsistent, because the one doth so far excell and out-go the other.

Two errors there are, Antient and modern, con∣trary to one another, yet twins of the same womb, that have much annoyed and moth-eaten the beau∣ty, and glory of the Christian Church, in its severall ages all along, and brought needless straits and trou∣bles upon many a well-meaning Christian. (1.) That of Monkery, (2.) that other of Nonconformity: the root and (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) of both, being in the one, a Melancholly; in the other, a willfull Imagination, of Inconsistency, where there is none; for the soul may be saved, without going a begging, and God may be worshipped, (as well as Idolatry incurr'd) by the re∣verence

of the knee: For though this present World compared to that to come, be nothing with the Monk, as the knee compar'd to the heart, is nothing with the Non-conformist, wherein both be very right and Or∣thodox: yet considered apart, and by themselves, out of such comparison, they recover again their positive, necessary, and convenient bein••, and their use and goodness with their being by consequence: As the Earth is nothing in respect of Heaven, and England therefore (so small a part of the Earth) is less than nothing in all reason: However by it self posi∣tively considered, it is a large Territory of many dayes Journey, consisting of several Counties, and famous Towns, and Cities, affording large materials, for Laws, and Government, and Order.

But if Monk and Seperatist be compar'd as to the consequence of their principles, or the sincerity of their Discipline; the one is found to wrong himself only; the other, publick peace and order: The one to despise the World, (which agrees with a Christian) the other to despise Government, (which too much agrees with Antichrist, Jud. 8. 2 Thess. 2.4.) withall, it's far easier to flesh and bloud to abstain from bow∣ing, or kneeling, or capping, than to wear Sack-cloath, or to live on Bread and Water all ones life: Its easier I say, and less subject to taking cold, to change you, into thou, than to walk bare-foot all the year; therefore the Monk stands further off from the Hypocrite, than the Quaker, though from the unwise, both much at equal distance.

To place all Religion and Service of God in opere operato, or the work outwardly done, though with∣out the heart or understanding, is Idle and Popish: To place none in the outward Reverence of the body, before Angels and men, is Rude, and Fanatical, and

Scandalous: To perform all the parts of our outward duties with care and Reverence; but to judge them as nothing, and as meer formality, compared to the truth and sincerity of our hearts to Christ, this is Or∣thodox and Regular Religion, and well pleasing in the sight of God and Reason.

For great is the natural, greater (or more sensible) is the moral difference between our Bodies and Souls: The Body (like matter in Plato) is a vast, spungy, dull, Earthly, lump, and substance; without any life, or spirit: But the Soul, is a contract, and strong, and indivisible, divine, and lively essence, and spirit, being that in the Body, what God is in the World, tota in toto: Giving life, and motion, and vigour, to all its parts; minimum maximi m••jus maximo mi∣nimi, a Mole-hill of Gold, is worth a Mountain of Oare.

But the moral difference between them, (currant in Conversation, and the esteem, and value of God, and man) seems much greater: Five words of real English truth from the heart, are better received with all men, than ten thousand Complements and Grima••ces. Though a vast Estate be greatly valued in the World, (for the port and respect that attends it) yet health, and life, have far the pre-eminence, when ever they stand in Competition: Yet the one, and the other, both Estate and life, set against the Soul, become so little worth, that they both must expose themselves at its beck, into Martyrdom, and Se∣questration, and the Canons mouth, to defend and make good, but any one Article of Faith, any one Principle of Honour and Loyalty in the heart: And your Hectors bid higher, who by their Hair-brain Duells, and sickly Luxuries, and hazardous and ig∣nominious Lusts, do loudly maintain, that an erro∣neous

thought or fancy of the Soul, is of more value and price, than health and life, and all the World? What then must be the worth and value of thoughts, sober, and wise, and true? What of the Soul it self, the Matrix and mother of them all? Therefore God, who understands the nature of the Soul, takes it for no service at all, but rather a contempt, which is offered to him by the lip without the heart, Mat. 15.8. Ones whole life, spent in his service, without the heart, is not one hour, or minute spent therein: If I speak with the Tongue of men and Angels, and have not Charity, (that is, do it not for the Glory of God, and the Edification of men, from my heart) I am but as sounding-brass, and a tinckling-cymbal: If I bestow all I have to the poor, and give my body to be burnt, and have not Charity (that is, do it for a vain Glory, or for some other respect, than from my heart to God) it profiteth me nothing, 1 Cor. 13.1, 2, 3.

But this second and principal part of my Text, touching the Heart and Soul of our Actions, may for distincter method, be further explained and illustrated two ways: By shewing (1.) The Quomodo. (2.) The Quare. The Quomodo, how we are to Act, is ex∣pressed in those words. (1.) From the heart. (2.) To the Lord. (3.) Not to men. (2.) The Quare, why we are so to Act, is insinuated in those two words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Heart, and the Lord, and of these in Order.

(1.) For the Quomodo, in the first place; Whatsoever we do, we must do it from the Heart which requires these three properties at least. (1.) That we do it with Knowledge. (2.) With Freedom. (3.) With Conscience to God, and no other: The Will and Ʋnderstanding (being the two parts of the Soul) require the two first;

and the natural bent and verticity of the Soul after God, (its only center and rest) requires the last: For nothing is, or can be said, to be done from the heart, which is not done for God, and before him: An honest hearty man, doth all, that he doth, as it were, upon his oath, because he doth every thing from his heart, and Conscience, in the presence of God.

(1.) In the first place, what is done from the heart, must be done with knowledge, and attention, (which is the wakefulness of knowledge.) For where there is no understanding, there can be no will, or rational consent; (as in Beasts, Idiots, Lunatiques, Minors, and persons cheated, surpriz'd, miss-led;) and where no will, then no heart; heart, will, Soul, and understanding, being all the same. Therefore St. Paul decides it to be Idolatry to worship, even the true God, ignorantly; as in the Case of the Atheni∣ans: Act. 17.23. And our Saviour Christ gives a rea∣son for it, Joh. 4.22. in the Case of the Samaritans, Ye worship (saith he) you know not what. In our Savi∣ours account, God is not reckoned to be worshipped by those, that worship him ignorantly, or blindly, hit or miss; whether him, or an Idol, or Usurper in his stead.

(2.) With freedom, which implies two things. (1.) The exclusion of force and fear. (2.) Necessity of Grace and Gods assistance: For force and fear de∣stroy the will, and all hearty consent and delight, as much as ignorance and errour did; for what we do by force and fear, we do it from a principle without, to save our skins; but what we do from the Heart, we do it from a principle within, in complyance with truth and justice, or Gods mind, wherewith the heart complies of its own accord:

These being so diametrically contrary to one another; therefore freedom and force can never stand well to∣gether. If Religion is to spring from the heart, as saith my Text, its absurdity and contradiction to propagate it by force: Governours may, and per∣haps ought, to use the discipline of the Rod and power paternally, towards obstinate and froward Subjects▪ to create Attention and respect in them towards the truth, but to use Axe, or Fag••ot, to burn and de∣stroy the Lives of all Dissenters, is far from the spirit of Christ, Luk. 9.55. Which method began to be in practice, when Religion without a Heart, (and consequently without God) began to be in fashion in the World, and Corpus Christi worshipped and re∣verenc'd above Christ himself; and the Wood of the Cross, above the Mystery of the Cross; and a frail Father on Earth, above our Father in Heaven. And as the growth and prevalence of the true Church, over Idolatry and Heresie, was by truth and meek∣ness and benificence, which tended to win the heart, like the Suns victory over darkness, which it early dispells with its light and rayes without noise or bloud-shed; yet with a sufficient Glorious alteration in the World: So the growth of the false, hath mostly ever been, by ignorance, and Fire, and Gun-powder, which quench and alienate mens hearts and spirits; or like the March of the Grand Seigniour, which burns and destroys all that stands in its way.

(2.) The necessity of the Assistance of Gods spi∣rit, obtainable by servent Prayer, to renew and make us truly free and right,: without whose Illumination, and renewing of our minds and hearts, we can nei∣ther know, nor love what is truly good, nor in our hearts be affected towards it. The carnall man, who

is blinded with lusts, and suffers his affections (which are the wings of the Soul) to be intangled and fetter∣ed with the bird-lim•• of sensual pleasures, and word∣ly delights, and your glory; hath neither heart, nor power l••••t him, ••o 〈◊〉〈◊〉 up towards Heaven, o•• to qui•• his s••eming g•• 〈…〉〈…〉 in han••, to purifie the savour of an•• 〈…〉〈…〉 ••hom he knows in his conscience, to 〈…〉〈…〉 to his present ways and practices. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 w••en, through the Cross and death of Christ, and the mortification of his flesh, by Fasting and Prayer, the Soul dies to this present world, and the lusts thereof; and by that death of Faith, is set at liberty, and detach'd, as men say, from such snares and fetters, then it can soar as an Eagle, and ascend in its affections, in the power of Christs ascention, to∣wards Heaven, its true rest and center, with delight and ease. All are for ease and rest, both godly and un∣godly: the rest and pleasure of the just and unjust differ from one another, but by truth and appearance; both pursue their vices and virtues from the heart; the one with a false, the other with true, delight and satisfaction: Wine, and Women, and the like, which take away the heart Hos. 14. are pursued from the heart, by their several followers; but with a void and dead consent, because of the deceit, and disappoint∣ment they meet in them: thus all sinners tire them∣selves forever in a maze of contradictory and absurd elections and short-liv'd joyes; soon repenting, and hating that bliss, they eagerly chuse and pursue; be∣cause they put up false Coyn for true, through want of skill and care, and take their counsels and measures from sense, and the flesh, and not from the Soul or renewed mind, to chuse objects for their hearts to rest on, as shall never deceive or disappoint their expectation, none being such, but God or Christ a∣lone.

Which is the third property requir'd in our doing, whatsoever we do from the heart, and contains the remaining parts of the Quomodo, To the Lord, and not to men, which may be spoken to, together. The heart of man, is not for two contraries at once, God and Mammon; Christ and a lust together: the Soul abhors all such Polygamy: it is either wholly and un∣dividedly for God, and all else for his sake: or wholly for its prime lust and Idol, which thereupon be∣comes, as a God unto it; For out of a God in gene∣rall, true or false, the Soul can neither Act, nor move, nor stir: therefore the verse before the text, requires Christ to be served and obey'd with singleness of heart, which if it be done for any wordly end, or design, as the chief motive of the heart; the heart is divided, or doubled between them; and a double heart is no heart, the division of the heart and will, destroys it; and Christ is not serv'd, or obey'd at all, but rather Irritated and provok'd to enmity against us, by our making other ends partners in our hearts, of that glory and worship, which is due to him alone: whereby you may perceive the world is to withdraw, and depart out of sight and hearing, when the Christian Soul comes upon the Stage, to Act its part before its God alone, like a Nightingale in a still calm, it being below the Soul to sing her part to any other ear: neither can the heart own any competent spectator of its Actions, but Him alone, who can search, and judge it.

And what is more agreable (as with this text) so with the great care of our Saviour also in the right ordering of our Religious Actions, our Alms, and Fasting, and Prayer, that we do all to Gods eye a∣lone, and not to be seen of men Math. 6.1, 2, 3. For if we do the same for men, we have our reward, that

is, they must pay us who set us on work; or, for whom we chuse to work: but if for God in secret, then God who seeth in secret, shall reward us open∣ly. If we pray in our Closets, it must be to God a∣lone intirely, being more seen and heard by him a∣lone, than if we prayed in the sight and hearing of the whole world: If we pray in the Church, (where we are seen of men,) we are not so to pray, that men may praise our devotions, but that God may approve our hearts, we are to Pray in private, be∣tween God and our heart, in the midst of the con∣gregation, as in a desert: In duties of the Pulpit, Bench, or Shop, our chief aim must not be lucre; or vain glory, the fear, or the favour of any, but the ap¦proving of our hearts and consciences to Christ, which will make us just, and bold, and sober, and tender: We are not to be dejected or cast down for any loss, but the loss of Christs favour by our sins, which sorrow is its own cure: we are not to esteem our selves better than others in any thing, but where we can out-go them in conformity to our meek and humble Saviour, which kind of humility is true and Divine Grandeur: nor to count our selves at ease, amidst our ease and plenty, till we find it to go well with Christ and his Church, which is our zeal and Loyalty.

The Christian (that Acts all in Christ, and through Christ, and for Christ,) super-induces Christ upon himself, and upon every other person, he hath to do with; as the colour of the glass shall colour all the objects the eye sees through it, even as envy and malice on the contrary, sees the Devil in every Brother, and finds him in it self. His hope of life and Salvation ebbs and flows according as he finds himself in, or out, of Christ Rom 8.1. and he finds

himself in, or out, of Christ, according as his thoughts, words, or actions, agree or disagree, with the per∣son of Christ, which (as a Christian) he hath put on for his rule and measure, Gal. 3.27.-5.24. He dares not approach his Neighbours bed, because he earries Christ in him, and upon him, wheresoever he moves; shall I take a member of Christ to make it a member of an Harlot? God forbid, 1 Cor. 6.15. He preferrs every Brother, or Sister in humility, before himself, against his pride, because Christ to his Faith, is in every Brother or Sister, Rom. 12.10. 1 Cor. 8.12. He is faithfull and diligent in his Masters business, against his sloath and temptations, consi∣dering with himself, he serves not man, but Christ, as in my Text. In a relation of husband or wife, Christ and his Church are to be acted betwen them, the one is to love his wife, (for all her frailties,) as Christ loved his Church; the other is to honour her Husband, against her discontents, as the Church honours Christ: Eph. 5.22, 25. He obeys his Su∣periors in all lawfull injunctions, against his scruples, because Christ in his Faith rules in them, who is worthy to be submitted to, Prov. 8.15. Rev. 1.5. He forgives his enemies against his stomach, because Christs will, is now his will, and not his own, Math. 5.44. He is liberal to the poor against his avarice, because Christ, to his Faith, is in the poor as really, saith St. Chrysostome, as in the Sacrament, Math. 25.40. He neither wrongs, nor imposes on, nor scandalizes any man, with his good will; that, to his Faith, were to wrong, or impose upon, or scandalize Christ himself, 1 Cor. 8.12. (as much as in him lyes) which he abhorrs and trembles at: Neither is he weary of praying, or doing good, (as his flesh would suggest) because; to his Faith, its the same to him, as

being in Heaven with Christ all the while, 1 Cor. 15.58. Heb. 11.1. he startles at the first step, or motion to any sin, because, to his Faith, (which makes the threats of Christ ever present to him, as well as his rewards) it signifies here to him, the same with departing from Christs presence into everlasting flames, with the Devil and his Angels, Mat. 25.41. Good God! what an Heaven upon Earth it were to live among Christians, if all that were Christians by name, were Christians indeed and in truth! And none can be truly saved, but those alone, who are truly Christians in heart to Christ, and not in appearance to men on∣ly: And so much for the Quomodo, how we must do all from the heart to Christ, and not to men: Next follows the Quare, or the two reasons, why we are so to act, the first implyed in the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the other in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the (1.) Soul, and (2.) the Lord.

(1.) The first is, from the fundamental nature and fabrick of our Souls, which bear a connatural, imbred allegiance, and subjection to God, and no other, to whom they are as Unisons, or Correlates, as the eye was made to answer the Light, or the herb Heliotropium to move at the motion of the Sun; or, as your common Daisies, that (as it were with mourning and joy,) shut and open, according as they lose, or enjoy, the Sun: Our Souls are not sui juris, independant unaccountable beings; (that were for a Creature to be the same, as God is;) but are subject and responsible for all their most inward designs and actions, and that to God alone, and no other: All Earthly powers, and their threats, and bonds, they flight, and defie, as Sampson did his Withs and Cords, or Leviathan doth Iron and Brass, to him, but as straw and stubble: But God or Christ

they will own as their Leige, who governs them by a Vice-Roy; I mean Conscience, which is the same with the heart, in my Text, which seems to be no other, than the Soul it self made an Officer or Register, both for, and against it self, to view, and record, and report all passages impartially against the great Tribunal, being a manifest demonstration of the im∣mense power of that Almighty Soveraign, who thus controlls and rules this potent and lofty spirit, the Soul of man, and all for its good.

Rather than to be without a God to Worship, by way of virtue and Religion; the Soul will chuse an Idol to serve, by way of Vice and Idolatry. There are two experiments to be remarked in the worst of sinners, that irrefragably prove a God. The first is, their infinite insatiable appetite after their pecu∣liar Lusts, (which is that true 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Avarice, which Scripture stiles Idolatry, Col. 3.5.)▪ The second is, that forlorn guilt and anguish that the Conscience ever meets with, (criminibus peractis,) as the Poet said, as soon as the Commission of the sin is over, which no Creature for the present can allay, or still, with∣out either Gods pardon upon Repentance and a∣mendment; or the help of time at least to forget it, whereby the heart, like the skin, grows more hard and senseless, by its wounds ill Cur'd.

These two effects very evidently prove, it was a Divine and an Infinite Bliss and Happiness, the Soul did aim at, and forfeit, in all its wicked fruitions and disappointments; such an unbounded manner of Pursuing, and Ruing, being as clear an argument, as ten thousand miracles, to prove the existence, and nearness of the deity to mens Actions, but that Vi∣cious Souls, by the habit and Custom of vice, be∣come Callous and Bedlam-like, insensible, and so

wholly brutal, and un-attentive after God, as the very beasts, that perish; in whom we commonly ob∣serve several shadows and resemblances of our own Reason in some degree, but not the least sense, or footstep, or inclination after Religion, or Altars, or Sacraments: This being the peculiar imploy, and prerogative, of Immortal Spirits. Seeing therefore our Souls cannot be without either God, or Idol, to serve and fear; and cannot serve both, or neither; it is not only our duty, but necessity, to chuse to do all we do, rightly from the heart, to the true God alone, to our unspeakable comfort and reward; than erroneously, to Worldly and private ends or Idols, to our everlasting misery and ruine. This is the first rea∣son, from the fundamental constitution, and Genius of our Souls, which were made from the beginning, (as Adam in Paradice) to walk and converse only with God: and the good lives of the best Patriarchs, are remarkably compriz'd in Scripture, in a phrase to the same effect, That they walked with God. And our own Law resolves all Crimes in her Indictments, into one Cause, The want of the fear of God before mens eyes: And why is it, that peace of Conscience can defie the frowns of the whole World; and all the fa∣vour and affluence of the World, cannot quiet a di∣sturb'd mind, but that the entire concern and inte∣rest of man is found by all experience to be solely and immediatly in God.

The second reason is implyed, in the word Lord, who is Christ: For Christ became Lord of Christians, by purchase and merit, by dying for them, as the Apostle Argues, 2 Cor. 5.15. In whose Death and Cross, this present World hath its end and period by Faith, as the Old World in the deluge, by Gods judg∣ments. And the Christian Church, is a New raised

people, a new Creature, springing out of the Grave of the second Adam, (as Eve the type of the Church, from the first Adam fallen asleep,) and following Christ in heart and faith, to the right hand of God, where now he is.

For the Church of Christ is supposed and laid, ac∣cording to the Scriptures, in Hea∣ven above,* 1.1 Col. 3.1. Heb. 12.22, 23. and not in any Corner, or City, or Chair on Earth, here below, as some Modern Donatists, or Romanists strongly fancy for their gain, deceiving and being deceived. And this present World, with its pomps and concerns, (which used to allure and detain the Soul from God) to be withdrawn, and vanished, and dead and gone, Col. 3.3. 1 Cor. 7.31. And all the Cob-webs of Worldly ends, and lusts, and transitory designes, (which used to bind Carnal hearts like strong Cords) swept, and removed out of the way; and none left but Christ, and the Soul, alone, upon the pit: None for it to love, or converse, or set its heart upon, but Christ alone; Christ Personal, or Christ Mystical, Christ in himself, or Christ in his living Images in be∣ing, or to be, that is, his Church: So like is our Restoration by Christ, as Christians, to our Creation at first, by God, as men; by both we were made to converse with God alone; all other things be∣ing set below us under our feet, by subjection, or by death: By subjection, by the law of the Creation, and by death, by the designe and fiction of the Re∣generation: So true is that of the Apple, 1 Joh. 1.3. Truly our fellowship is with the Father, and with his Son Jesus Christ; for as the Soul could not stir out of God, so neither hath the Christian any life, or motion, or being, out of Christ: Whatsoever he

doth, he must do it according to that general Rule of St. Paul, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, only in the Lord, 1 Cor. 7.39.

Christ hath the heart of a Christian in the first place; next those, that are likest in their lives, and places, to him: He joynes in Communion with this, or that Church, as far as they keep Communi∣on with Christ, and no further: He'l joyn in Com∣munion with St. Peter, that Christ is the Son of the living God; he'll separate from St. Peter him∣self, in his Abnegation, and return again to his Com∣munion upon his Repentance with bitter tears, for that his Abnegation: being still constant to Christ, though Peter not constant to himself. And no other Inferiour Pope, or Church on Earth, can claime Communion with, or submission from us, upon any other terms, than as our Prime and Eternal Alle∣giance to Christ, will give leave and permit, without the guilt of Treasonable Idolatry against Heaven, in our selves, to give and yield it, in them, to take or arrogate it: For whether we serve a Master, or obey a Governour, or chuse, or approve a Church, or Marry, or live single, or eat, or drink, or celebrate a Festival, or whatsoever else we are to do, we are to do all from the heart, as unto the Lord, and not unto men: And so much of the Doctrinal part of my Text.

Which in the first place is of infinite use and in∣fluence, to the right ordering and prosperity of So∣cieties and Communities, whether those Majorum Gentium, of the greater size and sort, that of Church, and Common-wealth, or mankind in General; or other particular Fraternities of a lesser compass, formed after the mould and imitation of those greater: For nothing ever was given more useful to the World, to sodder and strengthen Societies and

Corporations, than Christian Charity, or Love from the heart towards one another for Christs sake, which adopts and Incorporates all, both small▪ and great, to its Heavenly community, all the members of any Company, all the Companies of any City, and all the Cities, and States, and Kingdoms of the world, into an unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace.

Men are weak, and comfortless, and of a narrow sphere, while alone; but grow strong, and goodly, and formidable, and useful to all, and to one another, when united and confederated together, in lawful bands and Brother-hoods; as, I need not prove, your vocation and establishment to be, which is founded not only upon the indispensable needs of men, but the express allowance also, and the approbation of Laws both Humane and Divine. It is not Wealth, or Gold, or Purse, makes Interest and Power, but men and friends: as Cicero observes in his offices, for those, without these, would little avail to our aid or comfort; neither are we ever sure of men, to be on our sides, or fully to be trusted in, till first we are sure of their hearts, and nothing more wins and binds the hearts of men unto us, than our hearts to them, whether with our gift, or without: nothing so charms the heart of another, as a heart to meet it, as no loss more weakens, and dethrones, than the loss of hearts. Now this communion and fellowship of hearts and souls, is no where so to be learnt or acquired, as in the School of Christ, who is the sole legislator and judge of Souls and hearts,

I'le Instance therefore in a concise description of a true and false Brother, or member of this, or that Society, whether greater or smaller, according to the Christian pattern, and the Apostical rule of my

Text; to point but at the one, or the other, is suf∣ficient praise and reproof for either.

A right Brother then of his Society, is him, in a word, that is true hearted; which no man ever was, or will be, without discharging every duty, that lies upon him, out of conscience to God, and his Saviour; he considers aright, his livelihood, and priviledge, his love, and honour, from that Com∣pany, or Charter, to which he relates, and his duty arising from his priviledge, and the blessing of Hea∣ven showring upon him, and his, while he consci∣entiously performs his duty. He considers, that by being of a Society, he hath a new and a larger self than before, (being co-extended and co-multiplied, according to the number and considerableness of the whole Brotherhood whereof he is) and with this new-self, a new-self preservation by consequence, and a larger care doth grow upon him: before he was but one, and had but one to care for, now he is grown into hundreds, and hath hundreds therefore to love, and tender, even as he is tendered by them. For it's manifest, the whole body owns the concerns of every the least member belonging to it, and if a toe be but crushed, the pain goes to head, and heart, and all. He conceives it therefore but equity and reason, that he should answer love with love, that his gratitude should indent with his advantage from his Society; yea, that his returns of love should exceed his receipts, like the good ground, that re∣pairs an handful of seed with an Harvest. He loves therefore every Brother of his community, equall, yea above himself, or his own single concern therein: being thus match'd and exhausted in his disbursments and duty towards any one, what stock hath he left to answer the love of the whole community, who

are hundreds of friends and defenders of him, who is but one, against them? here he finds himself in∣solvent and over match'd with love, and studies to get out of debt, but cannot; and gladly would he meet some streit, or tryal, or expence, some happy kind of prejudice or honourable undoing of himself, to do them some publick good, and to testifie his preference of them by prostration, and an humble annihilation of himself before them: this is but the temper, and due disposition of every member, to∣wards the publick good, and preservation of that Body or Community, whereof he is: all true and Generous Spirits, have their greatest wish and bliss, when an opportunity is offered them, to preserve and defend their Country, though with the manifest hazard of their lives. Dulce & decorum est pro patriâ mori: and so it is, and ought to be, in some pa∣rallel proportion, in every lesser Corporation. It is not only the duty, but the delight of every genuine member thereof, to Sacrifice his whole private in∣terest therein, for its publick welfare, when necessity shall require; and a greater allegiance to a greater Society, or stronger relation, shall not countermand him.

Thus he lives, and thus he dies; and when he dies, his whole Society die with him, in grief and sorrow for the loss of so dear a Brother, so true a heart: yea they will not suffer him to die, nor his name to see corruption, but attend him solemnly to his grave, loaded with respect and mourning: What, to leave him there behind them? No; but to combat death for his rescue; and to raise him from the dead, in the strength of their love, (to which nothing is impossible) and to bring him back into a life of honour and immortality in their hearts and

memories: this life of honour, and good name, be∣ing a new life, and better than natural life it self, in the sense of civilized mankind. But he is before∣hand with them, being pre-embalm'd, and secur'd a∣gainst all assaults of death, by his brazen wall, the Testimony of a good conscience: for a good con∣science is infinitely better, and more durable than a good name. This is the Original life of honour, to which that from our neighbours, is but the Counter∣part and eccho; subject to mistakes both of love and malice: But his blessed Saviour, who is greater than his conscience, is as much before-hand with him, in point of life to be restored, as he was with them: his merciful Saviour graciously considers, this poor man, in all his toyl and imployment, his heart did ever aim at me; and shall I do nothing for him in his low condition, now he is given by all for lost? he considers when his feet travell'd toward his Patients, his heart, the same time, travell'd towards Heaven and God: that he tender'd the lives and purses of his charge, the bills and reputation of his directors: the orders and weal of his Society, (either his obedience to it, or place of trust in it) (which all carry some equivalence to life) all from his heart and conscience, doing as he would be done by, in the sight of Christ, his Lord and Judge; ex∣tracting by Divine Chymistry, some service and worship to his Saviour, out of every imployment on Earth; Christ therefore owns him to have been his Minister and Servant all the while, (and not the Communities.) Now to be provided for, and con∣sidered by a bountiful Master, who hath ability and inclination to effect it to some purpose; and this good and faithful Servant, shall now enter into his Masters joy, and be crowned with that astonishing

bliss and Immortality, to which all honour and good name here below, (so much valued in the world,) were but empty shadows and chances: and peace of conscience it self, which passeth all understanding, but a short glimpse and fore-tast. Dearly beloved and honour'd, let me leave this lesson in your mind, In perpetuam rei memoriam; that no man is happy or unfortunate, but he alone, that hath Christ, the judge of Quick and Dead, to be his Friend or Ene∣my; his Friend, by loving Christ; his Enemy, by wounding Christ in any Brother, Act. 9.4. Math. 25.39. and bless ye his Holy name, and serve him from the heart for ever, who doth so espouse each your concerns and Protection, as to count your Friends, his Friends: your Enemies, his Enemies; yea your selves his Friends, or Enemies, according as your selves either love, or hate your Brethren, and love or hate Christ by consequence in them.

And as for the false Brother of his Society, I am loath to rip him up before you (though contraries serve to Illustrate one another,) for fear of offence to any of your sences, though he be yet above ground; yet seeing many of you perhaps, have been well innur'd to such hardships, for the benefit of the li∣ving, I'le dissect and open his breast only, to con∣vince you manifestly, that his disease lies, where the others health and soundness lay in, the heart. I mean, a rotten heart, base and Hypocriticall, and false, and stuffed with nothing else, but sordid self-love, and private ends, that engrossed all his con∣cern and care, either for his Brethren, or Superiours or Country; inverting and confounding the order and course of nature in him, setting the toe above the head, the Subject above Soveraign, the weal of one member above the weal of the other, or the

safety of the whole, or principal; though the decay of the one, involves in it, of necessity, the decay of the other likewise, and his folly returns upon him∣self, being served by others, as he served them, all caring as little for him, as he cared for them, and his self-love at long running, found to be self-loss, and to devour it self, as well as its neighbours, for want of a right rule to guide it.

For this self-monarch, loves neither part, nor whole; neither his equal, nor, Superiour, with the love of charity, or equality, and honour, according to the Rules and Laws, and rewards of Christ and Conscience, but as a Gentleman loves a good Horse, or a Hector his Mistress, in reference only to his Saddle, or his Lust; his Courtesies are but his chaffe to cover his Nets, wherewith he is invegling: He studies to bring all about him, and the whole community, to serve his ends; that is, in plain terms, to become his servants; for a Servant is he, who is grati•• alterius, to serve the ends and purpose of another, and not his own; in plainer terms, his study is, how to swallow and devour their persons (for he that is a Servant, in Law and reason is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Civilians say, without a Poll of his own, being swallowed up, in fiction, in the person of his Master) he barbarous∣ly makes all about him (though as free as himself) to enter into his service, without their consent, or any fair contract; how much will you take per annum to be daily led by me by the Nose, and abused every hour to serve my turn? He makes them his Slaves and Captives before Declaration of War, which is against the Law of Nations. This man is not a right man, but a Wolf in Sheeps cloathing, whom our Saviour bids beware of; not a Brother, but a Rebel to his Society, in the shape of a Brother: He is

a Pike in a Pond, a Moral Cannibal, that eates up his Neighbours alive, without cracking of their bones, and Spirits them into slavery before they know it: A Faux with a dark Lantern, lighting none but him∣self, blowing up the Community whereof he is, out of zeal to his holy Catholick self.

There is nothing; that stands in its way, or makes for its turn, but this devouring lust of self-love would swallow, against all tyes and principles. It will sell Father and Friend, Society and City; Conscience and Christ, Cant Religion; Pimp his Prince, betray its Countrey, and Laws, and Church, and all private and publick Trust and Honour; and pawn God, and Oaths, and Salvation, to bring about its little ends: This Immanent intransitive self-love (that corrupts and stagnates at home, and never runs out in any clear stream of Charity, or Conscience, or Honour, or Compassion towards God or man, its Fellows, or Inferiours, or Superiours either,) is that, which in∣fects and depraves all orders, and degrees of men, breeds a Thief in a Servant, a Dog in a Master, a Cut-throat in a Friend, a Rebel in a State, an Heretick in a Church, a Knave upon the Bench, a Tyrant in a Throne, an Antichrist in a See: And yet for all this, this Alchymist proves a Beggar in the end. And he that was no mans friend but his own, fails to be his own, being left by all, as he left them, and ha∣ving none to help or comfort him; becoming the scorn of his Neighbours, the shame of his Society, the scandal of his Church, a burden to the Earth, and Fuell. for Hell-fire: For it may well be affirmed, that nothing is punished in Hell but Philauty, no∣thing in Heaven rewarded and refreshed but Charity, or transitive love towards God and man more than himself, the end and fruit of Faith.

This worm therefore of self-love in the heart of our false brother, that prays and devours all be∣fore it, and at last it self; is not his health, but his disease, not his policy, or cunning (as he thinks,) but his unconscionable Atheism and madness. The poor man is manifestly out of order, and beside himself, be∣cause besides his right self, and out of capacity to love another as himself, because he loves not himself, as he ought. For it is perfect madness to love ones self above all, like minding to save ones Cabin, more than the Ship, or Cicero's Piscinarii, that believed their Fish-ponds could escape, when the Ocean over∣flowed the Land: A member to his Society, is as a Cabin to the whole Ship, and any one Society to its City, and any City to the whole Community, (or to the Prince that represents it,) and the Countrey it self to the law of nature, or the universe, and God its S••veraign; who are not to be violated or offend∣ed to preserve a Nation, for the law and will of God, is Solus publica, the weal publik of the World [as the will of Christ of his Church] and the Standard and measure of self-preservation to all Creatures, whom they are to observe and tender in the first and chiefest place, and their own affairs, and concerns, and lives, but in the next. For whosoever loves not God, and the publick above himself in the first place, neither understands nor loves himself, or any other in the next: For if his immortal Soul, and the God that made him, and the Saviour that redeemed him, and the good land wherein he was born, and Holy Church wherein he was re-born, if these cannot de∣serve his first love, I would forever despair to win his second.

It directs in the second place, to make all [1.] good men, [2.] good Subjects, [3.] good Rulers; which were

a Heaven upon Earth to see, and find. The great Rule of Moral honesty, and doing as we would be done by [which is the sum of the Law and the Pro∣phets] is highly improv'd and fenc'd by this Text. For men shall be more Heavenly, and steddy, in doing as they would be done by; when they make Christ, together with themselves, their standard and measure, than when themselves alone; for the one or the other self, ever is, and must be the foundation of that Rule: Now abuses and mistakes, can creep in by the one, none by the other at all: One may do foolishly and unjustly, that should do, as he would be done by, in his own heart, but never, if he do, as he would be done by, in Christ; the first makes an act, the second makes it right: For instance, Intem∣perate persons will commonly press their dearest friends to excess of Drink and pleasure; by this Rule and Standard of equity, because they do nothing herein, but as they would be done by, by them; under which deceitfulness of sinning, this Nation groans. Did they take Christ along with their own heart and will, they would will nothing to them∣selves and others, but what were Regular, and come∣ly, and befitting Christ: For our own will, without Christ to Rule it, is false, and unjust, and Atheistical. And if the standard be false, what a false Edition will it produce of things measur'd by it. If the light that is in us be darkness, how great must that darkness be? And so it is in the Case and expectation of im∣plicit obedience, without regard to Christ, or Con∣science. The chiefest lure and bait, Popery hath for some Princes humours [which otherwise is so con∣trary, and Ecclipsing of their supremacies] is, the Device and Iron yoak of absolute and unconditional obedience to Superiours, let the cause be right or

wrong, or the Command and design manifestly just, or unjust, the Inferiour is not to judge, nor inquire unto it. For so; if the Pope shall be absolutely obey∣ed by Secular Princes [which is the key of this de∣sign] those Princes by the same equity, shall be so obeyed by their Subjects, [as it seems but just to ex∣pect, to find the same measure that one is ready to give.] And Subjects among themselves, Master by his Servant, the Officer by his Souldier, [though the Laws of War and Peace, carry not the same reason or mild∣ness] the Ordinary by his Clerk, the Clerk by any in subjection under him, shall be absolutely, and quietly obeyed, without dispute, or scruple: Then peace and order, and Harmony, shall take place in all King∣doms, and Governments, and amongst all Ranks, and degrees of men, instead of discord, and War, or fanatical suspition of Superiours. And probably some Rulers are won to entertain a fair opinion of the Ro∣man-Catholick Religion, for the inventing or main∣taining of so Ingenious, and Divine a Model, for the unity and peace of the World; wherein yet the species infima, or lowest rank of men, is left in∣finitely more low and comfortless, than they were; as, not having any Inferiours under them to wreak and ease themselves, by retaliation of the hard usage they received from their Superiours, [which this Hy∣pothesis ligitimates, under the false colour of equity, and serving others, as themselves have been served,] but [which is never to be endur'd] deprives them and all other degrees also, of their God. And, un∣der colour of honouring his Deputies, wrests an Idola∣trous Recognition and engagement from them, in∣consistent with their Allegiance to Gods Soveraignty: For to be the absolute rule and measure of good and evil, [which these vest and lodge in mortal Gover∣nours]

is one of the absolute prerogatives of the im∣mortal God alone, incommunicable to Creatures, without Idolatry in the compliers, as well as con∣trivers; nor allows them the liberty to distinguish between God and his Creatures, which is the essen∣tial priviledge and work of their reason, and the im∣bred Allegiance of their nature: And the Catholick Charter both of Jew and Gentile, and Christian, ear∣ly and plainly avowed by the Apostles in the face of the Jewish Magistrate at the Councel-table; Whether it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto you, more than unto God, judge ye, Act. 4.19. This cruel unnatu∣ral method takes care for the strong, but none at all for the helpless, but suffers the weakest to go to the wall, which agrees neither with real Honour, (which in∣clines noble breasts to take the part of the weaker) nor Romantick, (which encounters Monsters to rescue the distressed,) which Paternal Bowels (Gods Patterns for the Regal,) never practice, being ever fond of the youngest and most helpless: Civil Justice and equity wholly excludes, where the nature, and Case, and mould, for all men, is the same; the Vulgar Pro∣verb before disdains, and Censures, as ignoble and unconscionable, as what usually is, but should not be the fashion: Our Blessed Saviour never thought of it, when in due time, he dyed for us, when we were without strength, and is still specially tender of his little ones, Rem. 5.6. Mat. 18.10. who own'd Caesars Image and Conquest; but still, that men should give to Caesar, that which belongs to Caesar, and to God, what belongs to God. But this Model will not allow the heart to God, though it belong to Him alone, and no other; but Sacrilegiously divides, and imbeazles it, between the Pope and Caesar. By the Christian Hypothesis, this World, and the Princes

thereof, are as nothing, set against God; by this, God is nothing, compared to Princes. Where is the Loy∣alty or Consistency, (much less the Wisdom or Mo∣desty) of this method, which so eagerly insists upon obedience to Superiours, and leaves out God? Unless it would have us look upon men, as perfect and un∣errable, as God only is; or, that he hath cashier'd himself, and resign'd his Glory, and the Regiment of the World, to Earthly Princes; or Canton'd the Empire of the Universe, amongst a handful of Mortal Rulers, stepping in, (not as his Deputies and Vice∣gerents,) but as his Successors. This were to de∣pose and annihilate God, what in them lyes, and by consequence, to overthrow the whole World, that is supported by him, and themselves likewise, to∣gether with their Authority, in the common ruine, with the Parricidial guilt, and weight of Heaven and Earth destroyed, upon their backs. This is not the obedience of a man, or a Christian, but of a Beast, which a generous Superiour would scorn to accept, and an Inferiour (that fears and trusts in God) would never give: And savours of Idolatry in taker and giver; it is not Christian obedience, but a confederacy of Apostates and Rebels against Heaven, combining together, to dethrone Christ out of the heart, and God out of the World: And to expect from others the like sinful and shameful obedience, they are free to shew, upon the like barbarous equity, as Selymus mur∣dred all his Brethren, assigning this for a reason, that he did no more to any of them, then he was to expect from any, who had been Elder. If the Gospel be true, and Christian; this Doctrine of blind obedience (which is one of the chiefest pins, or props, that sup∣ports the Fabrick of that Church) is false and Anti∣christian: If God be in the World, this pernicious

Hellish Model, that is so contrary thereunto, ought to be hiss'd and exploded out of it, with zeal and in∣dignation, by all Generous and Religious Princes, and by every honest man, that loves God, or his Sa∣viour, or mankind. But when the Inferiour obeys his Superiour from the heart, as unto Christ; the one commanding, the other observing, not what his own heart doth prompt, or lead him to, but what a conscientious heart, directed by Christ, gives leave to either; and expects not, from any other, either observance or obedience, further than usque ad Aras, as far as Christs Law permits, then all are right and happy in this Regular obedience in the Lord: As I have already, and may further shew.

And indeed without this Rule in my Text to re∣gulate and enliven, Quod tibi fieri non vis—it self, (which is the Rule of Rules, and the sum of the Scrip∣tures,) all Societies and enjoyments, all converse and friendship, would be false, irregular and dege∣nerate: Friendship it self would be Hollow-hearted, Counsels treacherous, Promises wind, mens tongues full of nought, but lyes, their hearts of uncleanness, and their hands of bloud and unrighteousness: Their Justice would be Cruelty, their Wealth an Idol, their Power Tyranny, their fears wild and causeless, their Joys and pleasures mean and sordid, their de∣sires Feavers, their mirth madness, their Sorrows Apoplexies, their Reasons Vagabond, their best works, but outward shew, their Vertues Scene and Hypocrisie. For when the Soul is out of Christ, every Action is out of Tune, and order, and account; for as our outward Acts, without the heart, are frigid, and dead, and null; so the Actions of the Soul it self, without an aim after Christ, are all impure, and illi∣gitimate, and null: But Christ and the heart super-added

to every Action, shall give it Truth, and Recti∣tude, and life, and permanency: every thing becomes true and lovely, by agreeing and answering to its proper Rule, and measure. When the heart agrees with Christ, its rule and Judge, all Hypocrisie and impu∣rity departs: when our thoughts agree with such a heart, they are cur'd of their vanity; when our lips agree with such thoughts, and such a heart, such a rule, and Judge, there will be no deceit in them; when every Action of our whole man copies out our heart, as our heart copies out Christ, we re∣cover our Original perfection; which consists in agreement to that Idea, and Image of God in Holi∣ness and true Righteousness, according to which we were created by him, and were restored to it, by Christ, as we fell from it, in the fall. This is Truth, throughout the whole man, and Christian: and that Truth perhaps, which Pilate desired, but did not de∣serve, to know from our Saviour. For in such Acts and converse, which have life in them, as from the heart, and Sincerity and Holiness, as unto Christ; the Souls of all men, upon trial and experience, find Truth and satisfaction, and peace of conscience in them (and but disappointment, and vexation, and lies, ever in the contrary.) And Praise and Honour, and shame and Infamy, from men; and Life, and Death, Eternal, from God, following close upon the heels of the one and the other, are suffrages for this Truth, beyond exception.

And what makes good men, makes good Subjects and Rulers, by easie consequence. Out of Christ, all would be uppermost, and Supreme, and none a Servant, or Subject to another from his heart, and with his good will; whence arise Wars, and Rebelli∣on, and poysons, and steelettoes, at opportunities,

whereof Histories (especially Heathenish) are so full, (and some Christian, to their greater shame:) But in Christ, (our subjection being transferr'd over from men to the Lord,) our slavery is extinguish'd, and our service enobled, and made agreeable to our Souls, which know no Lord over them, but God and Christ; and all pride, and stubborness, and secret murmuring, is now turn'd into good will, from the heart towards our Superiours, whether mild or hard: As is ex∣presly taken notice of by the Apostle, and with care recommended to Inferiours in a parallel place, Ephes▪ 6.7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with good will doing service to the Lord, and not to men.

The Church makes no alteration in properties, Luk. 12.14. or mens vocation, 1 Cor. 7.20. much less in Constitutions of Governments, or Civil Rights, either of Kings or people, but leaves all to the Rei∣glement of Municipal Laws, and publick Contracts, and local Customes, which are secular things, to which the Church is dead, saving any thing of Con∣science or duty, to Christ, or justice, and mercy, that may arise in, and from them; the Alteration there∣fore the Church makes, is in the hearts and Souls of men, and not in the outward things themselves. It binds all rights, and Duties, established by Law, up∣on any manner of persons, with the bond of Consci∣ence, (additional to that precedent bond of Law and Civil fear:) And humane Laws, be they never so pro∣vident, will have their oversights, and holes for trangressors to escape, if Conscience be not kept up in men: which makes that which was a trespass in the outside, against the Law, to be treason in a Chri∣stian in the heart, against Christ his Lord; and he suffers for his offence, not only as a Malefactor be∣fore

men, but as a Reprobate and Rebel in his Con∣science to his Saviour. Thus St. Paul states the matter of Christian obedience: Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for Conscience sake: For whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the Ordi∣nance of God, and they that resist shall receive to them∣selves damnation, Rom. 13.2, 5.

If therefore Inferiours would obey their Superi∣ours from the heart, as unto Christ, according to my Text, would there be such fraud in Servants, or any sedition, or Rebellion, or Non-conformity in Christian Subjects towards their Christian Masters and Governours? Could they have the heart or Con∣science, thus to fight against Christ, out of a tender Conscience? What else is it, to be Antichrist? and visible Terrene Atheists, against visible and Terrene Gods?

Nothing gives a greater blow, to the order of the Universe, and more provokes God to try his title of Soveraignty against men, to the certain misery of the weaker side, than Disobedience and Rebellion to Parents, and Princes, that on Earth do represent him; next to Tyranny and ill example in Princes and Parents themselves. It being more stupendiously monstrous and irregular, to find Kings, that stand for Christ, to be Merciless, or unholy; than Sub∣jects, that represent the Creature, to be frail and froward: More contrary to the course of nature and experience, for Parents to be unnatural, than Children to be undutiful; or Masters to be unjust and cruel, than Servants to be false or negligent. Therefore the inspired King recommends it as their wisdom to all Earthly Kings, To kiss•• the Son lest he be Angry, and so they persh from the right way, Psal. 2.10, 12. This Son, is the Messia, the Lord Christ in

my Text, whom to kiss, is to submit to his Laws, to love his nature, and to imitate his way and example, to win the hearts of the World: And to chuse ra∣ther to die, as he did, for the liberties of their peo∣ple, than devour their Birth-rights, or Sacrifice their Lives, in whole ••hecatombs and Myriads, to their pleasure and ambition: Full Dominion and full Li∣berty, which both covet, Governours and Governed, are both obtain'd, when both observe this Rule in my Text; Governed, obey from their hearts, as unto Christ; and Governours, rule from their hearts, according to Christs mind and will; for the same Gospel, which binds the one to submit, binds the other to protect; and to be compassionate tender Fathers, as well as the other, dutiful and mild Children: That the Prerogative of the Prince, should be preserv'd by the people, as their own Interest and Glory: and the liberty of the people, preserved by the Prince, as his chief trust and honour: Even as the Church loves Christ above its own life, and Christ his Church in like manner; and that they preserve not each themselves apart, which would tend to coldness and alienation, and trespass, and removal of bounds in the party un∣reasonable, but that they mutually transplant and place their own preservation and Interest in the maintenance of each others right, as it were forget∣ting their own: and this begets endearment, and firm trust, and union, and peace between both parts; and the contrary tends to separation, and to divide the Nation and Kingdom against it self, especially when the one, or the other part, shall plead them∣selves free from their duty, jure divino, and the other bound: which suggestion cannot be from the God of peace and order, but from Satan and Antichrist, the contrivers of Confusion: But when both are as they

should be; that is, both discharge their duty from the heart, as unto Christ, (which is all, that the Church meddles to direct in state matters,) then both should have their wills, and great peace and blessing from God besides: the soul best directs the body, and the body best obeys the soul, when both are as they should be, and enjoy their several healths, natural and moral, being free from all Disease and Vice; but let the one be Sottish, or the other Hydropical, and be enclined to neglect, or over-reach, the one, the other, they shall observe no bounds, but covet on Insatiably a∣gainst one another, to the burden and ruine at last of both. The happiness and bliss of a Nation consists in this; when the Prince, who is the soul, and the people, who are as the body, enjoy both their several healths, Mens sana in corpore sano, which all good Subjects ought, and will ever pray and wish for, and is only attainable, when both observe and follow the directions and Prescriptions of this Text.

Thirdly, this Text is of use, to discover and con∣fute false Doctrines, that creep in among us, some more covertly, others more openly, and with a high hand, threatning the utter Subversion of the Church. It serves first to convince Socinians, or Modern Arrians, and Anabaptists, who labour to suppress, and overthrow, and deny the Divinity of our Saviour, God blessed for ever. For if the Lord in my Text, who is in the following verse expressly affirm'd, to be the Lord Christ, be not the High and true God, then to do all from the heart, as unto him, were flat Idolatry in us Christians: which yet our Inspired Apostle prescribes, and binds upon us all, as our indispensiable duty, and that in contradistincti∣on to men; do it, saith he, to the Lord; and not to

men; manifestly owning thereby his God-head: besides there are two Attributes implied in this, and another parallel Paragraph, Eph. 6.5.-8. belonging to this Lord. (1.) First that he is the searcher of the heart, (2.) That he is the Judge of of the world according to the secrets of the heart, which are not communicable, either of them to any Creature in Heaven or Earth, neither to Angels nor Archangels, but to him alone, who is the true God. Christs Divinity, which these dangerous Hereticks would overthrow, is the main Pillar and Foundati∣on of all our Christian comfort; For because he was truly God, that was it, gave price, and Infinite value, to his death for our Redemption, whereby he became 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Soveraign Lord of Christians, as our Creeds acknowledge. And because he was the eter∣nal Son of God, that also was it, that gave beauty and exstasie, to his unparallel'd astonishing humili∣ty and love, in condescending to take our nature upon him, to die in it for us, when we were his enemies; whereby he became Lord of Hearts, and all knees in Heaven, and Earth, and under the Earth, bound to bow unto him, and every tongue confess, that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father, Phil. 2.6-11. Rom. 5.10. This merit and humility of his death, is that, which is recom∣mended in Sacraments to our remembrance; and in Brotherly Charity towards one another, to the Worlds end. And the impudent imitation of Anti∣christ, is not the least proof amongst many, of Christs Divinity, as St. Chrysostom well observes, who would not have acted his part so forgetfully, as falsely to assume to be God; 2 Thes. 2.4. if Christ had not been truly so.

SECTION I. The Controversie reduced to one single point in General; of Obedience to the Right Soveraign of the heart: and Protestancy found Loyal; and Popery, the contrary, in its principles and Practice.

BUt in the Second place, I shall chuse to enlarge and insist, upon a more necessary Exhortation, because the danger of seduction grows daily greater, that you, and all other Christians here in Britain, would be carefull to preserve your selves, true and stedfast members (in the day of tryal,) of an higher Society, into which you were early enrolled, for more Holy and Eternal purposes, and to be obedi∣ent to your own good Laws, and the Governours that are over you by Providence, and by consequence to God himself in them, and not to fall off (as many false hearts are like to do, like leaves in Au∣tumn, upon a cold nip or trial,) into forraign Dirt, and Captivity, and imposture; from which the Wisdom and zeal of your Progenitors have set you free; for Originally (as the learned on both sides know,) our Brittish Church never was a Daughter of Rome, nor Subject to its See; being Ancienter in Christ, and Seniour to the Church, and Chair of Rome it self, or the first arrival of St. Peter there, were the Tradition, or Legend, true. But what a∣vaileth it to have been, unless we still be, a true Church, agreeing with the mind of Christ, which

some will by no means allow. Take therefore, for some instance, the Apostolical Rule in my Text, in your own hands; to measure and Judge as Solomon once did, between two Mothers, the true, and the pretended. For a Private Person, with God to guide him, may judge Infallibly, which Church most a∣grees with God: for a wavering eye, and a trem∣bling hand, having a streight and a stable rule and line to guide it, partakes of the stability and streight∣ness that directs it: the guide, and guided, being one and the same person by fiction and agreement. And the Roman Catholick themselves (as they love to be called) cannot be denied to be every Mothers Son, as Infallible, as the Judge himself, or their Church is, to whom they give themselves entirely over to be guided by them: take therefore in Gods name, Gods clear mind; and measure and judge impartially, with the heart and soul, and in the strength of him, that guides you.

Your Holy Mother, the Church of England, hath nourished you up in a Sound and Orthodox Religi∣on, and Worship, which you, and your Prosterity, can understand; and therefore, say Amen to it, from your hearts, because you understand it. The great pretender of Rome, starves her Children at Nurse, and all their life time, (in their own Territories) by Politick Ignorance; and binds, and enslaves their stoutest Champions, in chains of darkness, and of implicit faith, and blind obedience, the better to keep them under, in Captivity and slavery, to serve her unworthy and unnatural designs, and to fight a∣gainst the Truth; as the Turk breeds up deluded Janizaries, to War and subdue their own Fathers, and Mothers, and people; which absolute and blind subjecti∣on of the heart, to any man on Earth, is Idolatry in

the giver, and the taker. Is it not lamentable to con∣sider, how prophane and perfidious, the guides of the Church of Rome, are towards God, and their people committed to their charge; and in deceiving the one, and mocking the other, with a worship in an unknown tongue, without the heart and under∣standing? which is therefore a meer nullity, by the Divine Doctrine of my Text, and by common sense; and therefore no worship at all, but Idleness, and ••••••••ccation approaching to Idolatry. Religion with∣out the mind, is not Religion or Worship, but a shew, or Stage-Play, or a Counterfeit of Religion, as the Scene is of Truth and History: where an Actor, or a Mimick stands for a Prince; as here the shadow for the substance, or crossing of the body for the contrition of the soul; and all are able to know, and under∣stand very well the whole management in both, to be a meer divertisement of the fancy only, (more sufferable on the Stage, than in the Church, in Gods presence, where more sobriety and seriousness of mind is required,) and nothing else in point of Truth and reality, because the Original Persons, and parties, are absent and wanting; there, the true Hero, and here, the Truth of the heart. A sincere Pro∣testant is grieved and troubled at every straggling thought, and the least deviation of his heart, at Prayer in Gods presence, as a great and griveous af∣front, and contempt of the Divine Majesty; like turning our backs to a Prince, while we are speaking to him. But our confident Bigots of Rome, by their Publick and common pactice, maintain and de∣fend, that God is best worshipped, when he is so affronted and despised; and that the total absence of the heart and understanding, (so there be an out∣ward Opus operatum with lip and breath) is no sin at

all, but right Catholick Devotion, most agreeing with the Deity. If mumbling Pater Nosters, and Ave Maries, whether at Church, or Closet, or at Cards, or Plays, (as Witches do Charms without knowledge, or Attention, or meaning,) make good and current Roman-Catholick Devotion, then Par∣rots, and Magpyes, and Apes, may commence Ca∣tholick Disciples of the Roman-Catholick Salvation. And upon this score perhaps it was, that one of the great and Sainted Patriarchs of an order amongst them, began to bestow his pains and zeal in Preach∣ing to Birds. When men, in contrariety to the A∣postle in my Text, judge it fanatical Innovation to Worship God (as Protestants do) with the heart and understanding: They that so exclude the heart in the first place, as needless; will they not exclude the Lord likewise in the second place? (for these two are Correlates, take away the one, and take away the other also) where the heart, and the Lord, are shut out, in the first and second place, will not the fear of the Lord be excluded likewise, (though the beginning of wisdom) in the third place? And where the fear of the Lord is once banisht from Religion; is there any sin, or Villany in Soul or Body, that such Religious Atheists will boggle at, to act and prepetrate at opportunity, or temptation, when it may with safety be committed, and with impunity from the Laws of man? Its well, that Church exceeds all others, in Pardons and Absolu∣tions, (if such seives hold water,) for their Principles cut out work enough for Pardons, and (if their own allowed, and best Historians, are to be believed) the practices of their chiefest Popes come not short of their Principles. How deplorable and sad, is the conditi∣on of such a Church, to which no further degree of

disorder and misery can be added, or imagin'd? Nor the Devil drive this nail further to the head, than, that they should strongly believe themselves to be the sole, and only Catholicks, salvable, and infallible, in such gross and damnable Errours.

And yet upon such holy guides, such infallible Rocks, the Roman-Catholick Church is built: For all with them are bound to believe as the Church (that is the Pope) believes, whom they believe to be infallible. For though their lives are often frail and vicious, yet their Doctrines, or Testimonies for God, (say they) are ever firm and true. As if a Vicious life were not an effectual quenching and renouncing of the whole Faith of such a person, during such im∣penitence; or as if a Debauch'd person, or Atheist, were a fit witness for the Christian Faith, much less the Judge thereof. He that will be Infallible for ano∣ther, ought first to be Infallible for himself, and his own Salvation: And every man is bound, upon his everlasting Peril, to be as Infallible as he can, for himself and his Brethren: But, as a Creature, no man is, or can be Infallible; nec vox hominem Sonat, but more or less, he may be Infallible, by help from with∣out, according as he is guided wholly, or in part, by God, who is alone Infallible: And the issue and whole state of the cause and difference, between Protestants and Papists, lyes in the right choice and election of their Infallible guide and judge: Who this is? being the great Question. There is no judge under God (and Christ the sole judge of quick and dead) but the invict Supream Powers, himself hath appointed, in all Kingdoms and Churches, and private breasts; Invict Conscience, in every private man, in all Private, and all Eternal concerns: Invict Fathers and Governours, within their several Families de∣pending

on them, for Education, life and mainte∣nance; Invict Christian Princes, and Holy Bishops, in their several distinct Provinces and Kingdoms, in matters of peace, and order, and external Ceremony, being publick Consciences, in their several Domini∣ons, which are so many larger Bodies or Families; yet none of these are absolute or infallible any further, than they agree with a Superiour Soveraign will, which alone being such, is their Rule and guide, communicating its Infallibity to them that follow it, which all are bound to do: Now who this Infal∣lible Soveraign guide and judge, is, whether the Pope in his Chair and Bulls, or Christ, and his Scrip∣tures written in the Bible, and mens hearts and Con∣sciences, seems to be the Question between Rome and us. The Roman Church affirms, it belongs to the Pope, being near and visible on Earth: The Refor∣med, will have it to belong to Christ, who is far nearer to mens Souls, though in Heaven: With Protestants, the Invisible Soul, is correlate with God its Invisible Lord, where is its rest and satisfaction: With Papists it must be correlate to the Pope, a visible judge and guide, else it wanders in uncertainties, like a lost sheep. Or, though both agree perhaps, that, Gods mind and will, is the Law and Rule of the Soul; yet they vastly disagree, about its promulga∣tion: That is Gods will, say the Papists, what the Pope defines to be his will; that his Scripture and sense thereof, what he allows, and nothing but the sense of the Pope must be the sense of God, (though never so sensual and Carnal, or contrary to truth, and to common sense.) But Protestants hold Gods mind and will to be, and to have been knowable by men, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, at several times and several wayes, Heb. 1.1. Not only in the time of the Old

Testament, and before, by the light of nature, and the Law and the Prophets, and Angelical Revelations, and Ʋrim, and Thummim, and Visions, and Dreams: But also in the last dayes, by his Son in his Holy Gospel, and other inspired Writs delivered to his Church, and sufficiently attested to the sense and Conscience by Miracles, and right Catholick Tradition: And that it is the first and proper work and duty of all mankind as soon as they come out of their Infancy and Non-age, as on the one hand, to know the diffe∣rence between God and the Creature, and the right and wrong Soveraigns and Legislators of their Souls, and to follow truth and vertue, which are ever the Laws of the one, and to shun vice and lyes, which are the dictates and Impostures of the other; so also carefully to discern between the Authority of the Master and the Servant, or the Prince and his Of∣ficer, between the Canonical Scripture, (which is the Divine will and Testament of Christ) and humane Tradition, which is the Testimony of his Ministers, subject to, and controllable by, and by no means Superiour to the other; for next to the confounding of God and Idols, in our values, (who are so infinitely con∣trary,) The levelling of all distance and degrees be∣tween Master and Servant, (though subordinate and friendly) is most absurd and abominable with all sober Christians, saving them at Rome, with whom the Au∣thority of their Church, or the Pope (which with them is equivalent) is usually exalted above the autho∣rity of the Holy Scriptures, though the will and mind of Christ, the undoubted and confessed Lord and Master. And we also hold, that truth in the Gene∣ral, (which is ever Gods will and mind,) may be well known by men, divers wayes without the Pope: As matters of fact and Tradition, by the Testimony of

honest men, of good lives, and clean hands, and Holy minds and Inclinations, free from all worldly ends and designes in their report: For where God alone doth rule and possess the heart, there we may be sure of truth and sincerity; where any Carnal interest or Idol prevails instead, there we are to ex∣pect lyes, Legends, and Impostures, which are the Dialect of false Gods, as truth is of the true God, dwelling in the heart: And in like manner, by the Oaths of Credible Neighbours, wherein God is called present to the heart and mouth; and by the decrees and sentences of Magistrates and just Judges, who in Scripture are called Gods, and the General consent of Nations, vox populi vox dei, and by every mans diligence and search after Truth, as after hid Treasure, which God rewards and prospers, Prov. 2.4, 5. and his pains and study in History, Languages, Customs, Criticism, &c. As in the use of means, without which God is tempted. But instead of all these methods, with Papists, the sole report and de∣cision of a Pope, though unlearn'd, or swayed per∣haps by Interest, or Avarice, or Ambition, or Fear, (which mislead the heart and tongue from God and Truth,) shall nevertheless be relyed on as an Oracle Infallible, more conclusive than the famous Delphick; and the heart and Conscience in every man, (which were made to indent with God and truth,) be totally excluded and silenc'd in that Church under the notion and bear-skin of private Judgment and opinion, which endangers all: Yet Protestants resolve to follow the former methods in whole, or in part, let the Pope contradict, or Curse as much as he please. So Papists are led by Authority, (Forraign, and often false) Protestants by Truth, (Domestick and more sure.) They follow the Doctrines of men, as did the Scribes and

Pharisees heretofore; we the voice of Christ and the Commandments of God, as all Christs sheep ought to do.

Herein, I say, lyes the main difference between us, and not so much in those other many points and and Articles, wherein we are divided: As Image-Worship, Invocation of Saints, Transubstantiation, Purgatory, Indulgences, &c. Which are, and will be, Learnedly and voluminously defended on each side to the Worlds end, while each party resolves firmly to adhere to the God, or Idol (that either have chosen for their guide) to the last gasp with stedfast zeal and constancy: For if Protestants, as well as Papists, could believe the Pope; or the Papists, as well as Protestants, did once believe Christ, to be this Infallible Judge and guide; all Controversie between us, would soon cease, and be laid asleep. The whole Controversy lyes therefore in the choice, or rejection, in obedience or disobedience, to the right guide or imme∣diate Soveraign of the heart; whether Christ, or the Pope: And exact obedience to the wrong, becomes per∣fect disobedience, to the right Superiour. And that the Issue will lye here, may further appear from each ones case stated by himself; and their charge and imputation each against the other, and from the state of the question naturally arising hereupon. For the Protestants say, they take Christ, and Scrip∣ture, and Conscience (and what agrees thereto) for the guide and rule of their hearts and judgments: And that the Papists take the Pope; and hold opinions and practices upon his Authority against Gods Truth, re∣sisting God therein, and preferring man before him, which is Papistry, or making the Pope an Idol. And the Papists on the contrary say, they obey the Pope, as Christs Infallibe Vicar on Earth in his de∣cisions,

and thereby Christ himself by consequence, and enjoy Peace and Union agmonst themselves, as the reward of this Submission; And that Protestants are guided by a Private spirit (which cannot be seen or met) under the colour of Christ and Scripture; and are led and Imbroyled by it in Eternal Sects and Divisions, which is a Fanaticism, that cannot be of God. And I suppose, both sides will easily subscribe this repetition of their Case, and main exceptions a∣gainst each other to be faithful, and true, and agree∣ing with their minds. Now there are Three Questions to be run over, to find out the true, wherein we dif∣fer. The first, of Right, the second, of Opinion, the third, of Fact. The first, (or Questio juris) whe∣ther in the General, or the Abstract, without relati∣on to parties or circumstances, whether I say, by way of Major Proposition, Truth (as Gods mind) is to be follow'd by the heart, and errour to be shunned, (as contrary to his mind, and the nature of our souls) is out of question, and by both agreed to. The second, that each side believe, and suppose in their minds and perswasions, their own Opinion to be Truth, and their Adversaries to be an errour, is also yeilded to: and that the Opinion of the one or the other, that is Gods mind too as well as mans mind, is not the Private Opinion of man, but the absolute Catholick Truth of God, to be followed by all hearts, which is a rule and measure to end the controversie by: the Question therefore between us is of Fact, or the Assumption, and Minor Proposition, What parties Opinion, is the mind of God too? whose Facts and principles agree with the right rule and guide? who do, as they should do? or to put it in the words of my Text, which party doth, (whatsoever it doth) from the heart, as unto the Lord, and not unto men?

or who to men, and therefore not from the heart. unto the Lord: or by way of Simile, which Dyall most agrees with the Sun? it being pre-allowed, (1.) That the Sun goes right, (2.) That the Dyall which best a∣grees with it, is truest.

For the further clearing hereof, the heart, as I have shewed, cannot be alone without its guide, and confident to advize it, no more than Ivie without an Oak or Wall to bear it, or a stone without its weight, and Bias towards its Center. As of solitary persons it's said, they are either Angels or Beasts, be∣cause of the objects the soul is sure to entertain, though solitary; so the heart can never be alone but (through heed, or heedlesness, and want of grace) will of necessity chuse a God, true, or false; either Christ, or bosom sin, or a man of sin, to be led by. The will and design of the first, if chosen for an head and Soveraign, will be Gods glory, and the souls bliss: of the second, the desires and satisfactions of the flesh; of the third, Secular Power and Authority over every thing, that is called God, 2 Thess. 2.4. The Laws of Christ are in holy Scriptures; of sin, In the carnal fancy: of the man of sin in blind obedience and strong delusions. The force and Co-ercive Power of the first, lyes in life and Death Eternal; of the second, in carnal joyes and sorrows, (which in fleshly minds, make Jubiles and Earth-quaks equal to Heaven and Hell, as to them) of the third, in false Salvation to his Catholicks, and false damnation to his Hereticks, as Satan was ever, the Ape of the Almighty. Christ will not admit of any Soveraign in the heart before, or beside himself, which is observed to be the reason, he could not be received, according to the desires of the Senate in the days of Tiberius, into the num∣ber of their Gods at Rome: for all were to be quitted,

to admit him: but bosom sin is more Civil, will allow of Religion to co-habit with it; but if it offers to contradict, or controul, it must quit and pack: the man of sin will admit both of sin and Christ; will in∣dulge and dispense with sin, that may advance his Grandeur, and by all means admit of Christ, for In∣terest and Lustre to his designs and ambition: but if sin or Truth, shall offer to clash with, or Impede his secular ends and Master Interest, the one shall be discontinued, the other excluded for expedience, and all to give place to the Soveraign who is own'd.

To let pass the servitude and slavery of the heart to sin, Rom. 6.12. Against which, as our greatest misery and Captivity, we stand upon our Christian Watch and Warfare throughout our whole life, I'le Instance in the slavery of the heart to a man of sin, which is like unto the former, and is the everlasting breach and difference between Pro∣testancy and Popery, and will fully discover and prove the point in Question, who obey the right or the wrong Superiour of the heart; who Christ, and who a man, that is contrary unto him. The true Christian Church in her Christs Cross, and her Baptismall vow, doth bind and teach her Children, to die to this world, and its Pomps, and Vanities, and to live to Heaven and Christ: But the Romish Church (or its Rulers which is the same with them) insists on nothing more than secular Grandeur, and domination in this present world, and on nothing less, that on Christian Truths, when they stand in contrariety to the former. The first fundamental Article in the Popes Religion, is Romes greatness, and his own Supremacy and Perogative over all orders of men, guarded with spirituall Lightning and

Thunder-bolts, as Paradice with a flaming Sword, with the motto, Noli me Tangere; any Article of the Creed, or precept of the Dialogue, or Institution of Christ himself, shall be sooner spar'd or dispensed with, or dismissed, yea Heaven and Earth shall pass away with them, before any one jot of the Rights, and acquisitions of the Triple Crown (whether right∣ly or wrongly come by,) shall be curtailed, or di∣minished in the least, All Errours, that favour this Interest, must be believed to be Orthodox Truths; all wickedness, that promotes it, Meritorious: all Truths that oppose it, to be Heretical and damnable, by those, that have surrendred that intire obedience, and submission of heart, and Judgement, to a mor∣tall guide, which was due to none but the immor∣tall Lord, in my Text, For as where sin rules the heart, all virtue and sobriety shall be judged folly, and Impertinence; And miserable debauchery, true Li∣berty and pleasure; so where the man of sin, gets into the same Throne, all Truths that cross him, shall be Heresies; all errours that please him, and advance his Interest, shall become Orthodox Truths, and Ca∣tholick traditions: and no truce or accommodation can be settled between the subjects of either, till such Antagonist Soveraigns have reduced the one, the other, and be first at peace; till either the Pope con∣form to the will of Christ, (which we expect) which would beget an unity of Spirit and Truth between us, in the bond of peace, or Christ to the mind and will of the Pope, and have no Scriptures, that shall signifie any thing contrary to his sense, but that the Popes will shall be taken to be Christs Will, where they interfere, which is their aim in their engrossing the right of interpreting the Scriptures to their Church alone; (that is, their Pope) which would produce

peace and union (its true) but such a carnall peace and slavish union, as were worse than any War or Captivity, or desolation whatsoever. Purgatory, in∣dulgencies, image worship, Transubstantiation, blind obedience, Universal Monarchy over the whole Church, &c. let them be never so false, or unreasonable or scandalous, or absurd, not only with all learned and sober men, but with many of themselves, in their secret thoughts and retirements, yet because they support the Kitchin, and adorn the Hall, and carnal state, and esteem, of their Apostolick see, they shall, and must be owned and defended forever, as Infallible Doctrines De fide, more unalterable, than the Laws of Medes and Persians, by all her Catholick Sons, as they tender their continuance within her Pale, out of which (with them) there can be no Sal∣vation: and our worship and Liturgie shall be con∣demned, as Impious and prophane, till (upon obe∣dience and Submission to their Chair, as was offered in Queen Elizabeths days) they shall permit it to be Orthodox, and Holy: and to be used in our Churches without any alteration, or further trouble: and all our Protestant Doctrines, (which are the same in effect with Gods Holy Scriptures, out of which they are drawn, and built upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief Corner stone;) yet because they comport not with their carnal designs and greatness, shall be condemn∣ed, to be abjur'd, as false and Heretical, (though the Authors of them, Christ and his Apostles, and his purest Church, be involved with us in the same sen∣tence, and themselves in Gods wo and curse in the Prophet, upon those that call good evil, evil good, light darkness, and darkness light, Esa. 15.20.)

What Law of Nature, or Nations, or Conscience,

or Honour, or Humanity, or Civility, or Faith, or Plain-dealing (which are indelible imbred instincts in Ʋulgar, and Heathen Breasts, much more in Chri∣stian, and Generous) will not the guides of that Church direct their charge to break, and violate, with as∣sured hopes of Salvation, and Immortal Glory for the feat, so it tend to promote and advance their Holy Catholick cause? which is with them, as it were Gods last will and Testament, which Abrogates and annuls all precedent wills; the Eternal Laws of God and conscience, being but obsolete, or Corpora∣tion orders, when they clash against the Infallible Bulls, and paramount Oracles of his Holiness: yea the contradiction shall be salved and heal'd, and Christ, by Interpretation, (which belongs to them,) is brought to say and sign their draught to be his own Will and meaning, and their Atheime shall be fac'd with his Authority, as Hypocrites do their Villanies with the cover of Religion, as King Philip of Macedon is said to have made the Oracles to Phillipize, and Prophesie for him. What Civil War and combustion must this make in English, and honest hearts, (who though they have a respect for Rome, think fit never∣theless to reserve due Loyalty towards God, and their Redeemer, and their Country, to be thus necessitated, to offend against God, and man, to save their souls: who in compliance with that Church, and obedience to its commands and dictates, upon perill of dam∣nation, must shocke the wise and settled Laws of their Nation, and disturb publick peace and Union, and bring fear and consternation upon their fellow Subjects, that desire to live in quietness, and slight and dispa∣rage the learned and Religious Clergy of this land, and our unparallel'd Ʋniversities, and disobey glorious and Paternal Counsels seal'd in bloud, (for Gracious

Kings are Fathers to all their Subjects, next to their own begotten) and shame the cause of friends and fel∣low-sufferers, loyally and sincerely defended to the last gasp in bloud and ruine, and to give just cause of boast and triumph to others, for early and wise fears, and jealousies and fore-sight; and at last reconcile the Nation by a secret judgment, against themselves; and profess the true Religion before men (believed in the heart to be false) by humane Patent and dispensation, against Conscience: And conceal a false Religion, (believed in the heart to be true,) And act to the prejudice of the professed, before de∣claring for the intended, like giving Hostile broadsides, without an Hostile Flag, against the Law of Nations, and continue, or forbear vitious living, according to humane Indulgence and tedder, above the fear of God. Such twisted Arts, and servile postures of the Soul, (set by God above humane reach and power) such chymical, sublimated hypocrisie, and doubling, (to which all the Swords and Artillery of the World, pointed and planted against a single breast, ought not to be able to force a Coward to, all Politicians and Head-pieces, and Whisperers, to gull and se∣duce a fool to) though they may go down with more ease, with French and Italian tempers, innur'd by ill fate, to absolute governments and cringes, and Slavery, how loathsome and repugnant, and a∣gainst the grain, must they prove to any honest and generous, and freeborne, English spirit. And whence can this Civil War and distraction arise, but from some failer, and breach, and division of the alle∣giance of the heart; in admitting some up-start usur∣per, or Impostor, to be co-ordinate and equal, if not Superiour to Christ, its natural Liege Lord, and So∣veraign, (which the Loyal part of the Soul will

never be flattered, or frighted to agree or yield to.) Thus the heart, through its own folly, suffers it self to be ever disturbed, and racked between two con∣trary Potentates, within its bowells: God, and Old Conscience, command, and approve of natural af∣fection, and truth, and peace, and love to Countrey and obedience to Parents, and Kings, and Mercy, and Civility to all in Misery and Anxiety. The Anti-god, or New Conscience, commands the contrary, (as a piece of Catholick zeal, and Glorious hazard, and self-denyal) under pain of displeasure of the Holy See, and St. Peter, and St. Paul, and exclusion out of the Pale of the Church, and the like usual forms. Plain therefore, and evident it is, that the whole Controversy between us and Papists is re∣duceable to one point, touching the Right and So∣veraignty of the heart and Conscience, whose it is, and ought to be; whether the Lord Christ in my Text, as we hold with St. Paul, or the Pope and Successor to St. Peter, as they maintain at Random. If the Pope be God and Lord of the Soul, and not Christ, then we Protestants are much to blame in de∣nying our implicit obedience and submission to him: But if Christ be God, than we are safe, and have the truth of our side, and their errours are the more dangerous. And both these Masters, (especially of contrary wills, as it evidently appears) cannot be obeyed together, for there cannot be two Kings in the same Kingdom, nor two Suns in the same Firma∣ment, nor two immortal Souls in the same man.

But it will be alledged, as a Salve. (1.) That Gods commands in Scripture or Conscience, bind not Christians, but through the Pope, who is to in∣terpret them for us, least we mistake; and where they seem to cross his will, to explain them other∣wise

to us, or to dispense with our obedience in that Case, which is an usual practice at Rome, though it makes but one Master out of two, and the Pope to be chief, alone; and Christ to stand but for a Cypher, or as a Minor, whose will is involv'd in his Guardian Viccar; hereby the Sun is measured by the Dyal, and not the Dial by the Sun. It makes Conscience and Scriptures, (the greatest gifts of Heaven) useless to Christians, unless the Pope stand by in every place of the World to be consulted with, by every Soul, which is Christs mind in all cases and scruples: And sets up man, instead of Christ, and confesses the Ido∣latry, and gives up the Cause: This contrivance of assuming power to interpret the mind, and word of God, against the plain sense thereof, being the first known invention of Satan in Paradice, who was the Father of Antichrist, for which our Romanists ought to suspect themselves in the Imitation, least they discover themselves too much. (2.) The se∣cond Salve will be, that out of obedience to Christ, (who is in Heaven, afar off) they yield this obe∣dience to the Pope, as his Viccar on Earth, as a more near and visible officer under him, over them; sup∣posing, not granting, this feigned trust and Depu∣tation: It's against the nature of any trust, for him that is trusted, to act contrary to the Interest of him that trusted him, and to be followed against his Principal. St. Paul would be followed by others, as far as he followed Christ, and no further, 1 Cor. 11.1. The Radical cause of Popery lyes in the ex∣clusion of the heart and Judgment, and taking the outside to be the man, and the measure of all con∣cerns and values, which by consequence, must be Earthly and Carnal, and answering only to the out∣ward man: But where the heart, which is the man,

is the chief measure, and faith in the heart, the only evidence to judge by: Christ in Heaven in his Majesty, is more near and visible to such a Soul, than his Holiness on Earth can be, to any Roman Catholick doing Reverence to his Toe; for the private end or principle, that suggests this respect, is nearer to his Soul, than his person is, to whom it is per∣formed: For our Conceptions within, are nearer to us, than the objects without, and our actions pro∣ceed immediatly from our conceptions: Princes re∣spects and dread, would be scant and inexpedient, if their persons were no greater in our reasons and con¦ceptions, than they are to the eye and sense: And were it true, and certain, that if such a Vicar were set by Christ over his whole Church, which can never be proved; yet out of obedience to the Soveraign, we ought not to obey, but shake off such an Officer, that should lead us to Rebellion against him, that is over him and us: The Souldiers under com∣mand, ought not to obey that General, that went about to depose his Prince: But if it could be sup∣posed, that a Prince did, or could intrust any Of∣ficer, with such absolute power, as to interpret all commands and orders directed to him, in his own sense, against their plain and common meaning, and to over-rule all his subjects against all the parts of their Allegiance at his pleasure, to act against the known will of his Soveraign, and neither to be accountable for such Treasons; then the case were much altered, for such a King had resigned his Crown, in effect, to such an Officer, who were now to be absolutely obeyed without reservation of Allegiance to another. And in such manner, the Pope becomes Soveraign to such, instead of Christ, who believe he is to be obeyed against the Laws of

God and men: And St. Paul was mistaken in his Doctrine, that Christ alone was that Lord and So∣veraign, and no other man; but not mistaken how∣ever, in his early praediction and warning, that the time should come, when there should be a falling away, and a man of sin revealed—who should exalt himself above all that is called God, and as God, sit in the Temple of God, whereof every Christian Soul, (wherein Christ dwells by his Holy Spirit,) is so much the more, for that the body of a Christian is Gods Temple, 1 Cor. 6.19. and more yet the Christian Church, which comprizes both. And he manifestly St. Pauls Antichrist who sits and Lords it, in such a Temple.

To trample under feet the Glories of this present World, to despise the frowns and favours of Princes to adhere to God and Truth, all must allow and confess, to be highly pious and praise worthy, and superlatively Heroick; but to hazard all upon a Re∣ligion, that is a manifest Irreligion; and to make Conscience to act against Conscience, and Truth to jar with Truth, and God to be contrary to himself: This were to fall into the like detestable abominati∣ons, with them of old in St. Paul, Who did evil, that good might come of it, whose damnation is just, saith he, Rom. 3.8. A fearful sentence from so mild a mouth! or of some late zealots in our days, who subverted our Laws and Government, to exalt Christs Kingdom: This were not courage or magnanimity, but inconsi∣derate ignominious rashness, condemnable in Shops and Markets: This were not Catholick zeal, or good Conscience, but liker the strong Delusion of Anti∣christ, 2 Thes. 2.11. An Omen and fore-runner of fur∣ther wrath and destruction to be inflicted by the jealousie and indignation of Heaven, upon such as forget their Allegiance to their Redeemer, preferring

a deceiver before him: who ought not to have been compared to the Son of God at all; or the first men∣tion of his blasphemous pretences to the Perogatives of Christ, and his Soveraignty in mens hearts, ought to have been attended rather with renting of cloaths, and a suddain horrour and indignation, and-a-God-forbid, but that the needs of deluded souls (which himself Redeemed with his pre∣cious bloud) required the matter to be laid open and enlarged for their rescue and undeceiving; but that daily experience teacheth, (as well as An∣tient memories) that any lust, or Avarice, or Am∣bition, or revenge, or self end, or the Sun and Moon, or stocks, and stones, (without keeping due watch and ward upon our hearts,) may, and have often invaded and domineer'd in Christ Throne in the soul, when deserted by God, as much as this Romish per∣kin Warbeck: whose Impostures are less tolerable, than the open Treason of a Cromwell, or the Tyranny of the Turk, because men may easier endure to be robbed, than to be cheated; and deprived of their purses, or Estates against their will, than of their Honour and understanding, with consent.

And as it hath been largely proved, that Popery consists in evident disobedience and Rebellion against the Right Heir and Soveraign of the heart. And Papists (in a greater concern) to jump exactly with the old Sexton, whose Clock went truer than the Sun: so positively also further to clear and evince the Truth, to be on the Protestant side in this main point and Issue (which is the hinge of the Contro∣versie between us:) I shall also instance, how we Protestants Loyally adhere to our Right guide and Judge; and how the heart in all our principles, relies on God, and none else; and on Christ, who is the sole

foundation of the Church, 1 Cor. 3, 3, 11. and the Rock whereon it is built, against which the gates of Hell can never prevail. Math. 16.18. We build our Faith upon the Holy Scriptures, which are Gods word, for hearts to rest on, whose Divine Authori∣ty themselves dare not deny, without being the most convicted Hereticks, that ever disturbed Gods Church, in any age, however they Blaspheme and traduce them before the Vulgar. We come to know the Scriptures to be Gods word, (being not present our selves at passages,) by the Testimony and tradi∣tion of others; such a Testimony, as is also Divine (or nearest to Divine) to be relied on by the heart: Not upon the Testimony of the Church of Rome by any means, who hath so much cracked her credit by legending, forgeing, expurgating, &c. for it were a great fault, as well as folly, in us, (who profess our Devotion to God and the Truth) to confide in the Father of lies, or such his followers; but upon our own honest Christian Ancestors, with other Churches, especially the Primitive, when most pure and Holy, and therefore likest to God, and to be believed, by consequence from the heart; and the rather, when seconded with the Testimony of the Holy Spirit, (to Holy Livers,) who is God. We be∣lieve our sences (in their own Sphere) in many points, against the whole world, because we believe God in them with our hearts, who made our sences, and speaks through them, Prov. 20.12. We believe be∣yond sence, and can see things absent, as if they were present to us, when we have Gods word to assure the same to our Faith, and consequently to our hearts; and can discern Christ present in the blessed Sacra∣ment, and the Bread to be present nevertheless in different respects; and be assured of both in our hearts,

through the evidence and strength of God, in whom our Faith and sences act, and move. But in a Reli∣gion without the heart, (as is the Roman,) It is hard, if not impossible, to conceive or imagine, how any Sacrament of Bread, can be at all, amongst them, without Transubstantiation in the Elements; who will not, and cannot, admit of any other change by the heart and Faith, (which are not much in use in that Church, in this, or any other part of worship) which shews the root and occasion of that monstrous errour in that carnal Catholick Church, which cannot distin∣guish between the objects of sence and Faith, and is observ'd to Apostatize herein, from their own An∣tient Mass, which doth. We believe plain and manifest Truths of Scripture, without need of guides, against the Glosses, or Sophistry, or Authority, of the whole world to the contrary; for we believe God himself in them, with our hearts, who requires and deserves, to be so believed; because God himself leads us by the hand, as it were, yea with both hands, in plain Texts of Holy writ, on the one side, and his manifest Instincts of good and evil, on the o∣ther in such manifest duties. And when God himself doth speak, all the world must hold the tongue; while the Sun is above the Horizon, Stars and Candles, (which answer to guides and supplies) abscond, and give way. Hawks and all other Birds, quit the Air, where the Eagle Towres; what Stupidity were it in a man of years and knowledge of the City, to ask the way from Charing-Cross to Temple-bar out of Reverence to his guide, and distrust of himself? in things obscure and Controversiall, (wherein neither we, nor others, can clearly, and assuredly, discern Gods mind, and will, for the heart to acquiesce in,) here we make use of Candles and guides; and especi∣ally

our lawful Superiours, who are Gods deputies, to direct us, and all others, that resemble God, in their gifts, or years, or places, or Major vote. For the next to God, is as God, unto us, (when God himself cannot be heard,) and our hearts can rest on them, but not with equal assurance, as on plain and manifest duties (as their importance also is not equal,) for there is a greater respect of the two, due to the Principal, than to his deputy. In like manner, in all Indifferent matters, which are the proper Province of the Magistrate, (for where Scriptures end, there humane Laws begin, where God withdraws, there his Deputies step in,) we submit to the determinations and publick orders of our lawful Governours, as to Gods voice and Au∣thority, out of the obedience of our hearts to Christ, (present in our Superiours to our Faith,) and regard to the Churches peace, which is his image and darling. And they that refuse to submit and con∣form, do it in adherence to their conscience, as they pretend; now conscience without a Rule is an Atheist, as is the heart without the Lord, and of no use, like a Sun-diall in the dark: It is not conscience, but the Quakers dark-light within; and the Rule is Christs Will: or to come nearest to his Will, which is the utmost satisfaction of the heart; now whether we keep nearest to Christ, in adhearing stiffly to private fancy, or submitting modestly to publick Authority, and Major vote, is the Question? which St. Paul puts of question, 1 Cor. 14.33. For Christ is, where peace, and humility, and order is, and not where pride and strife, and division are, and are ever like to be, while each prefer themselves, not only, before their equals, (which is pride,) but their Superiours likewise which is disobedience, and contempt of Christ, in his Magistrates added to it, which all true

Christian hearts will avoid more than death, as be∣ing not from God, as Papists truly object.

And so we Protestants, hold no Principle or Opi∣nion, but what agrees with the mind of God and Christ: (which was the Rule and measure, that was to be agreed upon by both, to arrive at Truth) and endeavour always, to approve our hearts to Christ, who alone, is their Judge and Soveraign, and no mortal man whatsoever; believing and considering, that, as there can be no sin or vertue, where there is no Law; so a Law were to no effect or purpose, without a Judge to reward and punish the observers or transgressors of that Law; and Law-giver there is but one, who can save and destroy, James 4.12. The blessed Lord Jesus, Judge of quick and dead at the last day; whose deputies on Earth in the Interim, are consciences in Private souls; and Magi∣strates, and Governours in publick bodies, who are as the souls of such bodies; whether Temporall, in Ex∣ternall; or Ecclesiastical, in more Internall matters and concerns, who are all (both Private and publick conscience) Subject and accountable unto him, who alone, is Judge and Soveraign. And therefore we can do nothing against Christ, upon any mans Au∣thority whatsoever; and being found faithful to him; the sole and Supreme Judge and Soveraign of our souls, we trust to be found Gods Catholicks, though we are but Hereticks to the Pope, who is not our Judge; rejoycing in mans aspersion; while we have Gods Absolution to wipe it off; for not he, who commendeth himself, is approved, but whom the Lord commendeth, 2 Cor. 10.8.

SECTION II. Of the true Mother Church in particular, to all Christians in respest of their In-side, and Romes Ʋsurpation.

HAving shewed, that no Christian Churches, or persons, are subject to the Pope, while himself is not subject to Christ, the right Superiour and So∣veraign over all; nor bound to offend against Christ, to please his pretended Vicar; all being bound to withdraw their Communion from him, who shakes off the undoubted Soveraign over all: I will further shew, that though the Church of Rome were sound and un-corrupt in its Doctrines and Loyalty, (which it is very far from,) yet it neither is, nor was, ever any mother Church, to our British Church, nor can have any right or title to its subjection or obedience.

It never had any Original motherhood, or superio∣rity over us of right, (nor in fact at any time, but by the Concession of our Princes, imposed upon by its arts, which they may justly recal, and take a∣way at their pleasure, as hath been done.)

So it appears, it's themselves that necessitate us to desert their Communion, out of Christian Loyalty to our Saviour, by them first deserted and depo∣sed in a treasonable manner; and his glorious Majesty chang'd into the similitude of a Calf, or a Mortal Creature, that perisheth, which is the first spring and root of the rest of their desperate and monstrous Errours, which bear the manifest spots and tokens of

Antichristianism, in the strength and infallibility of their Delusions. Though we can, and ought to be∣wail, and compassionate their condition and slavery; yet to return to their bosome, as to a Mother Church, we understand not how it is our duty, or sober obe∣dience, were it sound or healthy; yet we doubt not, but she hath angl'd several sincere, and ignorant, and unwary Sons of this Church with that bait: We con∣fess, we have been pin'd and stary'd under her, for hundreds of years, as under a hard and cruel Step∣mother, while harbour'd by the Fathers of our Coun∣trey, (imposed upon by her inchantments,) whose issue by her, as by a second venter, upon her divorce, became appurtenant to the Father, and are incor∣porated with the first stock and Family; but sure we are, she never teemed of our Brittish Churches, who never were the Daughters of her womb, nor sucked our first milk from her breasts. For whether their inside, or their outside, or extraction be consi∣der'd, they appear to have no descent from Rome: Neither can they instance, or insist upon any other point or manner of Pedegree and derivation of one Church from another. For, as it is with every pri∣vate man, if his inside, and Soul, and Spirit, be exa∣mined, whence it came; it came from above, from the Father of our Spirits, Heb. 12.9. and to return in peace to him that gave it, is its utmost aim and bliss, Eccles. 12.7. If the outside, or his body; it came from the Earth, whence it was first taken, and whi∣ther it must return? If his intermediate descent, he springs and proceeds from Fathers, and progenitors of the Flesh, and owns their superiority and Dis∣cipline, and honours their names and memories: So it is with all Churches and Christian Societies. By our inside, we are not from below, or from beyond the

Sea, but from Heaven; Jerusalem above being our mo∣ther, and Jesus our King, the King and Lord of Souls: By our outside, we are under our own Kings, and Go∣vernours on Earth, as our Nursing Fathers and Mo∣thers, according to the Holy Prophecy. As to our de∣scent, Old Christian Britannia is our Mother, to whom the Antient Church of Rome is Junior in the Faith, and much more any of her Perking Daughters or Clergy, which shall be further proved in every particular.

And first, as to the inside of all Christian Churches and of the Church of Rome it self, (if she will be a Church of Christ, and of thousands in her, that have not bowed the heart to any, but to Christ, known to God,) There is no Mother-Church to be accounted of, but one only; the Spouse of Christ expressed by name in Scripture, Heb. 12.22. Not the City of Rome, who rather is under ill report in them, but the City of the living God: The Heavenly Jerusalem, which Gal. 3.26. is by the Apostle, Stil'd the Mother of us all, and which is free, and answering unto Sarah; where∣as Jerusalem on Earth, answers Hagar in her ser∣vitude: and yet Jerusalem below, is more a Mother of all Christian Churches, than Rome it self, or any other here below; for Rome her self had her extracti∣on thence: her St. Peter, and his Chair, and the Gospel, and Christ himself, she, and all, must de∣rive originally from Sion: And if the Mother be not free, much less her Daughters; for no Soul, or Church, can be said to be free, in her exile and ser∣vitude, whiles she serves any other, but her own natural Prince, who is Christ alone the High Priest and Bishop of our Souls, who is at the right hand of God, in that Heavenly City and Assembly of the Faithful. For Christ is the sole Monarch and Le∣gislator in this Spiritual Kingdom, and none are free

Subjects here, but those who obey him alone, and no other Controller. His will alone, is the Law and mea∣sure of good and evil, and duty, and transgression. He enacts, and repeals, and dispenses, and absolves; he alone can search, and reward, and punish Souls. The everlasting concerns of Eternity, and the secrets of mens hearts, transcend all humane authority, and cognizance, and reach. No secular Powers are to tread within this Temple, but are to stand without in the Court, though Christians; and in the further Court of the Gentiles, if Heathen, or Antichristian: Christs Deputies and delegates, in this Heavenly work and Province, are all Bishops and Curates, who by their life and Doctrine, set forth his true, and lively word, and rightly and duely Administer his Holy Sacraments, who yet have no power, or property, or Authority, but from him: Neither is the word they preach, 2 Thes. 2.13. nor the Sa∣craments they administer; 1 Cor. 4.1. nor the Abso∣lution they pronounce, Joh. 20.23. nor the flock they feed, 1 Pet. 5.2. their own, but all is Christs own, Mat. 28.18. 1 Cor. 3.23. And they are but Earthen Vessels and meer Instruments and Ministers under Christ, and Stewards of his Mysteries and Ora∣cles, 2 Cor. 4.7. The lustre of his own Power and presence, obscures the Authority of these his Of∣ficers, as the Sun doth Mercury, by nearness; who yet doing their duty aright, and from the heart, in his sight, whether in preaching, or threatning, or absolving, do all with his full Authority; and what they bind upon Earth, is bound in Heaven; and whom they absolve upon Earth, are absolved in Hea∣ven; and who Honours and despises them, doth Honour and despise Christ himself to his high re∣ward or peril, 1 Thess. 4.8. For the power and

splendor of a right Minister of Christ, lyes in being one, and the same, and incorporated together with his principal; which is effected, by the sincerity of his heart, performing every part of his duty, as in his sight, and for his approbation only; whereby his preaching shall become powerful and victorious, and his Counsels Oracles, and his threats thunders, and his comforts, present health and Salvation, as if Christ himself spoke in him; for then his sheep hear his voice, Joh; 10.3. There is not that sympathy and intelli∣gence, and corresponding responses between unisons of two Instruments, when only one is touch'd, as there is between Christ in the heart of sincere hearers, dis∣cerning Christ in the hearts of sincere Preachers: O the Glorious Enterviews and Heavenly contenti∣ons and killings of Grace, and gratitude, that oc∣curr between two Christs, in Master and Disciple, in several respects and habitudes; Speaking, and hearing, the words of Christ between them: meek Majesty in the one, lowlily imploring, prostrate ex∣tasie in the other, lovelily adoring and yielding: For the Apostles had a regard to Christ, as the judge of their preaching in the Consciences of their hearers, as well as in their own: Christ in both, observing and o∣verseeing, the one and the other in their duties. There∣fore the Bereaens are commended by the Holy Ghost, as Noble and Generous, in that they did not receive with implicit Faith, what St. Paul preached unto them, but weighed and examined his Doctrine, with their Consciences and Scripture (as it were with eye and rule) searching the Scriptures dayly whe∣ther those things were so, Act. 17.11. For the Con∣science of another, is not our rule, but our own; nei∣ther shall we be judg'd hereafter, according to the cure and sincerity of our Teachers, but according to

what was to be our own care and duty: Therefore the Spirits of Prophets, though inspir'd, were to be tryed and judged by Rule, or Christ in the Scripture, by other Prophets and Christians, that had not the same numerical inspiration, 1 Cor. 14.29, 32. And the Prophet of Juda was slain by God by a Lyon, 1 King. 13. for believing Gods word in another Pro∣phet, against Gods word to himself: St. Paul con∣sidered, that Christ had a throne in every Soul, and accordingly addressed his preaching to stand or fall by it, as that, which could easily discern and judge between craft and truth, 2 Cor. 4.2. We have renounc'd the hidden things of dishonesty, not walking in craftyness, nor handling the word of God deceitfully, but by manifestation of the truth, commending our selves to every mans Conscience in the sight of God, for every mans Conscience, ought to judge for it self, of the Truths it hears, and of the guides it trusts and chuses; else truth and errour, to be sav'd or damned by the one, or the other, were indifferent, were one and the same unto us. Therefore how many Souls there are, so many Kingdoms there are, and so many Christs in them, to govern them here, because he is their judge hereafter: And nothing without us, (how right, or good soever, hath validity or being, or naturalization, in us; till it be received, and ap∣proved, and re-enacted in every Soul; for Atheism doth not annihilate God in himself, but in the Soul of the Atheist: As Faith, doth not give being to Christ, and Christian Truths, but only in Believers hearts. And the Soul can enact nothing rightly, without the advice and Councel of its Superiour; God and Christ in the heart, which is its rule, and in whom it lives, and moves, and acts: And nothing can it act with right and validity, nor satisfaction

itself, or safety from the sword of the Magistrate, without, or besides this rule: For Rulers were or∣dain'd to be a terrour to evil works, and not to good; to correct the whoredoms and Idolatries of the Soul, breaking out into vicious bastard Acts, concieved by Idols and lusts, admitted into those affections, which were due to none but Christ, her husband and guide: And no Child is so lovely in the eye of a fond Parent, as are the thoughts, words, and actions of Christians conceived between the Soul and Christ, guiding her self by his word, and Ministry, and that not only in the sight of God and Governours, and good men, but to the Consciences of the worst sinners, and much more to their own. It's a natu∣ral instinct in the Souls of all men, good or evil, (which laughs at all humane Laws to the contrary) to admit of nothing into their Creed or practice, with∣out consulting with the Rule that guides the heart, whether it be Christ, or Worldly Interest. Neither would men at first, have believed the Miracles of of Christ, or his Apostles, or received the Scripture, without consultation first had by every one with God speaking to him in his senses, or in his Conscience: But the Church of Rome expects that Christians, (though subjects of Christs Heavenly Kingdom) should receive her Laws and dictates implicity, and without scanning or recourse had to Christ, in the Conscience, or private judgment, which they utter∣ly disallow and discountenance, in diametrical op∣position to Apostolical practice and common sense, and instincts, and the nature of the Soul, and the Soveraignty of Christ, the King of Souls, which therefore is a manifest Antichristian invasion upon the Liberties of Jerusalem, which is above, our true Mother, and the temple of the Lord, Eph. 2.21, 22.

wherein we every where find Popes intruding. If the inside of our British Churches, that is, our Souls, owe Daughterly subjection to them at Rome: It is ei∣ther, as they are Soveraigns of this Heavenly Jerusa∣lem, or as they are Ministers and Pastors: If they arrogate the first, then the charge of Antichrist against them, is acknowledged and confessed, with some ingenuity appearing in the Blasphemy: If their pretended power over our spirits be only Ministerial, (and St. Paul and St. Peter never did, nor could claim more over the inside of any Church, 1 Pet. 5.3.) why are not our Popes painful preachers to the Consciences of men? If not ours, yet of their own Italians? Let that Rule and Canon of St. Peter (whom they so much own for their Founder,) Judge between them and us, which Church, the Romish, or the Brittish, is the most faithful and motherly in the education of her Children in the nurture and admonition of the Lord, 1 Pet. 5.1, 3, 4. The Elders which are among you, I exhort, who am also an Elder, (or Fellow-Presbyter) and witness of the sufferings of Christ—Feed the flock of God which is among you, taking the over-sight thereof, not by constraint, but willingly, not for filthy Lucre, but of a ready mind: Neither as being Lords over Gods heritage, but being examples to the flock; and when the chief Shepherd shall appear, ye shall receive a Crown of Glory: Now the Popes are so far from feeding Christs flock, by their Doctrine or ex∣ample, that no Pope was ever seen in a Pulpit, these many hundred years; and sometimes are no Di∣vines, but Canonists most an end, or States-men, or Nuncio's, better vers'd in the Mysteries of the World, than of the Soul: And as to the other part of being Holy examples to Christs flock, (which is as ne∣cessary to edifying, as preaching;) they do not so

much, as pretend to it, but instead of morall at∣traction, by the Heavenliness of their doctrines, or lives (wherewith souls can alone be won, which close with nothing but God, or what most resembles him, in light and holiness) they use ignorance, and blind obedience, and force, and Fagot, and Inquisition, which are secular and temporal weapons, and methods, to work upon Beasts, and Malefactors, and the body only; and not Spiritual, or Ecclesiastical, or Heavenly and proportionable to mens souls, which are Inha∣bitants of Heaven: But if the guides of their Church, have neither the Truth, nor pretence and colour of Holiness, the whole mystery of iniquity, would go to wrack; therefore Holiness shall be arrogated as pecu∣liar to them, not in respect of heart and life before God and men, (which would prove a hard lesson, and an unstable title) but in the Right and Prerogative of the Apostolick chair, what ever be their lives, or examples, vertuous, or vitious, exemplary, or scandalous, and Atheistical; which is but a wooden title, and would be as unstable as the former, with∣out the strong supports, and butresses of blind Faith, and the slavish and bestiall ignorance of their Dis∣ciples to acknowledge and bear it up. But though our Popes do fully quitt and resign their Ministerial Superiority over the Inside of Churches, (which was all that could in this respect belong unto them, were they extraordinary and inspir'd Apostles from this, or their own Inferiour Churches Subject to them) and therefore we need not be troubled in conscience, for detaining this Right and priviledge from them, which they never lawfully had here, or if they had, they do, and have for many ages, voluntarily, and heartily, and in the face of the world, quitted, and relinquished it for ages immemorial, both at home

and a broad. Yet as to the rights and Prerogatives of the Soveraign, or chief Shepheard of this Hea∣venly Jerusalem, as St. Peter calls him, (which never belong'd to them, nor to St. Peter himself, their pre∣tended founder) none are more for them, than they be, nor more daring and greedily encroaching, and usurping daily upon them, (a Symptome of the old Disease, we are like to meet in every one of their practices and opinions.) What Christ enacts to be sins of everlasting stain and pravity, to depose law¦ful Kings, to Massacre and murder Nations, shall be no sins in Roman Catholicks, when their Sove∣raign the Pope, shall insinuate to the contrary: Or∣thodox Christians in Christs esteem, keeping to his word and will, shall be but Hereticks and Dogs with the Pope, for the same reason. Christ ordained Bread and Wine, for the Sacraments, the Pope is for Wine only to the people. He'l forbid (like Murder or Treason) Communion with Protestants, (whose Sa∣craments are much purer than his own) and dispense and connive at stews, which Christ abhors. Alle∣giance to Kings, and Faith and Civility to men, are duties with Christ, but sins with the Pope at his plea∣sure. The Orthodox, and penitent, whom Christ absolves, the Pope will bind: he'l dispense with Hy∣pocrisie, and License incest, and absolve Impenitence, and imploy debauchery and vice, in men and women, to promote the Interest of Holy Church; (though means and ends are Homogeneous in their natures, and as it were, of a piece) And men shall be flatter'd in sin, for gain, and cozen'd into damnation, for filthy Lucre, which God, and Angels, and all good men abhor, and Scripture detests, and no honest, or wise man, would be seen in, none, but a Cain, or Satan, or a Pimp, or a Pope. And thousands more of the

like Abominations, and controlling of Christs will and Law, too much in request and daily practice; enough, without repentance, to invite, and hasten a Turkish Rod upon them, and to make the Earth weary in bearing, and Heaven in forbearing, such scandalous impieties, under the name of Christ, and mask of Religion.

SECTION III. Of the true Mother Church to every Christian, in respect of the out-side, and Romes Ʋsur∣pations.

ANd as Churches by their In-side, are under the King of Heaven alone, so by their out-sides they are under their respective Earthly Kings: and not the Pope in either, what ever his incroachments are, or have been against the one, or the other So∣veraign, against either of whose Authorities and Prerogatives, a strong man cannot, a good man, that bears any Character of Christ (as Popes pretend highly to do,) will not offer to plead prescription. Though no Secular power, have eyes sharp enough to search or discern the secret Communion of mens hearts and spirits, either rightly with God, that made them, or vilely with an Idol, which they have made unto themselves; nor hands rich and Liberal, to out-bid the deceitful promises of the flesh, or buy them out from a fancy, or zeal, that's false; nor arm, or strength, or sufficient terrour, to wrench them from a

Martyriall truth, and therefore are insignificant in all their inquests, or attempts upon mens thoughts, which are as it were in another world, far out of their reach and view, and subject to no King, but Christ; who by beatificial Visions, and Eternal tor∣ments, and (which is more forceing) the immense Humility, and kindness of his death, and power of his Resurrection, checks and reduces all the Idols of mens hearts, with all their train, and deceits, and contumacy, and keeps his Assises in every corner of those Intellectual Regions, through the Ministry of his Holy word, which, Heb. 4.12. Is quick and powerful, and sharper than any two edged sword, pier∣ceing even to the dividing asunder of Soul and Spirit, and of the joynts and marrow, and is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart. Neither is there any Creature that is not manifest in his sight, but all things are naked and open unto the eyes of him, with whom we have to do. His Ministers, like men in Virginals, raising an Heavenly Harmony, upon the dead strings of mens hearrs, when the finger of the living God is pleased to touch, or quicken either: or like Pipes in an Organ, Dead and Dumb, as of themselves, yet sounding out aloud the high praises of their God in his Church, when they are filled with his Breath, and Holy word, and spirit,

However, when these inward conceptions of mens spirits bud and break out in Births, James 1.15. and land in another World, in the Territories of Earth∣ly Soveraigns, who, like God, are both Omniscient and Omnipotent in their own Dominions and pre∣cincts; Here the case is far otherwise, Here Earthly Magistrates have their free Liberty and Authority, to arrest and take, as in the out-side and purliews of the soul, whether they be Christian or Heathen, as

well the one, as the other in their several capacities and Characters, Heathen Kings being Gods Deacons, Rom, 13.4. or his Ministers in the State, to preserve the peace of God and man, by frowning upon all vice and sin, and wicked lewdness, Act. 18.14. which is spiritual Idolatry and War against God in the heart, provoking his vengaence and judgement a∣gainst a land; and to Protect and praise them in e∣very good work and vertue, which is the amicable and loyall deportment, and worship of righteous souls towards God, whereby he is won to be favour∣able in his blessings and protections, not only to them and their seed, but to the whole land, (though less deserving,) for their sakes, Gen. 18.32. And Christian Kings, being the Fathers and Bishops of the Church, and Christs undoubted Viccars, on Earth in all the outward affairs of that Holy Polity, to preserve its beauty and order, and the holiness of its Communi∣on, against blemishes and scandals, according to the Rules of Christ; Christian Kings I say cannot be denyed to be the Fathers of the Church, according to Gods own mind in Esa. 49.23. Prophecies, like to Faith, being the evidence of things not seen, given their right stiles and Titles, to persons and degrees, as yet not in being, as if they were. And, as they are Fathers, so they are Bishops and Overseers of Christs Flock the Church, in things without, as o∣ther Holy Bishops are in things within, as it was de∣clar'd by our Constantine, the first Christian Emperour, in the first and great general of Counsel of Nice, of 318. Primitive, and the best tried Bishops, the Church ever had, Nemine contradicente, not one dissenting, or disliking the expression, either then, or since, but our Romish Popes of late after the Church began to slumber and degenerate. And Viccars on Earth they

all are severally in their own Kingdoms by the Popes own confession, for so Eleutherius early declares, in his Epistle to our Lucius, the first Christian King in the world, (about the year 170. if it were the Act of Eleu∣therius, or about the year 110. if the Act of Evaristus according toa. 1.2 Ninius, or sooner ac∣cording tob. 1.3 Paulus Jovius) which though it be not Authentick in all its parts, and purposes, yet because some of our Kings might send to some of the Popes of Rome (then Famous in the world for their uprightness) to be Brotherly advised about some points of their Government, (unless our difference from them about Easter, as well as the East, might interrupt such correspondence or Communion,) and the Epistle passes for true, and Authentick amongst many of our Romanists; therefore the Testimony and citation in it, touching Kings being Gods Vicars in their Territories, is firm however, and binding against them to the full. And St. Paul doth no less, in the Principles, he layes down in my Text; by which every master is Christs Vicar to his own Servant; and by consequent proportion every King is Christs Vicar to his own Subjects: for the Apostle would have tied obedience upon Subjects toward Christians Kings if they had been in his time in being, in the same from and tenour, as upon Christian Servants here, towards their Christian Masters, as is observed by a right learn∣ed Person: towards whom they are to do all from the heart, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as unto Christ himself, this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as, implies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so: as the master is is over the Servant, in his Civil capacity, his Civil Lord and Master, so is he over him, in his Christian capacity, a Christian Servant as Christ is over Christians and Subjects: Masters (and Kings by consequence) being Christs Image or simili∣ude,

or Lievtenants, or Viccars, as the particle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 im∣plies. The same Apostle exhorting every soul to be sub∣ject to the higher Powers, Rom. 13.1. amongst whom are comprehended Ecclesiastical persons, as well as lay, saith St. Chrysostom, If those Powers become Chri∣stian, as they are now with us, they become the Vicars of Christ by consequence, to all their Christian Subjects of the Clergy, as well as Laity, and were his Holi∣ness a liege Subject of this Kingdom, our King would be inevitably Christs Vicar on Earth unto him, as he is undoubtedly to all English, or Brittish Roman Catholicks, who yet suffer themselves to be seduced by him, (who is no Viccar of Christ, to them, as such) to withdraw their Christian obedience from him, who truly is; and Unchristianly and disloyally to disown his Supremacy over them, who is as truly Christs Vicar over them in this world, as he is their Christian King, or they his Christian Subject.

Which is also agreeable to right reason, as well as Scripture, for there is a great difference between the Inside and the Outside of any Church, or particular Christian, which are in two several Kingdoms under two distinct Governments; the one Heavenly and Eternal, as is the soul, the other Earthly, or Temporal, as is the body, of which two, they are severally made. For such actions of the Soul, as are concrete to the body, and of use and moment in this present world only, and not contrariant to Divine Institution, and are circumstantiated with time, and place, whereby they become visible facts, preceptible by mens senses, and open to the view and cognizance of humane Au∣thority, though they be concerning matters Chri∣stian, or deportments, and behaviours, and wears, to be used within the Church, and in time of service, the same are not properly Spiritual (as they are

vulgarly call'd, especially with them at Rome, whose whole Religion is about the outside) or Heavenly, or Eternal, and Invisible, and belonging to Salvation, which is equivalent; but they carry a Temporal or Secular, or Carnal nature in them, and belong there∣fore to Temporal Jurisdiction, to each Crown they are under, and by no pretence to Rome; (but where Rome hath a temporal Authority to order them in her own Subjects;) but with us, they belong to our Bri∣ttish Thrones, and Tribunals, and to Ecclesiastical Courts, (where they concern Christian) and Tem∣poral, where they concern Civil Society, and to the Kings Subjects, as witnesses, and Juries upon the place, and not to any Forraign Chair or Rota, or Pack of strangers, to make profit of the difference, and laugh at the follies, and credulity of the appel∣lants. The Supremacy of the King in all Causes, and over all Persons, as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal, being that which hath been learnedly evinced by our Writers, and is solemnly recogniz'd every day, in Gods presence, in Prayers and Oaths, according to the settlement of our Laws, by the Wisdom of the Nation.

But though this inside of the Church be properly Secular and Temporal, because visible, yet the Secu∣lar Causes, which belong to the determinations of Christian Secular Authorities, are well and orderly distinguishable into Ecclesiastical and Christian, or Temporal, and Civill, as the whole Commonwealth, may be considered, either as a Society of men, or a Society of Christian men, or Church. In the first respect, as men, all are Subject to their own Kings, and Laws, in matters of life, limb, and property, whether they be Christian, or Holy, or Heathen and Antichristian, as they were before Christ came into

into the World, and must be to the Worlds end. For Magistracy is Gods Ordinance (whom all men therefore are to be subject to from the heart, which alwayes attends what God appoints) though ma∣nag'd, by a Claudius, who was weak and infamously credulous; or Nero, who for his cruelty was believed by many to be Antichrist; for to such, the Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul command obedience and sub∣jection, not only for fear of wrath and power, but for Conscience sake, and the fear of God, Rom. 13.5. 1 Pet. 2.14, 16. For they that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation, Rom. 13.2.

Yet on this undoubted unforfeitable right of Earthly Kings and Governours, according to their several Constitutions by the Laws of their King∣doms, the Pope, like a fift Monarch, hath ever, and still doth, affect and design new incroachments (as before upon the King of Heaven) and spiritual pre∣tences of Superiority: Not only by exempting his Sub∣jects and Clergy from secular subjection, (assuming to be the mother of the Child, that's not her own,) but also through his Emissaries and influence, in the time of his Reign and Power, in bringing the Lives of Subjects to the Stake, and their States into For∣feiture, from their Posterity, for Opinions; and the Heads and Crowns of Kings themselves, to the like danger, for the like insufficient cause; Absolving Subjects of their Allegiance, which Christ binds on every Soul, and leading them into perjury and Rebelli∣on, which God forbids and damns; being not only Tray∣tors against Heaven and Earth therein, but, which is infinitly worse, Traitor-makers; (as Satan is worse than a sinner,) and, as many Traitor-makers, by their Doctrine (and what lyes in them,) as there are Sub∣jects, or Polls in any Kingdom, they would absolve

and seduce. Which made the Nation joyn unani∣mously against their methods, not only by Acts of Treason, since the Reformation, but of premunire long before. A very Apostolical and comely deportment in a chief Professor of Christian Holiness and vertue! that he, and his Missionaries, should deserve to be thrust, and shoulder'd out, like Pests, by a wise, and a Religious people, (and their Friends,) and the door made fast against them, with the strongest Barrica∣does, that could be thought of, Hanging, and Draw∣ing, and Quartering! Yea many of his own Con∣fessors and Martyrs, our Native Roman-Catholicks to this day, who sincerely adhere to all his other Doctrines, (though Flead Alive with penalties, and inconveniences for it) yet disclaim and desert his in∣fallible guidance in this particular, and would be ready to venter Lives and Fortunes, for their Laws and Countrey, against any Invasion of the Land, though countenanc'd or authoriz'd by the Pope; for though such Loyalty be looked upon at Rome with an evil eye, as hath lately appeared in the Irish Ex∣communications for the like principle and profes∣sion of Allegiance, yet they are resolved to be true to their King, let who will call them Hereticks for being honest Subjects: And this their Resolution must be grounded, either upon Policy, or vain glory, (to avoid the danger, as well as the Infamy, of Re∣bellious principles,) or upon Conscience to God, which only is true honour: I am apt, (if I do no wrong,) to believe the last, and to acknowledge, and own all such by Consequence, as true English Protestants, as any in our own Church, for prefer∣ring Conscience before the Pope, which, as I have proved, is the chief point in difference between Pa∣pists and Protestants. And the rather, if they deal

alike, with the rest of their opinions, which set us at distance from one another, by the same rule, which if it be good and right, must hold, in the rest, as well as this; dismissing all other Tenets, that are excepted against, and have no support from God, or Conscience, or the Scripture, but the bare Authority of the Pontifical Chair. For being so dangerously and perfidiously deceived, while trusting to its judge∣ment and of right interpreting, in a case so evident, and plain, and Important, as Neck, and Estate, and Salvation, can amount to: If they will suffer them∣selves again, to be over-rul'd to differ from their Brethren, upon no reason of Conscience, but this bare Authority alone, whereof they have had tryal of its fidelity, and the old sophisme of believing as that Church believes: This cannot be counted wor∣thy and filial piety, and well weighed Religion in them, but a negligent unadvisedness, equivalent to plain fault and folly, (especially there being present suffering, and future hazard in the Case,) according to the known Proverb: The Friend, that deceives me once, it is his fault; twice, it is my own. All differences in our Religion, being thus easily com∣pos'd between us, (if they stand constant to their good principle throughout its consequences, as rea∣son binds them to, (and there will be no reason else, to believe or trust their Loyalty) what a day of bliss would it be to them, and us, to go hand in hand to∣gether, like Christian, as well as English, brethren, to their Churches and ours? what peace to them∣selves, in their concerns, both within, and without? what tears of joy, would it cause in their Protestant Tenants and dependants, who would willingly re∣signe their lives, to see that blessed day, what accla∣mation and bone-fire throughout the Nation, for

the restoration of its strength and Union? what Ec∣choes and Halelujahs amongst the Angels of Heaven, that delight in mens Salvation, and return from Er∣rour. But should they offer to make themselves, and us, and the Nation, happy, with such a Festival: How must they expect to be well lash'd for this, by their Old Friends, for Hereticks, and Schismaticks, and Apostates, from the Holy See; besides the ig∣nobleness of changing, and being unconstant; to which I shall not now reply: But those of them, that through Gods Grace assisting them, nowithstanding such discouragements and obstacles, that will be leaders and examples to their brethren, in such paths of Peace and Life, and count it Glory and magna∣nimity to adhere to truth, through shame and ca∣lumny, and but an Heathenish vain glory, to be con∣stant to Antient Errour, and will accept to be Gods Catholicks, although they may be branded for being Hereticks to the Pope therein; may the blessings of Heaven be multiplyed upon every one of them, and their Posterity for ever, according to the numbers and Myriads of hearts, in Heaven, and Earth, they shall, with their own, refresh thereby.

In the second respect, as the Church is a Society of Christian men, standing in need of Government, and Peace, and Order, and outward decency and Regu∣lation in its publick Worship, and Communion, a∣gainst scandalls from within, 1 Cor. 5.11. or tongues and censures from without, 1 Cor. 14.23. Autho∣rity and power must of necessity be allowed in such external matters, to those that are Superiours and Governours in such a body, without whom, it were as impossible for it, to be kept in any order, as for an Army to subsist without any Officers, or Com∣manders. And here, if any where▪ the Pope is to

put in his plea and claim for Supremacy, which cannot be well denyed him at Rome, and his Suburbicarian Territories, where he hath the Power both of Prince and Bishop; but he never originally had over(a) 1.4 Mil∣lain, and his next neighbours the seven Provinces of Italy, heretofore under their own peculiar Jurisdiction, without appeal to Rome, or conformity with it, in several of its Catholick Ceremonies, and ways of Devotion, particularly the Roman Fasting upon Sa∣turday: much less over our British Isles, which ne∣ver were within the Diocess, or Bayliwick of Rome, by any right; besides its new exclusion by the Su∣premacy of our Kings, becoming Christian; the rising of the one, being the setting of the Glory of the other, like the Baptist giving place to Christ. For though before Kings be Christians, the Bishops and Officers of the Church, were Supream in their se∣veral limits: It being equally incongruous, and in∣convenient, for the Church, in Church Affairs, to be under Heathen Government, as under none at all: Yet Bishops themselves, though of Christs own ap∣pointment and Institution, gave place and prece∣dence to Kings and Emperours, becoming Chri∣stians; who are Lords of our outward-man, and Gods of the outside, in all communities; allowing them to be now, Christian heads, of their Christian, as they were, Civil heads before, of their Civil Do∣minions and Territories: And contenting themselves to be eyes to these Christian heads, and not the head it self, their Counsellours under them, and not their Lords above them, under any colour or pretence. The Bishops of the Church, being to resemble the Stars, in the Firmament of the Church, as they are stil'd by our Saviour, Revel. 1.10. who are to Rule

by night as chief, when there is no Sun to shine: but as soon as the Sun appears (who resembles Christ, and Kings, his proper Deputies and Vicars,) then though never so fixt, they withdraw their splendor, and dis-appear, as to Lustre, but not as to influence, and assistance, being ready, in case of any Antichristian Ecclipse, to peep and shine at mid-day; as the dotage of Parents manumits the Sons; and in case not only the Sun be overcast, but the Stars also with it, by some Carnal Sympathy, and compliance, or thick storm and cloud, be in∣tercepted from us, why may not private Souls be∣low, take each Gods word and will, in the Bible, or Conscience, in the Creed, or Babtismal vow, as a Lamp to their feet, and a guide to their path, when there is no other light? Ps. 119.105. Why not beg the guidance of the Holy Spirit, that leads to all truth, which is not denyed to fervent prayer? 1 Joh. 2.20, 27. Luc. 11.13. The Cessation of Fathers and guides on Earth, doth not dissolve the Allegiance, or hopes of Orphan Christians from their Heavenly Fa∣ther; but very commonly makes the dependance near∣er, and closer, and the assistance wonderful, as in the Case of the late glorious King, deprived of his Chap∣lains, of numbers of Religious Christians, such as St. Bernard, Gerson, and others, under the darkest times of Popery, and many British Families in England, de∣prived of their Teachers, in the Pagan Invasion of the Saxons. The right Christian Soul, neither is, nor can be deprived of Christ, her best self; whether her guides on Earth remove, or stay, Rom. 8.38, 39. where she hath Superiours left, she obeyes them in Christ, which is the best obedience on Earth; where none are left, Christ alone, hath her whole heart, and immediate service, which is the obedience,

that's paid in Heaven: as Noah is said to walk with God, the times being so corrupt, he had none else to walk with here. Gen. 8.9.

But when God doth bless a Nation, with guides and deputies under him, the chiefest heed and duty of the Soul (wherein her wisdom or folly before God and man, and her self appears) is in her chusing, and cleaving to her true guide, and superiour, and not the wrong; for by mistake herein, the rights and honour of the true Superiour, and representative of Christ, shall be Sacrilegiously with-held, and pro∣phanely conferred on the false, which is her case and fate in every sin, that engrosses her affections, where the honour that's due to God alone, is paid to an Idol, for want of heed and difference to be made, between what is her real, and that which is only her seeming good, and lure to deceive her.

And the Errour, that may be commited in the Re∣cognition of wrong Superiours over us, under Christ, in External matters of Religion, (For in Internals, or externals there is none to be over us, but himself,) is twofold; either (1) In specie, in kind, or (2.) gradu, in degree. The first, is a mistake in the whole; as if a Subject of France, should take the King of Spain for his Soveraign; in such a case, his obedience to the wrong, is Treason against the right Superiour, and is not his obedience, but his sin: the mistake in degree, is between Superiour and Subordinate; where respect and obedience is due to both, but the respect that's due to the Master, is given to the Servant, and the Steward honoured above the Lord, and the Officer, above the Prince, that Authorizes him, which is the usual honour of those, that make blind obedience and advantage, more than conscience, the measure of their duties. The last, is more absurd

and faulty, for the first, is liker madness and distraction, one purblin'd in his Intellects may be guilty of the one, but none can be guilty of the other, but him, who is wholly blind, and mad. For God and nature directs men, and Christians, and Irrational Creatures themselves, to make a difference between Friends and strangers, and though to be civil to all, yet not to rely, and trust on those we know not, as much, as on those we know. The word Hostis for an Ene∣my, at first did signifie a stranger, so easy is the transition that is between them: and in Church de∣pendance, which is our present case, God hath given great Instances to the world in general, and to all Nations in particular, that it is not his will, we should be led by strangers, more than by guides of our own flesh and bloud: for this cause, Christ took upon him humane nature, when sent by God, John 17.3. to direct the world; For verily he took not on him the nature of Angels for this purpose, Heb. 2.16. which though greatly Holy, is yet Forraign to ours; and, as it were of another Country, and their best messages seldome received, by the best Christians, without fear, and horrour, and suspition Luk. 2.9. Math. 28.45. But he took upon him the seed of Abra∣ham, being sent unto his own, John. 1.11. And in all things it behoved him to be made like unto his Brethren to be the better fitted for Sympathy towards us on his part, and the belief thereof on ours. Heb. 2.17, 18. In like manner, in sending his Apostles for the con∣version of Nations, the first fruits in every Nation, that were converted to Christ, were appointed for Bishops and Teachers, as soon as might be, to convert their Brethren, and the Supemacy over the Gentile Churches, not entail'd upon a Jewish line and suc∣cession forever, as our first Teachers; but upon the

Natives themselves, in every City and Country, when fitted for it, to Govern and direct their people; and every Province to have its own Metropolitan, chief within it self, and unsubordinate to Foreigners. And it is likewise observed, that the needs of every Country in point of food, and Raiment, and Phy∣sick, is best supplied from within it self; and whether it be for the health, or interest of this Nation, to delight to wear forraign Liveries above its own, I shall not now dispute; and, but that the Witchcraft and fascination, that is in errour, doth Seal up the Intellect, it deludes; less dispute there would be with all sober minds, but that we have Governours of our own Nation (praised be God) fitted as likely for ability and compassion, to be faithful guides to their In∣feriour Brethren, as the greatest Angels of the Church of Rome; to whom (were it alwayes certain, they would prove good Angels) we are not so near and dear, as to our own Pastors, who are bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh. And that our own wise Kings and Parliaments, have, and can, make as wholesom Laws for this Church and State, as the Conclave ever can or did, how far, and how dear soever fetched and bought.

To alledge, as the Romanists do, that Christ had his fix'd Officers, his Apostles, and Bishops in his Church, before there were any Christian Kings, which cannot be denyed; that St. Peter was the chief of these Apostles, which also may be granted, for peace-sake, as to his precedence, but not any Juris∣diction; that the present Popes are the successors of St. Peter in all his Authority and Holiness, whether they follow him, as he followed Christ, or not; and therefore are Superiours to all Christian Kings and Princes, in their own Teritories, as well as at Rome,

in all affairs relating to Religion, is such a broken Title, such a far-fetch'd Etymology, and derivation of Authority, as only fully proves the Antichri∣stian humour of exalting themselves, above every thing that is called God, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Majesty, as the word may imply (which is the Jaundize, that over∣spreads the face and vitals of that Church all over) but cannot satisfie the conscience of any sober Eng∣lish Christian, to relinquish, and renounce, his mani∣fest allegiance, and Subjection to his own Prince, and Church, to whom it is due, to bestow the same to his own wrong, and Spiritual danger, as well as Temporal, upon a forraign Power, to whom it is not due, and to rob his King, to maintain a cheat. For neither are our Brittish Churches more Subject to the Chair of Rome, than is the Crown of France, to the Crown of Spain, which it had long a mind to, but never any right; neither, if degrees and dignities be compared, are Crowns to be Subject to the Mitre, but the Mitre to the Crown. For Kings, if Heathen, are without the Church, and therefore not Subject to the Pope, were he a lawful Vicar of Christ, for what have I to do, to judge them that are without—them that are without, God judgeth, 1 Cor. 5.12, 13. neither do they forfeit their Soveraignty, by being Christian Kings, by any colour or pretence of St. Peters su∣premacy, St. Peter himself being judge, who writes to his fellow Elders, to feed the flock of God, which was among them, 1 Pet. 5.1, 2. and to be subject for the Lords sake to the King, as supreme; for so is the will of God. 1 Pet. 5.1, 2. There is no where, less love and honour from the heart, to that blessed Apostle St. Peter, (no not perhaps in Hell) than amongst them at Rome; an out-side love or Phi∣lauty, for Secular ends and designs, they may have

for him, beyond any, (such as the Ephesian Silver∣smiths had for Diana, by which they had their wealth. Act. 19.24, 25. or Turks for Christs Sepulcher, which turns to account unto them,) which is not their love to St. Peter, but to themselves, and bellies; for if they had the least love and honour from the heart, in Christ, to his name and dignity, they would rather chuse to starve, or beg, than face their frauds, and cheats upon all degrees of men, with his name and Authority, or make him a com∣plice, or an Author, to all their impious Usurpations, and Rebellions, against the Kings both of Heaven and Earth, against his mind and principles, as before. For St. Peter himself, from whom Popes derive all the power over Kings, they can pretend to, yea Christ himself, from whom St. Peter had his, and the whole Christian Church in his divine person, while he was on Earth, did submit to Magistrates and Presidents, acknowledging their Power to be from Heaven John 19.11. and his Kingdom not to be of this world, Joh. 18.36. as his pretended Vicars cannot also be, by consequence; for a Deputy cannot have more Power than his Soveraign. St. Paul commands every soul to be Subject, or subordinate to the higher Powers, Rom. 13.1. (which St. Chrysostom upon the place, as before, extends to Apostles and Ecclesiasticks, as well as Lay, and with good reason, for no Crime can be Treason, where is no Subjection,) and gives the title of excellency to Festus, an Heathen President, Act. 26. as St. Luke to Theophilus a Christian, Luk. 1.3: an evident argument, that neither would have denied the title of Majesty to a King, and much more to a Christian King; for as Servants gained no outward liberty, by becoming Christians, but continued Ser∣vants after, as well as before their conversion.

1 Cor. 7, 20, 21. So neither do Kings lose their Pre∣rogatives, or Supremacy, by being Christians, but are to be received into the Christian Society, or Church, in the same degree, and quality, they had in the Civil, or State; Superiour to all, Inferiour to none: And the Texts therefore, that command obedience and submission to Heathen Magistrates, do command the same much more to Christian: And manifestly condemn the Pope as Antichristian, in denying it. And as in the World, or the Kingdom of God, they were Gods Deacons, or Liturgists, as they are stiled, Rom. 13.4, 6. or his Ministers for the encou∣ragement and discouragement of Vertue and Vice v. 4. So in the Church, or the Kingdom of Christ, they are Christs Ministers, to serve him with their Authorities, in maintenance of Holiness and Order, which is ver∣tue in its highest degree; and extirpation of Scandals, which is Vice and Confusion, under greatest aggra∣vation. Which trust and supremacy, they bore in the Church of God, in all Ages, under all dispensa∣tions, in Old Israel, or the Jewish Church, and New Israel, or the Christian, Gal. 6.16. For so Aaron gave place to Moses, and Nathan though inspir'd, counts himself, but the servant of his King nevertheless, bowing himself with his face to the ground, when he came into his presence, as his deportment is re∣corded, (not for naught) by the Spirit of God, 1 King. 1.23, 27. And such was the power and in∣fluence of the Kings of Israel, in matters Eccle∣siastical, that the whole state and face of the present Church, and the fate and destiny of the land it self, is usually comprised by Scripture, in one word, in the Character of the Kings heart, that reigned, whe∣ther it was right with God, or not: When it sayes, that such and such Kings, did that which is good, or

that which was evil, in the sight of the Lord, and what was like to follow from such example; for no face or figure of Heaven, can be more benigne, or fortunate: No Comet so portending, and ill boding to a Nation, as a wakeful, or a supine Prince, in Mercy, or Judgment, appointed over it, that eyes all him∣self in his Charge, or trusts too far to others: The Prince is the first and Master wheel, even in the Church, that gives motion, and Order, to all the rest; all will be at a stand, or out of order, when this, is: He is the Architect in the building, and or∣dering, both of Tabernacle and Temple, according to his Pattern from God; he sets all to their proper work, and erects, and dedicates, both the one and the other; and places Aaron and Levi in their several Stations, each one afterwards to look to their own work and duties of Instructing, Sacrificing, attoning, interceding, that God may dwell in the Camp or State, as the Life, and Soul, and Strength there of. And their care of Gods Church, was not a free will Offering, or a generous work of Super-erogation in the Kings of Israel, which was their praise and honour to mind and attend, and not their guilt to neglect and leave to others; but it was the principal indispen∣sable point of their trust and charge. For Old Israel might be said, to be more a Church, than a Kingdom, being the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Lot and Inheritance, the Clergy, or spiritual Kingdom of God. The rest of the Hea∣then World, being revolted from him, and kept in slavery under the Prince of the power of the Air, Ephes. 2.2. And therefore the Governour of such a Nation, was more the head of a Church, than the King of a Countrey, being truly both the one and the other; the one supremacy being common to every Heathen Prince, but the other proper and peculiar

to Rulers in Israel. For God himself by particular condescention was King of Israel, 1 King. 8.7. And men came to be Kings, by his permission and al∣lowance, as his Vicars and Lieutenants, to main∣tain his Worship and Honour, wherein the peoples happiness, as well as their Prerogative did consist. In the World, he was the best and completest Prince, that had most of the Councellor, or Captain in him, to suppress all disorder and violence at home, by Laws, and all invasions and dangers from abroad, by Arms and Courage: But in Israel, he was the best King, that had most of the Priest and Bishop in him, to win God of his side: They conquered their ene∣mies in the field then best, when they served God best at home: Their Victories and Successes depended not so much upon their Bow and Chariot, or the Conduct of their Generals, or the Courage and Num∣ber of their men, as upon having the Lord of Hosts on their side, to go along with their Armies, which Blasphemous Lives never had the Happiness to pro∣cure; that Rule of our Saviour, that directs how to prosper in the World, being true, as well before, as since his coming: But seek ye first the Kingdom of God, and his Rightousness, and all things shall be added unto you, Mat. 6.33. For it was their sins, that gave va∣lour and prevalence to their enemies, and despon∣dency to themselves; Then was there War in the gate, when they sought after new Gods, Jud. 5.8. The chil∣dren of Ephraim carrying Bowes, turn'd their backs in the day of Battel, because they kept not the Covenant of God, Psal. 79.9. And it was their Piety and Re∣pentance made them miraculously Victorious, when over-match'd: Yea, the Heathen Historian observes and confesses the like touching the Roman Empire, that its progress and success was founded in sincere

zeal for their Gods, as its decayes and overthrow to arise from profane remissness and easie Luxury. Up∣on good reasons therefore, as well of Conscience and Equity, to approve themselves Faithful and Loyal to Gods Honour and Interest, to whom Kings are immediate Subjects, as they expected the like Fide∣delity and Loyalty from their people appointed to be their Subjects; as of publick wel-fare and pro∣s••erity to their Nation, (obliging Arguments with ri••ht Princely dispositions,) We find the best Kings of Israel (and even Heathen Kings, when sober,) chief∣ly to imploy their Royal Authority and Power about matters Ecclesiastical, to suppress Idolatry, to reform Abuses, to settle wholesom Laws and Fences, about Doctrine, Worship and Discipline, in Gods Church. To put down high places, Groves, Idolatrous Altars, Sodomites-houses, and all strange Religion, as did Josia, 2 Kings. 23.4, 5, 6, 7. And other Kings to break in pieces the Brasen Serpen••, though made by Moses, when abused to Idolatry, as did Hezechia, 2 King. 18.4. To send able Teachers throughout the Land as did Jehoshaphat, 2 Chron. 2.8. to Dedicate, and Re∣paire, and Purifie the Temple, as did Solomon, 1 King. 8.29.6. and Joash, 2 Chron. 24.4. and Heze∣chia, 2 Chron. 5. To institute the Feast for the De∣dication of the Temple, as did the Macchabees, 1 Macch. 4.56.59. which our Saviour honour'd with his presence, Joh. 10.22. To restore the celebrating of the Passoever to its Ancient Rite, 2 King. 22.21. To appoint a Fa••r to save his Nation, as did the King of Niniveh with success, Jon. 3.7, 10. To decree Blas∣pheming Hectors to be cut in pieces, as did the King of Babylon, when converted, Dan. 3.29. To appoint Judges in Causes Ecclesiastical, as well as Temporal, 2 Chron. 19.8. Amaria the Chief Priest in all matters

of the Lord, and Zebadia the Ruler of the house of Juda for all the Kings matters, v. 11. To assemble Synods and Councells about Sacred Affairs, for set∣tling the Ark, as did David, 1 Chron, 13.2. For dedi∣cating the Temple, as did Solomon, 1 Reg. 8. and refor∣ming the Nation, and bringing them back un∣to the Lord God of their Fathers, as did Jehosha∣phat, 2 Chron. 19.4. To maintain their Command and Soveraignity in such matters, not only over all the people in general, 1 King. 23.21. but over the High Priests themselves in particular, by assigning their work and duty, 2 King. 22.8, 12. Where Jeho∣shaphat layes command upon Hilkiah the High-Priest; thrusting them out of their High-Priesthood for their Disloyalty, as Solomon did Abiathar, 1 King. 2.27. And sparing them their Lives in courtesie to their Coat, v. 26. And this their pious care and zeal for God and Religion, (which in the Popes account were little less than intermeddling in other mens rights,) is recorded in Gods account, as their Eternal praise, and honour, and good service to their Countrey. And like Josiah, was there no King before him, that turn'd to the Lord with all his heart, and with all his Soul, and with all his might,—Neither arose there any like him, 2 King. 23.25. And Jehoshaphat sought to the Lord God of his Father, and walked in his Com∣mandments, and not after the doings of Israel. There∣fore the Lord established the Kingdom in his hands, and all Juda brought to Jehoshaphat Presents, and he had Riches and honour, in abundance, 2 Chron. 17.5. And the contrary neglect about the Worship of God, in their wicked Kings, and making their people to sin by their defection, or ill example, was the ruine of their Land, 2 Chron. 36.17. And a Brand of Infamy upon their names in particular, forever, as the fol∣lowers

of Jereboam the Son of Nebat which made Is∣rael to sin, and therefore liker to Satan therein, than to Gracious Kings and Fathers.

And what was thus their bounden duty and honour, in the Kings of Israel, to imploy their Autho∣rity and Government for God and his Church, upon the like ground and proportion, is the duty and in∣terest of all Christian Kings: for a Kingdom that becomes Christian, becomes a Church thereby, or the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 1 Pet. 3.5. the Heritage and Clergie of God: a Christian Kingdom is a new Israel of God, Gal. 6.16. and Christian Kings by consequence are heyres of the same Prerogative and Supremacy, that did belong in Israel to the Kings of Israel, where the High-Priests were subordinate in externals to the Kings, and not the Kings to the Priests. It is a contradiction to be a King, and to be Subject: wherein Popes are made Supreme, Kings are made Subjects; there cannot be two Supremes in the same Church or Kingdom; and it were a great snare and Spiritual misery to be sub∣jects under two contrary Soveraigns, and to be bound in conscience to obey contrary injunctions and commands, whereby inevitably their obedience to the one, becomes their sin and transgression against the other Soveraign; which is the condition of Ro∣man Catholicks, who own the Pope for supreme, to the wrong of those Christians Soveraigns over them, whose right it is; whereby their conscientious Catho∣lick obedience, becomes unconscionable disobedience to their right Superiour. It concerns and behoves them therefore, and every other Christian subject (in whom the word of Christ ought to dwell richly in all wisdom, Col. 3.16.) to be fully satisfied, who is to rule them. He that mistakes his Soveraign will mistake his Loyalty. The Old and New Testament,

knows but two Soveraigns, God or the King, Christ or Caesar, 2. Chron. 19.11. Math. 22.21. so the Jewish, so the Ancient Christian Church; so the Church of England held upon the Reformation, when the whole Nation, both Parliament, and Convocation unani∣mously agreed, that the Pope had no more to do in England, than any other Bishop. The Soveraignty of the Lord the Pope, starting up when the Church began to degenerate, strongly savours of a fifth Mo∣narchy, or an Antichristian erection. Christ only is the Immediate Soveraign of the Inside of men in his Church, Kings the Immediate Soveraigns of the outside in their Dominions: the Pope or Prelate is Soveraign in neither, Pet. 5.3. Rom. 13.1. therefore there is no obedience due, from the heart and con∣science, to spirituall Governours, but wherein they agree in their Doctrines with Christs mind, and clash not in their outward order and Discipline, with the rights of Christian Kings: for delegates are to be obeyed in, and for, and not against their Prin∣cipals, and the soul is subject to none, but to a su∣preme, either the Lord Christ, who is absolutely such; or our Lord the King, who is such in externals by Christs concession, Prov. 8.15. subject also it is to Governours, but for his sake, and by his com∣mand, that is to say, it's subject not to them, but to him.

But it will be still objected, what have Kings to do with Religion? that wholly belongs to Spiritual persons, and the Clergy, and to the Pope, the Pa∣triarch, in such matters, and by consequence, Su∣preme; and it must still be answered and acknow∣ledged; That the substantial part of Christian Reli∣gion lyes out of the Horizon and Territory of Kings, in another world, as it were, where yet none is Sove∣raign

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but Christ alone; Popes and Bishops and Infe∣riour Priests being all officers and Ministers under him in this Kingdom, all of equal degree and power; with∣out difference in their Authorities or Keys, saving that in equity and merit, they are foremost and chiefest, who are most painful and faithful in this trust. Kings well observe their bounds therein, they do not (as they ought not) intermeddle in such mat∣ters between the soul and God, as are of divine Insti∣tution, or immortal importance; they meddle not with the Priestly office; and great would be the peace of Churches, and of the world, if the Pope did as little meddle with the Kingly: they take not upon them to preach and publish the Laws and mind of Christ in his name and Authority, nor to denounce wrath and War against offenders high or low, nor of themselves to Excommunicate the unworthy from the Holy Society of Christs Church, and all hopes of mercy till they repent and change, nor to arbitrate, as for Christ, who are fit and worthy of Grace or pardon; neither do they travel between Heaven and Earth, upon messages between Christ and souls, as the Angels upon the ladder, being now Gods mouth to the people, in wholsom Counsels and Instructions; anon the peoples mouths to God, in humble con∣fessions or thanskgivings; as neither did the Kings of Israel ever offer to enter the holy place, or order the Shew Bread, or Sacrifice, or incense, (which might have been done with the same skill, though not with the same Authority, by Common persons, as by Priests) and hath been attempted by one or two, but to their wo: No, under both Law and Gospel, these offices did solely belong to peculiar Ministers and Levites set a part by Gods Institution on purpose, who were and are the Clergy of his Clergy and Heri∣tage,

and the Priests to those in speciall, that were and are his peculiar people and Priest-hood, Exod. 19.6. Revel. 1.6. The Church it self being Laick and common compar'd to these, as was the World to the Church. For no less is implied in the reason of those expressions, where both the Christian and Jewish Church, are said to be a Kingdom of Priests, as in Exodus, or Kings, and Priests to God, as in the Reve∣lation: they being in special manner Kings, and Priests, and Clergy, from whom the name and title is deriv'd to others, for some likeness and comparison, for what the Copy is, that is the Original much more. And if Christs mission was not from Secular, but Di∣vine Authority, so neither is the Institution of the Evangelical Priesthood from man, but from God, be∣ing sent from Christ, as he was sent from God, Joh. 20.21. Bishops and Presbyters being equally from Christs own Ordination and appointment, though not of equal order and degree between themselves, but in several respects the one Superiour (and which may seem strange) inferiour likewise to the other. For the better understanding whereof, the distinction be∣tween Spiritual and Temporal, is to be remembered, and considered in its Primitive and Apostolical ac∣ception, and not the modern Roman sense, who con∣found Heaven and Earth in their notions, as they do in their values and affections; the one referring to the present visible world, the object of sense; the o∣ther to the Church, or Invisible world to come, wherein Christians live here by Faith; the Church be∣ing more excellent than this world, as eternity is more than time; and yet this world more excellent than the Church, (which is dead unto it,) in the estimation of sense, as is the living more excellent than the dead, Eccles. 9.5. whereby is discoverable the several Su∣periorities

between Episcopacy and Presbytery, in the same person in whom both are co-incident, as they are in every Bishop, and those Elders in Timothy, who for Ruling well, and labouring also in the word and Doctrine, were counted worthy of double honour, 1 Tim. 5.17. where, in the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, we have a clavis to decide this diffe∣rence; for the habitude and Character of a Bishop, is that of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Ruler or Prince, as the Brittains term their Arcsh-Bishop of Carleon to Monk Agustine; but that of a Priest or Presbyter, is the form and quality of a Subject, or Servant, or Labourer, which two notions greatly differ, like God and Creature; But then their several allotments, or respective worlds, are to be considered, wherein the one and the other are said to labour, or bear Rule. And clear, first it is, that the Presbyters labour, as a Ser∣vant under Christ, in his word and Sacraments, is within the Vineyard of the Church, and therefore belonging to Eternity, as the Church it self doth; and that the Rule of the Bishop in the second place, is Temporal by consequence, and about order in this pre∣sent world; and the better preservation of the Tem∣poral out-side of the Church; for to affirm it to be a Spiritual Rule over the Church in its in-side, (which is Eternal, and Christs own Peculiar Jurisdiction,) were very inconvenient and unsound. And this Temporal Superiority over the Temporal part of an Ecclesiastical Community, as to all Causes and per∣sons, that be within it, (for any Society whether Sacred or Civil, can no more subsist, or fare well, without a Governour or a Chief, than a body with∣out a head) continues in Bishops, by Christs establish∣ment, till the rising of the Sun; that is, till the Civil Magistrate of that Province become Christian;

whose defect they before supplied, as Guardians; and then it doth set, or cease, but Heliacally, as the Stars set in the morning, in deference to a grea∣ter lustre, that is better able to do their work, continuing still in the same firmament and San∣hedrin, under his Rayes, and Bound nevertheless by their office and duty, to be ready to shine again without him, (as before) in case of dark∣ness, or Eclipse, as was said before. And it well appears how the Christian Temporal Magistrates, and the Church have understood one another, in reference to their several bounds and limits, by those parcels of Ecclesiastical Authority the one hath resum'd, as his right, and the other wil∣lingly quitted and yeilded thereunto as just, upon his arrivall to Supremacy in Church, as well as state. For we never find him offering to touch any part of the Priestly office or the Power of the Keys, nor to preach, or Baptize, or absolve, or consecrate, which acts and Authorities belong to another Spiritual Kingdom, farr enough out of his Temporal Dominion and Jurisdiction. But several parts of Episcopal Rule and Government, have been rightly assum'd and yielded to him in Gene∣rall Counsels, and in our Church of England in particular, wherein he is declared supreme in all Causes and over all persons Ecclesiastical, which was the Original Right of Metropolitans, but since held by them, as was fit, not as Soveraigns any more but as subordinate to their Christian Magistrates. And by this Hypothesis, is resolvable, whether Bishops ordain Priests, as they are Priests, or as they are Rulers, which would make for the strength and re-al∣lyance of the Protestant Interest: For Bishops cannot Ordain of themselves, without Priests to assist, much

less can Priests Ordain without a Bishop to preside, where he may be had; and Christian Kings offer not to resume (as their temporal right) any part of the Ordination or Consecration of either sort, but only nominate our Bishops in the right of Patrons or Foun∣ders, or as representers of the whole Community, by whom they were in the Primitive Church elected, as likewise in the Brittish. Therefore the Priest, who is but a Labourer, is Inferiour and subordinate in this World to the Bishop, who is a Ruler, by Divine Order and designation, not to be violated by any, with∣out the guilt and scandal of being Rebells against Su∣periours. And the Bishop in his Chair as a Ruler, is Inferiour to himself in his Pulpit, as Christs Labourer and Preacher, in reference to the other World. For it is a higher excellency to be the least in Eternity, than the greatest in time, to subdue sin than to subdue the World, Psal. 84.11. Which yet, is so, as to Faith, and reason, and the Consciences of all sober men, with their own; yet not as to sense, or the Law and course of this present life, and general Practice; whereby through humane infirmity very few, (yet not wanting in our times,) have been observed to be as ambitious of the labour of Converting Souls, as of the honour and command of a Rich Bishoprick; though the worst (and Welsey himself) at their dying hour have yielded to this Truth: Whereby no In∣feriour Minister, that is diligent in his work and cal∣ling, can have reason to envy the higher condition and temporal honours of Superiours in this World, having such great reward and honour in reserve from God, for his own work. And we see the Soul it self, though never so excellent or extensive, to be con∣tent in this life, with less room and port, than the body; and an Idiot may have a greater presence

than a Rabbi, though the one have its name from restraint and narrowness, the other from Amplitude of person and endowments; and Davids great spirit which encountred Bears, and Lyons, and Goliah's, had but a narrow Case: And St. Paul who overcame the world by his Ministry, is said by some; To be weak in presence, and in his speech Contemptible, 2 Cor. 10.10.

And were not Christ, the only Master and Re∣warder, and Judge, and King; and his Priesthood but in the Character and Condition of Labourers and Stewards under him, and not the Lords and pro∣prietors of his blessed word and Mysteries; who were able or sufficient, to requite their spirituals? Is the tenth of an Estate, or thousands of Rams, or ten thousands of Rivers of Oyl, or the whole World (were one sole owner of it) a sufficient price or pre∣sent, for the Gospel, or for Christ, or for pardon of sins, and peace of Conscience, and the Souls Salva∣tion? What Kings or Emperours were too good to bow, and prostrate themselves before Popes, (if they preach'd) or any right Minister of the Gospel, were their comfortable messages their own, and not their Heavenly Masters? Yet though they are but Instru∣ments and servants under Christ, are they not to be left without honour, and esteem, and maintenance from men, and that not mean or scant, for their work sake; though they be to expect their full re∣ward and portion from none, but God. For the reason and Civility of Nations, (though they reserve the Glory and honour to the chief Authors of their deliverances and victories,) yet leaves not the Mes∣sengers of good Tydings without their due respect and presents. God alone is our supream King, and Father, preserver, and our Earthly Superiours, and

Benefactors, and Delieverers, are but Instruments under him: And though the respect that is due and congruous to the principal, be not payable to the Instrument; yet by all Laws, and Instincts of Grati∣tude, and Conscience, and Customes of Nations, Instruments under God of Benefits, Kings, Fathers, Conquerours, Benefactors, receive that proper and meet acknowledgment and return, that is their due; yet Instruments are by no means to step into the Throne, or usurp or arrogate the Royalties of their Principals, but must rest content with that Tribute of respect and honour, that is due to their subordinate Ranks and Stations, though they are the Con∣veyers under God of Spiritual, which infinitely ex∣ceed all temporal benefits and mercies.

And great and remarkable is the difference be∣tween the Pains of the Clergy, and the payments and rewards of the Laity, in the Ancient and Primi∣tive times, when Christ was more in the heart, and the World less, towards what it is, and hath been, in the degenerate times of Christianity, when the World began to have more of mens hearts, than Christ. St. Peter, though the Prince of the Apostles, and Foun∣der of our great and Wealthy Popes, was not worth a Groat upon the score of his Function; for so is his answer to one begging his Alms, Silver and Gold have I none, but such as I have give I thee, Act. 3.6. And yet all Rich Christians then, that had either Land, or Houses, sold and parted with all, and laid them at his feet, c. 4.34, 35, 37. so great was the clearness of the one, and the gratitude of the other, and the care and pre∣ferrence of the Community and of the poor in both. And St. Paul laboured night and day to get his liv∣ing, while he preach'd the Gospel of God unto o∣thers, 1 Thess. 2.9. Yet bears them record, That

they were ready to pluck out their eyes, if possible, to give them to him, Gal. 4.15. A good Argument, that they that would not spare their Eyes, much less would spare their Purses for his sake; as others more re∣mote cannot erect Temples, (though miracles of the World for magnificence) sufficiently answerable to the merits of his memory. And the Apostolical ab∣stinence was closely followed by the succeeding Heroes of the Primitive Church: As Origen and o∣thers, who preferr'd Hearts before Purses, and fared hard, and went barefoot, while they had Nobles for their Converts, which is not to be attributed to Sullenness, or Melancholly, or Vain-glory, but ei∣ther to the strict observation of our Saviours Rule, Freely have you received, freely give, more binding in those times of Miraculous assistance: Or to an aime of trampling this present World under their their feet, and encouraging their Christian followers in their poverty and persecutions, as the Emperour Severus us'd to walk bare-head in snow and rain, to hasten the tardy March of his Armies: Or to the Eternal Rules and decencies of giving and receiv∣ing, which require the one part to forget their merits, the other never to forget their benefits; more lively exerted in them, who by extraordinary Grace were better fitted to represent the several parts of God, to the life; whereof the Giver is ever one, as the Receiver is of the Creature, and the Receiver, (when he requites and repayes) puts on again the Giver, and the Giver becomes as a Creature to be in a capa∣city to receive, (which is a remarkable shadow and footstep in nature of the Incarnation) and both parts of God could not be acted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but by such un∣bounded zeal, and thankfulness in both, in imitation of Gods bounty, who giveth liberally, and is so far

from upbraiding, that he hazards the denyal of his existence and being with the inconsiderate, for his silence and withdrawing. But extraordinary times being not presidents for ordinary, that the Clergy now should labour Gratis, or the Laity hold all in Com∣mon, as then they did, as the manner of living in a Siege, not a Rule for the manner of living, when God sends Peace and plenty: This noble strife and generous contention between Liberality and Refusal in Primitive Hearers and Teachers, was stated after∣wards, and compos'd by Divine and Apostolical in∣timations; not only, That of the Labourer being wor∣thy of his hire, but that more express establishment, Even so hath the Lord ordained, that they which preach the Gospel should have by the Gospel, 1 Cor. 9.14. Where the Evangelical maintenance is equall'd, if not in∣dentified, with the Levitical, which is known not to have been scant; and prosperity and a Curse an∣nex'd from God besides, upon all that were just, or unjust, in paying, or withholding their Tithes and Offerings, Mal. 3.8.9, 10. And further yet; We wish you did reign, that we also might reign with you, 1 Cor. 4.8. Where it is implyed, that it is but just and fit, that the Ministers of the Gospel should partake and share in its highest prosperity and advancement, who are sure to smart with the first, in its adversity and contempt: For every Religion expresses what ho∣nour it hath for the Deity it worships, by the respect and honour it enjoyns to be paid to its Ministers and Attendants: And amongst all degrees of Christians, from the lowest to the highest, neither Christ, nor his Ministers, can be said to be either lov'd, or ho∣nour'd, where both are not lov'd and honour'd equal∣ly, if not above themselves. And no man can de∣spise the Ministers of his Religion, without despising

his Religion, nor despise his Religion, without despising himself, for where is a man's self more than in his God, or Idol. If Christ and his Religion be to be honour∣ed, it is to be invited, to sit equal with us in our Feasts, if not above, wherein no Church is more pro∣portionable, than this of England, which hath its Min••stry so adequate and comporting with the seve∣ral degrees and conditions of its Laity; like Ar∣teries with the veins along the body from the toe to the head.

But now far otherwise is it amongst Christians, Teachers and Disciples, when the world hath pos∣sessed their hearts; And Christ dwells but at their tongues only? many there are besides Quakers, it is to be feared, that would be well contented to be without any Gospel at all, on condition to be Tith-free; and judge no sort of men better to be spared or retrenched in this Commonwealth than Christs Ministers. And if they had Power enough in their hands, would judge an 100 l. per annum to be revenew enough, or two much, for any Bishop to support himself, and Family, and to keep Hospitality, and relieve the poor, and strangers, and to defend the Church against its Enemies, and not 10000 l. per annum too much for themselves, to spend upon their lusts and Vanity. And in some Nations, the Lay sort Raign and Rule, and the Clergy hold the stirrup, or serve under revocable pay, like other workmen, and trained thereby to be, as observant of the state, as of God; neither hath the degenerate Clergy been behind in over∣reaching, to the degenerate Laity, in grudging and subducting; especially in the Roman Church, who conceived she never had enough, untill she had all, not only their Lands, but their Liberties, and all

became her Tenants or Vassals, or tributaries from the Plow to the Throne. Now, how would these two contrary lusts tear and destroy one another, if God had not raised Kings to preserve the peace be∣tween them? How would Religion and good lite∣rature all fall to the ground, and Atheism and Bar∣barism, or equivalent Ignorance and superstition, come again in their place, if Kings were not Nur∣sing Fathers to secure their Rights, and Defenders of the Faith, to maintain their Priviledges and quiet∣ness? to correct on the one hand the Idolatrous Avarice of some hard hearts who would starve the Lord Christ, to cherish their Lord Mammon; And to check the Hypocrisie and worldliness of others, on the other hand, who Christopher-like carry Christ upon their backs, to begg mens hearts; who make use of Purgatory, and the world to come, to gull men out of this present; who call all men to be their Paymasters for the unvaluable unrequitable mysteries of the Gospel, (which they at best but counterfeit) and make them Vassals for ever afterward, upon the score of that Tribute and acknowledgement; who claim a Supremacy over Princes, not upon the score of the Pulpit, and the Eternal obligations thereof, which they quit, but upon the score of their Chairs, which was borrowed from the Throne, and intended it should return to its subordination thereunto. Though Spi∣ritual Graces, (wherewith they are ill stock'd) are above all Temporal reward, as much as Salvation is above an Earthly Crown; yet it doth not follow, that the Instruments and conveyers of Grace, are Supe∣riours here in in this world, to all that receive it by their Ministry. The message and Author is, but not the messenger; Kings hear Gods word, as Subjects to Christs whole word it is, but not as Subjects to those,

that Preach it, but their Masters rather. It is an ill and Un-evangelical Inference, and too much savour∣ing of Antichrist, from Spiritual Doctrines to raise Secular Superiority, and to make wordly Rule and Ambition, the chief end of the everlasting Gospel, Ego & Rex meus, was a perfidious Traiterous crime in Wolsey, to transfer his Masters honour and Sove∣raignty upon himself, which is their great Disease at Rome, and constant Boldness upon Christ. A Pursiveant, though sent from a King, to Arrest a Peer, is not Superiour in quality thereby to the Peer, although his Authority and errand be; we may as well conclude all Centinels to be Generals of the Field, or every Chaplain declaring Christ will in a Sermon before the King, to be Primate of the Church, and every Christian, who Conquers the world by his Faith, to be Emperour of this world, as Popes to be Supremes in Christian Kingdoms and Churches over mens souls and bodies, because they are the Servants and Officers of Christ, who is. When St. Ambrose boldly durst suspend his Soveraign, and Theodosius meekely yielded to the censure of his Subject; there was no Superiority either lost or got, by this in either; both doing their parts of Servants herein, the Bishop of fidelity about his Master's mysteries, the Empe∣rour of Submission to his Saviours Steward. All or∣ders and degrees in the Church, are every one in the Postures of Servants to Christ, and Servants to another for Christ his sake, 1 Cor. 3.22. and he alone the only Master and Soveraign, Math. 23.8. In this world, it's true, it's otherwise, where some are Ser∣vants, others are Masters; some Rulers, and others Ruled: all to be regarded, as unto Christ in their several Superiorities, by Christians, who are to serve and obey them all from the heart upon Christs ac∣count

in addition to their Civil obligation, which is correlative to their Civil Superiority; for as we are Christians, we serve none but Christ: and those that Rule and Govern, if Christians, do it as his Ser∣vants; and Pious Kings have justly esteemed it to be a greater Dignity to be Servants of Christ, than Soveraignes of this world. Whosoever therefore mis∣guides, or mis-governs his Inferiour, or wrongs, or deceives his Neighbour, or disobeys, or dishonours his Superiour, Christian: violates his Faith and duty, first to his Heavenly Soveraign in his heart, before he wrongs any other on Earth, by his out∣ward Act. And it is our concern and honour, as to detect and shun all such as are Traytors and Faithless to our Saviour, so dearly to embrace and love them from our hearts that are true. But though Kings meddle not with the Substantialls of Religion, or the rights of Christ, yet with the out-side or Circumstan∣tials, that fall within their charge and cogni∣zance, they well may, and must: whatsoever in Church matters is of Temporal, not of Eternal mo∣ment, neither determined by Christ, nor necessary to Salvation, but conducing only to Order, and Peace, and Decency, and good example before men, belongs to Christian Kings, to regulate by discretion, with the advice of their Clergy, Numb. 27.21. Mal. 2.7. for their Transitory Nature makes them more allyed to this present world (where Kings are Soveraigns,) than their bare Connexion to Holy duties, doth make them appurtenances to the other immortal world, where Christ only Raigns and Rules. For Instance, whether it be more decent to perform Divine service in a Gown, or Surplice, or in a Cloak, or Querpo? whe∣ther with the people having all their Hats on, as do the Jewes, or the Minister, as the French, or all bare,

both Minister and People, as usually amongst us? whether kneeling, or sitting, be the best and seemliest postures at several Offices before men? (for it is clear, before God that the heart is all in all,) whe∣ther a Bason at the Ministers Elbow be more comly than a Font; or whether the Font stand best in the Chancel with the other Table for the other Sacra∣ment, or at the Church door, in token of our en∣trance by it? Whether the Cross may be used in Baptism, or the Ring in Marriage? Whether the King have not power to found and endow Churches, and to alter Sees, and to translate the Metropolitan from one place to another, as he thinks fit for any new convenience, or redress. These things are no∣minally spiritual, but really secular, and belong to Christian Temporal Jurisdiction, which no way in∣trenches herein upon Divine Institution or Sove∣raignity, which hath left out such matters and causes free for Christian Kings to regulate, even in the Church and Temple, as did the Kings of Israel. The Church being part of their state and Province, where Kings and Subjects are Christian; and the one to order every thing to the Lord Christ, whose Deputies and Vicars now they are; and the other to obey them in all such their Orders, from the heart as to the Lord: Neither is there any peril of Soul or Salvation, by such transitory matters, as wears and postures of the Body, (where they are not ordained for to honour, or acknowledge Idols, and false Gods;) there may be great danger in contention, 1 Cor. 11.16. and dis∣obedience to those Divine and Eternal Laws, which command obedience and Conformity to humane: Nei∣ther are the Circumstances of Religion made equal hereby to the substantial parts thereof, being ob∣served to such several Ends, and intents, sufficiently

distinct and different, as are the Authorities that ap∣point, both the one and the other, God himself in those, and Kings as his Deputies and delegates in these, (though many mens too much placing their Heaven, and zeal, and humour and scruples upon Ce∣remonies and shadows, make them substances as to themselves.) For the difference between Time and Eternity, or the Body and the Soul, or sense and faith, or word and sword, or Heaven and Earth, or peace of Conscience, and the peace of the Kingdom, is not more fixt, and manifest, and unconfounded, than is that, between the inside and outside of the Church; the one lying within the Perambulation and Jurisdiction of Divine Soveraignty, the other of humane; neither of the Popes, over us in England; nor the latter, but on∣ly there, where he is a Temporal; nor the former, even at Rome it self, where so he is.

And O! the Unchristian Arts and Methods, that have been us'd by Popery all along, both above and under-board, according as it was high or low, to wrest this Ecclesiastical Supremacy and Prerogative, from Christian Kings, which is their manifest and un∣doubted right, and chiefest Glory in their Temporal Crowns, and a peculiar Talent for their manage∣ment, in order to an Eternal. Sometimes openly and above-board, by an impudent pretence of Ple∣nitude of Power (when they had none at all) they have eagerly endeavoured to hook unto themselves, our Kings Royal Priviledges, about Investures and nomination of Bishops, and the Crowns off from their heads, which is too well known: For any ones Tem∣poral right, that had any reference or Relation to∣wards the Church, was straightway the undoubted Appurtenance of St. Peters Chair; under that pre∣tence, they caus'd King Henry the Second, in the

Controversie about the exemption of the Clergy, which was an absolute invasion of his Royal Govern∣ment and Authority,) to be whipt and stript by his Subjects, like a Malefactor in Bridewell, for the good of his Soul, and in breach of his Royal Trust and Dig∣nity, to allow Appeals to Rome, to heal his wounded Conscience. Their poisoning Attempts, and Invasi∣ons, and Powder-plots against Queen Elizabeth, and King James, are fresh in Memory. When open Arts can do no good, they'l work their Ends in Masque∣rade and smaller undertakings: Here possessing Quakers, and raising Sects, to resist and Blaspheme our Religion and Government: There endeavouring to get more considerable Instruments into power, to promote their Romish Interest in Protestant Shapes, with greater succcess and lesser noise, because less discern'd; to corrupt our hopeful Clergy, and de∣stroy honest men under-hand; and imbroile the Na∣tion, by widening the differences between Pro∣testants, which were ready to close; and multi∣plying Non-conformists, whether they would or not. For it is obvious and easie to observe, that all, or most of our Presbyterian Dissenters of the younger sort throughout the Nation, did see their Errour, and desert their Party, upon the Restauration of our Church: And that the Elder sort were no less con∣vinc'd from the experience of late confusions, but that it was harder for the one than for the other, in point of Reputation, to change, and walk con∣trary on a suddain to their former Actings. And the secret enemies of our Protestant peace and union, laid hold of this advantage (as Non-conformists alledge) and cast in politick Provisoes and ob∣structions, to make their Repentance harder still, if not impossible, to the trouble of our Government,

and the joy of Rome. Some ambodextrous Pens (like Mountebanks upon a Stage,) shall publickly wound and confute, and presently heal and defend the Church of Rome, as faithfully as any of her own In∣quisitors, and as safely as any of our own Authors, by this double stile; falling fiercely upon their first Deserters, and such as begin to espy and loath any of its grosser Errours, (enough in time, if not so care∣fully prevented and discourag'd, to cause a general defection throughout the host,) because they are not perfect Protestants in a moment, able to see and re∣linquish all her Corruptions at first waking: And there∣fore the sincere Irish Clergy shall be rigorously chid, for beginning an Orthodox Allegiance, in disobedience to their Church, and violation of their Oaths: And the Jansenists, for defending Catholick Doctrines, with the like sincerity to Christ, and dis-rellish to the Pope. And the Distinguishers of the Church of Rome from its more corrupt Court, as Pestiferous and rash beginners, or some Ho-body Hoyes, and no right Sons of the one Church or of the other; against all Principles of Christian Charity, which forbids to quench the smoaking Flax, or break the bruised Reed, as also against common humanity, and ordinary prudence, exactly gratifying the Italian sagacity by such useful Hostilities. And contriving on the other hand, to cut down all fences and securities of this Church, and repeal its penal Laws, out of generous Charity, and for more free commerce with Ingenu∣ous Roman Catholicks: Whereby their numerous and Industrious Emissaries may over-run the Land, and disturb and seduce our people, with greater safety. Where a Protestant may be discern'd at the Elbow of the Jesuite, and a Jesuite at the Elbow of the Pro∣testant in every page, both contriving to assist one

another against a Sun-shine, or a Rainy day, by be∣traying this Church; for clear it is, that the Italian out-wits the Jew in his part, and the lurch befalls the English side. For though the Protestant Vulgar think their cause well defended, yet the more discerning Conclave finds its designs more Effectually promoted by such Arts. How do such deserve to be admir'd and noted for their Wit, that can serve two contrary Masters with success? and bid fair to be uppermost, let what party that will prevail? and be rewarded by both, as the open Champions of the one, and the secret Factors of the other? Neither do they yet less deserve to be scorn'd and detested by all wise and true heart∣ed English-men and Protestants, for such scandalous wiles, and abominable doubling and betraying their Mother Church with a kiss. Others of duller studies, and Epicurean Inclinations, judge no method better, than that of Balaam at Baal Peor, Numb. 24.15. 2 Pet. 2.15. Whose stratagem according to the Chaldee Paraphrast was thus laid with Balak. That the peo∣ple of Israel could not be curs'd or weakned, but by dividing them from their God: That this was to be best effected by bringing the fairest Daughters of Moab into the field (instead of an Army) to allure them to their Embraces, which soon took effect: For the People began to commit Whoredom with the Daughters of Moab—And the Anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel: Till the zeal of Phineas put a stay unto it, Numb. 25.1, 2, 8.11. To the like kind of Prophets, and Romish suggestions, and connivance, we owe the present deluge of Debauchery amongst our Gentry and Superiours, whereby men are fitted by Spiritual wounds and servitudes, for Romish Plai∣sters; and our Church, and its guides disgraced, and a greater deluge of judgment and destruction is

hanging over us, unless God grant us Grace timely to repent, out of love and commiseration to our selves and Countrey, as well as duty to God, whom we have so unthankfully provoked.

And least Kings themselves, who can have no ends, but God and the publick, should bring too great an happiness upon a Nation, by taking the charge thereof themselves: They suggest the manage∣ment of the Reins of Government to be difficult and toilsom for Princes to tire their Arms or Brains with, and that others may be better trusted with such fatigues; and Princes to take their pleasure; and if trusted, than trusted for good and all by all means, for to trust and suspect were disingenious and contradictory, whereby the Prince shall be divested and depos'd from most of his Authority, and a Juncto of petty Tyrants raised and multiplied to act under the shelter of the Government against its Interest and honour; like unskilful Mountebanks, that take liberty to kill under the colour of a License: Where∣as, in truth, nothing is more easie and plain, espe∣cially in some Nations, than the Rulers work and office: For what more easie, than to know good from evil? which a Child will soon arrive to, (in difficult and knotty points, they have Counsels, and Tribunals to assist, as Moses had his, Exod. 18.) And what more Divine, than to be an encourager of the one, and a Terrour to the other? Or can be more their In∣terest, and strength, and blessing, and Acclamati∣on and praise from God and men? Provided that they take a Text, or two, for their direction, as my present Text, to do all from the heart, as to the Lord: For none are able to Act Christ to the full, both in the temper of his first and second coming, as Princes may, by Meekness in the first place, towards such as are

tractable; by Resolution and severity in the next, to∣wards such as prove Incorrigible: And that other Text, Rom. 12.8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He that ruleth, let him do it with diligence, not consuming his time and thoughts upon mean and and common Recreations, much less on scandalous and sinful pleasures, but to make his Government his en∣tertainment and pastime. For what can be more the sport and health of a Prince, than the pro∣sperity of his people? And what Musick more de∣lighting in a Generous Eare, than the Te Deums of Orphans, and Widows, and the Oppressed, for their rescue and Protection? Any Squire, or lusty Clown, can equal a Prince in skill and content at Hunting of a Fox or Deer; But to detect, and hunt Wolves in Sheeps cloathing out of the Church, or the wild Bore out of Christs Vinyard, and Foxes from Pub∣lick Tribunals and Sees, and noisom Vermin, that prey upon their innocent Neighbours, out of every corner of the Land; This is Game for a Prince, wherein no Subject can be his Rival, or share or partake in his Delight and Glory. And what a glorious happiness doth it ever prove to a Nation, when Kings inspect their own Affairs, and trust not too far to others; and are led by the heart more than by the ear; by God more than by Man; by Conscience, (and Christ its rule, which can never deceive them,) than by Man who is a lyar, which can, and often doth deceive, and betray them into manifold unworthiness and inconvenience. The Proverb saith, the eye of the Master feeds the Horse; But it is far more true, that the eye of the King will beatifie a Nation, According to that of Solomon, The King sitting in his Throne of Judgment scattereth away all Iniquity with his eye, Prov, 20.8. The Sun it self

cannot be more useful to the world by its Beams and Influence, nor less be spared, than a diligent and wakeful Prince to his People; for he is more than a Sun, being as God and Christ amongst them, not in Title only, but in Efficacy and Benefit, when by Precept and Example he acts all in conjunction with him, and subservience to him; and Christ is ever where he is, and He is ever where Christ is: What an eye-sore would this prove? but to none other but to Flatterers, Hypocrites, Pimps, Oppres∣sors, Atheists, Epicures; but to Satan and his Pope, who envy every Kingdom, the Divine and Father∣ly care and inspection of its respective Kings, and is ever incroaching for a share in every Crown, by the pretence of his Chair; though he hath no more right or authority to meddle here, than the Lord Mayor of DƲBLIN to Govern the City of LON∣DON, or our British Church to rule and controll the See of ROME, and not so much, because ju∣nior in the Faith to Us, as well as Apostatical from its right Guide and Rule, as hath been shewed. And the Elder and the Healthy hath some pretence to Govern the Younger, but the Younger and Sickly no manner of colour to Govern his Sound and Elder Brother; which brings me to the Third and Last Point, to prove, That the Church of Rome hath no Superiority or Mother-hood over our British Church, in respect of its Extraction, or first Plantation of the Gospel.

SECTION IV. Rome no mother Church to Brittain in respect of Extraction, or Plantation of the Christian Faith, but much Junior to it.

WHich it never had from Rome, nor by its means, but without it, altogether; and for a good space of time, before it had any Chair to boast of. Our Brittish Islands, by remarkable Providence, being exempt and distinct from all the world, (as to sub∣jection, though not to Communion)(a) 1.5 not only in respect of its seperate scituation, and the Supre∣macy of its Crown; but the Antiquity and Indepen∣dancy of its Sees. But rather than to be dumb, and confess, and yield the cause, the Romish Advocates will stand up, and pretend, some out of Simeon Me∣taphrastes, that St. Peter himself made a long a∣bode in Brittain, and converted many, and ordained Bishops, Priests, and Deacons amongst us, and at the founding of Westminster, his apparition, and Ghost appeared to direct the Builders, which Legend is not worth an answer, not only for its suspected Author, but for its ill conduct against its own In∣terest, and forgetting its cause, making Brittain no more Inferiour, but equall and co-ordinate to Rome, and Sisters from the same Spirituall Father St. Peter. But others with more colour, will object, did not Augustine the Monk sent from Rome, about the year

600 convert this land, and especially the English to the Christian Faith? Had they not quiet possession of their plantation for about a thousand years, till they were wrongfully justled out by King Henry the Eighth in a Rebellious manner? Is not the Chair of Canterbury, which derives its descent from Rome and Austine, Superiour by publick allowance to all the Chairs of Brittain besides? to ascend higher, to stop the mouths of the Ancient Brittains, that plead more Antiquity in this Island, than the English or Saxon can or do, whose first landing here was not till about the year 449; Did not the Pope Eleuthe∣rius (through Faganus and Dwywanus he sent hither with others) Christen their King Lucius about the year 170, and convert and Baptize the rest of the Nation, and settle Bishops and Arch-Bishops amongst them, where Flamins and Arch Flamins were before, as appears by their own Histories? And is not this a sufficient Title, (that is 1500 years standing) to prove the Church of Rome the fountain, and Mother Church to Brittain, and if a Mother where is the honour and Obedience, that is due unto her?

But if it shall more fairly and truly appear. (1) That the Church of Brittain was planted by the Im∣mediate followers of our Saviour, either Apostles or Apostolical men, shortly after his Resurrection, and before St. Peters Arrival at Rome (whether that tradition be true or false:) and the same seed, (though sometimes in some parts of the Nation mixt with tars, in other parts more purified from them,) con∣tinued among us without failer, (especially in the Northern and Western Parts of this Island) from that day to this: (2) If the whole passage by consequence between Eleutherius and King Lucius, cannot be al∣lowed for true, which Savours of the latter Arts of

Rome to compass Sveraignty, contrary to the ex∣press words and tenor of Eleutherius his Epistle and answer to the King, and the subsequent Practice of the Bishops of Rome for some hundreds of years after him while they continued good: (3) If Augustine the Monks arrival here, was a manifest Intrusion upon anothers Province, without Invitation or consent of the Christians of the place, to Invade and subjugate and destroy the Brittish Church, by the help and means of Pagan Enemies then making War upon them, as Jackcals and Vulturs follow Camps for Prey, where∣by he and all his Clergy, stood depos'd and degraded of their Orders, and all his party, of Christian com∣munion, by the concurrent suffrages and Canons of all the Generall Counsels, of the whole Catholick Church, that went before him. (4) If the Contro∣versie between the Church of Brittain and Rome in those Early times, was the same that is now main∣tained against it, by the Protestant Church of Eng∣land at this day, touching its Superstitions and Arro∣gated Supemacy; with this difference, that there was no roome nor place then, for those Sophismes now us'd, where was your Church before Luther, or Henry the Eighth, but both still agreeing in their manner and temper of Proceeding, now, as then, and then as it is now, on the one side great learning, and Truth, and piety, on the other as great Ignorance, and Arrogance, with lying wonders and Massacres. (5) If the Gospel was Providentially planted amongst the English or Saxons, by Brittish Ministry, and not by Romish, and the Church of Rome by its bewitching Power and Grandeur, in degenerare times over all this part of the world, did but invade and disturb both the English and Brittish Church, and ravish their Sees, and disorder their Consecrations and successi∣ons,

and Ʋnchurch it self thereby, and attempt to enslave our Crown, as well as Mitre: (6) if Henry the Eights relief of both Crown, and Church, was just and Providentiall, and also Brittish; and not the unsettling of a Right Possessor, but the lawful ejection of an old Intruder; And the peace and Interest and Glory of this Nation, is fairly pointed out by Pro∣vidence to consist in pursuing this design, (7) If the Primacy of the See of Canterbury be from the Grace and pleasure of our Kings and Laws, who can alter it, as they think fit; and not from any Ecclesiastical Right of the Pope, according to the Laws and Canons of the Universal Church, but rather in contrariety unto them. And Christian Subjects ought to submit to the supreme Magistrates Right and pleasure in ordering such external matters about the Church, as clash not with Salvation: If these seven points shall appear as clear from proof and evidence, as they are in the model and supposition: will it not inevi∣tably follow, that no English, much less Brittish Christian subject, of what perswasion soever, can with any conscience, or thankfulness to God, re∣nounce his Mother of Brittain, to own a Forraign Church for his Mother; or desert his Colours to list himself under the Conduct and Supremacy of Rome, to Act against his own Church and Country, without being apparently convict before God and the world, as well as his conscience, of being a Renegade to his Church, and false unnatural to his Country, and (as our wise Laws upon good grounds declare and define) a Perfidious Traitor against his Sove∣raign.

First then, it may be affirmed, what cannot, and is not denied by our Adversaries themselves, that the Christian Faith was first introduced to our Brit∣tain,

by Joseph of Arimathea, who buried our Savi∣our in his own new Tomb, Math. 27.60. who landed here with other followers of our Saviour shortly after his Resurrection, and Diu ante-long before Eleutherius his time, saith(a) 1.6 Barronius fixing it to the 35 year of Christ, where, after he had preach'd the Gospel in this Country, he ended here his days; and quotes an English M.S. in the Vatican Library for one of his Authors, and Sanders and Cressy and Pitseus, and the rest of the Roman Catholick writers upon this Subject, allow this story; so that habemus confitentes reos, we have such a testimony for the proof of our first point, as in wordly Tribunals, is counted fatall and conclusive, the confession of the Adverse party: And it is to be wondred of such men, that they should be so ill advised, as to yield such a Truth so easily to such a prejudice to their Cause; but what then should become of the credit of so many holy Monks Relations and Revelations, touching the Monastry of Glastenbury, and not only the devout visits of Faganus and Dwywanus, and Austine, and Paulinus sent hither from the Pope, to preach the Gospel, (which proves Christian Reli∣gion, as well as that Old Church to have been here, in their belief and perswation, long before their Arrival hither,) but the many Divine Revela∣tions from Angels, and the Virgin Mary, and Christ himself, about the building and dedicating that Ancient Church? It's safer therefore with our Ro∣mish Authors, and a less inconvenience of the two, to confess this fact, and yield the cause, than question the credit of so many Miracles, and Super∣naturall Revelations, enough to spoil and over∣throw

their Church, (whose errours are chiefly sup∣ported and confirmed by such devices,) and extol the wisdom of Protestants, that rely on no Divine Vi∣sions, but those recorded in Scripture. But others are swayed much more, by other Evidences; so ma∣ny Charters of Kings, as well Brittish, as Saxon, and Norman (several extant to this day) given to this Monastery upon the account and acknowldge∣ment of its undoubted Antiquity, and priority, to all other Churches in this Land, or in this part of the world. The Charter of King(e) 1.7 Henry the Second in the year 1185. where it is affirm'd of it, Fons & Origo totius Religionis Angliae pro certo habetur. And recites the Charters of former Kings, touching the place; of William the 1. and 2. and

Henry his Grandfather, and those Ancienter of Edgar, and Edmond, and Edward, and Alfred, and Bringwalch, Kentwin, Baldred, Ina (Inclyti Ar∣thuri) the famous Arthur, Cudred, and many o∣ther Christian Kings, all diligently perus'd, and read before him: and the Charter of Edward the third in the third year of his Reign—to the like effect, both perus'd by the Renowned Ʋsher.

The first Church in the Kingdom of Brittain, saith King Ina, counted the Principal in this Kingdom, ab Antiquo, from Ancient time, saith Edgar; built by the Disciples of Christ, where in all agree. And(g) 1.8 the Tombs of so many Abbots, and Saints, and Bishops, and Kings, counting it Honour to be there Interr'd, and King(h) 1.9 Arthur in particular, whose Tomb and inscription after the burning of the Abby, was there found about the year 1200. say the best Historians of (f) 1.10

those times. But the bringing of this Tradition to publick test and examination in several(i) 1.11 Gene∣ral Synods of Europe gives it much great reputation, where the Embassadors of England, in the Contro∣versie about the Dignity and Precedency of England with France, (who derive their first conversion from Dionysius the Areopagite converted by St. Paul at Athens, Act. 17.34) and with Spain or Castile, (who ascend higher for their founder to James, the Bro∣ther of John, kill'd by Herod. Act. 12.) yet claim'd Priority to England before either of them, from Joseph of Arimathea's landing and preaching here, statim posti 1.12 Passionem Christi, immediately after the Passion of our Saviour: and the weakness of the exceptions of the Advocates of the adverse part, may be seen in the great Ʋsher, with answers to them, where requisite; which Controversie was first set on foot in the Council of Pisa, in the year 1409. next in the Council of Constance in 1417. between the Embassadors of France and England: in the Council of Sena, 1424. before Pope Martyn the fift, between us, and French, and Spaniards together; 1434. between the Embassadors of England and Castile again: which passages have so prevail'd with Cressy, that he hath no scruple left but one; and that, not against the Fact, and body of the story, but a∣gainst the time, and earliness thereof;k 1.13 he can not hastily believe, that Joseph arrived here so soon; wherein yet he is to be commended by that party, for his watchfulness for the Honour and Prerogative of the Church of Rome, in apparent danger of being overthrown by this Church, if the date and time, as well as the substance of the story

be once granted and evinced; For if Joseph arrived here in the 35 year of Christ, as Baronius guesses, or the 36. as others, (for where some differr it to 63.m 1.14 Sir H. Spelman conceives the figures displaced 63 for 36) and our Saviour suffered in the 34 of his age, it follows, that Joseph repaired hither immediately after the Resurrection, in the 21, or 22. that is to say, the last, or last year saving one of Tiberius his Reign; Christ being Crucified in his 20^th.n 1.15 whom Caligula succeeded, Regning three years, and ten Months: And (••) Claudius after him, thirteen years and eight months. Andn 1.16 Nero after Claudius, a∣nother thirteen years, and eight months. And St. Peter's arrival at Rome, is not so much as pretended by them of Rome to be before the second year of Claudius, (which yet Protestants can never grant, finding him in those years to be in Palestine, and Papists can never prove) but that he came to Rome about the 12 or 13 year of Nero, they have tradition more favourable for them, and more reconcilable to his other abodes, and Martyrdom: It is conse∣quent here upon, that the Christian Faith was in Brittain, before St. Peter ever came to Rome, for as many years, as are between the latter end of Ti∣berius, and the second of Claudius, in their own ac∣count: that is, for about seven years; and in the ac∣count of all others, for as much time, as Intervenes between the end of Tiberius, and the 12 or 13 year of Nero; that is, that the Church of Brittain is manifestly Senior, and Ancienter in the Faith, than the Church of Rome, by thirty years complete; And yet, for this under-graduate title, and pretend∣ed pre-eminence of the Chair of St. Peter, above this of our Brittish Church, all this strife, and zeal, is

us'd by deluded Roman-Catholicks, to their own hazard and peril, in their Estates, and consciences, and to publick disturbance, and unnatural combinations a∣gainst the Priviledges and Glory of their own Coun∣try, from year to year, and Age to Age, without end or rest. Cressy foresaw this foul inconvenience, and had no mind to permit Joseph to Land in Brittain, before St. Peter arrived at Rome, to have an Influ∣ence over this, as well as the other Western Churches: but neither had he, nor any else of his party, any argument, or exception in bar, and stop, of such timely arrival of Joseph, and the Gospel with him into this Isle, or that he continued 30 years at Jeru∣salem, or else where, to give way to St. Peter to arrive first at Rome, before he entred upon these parts; but on the contrary, there are strong pre∣sumptions, that he made no stay; first, when the chief Priests and Elders and Souldiers were form∣ing their Information for the Governour, [His Disci∣ples came by night and stole him away, Math. 28.12.] It was high time for this Disciple so nearly concern∣ed, to be gon among the first: his persecution in all probability preceded that of St. Stephen, to which the adjoyning Countreys, did owe their first Gospel; And the Phenician Ships that much frequented these (p) 1.17 parts for its tinne, were not probably wanting to the design of Providence upon him, for our happi∣ness; which may perhaps be a reason for his Souther∣ly Landing. Secondly, his Senatoria•• Age, being an honourable Counsellour, Mark. 15.43. was not consistent with many years delay: Thirdly, to wave conjectures, and probabilities, and to produce such evidence, as may justly be esteemed full and home,

and certain, and satisfactory in this Question about time; the Testimonies of our Brittish Gildas, so well seconded by others, puts this matter far out of doubt and question: Gildas, whom Bellarmine in his Catalogue, allows to be a Classick Father of the Church untainted with any errour:q 1.18 Author vera∣cissimus, saith Ʋsher, A writer that is for truth above all: who spares not to rip up all the crimes and miscar∣riages of the Ancient Brittains, as well their Princes, and Clergy, as the People, wherewith they daily plung'd themselves, and their Country, under the di∣vine displeasure; who therefore in equity is to be be∣liev'd mentioning but one passage that makes for their honour, and that likewise, the more to upbraid their unworthiness:r 1.19 Tempore, ut scimus, summo Tibe∣rii Caesaris, we know, saith he, that in the latter end of Tiberius Caesar's Reign, when this Island lay frozen by her distance from the visible Sun, Christ the true Sun, not from a Temporal, but an Eternal firmament, was first pleased to communicate his rayes, that is, his precepts, to our Inhabitants, hel'd fast by some with more, or less fervency, to the hot days of Diocletian: which passage was utter'd by him above eleven hundred years ago, and averred in the face, as it were, of the whole Nation, (chastized and gall'd with his Fatherly rebukes) not upon slight tradition, but upon full and certain knowledge of the points; when as yet there was no doubt or difference, no party pro. or con. to be serv'd or disserv'd with the assertion; and when there was, as another said, upon a different Fact, nullum mendacio pretium, nothing to be gain'd by the lye; which over-rul'ds 1.20 Polydor Virgil andt 1.21 Cardinal Poole after him, (both of the Roman

party as is well known) to affirm in full Parliament, in his Speech to King Philip and Mary, that this was the first of all Provinces, that received and embrac'd the Christian Faith: Wherein, we have the concurrent suffrages of more Classick and early Wri∣ters, and Fathers of the Church, who affirm these Isles to have been converted, and imme∣diatly founded upon the Apostles, who after Christ (the chief Corner-stone,) are the next in the Foundation of his Church. I shall select but two or three amongst many, designing brevity.u 1.22 Eu∣sebius expresly affirms, that some of their number 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to have cross'd the Seas to the Island cal∣led Brittain:y 1.23 Theodoret, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Our Fishermen and Publicans—did not only bring about the Roman World—but the Brittains and Cimbrians —to receive the Laws of the Crucified. Andz 1.24 Nicephorus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Aegypt and Lybia fell to one (Apostles) share and lot, the Ocean and the Britannick Isles to another: that is, to Simon Zelotes according to him, and the Greek Monology, and our own Traditions; who suster'd Martyrdom in Brittain, and not in Persia, as they affirm at Rome. But whether it were him, or St. John the Evangelist, (to whom our Paschal Traditions are referred) asa 1.25 Buchanan conceives, orb 1.26 St. Paul himself, as Sophronius and others, orc 1.27 Ari∣stobulus

mention'd, Rom. 16.10. St. Barnabas his Bro∣ther, (and Father to Concordia St. Peters Wife, who is said to suffer Martyrdom under Nero at Rome, not long before her Husband) whom Dorotheus, and the Greek Menology, and others, affirm to have been ordain'd Bishop of Brittain by St. Paul; I shall not take upon me to determine, but rest satisfied in this, that our Brittish Churches appear to be uncontrollably of Aposto∣lical descent, and long before Eleutherius: God himself by his subsequent special Primacies and Pre∣eminences bestowed on Brittain, of having the first Christian King, and the first Christian Emperour be∣fore any other City, or Nation, easily disposing us to believe his other Antecedent Grace and savour to our Land, which we have proved, of being the first Christian Plantation in the Western World.

SECTION V. The Faith never fail'd in Brittain from the Re∣surrection to this present.

WHich no Persecution, or Invasion, no Art, or power of Satan, or Gates of Hell, have been able to eradicate, or totally to blast and ex∣tinguish in any Age; but we and our Progenitors, through Gods great help, have kept and main∣tained it from that day to this; and hope, and trust, that we and our posterity will stand to it, till Christs coming in the Clouds. For the first Age, the Authors mentioned, and the extraordinary vigor of this Heavenly seed at its first planting, and miracu∣lous

powers to attend and back it, every where alike, may suffice to satisfie any: For the second Age, and Century after the Apostles, a greater de∣fect of Writers is generally observed in the whole Church; whether it were the design of Providence, to create a distance, or fix a Gulf and separation, between Divine, or Canonical, and Ecclesiastical, or humane Authors, (as several Regions are parted from neighbouring Kingdoms, by impervious Moun∣tains, and wild, and inhospitable deserts;) or whe∣ther it were, that the Ink then in use was Bloud, and their best evidences and Records, flames and Martyr∣dom: Nevertheless the acknowledged increase of Religion over all the Land in King Lucius his time, will attest the zeal and fidelity of this Age to their Principles, when it shall appear from the Epistle of Eleutherius, that Christian Religion is pre-supposed therein, to be settled in this Land before, and the King pre-instructed in it. And thec 1.28 great Ʋsher Marshalls about 20 or 30 Authors, both Foreign and Domestick, to confute and stop the mouths of some ignorant suggestions, as if Religion had fail'd, or expir'd in this Land, between the time of its first planting, and Dioclesians persecution. For the third Age, Origen and Tertullian early Fathers, mention Religion to flourish here; the one writing about the year 201. Brittannorum in accessa Romanis loca, Christo vero subdita: That Christ was received as Lord here, where the Romans had much ado to enter; the o∣ther, that they were united to Christ in Brittain, though divided from the rest by situation. And Dio∣clesians persecution in the beginning of the fourth Age, about the Year 303. largely proves the ex∣istence

of the Christian Faith in this Land, which it so fiercely endeavour'd totally to suppress, but to little effect: Yea to the more corroborating of Chri∣stianity here by the exemplary constancy of Mar∣tyrs, St. Alban, and Amphibalus, and Julius, and Aaron, &c. establishing it the more by their suffer∣ings, andd 1.29 Converting their Executioners with their invincible meekness and patience: And occa∣sioning its larger extent, and the full Conversion of the Scots, (dwelling then in the Northwest of Scot∣land beyond Dunbritton Frith) by the Brittish Cul∣deese 1.30, retiring to those parts, as Archbishop Spotswood and Buchanan acknowledge the Provi∣dential benefit, from whose Cells the Ancient Scots denominated their Churches: Who in after Ages were extruded saith the same Authore 1.31 by a new sort of Popish Monks; Tanto Doctrinâ & pictate illis inferiores, so much coming short of the other for Learning and Piety, as they exceeded them in Riches and Ceremonies, wherewith they affect mens Senses and infatuate their minds. In the Year 313. when peace was restor'd by Constantine, they begin, saith Gildasf 1.32 to Re-build their Churches, demolished to the ground; and her exil'd Children, dissipated into Corners, gather themselves together into the bosom of the Church, to Celebrate their Festivals, and Tri∣umphs over their Enemies, to give God the Glory, and to attend his Sacraments with pure heart and mind. In the following year, the Church being in good order, we find the three Archbishops of Brittain taking their places, and subscribing in the

great Councel of Arles in France, Eborius (Ivor) Arch-Bishop of York, Restitutus (Edrud) Archbishop of London, and Adelfius (Brawdol) Archbishop of Caer∣leon upon Ʋsk (a Roman Colony, where a Legion, (in the Brittish Leon) kept their Garrison) corruptly set down in the Council with several other placesh 1.33 Civitate Colonia Londinensium, where an uniform Ce∣lebration of Easter was agreed upon; and thereupon Constantinei 1.34 with good reason assures all the Ortho∣dox Bishops, that were not present at the Council of Nice, (which was held eleven Years before that of Arles) that the Church of Brittain with others did agree with the rest of the World in the Orthodox ob∣servation of Easter. In 347. in a Councel of about 400 Western Bishops, we find the Bishops of Brittain to joyn in the Condemnation of the Arrian Heresie, and the clearing ofk 1.35 Athanasius, as himself doth testifie. About the Year 390.l 1.36St. Chrysostom likewise, magnifies the Divine power of Christ, from the Holy Faith, and Life, the Churches, and Altars in Brittain, as it were in another World. In the latter end of this Age,m 1.37 Maximus in this Island, making for the Roman Empire, exhausted the Nati∣on of all its Fighting men, and Arms, and Treasure, wherewith he Coped with two Emperours, Gratian and Valentinian, driving the one out of Rome, the other out of his Life, and leaving the Nation weak and open to the Incursion of its Enemies round a∣bout; but made far more weak by Gods desertion upon the follies, and ill life of Vortigern, inviting the Saxons into his pay against the Scots and Picts, and prefering the Beauty of Hengist's Daughter, be∣fore

his Faith, and Countrey; and his Christian Sub∣jects, after his example, inter-marrying with the Saxon Infidells, which was oneo 1.38 of the reasons brought over St. German and Lupus, to disswade them from such wickedness; but all in vain, till God gave them and their Countrey over, to be barbarously and mercilessly destroyed by their per∣fidious mercenaries, Confederating with their ene∣mies against them, who were before too strong for them in their weakness; yet God in his mercy rais'd them pious and Couragious Princes, Aurelius Am∣brosius, and Ʋter Pendragon, and the Renowned Arthur, who by the strength of a Christianp 1.39 Lea∣gue enter'd into, with Picts and Scots, made great slaughter upon the Infidels, and subdued and chas'd them out of the Land: And (what further proves not only the continuation, but the true temper, and life of the Christian Faith amongst them) our Brit∣tains were zealous and successful, to preach and plant the Gospel amongst their Enemies and Invaders: As the most Reverend and Holy Bishop Ninian, as Beda stiles him, lib. 3. c. 4. about the year 412. Converted by his Preaching the Southern Picts, dwelling then between the Frith of Edenburgh and the Hills, having his See amongst his own Countrey∣men, at Whitern or Candida Casa, translated after∣wards to Glasgow (that Territoryr 1.40 from Dunbritton Firth down to Cumberland, remaining then in the possession of the Ancient Brittains; and the names of Rivers, and Towns, and Mountains, are as Brit∣tish, as in the heart of Wales.) In the Year 432. the great St. Patrick, a Brittain born, (whether about St. Davids ins 1.41 Wales, as some say, or at Kir∣patrick

t 1.42 near Dunbritton, as others will have it, it matters not much, the people and Language in the one place, and in the other, being then of the same Brittains) whence he was stollen with about an hundred more, by Irish Pirates, and sold for a Slave, whereby he had time to learn their Language, and was enabled by God to Captivate the whole Nati∣on to Christ, both Princes and people, and the Isle ofs 1.43 Man together, in a miraculous manner, which was his Christian retaliation to his enemies: Whose reward is great with God, and the greater by this, that he hath the less of praise from men: his very Adorers (since his plantation was long obscur'd by a Romish Fog that still lasts upon it,) never ceasing to defame and traduce his Divine work, with Super∣stitious descriptions and unworthy Legends, though intended perhaps for Honour. In 451.† 1.44 Gildas Al∣banius born at Arcluit, (in Beda's time called Al∣cluid) that is a Town upon the River Cluid, now Dunbritton, Inhabited then by the Brittains, preach'd to, and converted the North parts of Scotland beyond the Hills, whether Ninias before had not reach'd. And after him, in 565. St. Columba, of Irish Birth, and Brittish Doctrine and Institution, assisted byu 1.45 Constantine Duke of Cornwall, repenting of his Adulteries and Murthers, upon the reproofs of Gildas Badonicus, and taking orders, perfected the Conversion of the Picts; Serfus one of the Culdees, and consequently of Brittish, either Birth, or Prin∣ciple, promoting the same work as far as the Or∣cades. About the Year 560. St. Kentigerney 1.46 Nephew to King Arthur, and Founder of St. Asaph, returned

to his Bishoprick of Glasco, and preached first the Gospel to the English, though enemies, permitted upon(f) 1.47 submission and fealty, under Octa and Ebusa Sons of Hengist, newly conquer'd by Aure∣lius Ambrosius, to live in that Brittish Territory; between the Friths and the Wall, where they suffer'd the Brittains before (being worsted by them) to re∣side upon like submission. About 596, what by divi∣sions among themselves, what by great invasions by Gormond from Ireland, as well as by the Saxons in their bowels, what by a great and Epidemical Plague and Jaundize, and the entrance of Monk Austin the greatest Plague of all, two of their Candlesticks were removed, Thadiock Arch-Bishop of the See of York, and Theon of London, being forc'd from their Sees and charge, with the Clergy, and Gentry from their Estates and Homes, to retire for their safety into the parts of Wales, and Cornwall, (and Ireland very pro∣bably) none staying behind, but the Peasantry, at the Terms, and for the conveniencies and interest of the conquerour; York faring best of the two Sees, for the Cambrian(m) 1.48 Kingdom, or Cumberland, (called Valentia) with Scotland, or old Albany, which formerly had been parcels of the See of York, stood yet entire and safe, under the Protection of their own Kings and Princes, who were able to defend their Religion and Territories, both from Pagan, and Romish Encroachments, about this time infesting them: But in the See of London and the body of Lhoegr (as the Brittains still call England) the Inhabi∣tants that remain'd behind, Tributaries to the Saxon Conquerour, were to retain their Faith between the

heart and God, after their Clergy were expell'd (by the procurement of Rome, as is to be suspected) un∣less some lurked behind in-cognitò (as is usual) for their comfort and assistance; or the Pagan Conque∣rours as we shall see anon, gave them toleration of Religion, either by Grace, or Articles; as did Irme∣ricus in Kent, and Penda in Mercia, and Kerdic in West Saxony, &c. whereof Bede takes little notice, though he could not, and doth not wholly conceale the passages. But then, as the loss of one sense, adds strength to the other, and the shutting of one eye, enlarges the others Candle, Ireland grew rich and famous, upon this dispersion and accession of learn∣ed men into its Teritories for refuge, whereby it became about this time the University (as it were) of these Western parts of Europe, for the Christian Orthodox Religion, and term'd, Insula Sanctorum, the Island of Saints, whither recourse was made for Spiritual knowledge, from all parts and King∣doms; and Wales, and its Sees, and Abbies, was no less stock'd with choice of Able-men, and particu∣larly the famous Monastery of Bangor-is-y coed, where we find about this time, above two thousand learned Monks living together in a holy Fraternity, all Subject to the Metropolitical See of St. David; whither the Chair was removed from Caerleon, by the Authority of King Arthur and a Synod about the year 521: These in 602, gave Augustine the Monk a meeting about Worcester, where the pre∣tended Supremacy of the Church of Rome, with its superstitious Innovations, were Synodically dis∣claimed, and rejected, Augustines design being to seize our Brittish Churches, as it were by occupancy, and to subject them to Rome under colour of Con∣version. For that their Sees were made too hot to

hold Thadiock and Theon, at the arrival of Augustine, or not long before, is some Argument, that the Pagan fury, was made to burn the fiercer with Roman-Catholick bellows; and that the believing Brittains, (who needed not their Conversion) must veil their Ancient Metropolitan Chair of St. David, or Caer∣leon likewise, to an upstart See of Romes erection, as Austine expected, this manifestly proves and dis∣covers, it was their Temporal Dominion, and supe∣riority, (which by them is call'd the Catholick Faith) that was the chief aim of Rome by all Inhumane, and Unchristian Arts, to propagate here in Brittain. And if we were constrained to submit in part and for a time, to their yoke and superstition, (when the Crown in our Kings for a time was miss-led by their influence) and were freed from the same yoke in H. 8. when the Crown was better rectified by Providence, we stand, as we were, holding fast our Liberty, with a better conscience than they could usurp it from us; being now under no Tye or obligation to Rome, either for our Faith, or errours; not for our first Faith which we never had from them, nor for some latter superstitions, which we restor'd back unto them: continuing a right Church from first to last, because when we were at the worst, we were as Orthodox as themselves, who corrupted us; and recovering our clearness again from their forc'd mud and mixture, we continue (as well English as Brit∣tains, now mutually Incorporated) to profess the same Faith, which was planted here above sixteen hundred and odd years ago, not only before Lut••er was born, but before Rome it self had its Christian being.

SECTION VI. Brittain had not the Faith from Pope Eleuthe∣rius.

THe first point being thus clear'd, It becomes as clear, we had not our Faith from Pope Eleu∣therius by King Lucius, and (were the Epistle, and the Persons contemporary) it makes more against them than for them, whereof the sum is this. You desired of us to send you the Roman Laws, which you would use in the Kingdom of Brittain, we can never disallow Gods Laws, but may Caesars. You have lately by Divine mercy, received the Law and Faith of Christ, you have with you in the Kingdom both the New and Old Testament, whence by the advice of your Peers, and the Council of your Kingdom, you may select holy and blameless Laws, which may be enacted, and supported not by any Forreign, but your own Au∣thority, who are Gods Vicar in your Kingdom, and represent his power to your People.

But not a word about Lucius his Baptism, or the Nations conversion, (which it rather plainly pre-supposes:) Nor was it unbeseeming in a first Christian King, (much less the forfeiture of the Liberties of his Brit∣tish Church and Kingdom forever,) to ask the ad∣vice of Neighbouring Churches, or such excellent Christians (as the Popes of Rome in those times were,) about the settlement and Government of the Church in his Dominion: and the answer and the event do shew, there was no such danger: for

the Popes answer is Protestant and Orthodox, that the King is Christs Vicar in his Kingdom, and the head of the Church, which he may well Govern with his own Authority without depending upon Forreign: provided he took along the Law of God, and the opinion of his sages, for his Rule and help; the advice to be theirs, the Acts of Governing to be his own; which with the present Church of Rome, is unsound and Heretical Doctrine; for, it's the Land that moves with some, and not themselves, when they are sailing from it. And it appears by event, the Popes did never intermeddle in the Government of this Church or State: yea, that they were such strangers to us all along, to the time of Pope Gregory, who sent Austine hither▪ that by his questions and clinches about the English he met at Rome in the Market, Angli, Angeli: Deira, Dei ira; King Elle, Halelujah; it appears: whether we were Pagans, or Christians here in Brittain, he did not very well know; but some Papists are grown wil∣ling of late, to relinquish this part of their pretence; and to allow this Epistle to be counterfeit (because so contrary to their present Doctrines, and seditious principles, more than for the considerable reasons Sir H. Spelman layes down against it, which Mr. Prynne takes upon him to disallow, and answer to severally:) but the other part of the story, though thus crack'd in credit, that Lucius was Baptiz'd toge∣ther with all the Land, by Eleutherius his Emissaries, must stand nevertheless; which yet is wholly im∣probable, and contrary to all sense and reason; for the Brittish Church in Augustines time, was found so uniformly unlike in all its rites and customs to the Roman, (if the Roman observations in the time of Augustine and Eleutherius were the same) that

one may easily believe, that the fair Nothern Na∣tions are so many Colonies of Blackamoores, as believe Brittain to be regenerated by the Baptism of Rome, to which Mother it held so little resemblance in any of its Ecclesiastical features. For one of the main points in difference, between the Brittains and Austine, we find in Bede. lib. 2. c. 2. was, about their Ceremonies of Baptism; then, that known and lasting difference and contention about Easter; and their abstinence on Wednesdays, and Frydays, (not on Saturday as was, and is observ'd at Rome against the sense and Custom of the Catholick Church:) there being as little Conformity, between this Church and that, in the heads and guides, as well as the whole body, of the People in the former rites: Our Deacons, varying from them in point of tonsure, our Priests and Bishops in that of Marriage, our Arch-Bishops in the Characteristicall Badge and livery of the Pall, which these Churches never fetch'd or wore in token of compliance or depen∣dance on that Church, as shall be further proved in every particular out of their own, or better Authors: so that they may be justly ashamed, as much of the Second part of this lye and pretence, touching the Baptism of our King and Kingdom, as they are of the first, touching the Epistle; where by the way it may be observ'd with abhorrence and detestation, what unworthy Arts and Methods this holy Roman-Catholick Church, makes no conscience to use, to compass its Unchristian Ambition, and Supremacy over Kingdoms and Nations, where it can find the least colour or occasion: what lyes, they scruple not to Father upon all manner of men, the living and the dead, even on their best Popes, and the Apo∣stles, and the Virgin Mary, and Christ and God

himself, so their Carnals ends and Grandeur may be advanced thereby; and what forgeries and false∣hoods, have they not foisted into all manner of books, and Records, and Histories, to promote their Dominion, hook or by crook, particularly into our Brittish, in the time of Ignorance, and their Kingdom of darkness, extending once to all parts and Persons: Geoffrey of Monmouth, affirming that that he did not compile, but only Translate into Latine his History out of a Brittish Manuscript, which Gualter Arch-Deacon of Oxford brought over hither, from little Brittain; whereas that Gualter attests likewise in the close of that very book, that he Translateda 1.49 the same out of Latine into the Brittish tongue, by which device the Enemies of the Glory of our Brittish Church and Nation, have to the wrong of the first, and to help on their vain Supremacy by any Art or shift, shuffled in this passage touching Lucius, into ours, as the other touching Constantine, into other Histories, that both were Baptized by Popes, Eleutherius and Silvester by all means, be∣cause the one the first Christian King, the other the first Christian Emperour, and both brag's equally true: as likewise that Dubritius Arch-Bishop of Caerleon, in King Arthurs time, was Apostolicae sedis legatus, not unlike another of their fictions of the Popes sending the Pall to St. Patrick to make him Arch-Bishop of Ireland under Rome, though a Pall in Ireland was never heard off, till the timeb 1.50 of Malachias Anno. 1152: and to the diminution of the Second, clogg'd the Archievements of the great

and Religious King Arthur with their unworthy Legends and Fables, as with a designe, that the one with the other, might in time be of equal credit; which hath induc'd some blind to lead the blind to believe, there was no such King: In so much that Buchanan, well knowing, and see∣ing the contrary in the Records of his own Nation, could not forbear to make a digression on purpose, to vindicate his name and story, (which in otherc 1.51 Nations concerned in that History, is acknow∣led'd, as well as in the Scottish, and our own) in a just indignation against the underminers of the fame of so great a Hero.d 1.52

But some light and occasion perhaps they had for their Monkish Invention, in that very probably, Lucius was Baptized by one from Rome, viz.e 1.53 Ti∣motheus, one of St. Pauls Disciples, one of his own bloud and extraction, being the Son of Claudia Ruf∣finaf 1.54 a Brittish Lady, admired byf 1.55 Roman Writers for her Accomplishments, not short of any then in Rome or Athens,e 1.56 the Wife of Pudens (and Mother of Linus) in whose house at Rome, Baronius saithg 1.57 the Tradition goes, St. Peter had his abode in, Converted afterwards into a Temple; but which is more certain and generally agreed on by their Writers and ours, (and the exceptions of onee 1.58 Dissenter sufficiently answered by the most Learned Ʋsher) they both were the same per∣sons, who are mention'de 1.59 in St. Paul's 2 Epistle to another, Timothy 4.21. Pudens and Linus, and Clau∣dia greet thee; and all the Brethren: Who after ac∣quaintance with St. Paul in all Probability, was more

instrumental to conveigh and promote more and more the Gospel into her Countrey, than before pieces of Roman Wit, as she was wont; as is rightly inferred by the Polite and Reverend Author of An∣tiquitates Ecclesiasticae, who yet is more industrious than need, in the derivation, and Roman forming of both her names, Claudia from Claudius Caesar, and Ruffina from Pudens Rufus a Roman Knight her Hus∣band, when her ownh 1.60 Brittish name might easily, and without such streining be formed after the Latine Mode (common with it to other Tongues, to make some alterations in Forreign names, which they are to pronounce in their own,) who being Young, and newly Married with Pudens (Martialls Patron,) stil'd Sanctus, by the Poet in his Epitha∣lamium, for his Modesty and Vertue, might well be the Mother of a Son, that might be fit (for time, as well as mutual affection,) to Baptize our Brittish King, coming over to be a Christian, and probably by his means and influence; for K. Lucius (or Lhês) lived not at that distance of time, but that this might be well Effected, in Anno 156. saith Geoffryh 1.61 of Mon∣mouth, and sooner say Ninius and P. Jovius as be∣fore. Withall there was but his Father King Coillus, and Marius (or Meirig) his Grandfather, between Lucius and Aruiragus, mention'd in Roman Writers, who was Contemporary with Joseph of Arimathaea, andg 1.62 bountiful to him at Glastonbury, say our Histories; and Lucius might be called Arviragus, or Apviragus; for his name in Brittish form was Lhês Coel ap Meirig.

i 1.63

And were it true, that Lucius of a King became a Preacher before his end, and Converted to the Faith Bavariak 1.64 and Switzerland, as several Au∣thors report out of the Annals of those places, as our Englishk 1.65 Willibrord, and Suidbert, and Wilfrid did Holland and Frizland, and Boniface or Winfrid, did the Thurmgi, Suevi & Franci,l 1.66 doth it follow they must owe an Eternal Subjection to the Church of Brittain upon that score? Or did the Ancient Brit∣tains ever pretend to a Supremacy or Jurisdiction over Ireland, upon the pretence of its Conversion by their St. Patrick, as is the way at Rome to insist? Or were it lawful for them, and in their own power, to pav us, or another, that should upon such a score expect it, such their subjection and obedience, against their due Loyalty and Allegiance to their own So∣veraign, whose right it is; but though we pre∣tend to no rule over them, nor expect any more, but their love and kindness, which is mutually due, we may justly take it ill, and unkind at their hands, that they chuse rather to be guided in their Faith by Forreign Deceivers to their Misery, than con∣tinue their Communion with their Ancient Chri∣stian Friends, and Brethren Branach, to their great felicity in Soul and Body, and the happy peace of both Nations. Where Christian Religion is wholly imployed and adapted to compass Worldly ends and Temporal Superiority, its dignity is embased, and its nature really chang'd into another kind or spe∣cies, and ought not by consequence, to be call'd Religion. For the end is better than the means, and the Master than the Servant, and the Building than

the Scaffold: And this present World, (Satans King∣dom) is more excellent than such a Church, which is wholly designed and dedicated to serve and gain it; with all, the end gives name and being and de∣finition unto the means, as a sum of Money, im∣ployed to relieve the poor, is Charity; to pay Debts, Justice; to Bribe an Evidence, Perjury; to hire an Assasinate, Murder: or a Building made to dwell in, is a House; to Grind Corn, a Mill; to keep off Enemies, a Fort; to serve God in, a Church; to buy and sell in, a Shop: and by consequence that Re∣ligion, (that hath Earthly Rule and advantage, for its chief end, and professes Earth thereby to be better than Heaven, and Gospel good for nothing more, than to fill Coffers) cannot be call'd Chri∣stian, or true Catholick Religion, (for the chief aime of such, is the World to come) but rather an Antichristian trade or craft, which sets Con∣science, and Truth, and Sacraments, all at sale, to make sure of this. And so much may suffice touch∣ing the second point, to shew that Rome is no Mother Church to Brittain, neither by Conception or Edu∣cation, for she was neither conceived in her womb, nor nourished on her breast; but was a Virgin of full Age, when her pretended Mother was but in her Swadling Clouts and Cradle.

SECTION VII. The Description of the Old Brittish Church, in its Doctrine, Discipline, and Goverment, and Traditions, when Augustine the Monk made his Impression here.

IN the third place, to come to Augustine the Monkes Impression upon our Brittish Church; we are to examine, whether being free born, she forfeited that liberty by any foul Heresie or Schisme? Or the Church of Rome at that time merited Supe∣riority over her, by being a more Excellent and purer Church? Or by any Act of redemption, or un∣requitable Courtesie, (which swallows liberty) hath won, or oblig'd it in justice and equity, to be sub∣ject to her? Or wherein her Title to this Supremacy lay, in its first advance, and setting out, before any pretence, or colour from prescription or possession. The Face therefore and Physiognomy of both Churches, at that time, is to be viewed and exami∣ned in its lines and features, which of the two for Doctrine and Discipline, and Traditions, was most Catholick, and Apostolick, and Primitive, and Merited (supposing their years and standing equal) to Rule and give Law to the other. Where it is to be premised, and taken for granted out of Bede, that the Scottish, and Pictish, and Irish Churches, were then one and the same exactly, in Principles and Customes, with their Mother the Brittish Church; and what is delivered of the one, belongs to the other; yea the Daughters were more hot and zea∣lous

in the Cause of their Mother against Rome's In∣vasion, than the Mother it self: For the Brittish Bishops agree to give Augustine a fair meeting, to dispute their Rights and Pretensions;a 1.67 but Da∣ganus and Columbanus, though Courted and respected, would neither eate nor drink with those of Augustines party, nor lye in the same house. To give therefore a brief Character of both Churches, as to their Principles, its worth observing what Bede delivers of both,b 1.68 though no great favourer of the Brittains, as the Learned have observed. And first of the Brit∣tains; next of Augustine and his Religion. The Brittish is represented to be a Church, Scriptural, for for its Doctrine; Episcopal, for its Government; Primitive and Oriental, for its Customes and Traditions. And Augustine himself, to have nothing to object against it for his quarrel, but these three pretences. 1. [^c] That she observed not Easter after the way of Rome, 2. Nor Baptism with Roman Ceremonies. 3. And refus'd to preach the Gospel to the Saxons: And the great sore of all at the bottom, because they would not owne Augustine himself to be an Archbishop, denying by consequence the Popes Supremacy who sent him. Bede out of his moderation, conjectures the cause of their Errour about Easter, to be this, [^d] ut pote quibus longe ultra orbem positis, &c, being situated out of the rest of the World, the decrees of Councils, about the observation of Easter, had not reach'd them, only what works of Piety and Purity, were to be learnt out of the Writings of the Prophets and Evangelists, and the Apostles, they made it their chief care and diligence to observe and practice. And we are not to this day in Brittain, out of love with

this Errour, as were none of the Ancient Fathers, or Councils who took Scripture for their only Rule; and Gildas after their manner, hath scarce one Para∣graph in his Epistle, unstor'd therewith; and one of his chief lamentations in Diocletian's Persecution is, for their Bibles being burnt in the publick Markets, which kind of sight our Apostate Modern Roman-ca∣tholicks would have been content to behold in larger manner, with dry eyes. And that they were not in any Errour, or ignorance of the Decrees of Synods, about this point, appears from Constantine the great his Epistle, and Certificate in their behalf before mention'd, and the presence of the Brittish Bishops in the great Council of Arles determining this particular Controversy about Easter.e 1.69

The next Doctrine of our Ancient Brittains in∣cluded in the former, was the example of our blessed Saviours meekness and humility, as the rule of imi∣tation and Communion, Mat. 11.29. so the famous Abbot Dunawd,f 1.70 or Dionothus resolved his Coun∣trey-men, upon their question, whether they should give Augustine another meeting, or hearken to him; for in a former he had staggerd them (as Bede be∣lieved) not so much with Argument, as with a Mi∣racle, by restoring a Blind man (one of his own Company) to his sight, before them all; but the Brittish Doctors for all this would notf 1.71 Priscis ab∣dicare moribus, relinquish their Ancient Customes, as then (above a thousand years past) they stil'd them, without further advising with their Brethren; g 1.72

whereupon Dunawd being consulted with at Bangor, advised them to be guided by Christs example, more then deceitful miracles; give him the meeting, saith he, and regard his messages, if he be a man of God: But how may that be known, say they, do not you read what our Saviour saith, take my yoke upon you, and learn of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart. If he be meek and lowly, it is very likely, he bears that yoke himself, and would have you to bear the same; but if he be rigorous and proud, it's manifest, he is not of God, and you need not care for his message. But how shall this also be known, let him come first to the place, and if, when you arrive, (who exceed in number and other respects) he arise to meet and honour you, as his Christian Brethren, it's some sign, he belongs to Christ; you are to hear him with all respect and deference, but if not, but with State and distance, he think to re∣duce and over-aw you, and your People, you are to defend the Liberties of your Church, and dis∣appoint him of his carnal expectation: which last took place in a high degree on both sides, eum no∣tantes superbiae, cunctis que dicebat, contradicere la∣borabant,—neque illum pro Archiepiscopo habituros respondebant, they own'd him for no Arch-Bishop, but taxed him for his pride, who might have had their honour by humility, and contradicted and baffled him in all he had to say, for they were 7. Bishops, & plures viri Doctissimi, many very learn'd men, as Bede there observes, where upon he Prophesied their destruction, which shortly fell out, in Barbarous manner, more by Instigation, than prescience; to the ruine of that Kings Kingdom, who did execute his Prophecy, and providentiall planting of the Gospel among the Saxon, or English, by Brittish

Ministry, without the help of the Romish, as will further appear.

To these two Catholicks principles and Doctrines, touching the word of God written, and Incarnate, best leading them to Holiness, and the life of the other world: they added a third, that brought them peace in this; obedience to Superiours, or theit Gods on Earth, and their Temporal and Spiritual Governours in their several districts, and submission to the Synods and Councils of the Church, about doubts and Controversies hapning in Religion; up∣on this score the above said Dunawd, saith the Brit∣tish Historyg 1.73 Miro modo liberalibus artibus Erudi∣tus, Augustino petenti ab Episcopis Britonibus sub∣jectionem, diversis monstravit Argumentationibus ipsos ei nulla•• subjectionem debere, cum & suum Archiprae∣sulem haberent, being wonderfully learned, clear'd by diverse Arguments, the Brittish Bishops owed him no subjection, as he, and his Pope expected, and particularly by this, because they had an Arch∣Bishop of their own, and were not to disobey their lawful Superiour to please an Usurper: for it is the chiefest part of obedience to know ones right Su∣periour, and to own none besides; wherein lyes the first perversion of every English Subject, that fol∣lowes Rome, and its Forreign Father, against the inward natural Allegiance of his consci••nce, to∣wards Christ and the Truth, and his outward duty to his Governours and Fathers at home, viola∣ting the fift commandment, with a Pharisaical cor∣ban, saying to their peculiar Fathers, it's given to Rome, whatsoever you might be profited by us, following uncertain traditions before Gods express

Law, and teaching for Doctrines the commandments of men, as our Saviour himself hath timely detected, and forwarn'd against this Holy fraud, Math. 15.5. for by the same reason, that every good wife, is to know her own Husband from another; and every good Subject, his own King from a Forreigner, or Usurper; and every Souldier his own Commander and Co∣lours; by the same duty and conscience, every English Christian is to follow his own Church in Christ, before another; for obedience misplac'd, is but Godly transgression, or Traiterous Loyalty, to the distur∣bance of the publick, besides its own shame and prejudice.

And by submission to Governours and Synods, they were heal'd of the Pelagian Heresie, which most annoyed this Church, (next to Romish Inroades that trode down the whole field, and sowed their tares and superstitions from year to year among our best corn) this made also our Church to under go seve∣ral variations about the observation of Easter, as times required. As for the Arian Heresie and venome, (which began to Breath a little in these parts uponh 1.74 Gratians toleration of divers opinions in Reli∣gion) it found not the air to agree with it, neither did Pelagius, (or Morgan) though born in Brittain, and as it is saidi 1.75 the same day St. Augustine was born in Africk, suckk 1.76 or Propagate, his Heresie here, but fell into it at Rome, by finding Christians to come short of Heathens, and abusing Grace to Libertinisme and Wantonness; for otherwise, he was in great esteem and veneration for his learning and Sanctity, with the chiefl 1.77 Fathers of the East and West, St. Augustine, and St. Chrysostom; and in

the Eastm 1.78 ended his days, having never return'd to his own Country, but his Heresie came to be spread here nevertheless, (in those parts especially that were reduc'd by the Saxon Conquerour) by the means ofn 1.79 Agricola a French man, the Son of Severianus a Pelagian Bishop, and in the rooting of it out amongst the Brittains left behind in Lhoegr, Germanus and Lupus French-men likewise, did good service, as by Neutrality they were better fitted, (as for instance, their first and main success in disputa∣tion, was abouto 1.80 St. Albans, where Gildas and such as he, durst not approach for the Enemy) as his complaint is taken notice of byp 1.81 Camden there) being their chiefest Champions sent hither from the Gallican, at the request of the Brittish Church, signi∣fying her distemper and troubles & qua••primum fidei Catholicae debere succurri, that the Catholick Faith should be assisted as soon as might be, such was the loving Communion then between this, and that Church, and still might be, especially with the soundest and learned'st part thereof, (under frown for Orthodoxy) if he, who now letteth, were once taken fully out of the way, 2 Thess. 2. But it recover'd it self again, after Germanus his time, till St. David (newly ordained Bishop by the Patriarch of Jerusa∣lem) in a publick Synod (whereto he was invited) held in Wales against it, gave itq 1.82 its final over∣throw, and was made Arch-Bishop of St. David in the same Synod thereupon. For the Easter Con∣troversie, which was the only materiall point, Au∣gustine had to object, (for the other about Baptism was meer Ceremony, and since lost in oblivion) it consisted of two parts, Doctrinal, and Astronomical

Doctrinal, as in the early Controversie between the Churches of East and West; wherein it is most proba∣ble the Brittains followed the East, before the Synod ofq 1.83 Arles and Nice determined otherwise; and Astronomical, between, Augustine and the Brittains at this time, being much the same difference be∣tween stylo veteri & stylo novo in our days, which the Ignorance of Augustine made to be a Catholick tra∣dition derived from St. Peter, and the chief ground and pretence of quarrel to disturb our Churches.

St. Paul dehorts Christians from observing dayes, and Months, and times, and years, Gal. 4, 10, very agreeably to the Christian Hypothesis, whereby this present world, or the old Creation, hath its end and period in the death of Christ, Sacramentally to our Faith; andr 1.84 time (its Concomitant twinne) hath the like end and period with it by consequence; Where∣fore if ye be dead with Christ, from the rudiments of the world, why, as though living in the world, are ye Subject to Ordinances, for properly a Christian, as a Christian lives not in this world, but in Eternity, or to use the Apostles expression, his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, his Con∣versation and Scene of living, is not on Earth but in Heaven with Christ at the right hand of God Phil. 3, 20. Col. 3.1. Which Doctrine highly Suits with the nature and genius of the immortal Soul; all whose Acts of vice or virtue, (though as born in the body, within the virge of time and place, they are Temporal and transitory) yet as they are the free-born off-springs of the Soul, they carry the features

and signatures of Eternity upon them, being Eternal as their Parent, in the memory of their guilt or merit. Not, as if the old Creation, (wherein we still live in the flesh, 2 Cor. 10.3.) were wholly consumed and transubstantiated in the sight of our rational faculties; which a moral Philosopher would justly deride as madness in those that should maintain it; but that the whole sublunary and moral nature of all its parts, is to be elevated and consecrated to Heavenly uses, in this state of Grace, and nearer access to God, wherein the Church, as a new Creature, by faith now stands; Rom. 5.21. 2 Cor. 5.17. Therefore old things are passed away, behold all things are become new. We Christians eate, and drink, and obey, and rule, and mourn, and rejoyce, and observe dayes, and times, and feasts, as well as the Jews, or Hea∣thens did; but in another World, by faith, between the heart and the Lord, in whom times, persons, and degrees, and differences of persons meet in one, as the whole Hemisphere in the candle of the eye, or Dia∣meters in their Center: In the World, men are Greeks, or Barbarians, bond or free, Male or Female; but in the Church, Christ is all, and in all: For as in a degenerate Church, or false Christian, the present World or his Interest, and profit, is all in all; and Holy Church, and Religion, and God, and Christ, and Faith, and Sacraments, are all Hypocritically and profanely named, and used in order and sub∣serviency thereunto, and no further; so in the true Christian Religion, Christ is all in all; and all things besides of this World, are dead things to a Christian, that cannot help him forward towards Christ, and the other life; as the other World and Religion, is an insipid story, to a false Christian, where they are useless to serve his ends in this.

Any Christian may, and ought, to observe and regard time, as well as other things of life or death, but to Christ, who died and rose again, that he might be the Lord both of the dead and living, Rom. 14.6, 8. much more may he observe time, when commanded by Christian Governours, to whom he is subject in the Lord; more yet a time of Apostoli∣cal Institution, to whom he, and his Christian Go∣vernours are subject to obey; such is that singular Lords-day mentioned in St. John, Rev. 1.10. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the day of our Lords Resurrection, or Easter; which Christ himself by his own example hath re∣commended to his Church for perpetual observa∣tion; as the lasting practice proves the first direction: For on that day Christ rose from the dead, (founding his new Creation in one day, as God did the old in a week) and instructed Mary Magdalen touching the Communion and participation of Christians in his Re∣surrection, and Adoption by it; which constitutes the Christian Church and the substance of its Cate∣chisme. Say to my Brethren, I ascend to my Father, and your Father, and to my God and your God, Joh. 20.17. On the Octaves of the same day, carefully noted v. 19. he appeared to his Disciples met together; and Instituted the Governours of his Church with a Consecration Sermon, ad clerum, touching their Au∣thority and duty: As my Father hath sent me, even so send I you, and breathing on them, said, receive ye the Holy Ghost, whosoever sins ye remit, they are re∣mitted unto them, and whosoever sins ye retain, they are retain'd, v. 21, 22. And after eight dayes again, or a Disdiapason, or the third day from the Resur∣rection, he met his Disciples again, and preach'd a Sermon ad populum, containing the chief funda∣mental principle of Christianity, and the blessedness

of those, that have not seen, and yet shall believe, mildly reproving the foreseen Curiosity and Infide∣lity of Christians in the person of St. Thomas v. 29. Expressing hereby his leading will and example, for the observing of Sunday forever, as a Holy day for Worship and Instruction, upon the score of the Re∣surrection; or, as 51 Octaves of Easter day, as the subsequent Apostolical practice of the Church hath prov'd this first Institution, Act. 20.7. 1 Cor. 16.2. The Jewish Sabbath being dissolved with the old Creation by Faith, and the Christian Sabbath erected in its stead, (the new Creation requring its Sabbath, as well as old, because a Creation:) And the Church, or Spiritual Israel bound by the decalogue to the observation of it, in remembrance of its deliverance from Spiritual Aegypt and bondage; as the Jews, or Carnal Israel to the other in remembrance of such deliverance in the letter: Besides the Law of Constantine and other godly Kings of New Israel for observing of the same. And not against, but according to our Saviours Inti∣mation, Mat. 9.15. That the Disciples should fast, when the Bridegroom was taken away, Wednesday and Fri∣day, (preceding his passion,) and from thence all the Wednesdays and Fridays throughout the year, saving the time of Pentecost, (when the Bridegroom returned to his Spouse in the Comforter) have been observed by the Ancient Catholick Church, as a Fast in reference to his Cross, as Easter (and thence all the Sundays in the year) as a Feast in reference to his Resurrection; both the one, and the other, being regarded to the Lord: The Church particularly training it self to the conformity of Christs death to to this World in the one; as of his life, in the Hea∣venly joyes of the other; Christ in his Cross, and Christ in his Resurrection, being the whole lesson,

and both side of the leaf, to the Christian Church, 1 Cor. 2.2. Philip. 3.10.

The Charter of Easter, and its weekly repetitions, or Sundays, which some prefer in honour before Easter it self, (the Copy before the Original,) being so clear in Scripture in its first Institution; of so great importance is Charity, and condescention to the frailties of our Christian Brethren, that the great Lords-day, (or Easter) as well as the Sabbath, was by Christs mind, to give place unto it, in some places, and for some time. Accordingly we find the Eastern Churches, adioyning to Jerusalem, to observe Easter out of its time, the same day, as the Jews did their Passover, what day of the Week soever it fell on, whether Sunday or not; and also to observe Satur∣day as a Holy-day, as well as Sunday throughout the year, in complyance with the Jews. But the Western would by no means yield or approve thereof, but thunder'd against it, with the same zeal, as St. Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles did▪ against the introduceing of Circumcision amongst the Gentiles, Gal. 25.5.2. Phil. 3.2. which yet was to∣lerated in the Christian Jewish Church, Act, 21.20, 21, 25. And therefore St. Peter, the Apostle of the Jews, Gal. 2.7. is more complyant with the weak Jews in their Ceremonies, (whom he fear'd to offend) than St. Paul, (who did as much fear to scanda∣lize his weak Gentiles,) and reproved St. Peter to his face upon that score, Gal. 2.11. and yet both the one and the other in their zeal and moderation, were acted by a diversified charity, but the same inspir'd directions, Gal. 2.8. And the true Reason in all pro∣bability of the Roman Fast on Saturday, so contrary to the Apostolical Tradition of the rest of the Chri∣stian Church, (what other plaister soever many

may invent for this notorious Non-conformisty,) was the zeal of St. Paul's successors, after his example and steps, Gal. 2.5. strictly to assert the Christian liberty of the believing Gentiles in the West from the yoak of the Law, and all seeming Judaical observation of the weekly Saturday with equal respect to the week∣ly Lords-day: As they would by no means before, veile their Annual Easter to the Annual Passover up∣on the like score; wherein St. Peter, and all Chri∣stians of the Circumcision would not have been so precise and strict, (as it is well known they were not) to keep such exact distance from the Synagogue; nor needed they at Rome to have been, after the limited time of toleration to the weaker Jews was expir'd, as it was no less than Schisme and disobe∣dience in them, to continue in this their needless singularity (though originally generous) after the Catholick Church in General Councils had declared its dislike against it. Now if the first Popes of Rome, as Victor, with others, had believed themselves to be the Successors of St. Peter, they would not have raised such a bitter quarrel against the Eastern Church about the time of observing Easter, for this had been to have made St. Peter fight against him∣self: So that Romes persisting in her Saturday Fast, is an Eternal evidence and record against her self, that neither her Popes were Successors to St. Peter, nor she truly Catholick and Apostolical in her Traditions, and that leaving her St. Paul's Bible at last for St. Peter's Keyes, which belong'd not to her alone, she is fallen to the ground between two Chaires and Titles. Now it is well known, that to the time of the Coun∣cil of Nice, for about 300 years after Christ, the Ea∣stern Churches and such of the Western (who were for observing Easter upon a Sunday, and not one the pre∣cise

day of the Jewish Passover) continued their difference to that height, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith Epiphaniusr 1.85 they did not com∣municate with one another: The Western (or the Roman) taking the Resurrection for their rule; and the Eastern supported by the Authority of St. John the Evangelist a long Liver, and St. Peter, as afore, and the Bishops of the Circumcision, whom they followed; whose determination (by Apostolical Constitution,) the whole World was to follow, to prevent Schisme and Division in the Church, as the same Father Notes: They having more to say by this for theirr 1.86 Title to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the chief Judges of Controversy in the Church, than the Bishops of Rome could ever pretend to, because James the just, the first Bishop of Jerusalem whom they succeeded, stil'd the Brother of our Lord,s 1.87 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was the first who received the Episcopal Chaire, and whom the Lord entrusted with his throne upon Earth in the formost place. And it is an Argument of greater Superiority to succeed the Master (as they did,) than to suc¦ceed St. Peter, his Minister, which is the utmost that Rome doth, or can pretend, though with more ambition, than antiquity, or reason of its side: Now of what side the Churches of Brittain were in this early Controversie, whether of the East, or of the West, before the Councils of Arles and Nice determin'd it, is gatherable from the answer of Colman the

Bishop of Lindisfarn to Wilfrid at the dispute before the King of Northumberland at Streanshall, or Whitby: so that their conformity to the East, as will appear, proves the Brittish Church by consequence, to have more adher'd to St. Peter and his party, than did Rome; for in that solemn Synod held upon this parti∣cular point in the year 664. they say, Pascha hoc quod agere solo a majoribus meis accepi, qui me huc Episcopum miserunt; quod omnes patres nostri viri deo dilecti, eodem modo modo celebrasse noscuntur: quod ne cui contemnendum & reprobandum esse videatur, ipsum est, quod beatus Johannes Evangelista, Discipulus specia∣liter Domino dilectus, cum omnibus, quibus praeerat Ecclesiis, celebrasse legitur, Bed. l. 3. c. 25. This kind of keeping of Easter which I observe, I received from my Ancestors, which sent me hither a Bishop, which all our Fathers, belov'd of God, are known to have observ'd after the same manner. And least any should imagine this way to be depised or dis∣allowed, its the very same, which the blessed Evan∣gelist, St. John (the Disciple specially beloved by our Lord) is recorded to have observ'd himself, with all the Churches that were under him. And Wilfrid on the other side, referr'd his way of observing it after the manner of the Roman Church, to a tra∣dition derived down from St. Peter, being both in the dark about the point now in difference; which was not Doctrinal, but Astronomical: but clearly discovering the extraction, and Communion of the Brittish Church and her Daughters (in the belief and perswasion of Ancestours) to be from, and with the East, and not from Rome. For so Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus in his Synodicall Epistle, writ a∣gainst Pope Victor, as it is mentioned by St. Hierome in his Catalogue,

In Asia lye St. Philip and his three

Daughters, at Hierapolis, St. John, who lean'd on our Lords bosom, at Ephesus; and with them Poly∣carp, Thrascas, Sagaris, Papyrius, Melito, who all kept Easter according to Evangelicall tradition, and the Canon of the Church, on the fourteenth day, without inclining to either side. And I Polycrates, according to the Doctrine of my Immediate pre∣decessors Bishops, being 7 in number, whereof I am the Eight, have alwayes observ'd Easter when the people of the Jews keep their feast of unleaven∣ed Bread.

But after the Councils of Arles and Nice, interpos'd and decided this Controversie be∣tween the East and West, it is as clear, the Brittish Church kept Easter no more upon the day of the Passover, but on thet 1.88 Sunday following, according to the mind and decision of the Council, wherein they differ'd from the Quartadecimani, who are branded for Hereticks for keeping it on the Pass∣over day, and not on Sunday, and that fasting; and so much is also confessed in Wilfrid's reply to Colman, Johannes adlegis Mosaicae—Nihil de primâ sabbati cu¦rabat, quod vos non facitis, qui non nisi primâ sabbati celebratis, that they differ'd from St. John and the East, in having so punctual a regard to the Lords-day, or the first day of the week, which Moses and the Synagogue, and those Eastern Christians that went their way, never heeded, where, by the way, we may observe, that as the Bishops of the Circum∣cision were of Ancient Right and Custom, Superiours to Rome and all our Gentile Churches, so Christian Emperours in General Counsels were Superiours to both; over ruling both the one and the other, to peace and unity, against their several traditions;

and in defect of General Councils, who now never meet, and the Bishops of the Circumcision, who are exstinct, the Brittish Church becomes Supreme with∣in it self, under its own Governours, being no more under Rome, than Rome under it, and no other left that pretends to such Superiority. But if the Church of Brittain left its Eastern traditions to observe the decrees of Councils, (which Rome alike observ'd) where then was the difference between Augustine and the Btittains? there was none in Doctrine, but only in Almanack Calculation. For asu 1.89 the learn∣ed Primate proves, both Churches followed the same Paschall Cycle, from about the year 382. to the time of Dionysius Exiguus, who taught the Church of Rome a better, about the year 500. convinceing them to be two dayes out in theit account; andx 1.90 Baronius confesses that after the Council of Nice, the Bishops of Rome received their directions from year to year, for the week (Easter was to be kept) from the Church of Alexandria, where they had better Mathematicians. When the Roman Church followed the Cycle of 84 yeers which the Brittains also were guided by, they would not keep their Easter on the 15^•h. day of the Moon, though it fell upon the Lords-day, least good-friday should there∣by be observ'd of necessity before the 14^th day a∣gainst the Law of Moses, but differ'd it to the follow∣ing Sunday being the 22^th; but if the following Sun∣day was on the 16^th. day after the full Moon or 14^th. the former Inconvenience was prevented. So the Latines before they were rectified from Alexandria, observed their Easter on such Sundayes as fell out between the 16^th. and 22^th. never went so far as

23, nor began at 14 or 15.y 1.91 Sulpitius Severus of France, about the year 410, to amend the errour and overplus of about two dayes, which he observ'd, invents another new way of observing Easter between the 14^th. and 20^th. which the Brittains are taxed in Bede for observing likewise, whereby when Easter is kept the 14^th. the Evening of the 13^th, preceeding, is taken into it, against the limits of the Law, which confines the beginning of the Passover ever to the Evening of the 14^th, and not before or latter. So the Roman Church having for about 100 years laid aside her wonted Cycle, and rule of 84, and from 16 to 22, to follow the exacter tables of Dionysius, and the Church of Brittain for about the same space of time, following the Gallican method of Sulpitius from 14 to 20 being more intent upon the sincerity of their duty, than exactness in hours, and scruples, and se∣conds, this gave occasion to Augustine the Monk and his followers to espy a mistake to raise a quarrel upon, to disturbz 1.92 our Churches: for they confi∣dently affirm'd that their Alexandrine Calandar, was a tradition deriv'd from St. Peter, who kept the keyes of Heaven; upon whicha 1.93 Oswi, King of Northumberland, was deterr'd from his Brittish insti∣tution, to follow the Roman Church, for fear of being shut out. Colman being discredited, quitted his Bishop∣rick, and went back into Seotland, and the spotless Church of Brittain had a fowle imputation fastened upon it, of being no less than Heretical, for want of better skill or heed in Almanacks and Accounts: and trusting too much her Neighbours of France to tell the Clock, whilst she was busie. With the like Ig∣norance, though not with the same mischief and scandal, a gifted Preacher preferring the Illumina∣tion

of the spirit, before all human learning what∣soever, being ask'd by a grave Divine, to expound the meaning of Arcturus, Orion, and the Pleiades, Job 28.31, comparing them with Leviathan there∣abouts, that was as hard a word in his phancy, answers presently they were Sea-Monsters, and earnest he was the learned Minister should veyle and submit to his Ignorant inspirations. Consent and Harmony a∣mong Churches, were to be wish'd in every rite, and truth however to be followed, in points, that are least considerable: but of the two, it is easy to believe, God is better pleased with Sincerity, than Punctillioes, and that a clean heart stylo veteri is far more acceptable with its searcher, than an old heart puffed with pride and malice stylo novo: the Virgins saith St. Chrysostom, were shut out for want of Oyle, Math. 25.11. another for not having his wedding garment, Math. 12.12, 13. but we read of none that were arraign'd or punished, for mistaking the Month of the Passover.

The Church of Rome therefore (its Adversa∣ry,) largely proves our Brittish to be Orthodox in Doctrine, in that she had no more but this Easter difference to lay to her charge, or to ju∣stifie her self above her. And as her Doctrine throughout was sound and Scriptural, so was her Government Ancient and Primitive by Bishops who were chosen by theirb 1.94 Clergy and People, as their Arch-Bishopsc 1.95 by their Kings and Sy∣nods and Parliaments, to Rule at home, and to appear a broad in General Councils, Nice, Sardyca, Ariminum, as there be Instances. That there were

here 28 Bishops, and three Arch-Bishops erected o∣ver the rest by King Lucius, and thed 1.96 Revenues of the Druides tranferr'd from Idolatry to endow the Church, and so kept still sacred fot the use of Re∣ligion in general, as Geoffrey of Monmouth ande 1.97 Pla∣tina intimate, and is prov'd as to London, by the early Simony of Wini Bishop of Winchester, buying the same of King Wolfer, is not the less improbable, be∣cause some learned men are offended with the new∣ness of the word Arch-slamins us'd by the Interpre∣ter, who writ in an ignorant Monkish age, when the thing meant thereby (and that there was sub∣ordination, and one set over the rest) is expressly affirmed by Caesar in his Account of their Discipline and Order: yet others are inclin'd with Baleus, and and Powel, and Sir H. Spelman to believe that the Church of Brittain took her pattern from the East, and from Scripture rather than Idolatry, in the found∣ing of her Bishopricks. And thatf 1.98 the 7 Bishops of Wales under the Arch-Bishop of St. David, (who are recorded to meet Monk Augustine) were found∣ed and erected after theg 1.99 number and example of the 7 Churches of Asia and their Angels Revel. capp. 1.2, 3. (as those Churches likewise after the like re∣markeable number in the Angelical Hirarchy Zach. 4.10. Rev. 1.4, 5.) which opinion Arch-Bishop Ʋsher recites without any censure or dislike. Accor∣dinglyh 1.100 we meet with 7 Bishops in the North un∣der the Arch-Bishop of York in like manner: And twice 7 under the Arch-Bishop of London, being twice as large as the two other Provinces; or 7 only per∣haps, but each of those of larger extent, than now they are, as wasi 1.101 Lincolne before Eli, Peterburgh,

and Oxford, were taken from it; or Lichfeild, Sid∣nacester, Dorchester, Legecester and Worcester, when all made butk 1.102 one Bishoprick, and whereas Rome had 10 suburbicarian Provinces under it,l 1.103 Millain (which was more Oriental in her Customs) had but 7. But one discord note we may find in the Brittish Doctrine, touching persons Ecclesiastical, which yet well agrees with St. Paul, disallowing any to be fit guides, that did not follow his example in living, as he followed Christ, Phil. 3.17. though not so well with Roman practice or profession, where Bishops may be holy, maugre all their scandals and impie∣ties; and Infallible in their monstrous errours, be∣cause they sit in the Chair of St. Peter: whereas in the sence ofm 1.104 Gildas, and consequently of our Brittish Church, all holy Ministers are the successors of Peter in his Chair, and they that are otherwise

are Judas his successors, being not Ministers of Christ, but of the Devil, and their bellies; who are more in∣tent for peferments in the Church, than for the Kin∣gdom of Heaven, or adorning such dignities with life and Doctrine; who can hold their peace at the a∣bominable sins of men, whereby God is offended, and roare to purpose at the least injury done to them∣selves, as if done to Christ; such are Gods Enemies, and not his Priests, the Ringleaders of the wicked, and not Popes of the Church; traitors not succces∣sors of the Apostles; Rebels, not Ministers of Christ.

And for our Brittish Customs, they were and are Primitive and Catholick, and Oriental, and not Roman. We observe with solemn fast the holy week in Lent, called Grawys, fromn 1.105 different and rough

attire (as is conceived) then us'd, especially there∣in Dydh Mercher y Bràd and Dydh Gwener y Croglith, that is, as we term those two days, Wednesday where∣in he was betrayed, and Friday with the lessen of the Cross, and from thence all then 1.106 Wednesdays and Fridays of the year, saving Pentecost, as Bede con∣fesses of us; and the strict practice rhereof with the devouter sort, is fresh in memory, this and other Brittish Customs, having escaped better under Popery, than under the pretended Reformation of the late War: whereas its well known the Church of Rome stands condemn'd, and censur'd in her Clergy and laity, the one to be depriv'd, the other to be excom∣municate, by the 6^th.o 1.107 Generall Council for fast∣ing upon the Saturdays, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, contrary to the Ancient tradition of the Church and the Apostolical Canon of like seve∣rity. It's no wonder therefore if the Church of Rome denies the Authority of this Council, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.p 1.108 For it went like a Sword through their heart to find themselves charg'd and impeached of going contrary to the Apostolical Ca∣non: And though the Church of Brittain in the West, and of Africa in the South, and of Millain at her doors, agreed with the Eastern, and Aposto∣lick, followed by this Council, yet this Universal consent must not prevail, the single Church of Rome Schismatically dissenting from the whole Church in her traditions, must be Catholick nevertheless, and her Customs to be observed equally with the Scriptures.

The Asiatic custome of singing a Carol to Christ about Cock-crowing mention'd in Plinie,p 1.109 in his Epistle to Trajan the Emperour, in the first Age of the Church, is retain'd amonst us to this day, in our Plygains or Pulgains as we term them.

Though we look upon the material Cross, as a great rarity (which at Rome they Idolize, and are beholding to our St. Helena for any naile or part thereof, they have to shew) and honour that bear∣ing, as the Church's Coat of Arms, yet our true sense and Religious use thereof, appears in our Re∣membrances and obligations by it, to brotherly love and charity, having no other word to express wel∣come which ought to be from the heart, but Croeso, which is deriv'd from the Cross, mae chwi groeso, you are welcome in the Cross.

Though they believe no Purgatory, yet at the death of their Friends it is usual with them to wish the party Deceas'd a good Resurrection, Duw a Ro iddo Ailgyfodiad da, God grant him a good Re∣surrection, an Ancientq 1.110 practice in the Eastern Church, much abus'd by them at Rome to their se∣cular profit, as usual.

None have firmer beliefs of the Immortality of the Soul, and of the other World, than the Ancient Brittains, nor greater detestation and Dicipline against lying, even in Children, which the Roman Church indulges in her Records, and Liturgies, and chiefest Saints.

r 1.111 They had likewise, besides Eremites and Ancho∣rites of the stictest sort, their Nuneries for Christ's,

Virgins, and Abbeyes for Monkes, not such as our Western Modern Orders of St. Benedict, St. Francis, or St. Domnick, but far Ancienter, and after the Rule in the East, ands 1.112 Aegypt, so much extoll'd in in the Ancient Fathers, and especially in St. Chry∣sostom's Homilies all along, not begging their Bread, or being a burden to others, but earning their Liveli∣hood, with the work of their hands, and spending the rest of their time in Study, and mutual Edifica∣tion, renowned in History for their great Sanctity and Learning; yet it was not counted unlawful for any of their Clergy to Marry, for St. Patrick was the Son of† 1.113 Calphurnius a Deacon, who was the Son of† 1.114 Potitus a Presbyter: Andu 1.115 Restitutus the Brittish Archbishop at the Council of Arles was a Married man, and so was St. Hilarie his friend, as well as St. Philip and St. Peter.

In their Tonsures, which is also anx 1.116 excepti∣on by Augustin's party against them, if they had any, they followed the manner of the East, which shaved the forehead (not the Crown, as did our Romanists,) who were as much dissatisfied with Theodorus of Tarsus St. Paul's City, who being de∣sign'd Archbishop of Canterbury to revive and pro∣mote the Roman Interest in Brittain (quite lost well nigh,) wasy 1.117 fain to stay four Months at Rome be∣fore his setting out into his dignity, that his Haire might grow fit to be shaved after the Roman mode, being well contented to part with an old lock for a new Throne, which proves the Greeks to be as far dif∣ferent from the Romans, as our Brittains in this Rite.

Episcopalem vero Confirmationem—prae alia

gente ••otus populus magnopere petit,x 1.118 no Nation had Episcopal Confirmation more in esteem, and so de∣sired by all, as the Brittains saith Cambrensis; whose Archbishops did Consecrate their Suffragans, and were Consecrated by them in their own Pro∣vince: And never sought to Rome for their Pall, as did several other Nations, as Pope Gregory dida 1.119 ac∣quaint his Augustine, in answer to his 7••. Question, directing to take no Superiority over Arles, because ab Antiquis praedecessorum meorum temporibus pallium accepit, that Archbishop did use to receive his Pall from Rome, and therefore was not to be depriv'd of the Authority, which once he had obtained,a 1.120 Bri∣tanmarum vero Omnes Episcopes tuae fraternitate com∣mittimus. But he'le give leave to his Augustine to bring all the Bishops of Brittain under him, who by consequence, (and in the Popes opinion, and di∣ligent search,) never had any Pall from Rome, which by the Principles of theb 1.121 New Roman Church, is Essentially requisite to constitute an Archbishop, because it brings a round sum of Money to their Coffers, and dependance and Canonical obedience to their See, and the disowning the Su∣premacy of Temporal Soveraigns by Consequence: But whether the Archbishops of Brittain, so esteem'd for several Primitive Ages, by Emperours, and the great Councils of the Ancient Church, who sum∣mon'd and own'd them, under that dignity and Charter, must lose their Ancient right and privi∣ledge at the pleasure of a younger Church, because it never complyed with its new and sordid devices, b 1.122

for gain and Lucre, is justly a question, of which more hereafter, but their diminution in fact, upon the reason that is implyed to occasion it, sets it out of question, that by the confession of the Popes themselves, Brittain never own'd, or acknowledg∣ed any Superiority, that Rome pretended over it: But though our Bishops never went to Rome for their Pall, or Consecration, yet they us'd not to stand upon such terms of distance, from the Asiatic Churches, nor the Church of Jerusalem (though for some Ages, by reason of the destruction of that City, truckling under Daughter Cities, that were of greater note and fame,) but really and originally the Mother of all Churches, and particularly re∣spected by the Church of Brittain, upon that score. For thither they us'd from hence to flock and resort, as is observed by St. Hierome,c 1.123 thitherd 1.124 St. Helena repaired with her Retinue, building and en∣riching Churches: Thither Pelagius went, and was cleared in their Councils, explaining his own sense ine 1.125 Greek before them, against his Errours: Whether it was his care and Interest to speak more warily, or whether, as one defends Calvin, against a Jesuite, charging him with Atheism, that he read Calvin in Bellarmines Works, and not in his own▪ but it is rather to be supected, that Pelagius was more truly guilty of his dangerous Heresie, than that the Synods of his own Countrey should so ex∣plode him without cause, or St. Augustine his ho∣nourer write so well, in vain, against him: But not to digress, but to speak more directly, (for Pelagius had he been Orthodox, was but af 1.126 Layman) thi∣ther our chiefest Brittish Doctors are recorded to re∣pair,

St. David, Paternus, Elius or Teilaw, and to be Consecrated Bishops by that Patriarch in order to to their return, which the Brittish Church was so far from dis-rellishing; that the first of them in full Synod, was translated to be Archbishop of Menevia (called afterwards by his Name,) upon the score of that Consecration, together with his parts, as before was mentioned out ofe 1.127 Giraldus Cambrensis, whose aime was, as himself declares, to be another Gildas in delivering nothing but the Truth.f 1.128

Many other Rites and Customes there were in use among the Brittains, as Bede observes, that were con∣trary to the unity of His Catholick Churchg 1.129 plu∣rima alia faciebant unitati Ecclesiasticae contraria, which took up a long dispute at the Synod of Strean∣shall; from which the Brittains would by no means recede, but preferr'd their own Traditions, as well as they might, before all that were followed by the Roman Church at that time, which Bede, calls the whole World; whereby it appears, that though our Brittish Antiquities, are many of them lost and perished, through Wars and desolations, and the special malignity of the Church of Rome, to suppress the memory and honour of so emulous a Church, (as this of Brittain was in its eyes) and Abbot Dunawd's Books of the priviledges of the See of St. David▪ and of the Ancient Rites and Customes of the Brittish Church, mentioned in Pitseus, were destroyed with many other at Bangor, with its Monks and Mo∣nastery andh 1.130 Library, (and I pray God to pre∣serve our English Libraries from the like rude zeal,) yet the account of its Customes and Anti∣quities,

is sufficiently preserved, and contain'd in the first best Councils o•• the Primitive Church, and the Learned Orthodox Fathers of the East, with whom it so entirely and exactly agreed and con∣curr'd in all sound Traditions, as appears by the tast, and instances I have already given, from which Rome very much departed, and stands noto∣riously censur'd by the Catholick Church as Schisma∣tical for the same; which abundantly proves the Brittish Church never was any Daughter of Rome, nor could be; not only because of Ancienter years, and standing, than her supposed Mother, but because as wholly dislike to her in every line, and feature, and humour, and Ceremony, as are the Spaniards to the French, though both Christians in their kind.

I shall add, but two or three of their Homilitical Customes and Principles, (and pass on to the Cha∣racters of their Antagonists from Rome) such I mean, as had more influence upon their Converse with one another; whether the respect of the Church to the Prince, or the Prince and people to the Church, or the people to one another.

As to their respect and Loyalty to their Prince: There are no footsteps in the Primitive Church, nor the Ancient Brittish for deposing Kings for Heresies, or Scandal. Spiritual Dicipline is not to alter, or un∣setle Civil rights. It's an Antichristian fift Monarchy Principle that offers at it: If Rome be a Mother Church in any thing, it is in this. Whoever us'd it here, had it from her forge. Mens several rights, as they are men, and as they are Christians, are as different, as peace of Conscience, and the peace of the Kingdom, as the law of the land, and the law of God, as the Body, and the Soul, as Outlary and Excommunicat••on; which the Church of Rome

confounds together: But the Brittish Clergy knew how to pay their several rights to God and Caesar, to be faithful Servants to Christ, and Loyal Subjects to their King; they boldly reproved and censur'd the enormous vices of their Princes out of love to God, and them, and Countrie, as appears bya 1.131 Voadin Archbishop of London, reproving King Vor∣tigern for marrying Hengist's Daughter, a Pagan, when he had a lawfull Queen, slain for it, by the procurement of her Father, not by Vortigern, though a very ill man, and more happy in such a Martyr∣dom, than in a perfidious connivance, in a whole skin, and a ragged Conscience; and also by Gildas his sharp reproofs remaining to this day, against se∣veral of their chifest Princes, for which not an hair of his head was touch'd by any of them, as can be heard or read, as likewise byb 1.132 Aidanus his spe∣cial severity against great offenders. They severally reprov'd, but never rebell'd against their Princes, nor encourag'd any to it, and they were the more lov'd and embrac'd for it by several of them re∣turning, as did Constantine the Son of Cador,c 1.133 Prince of Cornwall, who upon Gildas his rebuke, became a zealous Preacher of the Gospel from a bloudy De∣bauch; and Mouric and Morcant Princes of South∣wales, became great Patrons and Benefactors to the Church, for its fidelity to their Souls against their vitious humours; both securing and gaining Hea∣ven to themselves thereby, the one by their Inte∣grity, the other by their Repentance. But as to their blameless, and more worthy Princes, the Brittish Bishops were never distant from them, neither in their d 1.134

danger, nor joyes, nor deaths: Eldade 1.135 Bishop of Gloucester followed King Ambrose in all his Wars and Victories:f 1.136 Dubritius Archbishop of St. David, encouraged King Arthur's Army against the Infidels in his Badonic Victory. The whole Clergy of the land alwayes assembled to interreg 1.137 their Princes at Stonehenge. Cowardize in any of their Souldiers in the Cause of their Prince and Countreyh 1.138 was Excommunication with them. The root of Brittish Valour, was Conscience and Loyalty, according to that Canon of thei 1.139 Council of Orange: Fortitu∣dinem gentilium mundana cupiditas, fortitudinem ••utem Christianorum dei charitas facit, Heathens are valiant for some lusts sake, Christians for Conscience. And it appears by good confession, they never were reduc'd for want of Valour or Loyalty to their Prince,k 1.140 Emmanuel Emperour of Constantinople requesting of King Henry the Second an account of his Kingdom and Rarities, was returned this for one; In quadam Insulae parte sunt Gentes, quae Wallenses dicuntur, tantae audaciae & ferocitatis, ut nudi cum armatis congredi non vereantur, adeo ut sanguinem fundere pro patriâ promptissimé, vitamque velint pro laude pacisci: In a certain place of this Island there is a Nation, called the Welsh, of such bold and daring Spirits, that they'l make nothing to cope with Armed men, though naked; and to spend their bloud for their Countrey, their lives for Honour, is what they most desire and wish for. Newbrigensis delivers the same Cha∣racter in effect, though not with the same Candour; Barbaros, Audaces, alieni sanguinisz 1.141 avidos, & proprii

prodigos. And if they had not been not only over∣powred, but outwitted by Edward the first, by a mercyful Providence, they had sought it out to the last man with disadvantage, rather than survive their Prince. Rege incolumi mens omnibus una: amisso rup••re fidem, And since they came under the English Crown, they have acted, and greatly suf∣fered in several Civil Wars, but never against the Right Soveraign, A fair Inducement to our Royal Princes of Wales, not to rest content with the bare title, but to be better acquainted with their people for their encouragement, as we find Prince Arthur of late to have kept his Court amongst them; for the best bloud will clot, if never cherished by the heart.

Nor were the Princes, and Gentry, and People inferiour in their respects and honour to their Church, (which with Tertullian is a great sign and Character of the true and Orthodox.) By the Law of Howel Dha,l 1.142 Of the three, that were of the Quorum to make a Court, the Clergy man ever was one, and the alone custos rotulorum. The Ancient Princes never feasted, nor consulted, nor went tom 1.143 War, without their Bishops, as before; Ethelfred's cruelty towards the Monks of Bangor went soon to all their hearts, which cost him above 10000 of his men upon the place, and the loss of his Kingdom shortly after: their common respects to the meanest of their Clergy ap∣pears out of Cambrensisn 1.144 viro cuilibet Relligioso, monacho vel clerico, vel cuicunque Religionis habitum praeferenti, statim projectis armis, cernuo capite, benedictionem petunt, any Church-man they met,

whether Monk or Minister, that wore the habit of Religion, they threw aside their arms, and with humble bow and Reverence asked his blessing: the greatest Gentry for Birth and quality, (of right Brit∣tish education and Principles) are observ'd to our days, not to take the right hand of any Minister; minding him by their respect (which they count no disparagement) to mind himself and his coate the better. The Church of Rome procures the like Re∣verence from the greatest of her Grandees, but by Romish Arts, and Indirect sollicitations, as 40 dayes pardon of venial sins, for kissing the Garment of him that celebrates, with other secular contrivances and Inducements; But the Brittish Church, hath re∣spect from her own, and others of high degree and Dignity, without such bribes, and politick encou∣ragements; The Churches of Scotland, and Ireland, her Daughters, sided with her against Popery about a 1000 years ago, with utmost zeal and vigour, when she was desolate and over-powr'd. The great∣est Pillars of our Church in latter years, the renown∣ed Arch-Bishops Ʋsher, and Parker, and Bramhall with others, bestowed learned pains in her particular ho∣nour and defence, when she had but small power to requite their Love, not to mention the like esteem in the breasts and mouths of many, (if not all) our Reverend and learned Mitres, both dead and living.

Nor were, nor are, their People, (that retain their right Brittish principles) less wanting in mutu∣all Charity, and respects to one another, and espe∣cially in compassion towards the weaker and poorer sort: for in such kind of charity and succour, none perhaps, came nearer to the Primitive Christians, (who had all ino 1.145 Common amongst them) than

our Right Ancient Brittains, of whom saith Cam∣brensis,p. 1.146 Nemo in hac gente mendicus, omnium enim, &c. though they were poor, yet none was in want amongst them, if any had it to give, deq 1.147 quo libet pane apposito primum fractionis angulum pauperibus dant, of every loafe set upon the their table, the first cut was laid aside for the poor; their frequent meetings, prohibited by the severe Laws of Henry the fourth, therein called Cymmorthaes, were clubs of the Richer sort amongst themselves, to relieve their poor friends and neighbours, as the word imports, be∣ing comportations, or Collections to set up the poor, not wholly out of use to this day; Largitatemp. 1.148 & dapsilitatem cunctis virtutibus anteponunt; Lberality, and Hospitality (for others to farewell by them) they fancied above all other vertues whatsoever. I suppose he alludes to the great esteem, and con∣tempt, that Syberwid and Ansyberwid was, and is in, still amongst them, that have kept their Language, and Ancient Customs most free from Forreign mix∣tures; for with such, no man can fall under a worse or better character them of Syberw or Ansyberw; no greater commendation have they for any man, or woman, than gwr or gwraig Syberw, no greater note of Infamy and unworthyness, than Ansyberw, (which they pronounce as Suber and Ansuber though writ with y) which words, whatever is their Etymolo∣gy, in their common acception, carry a compre∣hensive signification of several good and evil quali∣ties, as ingredients. And (1) it is manifest Syberw in the first surface denotes liberality, as Ansyberw niggardness; but then further, it points at the cause

and reason of both, for (2) such a man is to be allow∣ed Syberw, that doth by all men, as he would be done by; and the contrary is Ansyberw, so is he, that takes greater measure to himself, than he will af∣ford to others, so are all that can endure to fare richly while their Neighbours starve by them; and Syberw is he, that is watchful and resolute against all avaritious inequality, and overreach∣ing, or unconcernedness for others, that be in want and misery; so that Syberw is just and mercyful, as well as Liberal; and Ansyberw unjust, and merciless: (3) It implies some inequality, when a man strives to be kinder ro another, than to himself, and pinches himself in back and belly, to be kind and liberall to many: as I have known vety good Women, who went habited scare above beggars, and of propor∣tionable abstinence in their diet, who if they had worn all their large almes upon their backs from year to year, (which they valued above all gayety and good fare) might have appear'd and far'd as splendid as any of their rank, and know by this time they made a better choice: and herein is the essence and formality of Syberwid; and such an en∣grafted traditional honour and esteem there is for such, amongst the Brittains, that their names are mentioned with great and cordial dearness, as if this were to be a Saint; for faith and all vertues are presu∣med to be in that man or woman, where this temper is found; and though it may seem unreasonable, (or at least a work of Superogation) to love another above himself, yet they judge nothing to be a greater duty, and content, and blessing: (as indeed what is more Divine and Honourable, and the source all noble actions and rewards, exposeing life for Country? &c.) and in their common bargains

and measures, they abhorr and dread, precise and exact equality, without some addition, or voluntary overplus of kindness to another, they deal with, a∣bove the strict contract; and they had rather abate of the price agteed, than be disabled to give the said addition, as their free guift; over and above their bargain; which they proverbially call rhád-duw, or Gods Grace, and Blessing. And the giver is as Willing, or rather more, to give his Rhad-duw into the bargain, than the other to receive it. (4) It takes in con∣science, and the heart above all: they'l hardly re∣ceive it, if it comes not from the heart, and from no ends, but as a free guift: and he that is Ansyberw is therefore hateful with them, because esteemed to have no conscience, and he that is Syberw from the heart, is call'd glan ei galon or clear spirited, which is the loveliest Character, they judge, any man can deserve or receive; and probably Syberw comes from Sobrius, and Sobrius from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the Etymology of it, whereby it signifies the preservati∣on of the mind, and heart; which is done, they conceive, by nothing more than Syberwid; as the mind and soul is destroyed and corrupted, by nothing more than Ansyberwid; which is the same with Phi∣lau••, or self love, (as appears by the premises) so hateful with St. Paul, and our Brittans, and with all good men: so that by this their imbred tradition received amongst all undegenerate Brittains, both high and low, they judge honesty and mercy, and love to others above themselves, (as in the case of humi∣lity) to be their self-preservation, and chiefest In∣terest, and surest method to prosper. And no wonder they preferr'd this hearty Syberwid before all other vertues, it being nothing else, but that love, which is the fulfilling of the Law; or that charity from a

pure heart, which is the end of the commandment, and the total of all Religion; for what excellency, or degeneracy is there in human or Christian na∣ture, that is not contain'd in Syberw, and avoided in Ansyberw? What is honour in Nobles, honestum with Romans, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with Greeks, humility and charity with Christians, is all comprehended, in Syberw. And this Brittish Principle and Custom, is so undoubted∣ly Apostolical and Primitive, that nothing more is the root and cause of the Arrogance and trouble∣somness of Popery, or of that hollowness and Hippocrisie, that hath too much prevail'd in Modern Protestancy, and Puritanism it self, than the manifest want thereof: Some of our degenerate Gentry ought to compare their ignoble and sinful constant healthing and swill∣ing, (while they can hardly spare a glass of Water to Christ in their poor Neighbour) with this sober and salvifical principle of their Progenitours, who (it is to be believed) never met tor 1.149 drink, but in re∣lation to Cymmortha; and these are so much Brittains (they say) in their servile imitations of forreign vi∣tious Customs, that the health of an Ansyberw or nigga••dly, selfish person, was never known to go round amongst them, but only of the Syberw and generous. This character of our Brittish Church in her Doctrines and Rites, is exactly the same with that, whichs 1.150 Epiphanius gives of the Primitive Catholick, which the Church of England this day professes to follow, and to retrive, which is the same Church with the Ancient Brittish Church; the Brittains, and the English, being the same People, not only in Faith and worship, but in Laws and bloud; and greater alliance in Doctrine, and

Consanginity to be found between them, than be∣tween Alexander and Clement, modern Italians, and Linus and Anacletus their predecessors, Ancient Ro∣mans; as may further appear.

The Brittish Church therefore appearing from un∣doubted evidence, and their adversaries exceptions, to be so sound and Ancient in the substance of her Orthodox Faith, to impute schism to it for her distance, or departure from the Roman, her Junior, or to ask where was your Church before Luther, is a cavil not only ignorantly groundless, but inpudently ridiculous, if they pre∣tend to be in their Sences, that urge it. They may with as much colour of reason, object a separation in us from Prester-John, or the Church of the Abyssines, well known perhaps to our Fore-Fathers, when they met at Jerusalem, whither both resort∣ed; with whom, as with all other Churches of Christendom, and, as many as are allowed in that Church, for sincere and true members of Christ by the searcher of their hearts and ours, we trust by mutual offices of Prayer and Charity, we hold Communion in the General; And a particular rent or schism cannot be conceived, without some particular Ʋnion or Subjection preceeding, (and it sufficiently ap∣pears ••ow little there was of old between Rome and Brittain) for how can an Arm be out of joynt from that part, with whom it was never In. They them∣selves who accuse first, are Schismaticks unavoidably, especially our deluded English, and Brittish, and Irish Roman-Catholicks, born under the same Allegiance, believing in the same Christ, that refuse to joyn in com∣munion and worship with their own Mother Church, much more Ancient and pure than that of Rome; which were it less corrupt, than it is, they unwor∣thily

prefer before her, against proverb and practice, for home is homely, be it never so homely, and you shall not meet a child of that folly, that will prefer a pompous Countess before his poor Mother. But so truly Catholick, and Apostolick, and free from all foul and loathsome Idolatries and Superstitions, are the Sacraments of our own Church, that if they once tasted with us the milk of their own chast Mo∣ther, they would never covet Forreign breasts (that have an ill name) any more, nor be so earnest with us to prefer manifest poison before it. And the cause of their delusion (that should nevertheless be so zealous to persevere in such unnatural ignoble obstinacy and disobedience, so destructive to themselves) must needs be more than humane, 2 Thess. 2.11. But our Communions and separations are not in our own power; but we are to take and leave, as God di∣rects, and God directs to hold the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace, Eph. 4.3. The unity of the Spirit, and not the unity of the Flesh; that is, to select such for our Christian Brethren, to associate with them in dear fellowship, who express by their Conversation, that they are dead to this present World, and self ends, by their Faith and confor∣mity to the cross of Christ, and live in Heaven by their holy conformity to his Ascention, which is a state of the Spirit, and Grace, and the right Catho∣lick Church: But to avoid and separate, as much as may be in this World, from such as are Earthly, carnal, sensual, selfish, scandalous, and especially if such, by their Doctrine, policy, profession, de∣signe, and principle; for such are enemies to the cross of Christ, and a state of confederacy with the flesh; wholly asymbolical and contrary to the na∣ture of such a Church, a Christian is to hold Com∣munion

with; so St. Paul explains and expressly de∣cides this case, Phil. 3.17, 18, 19. shewing that such, whose God is their belly, whose Glory is their shame, who mind Earthly things; are not to be followed, but shunned, be their brags never so Christian and Ca∣tholick; and why are they to be shunn'd? because they are enemies to the Cross of Christ, which they abuse and profane to compass Worldly ends and grandeur; and Christs subjects ought not to cor∣respond with his enemies, not only upon the score of Loyalty, but Interest and safety, for the end of both will be destruction, v. 19. And the reason why he, and such as walk'd, as he did, were to be followed and embrac'd, is, because he followed Christ in his Cross, as is implyed by the contrary Antithesis, v. 17, 18. because he also followed him in his Resurrection and Heavenly life, as it is expressed in these words, v. 20. For our Conversation is in Heaven, from whence we look for the Saviour. This is the Catholick Church, where all that will joyn with it, shall be sure to find Salvation by it. And in like manner he directs the Romans 16, 17, 18. Now I beseech you Brethren, mark them which cause divisions and offences, contrary to the Doctrine which ye have learned, and avoid them, for they that are such, serve not our Lord Jesus Christ, but their own belly, and by good words, and fair speeches, deceive the heart of the simple. A prophetical De∣scription of the Roman Church, Apostatizing into Roman Catholick, and preferring Titles befere Truth: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or good words, presignifiing their meek, and holy, and publick pretensions, and title of ser∣vant of servants, Fathers, Confessors, Apostolick See, &c. and their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, faire speeches, (or rather blessings,) their easie Absolutions, and innumerable Indulgences, Ceremonious crossings of all things,

and persons. The like rule is given to Timothy and to all Bishops, and every Christian in him: If thou ob∣serve any make a Trade and Merchandize of the Gospel, Supposing gain to be godliness, from such with∣draw thy self, 1 Tim. 6.5. Which markes and cha∣racters of true, or false Christians, though they are less heeded and regarded by the guides of the Church of Rome, and their credulous Disciples, than by their more observing neighbouring Churches, who know that Simon Magus (the Father of the old Gnosticks) pointed at by the Apostle, v. 20. was more certainly at Rome, and left his successors be∣hind him, than Simon Peter: The wonder is the less, because gifts, and lusts, more blind the eyes of the receivers, and Actors, than the standers by. Nei∣ther do these Apostolical warnings alone, but the woful experiences, that back them, deterr us, from their communion above any other. We held com∣munion heretofore with the Eastern Church, and that of Jerusalem, without spiritual hurt, or damage to our selves; and our communion with the Ancient Gallican Church in the West, added strength and comfort to us: The Churches of Scotland and Ire∣land, though by Civil Governments they were un∣der different Kings, and them not often friends, yet by the Christian faith they were one piece with our Brittish Church, defending our cause against Rome and Augustine with equal concern. But when we began to acquaint our selves with Rome, (when it was better than now it is) we gain'd nought but wounds, and defilements, and misfortunes by it. There Pelagius (with Celestius) had his fall and ruine, when with like good intentions, (as some other learned men in after Ages) he went about to alter Divinity into a moral Philosophy, to fit the needs

of Christians there, who lived short of men, and were but hardned the more in their sins, by the E∣vangelical Doctrines of free grace; an evident symptom of their ripeness for Divine vengeance, as appeared by the dismal sacking of Rome shortly after, Anno 410,† 1.151 which he elegantly describes in his Epistle to Demetriades. There Wilfrid imbib'd the principles of avarice and ambition, wherewith he corrupted his Brittish Institution, and brought troubles upon himself, as well as others; and more disturb'd, than promoted the plantation of the Go∣spel amongst the Saxons, carried on then by Brittish industry. There St. Patrick and Palladius, Sons of the Brittish Church, and of contrary Doctrines and Customes to Rome, as appeared in their plantations, yet had the name and imputation of being Missio∣naries of Rome, for the Conversion of Ireland and Scotland, say their Legends; for Politicians love ever to have holy, and good men, for their tooles, and instruments, and pretences; for so St. Peter and St. Paul, theirs name are as often us'd and applyed in the Courts of Rome, to countenance their carnal policies and designes, as John Doe and Richard Roe in ours, to vouch suites; and though they make the cross of Christ their Antipodes, and re-exalt the World with its pomp, into its old zenith and me∣ridian, yet no where is the material cross, adored and worship'd with that excess of Reverence, as by these enemies of the Spiritual. What gain'd our Saxon and Norman Kings by their generous respects to∣wards them, (bearing then the name of a Church in chief,) but the exhausting of their Subjects, and the clipping of their own Prerogatives and Supre∣macies,

and to be made their Engineers and Exe∣cutioners to suppress and destroy the Anc•••••••• Church of Brittain, its Metropolitan Sees of York and Lon∣don, by the means of the first, and St. David of the last? Neither will it suffice to plead, the whole English Brittish Church was once under the yoak and Jurisdiction of Rome for a long space of a time, and that it was Schisme therefore and rebellious disobedi∣ence in them to shake off their Government: For this yoak and imposition was early protested against by the Brittains, as unchristian and unjust; and kept off with their utmost power as long as they could, and the Nation made often entries, in so many Sta∣tutes of provisors, and premunire's against it; and the endeavours of Wickleff and Lollards, (who could expect no other than ill names for it:) and they were fully evicted out of it at last in Henry 8. of Brittish descent, by wonderful providence: Was it a Schism against the Cromwellian party, who pretended to as much holiness as Rome it self, and more, for our Sove∣veraign to return to his own Throne, from whence he and his Father were so wrongfully kept out, and so long? If they know not Gods usual method, to give his own people over into the hands of their enemies for their sins, and to redeem them from them upon their repentance by miraculous deli∣verance, they erre, not knowing the Scriptures, Mat. 22.29. nor the power and Discipline of God, nor the patience and priviledges of his servants. Their own Church of Rome, lay in captivity under the Exarchs, or the Constantinopolitan Emperours Vice-Royes, residing at Ravenna, from the year 568. to 743. and some of their Popes for their refractoriness, have been coursely us'd by them in the Streets of Constantinople; yet they held it no Schism to recover

their Ancient liberty, though by very ill means, by dividing the Empire, and hazarding Christendom, and strengthning the Turk, as the poor Greeks to this day complain. And may not we without Schism enjoy our Ancient rights and freedom, recovered by lawful means, and in Gods time, without wrong to any, and with, and not against the rights, and wills of our Soveraigns, as they by the contrary, in all respects; yet it was more excusable in them to gratifie the Turk, and subvert Christendom, to pre∣serve their own Chair, then joyn with Pagans, to invade the Chaires of other Churches, as a thief that steals for his necessity, is more to be pardoned, than an Adulterer that wrongs his neighbour for his lust: but the Romish Popes shewed themselves de∣void of all conscience, and honour, and fear of God, in that they combin'd to deprive us of our liberty, then about 596. when themselves lay groaning for the loss of their own: being worse than robbers under the Gallowes, or the thief that reviled our Saviour, be∣ing himself under the same condemnation; which, together with the violation of the Canons, is the reason the Brittains in Bede esteemed these Roman-ca∣tholicks and their Disciples, no better than Pagans, us∣que hodie moris est Britonum, fidem Anglorum pro nihilo habere, nec in aliquo communicare quam cum Paganis, lib. 2. c. 20. Yea they were more reconcilable to the Pagan Saxons, that rob'd them of their Countrey, as appears by their leagues, and friendships, and intermarriages (reproved as afore by Lupus and Germanus,) than with Inhuman Christians that us'd Pagan assistance to rob them of their Faith, and tread down their Church: (for they valued Truth above their Territory.) And they would not admit any of the Romish, into their Brittish com∣munion,

s 1.152 under 40 dayes pennance, as the Ro∣manists (to serve their designes) denyed the validity of the Brittish Ordinations, as they do still, that of our English; so that the Church of England now, as the old Brittish Church heretofore, stand upon the same points of difference from Rome, those of Mission, and Superstition, and Supremacy, upon which three most of the rest depend, which leads, to give a more particular character and description of Au∣gustine and his Roman Faith, as it then stood in op∣position, that the state of the Controversy, and the merit of both Churches and Causes may the more fully appear.

SECTION VIII. The face of the Roman Church about the same time, and of Augustin's Qualification and method for his pretended propagation of the Gospel amongst the English; and that the Nation are under no Obligation to Rome for his work here, but bound by their Christianity to abhorre and detest it.

TO this end I shall only briefly recount some passages out of Bede. 1. Touching his qua∣lification for the pretended Conversion of the Saxons. 2. His method of propagating his Ro∣man Faith amongst them. That several of the

English Nation, as well Learned as Unlearned, and Romanists as well as Protestants, may review and consider, how this Augustine can be ever own'd for an Apostle of the English, without wrong and disparagement to Gods Church, and the Truth, and themselves.

1. Touching his Qualification in respect of Learn∣ing and principles: And his elocution and means of conveyance of the other, to his Disciples. It ap∣pears he was no great Clerk, (wherein yet he may far better be born with, because of the rude Age he lived in) not only by his insisting upon the Alexandrine Calender, as afore, (not above an hun∣dred years standing before his time,) as a Tradition of St. Peter, so necessary to the right being of a Church, that by Divine Revelation, he prognostica∣ted the destruction of the Brittish Doctors by hostile Arms for their dissent therein, and the other two points, about Baptism and preaching to the Saxons; but also from his Questions and Scruples sent to his Pope Gregory, (much about the same size for parts, though above for dignity:) Whose common character is, that he was the worst that went before him, and the best Pope of all, that came after him. Hisa 1.153 eight interrogation and scruple is, si praegnans mulier debet baptizari: If a woman being with child, might lawfully be baptized? That she was believing, is pre∣suppos'd; and in case she had been delivered, that she had been so many days (as her child proved Male or Female,) Levitically unclean, and consequently un∣capable of Baptism (by his Romish Divinity, which at this time, like the Alcharon, was a mixture of Ju∣daism and Christianity) was, with him, out of question:

but what was to be done, before her delivery, and pollution in child bearing, was his great doubt, to be sent as far as Rome, for an answer; which argued him to be wary, and of a very tender Ignorance in the Christian Faith, he was now to plant and cherish, as the chief Husbandman, and the great Arch-Bishop of these Churches, instead of its Brittish Governours, that were now to be laid aside, and depos'd out of their own Sees and Chairs, for being so unlike to him. Neither will I hear repeat the resolution of the Pope, which is at large in Bede, to this point: much less his elaborate carnal theories, and endless impure speculations, wherewith his Holiness enter∣tains his Grace (in Probation) upon that other question, whether an Husband having known his wife, may enter into the Church, before he be wash'd with Water? verifying an Aphorism, and observa∣tion of St. Paul between them, that where the con∣junction of God and the heart is not heeded and maintained, men become Fools and senceless, Rom. 1, 22-28. 1 Tim. 1.5, 6, 7. for the Soul that hath its face towards God in uncessant Prayer, or any honest imployment in his sight, hath its back ever upon such impurities: as when its face is towards them, its back is ever towards God; And they are better kept wholly out of the fancy, than order'd, and stated, never so well in it: wherein the Casuists, or Sca∣vangers of the Church of Rome to this day, exceed all other writers in the Critical ordering of this Mahumetan filth. Neither was it out of dis-respect to such Fathers, that Bede thought fit to set down such passages, as sober Heathens, Livy, or Tacitus, would not have defil'd their Histories, or their Ho∣nour in recording; but from a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a mind ignorant of what was becoming or unbecoming, by

a Romish taint and fleshliness of the soul, which kept in its purity, Superiority, and distance from things below, is our right person, and Honour and our So∣briety, and our measure to discern good from evil, Decorum from absurdity, as Cicero sets forth in his Offices: which the Roman Principle aim'd at, the Christian attains; the Romish, chiefly neglects and swerves from. But that other direction of Pope Gregory to our Augustineb 1.154 fana Idolorum non demo∣liantur, sed aquâ benedictâ, &c. that IdolTemples were not to be demolished, but to be purified, and con∣secrated to Christian use, with holy Water, savours of an Ignorance and frailty in both, which is less pardonable, because more than humane or Christian; not excusable in any Age, or Condition. Por it al∣lows Idols and Elements, a greater power to defile or Sanctifie, than the light of nature, or Faith can admit of; decent dedication of Churches to Gods service, may agree with reason and Religion, but such Superstitious Sanctifications discover too great a crack in both; For neither is an Idol any thing where there is knowledge, 1 Cor. 8.4, 7. nor can any thing defile, but what comes from the heart, that is, the impure assents of the Soul Math. 15.11. But where the Soul is made nothing of, an Idol becomes considerable and dreadful. And its External impu∣rity requires much external Element to wash it off, with those, whose Religion consists wholly in the out∣side, wherein the Pharisie and the Papist Jump, and our Saviour having refuted the one, refuted the o∣ther by the same Text and argument; But supposing sin could cleave to wals, can Water wash it off from walls or souls? If it can, it must be in the ver∣tue

of Divine blessing and Institution, or without it; That Water alone is ineffectual to wash a Moor, much less a Spirit, or spiritual stain, Heathens had Divinity enough to assure them. That with it, it can, and doth in baptism, was never doubted among Christians. Now to raise this dead Element to work other effects supernatural and miraculous, without Divine Commission or Authority, is to equal and Rival God. For to transfer and apply the holy Wa∣ter of his Institution and blessing, to other Creatures, than whom he redeemed with his precious bloud (for whom they were by himself peculiarly design'd) is such an abominable prophanation, and taking Gods name, and his ordinances in vain, such a charm, and witchcraft, and mingling light and darkness, holy and prophane together, as none could be the first Author and Inventer of, but Satan, the Father of Antichrist, whose known practice of old was to revile and libel Religion by mock-Sacraments, and Sacrifices, and Ephods, to bring it into contempt, as it were by Tra∣vesty and Burlesque, and Ape God Almighty, as drones build cels like to hony combs. Whose me∣thods they of Rome have all along filially observed and imitated above any other Heresie, new or old, saveing the impure Gnosticks; who very probably are the same with our Romanists; As by their descent from the same place, and Father Simon Magus, their exact agreement in character with the false A∣postles in St. Pauls time, who exalted themselves above him, (non ovum ovo similius,) their affecting the best Christian titles, amidst Antichristian hellish Practices and Customs, might be fairly evinc'd; for where are Gods ordinances more daily prophan'd by mocke imitation; holy Baptism applied to Bells and stone Walls; preaching to the fouls of the Air, as be∣fore;

and to shame them to amendment, more than to dishonour a contrary Religion; though they have not yet arriv'd to that abominable prophaness, as actually to feed other domestick Creatures with the Eucharist, they so much worship, yet they have already done it, by their Principles and Customs; it's frequent with them in the Egge, though not in the Serpent; And these are they, who must now be own'd, as the Apostles of our Religion, and Patri∣archs of the English Faith; to whose successors for ever, all obedience and worship, and submission must be paid in all gratitude, for their sake; and not a few (deserted by God for not loving the Truth, 2 Thess. 2.10.) already begin to bow the knee to: Satan, and corrupt Nature, in weak, and simple, and childish judgements, and debauch'd persons (the weakest and simplest of all, for nothing eats out the heart more than vice) helping on the Apostacy, according to the Brittish Proverb, Gwaith hawdh iw methu, It is an easie work to fail; or Socrates his an∣swer to fair Lais, the famous Courtesan, bragging as she met him, that she had more that followed her, than he had; who replied, that her Disciples went down the Hill to her S•• but his, came up Hill to him.

But Augustine, though he was Bare and Poor for Inward Principles and Endowments, yet he was not so ill furnish'd for Outward Appearance, (a true type of his Roman Church to this day, gay without to the eye, but naked, and bare walls within to reason) as appears from the Inventory of his furniture, and Utensilsc 1.155 vasa sacra, vestimenta altarium, Orna∣menta quoque Eeclesiarum, & Sacerd••talia, & Clericalia

indumenta, Sanctorum Apostolorum & martyrum reli∣quias, nec non & codices plurimos, in the last place, and almost forgot, and without the Epithite sacros, to assure us, they were Bibles. Outward and decent Orna∣ments and Ceremonies, in the worship and service of God, cannot be justly tax'd or censured, un∣less the whole stress and substance of Religion be placed therein, and not in the heart: which is much the humour of that Church, and was so much the Principle and composition of our Augustine, that though the Churches of Christ in Brittain, were never so confessedly Ancient and Catholick, as to all the Articles of their Faith, or unblameable in their Discipline, or eminent in their Clergy, yet because they differed from Rome about Easter, in the manner as before, or in not using spittle, or the like nasty Ceremony in Baptism perhaps, as they do; or had not their locks order'd after the like bald-pate manner; (for the pretence of not Preaching to the Saxons, was but a meer artifice and colour) nothing would serve the turn, or allay his zeal, and wrath, but their total subversion and dissolution, by the help of Pagan Arms, and Gods name brought in to abett, and countenance this Barbar•• design and malice, by Hypocritical Prophesies an•• counterfeit Revelations; If one using the name of the King of Spain, should make an Embassy from that Crown to this, now at peace with one another, that if the English con∣form not forthwith, to the Spanish mode, not only in their habit, but the cut of their Hair, and the form of their mustachioes; they must expect nothing less, than the utter destruction of their Church and state, from God and man; though such a message might justly be look'd upon, as the frensy of a mad∣man, would they be free from censure, if they neg∣lected

their own security however, if it was well known by experience, that the like threats had been by dark means executed, before their own doors, within remembrance of their own History?

But the Learning, and Doctrine, of this Pretended Apostle, was not more Weak and Rotten in the heart, than the right means of propagating it with the mouth, was proportionably defective and wanting: and had it been sound and Christian, if (Faith comes by hearing) how could he preach to English ears, when neither understood the other? no more than Duck-Chickens their Hen-dam, recalling them from their connatural Element. Neither is there any Sermon or Homily of his, on record, that might worthily entitle him to our conversion, as is urg'd by thed 1.156 learned and judicious in both particulars. The guift of tongues and power of miracles, here fail'd him, where it was most requisite and necessary; though else-where, (where they were frivolous and needless, he abounded with them) in so much that his careful Pope, writes an Epistle to him on pur∣pose, not to bee 1.157 transported above measure, with the many miracles he wrought, which yet might be of the same nature with his own Divine Revelation,f 1.158 and Gods answer in a dream, to his Prayer for Trajan, to rescue him out of Hell, which God had granted, with this proviso, that he should trouble him no more with his Prayers of that nature for Heathens; and who were like to be his Interpreters, whilst the Neighbouring Ministers of France were back-wardg 1.159 in this work (as Pope Gregory himself complains?) judging them unworthy

of Christian Communion, in the posture they stood to the Brittains, that had hir'd them for Auxiliaries, (as is conjectur'dg 1.160 by another,) the terms of re∣pentance and restitution, being like to be as much insisted, by the one, as rejected by the other; there∣fore some French Merchants skill'd in the English, through their commerce, and Ignorant of the Canons, or some mean Minister, that might be won to Act for Gaine and Interest against the Rules of the Church, and the Principles of his more conscienti∣ous Brethren, must be the Interpreters, and imme∣diate Ghostly Fathers in the English conversion ac∣cording to this state, till in its proper place, it shall be proved, that the Brittains themselves (who best could forgive their own injuries) and the Disciples of their Institution, were by a reconciling Provi∣dence, Gods Instruments in this conversion, and not our Augustine: though it must needs have gone somewhat against the grain, with their Chiefs, to hold the Brittain's lands from them by the Sword, and Heaven by their courtesie; which the Intelligence and Avarice of Rome soon found out, and is the true reason (and not the Jingling Legend of the fair English Slaves sold at Rome in the market;) that some of the Haughty Saxon ••eptarchs, (when it was a shame to stand out, while most of their subjects were converted, and no less an Inconvenience to be introduc'd by the Brittains, whom they forc'd from their Inheritances;) were first set on, to send their desires to Rome, to have it done by the Pope, as appears byh 1.161 Pope Gregory's Epistle to the King and Queen of France, which he readily complied with, aspiring to be Universal Bishop about this time by

the help ofi 1.162 Tyrant Phocas, and therefore sent Au∣gustine in all hast hither; both bethinking of the World∣ly purchase of Supremacy and dominion, that was to be gain'd (right or wrong) thereby, according to the eternal principles and bent of that degenerate Church; carnal ends, requiring carnal means, as suit∣able to promote them, which is the second point to be cleared in this state.

2. By what means our Augustine propagated his (equivocal) Gospel, (so far as it was propagated a∣mongst the English, It was not by the light of Gods word, and the power and demonstration of the spi∣rit, approving it self to every ones Conscience, which out of its eternal Allegiance to God, admits of no Truth without it produce a Divine Ticket along with it, which carnal Evangelists and selfish Apostles find too difficult exactly to coin and coun∣feit: Neither was it with the enticeing words of human wisdom and eloquence, whereof there was now little cause of fear from our Augustine, the one being a Human, the other the right Christian me∣thod of preaching the Gospel, which St.k 1.163 Paul pre∣ferred; But his method had several effects to prove it was rather Satanical and Antichristian, being carried on with carnal Arts, and Craft, and Pride, and Lying wonders, and Blasphemies, and Sacriledge, and Rob∣bery, and Massacre, and Murder, which cannot be from God; and they that take this Augustine to be the Father of their Faith, had need beware whom they take for Grandfather. The names of his fel∣low workmen, that were more eminent than the rest, (but Inferiour in parts in all probability to him their leader,) were Mellitus, Justus, Paulinus, and

whereas ignorance usually is as harmless, as it is dull and flegmatick, theirs was high and pernicious, active and politick and Harpy-like; inferiour to none in the dextrous suiting of their temptations to the several inclinations of the party, who was to be brought a∣bout to serve their turnes. His insolent swelling pride (as Mr.l 1.164 Lambard taxes it) appeared towards the Brittish Bishops, who intended him a respectful meet∣ing, beyond what he could merit for his honesty, (going about to erect a new Bishoprick in a Diocess, that did not belong unto him, as an Altar against Altar, and upon another Altar, against all Laws and Canons) Being sure of one Archbishorick by the Conversion of Ethelbert King of Kent, carrying a great stroak in it, (who was as good as preconverted by o∣thersm 1.165 ministry before he sent for Augustine, though Bede conceal that matter;) The next mark was another Archbishoprick for Paulinus, that of the York, where Elthelfred and Edwin, the one elder, the other younger, are to be won to serve their Church, by different Lures: Old Ethelfred is toll'd out by his ambition, and zealous enmity against Christianity, to seise and destroy the borders of the Brittains in the first place, and himself in the next: Young Edwin is brought over to the Christian Faith by carnal attraction, and an 1.166 marriage with King Ethelbert's Daughter, and the addition of pre-acquaintance in dreams, be∣tween him and Paulinus, to dispose him to Chri∣stianity, not unlike those betweeno 1.167 Paul and Ananias, Act. 9. but in their Truth; for Edwin could be no stranger to the Christian Faith, being brought up from the Cradle to ripe years, asp 1.168 the Brittish

History relates, (Bede not disagreeing, l. 2. c. 12.) with Prince Cadwalhan of the same Age, whom Bede calls Carduella, or Cedwalla, furious enemies afterwards to one another, (thanks to Augustine) to the loss of many thousand lives, sometimes the one, and sometimes the other prevailing, and kil∣ling, and burning all before them; Edwin in the end going by the worst, and Paulinusq 1.169 forc'd to quit his new Archbishoprick, and return with young Edwin's Queen to Canterbury,q 1.170 Carduella non pepercit religioni eorum exortae jam, &c. Cadwalhan not sparing to root up his new plantation Northward, for the rea∣son before cited out of Bede. And yet this old part of their Ministry in match-making, and bestowing mens Kingdoms from them upon others, to the distur∣bance of Nations, and sometimes of themselves, the Church of Rome is not out of love with, to this day: And had it not been for a subtiler 1.171 Miracle of Laurentius, the whole plantation of these Italian adventurers had gone presently to wrack. For Lon∣don soon expell'd these Forreign propagators, with Mellitus their new Bishop, who never durst return any more. Bede smothers the true reason of this usage, and sayes in one place, that Seberts Children (then the Princes of London) did it, because Mellitus denyed them, being unbaptiz'd, the pure whites 1.172 bread of the Eucharist, which their eye long'd for, to tast, as if they had been inur'd but to brown-bread before: In† 1.173 another place, Londonienses excludunt Mellitum Idololatris pontificibus servire gaudentes: The Londoners sent him away, preferring Heathenish Idolatry before the Roman Religion: As if the Saxon Pagans of London, had not the like noble disposi∣tion

for the Truth, as the Kentish; but those had more Grace than these. But takes no notice of the Majority of the people of London, being Ancient Brittains, reduc'd by treaty, and Christians there∣fore by consequence; which was a reason, they had a Brittish Archbishop and Clergy residing amongst them (from the beginning of Christianity, and after the Saxon Invasion for an Age or two, till they were† 1.174 expell'd to make room for Monk Augustine.) Who did not welcome Augustine himself, though coming with his Pall from the Pope, to be an Archbishop amongst them, which is the reason Malmsbury in∣timates of his setling at Canterburyu 1.175 where he was better welcome, and very probably was the fear and jealousy, that mov'd him to make Laurentius his successor at Canterbury, in his life time, against the Canons, to secure the succession; least the Primacy after his death should devolve, where it was before, and who but London could raise this fear, because of old Right? Much less therefore would they welcome Mellitus as a bare Bishop over them, or contribute to their own degradation, as well as the Sacriledge and Schisme: Bede therefore is right as to the fact, though not the cause, that the Londoners sent him on going, which is confirmed by Malmesburie'sx 1.176 Penu•• ria Potestatis, that Ealbald had not power enough to keep him there, which cannot be understood of the opposition of the Sebarets, who were his Cousinsy 1.177 and at his Devotion, but more probably of the body of the City, as Christians, better principled. But then Eadbald, who succeeded Ethelbert, aposta∣tizing from his Fathers Faith, had like to have

blasted the remaining part of his Nursery left at Canterbury, had not Laurentius, I say, step'd in with a miracle, being sorelyz 1.178 scourg'd all over black and blew by St. Peter, as he lay in Church, the whole night before, for having some thoughts him∣self to follow Mellitus, and Justus Bishop of Ro∣chester, his Companions, who in despair of doing any good here, were resolv'd to go for France: The sight and story whereof made a new alteration, and a present compassion in the well meaning King, and Justus and Mellitus to return to England shortly after, but all to little purpose; Edilred King of Mercia, not many years after, viz. Anno 676. coming upon them Malignoa 1.179 exercitu, with a Malignant Army (for Mercia had now, and before, received the Christian Faith from Brittish Teachers,) laid all Kent wast, saith Bede, and demolish'db 1.180 all their Churches and Monasteries to the ground, with the like irreverence to their Italian Religion, as Carduella or Cadwalhan had in the North, and the City of Rochester was de∣stroyed in the same common ruine and calamity,b 1.181 Putta its Bishop retiring and ending his dayes with Sexwulf (Bishop of Mercia,) His Church being destroyed and plunder'd of all it had. Feigned Mi∣racles, like hot waters with the intemperate, may a little recover the spirits, but they shorten life: Da Kelwidh tra' coelir, Od eir ymhelh gwelh iw'r gwîr, saith the Brittish Proverb; A Lye may do, while it is believed, but at long running, Truth is better. But this whipping story was not well feigned and designed, to be believed for true, by wiser posterity, however it might for the present delude an ignorant Heathen: For we seldom or never read, that separated

souls, (but only Christ, or Gods Angels) appear'd to men, to direct them at a stand, saving in one case, where it is hard to determine, what appear'd to Saul, whether the Ghost of Samuel, or the Devil in his shape; withall this action more fitted a Town Beadle than a glorified Apostle; or if St. Peter must be so severe and Butcher-like, it might rather be, not for his departing, but his staying behind the rest of his Companions, to disturb good Christians, and corrupt poor Infidels with a false and bloudy Religion; or if there were any reality in it, beyond Melanchol∣ly, or Art, it might rather be the wrath of a tor∣menting spirit for deserting his cause, or if done up∣on himself with his own hands, we have presidents of Crafty criplesb 1.182 endicted for the like stratagem to move compassion, before some of our sage Judges. But Mellitus his rushingc 1.183 into the midst of flames, to quench a great fire in Canterbury with his Prayers, looked more like a true wonder (especially in one of his race and Principles,) who if not belyed, are better skill'd in burning Cities, than saving; and blowing up States and Kingdoms, as is too well known. What Religion can that be, or what obligations can it tye of obedience and gratitude upon Intelligent minds and consciences, that's supported and Propagated by Divine lies and Impostures, so hateful to God, and conscience, and honour? every lye, as Cicero could observe, carry∣ingd 1.184 Perjury and Atheism in it, in its defyance and slight of God and conscience, which it sees and knows to contradict it: and the lye, that quotes God for its Author, being the most abominable and worst of lyes: No less were the converting

Miracles of Augustine himself, the chief Thauma∣turgus, which imposed upon the belief of venerable Bede, and much more upon the less descerning multi∣tude, not only in restoring sight to thee 1.185 blind Saxon, he brought, Punteus-like, with him, (for to have tryed it upon an honest Brittain, if there had been any at the disputation, might have prov'd as difficult, if not as impossible, as his more necessary guift of tongues) and that not about any point of Salvation, or the extraordinary Glory of God, but (after miracles had long ceas'd in the Church, de∣signed only for the unbelieving) about a trifle, a∣bout some scruples or minutes of the Calendar (in a Gamster-like wager) and imitation of Elias; the main juggle and drift being to discredit and subvert an Ancient Church in their well built Faith, and Customs, with Legerdemain. But more espe∣cially and most abominably in his Enthusiastical Pro∣phecy off 1.186 War and ruin to the Brittish Doctors and their People by the Arms of their Enemies, for not joyning their assistance with him, to Preach the Gospel to the English, Quibus vir Domini Au∣gustinus fertur minitans praedixisse, &c. to whom Au∣gustine the man of God, is reported to Prophecy by way of threat, that if they refus'd Peace from Brethren, they should receive War from Enemies, and suffer a revenge of death by the hands of the English, to whom they refused to Preach the word life. Wherein he entitles God himself to all the lyes, and mischiefs, and spoils, and murders, and mas∣sacres, that were contriv'd to attend this prediction; which he grounded upon three false Assertions; First, that the Brittains envyed the Gospel to the

English. (2) That he good man, came hither, from Rome, for no other end but to Preach it to them. (3.) That because they refused to joyn in that Ministry with him, for the Salvation of their Souls, therefore God had reveal'd unto him, a Mene tekel, or a suddain destruction, to come upon them by their Enemies.

(1.) And the first is the strongest exception, or Quo Warranto to overthrow the Christianity of the Churches of Brittain, (to the just forfeiture of their Sees, to rhe greater zeal and diligence of Rome,) that we hitherto met; that, against the chief pre∣cept and example of their Saviour, to love their Enemies, (the badge of true Christians) they should have that living sence of the loss of this present world, (to which they were dead by their Faith and Baptism) as out of Satanical discontent, to let go their hold of the other likewise, and suffer them∣seves to be beaten out of their charity and duty, as well as their Country, and to revenge to Eternity a wrong of time: But that experience daily imforms, that doing of a wrong more dissolves all charity in the soul, than suffering it; and that men usually hate where they hurt, though they be forgiven, and secur'd by a Christian temper against the suspition of revenge and repercussion; for he that wrongs ano∣ther fights and assaults the Almighty, (in whose hands, and Laws, all mens persons, and beings, and consequently all mens rights are preserv'd and kept, Act▪ 17.) and every conscience, (upon its reflection and sence of such a War) is either presently smitten into Infinite repentance and restitution; or becomes harden'd diabolically in its Rebellion, and can∣not rest, till it finish its hatred and destruction of the Innocent, without cause, as it first began; but it is

not so in suffering wrong, especially with Patience and forgiveness; wherein we become liker to Christ; and every loss in this, is gain in the other world, and a manifest token, according to St. Paul, Thess. 1.5, 6, &c. of just fear, and hope, of damnation, or Sal∣vation, respectively to the one or to the other; and the Brittish Apothegme, Duw a ro Imi fymhenid yn y bid yma, God grant me all my pain and Penance in this world, will well agree with the Apostolical Triumph, we glory in Tribulations wherein we are more than Conquerours, and beholding (through him that loved us) to them that hate us, Rom. 5.3.-8.37. So that it is more in reason to be suspected and fear'd, the Saxons were more averse to hear the Gospel from them, as Hector Boethius well observedh 1.187 than the Brittains, to Preach it to them; who brought it to their doors, (as Bede covertly and loathly intimates) and maintained their Cross and Church at Canterbury, in the Metropolis and Capitol of their Enemies, where they were disabled to keep their Colours; and when, through pride of Victory, some af the Saxons Heptarchs scorn'd Salvation from the hands of their Masters, whom they had made their Vassals, but continued to stop their Ears, and chose rather to be poison'd from abroad, than heal'd by them at home, and invited forreign Quacks to abuse their Souls, as well as to combat and destroy their Brittish Church and Clergy, it was time for charity it self to wax faint and weary, Act. 13.46. and to resolve to put up its Pearls, as conscience grows mute, after long dis-regard. But to hear our Augustine, or any of the Romish Principle, to tax them for it,

Ʋltra Sauromatas fugere hinc libet, &c. the detestable Hypocrisy is enough to make one burst with indigna∣tion, that they should accuse, whose frequent practice, upon the least pretended violation of their usurp'd authorities, was to suspend Cities, interdict whole Kingdoms, for a good part of an Age, whose entire Religion and policy is to de∣prive Christian Souls of the Gospel, and Bible, and Religion, and Knowledge, and to stick a feather of an Ave Mary, or Pater Noster, to colour the stealing of the substance. But it is alleadged, it is not Augustin's charge alone, but the crime of the Brittains urg'd by Bede out of their own Gildas,i 1.188 Brittonas hoc facinus addere supe∣rioribus, ut nunquam fidem Saxonibus praedicarent: For an answer; this is strongly to be suspected to be a Monkish forgery, or an addition to the Text of Gildas, because, where better could such a calumnie, with more probable success be inserted, than to a Book which rip'd up all their Crimes and frailties? Which perhaps is the reason, that, that Ancient Book alone was suffered to survive; because the Clause is absolutely and notoriously false in fact: And Gildas would never have been guilty to belye strangers, much less his own Nation: Or, it is justly to be fear'd, Bede took Gildas by the wrong handle,k 1.189 like such, as would accuse and traduce a searching Preacher, for a false accuser, or defamer of most of his Parish; making no distinction be∣tween Charge and Enditement, or righteousness in the sight of God, (before whom none are just) and righteousness before men (where many are and

ought to be unblameable) which is the disingenuity of Milton likewise towards them, like those, that would measure the morality of the English Nation towards their neighbours, from their humble and publick confession before God, that they have no truth in them. Gildas his reproofs are in the General; and of none in Particular, but their Princes, out of his Christian zeal, and courage, and Paternal bowells, to set them and their Countrey at Rights with God. And though, through the faults of the English, or their own, (through prejudices and Hostilities in the one, and passion, or frailty, or Cainish ne∣glect of extending the Grace they had received to others round about) in the other, some might be too far guilty of Gildas his charge of Christian un∣naturalness, which is to be feard, hath made far more Reprobates in the World, than ever Gods De∣crees did; yet the whole Brittish Church could not be justly charg'd therewith, though some should have peevishly denyed it, to such as were willing to receive it, whereof there is no instance; for it was never any publick Resolution or agreement be∣tween them, nor the particular perverse judgment of any that were chief in Authority for Learning and wisdom amongst them, which bears some equi∣valence to publick Allowance; as it was not of Gildas his own liking, who mentions this possible default in some, with very severe and bitter reproof (which Bede had not the Nostril to distinguish per∣haps from Approbation,) nor of those of the Brittish Clergy, that concurr'd with Gildas in the like de∣testation of such a sin, by whose prayers and ex∣amples, he confesses, he was much supported in evil times, and declares he would not have his re∣proofs to be understood to reach them in the least.

For we shall find the contrary to what Bede affirms, to be true all along, of whom a great lover, and an able and Impartial Judge, of Truth, for several such particulars, gives this character.l 1.190 Ex Anglo Saxonum gente fuisse considerandum, qui, & Brittanicarum Antiquitatum inscii, & a Rebus Brit∣tonum ornandis animo fuerunt alienissimo: For (to reserve the proof of the Gospel being planted a∣mongst the English by the Ministry of the Brittains, to its proper place,) The practice of St. Patrick and his followers, preaching to the Irish his enemies, who enslaved him; likewise that ofm 1.191 Nynias to the Picts, (who were Thornes in the sides of the Brittains, while under the Romans) andn 1.192 St. Kentigern to the English under Octa and Ebyssa, as before, largely proves the contrary. Neither waso 1.193 Asserius Menevensis, backward (when desir'd) to contribute his assistance to King Alfred, to the erecting of the University of Oxford, as a Nursery for the better propagating of the Christian Faith, but left Illa tam sancta loca, in quibus nutri∣tus & doctus fuit, that holy place, wherein he was bred up, and taught under his Archbishop of St. Davids, as he there stiles him, to repair to be a Professor in that Univesity: Where yet, the story saith, there was an old Academy continued, by the Brittains time of out mind, from the dayes of Gildas, and Melkin, and Ninnius, first Teachers there, about 200 or 300 years before. But Kent it self, had been as great an instance, as any, that our Augustin's charge was groundless, to his own knowledge, if Bede had added some more particulars touching the

Church,p 1.194 Augustine found at Canterbury upon his first arrival, built in the time of the Romans, there∣fore not under 200 years (but might be well 400 or 500 years before,) to whichp 1.195 Bertha, Ethelbert's Queen, of French descent, and a Christian, with her Chaplain Luidhardus, did use to resort for Wor∣ship; which Augustine repair'd, and changed its name from St. Martins, unto Chist-Church, making it his Cathedral Seat, and the Metropolis of England; and wherein King Ethelbert was Baptiz'd. If he had likewise inserted, who first built, repaired, and as∣sembled in it, all along, at, and before the arrival of Queen Bertha or Augustine; what was the state of the Countrey, and the Civil Rights and Priviledges of the Kentish Inhabitants, which they retained after the change of their Governours, who came not over them by storm, but by guift and Articles, and what was also the state and Government Ecclesiastical of those parts, before Augustin's arrival, for it appears by our Historians, that the Archbishop of London, (under whom was Kent) was not beaten and driven to quit his See, and flee into Wales, till the year 597. according to Ʋsherq 1.196 (being the next year with him after Monk Augustin's entrance) or 586. according tor 1.197 Math. Westminster, being 10 years before Augustin's setting out according to Bede and him in 596.) whereby it is clear, the Brittish Arch∣bishops of London (as also of York) notwithstanding all Pagan stormes and Invasions, kept their Sees nevertheless; from the entrance of the Saxons till Rome's entrance after them, for about 150s 1.198 years, which implyes they had a Lay-charge still left to

govern. And though Bede disingenuously conceals, Who they were, least Monk Augustine should appear guilty of too much Schisme, and violence, and Sa∣criledge; yet it is easie to conjecture who they were, as well, because the Kentish Brittish Chri∣stians were not forc'd to quit their Countrey, (which was amicably surrendred,) as also because of their Intermarriadges with the Saxons, which brought many of them to the Faith of their own accord; which in King Arthur's time they were all necessi∣tated to embrace, or profess, or quit the Land; and when that necessity and force was over, and all was in the power of the Saxon Pagan Kings again, King Jurminricus (Father to Kingt 1.199 Ethelbert, Monk Augustines convert) Christi doctrinam haud vetuit inter Anglos propalare, saitht 1.200 Hector Boethius out of Turgottus, and who was then to propagate it amongst them, but the Brittains? whereby Bedes faith appears, and false charge against the Brittains Who were the men that assembled, and kept up this Church, till Augustine came: And that Rome, through Augustine, did more michief in one year, toward the subverting the Christian Churches and Sees of Brit∣tain, than the Saxon Pagan cruelty had done in 150 years before. And that the Saxon Communalty were tractable and willing to receive the Faith from the Brittains, and it was only their Kings and chiefs, that through their pride, were averse thereunto, (and not all of them) but some gave leave how∣ever and toleration to their people and Subjects, to become Christians through the Ministry of the Brit∣tains. It is I say to be considered, that Kent was

reduc'd not by conquest, but by grant and courtesie, in considerationu 1.201 to Hengist, for his Daughter Rowenna, to be King Vortigerns second unlawful wife; whereby the people continued in their ha∣bitations and rights, and the Christian Faith in the Countrey with them; though the King yielded his Royalties to strangers, as himself to stranger lusts. And their tenures of Gavel-kind in that County, is a further pregnant proof, which some derive from give all Kyn, or give all Kind; others with more reason and colour from a Brittish Etymology from Gevelh, twinne; because of the equal division of Lands between the Children of that Tenure, or from Gavel which signifies a hold or Tenure, forming the word Gavel-kind therefrom, by a mixt composition of English and Brittish, answerable to that of the people, who are half English, half Brittains, or Gavel-kenedl, the Tenure by Families and Kindreds, as others more probably; or (which may seem the most probable of all, because furthest from any streine, and agreeing, as well with the nature of this Tenure, as the first occasion for the phrase) Gavel∣cynt, the Tenure heretofore, in Syntaxis and right Brittish structure Gavel-gynt, by turning c into g (which kind of Shibboleth, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and change of Initial letters, the English, that live together and speak the Brittish, are seldom known to Master,) whereby the people newly reduc'd under Forreign Government and Customes, did notifie, and plead their former Rights and Tenures, (when any wrong or Cam, was offer'd them, as they use thisx 1.202 Brit∣tish word amongst them to this day.) Which kind of Tenure is known to have been the same, which

was in common usage amongst the Brittainsy 1.203 of old, in Wales, whereby they weakned their houses by this equality, to make good their natural af∣fection and justice. And though after the death of young Vortimer, the Hopes of Brittain, poison'd by his Mother-in-Law Rowenna, (who had beaten the Saxons in several Battells out of the Land, into the Isle of Thanet, and their Ships) they returned again, and finding access to Vortigern, through his Hea∣then Mistress that bewitch'd him, they obtain'd a meeting for a Treaty, and watching their time, andz 1.204 Stabbing about 300 or 400 Brittish Nobles with long Knives, they forc'd the King for his Ransome and Liberty,a 1.205 to quit Essex, Sussex, and Midldesex, as he had done Kent before, through easiness; it is not probable they did, or could use the whole City of London, with those neighbouring Countries, as they did the soft King, and his un∣wary Nobles; but that they had their Terms, as well as Kent; and preferred the profession and Tenure of their Christian Faith before any other right or liberty; which is the cause their Arch∣bishops were able to continue their several Sees till Augustines arrival, as before; whose chief aime was for their dignities, and, as one said, the Bees must first be destroyed, to come at their Honey; which is also the reason of the continuance of the Brittish Church in Canterbury, (which Bede slubbers over) resorted to by the Brittish Christians of Kent, co-habiting with the Saxon Pagans, to whom this is an Argument, that they envyed not the Gospel, because they envyed not their Daughters

inb 1.206 Marriage, and their own flesh and bloud unto them, (as they didc 1.207 to the Picts) and to several of them while unconverted, Ʋtb 1.208 nesciretur quis Christianus, quis Paganus ob mixturam Matrimoni∣orum, & multudinem Saxonum, it was hard to di∣stinguish Christians from Pagans, which was one of the greatest sins, and chiefest provocation (in all probability) of the Ancient Brittains, because (as is usual) found to be the Instrumental, as well as the meritorious cause of their ruin and destruction, as in the Instance of Rowenna; into which they fell, partly by the ill example of their Prince, and part∣ly perhaps by regard to outward shapes and linea∣ments, which no less prevail in the weak and infirm World, that chuses sence before Faith, and the Pre∣sidents of frail Superiours, before the Eternal Laws of Christ and conscience, for its Rule and guide. But as Queen Bertha on the one hand shewed her self rightly instructed in the Principles of Chri∣stianity and communion of Saints, while she chose rather to Assemble her self with fellow Christians in affliction, than to perform her worship with less envy perhaps, in the private Closet of her Palace: So nothing appears more then the contrary, in the Actions of our Augustine, sufficiently Ʋnchristian in their present, and much more pernicious, in the de∣sign'd perpetuity, of their Irregularity: for to joyn in designs with Pagans against Christians, and to erect a private Church before the Publick Cathedral, the Daughter before the Mother, yea to set the Church of Canterbury before all our Ancient Metro∣politans Sees then in being, and several Arch-Bishops residing in them: (if our Roman Christians had been as

kind, as their Pagan Eenemies were towards them, And it could not be a wreck, while there was so much Christianity to be found alive in the Island, neither was Augustine Lord of the Escheate.) To erect I say, an Inferiour Church in opposition and Precedence to all its Superiours, was a manifest scandalous schism in our Agustine to attempt and begin, in all Roman-Catholicks, to approve and promote, for after Ages: Though not so in Protestants to submit to, (by their Principles) after the chief Magistrate and our Laws (to whom such rights belong to here, (and not to the Pope) had interpos'd an Establishment, and Translated their Obedience from one Metropolis to another, whether before in being, or a new erected by them. But our Roman-Catholicks are Fanaticks or schismaticks unavoidably in this point; as well, when they disown a Protestant, or own and acknowledge any Arch-Bishop of their own Church and perswasion in that See. They are Fanatically disobedient by their own Principles in the first case, for to reject and disown a Protestant Arch-Bishop settled by Law, as their Governour, out of duty to the Pope, whom they presume and believe to disallow him; this is like in all proportion to the Protestant's rejecting the Pope, out of duty and Allegiance to Christ, the chief So∣veraign of all; which Papists esteem Fanatical in Protestants: Though Protestants believe, that Christ is to be obeyed, as much before the Pope, as the Pope according to them, above the Archbishop or our Laws, and also, that the Pope in several Doctrines clashes against Christ, as manifestly as any Protestant Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, can ever clash against the Pope; But to take Christ's will and private consci∣ence, to judge of the Pope, is absolutely Fanaticall in Protestants, say the Papists, therefore for dissent∣ing

Papists, out of their Private conscience accord∣ing to the Popes will, to judge and reject any Pro∣testant Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, their lawful Su∣periour, is absolutely Fanaticall by their own Prin∣ciples and sayings, and opening a gap for Inferiours to judge their Governours. And that they are as apparent Schismaticks, in the sence of the whole Christian Church, in obeying or approving any Ro∣man-Catholick Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, usurping Jurisdiction in the Diocess of others against their wills and Rights, shall in due place, more fully ap∣pear; whereby it is manifest that our Romanists (who are first at accusing) cannot stir or move out of the Schismaticks themselves, untill they become Brittish Protestants. Neither was our Augustine and his followers guilty of Schism only, but of Hostility and invasion made upon the Rights of Christian Brethren, which is more than Schism, as much as War and clashing, is more than bare and harmless distance between Friends, which should be one and the same, and a War of a scandalous Insolence, and a more scandalous confederacy; not to be counte∣nanced by any Prince, in the first respect, because commenced without provocation, and tending to level all Superiority in the World, making a Subject Superiour to his Soveraign, the Younger to preceed the Elder, the little Daughter of Canterbury, to command their Greater and Ancienter Mothers of York and London: but the scandal of the confederacy exceeded the Insolence; and the Spiritual confusion, the Temporal, that was attendant to it; such was his combination with Pagans against Christians, to promote his wordly Pride, making himself worse than a Pagan thereby to any sober judgement; as if the Rector of Otranto, or a Greek Priest sojourning there, should

combine to betray the Town, to the great Turk, on terms that not only that Church should be made equal to the See of Rome, as was Ravenna, but Metro∣polis to it, and himself Superiour to the Pope, when it, and all Italy were reduc'd by Turkish Arms, who could soon silence all Christian Priviledges and pre∣scriptions for the contrary title; Its in vain to make application: for the Idolatrous Pride and madness of them at Rome, scorns to be reduc'd and shakled by the Laws of Nations, or common band of Christen∣dome, or the great Law of doing to others, as they would be done by; what promotes their Church, and its Grandeur, is Right Christianity, be the means never so Turkish, or Heathenish, or unconscionable: and what abates it in the least, is Heresie, or Turcism, be they never so Christian or Regular: All Laws, and Canons, and Bibles themselves, are to be interpre∣ted and regulated by their own becks and Interests: according to the like character Busbeqius gives of the great Turk, (a Partner Antichrist) nil aequum putat, quod nolit; nil iniquum, quod velit: nothing with him is just or unjust, but his own will and pride. The Brittains could easier brook rapacious Heathens to Rob them of their Country, than holy Christians (holpe by Heathens) thus to Rob them of their Sees and Churches. But their wonder and regret is answered in their own Proverb, that reports a Gen∣tleman (who became a Highway-man) when a near kinsman Rob'd by him, minded him of his Birth and consanguinity, for better usage, to have return'd this answer to that Plea, Na choelia dy gi dy hun, pan gyndheiriocca, trust not thy own Dog, when he runs mad.

(2) The Btittains were not backward therefore, but forward enough, to Preach and promote the Gospels

among their Enemies, though not all so forward, as the zeal of Gildas did wish, by reason of their many discou∣ragements and Impediments from Hostilities, especi∣ally from Augustine and his party, who 2ly. came not over hither to Preach the Gospel as he pretends, but to fish in troubled waters, and to raise his fortune out of the misfortunes and calamities of the Brit∣tains, like those that come to steal goods, when mens houses are on fire: for as he could do but little good by his coming, for want of learning and the Language; so there was no need at all of his coming, for Queen Bertha had prepar'd her Husband for Baptism, as Pope Gregory intimates in his Epistle to her,d 1.209 com∣paring her to Queen Helena Mother of Constantine the Great, for her zeal and endeavours in this affair, (Where (by the way) it is observable, by the con∣fession and tradition of Popes themselves, who was the chief Instrument under God, in preparing and converting the first Christian Emperours, Constan∣tius Chlorus her Husband, and Constantine the Great, her Son, and the rest of the Emperours by conse∣quence, after their example to the Christian Faith: If Rome had the like to say, of any of her Daughters, as Brittain of her Helena, to have given the like overthrow to the Heathen World, the like encourage∣ment and exaltation to the Christian, who could stand before her brags?) And what Queene 1.210 Bertha had so prepar'd, Luidhardus her Chaplain, who attended her, was well able to consummate, and to Baptize the King, whom he had no doubt instructed in the Faith before, which he was far more qualified to do, than Augustine was, or could

be, having not the Tongue, nor that guift of Mi∣racle. What came this Monk so many Miles hither for? was it for the souls health of the Saxons, and to Preach the Gospel to them in conjunction with the Brittains, as he here pretends? he should have us'd some likely means towards the attaining of this end, better ingratiated himself with the Brittains, than to pick quarrels about trifles, and tonsures, and inconsiderable Ceremonies, against the Generale 1.211 Instructions of his Pope; honoured them with his communion, as did Bertha and Luidhardus; hin∣der'd confederacies with Pagans against them, as didf 1.212 Palladius in Scotland: or, as Leland Roundly and solidly reproves this Italian Hypocrisie, and zeal of him and his Pope, in the judgement of the learned and eloquentf 1.213 Arch-Bishop Parker, (sup∣posed to be the Author of Antiquitates Ecclesiasticae) debuerat Gregorius admonuisse Saxonas, gentem per∣fidem, ut si sincerè Christianismum admittere vellent, Britanniae Imperium, (quod contra Sacramentum mi∣litiae per tyrannidem occupaverant) justis Dominis, as possessoribus restituerent, Pope Gregory by his Au∣gustine, ought to have admonished the Saxons, who were a perfidious Nation; that if they intended to embrace the Christian Faith in sincerity, and to any purpose, they should restore the Scepter of Brittain to the right Lords and owners, who had hir'd them for their service and defence, from whom on the con∣trary, they wrested it by force and perjury, against the Faith and honour of Souldiers. But Cressy ob∣jects quiet Possession for 4 or 5 descents fron Hengist; as if Emrys, or Aurelius Ambrosius; and Ʋther Pen∣dragon, and Arthur, as well as Young Vortimer,

had made no re-enties. But this seemed as unsuc∣cessful Divinity with Augustine, as to desire the leave and liking of the Brittains to be Arch-Bishop of Canterbury over their heads: or to be ordained and consecrated by the Brittish Bishops, in order there∣unto, which he so far shunned, that he went o∣ver Seas to France, as far as Arles tog 1.214 Etherius Arch-Bishop there, to receive his consecration for Arch-Bishop of England, and that saith Bede, by the special directions of Pope Gregory, which compar'd with the former passage of the same Pope, con∣cerning Brittain never having had a Pall from Rome, and consequently never being Subject to, or depend∣ing upon that See, and their subsequent indefatigable Industry (after Augustine's Plantation and succession was extinct) of thrusting new Arch-Bishops from time to time, and undervaluing all our Brittish consecra∣tions, manifestly proves the bottom of Romes design upon England: that it was not Edification but Empire, that was ever there aim; though with the ruin of this Ancient Church, if it could no other ways be compassed; so Augustine had the face in a Synodical meeting of the Brittish Bishops near Worcester, as before, to require the Brittains to joyn with him (assuming now to be an Arch-Bishop here against leave, and Law, and Canons) to Preach the Gospel to the Saxons (which was his pretext and Artifice to hook in their allowance and approbation of his un∣just and Schismatical usurpation;) which subtile Proposal was difficult to be granted, or denied, but either with the Inconvenience of betraying their Church, and Country, and Christian communion, (by the Canons of the Church) if they yeilded to

joyn with him; or having the odium of witholding the Gospel from the Saxon Pagans, if they refus'd: which is the true rise and State of this Infernal ca∣lumny rais'd again the Brittains, of their denying to Preach the Gospel to the Saxons, which induc'd the worthy and Reverend Author afore mention'd,h 1.215 to conclude this meeting to have been contriv'd for a snare, to get words of Indignation from them, to provoke the Pagan Saxons to form a War against them, to ruin the remainder of the Brittish Clergy in Wales, and to cover the combination with Prophesie, to Father the murder upon God to make it justice.

(3) And accordingly Ethelbert, as Bede acknow∣ledges,h 1.216 provok'd Ethelfred King of Northumber∣land the chief Patron of Paganism, and Enemy of the Christian Faith, against them, (upon the score of the high words that passed between them, and Au∣gustine at that meeting) and it is as easy to guess: who informed and incensed his new convert, King Ethelbert, from his denunciation of War against them upon the place, though in the form of Pro∣phesie and Divine Revelation, Si pacem cum fratri∣bus accipere nollent, bellum ab hostibus forent accepturi, no small evidence with considering men,i 1.217 of this Apostles having a chief hand in the Barbarous en∣suing murders, and long and bloudy Wars, and devastations that followed, which he could so cer∣tainly fortell: for these and other Saxon Kings, coming with united forces, against Brochwael Scy∣thrawg Prince of Powys, not so well provided for them, and soon putting him to the rout at Legecestria, saith Bede, that is Westchester, (Wales being then

larger than now it is, and by the Brittains called Caer∣leon, from a Roman Legion that quartered in that City,) sell in the next place upon the Monks that were with him in his Army, and slew of them 1250. no more but fifty of them escaping Their assisting with their Prayers, being made a pretence for this hostile usage by the Kings, so saith Bede: But the Norman Ancient M. S of Trivet in Spelmani 1.218 saith, that they were found in the City,k 1.219 and every one of them put to the Sword in cold bloud, because they were Brittains, the Latine copies of Bede add this to be done, after the death of our Augustine, but there is no such clause in any of the Saxon Manu∣scripts,l 1.220 and Bishop Jewel finds Augustine's hand to se∣veral Charters signed some years after this Massacre, committed inm 1.221 603. whereas our Augustine acord∣ing to our best Chronologers dyed notn 1.222 till 613, so that He might well be present at the place of their slaughtero 1.223 (If it was not according to some in 613. the same year that he dyed which was a bloudy Le∣gacy) encouraging their Executioners: Whereby we have a tast of the Roman forgeries, while they were masters of our Records and Manuscripts: Nothing that seemed to make for their Church, have they neg∣lected to insert, without either Art, or Colour; nor to expunge and alter all that made against them, (as thisp 1.224 passage of Augustine, against all circum∣stances, and the opinions of the most Candid Anti∣quaries; doing their works of darkness in the light, or according to the Brittish saying, ymgudhio

ar gefn y gist, hiding themselves upon the back of chest.

Not contented with so small a slaughter of Inno∣cents, they march on triumphantly to destroy the rest, with their famous Monastery of Bangor, not a∣bove 10 Miles off, where they were overtaken by by the Princes of North and South-wales, and Corn∣wall,c 1.225 who kill'd ten thousand sixty and six upon upon the place, Edelfred himself wounded and beaten by Cadvan Prince of Northwales (chosen for their Monarch) as far as Humber: Not to mention the cruel Wars, that followed between Cadwal∣han, or (according to Bede,) Cedwalla the Son of Cadvan, and Edwin King of Northumberland, up∣on whose overthrow, England was shortly after cleared of all the Remainder of our Augustin's plan∣tation in the North, and in Kent also, as was said; Providence making room by the bloud of Martyrs, for the plantation of the Gospel amongst the English, in our Brittain, upon a Brittish score, and not a Roman: It being more for the English Honour, and Ʋnion, and Innocence, to have received the Faith from Gods Apostles, through Brittish hands, than from Rome and Augustine; who during the short reign of him and his Italian successors, were able by their principles and endowments, to sow nothing here, but Ignorance, and Superstition, and Schisme, and Rapine, and Sacriledge, and Murders, and Massacres, all fathered upon God by Miracles and Revelations, as is the usual method with Hypocrites. For no Idol set up in any heart instead of Christ, as is the World with the chief Governours, and the Pope by the governed in the Church of Rome, by their

Doctrines and practice; and every lust or sordid private end in any mans heart whatsoever, in Christs throne, by negligence and sensuality; which is Spi∣ritual servitude and Idolatry; but this new Lord of the heart will have new Laws, new Religion, and and Customes, and this new fundamental rule and precept, that there must be no other Gods before it. But out of zeal to it, every thing (though of God,) (that shall stand in its way to cross and hinder,) must down, and veile; whether it be the voice of Con∣science, or the lives of the Innocent, or the Rights of men, and Churches, and Nations, and Kings, or the honour and glory of Almighty God himself: For as Christ in the heart mortifies all sin and vice there∣in, so any Idol in the heart mortifies and extirpates all honesty, and good Conscience, and Christ him∣self in, and out of it. This being the great distemper and dangerous captivity of the Souls of men, which God in all habitudes, and Incarnations is so care∣ful to prevent and preserve, as a Hen her young ones from the Invasions of the Aire, by careful Pa∣rents and sober Governours, by Conscience within, by the faithful advice of Friends without, as a se∣cond Conscience, by the examples and different ends of men good and evil, by Scripture, by his Son, by his holy Spirit, by Pulpits, by Tribunals, and Exe∣cutions, by Judgments, and Plagues, Famine, Sword, Fire, and Captivity, and Hell fire at last forever to consume it, when his care and patience is too much abus'd, and his soveraignity despis'd and dis∣own'd, and all other means have fail'd.

Their natural descent and extraction, (which is not in mens power,) were it in the modern English from the old Saxons, (and not from the Brittains in more than ••00. to one, than from the other, as is far more pro∣bable,)

is no disgrace, or imputation upon posterity; all others having sometimes been equal to them herein, in their Heathenish Original, at least from Adam, who by departure from God, began all Ido∣latry and Heathenism, (which is the Scripture phrase for Atheisme) throughout the World: but to derive the Original of their Faith, (which is more in their choice and election) from Hypocrites, and Lyars, and Murderers, such whose present Com∣munion ought to be abhorr'd, and detested by all good Christians, and by consequence any ancient and past Society or derivation from them, (the E∣ternal Soul being unconfined from space and time in its Election and Refusals,) No English, Learned or Unlearned, can, or ought to involve themselves in such a guilt and participation of Crimes and Er∣rours, upon the colour of the first Conversion of their Ancestours by this ignorant and ungodly Monk from Rome, because the colour and pretence it self is remov'd out of the way by good Providence, and Gods regard to innocent bloud; for it shall be made further to appear, that this pretended Plantation of our, Augustine, whatever it was, was totally rooted out and extinguish'd here; and himself to be no better than a Schismatic, or a Pagan, for his Intrusion, in the account of the Canons of the universal Church, as well as of our Injur'd Brittains: and the Saxons, or English to have had the Gospel rightly preached a∣mongst them in every County by an Orthodox Brit∣tish Ministry, of different Principles from the Degene∣rate Church of Rome, which is our fourth point to be cleared in order.

SECTION IX. That the Gospel was planted among the English throughout their Counties by Brittish Mini∣stry: And that Augustin's Roman planta∣tion here came to nothing, and no Bishop lest in all this land of Rome's Ordination, but one, and he a Simonaick; and that the body of the Nation are Old Brittains, and our Princes especially, and therefore by honour and nature bound to maintain the Rights of our Brittish Church against Forreign en∣croachments.

THat the Gospel by good Providence was plan∣ted amongst the Saxons or English, through∣out the Counties they had reduc'd, by Brittish Preachers and Doctors, and not by Roman; (for in the rest of Brittain the old Original Apostolical Faith continued:) which shall be largely proved by particular Instances of fact, after two previous sup∣positions sent before to prevent and remove the Rubbish of vulgar errours and mistakes.

1. And first it is to be remember'd and repeated, that the Gospel from its first planting by the Apostles was never extinguish'd or eradicated from among the Brittains, (as it soon far'd with our Augustin's adventures upon the English,) but that they per∣severe to praise God to this day, in the same Religion and Language with their forefathers, these 1600

years and upwards, as they trust to continue till Christ's second coming: Being the same Religion that was alike preserv'd amongst the Cornish, and several West-Saxons Counties, and in the a 1.226 Cam∣brian or Cumbrian Kingdom of the Brittains in the North, reaching from a 1.227 Edenburgh and both the Friths, down to the Rivers Derwen, orb 1.228Tervyn, or thec 1.229Ravonglas, or further in Cumberland; and over all Scotland and Ireland, and the Isle of man: where it is clear against all Arts and Inventions, and Legends and dreams, that the first planting of the faith amongst them people, was by Brittish, and not by any Romish Mission, or Ministery; from the difference Augustine met, and found here between these Churches and the Roman, upon his arrival, not on∣ly in several Customes, and observations, (which savour'd of the East more than Rome) but in (the most material characteristical distinction) that can be imagin'd or conceived between Churches that pre∣tend to hold the same Faith, that of Subjection and Ordination, which the Brittish Churches never ac∣knowledged, nor received from Rome, but from

themselves, or from Jerusalem, whence Rome it self must derive, as from the common mother of Chri∣stendom, or it is no Church of Christ, Isa. 2.3.

2. That the Communalty of the Brittains in Lhoegr and Alban, (or England and Scotland) Cit∣tizens, Shop-keepers, Farmars, Peasants, and their Wives, and Daughters, and Servants, and little Children, which were a considerable part of that (as they are of every Nation,) were not totally put to the Sword by the Conquering Party, nor ex∣pell'd their Borders, nor consum'd by Plague, as some vulgarly dream and believe. The Trunk and body of the Brittish Nation continuing still the same, under the successive yoakes of Romans and Saxons, and Danes, and Normans; whose War was ever against the Lords and Nobility, for the dominion and Tribute of the Populacy: These submitting suc∣cessively to the most prevalent party, and in their turnes producing great Spirits for their Countrey, while the others circularly degenerated and strangely vanish'd, and digesting and assimilating in time, their Conquerours, and men of War into their own substance and temper, unless abundantly and constantly recruited from their first Homes. There was a particular precept and exception for the Anathema, or excision of all the old Inhabitants of the Land of Canaan, to secure Gods Israel a∣gainst Heathenish mixtures and impurities; yet how many Perizzites, and Jebusites, and Canaanites escaped notwithstanding from being cut off? But no such command from Heaven was ever given against the Brittains; nor did the Interest of the Con∣queror require the desolation of the Land: Neither were the Pagan Saxons so zealous before, for the removal of the Brittish Clergy out of Lhoegr in∣to

Wales, as after the arrival of Monk Augustine upon them.

When the Picts from the North, & Scoti à Circio, saith Gildas, that is, the Irish from the West, began to Invade, and overpower the naked Brittains, be∣ing a little before drain'd by Maximus, (making for the Empire,) of all their Armes, and Treasure, and Fighting men, who never return'd home, but were for some space a terrourd 1.230 to the whole Roman Empire, it was not out of Antipathy to these Nations, that they made such Inroads; (being themselves Colonies, that time had greatly incorporated, into the same bloud and Language with the Brittains, as appears by the names of places to this day over Ireland, and especially the North-east of Scotland, the Station of the Picts, being very much Brittish, as in Wales,) But out of Revenge against the Roman power here, who forced the Brittains to serve under them, to fight and gall them, being neighbours, and flesh and bloud; which made some great Spirits amongst the Brittains, to fly over to the Picts, as did Cremus by name, or Graham their Chief leader, and Father, they say, of the Noble Montrossian Family, whom the Scottishe 1.231 Histories confess to be a Brittain: And when the Saxon Auxiliaries, (instead of marching against the enemy) turned their Armes against their Masters, uponf 1.232 pretence of want of pay, and the opportunity of their weakness, killing all before them, from one end of the Land to the other, (as Gildas very querulously exaggerats) all that stood in their way to be killed: Nevertheless the Brittains

soon after recovered in Numerous and Regular Armies under Heroick Princes, to call their bloudy Mercenaries to a strict account for this, by the care and means chiefly of [g] Guitelinus Archbishop of London, of Irish extraction, as is conjecturable from his name, to whom the Brittains did owe Aurelius Ambrosius, and Ʋther Pendragon, and consequently Arthur his Son, preserved from the hands of the Usurper Vortigern, who had procured Constans the Elder Brother, (being under his tuition) to be made away; and hanged the Murderers for a colour of his Innocence; for as soon as they had War-like Leaders, they soon became Souldiers, to vindicate their wrong; animated with Guiteline's exhortation of the vicissi∣tude between the Sword and the Spade: So that the destruction and slaughter could not be so uni∣versal, especially upon the common sort, as it is render'd: For it appears further by our English Histories, that their Counties and Cities in North, and South, and East, and West, were generally gain'd by grant, and Composition, and Treaty, and fair usage of those that yielded, as well as by Sieges, and Battles, and ruine to such, as stood out; which can∣not well consist with that weak conceit of total extirpation, Soh 1.233 Octa and Ebusa the Son and Brother of Hengist reduc'd the North; profligatis qui resistendum putaverant, reliquos in fidem acceptos placidae quietis gratiâ mulcebant: Breaking such as made resistance, the rest upon surrender, they al∣lur'd with good usage to rest quiet. And Kent is well known not to have been conquer'd, but bestowed

as a present for Rowennai 1.234 as before. Queens bring their portions with them, but Misses are dear bought. Andi 1.235 London, a great and populous Emporium at that time (as appears from Marcellinus, and Bede, and our Pope Gregory,) with neighbouring Counties for the Kings liberty: And (which was the stoutest, though not the largest Kingdom, and Conquer'd and swallowed the rest of the Heptarchyes, and gave the first name to England) the seven Counties of the West Saxons were first yielded over to Kerdick byk 1.236 Mordred, Arthurs Nephew, and Vice-Roy in his absence, to assist his Title to the Crown against Arthur, who was not so near by strict and Legi∣timate descent, as by his Election, (for his Valour and merit,) wherein then the Princes Rights in Brittain were chiefly founded; and thereforel 1.237 this Mordred, or Medrod, with Vortigerne, (who deli∣vered this Land to the Saxons,) and Androgeus (or Avarvy, or Mandrubatius, who betrayed it to Caesar,) are recorded, as the three disgraces of Brittain, yet all the people were not consumed, when they were thus surrendred and betrayed: How else could they serve them in their Armies and Legions? And upon King Arthur's return, after several weari∣some and Bloudy Contests, Kerdick was Re-in∣vested, andm 1.238 confirmed by Arthur in several of those Southern Counties, upon his swearingm 1.239 Al∣legiance to him for them, andm 1.240 toleration of Chri∣stian Religion in them, as Ʋsher proves out of Rud∣born, Polychronicon and others; so Bath, Cicester, and Gloucester,n 1.241 were surrender'd after long and formal

Sieges, and many sharp fights preceding: And whereo 1.242 M. Westm. speaks of the East-Angels in∣vading Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, &c. Counties, and destroying all the Christians that were in them, the clause, Omni crudelitatis genere Christianos affecerunt, Is observ'd by Ʋsher to be wanting in the Manuscript: and the slaughter which Gormund made, in con∣junction with the Saxons, upon the Brittains in the time of King Careticus, (which was their greatest overthrow and destruction) is word by word, Gildasp 1.243 dis description of Hengist's first Irruption and slaughter. So that in every Heptarchy, though all were reduc'd and conquered, yet all the Brittish Inhabitants were not destroyed or expell'd, but only such as were in Arms, and had Estates. And as for destruction by Plague, the English and Irish, as well as the Brittains equally felt the smart thereof, as Bedeq 1.244 is witness: And the Streets of London, after great a Plague, have been seen as ful next year, as before. Withall, this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or totall destructi∣on of the Brittish communalty in England, was a∣gainst the mutual Practice of the combatants, who gave Quarter to such, on both sides; and against the Interest and benefit of the Conquerour. It was Ethelfreds method, stil'd Ferus, the bloudiest of the Saxon Kings, to make all Countreys he conquer'd, aut Tributarias aut Inhabitabiles,r 1.245 saith Bede, ei∣ther Tributary or wast: to hurt them further, had been to hurt himself, and deprive himself of his Rent and Contribution: when Hengist and his Saxons were driven to quit the land by young Vor∣timer, who was the first made Hengist ever turn his

back in Battel, said M. Westminster, the English and Scottish History agree with the Brittish, that their wives and children were left behind, ands 1.246 spar'd from the Sword; and Quarter given, well doth prove, Quarter to have been before received. And when Aurelius Ambrosius totally defeated and reduc'd Hengist his numerous Army, his Son† 1.247 Octa forc'd to surrender York and himself; and Ebyssa Dunbritton, and Hengist cut offu 1.248 for example, or kill'd by Ambrosius in pursuite,x 1.249 saith the Scottish History; and the most Warlike, banished into their own Countrey, yet the rest of their Commons were permitted to live together with the Brittains, in the lower parts of Scotland, upon terms of Allegiance,y 1.250 and their embracing Christianity, as was observ'd before. So that the destruction of all the Brittains out of England, is like that story of thez 1.251 Picts, who are reported to be destroyed all in one day; both meer fables, though they lost their Kingdom in the Battle, yet the com∣munalty still remained, being the Major part of the Scottish Kingdom, and their after Kings using still the stile of Kings of Picts, as well as Scots, as the Learned Arch-Bishopz 1.252 Ʋsher largely proves.

The Brittish Christians therefore remaining behind in Brittain, under the Power of the Enemy, were not the less a Church of Christ, than was the Primi∣tive Church, by being under Persecution, for the first 300 years; or, than now are the Greeks under Infidel, or the Roman Church it self, under Gothish Conque∣rours; Lazarus belongs to Heaven, as well, yea more than Dives: afflictions being assistant mortifi∣cations,

helping us to dye to this world in our af∣fections and Values, wherein consists the Heart and Inside of the Church: and those Spiritual Leaders, that stayed behind with their charge, (for about 150 years, before Augustine arrived to expel them) be∣came the more Supreme over them under Christ, upon the Remove all of their Christian Temporal Ma∣gistrates. Its true, not to appear, and not to be, are alike in some sence, as to man, not, as to God. And the invisibility of the Brittains in Lhoegr, was more for want of History and evidence, (either concealed or destroyed by the envy and malice of Adversaries) than for want of Existence and being, yea mention shall be made of them in their obscurity and invisibi∣lity, when it serves the turn of the adverse Part. Bede mentionsa 1.253 multos Brittonas Occidentalibus Saxoni∣bus subditos, reduced by Aldhelmus to follow the Ro∣man Easter, which proves there were numbers of them remaining in the Country, some reduced, and some still unreduced. And it is probable, more Brittish Christians were in this West-Saxon Kingdom, than any other part, because of the Vicinity of Glaston∣bury, andb 1.254 Caer Went, or Winchester, and its Ancient Monastery and large possessions, and the example of Amphibalus, (the Brittains receiving great encou∣ragement from the Neighbourhood of their Martyrs to persevre in their Faith.) The Chronicle of Glaston∣bury mentions the residence of Brittish Bishops in their Sees in those parts, (as Bede their People:) for when King Ina, about the year 700, Translated the See ofc 1.255 Congersbury to Wells adjoyning, in the time of Daniel the last Bishop of the Brittains there, it

affirms the same so to have continued a succession of Brittish Bishops for 600 years and above, till that time, which is about 500 years together before the arrival of Monk Augustine, and about an 100 years af∣ter: which proves either strict observations of Mordred and Arthur's Articles with Kerdick; or great consan∣guinity and kindness amongst them; that the zeal and Interest of Augustine, could not prevail with the Pagan Saxons, to hunt this Bishop out of Congers∣bury, as well as Thadioc and Theon out of York and London, Congersbury or Wells being a member of the Brittish Arch-Bishoprick of London, and barring there∣by the title of Occupancy, (which was Augustine's beatifical aim) and giving edge to the Canons of General Councels against him for this forcible entrance: neither is it at all improbable, that the Brittains should affect here to mingle Rights and Pro∣tections by Intermarriages with the Saxons, after they became Christian (who were so culpably forward to be unequally yok'd before) and be inclin'd to relinquish all notes of destinction apace, the old style of Easter, and their Brittish names and dialect, and change Lhoid into Grey, and Winn into White, &c. which signifie the same, and though some sturdily retain'd their Brittish names of Dunne, and Dee, and Gough, and Moyle, and Trever, yet others chang'd perhaps Trewen, Trevechan Trene widh, &c. into Whittington, Littleton, Newton, &c. of the same signification, for their con∣venience, as upon like imitation now in Wales, Powell, Prichard, Progers, Jones, &c. are become standing Sirnames of Families, which before with the old Brit∣tains were but the Christian names of the Fathers, ap Howel, ap. Risiart, Roger, Joan, &c. yea per∣haps to disown all alliance with the Brittains in Wales, standing out in War; partly for security to

themselves, as the heard forsake a Deer that is pur∣sued, or Courtiers a fallen favorite, partly out of modable conformity to the prevailing party, as in a great part of Devonshire, or Duffneint, and Cornwall, which are old Brittish Territories, where it is freshly known, the same Ancient people remain, but their Language much worne out, and giving place to a∣nother; like as in little Bittain the whole entire Countrey are old Brittains; whether some old Le∣gions of Maximus settled there underc 1.256 Con••n Mer∣riadoc,d 1.257 as saith the Brittish Histories, or new ex∣iles forc'd thither, as elsewhere by the Saxons,e 1.258 (as the Learned Primate guesses, because he meets no mention in Authors of them abiding there, till the Invasion of Gallia by the French, which is near Co∣temporary to that of Lhoegr by the Saxons, though it is hard to imagine, how they should win their Country from others, who failed to defend their own) But though they be undoubted Brittains in their origen, yet now there is little or no difference between them, and the meer French in appearance, especially on that side of the Country, towards France, or High Brittain, where the Brittish Lan∣guage is wholy forgot and extinguished, (as amongst the Brittains of Lhoegr): So in Gallia or France it self, though the old Inhabitants the Gaules, or Galli, seem quite consumed, every Mothers Son; since the modern French, or Franci out of Germany invaded their Land, chang'd and suppressed their Language, Names, and Laws; yet nothing is more evident by Historical character, than that the Nation is still the same, though the name and dress be alter'd; and what by the nature of the Air, and what by Inter-marriages

with one another, and what by Divine mercy re∣lieving right owners at last, on the one hand, and vengeance on the other, cutting off the lives and lines of men of bloud and violence, the French are still the same Old Gauls, of whomf 1.259 Florus his cha∣racter about 2000 years ago, is found true to this day, primus impetus major quam virorum, sequens minor quam faeminarum, above men at first assault, below women at rally. Neither have our modern French the zeal and humour of the old Franci after liberty, from whence they had that name. In like manner, in several Counties of Wales, especially amongst se∣veral of the Gentry, all is alter'd since the time of Henry the seventh, (who broke the middle wall of Partition, and united in himself both Nations into one,) and the Councel settled in the marches, not only in taking new and single Sirnames after the Eng∣lish manner, instead of their Ancient and Brittish stile, compounded of Progenitours (as the modern Christian names of Europe's Grandees are with friends and Patrons) which us'd to puzzle the Eng∣lish Judges of that Court in their Circuits, and oc∣casion a mistake of one man for 3 or 4, but in the total disuse of the Brittish tongue, and using the Eng∣lish instead, in several of their Families, whether to follow the English, as many of the English do the French, or to avoid the burden and Incon∣venience, of being singular and distinct in so small a number, against so great a body; as is now the English Nation; or because of their Intermarriages with the English, in civility to their consorts, which example of theirs, were stronger than any Law, to abolish and destroy the Brittish tongue forever, but that it is mainly preserv'd upon the score of Re∣ligion

in Pulpits, between the Clergy and commu∣nalty, who have a great and dear esteem of the Gospel Preached, and are they, that chiefly support the tongue, and retain the Customs, and Traditions, and Principles, and proverbs of their Ancestors, (and some novel Popish rites besides, which have crept in amongst them, as their praying at cross ways before their Corps, which are tolerated by their guides, least they should be unsettled and scandali∣zed in their more Ancient and Catholick observati∣ons by abrupt disuse, till by knowledge they come to leave them off, of their own accord.) Neither are the Gentry of Wales the less Brittains, (as neither the old Brittains in Lhoegr) for conforming daily to the English manner; nor the French, less Gauls for the loss of their Gallic tongue, as the Brittish Language is in like danger to be wholly worn out also, as was said, unless the Chiefs of the Nation, our Princes or Senate, out of Generous filial honour to Antiquity and Truth, think it fit and expedient, and for the glory of the Nation, (which is ambitious of recovering, as by some secret instinct, the old Name of Great Brittain,) to give some support and life to the Language of Great Brittain likewise, not yet incurable or exstinct. A Language so Ancient and venerable in the first professing the true Religion immediately, and all a∣long, from the Resurrection: and in the first oppo∣sing of false Religion, and Popish abuses above a 1000 years ago: the mother-tongue of Lucius and Constantine the Great, the first Princes of the Chri∣stian Church; so useful to the Antiquities, not only of our Btittish Isles, but the greatest part of Europe, that Forreigners have Printed our Dictionaries, as the Origen of Gallic Antiquities under other names, out of learned ambition; Oriental in its Grammar, copious,

as the Greek, for compositions; as elegant, the more old, as is the English, the more new it is; For the Rule and structure of its Poesies, and the Awen, or in∣spiration of its Poets, hardly to be parallel'd in any Nation whatsoever, that Augustus could not be more divertis'd with Horace, &c. than our Princes and Gen∣try were in ample manner with there Prydydhion: Or at least that some worthy Wellwisher to the Brittish Nation, would oblige thousands of grateful hearts, and God himself, by so good a work, in commise∣rating the Spiritual condition of men and Maid-servants, resorting, hither from Wales for service, who for several years (while they are to learn the English tongue, and to be able to keep pace with the volubility of Pulpits, which learners of other Languages find to be too quick for the ear in the most stayed delivery) are for that time in the condition of the Deaf Born: without they had a Church built, and assign'd, as other Nations have, for a morning Fa∣mily service and Instruction, which others (that well understand the English) would however resort with gladness to, out of imbred delight and satisfaction, to speak to their God in their own tongue, and both might easily be effected with little or no charge to the friend of the Brittains, but the procuring by his interest, or Authority, publick rule and countenance for the same.

And on the other hand, we find the English not wanting or tardy, (even in times of former Hosti∣lities) to unite and incorporate the Brittains with themselves, by all manner of Civility consistent with their ends of dominion: For in the North, be∣yond Humber, where the Saxons did most settle and overflow,g 1.260 perswading King Vortigerne, it

was for his better defence and safeguard against his Northern enemies, the Lords and Gentry that did resist, as having most to lose, fared the worst by it, but the rest, or the Brittish Communalty, had fair and alluring conditions given them, as be∣fore; and intermarried altogether.g 1.261 But in the South, or West Saxon Kingdom; (where they were the Major part for Poll, no doubt,) they lived in a far milder Aire, and kinder usage, as appears by that West Saxonh 1.262 Constitution in Sir H. Spelman, at∣tributed to King Ina, about the Intermarriadges be∣tween the English and the Brittains (who used the like policy towards the Danes;i 1.263 though their ene∣mies.) Ʋniversi Angli, qui tunc temporis extiterunt, uxores suas ceperunt de Britonum genere, & Britones uxores suas de illustri sanguine & genere Anglorum, hoc est, de genere Saxonum, hoc enim factum fuit per commune concilium, & assensum omnium Episcoporum, & Principum, procerum, comitum, & omnium sapien∣tum, seniorum, & populorum, totius Regni, & per praeceptum Regis Inae praedicti Ita fuerunt tunc temporis per universum Regnum Brittanniae, duo in carne una—gens una & populus unus miseratione divinâ: All the English universally in those dayes married their Wives out of Brittish Families, and the Brittains in like manner, their Wives out of the Noble Bloud of the English, or Saxons. For this was done by the Common Council, and the assent of all the Bishops, and Princes, Peers, Earles, and all the Wisemen, and Elders, and people, of the whole Kingdom, and by the Commandment of King Ina aforesaid; so then over all the Kingdom of Brittain

they were two in one flesh, one Nation and one peo∣ple—by Gods mercy. But the authentickness and truth of this Constitution is doubted by that Learned Knight, not that it could be supposed, that either the Brittains, or Mr. Lambard were the In∣ventors of it; but that it supposes King Ina to have married King Cadwaladr's Daughter, and Heire of Brittain, whom Malmesbury mentions to have had but one Wife; and with her, and by her perswasions to have ended his dayes at Rome, in the Armes of the Apostles, as then they were imposed upon; yet con∣fesses that Humphrey Lhuyd (that great Antiquary and Herald,) averrs Ina to be Cadwaladr's Son, others his Granchild; and the Brittish names of the Kings immediatly succeeding Ina, Cedwalla, Centwin, Es∣civin, Cenwalch is some argument of affinity in use between them, but this Western Constitution seems ra∣ther to refer to the time ofk 1.264 Egbert, who was Regis Inae de Fratre Inigildo abnepos, King Ina's great Ne∣phew by his Brother Ingild, who first reduc'd by his Armes, the rest of the Saxon Heptarchyes under him∣self, as one Monarch over all: for then, saith the Constitution, (which proves it to have been made, when, as one Kingdom, it was to have but one name,) deinde universi vocaverunt Regnum Anglorum, quod antea vocatum fuit Regnum Brittaniae, then all agreed, it should be thenceforth called England, which be∣fore was called Brittain, as being his own right now, not so much by Conquest, (wherein his numerous intermingled Brittains were not the least serviceable to him,) as by descent and title from the Brittish Kings, the former Rightful Proprietors. So na∣turally all right Titles, usurped and invaded for a

time) long to return to their Right owners, as a stone to its Center, when the force that held it in the Aire, is nigh expir'd. And so this decree for Inter-marriadges was in further acknowledgment and corroboration of the right title, to extinguish en∣mity and distance, and to unite the people in one Brittish bloud: Or, if there was never any such de∣cree, or Law, then the least that can be imagin'd is, that it was some prophecy, (far exceeding Merlin's for event and perspicuity,) that got into their Rolls and Registers: For what is there more plain and ma∣nifest, than that the three parts of Great Brittain, the Alban-Brittains, or the Scots; and Loegrian or Locrine-Brittains, or the English; and the Cambro-Brittains, or the Welsh, (who alone ever surviv'd visibly distinct) are all soderd and united into one and the same Nation, by Marriadges, and Bloud, and name, and Government. And that therefore in all probability, (considering the Attributes of God, his Justice, and mercy, and that prophetical Aphorisme of our Saviour, All they that take the Sword, shall perish with the Sword, Mat. 26.52. Rev. 13.10. and the Brittish Tradition, Twylh y cyllilh hirion a dhial ar y Saeson, Treachery and long Knives apace, will bring down vengeance on the Saxon race, and the shortness of the Lives and Lines of Conquerors, and bloudy men, Psal. 55.24. and how ready God is to have done cor∣recting, and to burn the Rod, when the Child amends:) If all mens Cards and Pedigree throughout this Isle were known, or confess'd, that there would be found over all the Nation, more than an hundred to one, that were of Brittish extraction, to any that were pure Norman, or Dane, or Saxon, or Roman, or descended either from their Martial Leaders, or or Females of their Camp: And further, touching

the Brittains of Wales apart, which no doubt were the chief Gentry and Nobility, and the military part of the Loegrian Brittains, driven out of their Seats and Lands by the Saxons, (as the† 1.265 Saxon Officers and Nobles were driven into the Low-lands of Scotland by the Normans, for they did not seek their refuge in Wales, and the Highlands call them Saxons to this day, and none retain more the Old Saxon dialect, or perhaps the humour of their Ancestors, in being Souldiers of Fortune abroad, and Politick: as in the Vigour and hasty earnestness of the Scotch Communalty, and seve∣ral Ancient Customes, the Brittish, or, as men say, the Welsh bloud and humour, is as much discernible) such hath been, the apparent mercy and provi∣dence of God in their distinct preservation to this day; that the whole Nation is greatly become Great Brittain again by their means, and this Seed and Remnant sown over the whole field of Lhoegr amongst their Ancient Brethren again; as appears more perceptibly, and by Records, in their Allyance with most and the chiefest Noblel 1.266 Families and Houses of England, and may be dayly seen and found in most Companies, you can fall into, of the Commu∣nalty; where, Captains occurr not more frequent than Brittains, either by Birth, or Derivation, or Alliance: But is most remarkably and importantly evident and visible in the Throne it self. The Royal Family of the Stewards, having had their singular preservation in Wales betimes, inm 1.267 Fleance the only Son of Banquo, escaping from the snares of Macbeth against his life, and marrying Nesta the

Daughter of Prince Griffith ap Lhewelin, whereby they recovered to be Great Stewards or Abthanes of Scotland: And their highest Exaltation, of being Kings of Great Brittain by the like affinity, and de∣scent from King Henry the seventh, in whom (or his Queen) was contain'd the Brittish Title from King Cadwaldr, (as well as the Norman and English) descending either throughf 1.268 Gwladys Dhû, the only Daughter of Prince Lhewelin ap Jorweth, married to the Mortimers, from whom his Queen descended; or through Owen Tudyr from the last Prince Lhewelin, Nephew to Gwladys Dhû, from whom himself de∣scended; who though stil'd a Welshg 1.269 Milk-sop by King Richard Crook-back in his speech, when they were ready to joyn Battle for the Crown, yet it well appears what kind of Prince he was, for wis∣dom and magnificence, in my Lord Verulam's Monu∣ment of his Life, and his own of his Death at West∣minster. So that Invasions and Conquests may be compared to Land-floods for their prevalence and premanency, which for a while know no banks; and discolour, and alter the whole Channel from appearing to be the same current; but after a short time, this confusion is soon over, and the River be∣comes the same as it was before, and within its old banks and rules: For we plainly perceive the English are so much the same at this day, saving some few chief Families, as if there had never been any Norman Inundation; and by like parity, the English themselves are the bulk of the Old Brittains, wearing out the Saxon violence, in the form of Brittains, as the Norman in the form of English;

and all is great Brittain again, as well in Truth as in Name, not without Divine suggestion upon the minds of King and people to be so desirous to re∣trieve it. As Grand Cairo is the same City, though thousands go in and out in Caravans every day; or our bodies are the same in substance, though not in the parts, which have undergone several fluxes and successions: The Pressure of one Nation by another, having more of chastisement in it, than destruction, and resembling an Ague more than Death, for that when it hath made a great depredation of the Spi∣rits, (which answer to the Nobility, where the Dis∣ease most commonly is contracted and seated by Luxury and inflammations,) and brought the flesh of the body very low, (which answers to the Com∣monalty, which bears its share in the smart and dis∣order,) then it departs and leaves us of its own ac∣cord, without other force or Physick, and we re∣cover our old health, and Spirits, and Flesh, and colour, in our old accustom'd Aire, and Aliment, and are as we were at first, having never been other∣wise for substance, but the same. As in our own ex∣perience in our late Civil Wars, which made two contrary Nations of one, the Chiefs came to Scaf∣folds, to Goldsmith-Hall, or Tyburn, for good or ill desert; the body of the Nation continuing the same, and the old Souldiers of the King, making the best part of Cromwells Army, as hath been observed, and the Round-head and Cavalier now no more distinct: And upon the same account our Modern Italians, may be allowed to be the same Nation with the Ancient Romans; but with far greater Alloy and mixture of Strangers, than the Brittains: Their Invasions and Feavers from Goths, and Vandalls, and Hunnes, and Saracens, being more turbulent and destructive,

than ours from a few Normans, and Danes, and Saxons, which the Nation was better able to digest: The main stream of the Flood passing over them, and but its Eddy over us.

Which considerations afford an Argument, and an Observation; an Argument against their Cavil, that would renew Alphonsus Garsias his exception to the English Embassadors plea in the Council of Basil, touching the Antiquity and precedency of our Brittish Church, Non sunt tempora compucanda à gente, prima, (with him Britonibus Britonantibus) quae to∣taliter est expulsa, &c. The time of Brittain's Con∣version, saith he, is not to be reckoned from the first Inhabitants, and very Brittans, who were to∣tally destroyed and expelled; but from the time of the Saxons Invading England, from whom the English descend; for by the precedent suppositions it ap∣pears, the Ancient Brittains were not wholly de∣stroyed, as he, and others through ignorance, have imagin'd: And beside, the English may with as much right inherit the priviledges of the Ancient Brittains, as the modern Italians succeed in the Rights and Superiorities of the Ancient Roman Chaire. For if Victorious Goths can inherit by force the Roman, Su∣premacies, why not Victorious Saxons, and Normans as well inherit the exemptions of Brittain; for the English are more old Brittains, than the modern Italians, are Old Romans: And let them produce their Roman Charter when they please, they'l find our Brittanick freedom and Seniority upon the back thereof: For the Pope himself, (Gods Rival,) will allow Catholick Conquerors to win and wear those Kingdoms, with all their rights,p 1.270 which he be∣stowes

from their right owners, for their heresy (set∣ting himself therein above God's Commandment, thou shalt not steal,) and much more lawfully doth God him∣self, the absolute Soveraign of the World, give away the rights of Nations, that are to be chastised for their sins, to his Instruments and labourers, that he im∣ployes in that work; and the Wild Saxons were as capable to earn, and succeed in such Brittish Rights and Priviledges, as the Catholick Goths and Vandalls to succeed St. Peter: The Conquerors and Conquered being the same persons in fiction, (but as much against the will of the one, as with the desire and lust of the other, like Jonas in the belly of the Whale:) But the English and Brittains are further one and the same people, by Adoption of Laws, more than by the power of the Sword; and by Contracts, and Treaties, and Surrenders, and Trust, as Wives are the same per∣sons with their Husbands. The English therefore are bound to maintain the Rights and Immunities of the Brittish Church in point of Honour and Trust, as well as for their own Concern and Interest. When thea 1.271 Campans could not prevail with the Romans, to take their part against the Samnites, who were too strong for them, they surrendred their City and Country to the Romans, and pleaded by their Embassadour, Quandoquidem nostra tueri adversus vim, &c. vestra certè defendetis: If you cannot be prevail'd upon, to defend Our Interests against our Enemies, we leave it upon you, to defend your Own; Tum jam fides agi visa, deditos non prodi, Then they conceived themselves bound by Faith, to defend their charge, and Prostrate allyes; which was a greater tye upon their noble spirits, than the preservation of their

Empire: and there is no spirit so mean, nor a Hen upon any dunghill to be found, without the like sence, and concern, and courage, to power, towards her young ones in like dependance. And as a greater part of the Loegrian-Brittains came under the power of the Sax∣ons, by guift and alliance, and by craftr 1.272 more than by the Sword, so when the Brittains of Wales agreed with Edward the first, to accept a Prince of his no∣mination, that were born in Wales,s 1.273 and under∣stood no English, (which proved to be his own eldest Son, born about that time in Carnarvon Castle, and ever afterwards the eldest Sons of every succes∣sive King of England) this his Heading the body of that Nation, with his own Son on the one hand, whom they believed to be their own flesh and bloud on the other, was a manifest Incorporation of Wales by the Intention of both, in the person of the Prince; several† 1.274 Acts of Parliament giving confirmation afterwards thereunto. But which is the fullest com∣pletion of Union, Both Nations are one, not only by Law, but by Bloud, not in the Prince of Wales alone, but in the King himself, (which is all in all;) He being bone of their bone, and flesh of their flesh. For our English Kings and Princes are now more Brittains, than any of our Cambro-Brittains, being Royal-Alban-Loegrian-Cambro-Brittains, all in one and the same person, and therefore more bound by Nature and Honour, as well as Soveraignty, to be zealous to assert the Ancient Liberties of the Brittish Church, against Rome's Enchroachments and usurpations, than any other Brittains whatsoever: Now no persons can be imagin'd to be made one and the same, by stronger

tye, than by such triple Union by bloud, and by their wills and consent, and by necessity, whether they will or no: And though generous natures are apt to be free and liberal, yet what wiseman ever parted with his Birth-right, or what person of spirit or honour, ever relinquish'd or betrayed his trust, and charge over the Rights of others, out of libera∣lity.

I shall conclude these Previous Observations against vulgar mistakes, and comprize my subsequent Proofs, in a passage of an Anonymons Author, published in the late times, reported to be Mr. Selden, and very right in this.

Their courage at last revived, and by divers Victories, by the space of 200 years, God stopped the hasty conquest of the Saxons: the result whereof by Truces, Leagues, Commerce, conver∣sation, and Marriages between both Nations, de∣clared plainly, that it was too late for the Saxons to get all, their bounds being predetermined by God, and thus declared to the world. In all which God, (taming the Britton's pride by the Saxon's power, and discovering the Saxons darkness by the Britton's light) made himself Lord over both people, in the conclusion.

These Suppositions premised, I come to Positive proofs for the Conversion of the English, that it was by Brittish Ministry, and not by Roman: For some of our Incomparably Learned Writers give it almost for graunted (though they sufficiently fortifie a∣gainst the inconvenience) that our English Christians stand not so secure from the danger of this Romish pretention, as the Brittish do.

For the Brittish Bishops sayes the great and good D^r. Hammondu 1.275 still hold∣ing

out against this pretention, and that with all rea∣son on their side, if the title of conversion, which the Romanist pleads for our subjection, may be of any validity with him, it must needs follow that the Whole Island, cannot upon this score of Augustine's conversion, be now deemed schismatical; it being certain that the whole Island, and particularly the Dominion of Wales, was not thus converted by Au∣gustine, nor formerly by any sent from Rome, or that observed the Roman Order, (as appears by the observation of Easter, contrary ro the usage receiv'd at Rome,) but either by Joseph of Arimathea, or Simon Zelotes, as our Annals tell us, most probably. And this in the first place must needs be yielded by those that expect to receive any advantage by this argument.

But, which is more, if the Whole Island, as well as the Dominion of Wales, and the English, as well as Brittish Sees, may be equally proved to have had their conversion from Other hands, and not from Rome; it may seem worth while to shew this, because it will fully stop the mouth of Rome, as to this brag, and quite remove all imputation and co∣lour of Schism out of doors.

And the positive proofs for this, may be rank'd under two heads, (1,) For a pure Conversion, (2.) a Mixt. By the first I mean, a Conversion of the English Nation, by men men of Brittish Extraction and Descent, as well as Doctrine and Dissent to the Supremacy of Rome, and its other errours; that is, by Brittains only, without the assistance of any other Nation in this work. By the second I mean a Conversion wrought by men of Brittish Principles, Ordination, Mission, and equally opposite to the Roman way and order, but of Different Extraction, partly Brittish, and partly of other Nations, yea, and of their own.

Touching the pure Brittish conversion of the English, by the Ancient Brittains alone,x 1.276 before the arrival of Monk Augustine, little occurs in Bede, but what he is forc'd now and then, to drop and hal•• confess, to prop his other Arguments and Interest, to which he was more addicted: nor left remaing in Brittish Histories, as can yet be found, It being justly belie∣ved, that they were carefully suppressed, or adultera∣ted by the Romish Power, while it here prevailed, (as Instance was made before in Geoffrey of Monmouth's History and Gualter who were both impos'd upon,) or else consumedy 1.277 with their Libraries in Pagan Conflagrations of the Roman-Catholick Contrivance. But in the Scottish Histories, which better escap'd, and can be less suspected of partiality, nothing is more plainly delivered and repeated, than that all the English Nation, (or a very great part in all pro∣bability) were brought over to the Christian Faith, before the arrival of Augustine or Mellitus. Hector Boethius saith in one place, there was a very great part of the English as yet unconverted before their landing,z 1.278 Augustinus & Mellitus missi, ut Anglorum gentem, ad eam usque diem majori ex parte pietatem aversatam, Christi dogmate ritè Instituerent; But then gives the reason of this obstruction and defect,a 1.279 Aspernabantur ut plurimum Saxones Brittonum sacer∣dotum, tum Gualiam incolentium, doctrinam, tametsi veram proficerentur: invisae, magis Gentis quam disc∣plinae, de quà multa atque praeclara frequentiùs aud∣verant, odio permoti.

The Saxons for the most part slighted the Doctrine of the Brittish Clergy, that

Inhabited Wales, although it was true and Ortho∣dox, being moved thereunto, more out of hatred to that Nation, than to the Institution, of which they had frequently received many excellent cha∣racters and reports;

they were ashamed it seems to be converted by them, whom they had Conquered, right or wrong: for their Converters were not yet driven to Wales, as this Historian supposes, but lived in Lhoegr amongst them, as before, and were in great part their flesh and bloud: but God in great mercy to both, removed this obstruction by the Victorious Arms of some of our subsequent Brittish Kings, turn∣ing this their carnal Height and Pride into necessity and Interest, to embrace the Faith; For when they were reduced by King Aurelius Ambrosius (whom Gildas, calls vir modestus) (whose Tomb Polydor Virgil con∣ceives Stonehenge to be) the terms given them by the Conquerour, were,b 1.280 Migrant Ambrosii edicto, Cuncti Saxonum generis ad bellum idonei, &c. All of English or Saxon Race, that were fit for War, were ordered to depart the Land, and the rest made Tri∣butary, and suffered to remain behind in Albion or Lhoegr, on condition of their embracing the Gospel, so all that stayed behind became Christians in Truth, or at least in Shew. And when their Recruited Forces were

afterwards Conquered by King Arthur,c 1.281 Saxones viribus fracti—cum spem nullam haberent, &c. The Saxons, when they were so quite defeated, that they had no hopes of ralling any Forces together, to make head any more, came bare-foot and bare-head before King Arthur, to beg his mercy and pardon; supplicibus Regis clementia pepercit, ea lege, ut sacro ad moti lavacro Christiani fierent, aut-si id minus pla∣ceret,

fortunis ac armis exuti, Insula excederent, The King Graciously pardoned them, only with this proviso, that they would become Christians and be Baptized; or if this pleased them not, that they should quit the Realm, leaving all their Arms and Bag and Baggage behind them; Whereupon all be∣ing to profess, some did it in sincerity and Truth, but many only dissembled their Religion to reserve them∣selves for better times.

Which last clause perhaps may have more of uncharitable conjecture (thoughd 1.282 Buchanan concur therein with Boethius) than of Historical Truth, for charity and kindness here, (where all was forfeited) out weighed the force. And nothing more agrees with the heart, than Christian Religion managed by Right and Able masters of As∣semblies, such as our Brittish Clergy approved them∣selves to be, towards others, not long before, who had been equally their Enemies; towards the Irish in St. Patrick, and the Scots, and Picts, and Cale∣donians, in Ninius, Kentigerne, Constantine, &c. as before; But after the three Christian Nations here, of Brittains, Scots and Picts, ruined one another ine 1.283 Civil Wars, between Arthur and Mordred, who laid title to the Crown,f 1.284 The English came to pre∣vail again, and drove the Military Brittains (in like manner as themselves were served) into Wales, and other places, yet the rest were permitted to stay be∣hind under Tribute and Subjection (and their Clergy amongst others till Augustine's coming, for about 100 years,) and here that obstruction of Force (which is so contrary to Religion) being removed, the Saxons were again coped with, with the meer power of the

naked Gospel, and the Sword of the Spirit only, in the weak hands of their captives, and were more reduced than ever, as it fared before with the other parts of the Heathen-Roman-World, whom the Gospel overcame, with its arms tyed behind it. Their work of Conversion in the Capital Kingdom of Kent, arrived to a publick toleration byg 1.285 the Prince himself, (as was instanced before,) Father to Augustine's Ethelbert, which argued, himself was not far of from the Kingdom of Heaven, if Pride, or an equitable restitution of his Kingdom on Earth (upon his own conversion) to the right owners, had not stood in the way; so difficult is it, according to the Gospel, for the Rich and Great to enter there. And also the great Kingdom of Mercia (with King Penda himself, as some conceived, and Bede acknowledgesh 1.286 thus much, that he well liked those Christians that walked answerable to their Religion) received Christ's yoak, from those that were now under its own; and so did the Other Heptarchs saving Ethelfred King of the North, the sole Furious Patron of Heathenism, and Resolved Enemy of Christianity† 1.287 Homo in Britani∣cum genus odio Infensissimo, An implacable enemy of the Brittains upon that score, who made War upon his own English for turning Christians,k 1.288 Mercios Saxonas, quod Christi Religionem fuerant amplexi, dispendio ingenti afflixerat, Did greatly michief the Mercian Saxons for no other cause, but their yeilding to be Christians; so he served; or threatned the o∣ther Kings: Minatus ad hibito juramento Australibus, threatning the Southern English (that is, with this Historian) the rest of the Heptarchies in the South,

set against his own in the North: (For Redwald King of the East-Angles next unto him, was feign to con∣federate with other Christian Heptarchyes for his preservation against him, which supposes the like Conversion, by his like danger and necessity of Al∣lyance.)l 1.289That because they deserted the Reli∣gion of their Fathers, and violated the Worship of their Gods, perinde atque Brittannis atque Scotis se hostem futurum, that he would be their enemy no less, than to the Brittains and the Scots. And lost his life at last in his Holy War against the East-Angles, (having lost an eye before in Scotland, and a great Army at Bangor, where he was also wounded,) breathing out his impious Soul like Julian, (only better for his constancy,) but not inferiour for his Heathenish Cruelty, Deorum Religionis Protector, & Christiani Nominis Hostis, ut vixi, morior,m 1.290I dye, as I lived, the Protector of the Religion of the Gods, and the enemy of Christ, and all his Christians; who therefore was a very fit and useful Instrument for Monk Augustine to comply with, for the destructi∣on of the true Christian Religion here in Brittain, that opposed the Roman, and to plant his Popery in∣stead, and accordingly made use off: If therefore the English were not all converted in their Hearts, under Arthur and Aurelius, because of the force: It may well be presumed, from the contrary reason, that the Heart it self did not hold out, against the Divine power of the same Ministry acting in its external weakness and exinanition: God by his great Providence having us'd all means, both harsh, and easie, to soften and chafe the hard and stubborn hearts of the English to receive his Go∣spel,

and shap'd and cast the Brittish Nation, for their use, and the use of all Germany through them, into the mould (as it were) of Christs first and second coming, to work and make impression upon them, if it were possible, either of the two wayes: With this difference, that here Humility came after Power to to win by Intreaty, what it could not compass by command and force; as there Power will come after Humility, to bruise with irresistable destruction, what it could not prevail upon by Grace and love. And when all would not do, delivered them over to Popery, as it were to Satan, or Antichrist, to be chain'd in spiritual slavery and darkness, with many other Nations, for about a thousand years. And then visited them again in mercy with the com∣fortable light and Glorious Liberty of the Reforma∣tion, handed also to them by their Kings, when they came to be of Brittish race; to try their love to truth once more, before his last stroke, and Eternal de∣struction of the Impenitent and Incorrigible.

But nothing of the former passages, (though the truth thereof hath left sufficient markes and effects behind it in Saxon Laws and Homilies extant, quite dissonant to Popery, in several principles, as shall hereafter be mention'd,) how remarkable soever, occurrs in Bede's Popish History; not a word ofn 1.291 Offa the Son of Ethelfred preaching the Gospel to the Germans beyond the Rhine Anno 603. and build∣ing Offenburg and Schuttern, as Munster Notes, noro 1.292 St. Columbanus, our Irish Monk, of whom the same Munster saith, Certò Constat, We have certain knowledge of his propagating the Gospel far and wide through Germany; the passages being within

the time, and business of his History, and for the Ho∣nour of this Land; only tending too much to dis∣cover, that the Gospel was preached by the Brittains to the Saxons in the houses of their Fiercest Kings, which Right to that Nation was against Bede's Theme, and humour to acknowledge: But Ethelfred and Oswald being both Princes of his Countrey and Climate, he is Civil to them, and endeavours to do Right to both respectively, in Magnifying the Ver∣tues of King Oswald, (which are undenyable) to Superstition: And Palliating and lessening the wick∣edness of Ethelfred, (which was as notorious) to Indignity; seldom doing the least Right to the Brit∣tains, the enemies of his Nation, and of his Catho∣lick Faith, as he openly stiles them, lib. 5. c. ult. Saving sometimes out of unavoidable necessity, and for other ends and Interests; as where he is to com∣mend the way and Religion of the Scots and Irish, for whom he had greater kindness, The Brittish Faith, whence the other deriv'd, and stifly kept to, is in∣evitably extoll'd by consequence: Or, when he mention'd the good work of Augustine in repairing Canterbury Church, whither Queen Bertha resorted, he had like to have betrayed and discovered to a sagacious smell, how all then stood: How much the Christian Brittish Religion was received and flourish∣ed in Kent, before the coming of Augustine: So the West Saxon Kingdom shall be all in darknessp 1.293 Pa∣ganissimi, when Birinus comes to convert it, but when Aldhelmus is to do exploits, in bringing them over to the Roman Easter, it shall be veryq 1.294 full again of Brit∣tish Christians, whom he is to reduce; and such is his Conversion of all Mercia by Diuma, and but two or

three more; and the like of the other Heptarchies; yet no Ecclesiastical Writer is now more Classic and Authentick, than Bede, nor any passage of Church Antiquity to be well credited without his attestation, so beneficial was, his Partiality to the Roman-church, to his Reputation and Authority in the World. There∣fore the other mixt Conversion of the English (and full completion or confirmation of the former, by Brittish Ministy and Doctrine, but not all Brittish persons) shall be clear'd out of Bede, their own Author, against our Romanists; and irrefragably evinc'd by cross examination of his History; where∣by it will appear, that the English, under God, owe their Conversion to the Brittains, and others; and not to Rome: And that Augustine came hi∣ther to no better end, than to destroy the true Re∣ligion, like a messenger of Antichrist, or at least, miserably to corrupt it with adulterate mixtures and Superstitions.

And the positive proofs out of Bede, of the Gospel being preached and planted among the English upon mixt account, and especially Northward, where the English did most abound, and the Brittains were least intermixt amongst them, are not so much Proofs, and undenyable Instances, as Divine Miracles, and over-ruling Providences, and the manifest Finger of God, calling not only for Assent, but Astonishment and Admiration: That not only Augustin's planta∣tion at York and Kent, should be totally extirpated, (as it were by Divine Retaliation,) by the same means and method, himself contrived, and set on foot, to destroy our Brittish Church: But the Sons of Edelfred, swho was Augustine's Executioner to Massacre the Brittish Clergy,) are made by Gods controlling power the chief Patrons and Propagators

of the Brittish Faith over most part of England; and Oswald the best of them, who for his own virtues, was no doubt, rewarded with rest and Glory, permitted by Gods severity and hatred of his Fathers Murders at Bangor, to be slain, and mangled, and quarter'd by his enemies in view well nigh and sight of that very place: And the Brittains, by excess of wrong and cruelties from their enemies, put then in a fair posture, not only to defend their Church, and vin∣dicate their Martyrs, but well nigh, as Bede intimates to exterminate,† 1.295 or subdue all their Saxon enemies within the Land. For Ethelfred having his greatest force routed at Bangor by the union of the Brittains, was the easier conquer'd and kill'd by his Brother-in-law Edwin, with the help of the petty King of the East-Angles, with whom he lived in Exile, through Ethelfreds jealousy, least he should inter∣cept the succession of his Sons; and by that victory, what he fear'd, was fulfill'd and brought to pass: For upon Edwins prevailing, Oswald and Oswi, &c. his Sons being young, were forc'd with several of their Nobles, to quit Northumberland, and flee into Scotland, giving place to Edwin, who received his Christianity (wherewith he before was well ac∣quainted among the Brittains) from Paulinus, (one of Monk Angustine's Fellow labourers) whom he makes Archbishop of York, and greatly counte∣nances the propagation of the Roman Faith, among the Northern English; but Cedwalla or Cadwalhan re∣covering, (forr 1.296 Edwin had beaten him out of all Wales, with great slaughters upon the people) be•••• Edwin again out of his Life and Kingdom, and forc'd Paulinus and all his new Converts to shift for them∣selves,

exercising great Cruelties far and near, as Bede complains; both Princes dancing by turnes after Augustine's Pipe. And upon the ruine of Edwin, (who kept but Ethelfred's Sons for about 17 years,) Eanfrid an Elder Brother of Oswald, and Osric his Cousin, were restor'd by Cadwalhan,s 1.297 at the In∣tercession of the King of Scots, to the Kingdoms of Deira and Bernicia, and afterwards both destroyedt 1.298 by the same Cadwalhan, for apostatizing from the Christian Faith,u 1.299 after he had sent Bishops often to them to warn, and advise, and reclaim them, but all in vain; andx 1.300 Oswald was admitted King after them, because in the Battel he was as zealous, as Cadwallan himself, against the Apostate Kings, whereby it appears that the Restauration or plantati∣on of the Christian Religion amongst the Northern English, is chiefly owing to Cadwalhan's zeal and and Interest, who plyed the English Commonalty with Brittish Preachers, no doubt, as he did the Apo∣state Kings with Brittish Bishops: whereof Bede takes not the least notice, though the passages are punctually recited in the Scottish Histories, when it was not their main design, as it was with Bede: Which the more discovers his unwillingness to do right to the Brittains, according to the Truth; yea, by him Oswald is restored to his Kingdom, not by the Courtesie of Cadwalhan, but by hisy 1.301 death and over∣throw; against both our English and Brittish Histo∣ries,z 1.302 who relate Cadwalhan to have lived many years after Oswald, and that King Penda of Mercia made War upon Oswi, Oswalds Brother and Suc∣cessor,

a 1.303 Jubente Cadwallino, by Cadwalhan's Or∣der, and that he died Anno 679. ofb 1.304 meer Age. But Oswald and his Companions, during his Exile in Scotland, werec 1.305 Baptiz'd and brought up in the Christian Religion, according to the Brittish Insti∣tution, as it differed from the Roman; and being settled in his Throne by Cadwalhan, sent toc 1.306 Scot∣land for Doctors to Convert the remainder of his Subjects; to that endd 1.307 Aidanus, and Finnan, and Diuma are sent, who were Monkes of a Brittish Isle belonging to the Picts, who bestowed the same up∣on St. Columbanus: or Collymcille, who built a Mo∣nastery there (as he had done before at Armagh,) where the Abbote 1.308 was Superiour to all the Clergy of those parts, and to the Bishop himself, andf 1.309 the Rites and Customes of the Brittains, were most strictly observed and kept to the last, the Monkes and Founder being all train'd up in the Principles and Religion of our St. Patrick, from whom by Faith all descend, as perhaps Aidan, and Finnan, and Dymma, are by bloud of Brittish ex∣traction, as theirf 1.310 Names may import, (for the Brit∣tains flocked much to Ireland upon the Saxon per∣secution, whereupon that Island grew very famous for Learning and Religion in those dayes, as was said before,) being the rest bred and born, some in Scot∣land, some in Ireland, as if by special Providence fitted and designed to represent, and unite the four Nations into one, the English by their Instruction, the Scotch and Irish by their Birth and Education, and

the Brittains by their first Original in Faith and de∣scent: And though they had not the good fortune to be Grac'd and Canoniz'd far and wide for Saints, by the Roman Church, (for which they had not that filiall regard, and honour, as for their Brittish Mo∣ther) as others have been; of a far lower form to them, for Sanctity, and Knowledge, and Innocence; yet that piece of Character, Bede gives of Aidan, may satisfie, what He and the rest were, and what honour they deserved, and no doubt have en∣joyed in Heaven, though they fail'd thereof at Rome,g 1.311 Cujus doctrinam id maxime commendabat: omnibus, quod non aliter quam vivebat cum suis, &c.

Whose Doctrine, (saith he, and their monastical Education must be, remembred and allowed them) nothing more set out, than that he was known to teach no otherwise than he us'd to live, for nothing of this present World did he care, either to love or covet. All the guifts and presents he received from the Princes and potentates of this World, he de∣lighted presently to bestow away amongst the first poor he met, it was his manner never to be seen on Horse-back, but to perform all his business on foot, through all parts of City and Country, unless up∣on great necessity; if he met or saw any as he went, either Rich, or Poor, he presently addressed towards them, and invited them to the Faith, if they were Infidels, or if believers, confirm'd them in it; and stirr'd them up to alms and good, works both by word and deed; and all that walk∣ed in his company whether Regular or Lay (so dif∣ferent, saith Bede, was his manner, from the lazy kind of living in his time) were to be given to me∣diation,

that is, were to be ever reading the Scri∣tures, or getting some of the Psalms by heart, this was his daily work and Custom, and of all his Friars, that were with him, whithersoever they went; and if it fell out (which was but seldom) that he was invited to Dinner by the King, he went attended but with one Clerk, or two at the most, and after a little refection, he hastened presently away, to read to his Disciples, or to his private prayers, after whose pattern and example in that time, all devout men and women every where, made it a Custom to fast every Wednesday and Fri∣day, throughout the year, till three a clock after∣noon, (except the 50 dayes between Easter and Whitsontide:) He never spared for fear, or honour, to reprove the Rich, when ever they did amiss, but corrected them especially with great severity. He never us'd to give away Money or presents to the Rich and Great in this World, but only a kind en∣tertainment, when ever they came to visit him, but what ever such bestowed upon him, he soon imployed it, either for relief of the Poor, or redem∣tion of Captives, admitting them his Scholars and Disciples, whom he so redeemed, and fitting them by his pains and Instructions for the Priestly digni∣ty.

Not a word of Vests and Ornaments, or Palls, or Crucifixes, or Holy Water, or Indulgencies, or toyes, or lyes, or Prophetick Murders; for they were no Roman-Catholicks, but only good Brittish Christians; The Right Pictures of Gildas, who loved best and truest, when they were most troublesom to offenders; being lively Instances, to guess at this distance, at the spirit and efficacy of St. Patrick's Mi∣nistry upon the Ancient Irish and Scotch, by the Apostolical stamp of such self-denial, and contempt

of this present World, in their hearts and affections out of love to Christ, and that to come. This worthy Bishop Aidan (as his name imports in the Brittish) and Holy King Oswald, were the Chief Authors and Instruments under God, of the Conversion of the English to the Christian Faith over all the Land, not only in Northumberland, where they Reigned, and re∣sided, but over the rest of the English Heptarchies, by their Influence and good example: for Oswald did not only the part of a King, in the first Invitation, and con∣tinual encouragement, maintenance, Protection of those men of God, but bore a great share with them, in their Ministry, for as Aidan delivered Gods mind in his Doctrine and Preaching, soh 1.312 Oswald out of great zeal and humility, to the better edification of his Subjects, vouchsafed in his Royal Apparel to be his Clerk or Deacon, interpreting Aidan's mind to the People, wherein he was defective or unready for want of more skill in the tongue; and which gave the greatest life of all to his endeavours, exem∣plifying all his precepts, by a leading conversation and holiness of life, and largeness of Alms and charity hardly to be parallel'd, parting with his meat out of his mouth, with his dinner set before him, to his poor Christian Subjects without: that Aidan once wishing this unwearied Arm, and liberal hand of his, might never fail, but be ever supplied by God, with heart and substance for it, gave occasion to Monkish Historians of the superstitious Letter, (where∣in Bede himself was no mean proficient)i 1.313 to fain and believe, that his arm never rotted or decayed in the Grave; forgetting, or taking in, (the better to frame the Legend,) those Posts, or Town Gates,

whereon King Penda hanged it. For, as by the Grace of God he exceeded all other Kings in Reli∣gion and vertue, so in Gods just and unsearchable judgements, he no less out went them in the disaster of his end, being conquered in Battel by Penda King of Mercia his Enemy; who quartered, and hang'd up his head and arms, for scorn and terrour to all about; of which direful end of so good a Christian, no con∣jecture can be made (out of Bede) of the cause, but from the place of the Fathers murders, and the Sons sufferings; for Bede saith, he was kill'd at a place call'd by the Englishk 1.314 Maser-feild, not expressing where it lay, but Heaven-feild (the place he Conquered and killed Cadwalhan, (about 46 years before Cadwalhan dyed, by rearing the Cross,) he assigns to be about the Picts wall in the North, But most probably the place of his Cross and Death, was one and the same: As Cambden more rightly guesses by several Circumstances, to which I have particular reason to add one, for at Oswestree where Oswald was kill'd by Penda (thence called Oswaldsstree and in the Brittish, Cro••s Oswalht, or Oswalds-Cross) is to be found Cae-Nef, as it is called to this day, or Hea∣ven-feild in the English, which I have often gone o∣ver, adjoyning near to the feilds where the ruins of Oswald's Chapel remain, by a Welll 1.315 called Ffynnon-Capel-Oswalht, where the late Noble Lord Capel drawing his Forces in a body, was answered touch∣ing the place in my hearing that it was called Cae-Capel, or Capel-feild, by that famous and strong Warriour Mark Trevor, Viscount Dungannon, bred

and born there and there abouts, whom Cromwel had ever a great honour for, being the only man that wounded and worsted him, in the face of his Brigades, which never had been known, (be∣cause concealed by his Armour,) but by Cromwel's own Ingenious Confession and kindness towards him for his Valour, after the Loyal party was re∣duc'd, as I have heard his Royal Highness relate the Story in publick. Within 8 or 9 Miles of this place, stands Bangor-îs-y coed, whose Religious Monkes were so barbarously Murthered by his Father Ethel∣fred in such numbers as before: By the Ministry of Aidan, them 1.316 whole Province of York, this side Scotland, and its English Inhabitants, was restor'd to the Brittish Church, that is, the two Provinces of Bernicia and Deira, (as that Metropolitan See was divided into,) were entirely converted, such as needed:n 1.317 Bernicia containing in it Eastward, the whole County of Northumberland, and part of Dur∣ham: On the West, the North-Cumbrian Kingdom, erected by the Brittains between the Rivers Derwen and the Friths, upon the ruines of the Northum∣brian:n 1.318 And Deira the other part comprehending the Counties of York, and Westmerland, and Lancashire, and the South part of Cumberland below Derwen. Cheshire, about this time, being in great part, with∣in the Principality of Powys, and Brochwael Scythrawg its Prince, residing at West-chester, (as other times at Shrewsbury,) and there assaulted by King Ethel∣fred, Bede lib. 2. A goodly part of the English Nation! especially if we add thereunto the large Kingdom of Mercia; where all the English, according to Bede,

lib. 3. were Converted and brought up in the Faith by Finan, [^a] who was Discipulus Nennii Ban∣nachorensis Cestriâ Elapsi, Nennius his Disciple who escap'd from Chester, saith Pitzeus, but according to Bede, both he and Diuma, the other Apostle of Mercia, were of the same School witho 1.319 Aidan, as likewise of the same Brittish Principles in oppositi∣on to Rome. And their extraction may be conjectured at, from their names: Forp 1.320 Finan is the same with Winn, or Gwin, or the diminitive Winnun, or Winnan, which signifies white or Blessed; for the Irish use f for v, (as also do the Brittains,) and win with the one, isq 1.321 fin with the other. And Dymma, (as in Ʋsher,) or (with Bede's addition,) Diuma signifying in the Brittish, God (is) Here. Penda King of Mercia (who is a Pagan with Bede,) is believed inr 1.322 the Scottish History to be Baptiz'd by Finan: But Peadas 1.323 his Son with his Attendants, are acknowledged by Bede to be Converted and Baptized in the North by the said Finan, (Aidans successor,) and Married to King Oswi's Daughter, Oswald's Brother and suc∣cessor, as his Sister was before to Alchfrid Oswi's Son, which was some Introduction to his Conversion, but not thes 1.324 ground, as himself declar'd. At his return from the North to Mercia, Cedda, Adda, Betti and Diuma were sent along with him to Convert and teach the rest of the people, and Diumas 1.325 Consecra∣ted by Bishop Finan (after Penda the Father was slain by Oswi,) was made Bishop alone over both people, the Mercians and Midle-Angles, ob paucitatem sacer∣dotum, saith Bede, because their Clergy were scarce; or rather out of some aim and design that the first Ordi∣nations should be entirely Brittish; for else, either

Cedda, or Adda, or Betti, being English Priests, might well have serv'd to be one of the other Bishops, and Colleague with Dymma, ast 1.326 Trumhere, and others were, after this first Establishment, who were of English race, but ofu 1.327 Brittish Principles and Ordination. Neither could it seem less than a Miraculous con∣currence of Divine assistance to their Ministry, that so many Souls should be instructed and converted by so few Instruments, for Pauco tempore non paucos convertit, saith Bede, of Diuma: For Aidan in the North, is known to have fresh assistance fromx 1.328 Scotland; much therefore in all probability must be attributed to the Ancient Brittains, (which Bede is not forward to discover,) who in several Counties of this bordering Kingdom, (as its name imports) did, and do to this day, retain in several parts, not their Faith only, but their Language also, as in the Counties of Chester, Salop, Hereford, and Gloucester, and more particularly at Oswaldstre, which was within the English side of Clawdh-Offa, or Offa's Ditch; which was the known latter bounds of Wales and Lhoegr, reaching from Sea to Sea: Who upon the Princes Conversion, did more discover their Profession, and fell in (no doubt) with Dium∣ma, concurring with them altogether in their Faith and Customes, and contributed no mean assistance in this first Conversion: For the enmity between the Saxons and the Brittains was much abated before Augustin's arrival, after one or two descents. For who greater Friends, than Ethelfred himself, and Cadvan? (to whom Ethelfred'sy 1.329 Wife and Edwin's Mother, according to the Brittish Story, being

put by, by the Introduction of a Concubine made her chiefest application for Intercession with her Husband; who greater than Edwin and Cadwalhan? (not to remind the West Saxon Leagues and Inter∣marriages) yet mortal Enemies, the one, and the other pair, by Monk Augustines means, but after they became Christians, and conformable to the Rules and Doctrines of the Brittish Church, former wrongs were more forgot and obliterated, and they strove to assist and defend each other, and to mingle in Society and Communion,z 1.330 Plurimi Brittanni se conferunt in Monasteria Northumbrorum, accepta ton∣sura, tam nobiles, quam privati. And if they flocked in to their Monasterys in the North in such numbers, of the Noble, as well as the Common sort of Brit∣tains, much more in Mercia, when Cadvan, and Penda so well understood one anothera 1.331 being Brothersb 1.332 in Law, and allies in their War: neither were the Mercian Kings backward in the demon∣stration of their Honour, and kindness towards the Brittish Christians, witness that stately Monastery built by Offa King of Mercia at Verulam, to the memory of St. Alban a Brittish Martyr, and the Translation of the See from Canterbury to Lichfeild in his time, witness the total extirpation of Monk Augustine's Roman plantation in Canterbury and Ro∣chester, as before, which Malmsbury attributes to some provoking words given by the King of Canter∣bury to Edilred King of Mercia, but it is also to be considered, that Edilred was now a Christian, after the Brittish form and zeal, and no doubt the greatest part of his malignant Army, (as Bede stil'd it) were either Brittains, or of Brittish disposition towards

Augustine's faith and plantation: which (had it continued with succession of teachers) was but o∣ver a few English, in Kent and there abouts, which was all the Roman Christendom here; whereas the English Conversion upon the Brittish account, ex∣tended and comprehended, besides the whole Pro∣vince of York, and the Shires before mentioned, these following Counties with their Bishopricks, which were known to belong tob 1.333 Mercia, and middle England, which reached all along from Humber to Severn; Gloucester, Hereford, Worcester, Warwick, Leicester, Northampton, Lincoln, Hungtindon, Bed∣ford, Buckingham, Oxford, Stafford, Darby, Salop, Nottingham, Huntingdon, the English part of Cheshire, and the North-half of Hertford, making up (with the Six Nothern Counties of Aidan's Conversion) a∣bout three or four and twenty; which are fair proofs and suffrages, that the Old Church of England, was Brittish, and not Roman; especially if we put in, the third Heptarchy or Kingdom of the East Saxons, into the Scale, containing the Counties of East-Sex, Middle Sex, and London, and the South part of Hertford, all Converted to the Christian Faith by Brittish Ministry, differing as afore from the Roman Church, as is undeniably manifested, and recorded by Bede himself of the Adverse side. For when the Londoners had driven out Mellitus, (Augustines Bishop,) whom the Kings of Kent, the chief Patrons of the Roman Nurse∣ry, could never after procure to be restored, the Chri∣stian Faith was planted among the English in it, and the Country belonging to it, through the Instance and Interest of Oswi, Oswalds Brother, perswadingc 1.334 Sigebert the King thereof, to be Baptized by Finan,

whereupon Cedd Brother of Ceadda; was ordained Bishop there, d 1.335by Finan whoe 1.336with the Clergy he ordain'd and employed for the several parts thereof, finished the Brittish Conversion of the third Heptar∣chy, wherein (being three of the most considerable Saxon Kingdoms,) the Church of Rome had not the least Hand or pretence in their first Conversion; though some of its bold seducers, will not stick to affirm the English in general, had no Christian Faith before Luthers time, but what they received Originally from Rome, and count them no less than Hereticks, for adhering to the Religion of their Fathers, which they undoubtedly received through Brittish Teachers from the Apostles; which to deny were either great Impudence, in such as know this to be true, or great Ignorance in such, as know it not: But it is not however much to be wondered at in them: for as Christ's mind and the truth with Christians, so the mind of the Pope, and the Interest of the Church of Rome, with Roman-Catholicks, is the rule and mea∣sure of their Conscience, and affection, and their Affirmations, and the Eternal standard of good and evil, verity an falsity with them, incurably, while Roman-Catholicks: And why the men of that per∣swasion may not depose any thing in Tribunals, a∣gainst their light and private knowledge of the Truth, for the Interest of their Church; or at the Catholick suggestion of their guides; why not sweare, or conspire to any thing, in point of Fact, as well as believe any thing in point of Faith, out of Implicit obedience to Superiours, against the dictates of their conscience, and the Truth, which with them is but a private Spirit, not to be followed against the other

without danger; I cannot see any reason to the con∣trary, but the Roman-Catholick Hypothesis may well beare the consequence and Improvement, provided all be carried on with a Lacedemonian skill and wariness, with whom stealing was no Crime, but to those alone, that were caught in the Fact.

Hitherto we have recounted those Counties in England, about 26 or 27 in number, with the great City of London, touching which the Church of Rome hath nothing to object, or upraid the Inhabitants in their Progenitors in the least with any derivation of their first Faith from them; and consequently not the least Imputation of Ingratitude or Disobedience, or Schism to fasten on them, in that respect, any more, than on the Ancient Brittains themselves.

Next I will instance in those Provinces, wherein they have some pretence and colour out of Bede, to in∣sist on; somthing to say for themselves, and their title of Superiority, (whether it hold good, or not) both in the Kingdom of the West-Saxons, which was a consi∣derable Territory, and in the three other of East-Angles, South-Saxons, and Kent, more inconsiderable in comparison; that it may appear to all, how that somthing is meer nothing; as some of their kind and learned favourers have observ'd, and in part confessed.

For their title over the West-Saxon-Kingdom, and the Counties that did belongf 1.337 thereunto, Surrey, Southampton, Berks, Wilts, Dorset, Somerset, Devon, Cornwall, they alledge, that the first Christian King thereof, Kinigilsus was converted to the Faith by Roman Ministry, by Birinus by name, sent thither from Pope Honorius, and ordain'd Bishop at Genua: It is answer'd, this Conversion came to nothing,

and were it true and Regular, and with the leave and liking of the Bishops of this Province; yet it ended with that King, and with Birinus, who left no suc∣cessor:g 1.338 The succeeding King Kenwalch, refusing his Fathers Faith, was Converted afterwards by the means of Anna King of the East-Angles, (whither he was driven out of his Kingdom by Penda,) who saith Polydor,g 1.339 satis constat, its sufficiently mani∣fest, were of the same Province and Kingdom with the East-Saxons, though sometimes govern'd by two several Kings, and London was the Royal City and Metropolis of both Nations, Kenwalch's Con∣version therefore falling out in a Brittish Oswaldian See, cannot be well ascribed to Rome: Besides, Agil∣bert the first Bishop, he used for his Instruction, is stil'd by Bede,g 1.340 Pontifex ex Hibernia, a Bishop out of Ireland, though of French descent, for there he studied several years, and learn't that Divinity which he preach'd to Kenwalch, which was Brit∣tish Doctrine by consequence: Where it is observ∣able by the way, how the greatest Clergy of France, (for Agilbert afterwards was Archbishop of Paris,) came over hither to our Britttish Isles to Study Divinity: And Wini,h 1.341 who was afterwards made a Partner with him in his Diocess, was not from Rome, but fromh 1.342 France, with whom the Brittish Church held fair Communion, as with Ireland,i 1.343 send∣ing to, as well as receiving Teachers from them. Be∣sides

the passage about Birinus, is suspicious and Le∣gend-like in several Circumstances, and making much against them: For it doth not mention what Countrey he was of, which never could be known, ask 1.344 Malmesbury notes; besides Kingl 1.345 Oswald be∣ing Recorded to have been at the same time a Suiter for Kinigils Daughter, and Godfather to his Faither-in Law at his Baptism: It looks not as Improbable, that his Conversion was brought a∣bout (as of most of the Saxon Kings) by the zeal and Industry of King Oswald; who else was too pious, to have that value for Heathen Allyanee: And therefore our Birinus might well be an Erinach, or a Loegrian-Brittain: How else, if a Forreigner, could he preach and instruct the King, who understood nought, but English? unless King Oswald was a Go∣spel-Interpreter between them, as well in the South, as he used in the North, and so in effect a Royal Preacher of it to the English, from one end of the Land to the other; and the tale of Birinus his Ita∣lian Ordination, looks like the other lusty Affirma∣tion of Bede, (that makes way for his feates in that Church,) who in contradiction to himself, as well as the truth, represents the West Saxons at his arrival amongst them, to bel 1.346 Paganissimos, alto∣gether Heathenish, whereas most of those Counties (and some to this day,) were Ancient Brittish Chri∣stians, who had Bishops preserv'd amongst them from the time of King Lucius, and the Christian Faith, from the Resurrestion, and the Landing of Joseph of Arimathaea in their Territory; besides that the first power of the Saxons over those Counties,

was through Treaty and Allyance, for mutual as∣sistance between Kerdick and Mordred, as afore, and not by force and Conquest; and their confirmati∣on in it, by King Arthur with particular Articles for the perpetual preservation of the Christian Faith amongst them, besides the union and Intermar∣riadges of Saxons and Brittains, in this Territory especially, as elsewhere, whereby the Brittains in withholding the Gospel from them, (as they are unjustly traduc'd,) did but withhold it from their own flesh and bloud; so that the English Loegrian Brittains, of these eight West-Saxon Counties, may, (and ought) with a good Conscience account them∣selves members of the old Brittish Church, if they will; as the other 26 Counties must, whether they will, or not.

As for the three remaining Heptarchyes, which were not so large and considerable, as the other four, either that of the East-Angles,m 1.347which con∣tain'd the Counties of Norfolk, Suffolk Ely and Cambridge, or the other of the South Saxons, which contain'dm 1.348Sussex, and part of Surry, with the Isle of Wight: or Kent, which was the first seat of the Aliens, whereof the two first were gain'd, to∣gether with the East-Saxon Heptarchy, dolo non ferro, as Malmsburyn 1.349 words it, the last by Carnal Lure, that is, in the Dialect of modern Christianity, not much inferiour to their Heathenism; one by Pimping, and the other three by Trepanning of King Vorti∣gern, whom they well knew to be an Usurper, as well as dissolute: Neither were the generality of the former Inhabitants thereupon, all put to the Sword immediatly, but accepted for Tributaries to

their new Masters in all probability, and service∣able perhaps thereby to their Salvation; yet it is to be examined how far the English in these Counties owe their first Faith, and subjection to Rome, after the Archbishoprick of London, (wherein they stood) was recovered, without any long Inter∣mission, to the Brittish Church.

If it be alleadged that Eorpwald Son of Redwald King of the East-Angles, either Father, or Son, or both, were won over to Christianity by the means of Edwin King of Northumberland, and the Romish Ministry of Kent; It appears out of the same Bede,o 1.350 that both Conversions ended with their persons, without any erection or succession of Bishops in that Territory; the one revolting to Heathenism at the per∣swasion of his Wife; or, which was far worse, serving Christ and Satan at the same Altar; and Eorpwald, shortly after his Baptism, killed by one of his own Countrey and kindred, and the Kingdom lying in its old Idolatry, till his Brother Sigebert succeeded in the Throne; who was not Converted by the means of Rome, butp 1.351 in France; where he lived in exile in his Brothers time; and when, upon his return, he was desirous to make his people partaker of the same Christian Faith, We find him in Bede assistedq 1.352 by Felix a Frenchman, andr 1.353 Furseus a Noble man from Ireland, both Nations fairly agreeing in Com∣munion with the Brittish Church: The one being made the Bishop of the East-Angles, but ordained and Consecrated in Burgundy, whence he came, He is said to call one Honorius, then Archbishop of Canterbury, and to acquaint him with his desire to Preach the Gospel; who sent him to these parts,

neither with Ordination, nor guift of Tongues, nor any other token of Dependance, the King himself being his Patron, who probably had been the Kings old acquaintance, if not his Ghostly Father, and first Converter: And the chiefest assistance to∣wards the good of the people, that he is particu∣lariz'd to give King Sigebert, is about the ordering of hiss 1.354 School for young Children after the man∣ner he observed in France. And his successor Thomas Diaconus sent by the same Honorius after the De∣cease of Felix, was de Girviorum, or† 1.355 Jarrow in the North, part of Aidan's plantation under King Oswald, in whose time notu 1.356 one Infidel in those parts was left unconverted: In whom, or him, that was next Bishop, the Roman Race and succession must needs have given place to Brittish, Ordination; how else could it be true, that inx 1.357 Wini Bishop of Winton's time, who was contemporary, Bede should affirm, there was no other Bishop besides him, throughout this Isle of Brittain that was not of Brit∣tish Ordination? as we often have occasion to urge.

But the Conversion of the body of the people, is chiefly and deservedly attributed toy 1.358 Furseus and his Companions, who first founded a Monastery in the Countrey, called Knobhersburgh for a Nur∣sery to his Ministry, and an example to the people of Mortification and contempt of this present World, which was then their usual method in the first planting of the Gospel; whose main end is to bring this World, with all its pompes and self ends, more out of request with men, and the life to come more in view and value. This St. Furseus for his

quality and extraction,z 1.359 Erat de Nobilissimo genere Scotorum, He was of the Princely bloud of the Scotch or Irish, (who with Bede are one and the same People,) but for his temper and educati∣on, he was more noble in mind, than bloud, brought up to learning and sanctity from his Infancy, famed far and near for his Preaching, and holy living, his vertues and miracles, and visions. He first comes from Ireland to the Brittains,a 1.360 from them to to the East-Angels, (and to the Leogrian-Brittains, left amongst them, ill supplied with Ministers,) for it is observable upon Monk Augustine's arrival, it was the Britishb 1.361 Clergy, their Priests and Bishops, more than their Laity, that with fire and Sword were hunted and driven into Wales, and not left there unpursued.) And being honourably received by King Sigebert, he fell to his wonted work of preaching the Gospel, (for the Irish were no strangers about this time to the English tongue, as neither the Eng∣lish to the Irish, who us'd high and low, Nobiles & mediocres, to flock from England toc 1.362 Ireland, to be instructed in the Scriptures, and strict way of living,c 1.363 where it cost them nothing for Instructions, or Books, or Diet:) And brought numbers of Infidels to embrace the Christian Faith, or conforted and confirm'd those, that had believed already, by the example of his life, and the power of his Doctrine, leaving his Brother Foilan with other Monks and Mi∣nisters to continue what he began, the whole Teri∣tory being afterwards reduc'd and Conquered by the

Kings of Mercia, whose Religion we have known before to be wholly Brittish, as opposed to the Ro∣man.

Neither are the descendants of South-Saxons in Sussex, or Surrey, or the Isle of Wight, any more ob∣lig'd to Rome, for their first Gospel, than those of East-Angels, though the Monkish Writers are seldom wanting to set forth, or enlarge with Legends any the least title which Rome hath to pretend. There∣fore on their part they alledge that Wilfrid driven from his Arch-Bishoprick of York, by Egfrid the Son of Oswi King of Northumberland, retir'd and Preached the Gospel in these parts, and Converted several, and erected a Monastery at Sealsy,e 1.364 where afterwards the Bishoprick of Chicester was first settl'd and brought the Isle of Wight to believe, by the Preaching of Hildila and Berwin, his Sister's Sons, whom he sent amongst them. But Bede could not but ac∣knowledge, thatf 1.365 Edilwalch King of the South-Saxons, was long before Baptiz'd in the Province of Mercia (where the Faith was Brittish,) by the per∣swasions and means of King Wolfer, who was his Godfather at his Baptism, and bestowed upon him up on the score of this Spiritual adoption, and his encou∣ragement in the Faith, the Isle of Wight and Means∣borrow; whereupon he sent alsog 1.366 Eopa, and Pedda, and Bruchelin, and Oida to Preach the Gospel there to the English, where the Brittains had long† 1.367 before Communicated it, his Queen being also a Christian, Baptiz'd in her ownh 1.368 Countrey before, the Province of the Wiccij, or Worcester, a Brittish Christian Dio∣cess then, and long before: Neither wanted it, a

little Monasteryi 1.369 of the Irish, whereof Dicul was the Abbot to support the Plantation; which in every respect, whether of King, or Queen, or Monks, or first Preachers, sent amongst them, was of Brittish settlement and Instistution; and that before the ar∣rival of Wilfrid, (whose coming if it were for Seisure and Dominion,) was disorderly and Schismatical: thrusting his sickle into another's Harvest; if for common assistance, it was an Act of charity and kindness, deserving present Thanks, but not at all creating an eternal Superiority to Rome over this Pro∣vince; besides that Wilfrid's coming hither, is owing in part to the North of England, whence he came, be∣ing himselfk 1.370 Originally of Aidan's Oswaldian Mo∣nastery, and ordained by Agilbertus Arch-Bishop of Paris, of Irish,l 1.371 that is, Brittish Institution. And though he warped from his own Church to Rome, upon the score of Easter, and created great troubles to himself, as well as others, through his erroursm 1.372 and Ambition, and Ignorance, being verily perswaded, that the Golden Number (which the Brittains slighted,) was a traditon of St. Peter; His errour and seduction, being built upon a false suppo∣sition, was virtually, and in the general, renounc'd and disown'd by him, as the soul fundamentally dis∣sents from all Impostures and Fallacies, whereby his frailty in one particular became no obstacle or hin∣drance to our South-Saxons, but that the rest of his Ministry was wholly Brittish; and that neither upon his score, (much less on the others,) are they at all oblig'd to Rome, as the Mother of their Faith: add to this (which sort of Argument, ought to be of

weight with credulous Romanists,) the great venera∣tion over all this Territory, to the memory ofn 1.373 St. Oswald, (the great restorer of the Brittish Church,) and to the day of his death, upon which (by a par∣ticular prediction of St. Peter and Paul, appearing on purpose to set up his honour here) they were assured of their deliverance from a great Mortality and Famine, which heavily had raged amongst them. But suppose they had been wholly and entirely con∣verted by Roman Ministry, and no other, their thanks and Prayers had been due for ever to their spiritual deliverer though Forreign, as afore, but their obedi∣ence and subjection was due to their own Governours at home nevertheless.

Neither was the case, and Roman Interest much bet∣ter in Kent, (into which corner of England, their whole plantation was at last reduc'd, where it first began;) as it is observed and confessed with a kind of Lamen∣tation, that after the death and overthrow of King Edwin, and the Retreat of Paulinus from his Arch-Bishoprick of York, to Rochester,o 1.374

Ecclesia Itaque Anglicana intra Cantianos limites iterum redacta est, neque ulla ad huc fuerat Episcoporum successio praeter∣quam Roffensium & Cantuariorum; The Church of England, saith a Gentleman of great learning and moderation, was again reduc'd within the bounds of Kent, neither had they any succession of Bishops, but only at Rochester and Canterbury,

But it was the Roman Church of England, that was so reduc'd and worse, after their Bangor Massacre, but the Brittish Church of England, might with ease have been ob∣serv'd, to be replanted in its place, over all the land, and that Principally, by the means of Oswald, under

God, and Cadwalhan, that restored him (though the Son of Ethelfred) who was Augustine's chief Instru∣ment, totally to suppress and destroy it, though to his own ruin in the event, verifying therein the Brittish Proverb, a fynno dhrwg iw gymydog iddo ihun i daw. The mischief one intends to his neighbour, returns upon his own head.

But we shall further prove our Roman Colony, to be very much unsettled, and indeed eradicated with∣in its Kentish limits; For not to mention the total devastation of Kent, its Churches, and Monasteries by the malignant Army ofp 1.375 Edilred King of Mercia, as before; and Putta Bishop of Rochester re∣linquishing his ruin'd See, and ending his dayes in Mercia, as it fared no better with Bishop Willelm, put in to succeed him, to make up the breach; of whom Will. of Malmesbury faith,q 1.376 prae inopiâ ab Episcopatu discessit, he was forc'd to quit his Bisho∣prick for meer want and hunger. And the See of Canterbury, the Mother of the rest, (established here at first Schismatically against all right and Canons,) was partaker of the like Judgements, and calamities; And whether the Church of Rome ever faild from its first beginnings, I shall now enquire? but certain and manifest it is, the Roman Church in England had its Period, and Cessation, and death. For Bede himself expresly acknowledges,r 1.377 Non erat tunc ullus, ex∣cepto Wini, in totâ Britttannià Canonicè ordinatus E∣piscopus: That when Ceadda was to be Conse∣crated Archbishop of York about the year 668. there was not one Bishop left in the whole Isle of Brittain, that was Canonically ordain'd, (that is, with him, by Roman Bishops,) but Wini alone, all

the rest being of Brittish Ordination, from whom accordingly Ceadda had his Consecration: And it is as clear by the unanimouss 1.378 Confession of all our Historians, that this Wini became a Simonaick, and therefore no Bishop in Law by their own Principles. A remarkable vindication of the Innocent Bloud of our Bangor Martyrs through Gods wonderful Pro∣vidence, who is wont to give a Victory and a new Resurrection to his Church, after mortal wounds, and to confound its enemies: For Augustine, and his Italian Successors, as they never had Right, so neither had they any long continuance here, not∣withstanding all their craft and cruelty: Honoriuss 1.379 was the fift, and the last of their race and number from Augustine, who died Anno 653. Then the Chair began to receive, most an end,† 1.380English Successors, such was Deusdedit a West-Saxon,d 1.381whose Eng∣lish name was Fridona, whose Ordination was void by the Canons of the Church, as well as his Chair: For he was not Consecrated by any Archbishop in in due manner, Paulinus being dead and gone, but by one single Bishop,† 1.382Ithamar Bishop of Rochester, who had no more power to make an Archbishop, than hath a single Presbyter to Ordain and Conse∣crate his Superiour Bishop. Therefore all his Acts, and his whole sitting for 9 years, were Void and Null. And Will. of Malmesburie's reason,e 1.383for their not calling the Northern Oswaldian Bishops to their assistance, is very disingenious, (in one that had read their Principles in Bede, to be so averse against Communion with the Romish See of Canterbury,)

Cavebant Romanorum apud Cantiam Reliquiae Or∣dinationes erroneorumsequi: The Reliques of the Ro∣man Church in Kent (saith he) were shy to admit them, that err'd about Easter, to have an hand in their Ordinations, whereas the shyness was on the other side, shunning all Communion with them, as Schismaticks and Intruders upon the Brittish, Church. So that there was no Archbishop at all in Canterbury, from the time of Honorius 653. (the See continuing actually Vacant for a year and a half to Deusdedit, and also Deusdedit's nine years sitting, being null in Law,) and a while after, to the time of Theodorus, of Tarsus in Cilicia, his com∣ing to the Chair in 668. Of which contrivance of Rome to begin a second Usurpation over the English Brittish Church, as well as their first over the Brit∣tains, more shall be observed in proper place: There∣fore the Church of Canterbury was manifestly ex∣tinct for those 15 years between Honorius the last Ita∣lian, and Theodorus the first and last Graecian Arch∣bishop there. And we have heard before of the ex∣tinction of the See of Rochester under Putta, and Willelm; besides the Archbishops that succeeded Theodore seem Brittish by their Countrey, and In∣stitution: Birthwaldus his next successor Anno 692. was Brothers Son to Ethelfred King of Merciax 1.384 where their Faith was right Brittish, Tatwin after him in 731. was likewise ofy 1.385Mercia; And three of his Bishops, that ordain'd him, Ingwald of London, Aldwin of Lichfield, Daniel of Winton, were not of Roman, but of Brittish Sees: And the last ordain'd by Birthwald,z 1.386 Nothelmus after Tatwin 736. had

been Bishop of London where he was born, Cuthbert after Nothelm came from the Chair of Hereford, an Ancient Brittish See, belonging to the Arch∣bishoprick of Caerleon in Wales: And not to men∣tion Bregwin a Nobleman of Saxony who succeeded Cuthbert, Lambert, the thirteenth Archbishop, was wholly depriv'd of his Primacy, by the means of Offa King of Mercia, who withdrew all his Revenues, and Churches in Mercia from him, and got the Pope to assent thereto, misit nuntios donativis conferendis praemunitos,b 1.387 Noverat enim Rex Offa desideria Ro∣manorum; for he had treated him according to his humour with great guifts. And so Aldulphus Bishop of Lichfield, was made Archbishop during the Reign of Offa. The Pope notwithstanding (through the great darkness that was to be for several Ages in the Church,) restor'd the See, and maintain'd his usurpa∣tion at Canterbury, to the time of Henry 8. a Brittish King; who putting a full end and period to all Popish powers and pretences, (continued here a∣gainst the Laws of the Land, and the Canons of the universal Church,) And judging fit to continue the Primacy of Canterbury upon a new and better Au∣thority, his own pleasure, and the strength of the Law; the Superiority of that See became lawful ever afterwards, to be submitted to in Brittain, according to Church Canons: Which from the suppression of the old Archbishoprick of London, was all along be∣fore, a manifestly uncanonical, and Schismatical usur∣pation, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,c 1.388 infamous to boot, in the sense of the Ancient Canons: Usurpation and force, and Conquest, (right, or wrong,) being more comely in

the field, than in the Church; and better to be le∣gitimated by descent and time.

And this Argument of the English, or Saxons re∣ceiving their first Faith from Brittain, and not from Rome, is further corroborated by that notable ob∣servation of the Reverend and Eloquent Arch∣bishop Parker, (sometime Queen Elizabeths Latine Tutor, as I am informed) upon several Oldd 1.389Saxon Laws and Homilies containing several points, and Articles, and Suppositions in them, quite con∣trary to those Doctrines, that Augustine and his Romish successors, endeavoured to sow, and pro∣pagate, as the Faith of Rome in England. 1. Against Transubstantiation. 2. For Communion under both kinds. 3. And the Translations of Scripture into the Vulgar Tongue, and Instances thereof before the time of Wicleff. 4. Laymen to study, and read the Scriptures, and to learn Creed, and Decalogue, and Lords Prayer in the Vulgar Tongue. 5. Against Invocation of Saints,e 1.390Worshiping of Images. 6. Marriadges to be free. 7. Kings to be Gods Vicars in their Kingdom. 8. The Legislative Power to be in King and people: Quae quidem veteris Ec∣clesiae Brittannicae dogmata &c.

Which verily, saith he, being the Tenets and Doctrines of the Old Brittish Church; and long retain'd amongst the Ancient Saxons, (notwithstanding the influence and successions of their Roman Guides and Teachers, to the contrary,) how agreeable they are, both to to the word of God, and our Modern Laws and Constitutions, and how diametrically contrary in

all respects, to their way at Rome, any one may with ease discern, that will. For as the same learned prelate again, what Author did ever in his works report, that Augustine did ever Preach to the English, that they might come to be∣lieve by hearing? that he was not capable to do it, his own Pope Gregorie's Epistles extant, plainly shew; he verily was an Apostle of Roman rites and ceremonies, not of the Christian Faith, or the word of God, to the English Nation: he taught them, how to be Romans, and Papists, more than to be Christians or Believers. And by the points in such hot and bloudy contest between him and the Brittains, (where there was little or nothing insisted on, touching soundness of Doctrine, or purity of life, but all touching the domination and power of Rome, and Romish rites, and tonsures) it plainly appears he was but a meer man of straw andf 1.391 ceremony, more than of God, and Religion.

Where to stop the mouths of Ignorant Romanists, that make a brag, as if the English had received their faith from Rome, he likewise shewes at large, that Pope Gregory him∣self, was no better than his Apostle Augustine, for that he was not so good a man for life, and pen, as the Papists would pretend.

Andg 1.392 g 1.393 again, valde do∣lendum Anglorum conversionem in ista tempora inci∣disse, in quibus collapsa Ecclesiae Doctrine atque disci∣plina, &c. It was a great misfortune, that the English conversion fell out to be at such a time, wherein the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church was quite fallen to the ground, and wholly degene∣rated from its primitive purity and sobriety, into

vanity of errour and superstition, and the matter it self proclaims too loud, let Bede say what he please to the contrary, that Augustine's chief work and business here, was to instill some Roman Ceremonies amongst our Ancestors, and not the Christian Faith; yea Rome it self about that time, and by the parti∣cular influence and endeavours of Pope Gregory, was the spring and fountain of all such superstitions, not only among us in England, but in the rest of the World beside, of which he makes a large proof with Instances Irrefragable, of their superstition, and ambi∣tion, their Holy Water, and Dreams, and Legends, and Divine lyes, and Golden Vessells and a wooden Priest∣hood, not that decent ceremonies (that take not the heart from God) are in themselves unlawful in Gods service, as Christ himself hath shewed in the Insti∣tution of visible Sacraments,) as also of their pride, and Antichristian design, to enslave Kings, and Churches, and Nations under them; and when all was done, and they mounted themselves as high as they would, or could, the effect and product of all, was no more, but that ambition, outed all good rule and Government; Luxury, good living; Dreams and legends, the Preaching of the word; lamentable superstition, Catholick Religion.

And that their first adventure, and attempt to erect their Roman supremacy over souls and Churches, was here in England, and Augustine the Monk their for∣lorn hope, that their ungodly success and Victory was about its height, about the time of Charlemain, about 140 years after, lasting about 800 years to the

the time of our Henry the eighth 1.394Et sane illa prima de Romanis ritibus per Augustinum excitata

contentio, quae non nisi clade & sanguine Innocentium Britannorum poterat sedari, ad nostra recentiora tem∣pora cum simili pernicie eladeque Christanorum per∣venit. And verily that first and early contention and strife for rites and ceremonies, begun here by Augustine, which could not be exstinguished or a∣bated, but with the bloud and desolation of the Innocent Brittains, is evidently carried down to our own times, with fresh and daily tydings at our doors, of the like destruction and Massacre of Chri∣stians, for the like cause.

Thus that Eloquent and Judicious prelate, ani 1.395 East-Angel by birth, and a chief Father of our Church by place and merit. And it is additionally remarkable, that several of those Saxons Laws and Homilies, bore date be∣fore the arrival of Augustine to this Land, (there beingk 1.396 about 147 or 150 years from the Saxon invasion to his coming, as before was said) which is an invincible Argument, that the Brittains (as they had any opportunity) Preach'd the Gospel in those dayes to the Saxons, though their bloudy and per∣fidious Enemies, to which those alliances and Inter∣marriages with them in their infidelity, (for which they stand blamed in story,) might by the ordering of Providence be Instrumental, yet are taxed by Gildas, if the passage be Authentick, for neglect, that they were not more vigorous and diligent in Com∣municating the Gospel to them, whereby may be conjectured, how great the Christian zeal of Gildas was, and the Brittish Ministers of his stamp and In∣clination, as he confesses there were several, who were so thirsty for the Salvation of the souls of their Enemies, who thirsted for nothing more than their Lands and bloud.

SECTION X. That all or most of the Kingdoms and Churches in this part of Europe, and Rome it self, re∣ceived their first Faith from Brittain, yet Brit∣tain pretends to no Supremacy over them upon that account, and the Romanists Feloes de se in that kind of Plea.

IF the Church of Rome hath no better evidence for her propagation of the Faith, (and Supremacy thereby, over other Churches of the world) than is produc'd for Brittain, it is plain and easy to discern, its title is not founded in any reality or merit, but a disease of the fancy only; and that high-mindedness, whereof she was early forwarn'd by her rejected Apostle, Rom. 12.3. or a malady like that of the Athenian Merchant, who imagin'd all the Ships that arrived at Harbour to be his own: whose cure from this distemper had been their imaginary beggery and undoing. The French Church at the Savoy, or the Lutheran amongst us, might far better pretend to a Primacy over York and Canterbury, being more Or∣thodox, and Learned, and better understood by se∣veral that resort to them, and acting with the leave of our Province, and its Lawful Governours, and not siding Barbarously with Pagan Enemies against Christian Brethren, to destroy or adulterate the true Faith, as did Monk Augustine: who at least could be but Rector of Christ-Church Canterbury, under his mighty Patron Ethelbert in defiance of his rightful Metropolitan Theonus; which yet he could not sup∣ply himself, for want of the tongue, nor by any other,

by reason of the Schism and Irregularity. Or, to suppose more than can be asked or expected, that E∣thelbert who was King of Kent only, was King also of Mercia, and the East, and the South, and West-Saxons, and compleate Lord over the whole Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury, or London, which then reached from Humber, to Severn and Cornwall, and now further, over Wales; and that he in such a right, had lawfully nominated and elected our Augustine for his Arch-Bishop, who thereupon had been regu∣larly Consecrated and Install'd by the Clergy of the Province, according to the Canons of the Church, and by the consent and voluntary Cession of Theonus his predecessor, without the help of Heathen force, yet Theonus in that case could but resign his Term, but not the rights of his Church forever; and Augustine be∣came thereby but a more lawful Brittish Bishop, of an Intruding Roman Monk. For such a settlement by the Principles of the Church of Rome, and all com∣mon sence, did not change the See to be Roman, but constitute Augustine and his successors to be rather Brittish Bishops. It's a whole Kingdom, that natu∣ralizes one Forreigner, and not one Forreigner a whole Kingdom; for so at Rome, let him that is E∣lected to that Chair, be French, or German, or Greek, or Barbarian, or (which were enough to stupifie, and unsanctifie any head of a Church) let him be a Witch, or a Sodomite, or an Atheist, the vertue of the Roman Chair nevertheless shall naturalize, and Purifie, and Petrifie this strange man into a right Ro∣man-Catholick Pope and successor of St. Peter, Holy and Infallible, notwithstanding those forreign disa∣bilities. Therefore by their own rule, Augustine and his successors were frail Brittish Bishops at best, and and hell'd all their Priviledges and Precedencies in

that See, in the right of their Brittish Chair, and not their Roman Mission. And what at∣tempts soever they made de facto, to erect and prefer that See in Roman Right, before all the Ancient and standing See's of Brittain, they were all Null, and Void, and of such Schismatical Ma∣lignity and impossibility, as were the like Act of any French, or Spanish Pope, that should go about to raise the Chair of Paris or Toledo, from whence he came, above the See of Rome, and Order appeals from this to those, than which in their Principles, nothing could be more Heretical, and sinful, sav∣ing perhaps the sin against the Holy Ghost. If it be offer'd, that the Superiority here acquir'd by Augustine, was acquir'd for Rome from whence he came, by the same reason the Supremacy at Rome was acquir'd for Jerusalem, from whence St. Peter came, and that Church to be reviv'd; and Rome, and all other Churches, alike descending, to be made subject to it, and by consequence to be a Sister, not a Mother to our Brittain, and a younger Sister, too, under their common Mother of Sion: But this point hath been solemnly determined by Popes themselves, in the Controversy between Dole and Tours: Which last from the beginning was the ac∣knowledged Metropolis of Little-Brittain; till Samp∣son Archbishop of York, (or St. Davida 1.397 saith Cam∣brensis) was driven thither for his refuge by the Saxons about theb 1.398 year 561. who being chosen Bishop of Dole rais'd that See, not only to be an Archbishoprick, but Superiour likewise to Tours, the Original Primate, whether by the Priviledge of the Ancient and Imperial See from whence he came,

and of the Pall he thence brought with him; or, as Pope Innocent, judge afterwards in the Case, suggests, (which makes this President more to fit) because the Brittains having about that time erected a new King to themselves against France, they took the occasion of Sampson's arrival to erect a new Archbishoprick likewise. But this Vetustissima Con∣troversia, asd 1.399 Hoveden stiles it, came at last to be decided before Pope Innocent the third, who, out his moderation, first propos'd an expedient, where∣in we may be sure Rome was to be no looser: That Dole should continue an Archbishoprick, with two suffragans only, and receive a Pall from Rome by the hands of Tours, whose right it was to be Primate; but the Dolensians refusing this offer, the Pope in the second year of his Papacy, Anno 1199. determin'd for the Ancient Right of the Native, against 600 years prescription and above, back'd with Princely Authority, for the Forreigner. So that if our Holy Bishops of Rome would suffer themselves to be guid∣ed, either by that Golden Rule of doing as they would be done by, whereby all reasonable and good men are governed, or stand to their own Principles and Decisions, whereby the worst and most unreason∣able are concluded, they would no longer own this so weak and infirm pretence for Supremacy over our Brittish Churches, but suffer the Consci∣ences of their obedient Catholicks to be undeluded from this Imposture forever.

But they ought to be told that the Church of Brittain hath propagated the Faith over more Kingdoms and States of Europe by her own, or by Disciples of her own School and Institution, than c 1.400

ever Rome did; yet never pretended, as before was Intimated, to any claim of Ecclesiastical Supre∣macy over other Churches, (much less Temporal over any Crowns in order to the other,) upon that account, but only maintained her own Soveraignty, within her own Province, under her own Rightful Governours, for the peace and order of her own people; that she is Mother Church to Scotland and Ireland, is apparent and confessed; and no less to England, (or to the English, or Saxons prevailing in Lhoegr,) was sufficiently proved; And it is as ma∣nifest, she is Mother Church to Germany, both High and Low, and Grand-Mother to the Churches of its Propagation, by consequence. What Bede af∣firms ofe 1.401 St. Egbert and St. Willibrordf 1.402 (both from our Brittishg 1.403 Irish Schools) to have first planted the Gospel over Holland, and Frizeland, and Low Countries, acknowledged by the Historians of those parts, out of their ownh 1.404 Annalls and Re∣cords. For England was the Academy and Nursery of the Gospel to Holland, as Ʋtrecht afterwards by that means, to the rest of Germany.

For hither at there need they sent for a supply of Teachers,i 1.405 Quae tum, saith Ʋbbo Emmius of England, propter ex∣citata illic Literarum studia viris doctis abundabat, & ob nuper rcceptum Christi cultum (ceu fieri solet) caeteris ferè provinciis vicinis in Pietatis zelo erat ferventior, & quod plurimum hanc ad rem pertine∣bat, eadem fere cum Frisiis adhuc linguâ utebatur, Which then abounded with learned men, because of the several Schools of Learning there set up and encouraged, and were more zealous, and

Industrious in propagating Piety, (as is usual,) than the other neighbouring Provinces, because they had then but newly received the Christian Faith themselves, and which was very Mate∣rial to help on their work, spoke the same Lan∣guage with the Frizelanders at that time;

which we observ'd before, to be a great bar and excepti∣on throughout, against the Legend of the Con∣version of the English by Monk Augustine and his Italian followers.

And in anotherl 1.406 place, Religio nova studium literarum, &c. The English people, who before were Barbarous and skilful only in Armes, when upon their embracing the Faith, they addicted themselves to the study of Learning, became soon such ardent Proficients, that they did light the Candle to the rest of Europe besides; for from their Schooles such swarmes of Learned men proceeded, as with great zeal and piety planted Learning and the Cospel among the Nations every where, which had not heard thereof.

Accordingly an Apostolicalm 1.407 number of twelve Teachers are sent to perfect what Egbert had begun, among whomn 1.408 Wilibrord was the chief for Learning, and Royal Birth, his Collegues being Suidbert, Occo, Willibald, Lebwin, two Ewalds, Werenfrid, Marcellin, Wicbert, Adelbert. Willibrordo 1.409 continued 50 years Archbishop of Frizeland, instructing those parts, and Converting many thousands to the Faith: So did Marcellinp 1.410 for 70 years: Suidbert propagated the Gospel throughq 1.411 Westphalia, Lower-Saxony, Bruns∣wic, Bilefield, &c. the rest performing their parts in their several Allotments. And Wiillehadr 1.412▪ coming from

England to their assistance, promoted the same a∣mong old, and young especially of the Nobility, for 30 years, from West-Frizeland to the River Weser and Bremen, being made the first Bishop of thats 1.413 place by Charlemagne, Willericus Disciple and Successor of Willehad, carried it on to Holsatia and† 1.414 Dithmarsia.

For Frizeland and Holland by the means of the English, were then theu 1.415 Plan∣tarium, or Nursery, and Ʋltrajectumx 1.416 eo tem∣pore Schola Theologica esse caeperat, unde vicinas & Longinquas in Gentes Doctores & Episcopi emitteban∣tur;

Ʋtrecht began then to be a Divinity School, which furnished all those Nations far and near with Teachers and Bishops; for thence we shall find Charlemagney 1.417 to fetch his Bishops for his new and great Sees he constituted over Germany. So that High-Germany will be found, to be at first equally water'd with the same Brittish Doctrine, as well as the Lower; but with some difference about the time of setting out. For the Higher hath three several Epocha's and Dates of its first Conversion to the Faith. 1. The first Ancient and more uncertain. 2. The second later, and most certain, but imper∣fect. 3. The last full, certain, and from Heathenish Idolatry, complete: And in each, their derivation is from Brittain. In the first, from our King Lucius leaving his Throne for a Pulpit, and earlyz 1.418 preach∣ing the Gospel at Saltzburge, Augsburge, Bavaria, and Switzerland, and Mansuetus to the Lorraigners before him, being the firsta 1.419 Bishop of Toul in that Province, and his Companions Valerius, Maternus,

and Eucherius spreading it as far asb 1.420 Treves and Metz, and Beatusc 1.421 on the other side, to Helve∣tia; of which though some make doubt, yet the evidence for St. Peters being at Rome the second year of Claudius is not clearer. In the second, from† 1.422 St. Al∣ban, St. Columban, and Kilian, and Offa, &c. Of the first, Munster saith, Certòd 1.423 Constat S. Columba∣num Scoticum Monachum, discipulumque ejus S. Gal∣lum, circiter annum Domini 580. per Sueviam & Alemaniam intrepide ac palain Sigeberto Austrasiae Rege concedente, depraedicasse primum. We are cer∣tainly assured, that St. Columban, a Scotch or Irish Monk with St. Gallus his Disciple, to have first preach'd the Gospel over Suevia and Almaine boldly and openly about the year 580. Sigebert King of Austrasia or East-France granting leave. St. Kiliane 1.424 of the same Nation and Institution, is as cer∣tainly known to be, primus Francorum Apostolus, the first Preacher of the Gospel to the Franconians and the first Bishop of Herbipolis or Wirceburgh, not to mention Offaf 1.425 the Son of Ethelfred's Labours be∣yond the Rhine about Offenburgh and Schuttern, as before. But Christianity had not fully prevail'd over Heathenism throughout Germany, sed Gentiumg 1.426 Profanarum ritus Christianis moribus fere miscebantur, but many in several places were half Heathens, half Christians, till in the third place St. Winifridh 1.427 arriv'd from England amongst them, coming first to St. Willibrord to the School at Ʋtrecht,h 1.428 thence by great and uncessant Labours and hazards fori 1.429 36 years together over the greatest part of Ger∣many

k 1.430 he perfected their Conversion, and Baptiz'd 100000. and heal'd them of their Heathenish Superstitions, constituting Bishopricks in several places, by the assistance of Martel, and Pipin, overl 1.431 Franconia, Bavaria, Thuringia, himself being made Archbishopm 1.432 of Moguntia, or Mentz, the chiefest See in Germany, from him, and upon his score, (which had under it 13 great Bishopricks lying in the heart of Germany, Constance, Stralzburgh, Spire, Wormes, Augsburg, &c.) and thereby Primate, or as he is commonly stil'dn 1.433 Apostolus Germa∣norum, the Apostle of the Alemaines: Who Crown'd King Pipino 1.434 Father of Charlemagne Anno 750. and being murder'd at last with about 50 of his followers, as he went to root up the remainder of Heathenism in Frizeland Anno 755. he lyes buried at the Abbey of Fulda, Famous for its† 1.435 Library of Manuscripts, transcrib'd from York in great part, &c. which he him∣self had Founded. Butp 1.436 Willehad comes from Eng∣land afterwards, and reduc'd by the power of his Mi∣nistry those Barbarous people, (among whom he was kill'd,) and all the Countrey thereabouts, till Charlemagne sent him to Convert the Saxons: For when by forceq 1.437 and frequent Victories for 30 years, neither he, nor his Father and Grandfather Pipin and Martel, with the like Rod, could do but little good upon the Saxons, to bring them to em∣brace the Faith, much less to be constant to it, and to the many Oaths and Promises they made, as

often as they were subdued, to that purpose not to desert their Christianity: No, though he consti∣tuted an Arbitrary Authority to several Liuetenants over them,r 1.438 to hang up any man at the next Tree, for the least suspicion of Apostacy and Violation of Faith, without any Tryal or Judicial Process; and transplanted ten thousand Families into Flanders and Brabant, from both sides of the Elb: He re∣solv'd at last, being govern'd by his Tutor Alcuinus (or, as others call him Albinus, which is some proof his name was Gwinne, i. e. White; the Brittains a∣bout that time mixing with the English in their Monasterys, Bede lib. 5. cap. ult.) In all hiss 1.439 private and publick Affairs, both Ecclsiastical and Aca∣demical, fetch'd from his Chair here at York, where he taught with great Fame, for that purpose,) to handle these stubborn and false-hearted people, after a more mild and generous way, to fix them in the Faith, if possible. To that end he erected and endowed ten† 1.440 great Bishopricks from one end of their Countrey to the other, at Munster, Osnabrough, Halberstad, Werden, Hildesheim, Padelborne, Mynden Magdeburgh, Hamburgh, Bremen, which I have set down, the better to know their Homes and chief Cities in Charlemagne's time, that is about 200 years after their Ancestors Invaded England. And insteadu 1.441 of Temporal Dukes and Grandees to govern with the Sword, he plac'd Bishops over them with great Possessions and Wealth, to reduce them by Instruction and Hospitality, on whom fear and terrour could so little prevail: Whichx 1.442 Bishops

were all English, or of the English-Brittish Institu∣tion at Ʋtrecht. As our Willehad aty 1.443 Bremen, scarce Inferiour then to any Bishoprick in Germany, for its large and ample Possessions and endowments: Andz 1.444 Ludgerus of the same way, by Alcuin's perswasion upon both Emperour and Bishop, at Mimingrod, or Munster: Wiho and Suidbert at Osnabrug, and Werden. By Anscarius, Willehad's Successor at Bremen and Hamborough, united into one, the Gospel made its first entrancea 1.445 into Denmark and Sweden, which, with the Countrey of the Vandalls, were added to his Diocess by the Emperor Ludovicus. And by their means, and their Successors Bishops, and Charle∣magne and his Successors Emperors, joyntly assisting, the Faith was planted amongst the rest of theb 1.446 Nations of Germany, Northward, and Eastward. in Bohemia, Brandeburgh, Meckleburgh, Prussia, Po∣merania, and more and more in Denmark, Sweden, Polonia,c 1.447 Lituaniad 1.448 Hungaria, Sclavonia, Tran∣sylvania, &c. till it overtook and reach'd the Apo∣stolical Plantations of St. Paul in Greece, from whence Russia had its Faith: For it is manifest from History, that to all these Territories the Gospel was im∣mediatly conveighed from Germany; and to Germany from Holland and Ʋtrecht: And to Ʋtrecht from England and Ireland; and to them all from Old Brittain, the first spring, through God's regard to Innocent bloud at Bangor.

Which account is allowed by Romish, as well as Protestant Writers; but with one exception or two against it, which turnes all to the Advantage of the e 1.449 f 1.450

Roman Claim and Title; That this German and Northern Plantation was all carried on by Authori∣ty and Substitution derived from Rome, whence the English Doctors had their first Faith and Learning, or at least their Mission and License for this work, which is alike recorded, with a remarke besides, of the Pope's changing their names at their setting out, Willibrord into Clement, and Winefrid into Boniface in token of dependance, which shall be examined to the bottom, after we have finished the progress and merits of Brittain, through the remaining Coun∣tryes of Europe, especially the great and Ancient See of Rome, which hath been so ambitiously intent upon a false and vain glorious derivation from St. Peter, that they have well nigh forgot, whence they had their first Christianity, which ought therefore to be brought to their remembrance, out of their own best Antiquities, whereby it shall be further evinc'd, that Brittain had not its first Faith from Rome, but Rome rather from Brittain.

Which point will be fatally ruled, and carried irrefragably against them, if one passage be fully cleared: Not, whether St. Peter ever was at Rome? which is maintain'd agaist them by Learned Pro∣testants with great Probability; but this, whether he came thither the second year of Claudius, or be∣fore the 12, or 13. of Nero? wherein we can no where hardly be more amply satisfied, than from Baronius, (or Spondanus who contracts his mind) their accounts and defence thereof, being the chief∣est Advocats they have for it. Whether it be con∣sidered, what they have to offer. 1. Touching the Cause and occasion of his first coming. Or 2. the duration of his Residence, and what his work and labour was, in Preaching, or Ruling, or Judging of

Controversies and Appeals, during his continu∣ance there: Or 3. what was the first occasion of this Errour and Legend. As to the first; the cause of hism 1.451 coming to Rome, they assigne out of St. Hierome to be this, to check Simon Magus, who deluded the World with his Witchcraft, who pretending by his Art to fly, was brought down by St. Peter's Prayers, that he broke his neck, which happen'd this second year of Claudius, saith Me∣taphrastes alone,m 1.452 and no Ancient Writer besides, as they acknowledge, who is an Author of no great credit with themselves; So then he came to Rome the second year of Claudius, to contend with Simon Magus the 13 year of Nero, by whose encourage∣ment to Magicians, Simon came to Rome, which is the time of this Contestm 1.453 agreed upon by all, whereby St. Peter by their account had 25 years space to make him ready for this Combat: As to the second, they have nothing to say, but the bare naming the years in order, of his supposed sit∣ting there,n 1.454Anno Petri Primo, Secundo, Tertio, and so on to 25. filling those years with pompous Learned reading, without mention of any Acts of St. Peter, whereby it is clear from their own Con∣fessions, that if he came, or continued for any time, or number of years, that he did nothing there, but made a Sine-Cure of his Roman See: For not∣withstanding all their search and Learning, and Manuscripts, and Traditions, they cannot pro∣duce one Sermon, or Prayer, or Miracle, or Pro∣cession, or Ordination, or Constitution, or Sen∣ence of his, but only one or two conjectures; the first dear bought, that he writ from thence his second

Epistle,o 1.455 wherein Babylon is mention'd, 2 Pet. 2.13. which (though to their great danger from the Re∣velation, yet to purchase so much evidence,) they allow to be Rome, (their City, though not their Church, say they 〈◊〉〈◊〉,) which yet stands them in no stead, for it proves not the particular time and and point in Question, whether it bore date the second of Claudius, or thereabout, which is denyed, in all reason; or not till the 12. of Nero, which may be granted without any Inconvenience to our Argu∣ment: And the second very bold, but d••stitute of good Authority, yet agreeable however to Apo∣stolical deportment in St. Peter in all mens expecta∣tions, as well as their own fancies, were it true, that he then was there; for sayes one, he then ordain'd, and sentp 1.456 Bishops and Teachers to preach the Go∣spel over all Italy, France, and Spain, which well became him; and to Brittain saith another; but who are there witnesses and Authors? Only one of of their own Popes, Innocentius primus, some hundred years after, for his own Interest, in his own cause, without any second; and who for the other, but Metaphrastes, of whom, siqua ei fides adhibenda est sine Majorum Authoritate Loquenti,q 1.457 is their own Character: An Argument, that they themselves believe not this Legend of St. Peter and the second year of Claudius, which they obtrude upon the World, with such great importance, and so weak a guard, and in contradiction to themselves. For how could St. Peter there Act, or Rule, or Order, where he then was not: Neither in reality and truth, on the one hand, (as is Learnedly and Conciselyr 1.458 de∣monstrated

by an admirable sound and profound Di∣vine, who to admiration, within the compass of a quarter of a year, or thereabouts, when he was in Wales for his Refuge for Loyalty in the late times, both Learn'd, and Preach'd in the Brittish Tongue, so hard and difficult to English-Born, as I was thereof well assured from good hands: Nor yet in the sincere belief of our great Romanists, as appears both by their Argu∣ments and plain Confessions; for the Arguments and reasons, whereby Barnabass 1.459 is by them proved not to be the first, that Preach'd the Gospel to the Romans, (against Dorotheus his assertion,) are, because he was then in the East at, and had his Apostleship after, the death of Herod, Act. 12.23, 25.1.41. which is known to have fallen out in the fourth years 1.460 of Claudius, and also because the Jews were expell'd Rome by Claudius in his ninth: Which are as firm a∣gainst St. Peter his being, or preaching at Rome in such a time, if St. Peter was a Jew; for he is recorded in Scripture, both before, and after, Herod's death, to be as much in the East, over seeing all the Churches of Judaea, and Galile, and Samaria, Act. 8.14.9.31. Re∣ceiving St. Paul upon his Conversion, Act. 8 14, 25.9.27. Which fell out in the 36 year of Christ,† 1.461 and the second after his Resurrection, and after three years, or about the latter end of Caligula, whom Claudius succeeded, he visited St. Peter at Jerusalem for 15 dayes, Gal. 1.18. And 14 years after, he visited him again at Jerusalem, Gal. 12.1. At the time of the Councel, being the 9th. of Claudius, which with Caligula's three years and 10 months reign, made the 22th. yearu 1.462 of Tiberius, and the second after the Resurrection, wherein St. Paul was converted by this

account. Healing Aeneas at Lydda Act. 8.34. and re∣maining a long time at Joppa v. 43. where he raised Tubbitha from the dead, v. 40. received and bap∣tiz'd Cornelius, Act. 10.5.48. and defended this Act at Jerusalem, Act. 11.2. where he was Imprison'd by Herod, and delivered by an Angel, Act. 12. and after Herods death (in the† 1.463 4th. of Claudius as before,) and many Cities of the Gentiles Converted by St. Paul and Barnabas, Act. 15.3, 4. he is found to be resident still at Jerusalem with the other great Apostles, v. 2, 7. and present at the Councel about Circumcision, which was held in the 9th year of Claudius; by their ownt 1.464 Confession; which is the other sign, themselves believ'd him not to be then for 25 years at Rome: Ex∣pulsum autemu 1.465 cum caeteris Judaeis fuisse Petrum Apo∣stolum (nisi alia occasio inde eum abduxerit) nulla est Dubitatio, because he was expell'd, without doubt, with the rest of the Jews by Claudius, or was drawn away upon another occasion; which is well sug∣gested by them, for how could he be at Rome in their account, and at Jerusalem, in the account of Scripture, as before, the self same time? or which is first to be believed? which is likewise the reason they give, why nox 1.466 mention is made of St. Peter, by St. Paul, in his large Catalogue of Eminent Chri∣stians, whom he sends his Commendation to, Rom. 16. because being expell'd by Claudius, say they, he was gone else where, (or he sent his Commendati∣on to St. Peter in a secret Letter by himself,) which was well thought of, and is a Petitio principii, like to their other proofs of this great and fundamental Article of their Faith, and the chief foundation of

their Supremacy: whereby they do greater right to St. Peters name and memory, in confessing necessa∣rily, that he was not there in those years, than main∣taining frivolously, that he came so early, and from far thither, from Jerusalem to Rome, like Cato into the Theatre, to be gone as soon as he came; or, which were more incongruous, to continue there for 25 years, till the 12th. of Nero, to do nothing, or but to catch flyes, and at such a time, when he was so hard to be spar'd, when the whole World stood in need of his help for the first planting of the Gospel: Therefore considering the first occasion of this errour,(y 1.467 Hieronymus Eusebii Chronico assuit, in Graeco enim non est,) With, or without their good leave, we may take it for granted, that St. Peter never came to Rome, (if he came at all,) till the yearz 1.468 St. Paul came thither, of whose coming there is bet∣ter certainty, (whose Authority ecclipsing all others, was therefore followed by the first Popes in the Easter Controversy against the East, and St. Peter himself; a good sign he never came;) but manifest it is St. Paul came to Rome about the 13 year of Nero. And yet it is very well known, and from the testimony of Scripture, and good History, and Nero's Bonefires, very evident, that there were many Christians at Rome and Italy before St. Paul ar∣riv'd amongst them, Act. 28.14. Who came from Rome, as far as the three Taverns, which was 33. and Appii forum, which was fifty one Miles distant, to meet him out of honour, v. 15. yea some of them were Seniors to him in the Faith, as himself acknow∣ledges, in Rom. 16.7. Andronicus and Junia to have been, the one a Greek, the other a Latine, by their

names, yet his Kinsmen; which had been no great wonder, or special dignity, if they had not resided al∣wayes at Rome, for thousands at Jerusalem, were in Christ before him, Act. 2.41. who could not there∣fore be converted any where by him, neither by St. Peter, nor St. Barnabas, nor any of the Jews at Rome, by reason of their expulsion: Nor by any of the Ancient Greek, or Gallick Churches who had, the one, their Conversion from Dionysius the Areo∣pagite, at furthest, as the other from St. Paul himself; from whence therefore could it be first planted at Rome so early? This best appears, by the account themselves do make, where the first meetings and Assemblyes of Christians for Wor∣ship were held at Rome? And they agree, it was in the house of Pudens, a Senator, whom St. Paul men∣tions in his 2d. Epistle to Timothy, with whom St. Peter had his first reception, (when he first came to Rome) amongst the Gentiles, and left the Street, Old Jewry, beyond Tybris, where the Jews were bound to reside, upon this Invitation and encouragement of Pudens, whose housea 1.469 Postea patuit Omnibus Chri∣stianis ad agendas Synaxes, At whose house, that in the second year of Claudius, the first Christians at Rome did use to meet for worship and Sacraments, we take their own acknowledgement, for one part; though we can by no means allow the other, that St. Peter at that time, was any member of that Pri∣mitive Congregation, though he might be after∣wards; and how should this noble Pudens, and o∣thers at Rome, become Christians so early, before either Jews or Greeks, or any other Eastern Nation could help to their Conversion? how otherwise imaginably,

but through his wife Claudia Ruffinab 1.470 before men∣tioned, (our accomplish'd Brittish Lady,) and her Chaplains, whom St. Paul mentions likewise in the same second Epistle to Timothy, who wrought upon her Husband, as there be many like Instances in Hi∣story: bearing the Christian badge very probably in her Brittish surname Gruffydh, for ffydh notes fides, or the Christian Religion, in Brittish, but whether the other, or first part of her name, comes from Cryf, which signifies strong, I shall not now examine, but if it be so, it must be her Fathers name given at the Font and signifying strong in Faith, who might be brought Prisoner to Rome, or of his own accord have visited Caractacus, our bold Brittain, (or Cradoc, as his re∣maining Fort near Stretton in Shropshire still with the Brittains retains his name, calling it to this day, Caer Caradoc,) soon after the Resurrection, and the land∣ing of Joseph of Aramathea here, which gives ad∣ditional probability to that tradition, how else could Claudia Ruffina and Pudens be Christians so early, as the second of Claudius at least, as is confessed? and others before St. Paul himself? who was converted within two years after the Resurrection, as was pro∣ved: But to insist only upon undeniable evidence for our Christian Brittish Superiority to Rome, the Con∣verting of Pudens his house afterwards intoc 1.471 a Temple, titulo Pastoris, but called at this day, Ecclesia sanctae Pudentianae, is a fair Instance, sufficient to con∣vince any free judgement, which is the Mother Church at Rome, (that pretends to be a Mother of all) by Original right? and that it is St. Pudentian's Church, upon a Brittish, and not St. Peters, upon a latter Roman score, or Jewish. To which may be

added, as a considerable Oare in their boate, That the first Gentile Bishop they had at Rome, and upon good desert, Linus by name, was of Brittish ex∣traction by the surer side, the Son of Claudia Ruffina, as they may gather out of their ownd 1.472 Clemens. And the highest Temporal Exaltation, and endow∣ment of their Roman Church, which by modern hu∣mour is equivalent to the Gospel it self, that they did owe to our Brittish Constantine, as all Christians throughout the Roman world, did their rest and peace, is as undeniable as any of former Instances. So that, whether the first tidings and Plantation of the Gospel at Rome be considered, which was 25 years before St. Peter there arrived, or St. Peters first re∣ception and kind welcome there, which was by Brittish preparation, for the Roman zeal and incli∣nation destroyed and crucified him; or their first Consecrations, and fountain of their Orders and Ministry, whereon none can lay more stress, than they do at Rome, or the highest Inthronization of their Popes, and their countenance and respect with Christian Emperours, which they have affected to excess and abuse, or the first Peace and Security of their City and People, and of all the whole Roman Empire, from Heathen Persecution from Generati∣on to Generation, which ought never to be forgotten or undervalued, all is mainly, or solely, owing from them to our Brittain, from their first foundation, to their highest Pinacle and Cupola: which yet they have very ill requited by troubling our Churches, and deluding our people, for these last thousand years and above, having the face to extoll the noble principle of obedience, while themselves would

trample under their feet their own Brittish Mother and Founder and Patron.

Our Induction hath gone through most part of Europe, saving Spain (with its Goths and Moors, with whom and Brittain there was little Converse,) and the Gallick Churches, which were very Ancient, and were mutually amicable with our Brittish, and ever serviceable toone another in their need; They sending Lupus, and Germanus, and Felix hither; wee 1.473 Alcuinus, Rabanus Maurus, or Raban the great, (for Mawr signifies great in the Brittish,) to found and direct their Universities, asf 1.474 Columbanus andg 1.475 Furseus to order their Monasteries. And if they had rather derive their Faith from Dionysius, with the Legends that attend that Story, than from their Neighbours of Brittain; yet the Gospel being here in the dayes of Tiberius, was before it could be there, by Dionysius, whose Conversion of Athens was 12 years at least after Tiberius died; and it is No∣torious, we had Christian Kings and Emperours, Lucius and Constantine, some hundreds of years before their Clodovaeus: And some of their Provinces had en∣tirely their Religion, as well as their Name and people from our Brittain; and some other of their Provinces were invaded, and denominated from Northern Nations, on whom the Gospel had made some en∣trance and impression by the Ministry of our Willehad and Willeric, as above, some while before. With∣all, the Modern French are more Germans, than Gaules, as our Highlanders are more Irish, than Scotch. For the Galli in France, did not survive so distinct from the French Conquerours, either in people or

Language, as did the Walli, or Brittains, from the Snxons; for the Brittish, and the Old Gallick Tongue, are justly supposed by the Learned to be the same, and accordingly we find the names of the Ancient Towns in Gallia, to bear Brittish Etymologies without strein, as several Instances are given in Cambden and Bochartus: And the Inhabitants of Galatia, to whom St. Paul writ his Epistle, were observed by St. Hie∣rome,h 1.476 to speak the same Language, he heard spoken at Treviri, or Treves, which Town fairly bears a Brittish Etymology, Tref-Hir signifying a long Town, or Trefor, a great Town, as that needs must be, where Maximus from Brittain fix'd his Im∣perial Seat, with his Brittish Legions about him; as Brennus also is known to have reduc'd Galatia by his Armes, from whom very probably the Brittains called a King Brenhin ever after, like Winnin from Winne as before, as the Romans did their Caesars, and the Persians their Arsacidae, and the Aegyptians their Phaaro's, and as the Irish to this day call the Brittains, Branach q. d. The men of Brennus: Yet no such affinity can be ob∣serv'd between the Modern French, and our Brittish Language in one word of 100. (which is some Argu∣ment the other is extinct,) unless it be in some An∣cient words resembling the Latine in both, which the Latines rather borrowed from them, than they from the Latines: for though it must not be denyed, but that such words in our Brittish Tongue, as savour of the Roman Conquest, were derived from the Latine, as Lheon from Legio, Mis Aust, from the month of Augustus, Emrodwr from Imperator, as also such other words, as crept in from Com∣munion with Churches, as Eglwys from Ecclesia,

or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mynwent from Monumentum, a Church∣yard: Ffydh from fides, Lhîth from Lectio, ••endith from Benedictio; as the Modern English and French dayly borrow for ornament in abundance, yet there is no reason, that the rest of our Ancient Brittish words, that border upon the Latine, should be said to be bor∣rowed from it, as Aur Aurum, T••r Terra, Mor Mare, Marw Mori, Cîst Cista, Celh Cella, Lh••dh Clades, Alt Altum, Mur Murus, Calch Calx, Culhelh Cul∣tellus, Fenest Fenestra, Gwydr Vitrum, Pont Pons, Sych Siccus, Porth Porta, Pysg Pisces, Aradr Ara∣trum, Medhig Medicus; &c. No more than Tri∣marchia, or tri march, tres equi; or Petoritum, Ped∣war R••yd, quatuor vada; or Pimpedula, Pimp-deilen, quinque folia, &c. But there is good reason and proof, that the Latines rather borrowed such words from the Gallick, and consequently from the Brittish, which is suppos'ed to be the same, for soi 1.477Quin∣tilian a Competent Judge of his own Language, puts this matter past doubt, when he affirms the Latine Tongue to have plurima Gallica, very many Gallick words intermingled in it, which was occasion'd by the neighbourhood of the Celtae, saithk 1.478Vossius, and the Highlanders call the Southern Brittains, Cealt to this day, to which may be added the Victories of Brennus, as another good cause: Seeing therefore the Old Gauls were suppressed in all respects, by their French or German Conquerours, (for ha••dly any Nation escaped, so entire and distinct, in People and Language, without mixture, or alteration, under the Chastisements of Christendom, by Goths, and Saxons, and Normans, as our Brittains:) The French Chri∣stianity now, must have the same Original and de∣rivation,

with the German; which we before shew∣ed, either more Anciently, or Modernly, to be from Brittain, though Lucius, or Willibrord, or Winifrid. As likewise by the same reason, the modern Faith of Rome is to be derived from the Audian Schismaticks, from whom thel 1.479 Goths (who fully Conquer'd them, and chang'd their place, and people, and Language,) derived theirs: And so it were with the Modern Inhabitants of Lhoegr, or England, if it were not well known and proved, that the Saxons, who subdued them, had not their first Faith from any other Nation, but from hence. And the French, or German Christianity of Gallia, was chiefly Nurs'd up∣on Brittish breasts, (as it remotely proceeded from a Brittish womb) for thither went St. Leonoriusm 1.480 a Bishop of our Brittain, to King Childebert the Son of Clodovaeus the first Christian King of the French, with 72 Disciples to propagate the Gospel among his people, being received with great Ho∣nour by the King, his Queen Ʋltrogodi, and the Peers of his Realm, for his good design: Hither their Kings from time to time, did use to send for supply of Learned Teachers for themselves,n 1.481 and Neighbours, as did the Pipins, and Martell, and Charlemagne, who being the favorite of the Pope, and so great and Learned an Emperour, had not sent hither for Teachers, Tutors, and Professors for his Universities, if from any other parts of Europe he could have been better furnish'd: To these Isles their Students flocked, as we instanced in Agilbert Arch-Bishop of Paris out

of Bede lih 3. c. 7. to study sound Divinity, to feed their flocks at home, as did their Predecessors the old Gauls, to our Druides to learn Philosophy, and Law, &c. or as now-a-days our Modern Gentry re∣pair to them, to learn Ceremony and Complement, and by consequence, a Tacit dread and Reverence by degrees for their Nation; for the Giver or Master is more excellent than the Receiver or Disciple, whe∣ther it be Pearls or Pebbles that they deal in, which any Ignorant, or willful fancy can give equall price and value to, as to it self.

To answer therefore the exceptions before, against the full Plantation of the Gospel in Germany by Winifrid, &c. which Rome claims a greater right to, be∣cause though their extraction was from England, yet, either their learning and knowledge, or at least their Mission, and Commission to Preach, and reward and dignity for it, was from Rome. To answer to the first, if those English Doctors had their knowledge and learning from Rome▪ It was either before, or after the arrival of Monk Augustine hither; Pope Gregorie's Lamentation over them for their darkness, when he met the English Youths in the Roman marker, and the confession of their own Historians that they were Populus, Barbarus, Et armorum tantum gnarus, a wild and a rude People, skilful at nothing, but the Club, is enough to disprove the first: if after; either from himself, or Successors; we shall not so farr distrust our Character before, of his parts and learning, out Bede, as to magine any can believe, so large and Divine a stream, as water'd Europe over, after the Gothish drought and desolati∣on, could proceed from such a pumice: if from his suc∣cessors; o 1.482

either from those that preceeded; or suceed∣ed, Arch-Bishop Theodore, The first: we proved to be soon worn out, and all Chairs amongst the English, before Theodores entrance, to be filled by the Brittains; and at his entrance, it was too late for them to learn, having set for Holland about the same time, that he came for England, being Contemporaries with Wil∣frid, whom Theodore unjustly both settled and un∣settled, in his Archbishoprick of York; by whom one of themp 1.483 Suidbert, was Consecrated Bishop An. 695. for the Belgick Conversion. Withall, Bede expresslyq 1.484 saith, that Egbert, and the Ewalds were Irish Monks; and Ʋsherr 1.485 proves the like of Wilfrid, yea it is notorious out of Bede, that the English did generally flock to Ireland, for their learning; by whom they were not only furnished withs 1.486 Books, but likewise with their Saxonick letter, which much a∣grees with the Character, the Irish, still use; and as Antiquitaries assure, was used by the Brittains before, from whom the Irish had it, so that mediate∣ly or immediately the Saxons had their learning from the Brittains; but as to the Character, from the Norman entrance, both English and Brittains left it, to follow the Roman, which serves not the Brittish so well for Raphate letters, as did the Saxon, but mul∣tiplies their consonants too much; and the Greek Character, which Caesar saith, they used in his time, could not express all their Aspirate sounds; neither was it probably used by our learned Druids, who put nothing to writing, and their posterity maintain'd that humour in the times of Christianity, being not gi∣ven much to scribling,† 1.487 as Gildas observes, but their

Divinity chiefly lay in Communicating knowledge to Friends, Enemies, Strangers, by Oral instruction and holy living, and above all in Hospitality, and Syberwid, and Brotherly love and charity towards one another, and defending the weaker side; and their Human learning lay in Laws, Mathematicks, and Astronomy, &c. which by Alguinus was conveyed to Charlemagne, and the French, &c. and in the depth of Philosophy and Chymistry, wherein Merlin say our Antiquaries, was a great Master; as their Recreations were not in Debauchery, or Drinking, but in Campio, as they stil'd it, or kind of Olym∣pick exercises, that tended to make them ser∣viceable in War, and above all in Poetry, and Clera, to blazon the Valour of their Worthyes, the Hospitality of their Gentry, and the con∣trary defects, to the height, &c. Yet the Greek Character might well have been us'd amongst them for Commerce with Greek Merchants, who much resorted here for Tin; and some have conjectur'd, that Brittain might thence have had its name, from Bre-Tin, Bre, and Bro, in the Brit∣tish signifying Countrey, and Tin the same as in English: whereby Cymro, (q.d. cum regione,) and Cymru whereby the Welsh call themselves in the singu∣lar and plural, signifies the same with Caesar's Abo∣rigines, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as if in Heathenish opinion they had grown together with the Land: But there are several markes to prove, that, as they had their first Faith from the East, more immediatly than other Nations of Europe, so likewise their extraction and Communion of secret Learning from the Pa∣triarchs in like manner: I shall not insist but on three. 1. The great Analogy and similitude be∣tween the Hebrew and Brittish Tongues, not only in

theiru 1.488 Proununciation, &c. But especially in the forming of their Conjugations, and Syntax, by the help of pronounes, in whole, or in part, pre∣fix'd; or affix'd. That the beginning at the Pronoun is so great a key to master either Tongue, that it hath been known by experience, that one, who never knew before his Hebrew Letters, yet by that method, was enabled to render an Hebrew Psalm into English, and another English Psalm into He∣brew, the director supplying the Dictionary, But himself the Grammar, and Regular terminations, and all within the space of six hours, in the same day: The second is, what will not suddainly find admission, but is well proved by anx 1.489 English Au∣thor from Aristotle's own Confession, and the con∣current Testimonies of Diogenes Laertius, and Cle∣mens Alexandrinus, &c. That the Graecians had their Letters and Philosophy from the Inhabitants of this Isle. That all came from the East Originally, was never doubted; but that through our Ancestors to the Greeks, many have not adverted; and if this be granted, as it proves a greater Intimacy and acquaintance be∣tween Brittain and the East, than between them and their next Neighbours, so also must it follow, touch∣ing the Greek Character, that here was us'd in the time of Caesar, that they 1.490 Greeks had it from the

Brittains, not the Brittains from the Greeks. The third is, wherein our Heathen Druids exceeded all other Heathen Philosophers whatsoever, and ar∣riv'd within a step of Holy Church; not only in their firm establish'd perswasions of the immortality of the Soul, (which perhaps hath had such influence upon their posterity, whereas that Attribute is a M••ot-case in Cicero, and the Ancient Romans, though held in the affirmative: but the Principles of our Mo∣dern Roman Christians undermine, and destroy the existence and being of the Subject, nothing being so hateful at Rome, as private judgment, or Con∣science, which is the same with the Soul:) But in their Rules and observations of Excommunication recorded by Caesar: Si quis privatus, aut populus, Drui∣dum sententiis non steterit, sacrificiis Interdicunt, &c.

If one, or many, refuse to stand to the sentence of their Druids, they suspend him from their Sacrifices, which amongst them is the greatest punishment one can undergo; whosoever stand so interdicted, are reckon'd amongst the number of the wicked and ac∣curs'd, and all forsake them, and shun their access or speech, lest they be any way defil'd thereby to their hurt; neither are they admitted to Sue, or have the benefit of the Law, nor put in any place of Honour. All these Druids have one President over them- The Discipline was found in Brittain, and thence carried over into Gallia, from whence they flock over in great numbers, to know it more exactly.

So Caesar lib. 6. de bello Gallico. Whereto the like Discipline is not to be met, in any other Ages or Nations, but only amongst the Jews, who were Gods only people, and in the primitive Church, who were the best of Christians: For no Church, or Religion, true, or false, can subsist without separation and distance

from its destructive contrary: (which they rightly understood.) The toleration and mixture whereof within it, would be confusion without a Metaphor: The Christian Church, whose life and being consists in Holiness, can never be more destroyed and stifled, than when Scandalous and Licentious lives, are consistent with its Profession. Nor the Roman, whose summum bonum, is dominion over their Brethren, and Kingdoms, and Churches, but where Kings, and Consciences, and Scriptures, would have their wills against the Pope: And happy were it, if Chri∣stians were as zealous and skilful Druids, to ex∣communicate all vice and sin, as the Papists, who are firm to their Idol, to excommunicate all Here∣tical Truths, and private judgments, and secular Supremacies, inconsistent with their pride; Where∣by, the Brittains, by this Divine principle in the ge∣neral, were better fitted and prepar'd for Chri∣stianity, than many others, and accordingly recei∣ved it before all other Nations in these parts; as soon as Christ had dislodg'd their Idols, they were perfect and regular Christians; the former Rules and practices of their Druids, serv'd presently, as Church Canons to them, to walk by: which probably is the reason, they held our intruding Romanists so close to the other express Canons of the Christian Church, as to adjudge and conclude them justly, to be no better than Pagans in Christian shape, for their ma∣nifest violations of them, as shall hereafter appear. This last, as well as the other instances, clearly argue a great and near correspondence they had, and Traditional participation of Oriental Patriarchal Mysteries and customes, and the Hierogliphical mean∣ing of the first dayes work of the Creation, wherein light was separated from darkness, whence Chri∣stian

Communion and Excommunication had its ex∣emplar and Idea, as the Apostle intimates 2 Cor. 6, 14. in which two words and parts, the work, and whole History of the Primitive Christian Church was com∣priz'd, as is well known to the learned, but not to digress.

Much less could our English Apostles receive their learning from Theodore's successors, being entred a good while before upon their work and Province; and the course that Rome hereafter takes, (that the English should be no more instructed (or corrupted in their sence.) by their Neighbouring Brittains, but by Rome alone, least their Roman Replantation should be again worn out, and baffled, as it far'd with their first) clearly proves, that they conceived the Brittains, to have been that way, too busie; I shall set down a Record out of Math. Westm. worthy the considera∣tion of all Generous sober English men, as well Roman Catholicks, as Protestants, that have a love for God, or their Countrey, whether they consider the de∣sign, or the event that followed:z 1.491

Erant Doctri∣na & Scholae Anglorum—per Romanos Pontifices inter∣dictae, &c. There was an interdict upon the learn∣ing, and Schooles of the English, by the Popes of Rome, from the time of Augustine, by reason of the daily Heresies which sprung up in Brittain from the first arrival of the English, whilst Pagans mingled with Christians, which defaced the beauty of the holy Conversation of Christianity.a 1.492 Ʋnde Ina con∣sensu & voluntate Gregorii Papae, &c. (which disco∣vers near about what time this conscientious Inter∣dict began,) whereupon Ina by the will and consent of Pope Gregory, built an Edifice in the City (of

Rome) which they call the School of the English, to which the Kings of England, and the Royal Bloud, and Bishops, and Priests, and Clerks, should repair to be Instructed in the Catholick Faith and Doctrine, lest any thing should be taught awry in the Church of England, or contrary to the Catholick Faith; that thereby being well settled in the stable Faith, they might return afterwards to their people.

And it was also ordained, that Rome-scot, (or Peter Pence) should thence forward be annually paid to St. Peter, and the Roman Church, that the English there abiding, might have wherewithall to subsist: A neat device to make England Tributary, and that, for a gross abuse and blindness brought upon the whole Nation; to the end they might the easier be Governed by the Ignorance of Rome, according to that Brittish Pro∣verb, Brenhin iw un-lhygeidiawg ymyfg deilliaid, One eye is a King amongst the stark blind; for so it proved in the event, not long after; as we shall have anon an account of this Paternal Roman care, from King Al∣fred, about 100 years after, (for Ina built this School in 727, Alfred flourished in 860, Willibrord &c. Preached to the Germans in 690,) in whose time there was scarce an English Clergy-man left in all the land, that could understand his Latine Breviary.b 1.493 That if Pipin, or Charlemain had sent hither for Wilfrids, and Winfrids, and Alguins, (to teach their Countrey,) such as were of Romes pure bringing up, they might have been as well furnished with Apostles from among the Heathen Boors of Boetia, as then from England, which was not long after this Roman Reformation of our English education: In so much that K. Alfred was fain to send to the Brittains, for

their helping hand, which they and the Irish, (who were more Neutral) were always ready to do† 1.494 for nothing; though they paid dear to Rome, for their Ignorance, under the colour and fascination of be∣ing Orthodoxly taught, which Tribute and Cittadel of shameful Ignorance and slavery, the English Na∣tion was by Catholick Arts cajoled to pay and main∣tain, at their own proper charge, for about 700 years; till Henry the Eight, a Brittish Prince, discharged and blew it up, and whipt the cheats into their own Country; for which Providential Relief, and Honour to our Church and Nation, some drowsie, stupid, and Enchanted Roman-Catholicks, are hardly thankful, or contented to this day: So it manifestly appears, á priori, and à posteriori, that neither before, or after Augustine, or Theodore either, the English had their learning from Rome, but only from our Brittish Church.

But it is again objected, that it is clear and evident from History, that the English, as also the Irish, at this time of the German Propagation, and before, had come over from the Church of Brittain, to the Church of Rome, who therefore hath chief right and Title to this Plantation, which was effected un∣der its Supremacy and Government; I answer, It is then as clear, that they were of the Church of Brit∣tain, before they went over to Rome: and we in these days shall confess unto them, where our Church was, the worst 800 years before Luther, if they will con∣fess unto us, where there Roman Church was in Brit∣tain or Ireland, the best 600 years, before Augustine the Monk, or Theodore: For Titius taken by the Turk at 20, and kept a slave for 30 years among them, and

recovering his liberty in 50, is the same free man now, as at first, (being always the same man,) not bound to return to slavery, because it hath more years to shew, then his freedom of birth hath for it. So then due separation and distinction is to be made now between the parts and degrees of liberty and Captivity, and how much of the Talent (these laid out) they may be computed to have had from Brittain, and how much from Rome? It was demonstrated be∣fore from their own exceptions, that the Brittains had the Christian Catholick Faith, Entire and Com∣plete amongst them, saving the Easter Calendar, and the Roman Tonsure, and Baptism-spittle, and sub∣jection to the Pope, and the love of lyes, and Legends, and growing superstition, which followed the hearts resignation, from God to man; and this was the case of Bede, and all his Disciples, as well as of Willi∣brord and Winifrid, yea of all the Plantations in the Churches of England and Germany, who had the sub∣stantial part of Catholick Religion entirely derived to them, and undeniably, from the Brittains, as from the fountain head; but as for the mud, and mire, and misery of Idolatry, Superstition, and spiritual bondage and slavery, which they received by way of Augmentation to it, none can deny, but that solely, and Eternally, all that is owing to the Church of Rome, Schismatically disturbing the Plantations of Brittain; If it be an obligation, that the Enemy hath sowen his tares in the same feild, where the Master sowed good seed. Math. 13.28. Therefore all English and Germans were true and perfect Christians (as many as were ever so,) upon the score of the Brittains only, but Roman-Catholicks, upon the score of Rome.

But it is replyed, if they had not their learning, nor Doctrine, yet nothing is more express in the Hi∣story,

but that they had their License, and Authority to Preach the Gospel to the German-Heathens, from the Pope, by which Wilfrid was made a Bishop, and Winifrid Legate of Germany, with the honour of the Pall, which also was conferred on Egbert Archbishop of York, who first set the others on.

For answer, it were hard, if settled Churches could not obey Christ, in Converting Souls, or con∣firming Brethren, by the obligation of charity, without particular leave and License from the Pope; or that Ignorant souls must perish Eternally, upon any neg∣lect in procuring, or unreasonableness in the vending, and price for such a License. Can Antichrist be far from such Merchandizing? besides the two Ewaldid 1.495 began, and ended their Ministry, without such Li∣cense, and their Martyrdom was honoured with Miracles.e 1.496 And Suidbert took no mission, but from Wilfrid in England. There is some further mystery to be found in this License office, we'le search into it, by degrees: we meet in the story, three helping hands, which contributed their several assistances to the German Conversion. The Kings and Major-Dome's of France, the English at home, the Pope at Rome.f 1.497 Pipin, and Martel, and Charlemain, did good ser∣vice with Armes and bounty, subduing the Heathen obstructors, and founding Bishopricks to encourage the promotors. Theg 1.498 English at home had publick fasting and prayer, that God might bless their Mi∣nistry upon the Saxons, and Germans, their own flesh and bloud; themselves besides their labour and pain, hazarded their lives daily in the work, and several perished out-right in it; But the Pope assisted only

with his License and Aurhority, and Letters of recom∣mendations, and Palls, which with Romanist is more than all; yet he spared them little Money, for Wi∣nifridh 1.499 had his necessaries towards cloths, and Books, and subsistence, supplyed and sent him out of England: the Pope cannot be therefore justly said to do much more herein, than Poets towards Heroes, by extolling their noble works at home with pleasure, which the other did abroad amidst dangers and difficulties: many have praised Robin-Hood, who never shot in his bow: but unless he had parted with treasure, as did Charle∣main, or taken part of the labour, he could do no more, nor so much, for he was not skilled in the German Language, as our English, or Saxons were, but he had as great an aim to their subjection, as we had for their Salvation:i 1.500 Phocas his Patent for the Universal Bishop, was not to lye Idle; And when as they win many sincere and unwary souls to this day, to surrender themselves to serve their ends, how much more might they then, when their Arts were less detected? and Politicians love to have holy and sincere men, for their Instruments to work with; and the ambitious shalbe tamper'd with according to their inclination, to set such on, and preferments and Palls shall begin all: as Egbert for such service, as also for bringing over the Scots, and Irish, from their Brittish Traditions, to Subject themselves to Romek 1.501 hath a Pall conferred upon him at York, which from Pauli∣mus his departure, for about 30 years, that See had wanted.l 1.502 Elbodus was wrought off to betray North-Wales to be under Rome, with the like bait of ho∣nour, to be made Archbishop there, and they are

never weary at these temptations. And so throughm 1.503 Pipin, the Popes great favourite, Willibrord is brought to Rome for his Consecration there, and likewise Winifrid is prevailed upon by such encou∣ragements, to sow Rebellion: having Ments confer∣red upon him, over the head of the lawful Bishop of the place, because given to hunting, and rai∣sed into an Arch-Bishoprick and Primacy; which may not seem strange, when the chief Master of this part of the confederacy, the Pope himself, ar∣rives at his Grandeur for him and his successors, through acting and encouraging Rebellion.n 1.504 Pope Gregory the third Excommunicates his Liege Sove∣reign, Leo Isaurus, and forbids him Tribute and sub∣jection, in the West, upon a difference between them, in the point of worshiping Images, wherein yet the Pope was in the wrong, and the Emperour in the right; but the true reason was, the Pope was weary of his Exarchs, at Ravenna, and he had now an inte∣rest, and a back, with the Major-Dome's of France, to secure his Treason,o 1.505 by entring into a League with them, while the Emperours subject, who shall be well rewarded and exalted in time for it, for Chilpe∣rick, and the Royal line of Clodoveus, the first Chri∣stian King of France, shall be deposed by the nextp 1.506 Pope Zacharia, for no cause but Innocence and dul∣ness to make Rome for Pipin, to be, not a Protector, but a perjur'd Usurper of the Throne: wherein ourq 1.507 Boniface andr 1.508 Burchard,s 1.509 though Sainted at Rome, were equally entangled in the Treason, by their obedience to Apostolical orders (which deposed God,

as well as the Prince) and the allurements of guifts, and honours to the one, and the other: Very ill Presidents to Princes; and from Ecclesiastics; who pretend in their Church to extol obedience to Su∣periours, above any other whatsoever: Whereas their whole establishment consisted in rejecting their right Soveraign, both of Heaven and Earth. If Popery then be a good Religion, Rebellion must be no great Crime: For Rebellion upon the pretence of Religion, had its first rise and example from that Infallible Chaire.

It cannot therefore be denyed, but our German Apostles took Commission from Rome, being (im∣pos'd upon, (as several dayly are,) by Antichristian arts, which was their great Ecclipse and Infelicity, enough to blast all the Glory of their other good work: But then it is to be considered, that though it was an Ecclipse, it prevail'd but so many Digits: The foul spot of expedient Rebellion being ad∣ded to the other obscurations from Superstition: It was not a total Ecclipse of the whole Luminary, which still retain'd a competency of light, sufficient to direct dark Heathenism, but far better, if the Popish fog, (which they term help) had been further off: What was clear and sound Religion, Germany had from Brittain; what was unsound and Superstitious, it had from Rome, as appears, not only in reason; be∣cause the Roman Religion found no exceptions a∣gainst the substance of the Brittish, as before, (but only, that it wanted some of their Catholick Cere∣monies and additions, which the Brittains looked upon as suspicious Innovations;) but also most irre∣fragably, by Charlemagne's condemnation of Image-Worship in the Councel of Francofurt, (against both the Church of Rome and Greece, degenerating into

that gross errour) by the advice ofa 1.510 Alguinus, and the Catholick Brittish Orthodoxy shining and sur∣viving then in England solely, when the cloud had gone over all the rest. Alguinus by hisb 1.511 Epistle to Charlemagne (who sent the 2d. Nicene Decrees to England, as Popec 1.512 Adrian sent them him, for his Approbation) did sod 1.513 shake and rouse him by the Scriptures, that in full Synod, the Nicene De∣cree was condemn'd, but thee 1.514 Decrees of that Synod, wherein were 300f 1.515 Bishops assembled out of Italy, France, Germany, and Brittain, and so great and Learned an Emperor, as Charlemagne, present, are all suppress'd, with thate 1.516 Epistle of Alguinus, his other works remaining: Sponda∣nus confesses the reason Ingenuously, that Image Worship was then condemned in the Council, not by the Council,g 1.517 Non accessit consensus corum quorum fuit statutum firmare, ut non mireris, si quae sint de eà re tunc Acta, conscripta nusquam appareant, ut∣pote abolita, quod ea non probassent legati Apostolicae sedis, nec, qui eos miserat, Hadrianus Papa. For their consent was wanting, to whom it belong'd to pass that Decree: That it is not to be wonder'd, if what was voted touching that Controversy, is not to be met extant any where, (neither in Baronius, nor Crabbe, nor Binius, &c.) for it was abolished and suppressed, because the Legates of the Apostolick See did not approve thereof, nor Pope Adrian him∣self, that sent them: Lo now! If these Roman-Catholick-Hereticks serv'd so great and venerable a Council in that course manner, together with the

Emperors Authority, though their great friend, and Patron, and more a Schollar than any of their pack perhaps, for clashing against their infallible Idola∣tries, in the defence of Gods second Command∣ment; as if Catholick Religion depended upon the Negative voice of one Pope against God and the Church, which is not only a contradiction in it self, but contrary to the course and custome of all general Councils of the Church, where one, though Pope or Patriarch, was condemned by the Com∣munity for his Errour, and not the Community by any one: Its the less wonder, if our Brittish Histories, and Records were serv'd in the like sort, (as was all along suspected) and far worse: The Adultera∣ing with Legends being worse than burning and suppressing: as King Lucius his Baptism; Du∣britius, the Popes Legate: King Cadwaldr's Pilgri∣mage to Rome: the Brittish Communalty in Lhoegr all destroyed by the Pagan Saxons: and their Clergy quite banish'd, (which might be true in many places at the first perfidious Insurrection, as with Sampson at York, till mollified by Ambrosius and Vortimers mode∣ration in their Victories, and a tast of Christianity, they were afterwards tolerated amongst them to Augu∣stine's coming:) andh 1.518 Diana Worship'd at London, and Apollo at Thorney, or Westminster, instead of Christ: as if the English, during their Heathenism, had pre∣ferr'd the Idols of the Brittains, beforei 1.519 Irmensul, and Woden, and Mars, their own? or the same Hostility had spar'd Diana, or Apollo, who were as great strangers to them, as Christ perhaps; whereby it is evident, the Authors of Romish Histories and Le∣gends have not alwayes present memory, and their

wits, much less their honesty about them, in their zealous tales for their Church; But to return to our Argument: It is clear, that the Orthodoxy of Charle∣magne, and the Franckford Council, was not from Rome, or the Pope, with whom they clash'd, which right descendants from Monk Augustine would hardly have done; nor from Greece, whom they condemn'd; nor from the Learned Emperor him∣self, whose feet had well nigh slipt, till our Alguin recovered him, but therefore, solely from Brittain. So that our German Apostles being sound at heart against Idolatry, upon the score of their Ancient Brit∣ttish derivation and Institution, though in many parts Leprous, upon the score of their new Roman Com∣munion, they were still sufficiently accomodated to encounter the Heathenism of Germany, with the Remainder of their sound Brittish Faith; but had been far more successful, and spotless in their pro∣ceedings, if Rome had stood far enough off. And if, as living Springs soon work off their mud and trouble, which corrupt Lakes and Boggs can hardly do, The Protestancy of England, and Germany, and Sweden, and Denmark, &c. be ascrib'd to the Vigour and Fermentation of their first Brittish Seed, strug∣ling after its Original Pristin purity, in good soil, and erect minds, and to early help from England and Wickliff beforek 1.520 Luther's appearing, I shall not be a dissenter to the conjecture; as the like may be ob∣served in our Romanists, some reviving the way of Simon Magus, a great man heretofore at Rome, others of their Gothic Ancestors, and Audius their Apostle, who is remarkable for three Roman parts. 1. In

leavingl 1.521 the title of Christians, for another surname as is the stile of all Roman-Catholicks; And (2) like∣wise for nom 1.522 ordinary voluntary Austerity of life, which is most of the Religion of the best of them, Col. 2.23: And (3.)n 1.523 for separating from the com∣munion of their betters, which was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the most grievious and dreadful mis∣carriage of all: So that Brittain the Mother Church to Europe, was made like in several parts both for suf∣ferings and relief, to Sion, the Mother Church of the whole World; as small circles have the genius and similitude of the greater, for as the opposition and greate Combate of the one, was from the Sword of the Heathen World, resolving to destroy it from without, and the leaven of Nicholaitans, and other Hereticks, combineing from within, to defile and shame it, which was the greater molestation and Indignity; so in like manner, was the Case of the other, for the Primitive Brittish, was permitted to be kill'd all the day long, by Pagan Saxons, on the one hand; and hindred, and pestered all along in all its good works with Roman-Catholick Gnosticism, on the other, which was the greater and the unworthyer Nusance; yet both prevailing through their oppression. The death of Brittain bringing life and Salvation to English and Germans, as the seed grows by dying; or as the Jews rejection, was the Gentile's reconcila∣tion, in some likeness of Christ himself, their first Pattern, who became the life of all the World, by his death: and as the one had its Constantine after

some time, and Theodosii, to vindicate and take its part, so had the other its Arthurs, and Charlemagne, and Henry the eight, in some like proportion: a••d Christ himself in the end, to make it alike partaker in glory with him, as it was in sufferings: and in the mean while to live in them, for whom it dyed, as he doth in his Church, and as Fathers live in their posterity, that take their place.

Neither is it hence Inferrible according to Roman Logick and Sophistry, that Europe therefore ought to pay such obedience for ever to Brittain upon this spiritual score, (as the Roman expects from other Churches,) which were against the Law of Nations, and the Rights of Kings in their several Dominions, whose respective subjects are to own and regard no other Superiour, but their own Prince: and as much against the Laws and Canons of the Catholick Church, and the Immunities of Bishops and Metropo∣litans within their several Provinces by them; and as much against the Law of nature likewise, and the ex∣press ordinance of God himself, who hath placed the woman in subjection under the man, and yet by the strength and consequence of this Argument, that order must be Inverted: And where women have had the first hand in the Conversion of Kings and Kingdoms to the Faith, there they ought by this Ro∣man Topick to be Supreme in spirituals, if they have impartial right and justice done them; as they must of necessity be in England in several respects, either in the right of Queen Bertha, who first disposed her Husband Ethelbert to the Faith, whereby Monk Au∣gustine and Popery had their first entrance: Or of Ean∣fled, Oswi's Queen, by whose zeal and diligence Theo∣dore, and Popery had its re-entrance and more dura∣ble establishment, after it had been once banisht and

extinct; Or Anne Fulle••gne to whom (according to the Romanists,) is owing its mortal wound, and total overthrow, and the setting up of Protestancy instead: Or in France to Queen Clotildis, who brought Clodo∣veus their first Christian King to embrace the Faith; or to M••es••o's Queen, who did the like in Poland, &c. Or over the whole Christian World, in the right of Mary Magdalen, who brought the first tydings of the Resurrection to the Apostles themselves; which would be a great relief to the fame of Pope Joan, and the credit of her History, so unjustly question'd. No; the English, who are nearer home, (were they now a distinct People from the Ancient Brittains, as it hath been proved, they are not,) ow not, such a debt or Tribute, to the Posterity of the Ancient Brittains, by whose Ancestors we have likewise prov'd, they were undoubtedly fi••st Converted. For such kind of Preach∣ing of the Gospel, on the side of the Brittains, and such believing and complying with the grace of God for Salvation, on the side of the English, or Saxon, were the personal duties and merits of both Progeni∣tours: for which both have had their full reward and payment from God long ago in rest and glory: and both posterities mutually acquitted and released, and remitted to seek after the like glory, by the like means; for indeed, the just retribution and com∣pensation for the unvaluable benefit of Gospel and Salvation, belongs to God alone, both to discharge, and to receive, instead of the one, and the other party; because two great a debt and obligation, for a Creature to undergo; or the hearer to requi••e, or the ••rea••••er to demaund and insist on; besides the m••••d•••• and telling another of our good turns to∣wa••ds him, Cancels Courtesies; especially those be∣tween Souls, because it bankrupts, and annihilates by

fiction him, whose requital we expect. For the giver representing God, the receiver a Creature, unless Gods proxy, absent and hide his glory, by a fiction of forgetfulness, the Creatures proxy will appear to be nothing, (and consequently insolvent) so near his rayes, as the Sun must set, that Stars may shine; for while too near, the presence and comparison of the greater, obscures, and destroys the weaker light. If therefore the Generous posterity of the Saxons, on the one hand, believe kindness to be due to the poste∣rity of the Brittains, on the score of first Faith; the Brittains on the other, dare not own any such debt, to be due unto them, lest they wrong the merits and duties of their Progenitors; but what honour or favour is forced upon them, they will acknowledge it free guift, without any previous merit; calling for a requital and return, with due increase, and multi∣plied proportion, where there is power; and where that is wanting, for a constant acknowledgement, and rememberance, and repayments in the heart, through the aid of God, by prayers and blessings. And this were as much the duty of the Roman Church to∣wards the English, were it true; that their Ancestors had received their Faith from Rome; and that Faith had been pure, and sound, and right; according to that of our Saviour, freely ye have received, freely give, Math. 19.8. If they intend to act as men, and Christians, and Gentlemen of education and breeding, and not as those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that had their hearts, or their minds, and consciences putrified and corrupted, 1 Tim 6.5: as too many of their prin∣ciples and practices, afford apparent Symptons of such a malady. For in the matter and commerce of Courtesies, that forgetfulness should be the part of the Giver, and remembrance of the Receiver only, is

an acknowledg'd duty, and an indelible behavi∣our, and Instinct in the Souls and Consciences of Heathens, as they may be satisfied at large by Seneca, without fear of any Heretical Pravity: But seeing it is made evident, they did not receive their Reli∣gion from the Romanists, but from the Brittains, (or Irish, and Scotch, of Brittish Institution, and ex∣traction,) and what they did receive, was not Corn, but Tares, not sound food of the Soul, but poison ra∣ther: That they nevertheless, against truth and modesty, and Breeding, are ever minding and upbraiding our English Nation, with this no Courtesie of theirs, or their Progenitors; and calling for everlasting Tri∣bute, and perpetual obedience, and subjection from us, for their endless molestations, and corruptions: This use however may at lest be made of this their disingenuity and impatience: That as on the one hand, they through folly and impertinence, Cancel their own supposed merits, by their minding and dunning, and that with such frequency and loudness, enough to make men deaf; with such depreda∣tions and reprisals, and plagiums, or Soul-stealing; and other revengeful attempts, and distresses upon us, for want of their supposed due Rent, enough to make the meekest their enemies, out of Indignation: being guilty thereby of an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Self-felony against themselves, and their Interest, overthrow∣ing their title of Supremacy, by their own Act, through unskilful management; so on the other, it is matter of much content, and gladness, and ease of heart, unto us, that our Ancestors, some descents agoe, have return'd back unto them, all the Errours and Superstitions, we ever here received, or had them thrust upon us, to silence the cause, if not the im∣pudence; and conscience, if not the cry. And, if I

rightly guess at the minds of our Superiours by their designes; and the profession of some of our late chiefesta 1.524 Pillars, we will give them leave to search every Corner of our Church; and where they find, any one Doctrine, or Rite, or Article, that hath not a Brittish Apostolical stamp, and mark upon it, but bears the mark, or Armes, of the Goods, and Chat∣tels of Monk Augustine on them, or any of his in∣truding Successors; we are content for quietness sake, (for who can endure everlasting dunning, and up∣braiding, and that without any cause, or colour) that they seise, and take them to themselves, with all our hearts; and we shall not think our selves poorer, or further from Salvation by it, but pray God, that they may be nearer.

Neither is it very advisable in them, to keep such a din, with the little, or noe merits of their An∣cestors, lest they become thereby responsible in all equity, for their great wrongs and mischiefs, (for re∣parations of injuries may be demanded, where re∣turnes for Courtesies cannot; as it is more conso∣nant to nature, for Creatures to complain, than for God to upbraid; or for weak Children to cry upon the least cause, than for Parents to complain for the greatest,) and for their monstrous pride, and hypocrisie, and scandalls, and murthers, and Schis∣matical usurpations, and the utter destruction, what in them lay, (which ill became Christians, and Ca∣tholicks,) of the Ancient Orthodox Apostolical Faith, among the Brittains, and of the same afresh, after replanted among the English, or Saxons, by Brit∣tish Ministry, and the Corruption of our Rites, Customes, Ordinations, Manners, with their Ro∣man-Catholick

mixtures, and Superstitions. The Invasion of our Brittish Sees, Dignities, Monasteries, and Ancient Ecclesiastical endowmentsb 1.525 by our Brittish Kings, though the preheminence and in∣fluence of their New See of Canterbury, settled and continued here, by force, and Schism, (as to them,) against all Laws, and Canons, and Civilities, and Christian same, to the extinction, or suppression of our Ancient Archiepiscopal Brittish Sees of London, and York, and St. Davids at last, which kind of at∣tempt upon their Ancient Chaire of Rome, would they have brooked with patience? And not rather attempted the removal, or prevention, by any means, though indirect, and Rebellious, and Hellish, to the endangering of all Christendom, rather then fail, as is too well known by experience.

And which further aggravates their Diabolical Impudence, and unconscionable Antichristian en∣croachments, is, their pretending at last, their un∣just usurpations, (which every day and year, they continued, were multiplied into new wrongs,) by time and Age, to have changed their Nature, and to be become a righteous title Bonae Fidei, of unquestionable Supremacy, which for the oppress'd to shake off, by lawful means, and the miraculous assistance of Di∣vine Providence, (respecting in his own time, the groans and cryes of harrass'd Innocence,) is no less than the great Crime of Schisme, and Ecclesiastical Rebellion, and Pollution of our Land, in departing from the Catholick Faith: And that a Thief by smothering his light, and holding fast his Stollen Goods against his Conscience, becomes an Honest-man at last; and the Honest-man a Villain, for chal∣lenging,

or recovering his own, by just and lawful means: That Mahomet by so many years prescrip∣tion, by his Sword and Imposture, hath now good right and title to his Domination, and Tyranny, over the Eastern Churches, and that it were an ungodly Schisme in the poor Graecians, to accept of any de∣liverance from their long and miserable slavery, ei∣ther from Cod, or man.

For we do not, and cannot, deny Romes Intrusi∣on, and inroads upon our Brittish Church, and the consequent corruption of several of our Traditions, and Ancient Rites, (in publick at lest, and for a time,) when they swayed our Chairs, and soil'd and disturb'd our Ordinations, and Successions with their Roman mixture; (for well it was, if our Ancestors were able within door then, and in their hearts, to retain their Ancient Rites and principles by Orall Tradition, (as they term it) from devout Parents to their Sons:) yet our Ordinations received from them, in such times, (were as good, and as valid, as any they had, or now have amongst themselves,) but we have reason to count them our ill fate and grievance; for other∣wise our own, had continued pure, and regular, and Brittish, from the Resurrection to this present: And yet, their violent Imposition of hands in those dayes, in the place and right of our Brittish Bishops, was their guilt, not ours; who resisted it, while we were able; and greatly rejoyce at our deliverance from it, and by no means, if it be Gods will, would return under it any more: And God measures all by the heart, especially in matters of Church and Religion, according to my Text; its the sincerity and untaint∣edness of the heart, makes the best Catholick, 1 Tim. 1.5. And what was done unjustly stands undone; and what by force and necessity was yielded to, a∣gainst

the heart, and will, was not yielded to, in reason: For, id sit, quod jure fit, is a Law Maxime: and Tyrants are but great Lords of Nullities, by the exemption of the will and Soul from, and the frown of Heaven upon, all bruitish unjustice and force: And as Satanical injections refus'd, are the Devils guilt, but the Christians merit, who was buffeted with them to his grief, when he could not help: Of the like nature, especially as to the vio∣lence, were their Roman missions and Consecrations in this Land, wherewith our Brittish Church was needlessly troubled, and molested, at the entrance of Theodore, and his Canterbury Successors; for it may well be said, that our Brittish Clergy, had al∣wayes th••ir own Sees and Prelates, in reason, and right: although actually and forcibly Invaded and possess'd for a time, against Law and Canons, by Romish Tyrants; who when they ordained here, ordain'd not in their own, but in the right of the true Owners, and rightful Governours, as their Deputies by fiction, because of Gods permission, Prov. 8.15. Rom. 13.1. Which right was conveighed down to the Ordained, while the guilt and Irregularity of the Action, stuck solely to the Conscience of the usurping Ordainer, and to no other, that was worthy to be ordain'd; for which, the one must account one day, to their sorrow; while the others temporary embasement, and seeming bastardy Ecclesiastical, which they could not help, shall be repair'd to their relief and joy. And yet in this life, a Church restor'd, hath the Rights and Priviledges of a Kingdom restor'd, which hath and takes the power, and liberty, to allow, or disallow; reject, or Legitimate; enact, or abrogate, whatever Proceedings have pass'd in pub∣lick, in the time of Ʋsurpation. And such legitima∣tion,

and allowance is founded upon the Autho∣rity of the rightful Governour coming in, and not on any merit of the unrighteous Usurper, turning out: which makes patience commendable under any slavery, or oppression, though it continue 7, 20, 100, 500, or 1000 years, rather than to extricate it self by any indirect, or ungodly means, (which in Rome is little scrupled at,) for God is not to be offended, nor Faith, and Conscience vio∣lated, to save life; or liberty, which is more than life; or Ecclesiastical liberty, which is the great∣est of liberties: For no evil is to be done by a Chri∣stian, that good may come thereof, Rom. 3.8. For the Innocence of his Soul, is a more substantial eter∣nal prosperity, than any Outside deliverance whatso∣ever: The body being but a shadow to the Soul, and this life but a minute, to that come, 2 Cor. 4 ult. But to return of our own accord to that Spiritual Captivity, from whence we were so happily delivered in Gods time, and Counsel, and by lawful means, were to justifie, and approve, the wrongful slavery of our Ancestors, and Posterity, together with our own; a∣gainst the Spirit, and honour, and trust, and the com∣mon sense, and understanding of men, and Christians, and English Brittains; to sell our selves for naught, and spit back Gods merciful deliverances into his face.

SECTION XI. Of the Indirect Methods of Rome in Subjuga∣ting this, and other Churches under it.

ANd the unworthy methods of their Intrusion and prevalence over our Brittish Church, (which all that profess Christianity, but Roman-Ca∣tholicks, would abhore, and be asham'd of,) are as manifest, as the usurpation it self, over us, and o∣thers. 1. By giving away Kingdoms from the right owners, to those, that had Swords in their hands, to force and win them, upon the termes and condition, the Pope might be considered, for pollu∣ting the name of Christ and Religion, to countenance such injustice: So the Pope and Monk Augustine got their first footing in Canterbury by the help of the prevailing Saxons. Augustinus (quod Dinothus per∣sensit) praetextu fidei gentem advenam alieno confirma∣vit imperio, ut suam & jurisdictionem Romanam di∣lataret, saith one,a 1.526 Augustine the Monk, (as Ab∣bot Dunawd well perceived,) made use of Religion to Invest and settle a Foreign Nation in a Territory, that was not their own, to promote, and enlarge the better, their own Ecclesiasticalb 1.527 Supremacy by that means. So have they ruin'd the Eastern Churches, and expos'd them to the Turk, about 140. years after, by giving Charlemagne the Western Empire, from its Constantinopolitan Proprietors, to be their Patron and deliverer from Lombards, and Ex∣archs;

so have they befool'd the Spanish Ambition all along, setting him on the like designes with 88. Till their Monarchy is quite tyr'd, and Jaded, and en∣danger'd to be master'd by their less Catholick Neighbours, and more Christian. 2. By Politick Mat∣ches, and unequal yokes, and Apostates rais'd within our own Bowels, by the operation of preferments and honours upon men of pride, and parts, (as Balak converted the Prophet Balaam) and by slighting and traducing the least mote in other Churches, as Damnable Haeresie; and maintaining their own grossest errours, for Apostolical Infallibities. And hard it is, to define the time, when this method hath been out of use and fashon in that Church, these thousand years. And by this stratagem, they re-invaded the English-Brittish Church, after its breaches were repair'd by Oswald. For a match being contriv'd between hisc 1.528 Bastard Brother, and Successor, (or rather Usurper,) King Oswi, (who was not so sound a Christian at the heart (as appears by his putting hisd 1.529 Kinsman and Neigh∣bour King Oswin to death amidst submission, and holding the Kingdom from his lawful Nephew) ande 1.530 Eanfled, Sister of King Edwin Baptiz'd by Pauli∣nus the new Romish Archbishop of York, as his first fruits in the North; She by her share in Oswi's Bed, and Throne, became useful and instrumental, to preserve and keep alive some Relliques of her Romish Faith, expiring in those parts in Cadwalhan's dayes; countenancing under handf 1.531 Romanus, and Jo∣hannes Diaconus, as her Chaplains, and send∣ingg 1.532 Wilfrid, (observing his ambitious parts,)

from the Brittish Lindisfarn Monastery, (where he imbib'd his first principles) to Canterbury, and Rome, to study the point of Easter, and to be young Alch∣frids Tutor, Oswi's Son, and to be able to perplex the Brittish Doctors, at the point, as it afterwards fell out, at the Synod, and debate at Streanshall, or Whitby, wherein Kingh 1.533 Oswi, being afore tun'd into a superstitious veneration of St. Peters Keyes, which are said to be kept at Rome, openly declared in the close of the disputation, that he counted it his best wisdom, and security, to side with St. Peter, (whom Wilfrid confidently made to be the Author of his new-stile or Golden Number, for which he strove,) than with St. John, from whom the Brittains deriv'd their old, least St. Peter should turn theh 1.534 Key upon him in-displeasure, and shut him out of Heaven: whereupon Bishop Colman, Wilfrids Respondent, and the third from Aidan, being discountenanced in his tradition by the Kings revolt, retired with most of his Brittish Disciples, to Ynis-bo-find in Ireland; the Authority of his other Doctrines being much weake∣ned, and several scandalized at this victory, of con∣fident Ignorance over godly sincerity; So well do our Romanists agree with their predecessors in Titus c. 1. v. 9, 10. vain talkers, and deceivers, who subvert whole Houses, Churches, for filthy Lucres sake. The Brittish planters however had continued in the North 30 years. (Aidan 20, Finan 7, Colman 3,) a suffi∣cient time and space, for the sowing of the everlast∣ing Gospel amongst those Nothern English throughly: which continued, as to its substance amongst them,

from that time to this. But it was not enough, thus to wound the Brittish Church, but they had breaches in their own, to heal and make up; their Roman Plan∣tion was so decayed, and extirpated even in Kent, its last retreat, and their successions and Ordinations so ful∣ly defeated and interrupted, that, as we had occasion often to observe, there was but one Bishop in all thek 1.535 Isle of Br••••tain then, and he afterwards a Simonaick, that was not of Brittish Ordination. A full demon∣stration of the recovery of the whole Brittish Church, from the Roman yoak at that time, before Theodore's arrival to be Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno 668. And herein Bede's disingenuity appears, out of wont∣ed envy to the Brittains, that he hath not discove∣red, who consecrated these new English-Brittish-Bishops over all the land, whether Aidan, or Finan, (who were Metropolitans of York all the while, (though they us'd no Pall,) and chose their residence in Lindisfarn, or Helyge, or Holy Island, as the learn∣edl 1.536 Ʋsher•• proves, out of Stephanus, Bedes Co∣temporary, in Wilfrids life? or whether they were Consecrated by Ced at London, the old Metropoli∣tan See, which Canterbury had for some time inva∣ded? Therefore a new consultation is now to be taken for Rome's revival in England, Oswi (being now fully of the Roman way,) and Egbert King of Kent,m 1.537 advise together, and send to Rome for help, to procure an Archbishop thence for Canterbury, to ordain other Bishops throughout the Land, of a Ro∣man Race and Stamp. Wiggard is sent, as was said, and never returned. Then Wilfrid after him, who is ordained by Agilbertus, Archbishop of Paris, bred

in Ireland, as afore, who making too long a stay, The meek and humble Ceadda, Brother of Ced, is sent to Deus Dedit at Canterbury, to take his Ordination, (such as it was,) being himself Ordained and Con∣secrated, but by one Bishop, as afore; who being dead before Ceadda could arrive at Canterbury, he is over-rul'd to go to Winchester to Bishop Wini; who though of the Roman way, but French, takes two Brit∣tish Bishops to joyn with him, in the Consecration of Ceadda to be Archbishop of York,n 1.538 there being no other Roman Bishops left then in the land. Therefore the Pope makes hast to raise the Tabernacle of the English-Roman-Church, which was quite fallen to ground; Adrian a Roman, is pitch'd upon, but re∣fuses out of modesty; but inward motives are as well discover'd by subsequent events, as Italian pretences: then Theodorus a Graecian, of Tarsus, St. Paul's City, is pitch'd upon, and Consecrated by Pope Vitalian, which argued him to be wise in his Generation, and design: for all England receives, and submits to himo 1.539 say our Histories, and to none, that came from Rome, in like manner; Eastern Theodore better suiting, with the humour, and hopes of the Brittish Chu••ch, than Roman Adrian; who comes to England never∣theless along with Theodore, and is made Abbot of Reculver, to be a Spy upon our Greek Archbishop, lest he should comply too much with the Brittains, who liked and used Greek Customs. But Theodore, forgets his own Church and Country, (which all men love,) for the sake of dignity; and takes Roman Tonsure, which occasioned his stay at Rome for some Months, for the growing of the Hair on the forhead, which the Greek Tonsure shav'd off, and as it were to

remove all suspition of his Inclination after Greek rites, more than Roman, becomes the fiercest per∣secutor of any other, of our Brittish Customs and Ordinations; sends for Ceadda before him, questions him for his Consecration, as unlawful, because not from Rome; But he meekly answers,p 1.540 Voce humilli∣mà, saith Bede, si me, inquit, nosti Episcopatum non ritè suscepisse, libenter ab Officio discedo; quippe qui, neque me unquam hoc esse dignum Arbritrabar, sed obedientiae caus, jussus subire hoc, quamvis indignus, consensi, If you know saith he, that I have not been made Bishop (Arch-Bishop) in right manner, I am ready, and willing, to quit the Office; for indeed I never judg'd my self worthy of it, but out of meer obedience, being commanded to under take it, I yielded thereto, though unworthy; whereupon Theodore would not depose him, but only complete his ordination after the Roman manner. But Bede delivers not the truth therein, for its known to himself, he was laid aside for this, andq 1.541 Wilfrid put in his place, to be Arch∣bishop of York; and he retir'd to his Monastery in the North, from whence he was invited by Wolfer, to be Jaruma's Successor at Lichfeild, where a mag∣nificent Church, (as likewise at Shrewsbury in the same Diocess,) bears his name and memory to this day. But to observe the proportions of this Roman Reformation; here pride overcomes humility, and a slavish Forreigner turns an upright Native out of his Right and dignity, by his holiness order and justice. But Wilfrid was scarce warm in his seat, but he was outed by Egfrid, Oswi's Svccessor, his Queen, and the Clegy, all joyning against him, for his

a 1.542 avarice, and pride, and pompous retinue, and plu∣ralities of Abbeys, and Gold, and Silver Plate, &c. (and Theodore his Creator, joyning with the stronger side against him,) which shewed the root of his Apostacy, and by what Lust, and humour, he was prevail'd upon by the Arts of Rome, to trouble and subvert the Brittish Church, and himself; Hea∣ven frowning upon this unhappy Revolution Anno 664. with Comets, and totalb 1.543 Eclipses, and un∣heard ofb 1.544 Plagues, and Sickness, and Famine: 40, or 50. togetherb 1.545 tumbling themselves from Rockes into the Sea, out of weariness of such a life: And though Will. Malmesbury saith, that England wasc 1.546 beholding to Oswi for Theodore and his Ro∣man successors entrance into it; yet more to Ean∣fled his Queen, who perverted him, and brought up Wilfrid, to be the principal Instrument of this Com∣bustion; early pointed out by the finger of Provi∣dence, (amongst the other bad Signes and Omens attending this fatal change, that lay long and heavy upon our Church,) his Fathers house being all on flame to mens thinking, and the Neighbours crying, fire, fire; when all the fire that was, was hisd 1.547 Mo∣ther at that point of time, being in labour, and de∣livered of this Firebrand of Brittain. 3. By their known useful Engine of Ignorance, they have great∣ly establish'd their Temporal Interest in our Brittish Churches, though to the great impair and ruine of mens Spiritual, and the contradiction of their own first pretences, by after policies: For their zealous Propagation of their Catholick Faith ends in an ig∣norance

at last, worse than Heathenish, or the meer state of Nature; which yet, shall be stil'd a Catholick state of Grace, and Salvation, because ac∣commodate to their temporal rule and domination. I will assign but two Instances, of this their Black-Art, that the difference may the better appear be∣tween the Brittish propagation of the Christian Faith, and that of the Roman; and then proceed to shew the Influence of their dark light, to help on their Impostures and encroachments. Rome was so zeal∣ous to enlighten the Saxon Infidelity, that the Brit∣tains were adjudged to Massacre and ruine, for a pretended denyal of their assistance. Sure then in time, the Saxons became a knowing people in the Roman School; it appears by King Alvred, or Al∣fred's Testimony, how Learned the English Clergy in his time were, about the year 840. whereby con∣jecture may be made of the Adeptions of their Roman-Catholick Laity. Paucissimie 1.548 citra Hum∣brum fluvium, &c. There are very few, (saith he,) on this side the River Humber, who understand their Breviary in English, or can render a Latine Epistle into their vulgar Tongue: There are yet fewer beyond Humber: not one could I find on the South side of Thames. We found out the reason of this strange Ig∣norance, out off 1.549 M. Westminster before, and the be∣nefit redounding to our Nation from the English Col∣ledge at Rome, and the Tribute of Peter Pence: But it was a Goshen, in the Archbishoprick of St. Davids, (as yet unreduc'd by Rome perhaps,) whither King Alfred (as our most Generous Victorious Kings in England, ever car'd least for Rome,) sent for help and Assistance, (an Instance of the Amicable correspondence be∣tween

the West Saxons and the Brittains) both to settle his University in Oxon, and to translate Boe∣thius De consolatione, and other Latine Books for his use, saith Malmesbury, and to inform him in the right Faith, we may be sure. The Brittains being skill'd, not only in the Latine, but in the Greek, and Hebrew, through their Eastern Communion, which caus'd neighbouring Clergy to resort to their Scrip∣ture Exposition; for so the Isle Hy, which was the Seminary of Religion in the North, came to be named Jona, from St. Columban'sg 1.550 name, in the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, both signifying a Dove: so Teilaw or Teilaus, St. Davids Successor, was also call'd Elius, or Eliud, and Sampson, because of his illuminating wisdom and Doctrine,g 1.551 Haul in the Brittish, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signiying the same, that is the Sun. The other is a Modern Instance, (sufficiently obvi∣ous, for the like example,) of an Irish Attendant to a Person of Honour in Wales, whom visiting in his troubles for his Loyalty in the late times, I desired this Irish Servant appointed to accomodate me, (for to compare the Irish and Brittish,) to say the Lords Prayer in Irish, but he replyed, he could not, as neither the Ten Commandments, nor the Creed; where were you bred and born? But I can say them all in Latine: And repeated and pronounc'd every word, as exactly as the best Critick, or Professor, but did not understand the meaning of scarce a word in its reference, and signification. This case, which I fear, is, and hath been too general amongst the Irish Laity, since they left their first Brittish Church, to stick to Rome, suggested to me, these considera∣tions: That his Ghostly Father, or Catechist (whose

pronunciation he so exactly imitated, like a Parrot) had more of exact Learning than of Fatherly natural affection, or fidelity to this soul under his charge: that the Irish laity are deluded out of all Religion and conscience by their Priests, (which is the highest Cheate and Robbery that can be imagin'd or con∣ceived) by such Latine forms and charms; and their confidence in their Confessor, and the Confessors Im∣plicit obedience to his Superiour, and so on to the Pope, whereby the Popes will and holy lust, and plea∣sure, becomes the Soveraign Law of their hearts, and consciences; instead of the Law of Christ, and the fear of God. And no check of conscience or pri∣vate judgement within, must controle or withstand the Counsel, or the Command, of their spiritual guides, (whatever it be,) though it may be a sud∣dain Massacre of Hereticks, they prescribe; No Minister that belongs to God, or owns and fears a Deity, would receive, or put up, such absolute obe∣dience and confidence, without renting his cloathes, for fear of being guilty of receiving divine honour from the Ignorance of his charge, and denying God his Glory: No right Disciple of St. Patrick, trained up in the holy Scriptures, would put such a cursed trust and confidence in any Son of man what∣soever, who is a Creature, and not God. It is as great an Idolatry, provoking Gods displeasure against a Nation, to change their God for a Priest, or a Pope, as heretofore in others, for the Sun, or Moon. He that measures good or evil, Murder, or service done to God, by the Doctrines of men, and guides, more than by the dictates of conscience, with Gods Law, (where God is more surely present) doth renounce and change his God for man; and is to be renounced for it, by all Christians, were he our Father, or our

Brother; for we must leave Father, and Mother, and our dearest friends, and our greatest guides, to cleave to God. Yea it is our safety, as well as duty, to shun, and renounce such Idolaters: for who is sure of his life in such company, and Principles; who take the conclave, and its ungodly designs, for the rule of conscience. Thus are the poor Irish blindly misled by the perfidiousness of their inconsiderate Priests, to serve the lusts of men, to their misery, in∣stead of Christ, and his Truth, to their Salvation; and the Pope is made Christ of Ireland. And the poor sincere People are to be pittied and bewail'd, who though they be led to Idolatry, and Murders, by over∣much confidence in their Cut-throate-fathers, and are call'd to severe, and sharp account, for the er∣rours of their teachers, and their own; yet most clear and undeniable it is, that the People have a good zeal in General, for the true God and Religion; yea are more sincerely stedfast in their errours amidst poverty, and torture, and double Tithes and payments, and death it self, than many knowing Protestants are for the true Religion; which they shrink from, and change, upon any appearance of advantage, or dis∣advantage, as often as the Moon: he that is sincere and earnest, in a false Religion, aims at the true, in the General, and in his conscience; But he that lives con∣trary, or slights the Religion (which himself professes, and believes to be true,) declares himself of no Re∣ligion or understanding; for contradiction added to Atheism, is the Outlary of all reason and honour; The Irish therefore are the more to be regarded, and tender'd by us, under their Ignorance and spiritual disorder, because curable; and not to be neglected, for what wrong or temporal mischief soever, they have done to us, or themselves, in the time of

their blindness, and seduction, (lest we be justly guilty of the unjust calumny against the Ancient Brit∣tains towards the Saxons) but we are to be zealous of their Reformation, whether we be English, or Brittains; if English; we are their debters, their Learned and Pious Ancestors have done the like, and more for many of ours, whom they taught the first Gospel, when they lay in Heathenish Ignorance, and the shadow of death; And much more, if we are Ancient Brittains, for our Ancestors taught theirs; and love descends, and it belongs to a Husbandman, to be more careful of his plantation than to a stranger: therefore we are bound to intreat and beseech them, especially their Learned, and sincere Clergy, (that love the Salvation of their charge, more than abso∣lute Dominion over them) and their remaining af∣flicted Gentry, and Nobility, in the name of God, and the bowels of Christ, and that we may the bet∣ter prevail, even upon our knees before them, that they will be merciful to their land, and to their own souls and Posterity; and as they have of late to some trouble, own'd our Soveraign in Temporals, that they would also, own Christ in Spirituals, instead of the Pope, and holy Scriptures instead of lyes, and Bulls, and Legends; and conscience more than deceitful guides; and Popery will have its end in Ireland, and the Ignorance and misery of that poor Nation, in soul and body and Estates together with it, as we hope and trust. They are as able to overthrow the pretend∣ed Infallibility of the Pope in the latter, and grosser errour, as they have done effectually in the first. And they'l meet their old Religion, which St. Patrick taught, in the Protestant Church of Ireland, and England. Protestant truth, and Irish sincerity, will make excellent Christianity. The Learned and Pious,

D^r. Sall, is worthy of everlasting honour amongst all good Christians, for his great and leading example in this point, amidst great discouragements. And as for some other of their guides, who are like to be most cross, and averse against this Petition of truth and love, who, if they are not fowly belyed, delight in the Implici•• saith of their Female charge, as well as their Male; (the chastity of the soul and body, from God, and purity, being the chief sacrifice and triumph, that Satan and his Ministers delight in,) we are not so desirous of their company, or Communion, till by better reformation, they assure us of their be∣lief of any God, which we doubt not in the least of the rest of their seduc'd Brethren. And by this se∣cond Instance appears the difference between the Religion of the Irish, under its first Plantation by the Brittains, and its after Cultivation by the Romanists, by the one they became the Glory of Western Christen∣dom, for Christian life and Learning; by the other the reproach, and scorn of the World, and Pitty of all good men for their Ignorance, and wildness. And the English from the time of King Ina, and the Brit∣tains, while under their Power, till the Reformation, were well nigh as much beholding to Rome, for their like improvement in knowledge.

And Rome hath accomplish'd most of her Con∣quests over Churches and Souls, by this mist of Ig∣norance, to set off mistakes and cheats; Adimit re∣bus nox atra colorem, darkness destroys differences, a Serpent shall be taken for a Rope, a Pool for a Meadow, a Statue for a living man, an enemy for a Friend, a King for a Subject, in the dark. And so the first currant mistake, by the help of this politick Ignorance, that hath advanc'd and supported the Empire, and credit of that Church, to this day, is,

that they make their Proselytes believe, that their Church is the same with Jerusalem wich is above, (de∣scended down to Rome,) the Mother of us all, the Church of the living God, out of whose Pale, or Bo∣some there is no Salvation to be expected. For so all degrees and Converts to that Church, by the Bull, or Test of Pius quartus, must profess and swear, the Holy Catholick Church (in Heaven and Earth, mention'd in Creeds,) to be their particular Roman Church; which begets it great Authority and vene∣ration from those, which can believe this to be true; and heretofore brought great resort, and Treasure, and Honour, to that City; several Kings and Princes, leaving their Crowns and Kingdoms to end their dayes at Rome, as it were in Heaven, or Abraham's bosom: So Bede saith ofa 1.552 Oswi, that he was grown so perfect a Catholick, that had not his Disease pre∣vented, he resolved to go to Rome, to leave his Bones there, to be sure of Heaven: Which the Monkish corrupter of the Brittish History, directly affirms of Cadwaladr, last King of the Brittains; the absurdity of which dream and forgery, tending to exalt the Honour of Rome, and the abuse of our Saints and worthies, most evidently appears, by comparing Bede and Geoffrey of Monmouth together: For he with all others, allows Cadwaladr to be the Son of Cedwalla, or Cadwalhan, King Edwins Chrony and Antagonist, born the same day and brought upb 1.553 in the Court of Northwales to years of manhood to∣gether. That Edwin recovering Northumberland by the defeat and death of Edelfred, after long exile, and falling out with Cadwalhan, who would not allow him to wear a Crown beyond Humber, but

at peril of his head, and then siding with the Ro∣man faction, conquer'd Wales and drove out Cad∣walhan beyond the Seas, holding the Countrey in subjection for 17 years; but was overthrown at last and kill'd by Cadwalhan, in the year 633. being the 47 year of his Age,c 1.554 saith Bede, as Cadwalhan was of the same Age by consequence; and Cadwaladr his Son, born, and in being, about this time, or else, according to Bede, he never could be born: For ac∣cording to him in the following year 634. Calwalhan is kill'd, byd 1.555 Oswald; or though he lived many years after, according to Geoffrey, (and M. West∣minster as before,) yet according to them also, his Son Cadwaladr lived not beyond the year 688. where∣of the last eight are supposed to be spent in Rome out of his great devotion to that place and Church, and whence his bones were to be brought back, when the Brittains were to recover their Ancient Rule over this whole Isle, But others will have him to go to Rome sooner in the time of the great Plague, wh••ch fell out in the year 664. saith Bede, and if he lived 8 years longer, to die in 672. But had he lived to an 100 years of Age, or more, if possible, to the year 731. being the year Bedee 1.556 pen'd his History, yet it is not to be believed, that Cadwaladr went to Rome in all that time, or that he or his Countrey-men, had any more respect then, for the Religion of Rome, than for Heathenism: For Bede expresly affirms the Brittains to have continued their enmity to Rome, to the time he wasf 1.557 writing his History; and, as appears elsewhere, much longer. For whereas the Irish, and the Picts, and Monastery of Hy it self, were reduced sooner

Anno 716.g 1.558 by Egbert, to conform to Rome in the Controversy about Easter, and other Rites by Con∣sequence, yet the Brittains, saith Bede, never would yield; nor did in all his time; who long surviv'd Cadwaladr; whom for their obstinacy in refusing the Roman Tonsure, and the other Rites of Rome, he stiles,h 1.559 Capita sine Coronâ, heads without Crownes, a signe they were not Block-heads without Brains, to be so imposed upon by Rome, as he, and others were. Now to reconcile this pilgrimage of honour and de∣votion with that contempt and enmity, that was in all our Brittains towards them of Rome, who were but as Church Robbers, and Murderers, and Schismaticks,i 1.560 and Pagans in their sight the same time, passes any ordinary skill, without the help of a strong implicit Faith, that can swallow and believe Contradictions. The Brittains, (and all sound Christians) measur'd Re∣ligion not by the Sanctity of places, but the purity of the heart and mind: And good lives and examples wheresoever they were met; Caelum, non animum, mu∣tant qui trans mare currunt, change of Air doth not change the mind, St. Paul best tells, what will change the mind; if it be set on things above, and not on things below, Col. 3.2. on God, and not on the World; which is done by Heavenliness of mind, and constant hearty Prayer, and sincerity to God in all our Acti∣ons. This was Davids Art to lift his Soul to Hea∣ven, Psal. 25.1. That was, by the means of Prayer, saith the Chaldee Paraphrast upon the place: And Prayer without the heart, is no Prayer, but as a body without the Soul, which is their prime devotion at Rome; whereby distance from Cod is professed, as

it were on purpose; for by the exclusion of the heart and understanding, they come not near him, when they pray: and if they are far from God, in that means, which sets other men nearest; how far must they be from Heaven, at Rome, in the rest of their Actions, that are not so Divine? The next Imposture, on men, and Churches, and Princes, by the help of Igno∣rance, is not unlike the former, whereby the man arrogantly passes for his Master, the pretended Vicar of Christ, for Christ himself, or more; the lusts of the Pope, for the Laws of God; and Material Churches, and their Rights, and Revenues, are the same with the Spiritual Church, and Temple, where none are to be concern'd, but the Priesthood, and none are Priests but the Pope alone, or those that have their Mission from him: And therefore when our Princes insisted upon any Ecclesiastical Right, or Investiture of Bishopricks, they were scar'd with his Holiness Letters,k 1.561) minding them to know the right diffe∣rence between a Pallace and a Church. And no won∣der their Impostures and encroachments, prevail'd so much, being carried on, jure divino; and people kept in Ignorance, and not suffered to espy any dif∣ference, between the will and displeasure of the Pope, and the will and displeasure of God Almighty: And who could withstand him, that had the Au∣thority and power of God, and Christ, for all he did. Though he had not them in truth, yet having them in the opinion, or the belief, and fear of the parties deceived, it was equivalent. And so they rob'd our English Kings of their Prerogatives, and well nigh, of their Crownes; and made them their Instruments to wrest their Sees, and Churches, from the Brittains.

It sometimes falling out between these great Comba∣tants, the Pope, and the Prince, as between two Cockes in fight, whereof the one having blinded the other, never ceases pecking at his Crown, and brains, till he receive from him, an unexpected fatal blow, raising himself up thereto, by the hold and wrong of his Adversary; such were our Statutes of Premunire, Mortmain, and Provisors, wherewith Rome had been long before stagger'd, before Henry the Eight appear••d to clear the pit. This counter∣feiting, and changing of Heaven and Earth, and Christ and man, and Scripture and Craft, to com∣pass wordly ends and designs, much resembles their evil Art, who counterfeit the coyns, and great Seals of Princes, for the like ill purposes, if high Treason against man, with high Treason against God, might so much as be compared. And so I pass to the fift general head and supposition, (delaying the proofs of the nullities of the Church of Rome in her orders and Communion, for her Intrusion here, to its pro∣per place.)

SECTION XII. The change in Henry the Eight, rather a Restora∣tion, than Reformation; and how commen∣cing in Henry the Seventh, and of the Inau∣spiciousness of Popery to the Brittish Crown, and the success and blessing of Protestant Coun∣sels to this Nation.

THat King Henry the eighth his relief and redress, both of Crown, and Church, from Popish

Usurpation and Enchroachment, was just and pro∣vidential, and likewise Brittish, and that the Prosperi∣ty and glory of this Nation, is remarkably pointed out by the finger of God, to any that will attend, to ly and consist in the pursuite of the like defence, and vindication of our Brittish Church from the attempts of Rome; wherein I intend not to be so large, (as upon the former heads,) or to take upon me the defence, of the Ecclesiastical rights of our Crown, which is fully done by abler Pens: And indeed our Kings themselves are best able to defend themselves, as well as others, in their Rights, with that Sword, which was not given them to bear in vain, which they can draw out with a far safer conscience, against the Invaders of their Prerogatives and power, where∣with they are Intrusted by God, for the defence of his, and their People, than Popes ever could, or can unsheath their Spiritual Weapons, in defence of Pride, and ambition, and scandalous Encroachments; Excommunication being intended by Christ, and his Apostles, to better ends (than they apply it) to separate between the precious and the vile, be∣tween scandalous and holy Christians, and to cut off putrid parts, with grief and compassion, to pre∣serve the Communion of Saints, and the health and honour of the whole; and not to defend proud, and ambitious heights, and sacrilegious invasions and Usurpations over Churches, more Orthodox and more ancient than themselves, with Unevan∣gelical revenge, and recalcitration, after fair e∣viction. Which is the abusing of Christs Ordinance, to ends contrary to what he intended, and the taking of Gods name in vain, for which they will not be held guilt-less; yea to have Excommunicated themselves rather, by humble acknowledgements, and repara∣tions,

to their power, for their wrongs and oppres∣sions to Christ, and souls, and Churches, had been the right Catholick use of their keyes, and the surest sign of Salvation, to the best and chiefest of their Church.

Neither is it needful, by our Hypothesis and state of our case, to defend the Reformation from the charge of Schism, and departure from the Catholick Church thereby, as they suppose, and cry aloud against us; for the alteration made by Henry the Eight, cannot be called the Reformation of a Religion, we derived from Rome, (by Inferiour Authority against superi∣our, by the daughter correcting the Mother Church Irregularly) but our lawful Restoration rather, to our Ancient Rights and possessions, from which we were wrongfully disseis'd, and barr'd. The delive∣rance of our Brittish Church, after long captivity, and disfiguration, to its primitive liberty, and health, and beauty, by just means, from the violent hands and Spiriting Arts of Rome, much Junior to it in faith, and much impurer and unsounder (than the true Church of Rome,) for these last thousand years. Our Case, I say, is not so much Reformation, as Restora∣tion, which no man of sence, or honesty, or consci∣ence, can find fault with, and much less they at Rome, who are pleas'd with their deliverance from the long Tyranny of their Exarchs, though procur'd by unlawful and pernicious means, as before, but we had ours, through lawful Authority, without any wrong, or hurt, to others, or our Superiours, and with much right to our selves, much less can we be tax'd, or blam'd by any at home, that have been long kept out from their own rights by Tyrants, or Rebels, or Oppressors; who are bound in all Equity, and Honour, and Compassion, to espouse rather, and

Assist so just a Cause, before any others whatsoever, according to Dido's temper in the Poet, making the Case of Aeneas in Exile her own, Haud ignara mali miseris succurrere disco. The Pope had no more Ori∣ginal right and title to our Brittish Sees, how long soever Usurped, than Cromwell had to the Brittish Crown. Whoever else may envy, or hinder, or un∣dermine our recovery of our just freedom and liber∣ty; they, that through Gods mercy have had the like Restoration and deliverance, ought not either in Honour, or Civility, or Humanity to do it; (nor, if them∣selves appear to have the greatest share and benefit therein,) without manifest hazard of their Judge∣ment; for by revolt to Popery Princes quit no less their external Supremacy in holy Church, (the choy∣cest Jewel in their Crown,) than by Apostacy to Hea∣thenism; not more by the parity of the Idolatries, than by their own Act and Resignation. For they cannot longer hold the same, in the Catholick-Roman, without being Excommunicate, as undutyful; and they let go their hold thereof in the Protestant Christian, by Excommunicating themselves, as unkind and unwise. Nor, if after all this, they be found to Act both against Gods revealed will, and fate therein, or the secret Decrees, and discern∣able purposes of his Providence against it, (where∣of the one was made as clear as the Sun before, and the other will afterwards appear as clear as the Moon, which is next unto it) can they ever be thus un∣natural to their own Church and Nation, out of vain glorious kindness to forreign cheats, without fight∣ing against God, as well as their friends, to the cer∣tain overthrow and ruin, either Temporal or Eternal, or both, of the weaker side. Therefore the sharp and searching judgement of the great Arch-Bishop

Bramhal, could soon espy, that the plea of the Antiquity and Independancy of our Brittish Church, in the Controversy between us and Rome, strikes the cause dead forever, at one blow. Not that being exempt from the pretences of a Junior Church, (once animated with Empire to step be∣fore her betters,) we are not bound nevertheless, to hold Communion with every good Church of Christ, where and when, we may, yea with Rome it self, if it return'd to its Ancient purity, and subjection to our Saviour; as on the other hand, to shun others, as we do Rome, that were guilty of the like Corruption and Apostacy; which flight and distance, we are wont to observe in our moral, and natural Communion and converse, as well as Christian; embracing or shunning good, or evil Company, for our safety, or credit, as wholesome or Pestilential Air, for Health, as well as sound and unsound Churches, out of Allegiance to Christ, our common Lord, or fear of scandal and par∣taking in their sins and judgments, by our Comply∣ance. For our Communion, though it be our great duty, (as Schisme is a great sin,) yet it is not in our absolute power and dispose, in the general, without any other Rule or reason, to incline us to be of this, or that Church, but our own fancy and humour; no, we are acted by necessity in great part therein; for it is a necessary tye upon us, to embrace good, and relinquish evil, and corrupt Communion; and to be guided by Christs will, and not our own, as our rule and stan∣dard: and to shun all, whom his word Excommu∣nicates, and to communicate with all, whom his word approves: For to approve, whom Christ con∣demns, or condemn whom Christ approves, is not in the power of any Christian, that ownes Christ for his Soveraign: All the part that we have in our own

power, is the exercise of every mans Conscience, and private judgment, under the guidance of Christs rule, (which they hate the least mention of at Rome, as impious and Haeretical, and leading to a private spirit, the root of all evil errours in the Church,) and comparing the lives and state of Christians and Churches, by this general rule of Christ, and this particular eye of our Souls, to put our Communion in execution, according to Christs mind; and to em∣brace his friends, and to shun his enemies, and to like and dislike, as we are to do all our other Affairs, in him, from our hearts, according to my Text. For let there be no private judgment to distinguish be∣tween private good or evil, or between the guides themselves, we are to trust, then Mahomet shall pass for as good a Prophet, as St. Peter, and the Alcharon be equal to the Bible, for to the blind all colours are the same. But regulated Conscience is not a pri∣vate Spirit, wherein God himself speaks, (who is greater than all the World,) where it is kept pure from Worldly ends, and Idols; for nothing is more publick and Catholick, than Conscience, or reason, or right, or duty, or holiness, or justice, which are synonymous, and carry universality, and eternity in their conceptions, by reason of the Divine Im∣pression, and Authority, they partake, and answer to. And nothing constitutes more a private Spirit, than private ends and carnal designs, and self ad∣vantage, and profit, and filthy lucre, made chief in∣gredients, in duties, Doctrines, and Religions, with which Worldly, and sordid mixtures the Roman Faith in all its parts, is too well known, to abound; which unworthy copulations are discernable by the weakest judgments, and condemn'd and hated by the most universal suffrages, and censures of God and

men: An Infant can discerne them in his neglect∣ful Nurse, an Elephant in his unjust Feeder, Clownes in States-men and Politicians, and are abhorr'd and declaim'd against, by Heathen Philosophers in their Schools, and Christian in Pulpits, and are those moral wild beasts, that all Laws, humane and Di∣vine, and right Discipline, and education, and all rules of honour are mainly bent to discover, and hunt, and chase out of all Societies, and converse, and hearts. Besides a private Conscience, proceed∣ing in all its converse according to Christs mind, In∣terest and direction, and doing nought that is dis∣allowed by him, is Christ himself by fiction, per∣sonated, and acted, and defended; which is as far from a private Spirit, as the East is from the West, or the will of God, from the ends and lusts of man: It being not more natural and congruous in Christ himself, to delight in good men, and to abhorre the Congregations of the wicked, and carnal, and scan∣dalous, than it is for his faithful Servants, and Trustees, and Representatives, who bear their Masters person, and concern, and holiness upon them by such a fiction, to express and imitate by their own Communion, and election of Societies, the mind and Inclination of their Lord, and soon to dis∣cern, who are his Friends or Enemies, or Traitors and Loyal Subjects in his Kingdom; and vigorously and and indispensably to embrace the one, and shun the the other; for Servants act according to an accoun∣table trust, the Master being Lord of his own rights, to remit or indulge, out of favour as he pleases; which is not lawful for the Servant to presume. And this skill, and instinct, and shadows of pri∣vate judgment, to discerne friends from strangers to their Masters, is visible in Domestick Creatures,

emblemes of fidelity, who are Courteous to ac∣quaintance, but severe and unsociable to such as are not so, till by converse and familiarity, they prove their unity and friendship; and take away private judgment and discretion, the distinction and difference between faithful and unfaithful Ser∣vants, Subjects, Christians, Churches, wholly falls to the ground, and Christians and Catholicks are set below the Irrational Creatures. And for the Church of Rome to blast good Consciences, that find out its faults, as private Schismatical Spirits, and to ex∣tol their own Carnal designes, and Trade, and Mer∣chandize of godliness, as Catholick Religion, holy, pure, and publick, and eternal, is too visibly one of the uniform symptomes of their Antichristianism, where∣by they confound Heaven and Earth, the Church and the World, and reconcile, yea change Mammon into Christ, and Christ into Mammon. Withall, equal and coordinate Churches, or Christians, (as we now suppose Rome and Brittain to be,) are not judges of one another, (where they separate from one another) for Par in parem non habet potestatem, is a rule in Law, but act severally therein according to their respective duties, and allegiance to their own liege, and Superiour, who is Christ the head, and judge of both, in the other World; and in this also, by a free and general Council, which both parts ought for peace, and unity, to submit to, which thereby becomes Superiour to both, either by Divine Institution, and custom Ecclesiastical, or by their own consent and agreement, as in the Case of Arbitrators. And accordingly such general Synods have censur'd, and sentenced, and Excommunicated persons, Churches, Provinces, Priests, Bishops, Patri∣archs, and Popes themselves, when they walk'd awry

from Christ's Rule. As the first General Council at Nice against Arrius, Priest of Alexandria; The second at Constantinople against Macedonius, Arch-Bishop of that See; The third at Ephesus against Nestorius a∣nother Constantinopolitan Arch-Bishop; the fourth at Chalcedon against Eutyches, Dioscorus, &c. Priests, and the fift at Constantinople against Diodorus, and Theo∣dorus, Bishops, reviving Origens errours, and the sixth, Oecumenical or general Council in Trullo at Con∣stantinople, against other Bishops; and amongst them, against the whole Church of Rome, its Clergy, and Laity, for departing from the Catholick tradition of the Church, about their Saturday fast, wherein the Brittish Church was ever Orthodox, with the rest of the Ancient Christian World, as was shewed. But the Church of Rome will allow of no Council, or Canons, or Fathers, that shall offer to check its er∣rours, nor Scripture it self, but with its own sence, and Interpretation thereof, whereby it shall be sure not to cross its Interest. Being a manifest and notorious example therein, of disobedience and Irregularity, to all its Superiours, and the most Schismatical Church in the Christian World; for Baroniusa 1.562cannot deny, that the Greek writers declare their sence, that the breach of Communion between the Greeks or Ea∣stern, and the Latine or Western Church of Rome was, upon the disobedience of the Popes to yield, and submit to the Council in Trullo, wherein it had all other Churches of the World, and the Canons of the Apostles of its side; and undoubted Apostolical tradition, mentioned in most of the Ancient Fathers, asb 1.563Baronius cannot, and doth not deny. A Church therefore, that deserves to be shun'd, and disown'd as scandalous, for that, and its other innumerable

corruptions and infamous Usurpations, and gross Idolatries, and particularly, its Blind Obedience and Implicit Faith, that allows and directs to put confi∣dence in man, the head and fountain of all its dam∣nable errours and superstitions, whereof all that com∣municate with it, must be approvers and partakers, by the terms and Injunctions of its Communion, which requires them to be all receiv'd, as Catholick Articles and Doctrines; and all contrary Truths, to be ab∣jur'd, as Heresies; whereby it becomes impossible for any understanding sober Christian, to be at the same time, within her Communion and pale, and out of the curse of God, Esa. 1.5, 20.

Therefore it were lost, and needless labour, as to them, or our selves, to go about to disprove all their imputation, and charge of Schism against us, or to prove on the other hand, the lawfulness of our Re∣storation, and recovery of those Rights, and Truths, whereof we were in just possession heretofore, but were kept out, for some hundreds of years by force, and fraud, and its Un-christian confederations with Infidels against us. It is as hopeless and ungrate∣ful a labour, as to them, I say, as to read Lectures of honesty and restitution to Thieves, and Robbers. Will∣ful Schismaticks being as Averse to have their Idol er∣rours crossed, and dishonour'd, as right Christians, their God and their Truth blasphem'd. Neither were it wisdom, or Prudence, or right thankfulness to God, in our selves, by such discourses to bring in∣to doubt, our manifest Rights, and Duties, and Gods mercy, and deliverance, being all as clear as the Sun. Such a foolish undertaking this were, as for the Royal party, as before was instanc'd, to make Apologies for his Majesties return, and his right to reassume his Crown, against those that kept him out

for so many years: Or for Jews, to justify their re∣turn to Jerusalem, upon King Cyrus his Proclama∣tion, after the prescription of 70 years Captivity a∣gainst them; or their Fathers, the Israelites in Egypt, their departure from under Pharaohs Government after 430 years subjection; or the Heathen world to justify their shaking off Satans yoak, to take Christs instead, after they had layen under the o∣ther well nigh 4000 years: for no errour, or wrong, of how long time soever it be, can prescribe, or com∣pare with truth, and right, which are Eternal. Nei∣ther can we find, that our Romanists themselves could be easily perswaded, or inclin'd, to return un∣der their Constantinopolitan Exarchs, (though their lawful Governours) were they yet in being; nor under the Turk, (their Masters successor by right of Conquest,) to whom themselves did contribute their scandalous assistance, who yet hath far more right to their subjection and return, than they to ours, who never were our just and rightful Superiours. If they would have us return under an unjust yoak, they ought to give first an example, by returning them∣selves under one more just. Else how can they ex∣pect their Counsels, or Challenges to be regarded, whilest themselves count it ridiculous, to do that right to others; which they expect from us to be done to them, to our own wrong.

Therefore instead of proving the legality, I shall chuse rather to admire the wonderful Providence of our Brittish Restoration: And how God hath blessed such our Princes with great success and Glo∣ry, that have sincerely advanc'd the same spiritual freedom of their Church and Countrey; and hath blasted and mulcted others, with trouble, and disaster, and loss of strength, and Territory, and honour, and

publick love, that have openly, or clandestinely, gone about to overthrow this great blessing of our Resto∣ration; whose beginning many ascribe to the time of Henry the 8th. as its accomplishment, and per∣fection in great part, to that of Edward the 6th. and Queen Elizabeth. But if the Restoration of the Brit∣tish Church and Nation be consider'd in his first root and cause, (as all certain Science is ever by the cause,) The day-break of our deliverance and re∣formation began in the miraculous, and fatal en∣trance of our Great, and Wise, and Magnificent Prince, King Henry the 7th. For then properly was this Church restored, when according to Ancient hopes, and expectations, the Ancient Brittains were in him restor'd to their Crown and Countrey: Who no doubt were Gods Ancient Church, and first new Israel within this Isle, the seed and Reliques of the first Apostolick Plantation, who amidst so many stormes, and Invasions, that have drown'd the names and memories of other Nations, were kept up a distinct people, by his Providence, amidst pre∣valent enemies round about, as it were by Anti∣peristasis, till the arrival of Henry the 7th. For ever since, the distinction of that people in Names, Lan∣guage, Tenure, Manners, Laws, Customes, va∣nish'd by degrees, and the English and Brittains are dissolv'd into one, and the same Nation, and the charge and right of preserving and enjoying their liberty and Reformation, devolv'd on both alike.

For it cannot be well unobserv'd, how in the deep Counsels of Gods Providence, true Religion, and the Brittish Monarchy, like twins, have fallen, and risen up together, hand in hand, being partners, by a kind of Sympathy, in the wounds and prosperity of one another. For when Popery, and Augustine the

Monk, first came in; the Brittish Monarchy was declining: And no sooner this was up again in King Henry's Person, but Popery like a Bucket, was to go down and vanish, (as it never could since, Clan∣destinely attempt to get up, without great Convul∣sions, and hazards, and weakning of this Monarchy.) So that this Nation had the honour, and singular mercy, to be the first of all Nations, especially Western, in receiving the first Life, the first Wounds, the first Cure, in its Religion. It being the first Pro∣vince, that welcom'd Christian Religion into its own Throne, under its Kings, the first that exalted it into the Throne of the Roman Empire, when her Kings grew Emperors: The first opposer of Anti∣christ, (to its wound and glory,) in the beginning of its dark Raign, which lasted about 900 years, and the first partaker, and chief cause, under God, in the Reformation, and deliverance from it. Henry the 7th. being the morning Star, and tydings of this day-break, not only to Brittain, but to the rest of Europe. For King Henry came in, 1485. and Martyn Luther began to shine in Germany, about thirty years after. As there were Prophesies and Visions to King Cadwaladr, 797 years before, believed, saith ourc 1.564 English Historian, to be verified in his exal∣tation: For thed 1.565 Brittish story mentions an An∣gelical Vision to King Cadwaladr to this effect, popu∣lum Britonum merito suae fidei insulam adepturum, &c. That the Brittains, for their Faiths sake, should re∣cover this Island, and their Kingdom which they had lost; but the Condition of bringing Cadwaladr's bones from Rome, whither, we proved he never

went, may well be look'd upon, as a Fabulous Ad∣dition of the Monks. This is said to agree with other Prophesies of e 1.566 Aquila of Caer-septon, or Shaftsbury, and other Traditions, they had in both Brittains, Not of Merlin only, (which yet are commonly cited as authorities touching the change of the Sees from London to Canterbury by our English Historians, W. Malmesbury, Mat. Westminster, &c. delebitur Relligio, & Dignitas Londoniae adornabit Doroberni∣am, spoken about 150 years before it took effect.) But other Brittish Authors without blemish, as f 1.567 St. Kentigern to his Scholars, on the day his Kinsman St. David departed, about the year of our Lord 544. Tradet Dominus Brittanniam exteris Na∣tionibus deum ignorantibus, &c. God will deliver Brittain over unto Foreign Nations, that know not God: The Law of Christian Religion shall be abo∣lished therein for a prefix'd time, but it shall, through the mercy of God, be again recover'd and repair'd to its former state, yea into a better condition than before. And the fam'd g 1.568 Taliessin to the same ef∣fect about the year 580. Which, for several consi∣derations, are believed to come to pass, in Henry 7th. not only by others, but by himself, as may be con∣jectur'd from his Order h 1.569 and Commission to the Heralds in Wales, to give account of his Pedigree from the said King Cadwaladr, and his designe to re∣vive the name and memory of the renowned Arthur King of Brittain, to the great joy of our own, and the terrour i 1.570 of Foreign Nations, saith an English Writer: In him, the Union of the Roses, and in the Provident Marriage of his Daughter Margaret

to James the fourth of Scotland, from whom our King James descended, the Ʋnion of the Kingdoms, and the old Name of Great-Brittain, early Com∣menc'd, as it were, in its causes. In his time, the se∣veral persons first appear'd, who, before they went off, were the causes, or great occasions, of our Re∣formation, or the Restoration of our Brittish Church, to follow that of the Crown. In his time, and by his Order, Catherine of Castile, Prince Arthurs Dowager, was design'd Wife for the second Brother, by which Incestuous Marriage, confirm'd by the Pope, for k 1.571 a round sum, both he, and his Successors lost their credit and Supremacy in England ever after∣wards: It was his provident husbandry rais'd a Purse for Henry 8th. to effect this change: In his time was l 1.572 Fox Bishop of Winchester, a Promoter of that Incestuous Match, who by his favour there∣by, first Introduc'd Wolsey m 1.573 into Court, in whom Popery received its mortal wound, both in Ef∣figie, as it were, and in the Cause; He being both the lively Type, and Image of Rome, and her Reli∣gion, for pompous vain glory, and pride, and fals∣hood, and luxury; and likewise the main cause of her fall and ruine, through the match aforesaid, (which he first contriv'd to be scrupled, n 1.574 for other ends,) and his Romish Legatine power,o 1.575 which brought him, and the whole Popish Clergy (involv'd in the same guilt of Praemunire,) to the mercy of the King, and to renounce the Pope, and to acknowledge him for the head of the Church in his stead. In his time, (to instance in more direct and positive causes, and first glimmerings of our Reformation,) D^r.p 1.576 Collet Founder of St. Pauls School,q 1.577 (where W. Lilly

was his first Schoolmaster,) whose father was twice Lord Mayor of London, appear'd zealous in his Divi∣nity Lectures at Oxford, for Scripture, and Antiquity, against Images, and Legends, and the two great Au∣thority r 1.578 of Scotus, and Aquinas, and the Schoolmen, the great Pillars of Popery (being followed in his Prin∣ciples, s 1.579 by D^r. Warner and others in that, of Cam∣bridge,) and especially in Court, and City, for his elo∣quent Sermons to the same effect. And though Arti∣cled against, as an Heretick† 1.580 by Fitz James, then Bishop of London, yet King Henry the Seventh e∣steemed him, before any other; Let others chuse what Doctor they list,u 1.581 I am best pleased with Doctor Colet, was that wise Kings saying; whereby it is inferrible, that the one being a Protestant in his Principles and tendency, the other could be no less by his Approbation. For all great Actions have smal beginnings, like other things, and are not in their perfection, the first instant. The first Alienation of Henry the Eight; from depending so much on the Popes judgement and Authority, to follow that of his own Clergy and Universities, together with the judgement of others, in Points and Cases of Religion and Conscience, and particularly that of his ma∣riadge, is observ'd to be wrought byx 1.582 Cranmer, (afterwards Arch-Bishop) at Waltham, whither he re∣tired from Cambridge, where he read Divinity, after the steps and Principles ofy 1.583 Colet, and Warner that went before; so that if Cranmer, who enlightened and Converted Henry the Eight, had his first light from Colet, the first motion and beginning of the Reforma∣tion must in all reason be referr'd to the time of Colet, and Henry the Seventh; for then I say Scripture, and

Fathers began to be regarded, and followed before Schoolmen, and Legends, which is the nature and design of Protestancy. And the instinct hath con∣tinued to our days amongst the learned, who are restless, till this Church become wholy Primitive, and Apostolical, and Orientall, in its Doctrines and Discipline, and Customs; such as our Brittish Church, before the mixtures of Popery, appears from Re∣cords, to have ever been: In his time, in a word it might be said, Aspice venturo laetentur ut Omnia Saeclo, The Nation had a manifest new Date, and Epocha, in respect of Church, and Laws, and Tenures, and Fines, and the Alteration of interests amongst all degrees, Commons, and Nobles, as well as the Union of all Royal blouds, and the end of former Wars, and Divisions, and the beginning, and fair hopes, of more blessed days: in his time, the Crown, and Scepter of Brittain began, after long shiverings to have its first rest, as in its proper Centre, from the time it was wrested from the right owners: for it never rested with the Saxons, who soon to quarrel about their prey; being divided into seven or eight Kingdoms, or Heptarchies, in perpetual Wars and Jarrs with one another, for about 270 years, till the West-Saxon Kingdom, (where the Loegrian-Brit∣tains were best us'd) swallowed all the rest, under King Egbert, and Alured: The Dane being upon their heels (without above 9 years respite) to swallow them. The Norman afterwards swallowing both, in one day, and they soon after divided into bloudy Wars between Kings, and Barons, and especially the long contest between the two houses of York and Lancaster, which never could be extinguished, till Henry the Seventh, and the right and Ancient owners, or the Brittish line was found uppermost. The Restoration

of the Brittish Religion hastening after that of its Monarchy, as it were by providential fate, and con∣sequence: for where else better to fix, the beginning of our Reformation, as it is generally stil'd, is hard to calculate. To make those conspicious events and Audible stirrs, that first accompanied it in the World, (by which the vulgar, that are led by sence, are most guided) the standard of its Originals, were to begin at the streame, and not at the spring: to place it in the visible alteration it self, made by Laws in Parliament against Bulls, and Palls, and Suprema∣cies, and Appeals, in 22.23, 24. Henry Eight, (by which Popery in England was quite knocked in the head) were to affirm, there is no day-light before Sun-rising. Its more agreeable to reason therefore, to date it, à priori, from its first discernible causes, and designs, and dawnings. The change being ma∣nifest, the question is, about the circumstances of time, and Persons, and first Authors? or, who were the first Instruments, either knowingly and designed∣ly, or without their knowledge or intent, that were primarily subservient to providence in this work? For that God himself in his providence, was the first cause, and Author of our Restoration, not in gene∣ral, (as he is the cause of all events, he permits in the World;) but by particular purpose and design, appears by this, that it was not the first design or purpose of any other, that were imployed, as chief Instruments in it. And what men vigorously promote beside their intention, and above their own belief of the possibility, cannot be attributed to themselves, but to that fatall power, that controll'd and pushed them on. For that King Henry the Eight, had neither an Original inclination, nor any full confidence of Power, to make such a stupendious change in the

World, is evident from History, and reason, and more from this consideration, that though himself have given proof and example, (when Popery was infinitely stronger then now it is, and its Divine Impostures not so much detected, as since they have been by Protestant light, whereby its reputation, and main strength, and Authority is slighted and under-valued in the World,) yet there is no Christian King, or Emperour, this day in Europe, how high, or great, soever of power, or Spirit, that if he had a mind, and perswasion, or provocation, to do the like; that can or dare think himself able, to follow King Henry, by his own single power; to shake off, a new Roman Empire, (revived in Popes, by a mystery of iniquity, or an Antichristian Maskerade) and to Combat Spiritual wickednesses in Heavenly places, as it were, as he did, (without the special aid of Hea∣ven.) Besides Henry the Eight, never departed from the Roman Church, or Religion, but from its Court, and secular Supremacy over Kings; which could never belong to Religion, nor to Church-men; mise¦rably chastizing his Subjects, the last ten years of his life, on either hand; Papists for adhering to the one, and Protestants for departing from the other: But the Pope for all this, Excommunicates him, with that zeal and severity, as if he had rejected both; for he best understood his own Religion and mystery, and that both were contained in that one, which he deserted; so we see, the Roman Religion, which King Henry professed in all its Points and Doctrines, was condemn'd as Heresie in him, for his denyal of sub∣jection to the Papall Ʋsurpation; though it became better, a Vicar of Christ to wave his personal heights, and Punctillioes, out of Christian humility, and self-denyal, rather than banish so Orthodox, and Catho∣lick

a King, from the Church of Christ, And the rather, he being in the right, wherein he differ'd from his holiness; whereby it clearly appears, that the best Roman Catholick, is but a Heretick at Rome; if he cross the Popes Interest and Supremacy, as doth the King and Church ofz 1.584 France, to this day in great part. And indeed, there is no bar to mens souls from embracing Truth, and Protestancy, but this spiritual Tyranny of the Supremacy; for being entirely set free from this, the soul returns to Truth in time, even against the Power of Custom and Education, as the Pope well perceived, and is known by expe∣rience, and hath before been touch'd. As the change could not be attributed to any first design in King Henry; much less to Wolsey, than whom perhaps, none yet Contributed more to the destruction of Pope∣ry; nor intended less: Nor to Bishop Fox of Winchester, that introduc'd him, through his great favour in Court, for siding with the Incestuous Marriage, which was more a cause of the Restoration, than either; enabling Fox, to raise Wolsey, to destroy Popery, a∣gainst both their Wills; Nor did Henry the Seventh, in the least intend this change, as may be presum'd, when he directed this Marriage, which the Pope for a large Sum approv'd, and dispensed, which was his fault and overthrow, and not so much the Kings, who by the Customs, and insuperable ignorance of the Age, might sincerely believe, that the Pope had really such a Power, as he assumed, and Father'd upon God himself for his Author: seeing therefore there is so little of man's design, for this Restoration, in the very men themselves, that were the Instur∣ments; but all appears to proceed from fate and

Providence; the first Epocha, and beginning, and shore thereof, is there best fixed, where the Salt waters and fresh first meet; where the hand from Heaven, first layes hold on Instruments and Tools on Earth, to begin its work; And there are three Rules or postula••'s, to direct our observation about this, to more certainty and steddiness. (1.) The Reference between the Model and the building; or the Pro∣phecy, and the Issue; for a house, or an event, there begins, where these two begin to meet. (2.) A general belief that the Prophecy of the Restoration of the Brittish Crown, was accomplish'd in Henry the Seventh, and not so much in any other. (3.) The Sympathy and concomitancy ever between the Brittish Church and Crown, in their standing, and fall, and rise. The first Instrument, and instance therefore was in K. Henry the Seventh his own Person, in whom the Brittish line return'd, the Mitre hast∣ning after the Scepter; he landed in Wales but with 2000. and fought against King Richard, but with 5000. men. The next appearing pulse of some change for Brittish advantage, was the Person of Prince Arthur, and the design of his name, as the Historian observ'd, but God chose another Instrument and oc∣casion, to bring this work to pass, Prince Arthurs wife, a weaker vessel, and the Permission of her un∣lawful Marriage, which proved the main downfall of Popery. The fourth and fifth might be Henry the eight, and Wolsey, the one designing a Marriage of the King, with the King of France's Sister, to be revenged of the Emperour (hindring his design to be Pope) in Catherin; and therefore contriving the scruple about Incest: And King Henry readily em∣bracing it out of conscience; and prevention of more York and Lancaster breaches in the Royal line, (as

he publickly avowed) or love to Anne Bulleigne, but with no design, or intention towards the Refor∣mation, in either. That is first observed to begin with Colet, propagating it in Oxford, and City, and Court, for Warner had that from him, who pro∣moted the same Principles in Cambridge, where Cranmer had them, who was the first; that perswad∣ed Henry the Eight, to follow them; which he said, had saved him much charge, if he had known them sooner; and with Colet's Preaching none was better pleased, than Henry the Seventh, to whom therefore we Ascribe the dawning of our Reformati∣on; though the actual completion (as to the Popes exclusion) must be acknowledged to commence with Henry the Eight, Executing divers Wills at once: His Own will apparently, or (as his Enemy say) his lust: the presumptive Will of Henry the Seventh, the long∣ing Will of groaning Brittain, and the foretold Will and providence of God, whose Divine Will, and Power alone could make it possible to be effected, against all human probability. And the favour and frown of God upon this Nation, followes re∣markably its disposition towards Popery, either for, or against it: The entrance and re-entrance where∣of was ever fatal to Brittain, and inauspicious to our lawful Princes. Popery came first in, as was ob∣serv'd, when our Brittish Crown began to decline, in 600. and when it recover'd in 1500. went soon out; as it is observable further, that then our Na∣tion most flourished in Glory and Renown, and ad∣dition to its Territory, when our Princes were most watchful▪ and resolute against Romish encroachments; and as soon began to moulder into confusion and contempt, and loss of strength, when ever they be∣gan to connive, and fall in love with Rome: Who

more Magnificent, than King Henry the 8th? who gave the first fatal blow to the Popes Supremacy in England, which never could recover from that time to this? Some say, the Title of Majesty began to be given to our Kings in his time, which was highn••ss, or Grace before; for he from first to last, was in∣deed more like an Emperour of the West, in his time; than King of England. Francis of France, a 1.585 acknowledg'd his own, and his children's liberty to be, chiefly his favour; andb 1.586 paid 20000 l. per annum tribute to him, for his Kingdom, and its de∣fence: c 1.587 Charles the fifth his Nephew, was made King of Spain, in his Mothers life time, being an In∣heritrix, and also Emperour after that, by his means and interest, which could not be denyed.d 1.588 The Pope Imprison'd in Castel St. Angelo, could never get his liberty, till he interposed with Purse and men. King Edward the Sixth, though his Reign was short, as that God in him, let England see, saith one, what a blessing sin and Iniquity, would not suffer it to enjoy, yet Historians observe, his victory against the Scots at Musckleborrow to have been obtain'd the same day, that Images were pulled down at London, by his injunction. Queen Mary went against fate, with great trouble to her self and People, and the loss of Callice, which broke her heart Queen Elizabeth who was Sincere, and zealous to the utmost in the defence of our Brittish Liberties against Rome, what Prince his Reign from Brute, was here more glorious and successful? with Peace at home, and victories abroad, and an Addition of Forreign Co∣lonies to her Territories, and a free Trade over all, or most part of the World? who lives more to this

day, in all English hearts, of all ranks and degrees, as the example and measure, they pray and wish, all their Princes to follow, to the like honour and blessing, from God and their people? Who had more the purses of her people? or better heads and hearts, and Arms, at Her command and service? Her Divines were Jewels, Hookers, Whittakers; Her Courtiers, Sidnyes; Her Commanders Veres, Drakes, Norrices, Rawleighs; Her States-men, Walsingham's, and Cecils, and Her Merchants Cresham's, Cloughs, &c. our debauch Gentry, and frantick Wits, whose souls are too narrow and pusilanimous, to bear their fortunes without transport, had been clapt up in Bedlam in her days, for Lunaticks; and our envyed Courtezans, who are said to blind our Princes, and disturb our Counsels, and touch our dignities and con∣secrations, and pollute our land, would have been then preferr'd to Bridewell,e 1.589 for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit might be saved in the day of the Lord. Her own Epitaph best shewes Gods blessing on Her sincere Reign; Religio Reformata, Pax funda∣ta, &c. Religion Reform'd: Peace settled: Money recovered to its own value: a formidable Navy prepar'd: Our Naval honour restor'd: Rebellion extinct: England for 40 years prudently Govern'd, Enrich'd, and Fortified: Scotland deliver'd from the French: France relieved: the low Countrys sup∣ported; Spain curb'd: Ireland appeas'd: the whole World once and again sail'd round. King James, whose heart was deep, met with troubles, and dan∣gers near his first entrance;f 1.590 (Apologizers for the Powder Plot taxing him of breach of some promise of tolaration, as a Provocation) who reign'd how∣ever,

after he began to appeare but with his Pen in earnest for Protestantism, in more peace and love to him, and his, till he ran Counter to that Profession, and the Brittanick Stars and fate, in his eager Ambition after Romish Matches, (the Pandora's box of all our evils ever since,) and as cold an Espousall of the Pro∣testant Interest in the Palatinate. His glorious Son had the fate of King Oswald, to lose his life, and three Kingdoms, by the faults of others, and to gain Heaven and Immortal honour, by his own In∣nocence and vertue. For it is too much to be fear'd, if events may be read in their causes, that Edgehill, and Newbery, and Maston Moore, &c. bloody fights, and the ruin of our late Soveraign, and the Exile, and troubles of his children, and the soyling of our resto∣ration, fell out in the days of Gondomar; in our own days, we might have observ'd invincible Fleets, the security and glory of our Nation, strangely de∣feated with Mists, and divided Counsels; Emblemes, as well as blasts, of dark designs; God who seeth in secret, disappointing openly, what was contriv'd in private Conclaves against his will, and attesting his displeasure, by unparallel'd judgements, signs, and disasters, Fire Plague, Comets, &c. So that to prosper and be victorious, Courage and preparations are not more necessary, than sincerity and plain-dealing. And to make use of a Congruous instance in an Enemy, Oliver Cromwell, who had here a very jarring ruffled Government to tune and order, du∣ring his Usurpation; the Loyal party not to be won over to him, either by feare, or love; his own be∣trayed, and deceived several times over; yet when all parts failed, by acting a Protector of the Reform∣ed Churches against Popery, especially those abroad, and harping upon that string, (the children of this

world, being wiser in their Generations, than the children of the Kingdom), he gave that strange con∣tent to the Body of the Nation, that he lull'd them into sleep, and trust, and too much forgetfulness of their Exil'd Princes, whom he kept out all his time, and made the greatest States, and Monarchs of Europe, unworthily desert them likewise, and stand in fear of him; and brought wealth besides, and great trading to the Nation, and strength to its Na∣vies, and additions to its Territories; As if Provi∣dence had raised him on purpose, to upbraid, and chastize our errours, about the Britannick Fate and In∣terest, himself being discovered likewise to be of that extraction, which he disgraced by his high disloyal∣ty, though not by his resolution, and many other great parts, if rightly used. And what makes our Frustra∣tions, to be Panegyricks, in many mouthes, of his At∣tainments? but that, having the same men, and cou∣rage, and preparations, and more; we take not the same method to prosper, in a good cause, as he did in a bad: And, to borrow light from vanity, what can the skill of the best Player avail, if the Dice be al∣together against him? For, some will say, that Interest and reason of State; all may see, that the temper of the whole Nation; and the wise may observe, that Heaven and fate forbid the banes, and realliance of this Land with Popery. For who are more miserably rent, and divided, then we now of this Nation are, though restor'd? Our people distrusting their Princes, and our Princes their people; whereby our strength and glory, by mutual subductions, is brought to nothing; like a Merchant that hath 10000 l. Stock, and is 20000 l. in Debt, and all this only by striving against fate: And mak∣ing Popery, and our selves, the weaker, by favour∣ing

it, against Profession, Interest, Duty, Oaths, Trusts; halting between God and Belial, between Christ and the Pope, between Protestant and Papist; being as they say, neither good fish, nor flesh, but deservedly weak, and improsperous, and contemp∣tible, and acting all in the dark, like men under fear, or guilt, or self condemnation; yet a sincere Re∣solution to be firm, and true, to God, and Protestant truth, without further doubling, Cures the whole Nation in an Instant, clears all Debts, dissolves all jealousies and fears, strengthens all Interests, opens all hands, and hearts, and purses, and makes us Brittains again, happy and united within our selves, and serviceable to our friends, and formidable to our enemies, and acceptable to God. All our Divisions in this Nation, for these 1600 years and upwards, were ever rais'd and fomented by harbouring Rome within our bowels, either with, or against our wills: The Picts from the North, and the Scots, or Irish, from the West, were enemies heretofore to the Brit∣tains, (though much their flesh and bloud,) solely up∣on the score of Rome, upon the like inducement, as Roman-Catholicks at this day, are enemies to our peace and Nation, the one gnawing our bowells, as the other did Infest our borders, upon the same score of Rome: For the Roman power ruling here, (while Picts and Scots were unreduc'd) forc'd the Brittains to serve and fight against them, whether they would or not; and them to fight against us, by conse∣quence, and Provocation: The Roman cheat, since prevailing upon many, (through their want of love to the truth,) makes men enemies, and Spies, and Traitors to their own Countrey; not through force, but by their own choice, and zeal, to serve, and promote the ambitious ends of Forreigners; which

less intoxicate, than mens own personal lusts and pas∣sions; and renders them therefore more inexcusable, and despicable, than any other Traitors, or Male∣factors whatsoever, that set up for themselves. An hearty embraceing of the Ancient, Apostolick, Brit∣tish Faith, which the Scotch and Irish defended with us heretofore against Monk Augustine, and planted amongst the English, before he and his Successors sowed their Tares amongst them, (which our Ro∣man-Catholicks are so fond of,) would unite these three Nations, as one man, in mutual love, and peace, and truth, and prosperity, and renown, and strength, and Gods blessing; which was the whole aime, and designe of this discourse; and an effectual care taken against Roman seducers on the one hand, and com∣passion towards the seduced, on the other; and the exemplification of our own right faith, by an an∣swerable good life, would under God easily effect this reduction. They are unnaturally unkind to their own Countrey, that take part with Rome a∣gainst it; which was ever a bad neighbour to our Brittain, returning us evil for good. It destroyed our Empire through the ambition of Maximus; our Church through Monk Augustine; whereas we ever did but Cures upon it; Planting the first Gospel a∣mongst them, before the arrival of St. Peter or St. Paul; Ridding their Roman World of the re∣mainders of their old Pagan Idolatry, (which there was in great power and value,) by the zeal of our Great Constantine; and healing their new Christian Idolatry in good part, (wherewith it was as much enamour'd,) by our Henry the 8th. his President. Let them beware of the Repentance of another Ge∣nerous Prince, descending together from the same Royal Brittish stock, and of no less a spirit, who be∣ing

once fully undeceived, shall see great wrongs to the Innocent, to be repair'd; great indignities to his own Interest and honour, to be reveng'd and chastiz'd, (as King Henry did his Incest;] great op∣pression to patient Protestancy, both at home, and in Neighouring Kingdoms, yea and great abuse to all Christendom in general, by Holy frauds and Impo∣stures, and abominable Idolatries, to be reliev'd, and redress'd; to whom Cromwel, (their Terrour,) was but a Blazing-warning Meteor: who shall unite to himself, both the heart of God, (and of the three Nations) by his zeal for his cause, and glory, a∣gainst such Hypocrites, and everlasting tro••••••••ers of Kingdoms and Churches; and judge it a design commensurate to his Princely Grandeur and Re∣nown, to go along with Fate and Providence, to put a period to their Kingdom of Lyes and Forgeries, and Profanations, and begin the overthrow of Turkish, by suppressing Christian Antichrist, the great enemy of Souls and Truth, which gave the other its chief rise and growth; and was the first president in Christian Kingdoms, of Rebellion against lawful Soveraigns upon the pretence of Religion▪ the on∣ly obstacle of the Union of all Christian Churches, by his Pride and usurpations: And the most dangerous enemies to all humane Society, and Government, and to all Faith and Truth among men, and Christians, (which support them,) by Dispens'd Perjuries, Licen∣sed Dissimulations, Equivocations, Mental Reservati∣ons, Canoniz'd Tteasons, &c. The like practices being never known or heard of in the World before, amongst sober Heathens, nor the most wild and barbarous, much less amongst the Primitive Christians and Mar∣tyrs, but only the Gnostick Disciples of Simon Magus. If it be the Fate of Brittain to give Rome another

Cure and Castigation, without which neither Eng∣land, nor Christendom are like be at rest: (And none are easier and sooner reduc'd, than such whose principles and practices have long warr'd against Heaven, and the Brittish Proverb saith, Drwg y Ceidw Diawl ei wâas. The Devil ill brings off his Ser∣vant) It were to be wish'd, and prayed, it might please the Almighty, to effect it mildly, by the Au∣thority, and power of a generous and lawful Prince, like as Constantine, was from hence; and not, for our neglect, raise a Tyrannical Cromwel, for the scourge, and ruine of their Degenerate Church; as he did Ruffinus heretofore for the overthrow of their De∣generate Empire: who isa 1.591 reported to be a Brittain born, and his name greatly proves his Original, were he born elsewhere. And so much for the fift. The 6th. and last head and supposition propos'd, is

SECTION XIII. That the Primay of the See of Canterbury, as it is setled by our own Kings and Laws, is Canonical and Regular.

THat the Primacy of the See of Canterbury, is from the Grace and pleasure of our Kings and Laws, who can translate it, when they see fit, for good and honourable ends and causes; or unite it to London, whence it was wrongfully torn away by Rome: which requires the clearing of these three points.

1. Touching the Old Metropolitan Sees of the Brit∣tains, where they were before Monk Augustine's entry? What makes a Metropolitan See, and which had the chief Primacy, whether London, or York, or Caerleon?

2. How these, or any of them ceas'd, and disconti∣nued, and how Canterbury came to be erected, continued, and confirm'd?

3. That the Protestant Confirmation of the See of Canterbury, is according to the Canons of the Church, as well as the Law of this Land.

Touching the first: Some hardly will allow, that the Brittains had any Archbishops at all, asa 1.592 New∣brigensis; or if they had, that there is little, or no certainty, where theyb 1.593 stood, as Will. of Mal∣mesbury; yet this last, amongst others, that write of Glastonbury, mentions, that the great St. David c 1.594 Archbishop of Menevia, (or St. David) came with seven Bishops, (whereof he was Primate,) to the Dedication of that Church. And Bede mentions d 1.595 seven Bishops of the Brittains that gave Augu∣stine a meeting about Worcester: And the Brittish History and Hovedene 1.596 mentions the Archbishop, they had over them, and their continuance under the Archbishoprick of St. David, without any sub∣jection to Canterbury, or Rome, till the time of Henry the first: Naming the Suffragan Sees; Llandaff,

Llanbadern, Bangor, St. Asaph, Hereford, Worcester, Chester. But the Archbishops of London, and York, were forc'd from their Sees long before, about the Arrival of Augustine, which two great Cities, that they were Archeipiscopal Sees, is gatherable not only from the Brittish History, and the passage therein, (received amongst theire 1.597 Historians, as well as ours,) touching King Lucius, erecting those three Archbishopricks here, (in the place of the Arch∣flamins,) over the rest of the Bishops: And also from Pope Gregory's sending hisf 1.598 Palls to these two, and no other Cities, that lay open to them; (for Usurpers follow the track of the right owners:) But also the appearance and subscriptions of the three Arch∣bishops at the Council ofg 1.599 Arles, from the Pro∣vince of Brittain, Anno 314. puts the matter past doubt, Eborius Bishop of York, Restitutus of London, Adelphius of Caerleon, for their Title of Bishops there, hinders not, but that they were Archbishops, and Metropolitans; for other known Archbishops, and Pope Sylvester himself, are therein mention'd, with the Title of Bishops only, or how else could Dole eclipse the Archbishoprick of Tours, upon Sampsons score from hence? If Sampson had been no Archbishop here. And whereas Ecclesiastical Sees, are observ'd to take their Division, and Order, from the Civil Dioceses and Provinces; (which is no just exception against that Government, as if it were further from God, or a jus Divinum; because it follows Order therein, which is from God, saith St. Paul, 1 Cor. 14.33.) It may be a little doubted, whether the Church, was guided in the establishment of these Sees, by the Roman, or by the Brittish division of this Land? For if by the

Roman, the Sees must be more or less, according to the number of Provinces:h 1.600 Brittain at first, and in the time of Lucius, being but one Province; made two in the time of Severus, the upper and the lower Brit∣tain; four, in the time of Constantine, Britannia prima, Britannia secunda, Maxima, and Flavia Caesariensis; and Valentia the fifth, added in the time of Valenti∣an; whereby it should follow, (to which opinion Cambrensis was once inclin'd) that there were not under five Archbishopricks in this Isle: And if by the Brittish division of Provinces, in use before the Ar∣rival of the Romans, (whereof mention is left in the remainders of our Moelmutian Laws, or Dunwallo Moel-mûd, who flourished Anno Mundi 3529.) York had been to stand out, and to give place to Eden∣burgh. The words of that Law being these,i 1.601 Ʋn goron Arbennig a gynhel-hir yn ynis Brydain: ac yn Lhundain Cadw'r goron: a thair talaith a gynhel-hir dani: un ynghymrhu, ben Baladr, arall yn nhîn Eidhin, yn y gogloed, ar drydedh, yngherniw. That is, there is one Imperial Crown maintain'd in the Isle of Brittain, and that Crown to be kept at London: And three Princely Coronets, are contain'd under it: One in Wales of the chief Line, the other in Edenburgh, in the North, and the third in Cornwall: whereby a fourth Metropolitical See at Cornwall, or Caer-eske, or Excester, should have place, whereof in Story there is no mention: but only the three Archbishop∣ricks of York, and London, and Caerleon ar-wysc, which division and number, Archbishop Ʋsher proves, by a cloud of 20 or 30 Authors, Brittish, English, and Forreign. It being probable, that York, in those first times, supplied the place of Edenburgh; because

that it was Constantine's place of birth, and because Edenburgh was out of the Roman World, and Severus his wall, in the beginnings of Christianity here.

That which constituted Metropolitan Sees Ori∣ginally, and before the Magistrate became Chri∣stian, was the Necessity of Order; which cannot be, where there is a multitude, without some Union, by a kind of predicamental subordination among the parts, under one chief; which the light of nature suggests in Families, and Armies, and Nations, and Notions; that particulars should be rank'd under Generals, as are the Creatures under God. And Magistracy was constituted, to follow, and improve this order of Gods Original founding; as Artificial Logick to improve natural, being both in effect, the same. And therefore mention is made in the Coun∣cil of Nice, about 300 years after Christ, of Patriar∣chal Sees in use, and Ancient Custom, long before Constantine, or any other Magistrate became Chri∣stian; the Church supplying that defect, by the in∣stinct of order; as nature supplyes the want, or breaches, in our bones, by a callus, or hardness of the like kind; and St. Paul was of opinion, that the law and instinct of nature was jure Divino and from God, Rom. 2.14. But when Magistrates be∣came Christian, to them it ever afterwards belong'd, as the Lords and moderators of order by Divine constitution Rom. 13. to found and constitute, and translate Metropolitical, or Patriarchall Sees, as they saw good, and convenient for their Territories: Upon this score, it might justly seem hard and strange, if Brittain had not an original, and invio∣able Immunity, and priviledge to its Sees, and Metro∣political chaires, which were constituted, and Con∣firmed

by its own natural Kings and Magistrates, the one the first Christian King, to any land, the o∣ther the first Christian Emperour to the whole world; k 1.602 Polydor Virgil an Italian, is easily induc'd to be∣lieve, that Constantine, Brittannicâ matre genitus, in Brittanniâ natus, Imperator Creatus, haud dubie magni∣tudinis gloriae suae natalem terram participem effecit. Born of a Brittish Mother, and in Brittain, and there also made Emperour, made Brittain, no doubt, the place of his nativity, to partake in his Glory and Grandeur: For from him, and the after Emperours in Imitation of him, we find all Patriarchal Sees erected, or confirm'd, or altered in Councils, with reference to the place of their birth, or the residence of their Empire: Brittain having a far greater plea for its pre-eminence, not only the birth, and resi∣dence, but the conversion of the first Emperour, (and all the rest in effect, and consequence) by his Mo∣ther Helena, and her Brittish Chaplains, who had before made no small Impression upon the Emperour Constantius Chlorus his Father. Rome wanting such real merits, forms a vast, and an Universal supremacy to it self, over all the Churches of Christ, by a pretended and feigned donation of his, upon his pretended Baptism, by Pope Sylvester. But Brittain, who is sure of greater and reall merits, and that by the acknowledgement of Popes themselves, as was observ'd before, must not enjoy its own liberties, or Birth-right: Constantinople, which before was Subject to Heraclea, was made a Patriarchal See, equal to Rome it self, in the Coun∣cil ofl 1.603 Constantinople and Chalcedon by after Em∣perours, because it was New Rome, or the place and residence of the Empire:m 1.604 Upon no other ground

Jerusalem the Mother of all Churches, became Sub∣ject to its Metropolis of Caesarea, as Caesarea, to Antioch; it being the right, and prerogative of the Magistrate, in this World to advance to honour and pre-eminence, or to depress, what persons, or places, he pleases, what ever may be their merits, and pre∣cedencies in the other. Upon the like score, was n 1.605 Justinianaea, the place of the Emperour Justinian's birth in Bulgaria, made a Metropolitical chair, (as another Justinianaea in Africa, taking its name from his conquest and reduction,) whereas it cannot be doubted, but that the exaltation of these, were the depression of other Churches; and the Glory of the new Patriarch, a deduction from the Ancient en∣joyed rights of other Ancienter Patriarchs; and yet without wrong; because (byo 1.606 Ecclesiastical Law and presidents,) being in the absolute dispose of the Emperours, by the declared assent of General Coun∣cils; and whereas before it wasp 1.607 adjudg'd mul∣ctable, and Infamous, for any Bishop, or Metropoli∣tan, to invade the Diocess of another; by the General Council ofq 1.608 Chalcedon, and that in Trullo, the case was alter'd, and provision made for the rights and Prerogatives of Emperours; and the alterations made by them, to be obeyd, and submitted to, without such prejudices or exceptions. But as there is a na∣tural, and a positive right, and order, of erecting Metropolitical Sees, (which have both their deriva∣tion from the God of Order, and were severally practiced in the first and best ages of the Church, while it kept its soundness and purity, as well before, as after, it had any Christian Magistrates:) so there

is a third, and a new found way, (practiced in the de∣generate Roman Church for several ages) which hath justled out the other two, whereby Arch-Bishops have been made and invested, by that mysterious clout, call'd their Pall; which from the strangeness of the delusions, and gross cheats, and oppressions attending it, cannot be concluded to have its rise, or derivation from God, but only from Antichrist, or the Devil: For by the immoveable rules of the Roman Church,r 1.609 none can be Arch-Bishops, or Metropolitans, without having a Pall from Rome, to invest them in that dignity; whatever be their Rights, or Titles, from Kings, or Emperours, or General, or Provincial Councils; Neither is this Pall to be had for nothing; And though this be a mani∣fest Petitio Principii, that none can be great Bishops in any part of the World, without first greasing the Popes fist; a rank and a ridiculous begging of the question, strongly savouring of the stench of simo∣ny, and sordid ends, to the great wrong and abuse of St. Peters name to cloake the matter, who abhor∣red such Practices Acts 8. yet so strong hath this de∣lusion been, by a just Judgement of God, upon many a blind Metropolitan, that it hath been for several Ages swallowed, and submitted to, to their ruin; which arrived to its power and credit amongst Church men by these Gradations, 1. Christianss 1.610 of strict lives, (as the Greek Philosophers before them) did use a distinct habit, or cloake, call'd Pallium, in Tertullian. 2. Kingst 1.611 and Emperours, in former times (where∣of there are some footsteps in modern,) did use to bestow upon their Dignified Favorites, Vests, and

Robes, answerable to their degrees; as likewise Palls of the like Nature, upon Popes, Patriarchs,m 1.612 Churches, as a mark, and token of their honour; so in Constantine's feigned donation, the Robes and Ensignes ofn 1.613 Imperial Majesty are conferr'd upon the Pope: And the Emperour Valentinian gave such a Vest or Pall to the Churcho 1.614 of Ravenna; but Ba∣ronius is careful to assert the Dignity of that Church, from the Popes graunt and favour, rather than that Pall. Anthimiusp 1.615 Patriarch of Constantinople (de∣pos'd in the time of Justinian) is said to restore back his Pall, to the Emperour that gave it; upon this score Sampson had a Pall at York, when Brittain no way depended on the Pope: And though Marcus, Pope Sylvester's Successor, is acknowledged by Baro∣nius, to be theq 1.616 first, that is met in Story to bestow a Pall; and that upon the Bishop of Ostia, in the year 336. yet our Gregory that sent Monk Augustine hither in the year 600. is the the first, that brought it into use; to Install Archbishops by it, to advance others, over the heads and rights of other Bishops, and to make them his Legates thereby, and dependants upon that See. It is he, that sent his Pall tor 1.617 Monk Au∣gustine for London, and tor 1.618 Paulinus for York, and tor 1.619 Siagrius of Augustodunum, or Autun, advanc∣ing his Seat thereby, to be next in Dignity to Lyons: And in like manner to several other, with Canting Epistles touching their use; and the Office of them, (that are exalted to wear them,) at proper seasons. The first conditions that attend it, were. 1. It was to be given to none, but first, upon the score of

s 1.620 high merit. 2. Nor without greatt 1.621 entreaty. 3. And withoutu 1.622 all Fee, which last came to be dispens'd with, after it was well rung into credit, by other Arts, and divine additional definitions of it; that it was taken fromx 1.623 off the body of St. Peter, having vertue in ity 1.624 to give plenitude of Arch∣iepiscopal power to the wearer: And by this time, lest the cheapness should bring it into contempt, it was not parted with, but for a great, and round sum; and an Oathz 1.625 of Allegiance, and particu∣lar fidelity to the Pope, and to bea 1.626 buried with every Archbishop, and purchas'db 1.627 a new within three Months, upon pain of suspension and depriva∣tion. Thomasc 1.628 Archbishop of York half broak him∣self, in the time of Henry the first, to gain it, to have his will against the Archbishop of Canterbury: Wal••er Greyd 1.629 Bishop of Worcester laid down 10000 l. Sterling (now 30000 l.) to be translated by it, to the See of York: The Bishops of Mentze 1.630 used to purchase it at 1000. then 20000, 25000 and 27000 Florens. Our Archbishops of Canterbury and York, came at last to a certainty off 1.631 5000 Duckets, and the rest of the Bishops to a known proportion for their Investitutes, (which in 40 years compass were computed in Henry the 8th's timeg 1.632 to amount to one hundred and sixty thousand pounds Sterling: Now this last Title, by Pall, the Ancient Brittish Church never heeded, as appears by Pope Gregory's

Confession, upon search of hish 1.633 Registers before; and therefore that allegation ini 1.634 Cambrensis, and Hoveden, of 25 Archbishops of St. Davids, who suc∣ceeded St. David, and used a Pall till Sampson, who carried it to Dole, is inconsistent with that utter enmity, that continued some hundreds of years, be∣tween the Romish and the Brittish Church, unless, as the Learned Ʋsherk 1.635proves, it be understood of Sampson of York, that went over to Dole, as Pope Inn••cent himself could tellk 1.636 (and not of Sampson of St. David:) who might have had a Pall remaining at York, from the guift of Emperours, as usual, and not of the Pope, whose Supremacy here, was not then acknowledg'd. Neither were our Metropo∣litans the less Metropolitans, for the want of the Roman Pall; for they had all other requisites, sav∣ing [^l] that one, which is sufficient; and the rather, because they were as Perfect Metropolitan Bishops, as the Pope himself, before the time of Pope Marcus, who first us'd a Pall; because upon the Summons of Constantine the great, they Sate as Archbishops, and were so allowed of, by the great Council of Arles, and by Pope Sylvester himself, or his Deputies, who made no exceptions then against their dignities, and sitting, as we can read or hear of, which was seve∣ral years before the time of Pope Marcus, the first Founder of the Pall: And therefore their Metropo∣litan rights, which were firm and valid so long be∣fore, in the esteem of those two great powers, (who were able to create, and abrogate such dignities, Em∣perours, and great Councils,) could not be infring'd in after Ages, for want of that suspicious new mark

and Livery, Apoc. 13.16, 17. that was to be far fought, and dear bought, and after all impertinent and Insignificant; for the Brittains had not Faith, or Brains to believe all the Lyes and false suppositions, that are required to support, the Credit and Veneration of this Pall. 1. That it was taken from off the body of St. Peter, (as is alledg'd by the Pope,m 1.637 or his Deputy for him, at the Altar,) that being moul∣der'd into dust and ashes so long time agoe: Nor 2. that his dead body, (were it in visible being,) could by this contact communicate such sanctity and au∣thority, to a patch of Wollen Cloth. 3. That this Cloth sanctified by such Contact, can alone con∣veigh to Archbishops their lawful power of Ordina∣tion, and the rest of their Archiepiscopal Authority. 4. That it cannot invest the Successor with the same power, but (by a Canonical Flannel Act,) must be buried out of the way, as useless: For a touch of a Loadstone serves to attract many needles, one after another, and the Father's Cloak, may serve his Child, or some poor body, after his death. 5.n 1.638 That all Consecrations of men, and Sacraments, are void, and useless, without this ragge; upon which the Au∣thority of the Archbishop depends, as the Ordinati∣ons of Ministers and Bishops, upon the Authority of the Archbishop, and all their lawful Consecrations of Sacraments upon the Authority and validity of their Ordinations. Nor 6. That the Primitive Church for the first three hundred, or five hundred years, was no Church, and had no lawful Govern∣ours, nor Metropolitans, nor Bishops, nor Ministers, either to Ordain, or Consecrate Successors, or to Preach the Word, or to administer Sacraments with

a right Calling, because they had not this Roman Pall. All these fundamental points of the new Ro∣man-Catholick Faith, could not go down with our Orthodox and sober Ancestors: But since the Church, with them at Rome, hath got new marks and defini∣tions; and Palls, and Fees, are now its measures, a•• ••Touchstones, instead of Christ and the Heart: This Controversy is now reducible to a narrower compass, to a Dilemma, and a short Issue. The Di∣lemma, this; The Brittish Churches, and their Me∣tropolitical Sees, and Authorities, upon Monk Augu∣st••••••'s Arrival hither, were for want of Palls, (which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 implyed against them by Pope Gregory,) either all null, and void, and vacant; or not: If the latter, then Pope Gregory, and Augustine his Missionary, were manifest Schismaticks, and worse, as shall be furher shewed, for Invading Sees, and Consecra∣ting▪ and Ordaining Ministers, and Bishops in other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dioceses against their wills, and rights, and the Canons of the universal Church: But if the former be true, that they were no Churches of Christ, nor lawful Sees, nor Metropolitans, (what∣ever was their Antiquity and first Establishment,) for want of sueing out their Palls from Rome, then by the same reason, the whole Primitive Church of Christ for 300 years before Marcus, or 500. before these Investures by Palls came to be in full mode and fashion, was no lawful Church, had no lawful Officers, neither Patriarchs, nor Metropo∣litans, nor Bishops, &c. no more than the Brit∣tish. And then, the Issue between us, and Rome, is come to this disjunction: If Rome be the true Ca∣tholick Church, by the vertue of its Palls; The Pri∣mitive Apostolical Church, that wanted this Chur∣chifying Livery, was no Church: If the Primitive

Apostolical Church, was a true Catholick Church, (which none but Antichrist will deny,) then the Church of Rome, by their own new Principles, is no Catholick Church. So that by the self-same cha∣racter, and measure, whereby they wrongfully Un∣church'd our Brittish, and Impiously by consequence Unchurch'd the whole Primitive Church to boote, by their own Law and sentence, as it were by a judge∣ment upon them, they Pall-mall have justly and de∣servedly Ʋnchurch'd themselves.

Having thus evicted them, by their own Princi∣ples, out of their Usurped right, and title, to the name and being of a Church, much less the Catho∣lick Church, and wrested from them their Patriar∣chal flag, and claim of Supremacy over our Brittish Churches, upon which, of our own Metropolitan Sees, we ought to reare, and fix this Ensign of Pri∣macy, as its Ancient Right and Honour, is both a hard question to decide, and no question at all, in di∣verse respects. For if the question be of Fact, where the Primacy was lodg'd, and seated? whether at York, or London, or Caerleon ar-Wysc? it is hard to determine it; there being so much from Antiquity, to be alledg'd for each.

For York, there is this to be said: Not only, that at the Council of Arles, Eborius Arch-Bishop of York, Subscribes before the other two, but that York was the Seat of the Roman Emperours, when they re∣sided here, and the Praetorium of Brittain, and in all consequent probability, the Seat of the Brittish Pa∣triarch, or Primate therefore; And the place of Constantine's Birth, as our Embassadours argue in the Council of Constance, for the right of Precedency against Francen 1.639 Domus Regalis Angliae inter plures

sanctos palmites, &c.

The Royal house of England, amongst many other holy branches, not easy to be numbred, is certainly known to have brought forth St, Helena, and her Son Constantine the Great, who was born at York;

And our Embassadours in the Council of Basil, against the like pretence of Castile, or Spain, urgeo 1.640 Constantinum illum magnum, qui primus, &c.

That Constantine the Great, who was the first Christian Emperour, who ordered so many Churches to be built over all the World, contri∣buting vast treasures thereunto, was born at Per∣terna, in the City of York:

Which name is conjectu∣red to be retained to this day, in the Vicar's Chorall's buildings there, which is call'dp 1.641 Bederne, which (with Christ-Church adjoyning, stil'd in old Charts, St. Trinity-Church in the Kings Court,) is conceived to be part of the old Imperial Palace, by the great Arch-Bishop Ʋsher and Bramhall, and (to add to their conjecture,) the word in the Brittish, signifies the same, as Praetorium, with little allowance to the alteration made by time, and by different Langu∣age. For Penteyrnas, is the Brittish word for Prae∣torium, signifying as much as theq 1.642 Head of the Kingdom, or Empire; which the Embassadors cite Perterna; and is since retain••d in Bederne, and per∣haps in Bedhran, the next Street adjoyning to their Minster, q. d. their Perterna, or old Pallace. Now the great Metropolitan, or Patriarchal Sees of Chri∣stendom, whether Antioch, or Constantinople; &c. have not more, nor so much, to offer in behalf of their several Primacyes, within their several pre∣eincts, nor Rome it self, with Truth and soberness,

than York for the Primacy of Brittain. For the best and chiefest title, is, from the Seate of the Empire, and chief prefecture, ingeniously so acknowledged by the Council of Constantinople and Chalcedon: where∣in York is equal, and several wayes before them, in Seniority, or Dignity, or both: being the prim•• See of Brittain, and with Antioch it self, co-temporary in the Faith: as the English Embassadors alledg'd in the Council of Basil, whose Chair is acknowledg∣ed by the consent of all Antiquity, to be founded by St. Peter, 7 years before that of Rome; but far out∣vying it for the lustre of both Royal, and Imperial dignity, and Christian Primogeniture. But Rome hath two other broken titles, out of both which, she feign would make up, one good one; as he, that made two heyres of half bloud, to be equal in right, with one, of the whole; that of St. Peter's Rock, whereon the Church, (that is, the Roman, as they begg the question, was founded) and the other of Constantine's Donation, as his gratuity for his Baptism: by the first, (were all their canting Interpretations true, which have been often sufficiently baffled) they can have no more right than Antioch, which was alike founded by St. Peter, by their own Confession, and other more certain evidence, than Rome can produce for her chair, which is, as it were, of the second venter; yet Brittain was never Subject to Antioch, but Equal and Co-ordinate; much less to Rome; though agreeing more in Customs, and Com∣munion with the one, than with the other; yet such is the disease, and unreasonable pride of Rome, that she exalts her self above both. And St. Peter is brought to rob, not Paul alone, but Peter. And the Junior Daughter to claim Precedency, and Birth-right against the Senior, and the crack'd, suspected

Patent, to be a better and firmer title, than the true, and undoubted. Neither is the other pretence from Constantine's guift, more vail'd against Brittain, were it true; which many of themselves are asham'd off, For suppose he had been Baptiz'd by Pope Sylvester, at Rome, (and not in the River Jordan, as most be∣lieve, especially the Greeks, and Platina dissents not) about the latter end of his dayes, as the Custom then was, for surer remission of sins, against any new crimes and forfeitures; and that he had resigned Rome and its Territories to the Pope, (with∣drawing, to Constantinople out of Reverence to him, as to a greater man;) and the Dignity of Roman Senators, (who were equal to Kings) to his Cardinals, and all his Robes and Ensigns of Empire, with an Universal Supremacy over the Churches of Chri∣stendom, as the Donationr 1.643 recites; yet sure not without some exception; at the lest, touching Brit∣tain: not only, because he could better part with his own Civil rights, than with the old Ecclesiastical Rights of Churches, enjoyed from Christ, before Magistrates became Christian, and in future Coun∣cils submitted to Christian Emperours for honour, while Christians, but because Brittain, his Native Countrey, had stronger, and more undoubted ob∣ligations upon him, upon the like score; having his birth, and second birth, and Conversion, from the one, and but the Instituted Ceremony, (if true and certain) from the other; so that upon the self same reason, and merits of this pretended Charter, that all other Churches were declared Subject to it, it is to be believed in all justice and equity, that Brittain was declared Exempt. For if the Emperour Justi∣nian

was so kind, and noble, towards the place of his birth, and Conquest, in Dacia, and Africa, as by his imperial Prerogative, to exalt them into abso∣lute Primacyes, freeing them from the obedience, and subjection, they formerly paid, to other superiour Chairs, how can it be imagined, that the Generous Spirit of Constantine, compounded of Roman, and Brittish Honour, should forget the place, where he was Born, and Re-born, which all men remember to their last Gasp, as Poets paint it, both Human and Divine, Nescio quâ natale solum dulcedine cunctos, saith one, Dulces moriens reminiscitur Argos,r 1.644 saith ano∣ther. And the Prophet more Divinely, If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, left my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, If I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy, Psalms 137.6, 7. For what is more remember'd and tender'd from first to last, by all men and Chri∣stians, than their Countrey, the type of God, whence they had their being? or what is more eve∣ry one's Jerusalem on Earth, than his Church, the type of Christ, where he had his better and Eternal being? How unthankful therefore, and perfidious to the honour of their Countrey, and of their Prince, (the representative and type thereof,) must they needs appear, that for any present Interest, and pri∣vate advantage, or unaccountable Custom, and Education, shall go about to advise, or perswade him, to yield (against Princely trust, and honour, and obligation of descent, and birth,) this most An∣cient free-born Church of Brittain, to be a slave, and Captive a fresh to Rome, after her miraculous rescue and deliverance, by the hands of Princes, the heads of

States-men, the hearts of Divines, the finger of God, the Acclamations of all good men: and at such a time, the one being in its greatest Degeneracy, with nei∣ther Truth, nor Empire of its side, to make it lovely, or considerable, as heretofore; and the gall and soreness on the Neck of the other, from its former yoak, not yet fully healed, nor forgot.

Neither are the pretences of London, (ors 1.645 Lhun∣dain in the Brittish, .i. Diana's shrine Acts 19.24.) to the Brittish Primacy, Inferiour to those of York: being for populousness, and wealth, and Situation, the knowen Metropolis of this land, all along from the Resurrection; and before, and by consequent pre∣sumption, our Patriarchal See, as ourt 1.646 Ancient Historians are generally of Opinion. Founded by King Lucius, at St. Peters Cornhill, as most believe, or St. Peters Thorney, (or Westminster) according to D. Heylin's conjecture, which likewiseu 1.647 had its first building from the same King, who according to our Brittish Chronicles, was Baptizedx 1.648 at Troynovant, or London, with all his Family, where according to the Moelmutian Laws, was the Imperial Crown of this Island kept, and in all probability, the Residence of King Lucius, and the first Metropolitany 1.649 Chair, by consequence, long before the time of Con∣stantine, well nigh two hundred years; and Pope Gregory sending his chief Pall for London, proves as much, by his following the track. And accordingly we find Arch-Bishop Guitelin, or Cyhelyn, to Crown

King Constantine, and to have the chargez 1.650 of his children, Aurelius Ambrosius, and Ʋther Pendragon, (the priviledge of the chief Primate of England to this day.) And Fitz Stephen a Londoner, will have Constantine the Great to be born at London, and her Walls to be built by him, at the request ofa 1.651 Helena, And though he resided at York, as other Emperours before him, for greater watch, and terrrour, on the Frontiers of the Empire, and was forward enough, to honour and exalt the See of York, into high dignity and Priviledge, yet not to the wrong and pre∣judice, of the Ancienter Arch-Bishoprick of London, in the same Countrey, and that his own; and Eborius of York, might take place of Restitutus of London, in the Council of Arles, by reason of his years, as the Elder man, and not by reason of his See. And if the See of London, was thus above the See of York, (which had (as a fore) such good right and merit to be above any other See in Christendom, whether Constantinople, or Rome it self;) how Ancient, and Sacred, must the Primacy of London then be! And yet this See, we find Rome to have used her greatest Power to suppress, and keep under, from first to last, York continuing an Archbishoprick to this day: But London the Original Primacy of Great Brittain, swallowed up by the pride of Popish Canterbury, for about a thousand years together.

And Caerleon upon Wysc, now St. David, had no less a right, than the other two, to chief Primacy here in Brittain, by that dear title of Redemption (as it were) being the Royal seat of King Arthur; who by his zeal, and valour, in the Cause of Christ and his Countrey, was the Saviour of the Brittish Church and Monarchy in his time, (as such deliverers are

term'd in Scripture, Obadiah v. ult.) from the Pagan-Invasion of the Saxons, rebuilding their Churches, Monasteries, Nunneries, saith Geoffrey, restoring their Clergy, and Orders, and setling Bishops, and Pastors, in their several Sees, and charges; as his Chap∣lain Pyramus made Archbishop of York by him,a 1.652 convocato clero & populo; in a full Parliament and Convocation, held at York the Feast of Christmass: As, at his great and solemn Feast held in the time of Pentecost at Caerleon, at the like assembly of the Clergy and Laity, Davida 1.653 was made Archbishop of Caerleon, Maugan of Silcester, Dwywan of Win∣chester, Eledanius of Alcluid, or Dunbritton, as we find Theon Bishop of Gloucester translated to the Archbishoprick of London, shortly after his death: In a word, he either clear'd the land, (after several great Fights,) of all the enemies of his Countrey and Religion, or gave them terms, wresting the sword out of their hands, andb 1.654 recommending the Catechism instead: As did his Uncleb 1.655 Emrys, or Aurelius Ambrosius before him. Here that Arch∣bishop had his Residence, that sent seven of his suf∣fragan Bishops, to meet the said Augustine, near Wor∣cester, to defend their Brittish rights and Customes against Rome's Invasion: Neither is Cressy's excepti∣on against the Welsh Epistle in Sir H. Spelman, of any validity, because it mentions the Archbishop of Caer∣leon to be their proper Superiour, when as at this time, saith he, the See was at St. David, and not at Caerleon;c 1.656 because, though it were, it was still

the same See; and the names were promiscuously us'd; and there is nothing in that Epistle, but what is in effect contain'd in the Narrations of Bede, and Geoffrey of Monmouth, who is no where more fabul∣ous, than for the Interest of Rome, or the discredit of our Brittish Worthyes, and both Authors appear more their Friends, than ours. And where Geoffrey, Stiles Dubritius, (without any colour of Truth,) Britanniae Primas, & Apostolicae sedis legatus; The Pope's Legate, and Primate of Brittain: (though it was as absurd, then, as to fancy General Montecu∣culi, now, to be a Turkish Bashaw,) yet it serves very well to confirm, that this Archbishop of Caerleon, was the undoubted Primate at that time, and not York, or London; because Lyes and Legends, that expect any belief, are ever fastned to some Truth: And there this Primacy continued amongst the Brit∣tians, till sometime after the Norman Conquest.

But if the Question be of right? Where the Prima∣cy of Brittain, ought of right to be, and to be by all right-English and Brittish-Christians, obeyed from the heart, as unto Christ? The Resolution is far more easie: For this Church may be considered, as to its Inside, or the heart and inward man; or the Outside, or its outward man: As to the first, the Primacy is solely in Heaven, the heart being subject to no Pope, nor Prelate, but to Christ alone, and to all lawful Governours for his sake. Neither is this Pri∣macy local, or confin'd, and limited, to any place on earth, either Rome, or Canterbury, as neither is the Soul or its thoughts; but in all places of Europe, and Asia, Africa, and America, we are to obey and follow Christ, the Soveraign of the Soul, before any other whatsoever; God before man, Conscience be∣fore Interest, Truth before Authority, the Laws of

God, befere the Doctrines of men, Duty before Fancy, Honesty before Advantage, Heaven before Earth, and Everlasting Concernments, before any Temporal whatsoever. But if the Church be con∣sidered in its Outside, the Case is in another World, that is, in this present World; where the Civil Ma∣gistrate is Supream, in all Temporal Concerns and Causes: As in all Ecclesiastical, are Ecclesiastical Ma∣gistrates and Governours; and that two wayes: 1. Originally. 2. Eminently. Originally, the rightful Bishops of Brittain, before the time of King Lucius, and Constantine, being of Apostolical descent and In∣stitution, (and the chief of their Order,) were the chief and Prime Governours of this Church, by right; for the first Bishops are certainly known to be ap∣pointed by the Apostles themselves, as James at Je∣rusalem, &c. And the Magistrate, while Heathen, had no right to controle them, in any part of their Commission, that was from Christ, for the propa∣gation of his Gospel, or the publick weal and pre∣servation of his Church, in truth, and order, and regular Communion, in this world; therefore, in that respect alone, they were exempt, and not subject to any human Laws and Authorities whatsoever; which liberty hath been scandalously abus'd, and ex∣tended by the principles of Popery, to exemption from Christian Magistrates: As if they had been equal∣ly as opposite, and asymbolical with the Gospel, as Hea∣then. But when the Magistrate became Christian, in Lucius, and Constantine, &c. And were received into the Church, (according to their quality, and station before in the World, of Gods Erection,) the Case was otherwise again; for now they were Ec∣clesiastial Magistrates, as well as Civil; and if Ec∣clesiastical, therefore Supream in Ecclesiastical causes,

(referring solely to this present life,) as well as Tem∣poral; that is Supream Primates and defenders of the Temporal concerns of the Eternal Church of Christ. Therefore, as the Supremacy of the Church was Originally in our Brittish Bishops, so it came afterwards Eminently, to be lodged and vested of right, in our Brittish Christian Magistrates; Chri∣stian Bishops giving place to Christian Kings, like the lesser to the greater Lustre; who yet acted little or nothing without their advice, and counsel, as we found King Arthur, a little before, chusing his Bishops and Archbishops with the advice of Synods. There∣fore, as we say, where the King is, there the Court is; so it may, as well, be said and justified, where the Christian King of Brittain is, there is the Primate of Brittain, and head of this Church: Notwithstanding, as our Kings in their Civil Capacities, have their stand∣ing Courts, and Tribunalls for Habitation, or Justice, by Law and custome, as well as Ambulatory and Personal; so likewise in their Ecclesiastical, their standing Pri∣macyes, where they pleased by Law to fix them, as did King Lucius perhaps at London, and Constantine at York, and Arthur at Caerleon, and others at Canterbury; which they, or their Successors, may adjourn, and re∣move elsewhere, in like manner, when they see good reason. The vulgar practice of common Seamen, pe∣netrates and decides this point. For with them, at the motion of the Prince, or Admiral, from a first to a se∣cond, or third Rate Ship, the Flag shall follow by con∣sequence; and desert that Ship, (whatever be its Rate,) the Prince deserts, and hover only there, where he hath chosen to abide; In like manner it is with the Pri∣macy, which answers to the Flag, as Ships at Sea, an∣swer to Cities on Land: It doth, and alwayes ought, to follow the will and Law of the Prince; and any For∣reign

Pope hath as much to do, to order, and dipose of a Flagg, in our Fleet, by his Bulls and Canons, as of a Primacy in our Kingdom. There is an old appetite in Mitre, and Crown, to Re-unite, and to be together, as they were Originally in the same Persons, in the Patriarchs, yea in Heathen Kings, and Emperours; Holy and Publick, sig∣nifying the same; our English Primacy, which travelled heretofore from London to Canterbury, to be near King Ethelbert, is since crawl'd back as far as Lambeth, to be near White-hall. The Christian Mitre attends the Crown, the Antichristian, would Controle it; Both would have it near, the one goes to it, the other would have it, to come to him: Chri∣stian Bishops count themselves Subjects to their Kings: Antichristian would have Kings to be Subjects unto them: ••ea and make no other account of the King of kings, and of every thing that is called God, who by their Principles and Practices shall be redu∣c'd, to serve their private ends, (which are with them) Superiour to them all. The fate of the Church, may be observ'd to follow that of the Crown and Empire: it rose, and fell, of late years, with the fall, and Restoration, of our last Kings; we observed the like Sympathy in it, towards the Brittish Crown here∣tofore. Therefore all good Christians ought by their lives and Prayers, to support our Brittish Monarchy, that the Church and Religion may ever prosper in its safety, 2 Tim. 2.12. The Civil Regality of our Kings cannot be destroyed, but by a stronger Forreign Power, or Domesticks broyls; (which God prevent) And nothing ever hath, and doth promote our divi∣sions, and rents, and broyls, more than the cherish∣ing of Popery within our state, which engenders Jealousies, foments our Sects, and sets on dissenters

to affront and trouble our Church and Government, and fits us for Invasion, by division: neither can their Ecclesiastical Regality, be any way more Eclips'd, or extinguished, than by vitious scandalous living, or Antichristian errours; for how can he be a Head, or Primate in Christ's Church, who stands condemn'd and Excommunicate by its Laws, from being a Mem∣ber; Truth and Holiness, being as essentially requi∣site to the Church, (which is the ground and Pillar of truth 1 Tim. 3.) and to every Member thereof, as his being a Christian: The neglect whereof destroyed our Brittish Church in Ʋortigern, and its corrupt Princes, heretofore; as Subjection to the Pope, de∣praved, and enslaved the Conquering English, and their Church all along; Invasion and Captivity are best kept off, by bolting out Popery, and Debauche∣ry; A Prince, that is Orthodox, and Vertuous, and Vigilant, and Valiant,a 1.657 is the greatest pledge and sign from Heaven, of good weather in Church, as well as State, in such a Reign: which therefore ought to be, as it is order'd by the Church, the daily Prayers of all good Christians throughout their lives.

The second point is, how these Primacies, or any of them ceased, and discontinued, and how Canter∣bury came to be erected and confirm'd in stead. And first of the Imperial Primacy of York. The See of York is conceived to have continued from Faganus, or Wogan, (f being used for v by the Brittains,) the first Archbishop thereof, in the time of King Lucius about 160 after Christ, to the departure of Sampson, about the year 500. from the Saxon fury, into Armorica, or little Brittain,b 1.658 with Six or Seven of his suffragan

Bishops with him, (whom after Ages called there the Seven Saints of Brittain,) whereof Maclovius, was one, (who gave name toc 1.659 S••. Maloes,) who were there received, and preferr'd, and Sampson made Bishop of Dole, and Primate of little Brittain, and above Tours, as before. But the Imperial Pall in time, came to be over-rul'd by the Papall; King Ar∣thur recovering that Territory, shortly after, from the Saxons, settles Pyramus, his Chaplain, Archbishop there, about 522. whose successors, there continued, till Thadioc the last Archbishop was driven into Wales, together with Theonus the last Archbishop of London, about the time, or little before, the Arrival of Au¦gustine the Monk, as before, an Argument of Romish foul play. About the year 601. Pope Gregory takes order with Augustine, to maked 1.660 York, with London, Arch∣bishopricks a new, with dependance upon Rome.

Ad Eboracum civitatem te volumus Episcopum Mittere, &c. We would have you send a Bishop, for the City of York, whom you shall think fit to ordain, but with this proviso, that, if that City, and its Neighbourhood shall receive the word of God, He may ordain 12 Bishops under him, and enjoy the honour of a Metropolitan; for We intend, if God lend life, to send him a Pall likewise, by the help of God. Neither shall he be any way Subject to the jurisdiction of the See of London, the Priority of the one to the other, shall be according to the Seniority of their Consecration.

When Edwin King of Northumberland, in the year 627, (after the death of Gregory and Augustine) made Paulinus, who Converted and Baptized him, Archbishop here, he was Ordain'd by Justus, Archbishop of Canterbury,

with this Memorandum,e 1.661 as Canterbury is Subject to Rome, (whence it had its Faith,) so is York to be Subject to Canterbury, which sent to it, its Bishops and Teachers: thus they agreed to divide the spoyls; But Paulinus was soon routed, out of all the North, by Cadwalhan, upon King Edwins overthrow in 633. And the See manag'd afterwards by Bishops, of Brit∣tish Ordination and Principles; Aidan, Finan, &c. for 30 years, who weref 1.662 Metropolitan Bishops of York, yet had no Pall, and chose to reside at Lindis∣farne. And Ceadda who was rightly Consecrated Archbishop there, by Brittish Ordination, was inso∣lently, and illegally laid aside, by Theodorus, as before, whereby that Church recovering its Pall in Egbert, became Subject to the Roman, and so continued un∣till the time of our Protestant Restoration: Con∣quests and Invasions of Countreys, being common, and tolerable, amongst the Captains of the World; and especially Heathen; But the subduing, and stealing of one another's Churches and Diocesses, by Christians, and Catholicks, not so, in the Church of God.

London continued a Metropolitan Church for 400 years, and above, from the time of King Lucius, g 1.663 to the Arrival of Augustine, who Translated that its dignity, to Canterbury, against Law, reason, and the Canons of the Church; Thean, or Theon••s, be∣ing her first Archbishop, who is said to have built the Church of St. Peters Cornhill,g 1.664 in the time of King Lucius, by the help of Cyranus, the Kings chief Butler; and Elwan, her second (before Embassadour

with Dwywan and Medwin from the King to Pope Eleutherius) who built a Library, adjoyning to the said Church, which continued for many Ages, to the time of Leland, who saw it. And her last Brittish Bishop, being Theonus likewise, who was driven with Thadioc into Wales, by a New Roman-Hea∣thenish Persecution, as afore. Pope Gregoryh 1.665 in∣tended to settle his Romish Primacy at London, (where the Brittish was before) as appears, from his own Epistles to Monk Augustine, and Mathew Westminster, and Malmesbury, and Polydor Virgil. But what in∣duc'd Augustine to Translate it to Canterbury, against the first Orders of his Pope, or what made the In∣fallible Pope to change his mind, and him, and his Successorsi 1.666 Boniface, Honorius, &c. by one Pall after another, to confirm its settlement there; there are several conjectures amongst Antiquaries and Hi∣storians: Who agree and confess, it was a great injury and disgrace to London; Math. Westminster, imputes it to fate, and cites the Prophecy of Merlin.k 1.667 Dignitas Londoniae adornabit Doroberniam. W. of Malmsbury to hisl 1.668 welcom with King and People at Canterbu∣ry, where he abode 16 years, Sedulitate Hospitis Regis, & Civium charitate captus, which argues he had not so much welcom at London. Kenulph, King of Mercia's Epistle to Leo the third, saith, it was agreed by English Parliament, Cunctis gentis nostrae sapientibus, (which is the best title we heard yet, but that of his Father settling it at Lichfeild) that the Primacy should be there, where the Corps of St. Au∣gustine, their first English-Bishops lyes interred, in St. Peters Church, Consecrated by his Successor

Laurence, who belike knew his mind: And there∣forey 1.669 Mr. Lambard in his Perambulation of Kent, delivers his judgment thus:

But I think verily, that he meant thereby, to leave a Glorious Monument of his swelling pride, and vanity, whereunto I am the rather led, by the observation of his stately be∣haviour, towards the Brittish Bishops, and some other of his Acts, that savour greatly of vainglory, ambition, and insolence.

But, it may be well ima∣gin'd, it was to get Royal Protection, though Hea∣thenish, for his Forreign unlawful Primacy. For therefore Gregory design'd the Pall first for London, because he conceived it to be the Royal City of the Nation: Et ad id tempus alterius obscurae urbis notitia Romanos non Attigisset, The fame of Canterbury was then so obscure, that the Romans had not heard there∣of saithz 1.670 Malmesbury; when as London was better known unto them, from Roman Authors, and Western Councils. But when Augustine satisfied them at Rome, that Civitas Dorobernia, was Caput gentis Anglorum, a diebus Paganorum, (as the reason of the translation is assign'd in Pope Boniface hisa 1.671 Letter to Justus the the fourth Archbishop of Canterbury,) that since the Pagans prevail'd over the Brittish Christians, Can∣terbury became the chief City, and the Royal Seat of Hengist's Successors, among whom King Ethelbert, was most powerful over all these parts, (where Lon∣don stood,) as far as Humber; they conceived fit thereupon, to alter their Resolutions; and that the Mitre should follow the Crown for support; and the rather, because the Londoners, (who were most of them reduc'd Brittains, as before was shewed,) were

averse to his Novel Superstitions, and usurp'd Pri∣macy, and (the Diminution of their Metropoliti∣cal dignity thereby, contriv'd through his means and despite) as appear'd by their expulsion of Mellitus, whom he constituted his first Bishop there, as he al∣so Consecrated Laurentius, in his life time, against the Canons of the Church, to succeed him at Can∣terbury, leastb 1.672 upon his death, the Primacy might return to London. And though it very probably did, a few years after his Cantuarian succession was ex∣tinct, when Ced (of Brittish Institution and Ordina∣tion,) was advanc'd to the See of London, yet that Brittish Restoration, was soon suppress'd, and the Romish Usurpation re-erected at the coming in of Theodore, and his Successors, to be Archbishops of Canterbury, as before; whose power here prevail'd, as well, as over the rest of Europe, by the secret Counsel and permission of Providence, till the Re∣formation, without much interruption, saving that when the Controversy was hot between King Henry the second, and Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Can∣terbury, Gilbert Folioth Bishop of Londonc 1.673 took his time, (before it was the fatal time) to recover his Archiepiscopal right and Dignity from Canterbury, but in vain; although animated with Prophesies at that time, that London should be a Metro∣politan Church again, at the return of the Brittains into the Island, as Fitz-Stephen reports, who writ about that time: But those Prophesies had not their accomplishments, in general esteem, till the days of our Henryes 7th. and 8th. Wherein, though the Primacy was not restor'd to London, yet it was re∣stor'd to Brittain; and rescu'd from all Roman Ser∣vitude,

Jurisdiction, Nomination, Bulls, and Palls, and Tribute, and Oaths of Obedience to the Pope, and the mark, and title ofd 1.674 Legate of the Aposto∣lick See, chang'd by decree of Synod, into that of Primate and Metropolitan of all England, as stands the state and dignity thereof at this day: No more de∣pending upon Rome's Schismatical usurpation, but upon the consent and establishment of our Brittish Kings, and Church, ande 1.675 Laws, and therefore enjoyed from that time forward by its several Pre∣lates, and obeyed by all Ecclesiastical Subjects un∣der it, with a better Conscience, because according to the Laws of the Land, and of the Church, without any wrong or prejudice to Right Owners, or forc'd obedience, to Wrongful Ʋsurpers.

And the third Metropolitical Chaire of Brittain, that of Caerleon, (whose beginningf 1.676 Bede intimates with others, to be from the time of Lucius and Eleu∣therius,) continued after Austin, to the time of the Normans; whose suffragans gave Austin the meet∣ing at his coming hither: In parte Britonum adhuc vigebat Christianitas, &c.

Amongst the Brittains, saith he, the Christian Religion flourished still, which since the first time, they received it from Eleutherius, never fail'd afterwards amongst them. And after Augustine arriv'd, he found in their Pro∣vince, seven Bishopricks, with an Archbishoprick, fur∣nish'd with most Religious Prelates, and several Abbeys, wherein the Lords flock kept the right course.

But though they had their Christianity from that time, and long before, as hath been prov'd, yet clear it is, they had not allg 1.677 their Episcopal

Sees, in the parts of Wales beyond the Severn, so long; for several of the Bishopricks there, were founded upon the Saxons troubles, and the repair of the Brit∣tains from Loegr thither, for peace and shelter. For so it is manifest,g 1.678 St. Kentigern, St Davids Contem∣porary, founded the Bishoprick of St. Asaph, in a Corner of the Countrey, andg 1.679 Mailgwyn Gwynedh, who was chosen Monarch sometime after Arthur, erected Bangor, in another Corner about 560. Andg 1.680 Landaff acknowledges Dubritius for its first Bishop, (or Archbishop, as some will have it;) yet the Bishop∣ricks of Hereford (as the name in Brittish imports Antiquity,† 1.681 Henffordh,) and Worcester, and Glou∣cester, &c. (where K. Lucius is said to be buried) might well be of Ancienter date, and consequently Caer∣leon, the Metropolitan over them, whose Citizens, Julius and Aaron, were Martyrs in the time of Diocle∣sian h 1.682 Which See continued, unsubject to Canter∣bury, (though not to Rome) till the time of Henry first, who subdued those parts; for while they were able to defend themselves against there Invaders under there own Princes, the Pope took another way, and caught, and kept them under, with the same wile, he did the Church of Scotland, which could not endure to hear of any subjection to York, or Canter∣bury; as it is clear in the Case of their King Alex∣ander and Eadmerus, who for his Fame was sent for, from Canterbury, to be Archbishop of St. Andrews, but as soon as he made the lest mention, that it was requisite for him, to have his Consecration from the See of Canterbury.i 1.683 Alexander conturbatus animo discessit ab eo, nolebat enim Ecclesiam Cantuariensem

praeferri Ecclesiae Sancti Andraeae de Scotiâ. The King was much moved thereat, and turn'd away from him, for he could not endure, that the Church of Canterbury should be preferr'd before that of St. An∣drews in Scotland; and therefore sent Eadmerus back from whence he came. To appease him therefore, and the better to keep and hold that Church under Rome by Craft, (which he saw he could not do by force, neither his own nor others:) The Pope sides with Scotland, against Canterbury: And therefore Pope Clementk 1.684 sends a pleasing decree to William King of Scotland, in the time of Henry the second, Duxi∣mus statuendum, ut Scoticana Ecclesia Apostolicae sedi, cujus filia specialis existit, nullo mediante, debeat sub∣jacere, & nenimi, nisi Papae, licet interdicere: We thought fit to Decree, that the Church of Scotland, ought to be subject to none, but the Apostolical See alone, and to be censur'd by no other Superiour. So the Scots are back'd by the Pope, to stand upon their Liberty, against Canterbury, for which the Brittains were destroyed, and murder'd by the means of Augustine. Yet their sin lay not there, they also, by like submission to the Church of Rome, shall be alike exempted from Canterbury; and Elbodiusl 1.685 besides, be made an Archbishop, to betray his Church for a Pall; The old Christian Church prevail'd over the World by truth: The Carnal way of Rome, is most by Palls and preferments, to the proud, and Covet∣ous. And accordingly the Bishops of St. David had a new Pall from the Pope, and the Confirmation of their Archiepiscopal Dignity, by a new power, (which yet was soon lost) when times turn'd, and

their Enemies prevail'd, (saithm 1.686 H. Huntington) in whose time this fell out; The Popes never failing to side with the strongest side, and their greatest gain. And Roger Hoveden and Cambrensis, both agree in the Relation following, Ʋsque ad Anglorum Regem Henricum primum, &c.n 1.687 The Church of St. David, enjoyed all along, all manner of Metropolical digni∣ty, the use of the Pall excepted, to the time of Henry the first, King of England, who Conquer'd that part of Wales, and subjected the Welsh to the English Church, owing Subjection to no Church before, but to the Roman only, and to her immediately, as the case also is of the Scottish Church. The Bishops of Wales being always Consecrated, till that time, by the Archbishop of St. David, and he likewise by them, as his suffragans, no profession of obedience, or subjection being made to any other Church. And so the succession and dignity continued to the year 1115. that Bernard (not chosen by the Clergy of Wales, pro more,o 1.688 but nominated by K. Henry 1.) and David Fitz Gerald, by King Ste∣phen, and Peter by Henry 2. and Galfridus in the time of King John, Regio urgente mandato, Cantuariae Consecrationem susceperunt, saith Cambrensis,p 1.689 per Regiam violentiam, saith Hoveden, were forc'd by the Kings command to take their Consecration at Can∣terbury,p 1.690 And David, and Peter, besides, had oaths (against the Canons) imposed upon them, that they should stir no more in defence of their Metropoliti∣cal right. But Bernard afterp 1.691 the death of Henry 1. tryed his title notwithstanding with Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, in the Council of Remes, but

the cause being remov'd to the Court of Rome, before Eugenius the third, he was over-born by Purse, and witnesses, that prov'd against him, his promise of obe∣dience to the See of Canterbury, (which he wholly denyed) as well as his Consecration thence had, (which he willingly granted) and so lost his cause; and was decreed to be Subject to the See of Canter∣buny. Yetp 1.692 Giraldus Cambrensis being chosen, had the Courage to try again this title, with Arch-Bishop Hubert before Innocent the third, but was over-rul'd to obey him; Et Papap 1.693 praecepit non amplius ex∣torqueri illicitum juramentum de non prosequendo jure Metropolico, sed tantum exigeret canonicam obedien∣tiam. And the Pope order'd the Arch-Bishops of Can∣terbury, should no more exact, that unlawful Oath, of not trying their Metropolical title any more, (for that might hinder grist to Rome) but that they should rest contented with Canonical obedience only, for the future. And so, as the Learned, and Candid, S^r. Henry Spelman bewailes, Brittannicae Ecclesiae radius ultimus, the last spark of the Brittish Glory was put out, which had continued 400 years, before the time of Austin, and 600 years after. Illud quaero (saith the sameq 1.694 Author) quî factum sit, ut Caerlegionenses, alias Menevenses, Episcopi, successoresque sui, qui ab aevo Lucii Metropoliticis Floruêre Privilegis, & Ar∣chiepiscopi nominati, nullâ, quod sciam pulsati Synodo, sine Crimine, provinciâ sua & Antiqua Jurisdictione deinceps sunt exuti atque spoliati. This I ask, how it should come to pass, that the Bishops of Caerleon, or St. Davids, and their Successors; which ever from the time of King Lucius, were Adorn'd with all Me∣tropolitical Priviledges, and bore the name and stile of Arch-Bishops, should nevertheless, without being

call'd in question in any Synod, as I could ever learn, or any Crime, or defection laid ever to their charge, be spoil'd and devested of their Province, and An∣cient Jurisdiction for ever, without remedy. If private Interest did permit others, who are more concern'd to be as sensible of this wrong, and Sacriledge, as was this honest and conscientious Lay-Gentleman; half a word spoaken to any of our Gracious Princes, by our Reverend Bishops, in behalf of a long op∣pressed Church, would make Wales also, a full sharer in the Common liberty, and benefit of the Reforma∣tion: They being the first sufferers in Europe, for their early opposition against the Supremacy, and Superstitions of Rome, several hundreds of years before Martyn Luther was born, or heard off, and therefore more fit to be considered, notwithstanding former enmities, (who ever was in fault) in a Pro∣testant Church, and a Polite and curious Nation, (that hath a fam'd regard for Antiquity in stones and marbles:) The visible and distinct Remnant of the Ancient Brittains in Wales, (whom Rome hath en∣deavoured these 1000 years, to suppress and destroy, in their fortunes, and faith, and fame, and value, and love with several of the English,) being the most Ancient, standing, and living Monument, and Re∣cord against Popery, in this our Western World. Must that Ancient leaven, (that gain is godliness, and Su∣periority, hook or by crook, over Ancienter Churches) be retained with scandall for ever in the best of Re∣formed Churches? Is there none that will speak but for themselves? none against themselves, and purse, and pride, for conscience, Justice, and the interest of Protestantism? And yet I believe the Brittish Church had rather rest in Patience, as they are, than arrive at any deliverance, or redress, or liberty, by any means

unpeaceable, or unamicable, much less indirect: Nei∣ther can their rights and Priviledges be further with∣held from them, without deserving, and Incurring the Censures and Anathemaes of General Councils, manifest, and unanimous, in their defence; which if they are not to be regarded, wherefore are they Read, or Printed? and not without some defiling approbation of a most unrighteous, and an uncon∣scionable Popish Sentence, past against them, and their Successors, without cause, (and with as little colour) against all faith, and Truth, and promise of Protection, leaving them in the Lurch, in the midst of their trust and submission, against the use, and Custom, and Instinct, and honour of all Patrons, and Creatures whatsoever, but his Holiness alone. With∣all, hard usage is more tolerable from an Enemy, than from a friend, and from the corrupt Roman Church, (where tyrannical and ambitious principles are so openly professed and own'd) than from a neighbour∣ing Orthodox Church of Christ, who suck'd the breasts of the Brittish, or others at least, who had been nurs'd and nourished by her Milk. Neither was it the Intention, or practice of the Roman Court, that Churches should remain concluded for ever, by any of its Sentences, whether just, or un∣just; as appears in the frequent contests heretofore, between the Arch-Bishops of York and Canterbury for Primacy, where (after both parties were well spunged and squeezed) by decrees and Sen∣tences for each, the right of precedency reverted after all where it ran before, in its former Channell. If a Pope predecessor exempted York from Canterbury, upon a considerable feeling; The Next Pope, his Suc∣cessor, who had no share in that Boon, is troubled in Conscience (if well illuminated by a splendid present

from the adverse side,) till Canterbury were righted, and the Ghost of Austin appeas'd. At last this Con∣troversy was referr'd by the Pope, to the pleasure and decision of our own Kings; whose Original right, to judge of this Cause, was now remarkably estabish∣ed in the Crown, by this concession and president, from what motive soever it proceeded, (for it thwarted two of their chiefest fundamentalls, their Profit, and their Incommunicable Judicature of Church matters,) which they seldom quit, where they have either cowardly or credulous Kings to deal with. And so we find that the wise and valiant King Ed∣ward the third, put an everlasting period to that Con∣troversy under his greata 1.695 Seal. As any of his Pro∣testant Successors, being better enlightned, and Brit∣tishly allyed, may give due redress to the Ancient See, of St. David, in like manner, if they please; and also unite Canterbury to London, as it was ever at first. The Extinction of great and Ancient Sees, being Sacri∣ledge, but their Translation from that place to this, the undoubted right of Princes, which is the third point.

That the Protestant Constitution and Confirma∣tion of the Primacy of Canterbury, is according to theb 1.696 Canons of the Universal Church, as well as the Law of this Land, which is sufficiently cleared before, and hereafter, and more at large, and irrefragably, by several great Writers of our Church, particularly Dr. Hammond, and Archbishop Bramhall, to whom they are referred, who have a mind to meet more Instances and Presidents on this point: And our Ro∣manists, of any men, should not except, or regret,

at the Constitution of our chief Chairs by the Au∣thority of our lawful and Brittish Kings, whose first power, and footing here, was by the aid and assistance of Conquerours and Invaders, to the wrong of this Church. For though the Pope first pointed out London, (who had the same right to dispose of the Crown, as of the Chaire,) yet the Influence of King Ethelbert settled the Primacy at Canterbury, as some of the Norman Kings wrested that of St. David to it, by meer force and power. If therefore they believe, in behalf of themselves, that Kings may constitute, or translate Metropolitan Sees, against old Right, and Canons, much more may they do the same, with Right and Canons of their side: For lawful Kings in their own Territories succeed in that power, which was given, or restor'd by General Councils, to Christian Empe∣rours, to make what Alteration and translations of Sees and Primacies, as they should see cause: The Emperours and Metropolitans both agreeing and consenting, that before any new Metropolitan See should be alter'd, that the Mother Church should be satisfied, and understand from his Majesty under his hand, that he was not surpriz'd, or sollicited, or misled by others, in what he did, (as well might be the Case of Canterbury, in its Confirmation by our English Kings, in the darkness of Popery, before the Reformation,) but that he did it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of his own accord, and choice, and for a just and conve∣nient cause; either out of respect to the Dignity of the new place, or City; or out of particular honour to the personal vertue and merits of its present Prelate; or for some publick benefit and advantage to the Church in general, as Balsamon Notes on the 38 Canon of the General Council in Trullo: whereby it appears, that it is still in the power and Authority

of the Kings of Great Brittain, to settle, continue, or translate this Primacy, by their Laws, to what place, they please, and to restore the same to London, where it formerly was, if by any just cause they shall be mov'd thereunto: Either 1. out of respect to the 6th. Canon of the great and venerable Coun∣cil of Nice, upon which the Rights of London stood founded, when they were Schismatically Invaded, by a high hand from Rome, and for many years wrongfully detain'd and usurp'd. Or 2. to cut off all pretence and colour of subjection, or dependance of this Church upon Rome, and all occasion of stumb∣ling to the weak Sons of the Church of England, and Ignorant in History, who are misled to believe, that Rome is the Mother Church of Brittain, because it was undoubtedly of Canterbury; which is now the reputed Mother Church of all England; And by con∣sequence that our Reformation was Schismatical and scandalous, (the Daughter judging, and rejecting the Mother; the Inferiour the Superiour,) and of ill consequence to be approved by Princes. Whereas Rome Originally never came to be a Mother to our Brittain, so much as in pretence, but only by Schisme and incroachment, most fit and just to be remedied by Princes, in discountenance of wrong, and disobedi∣ence. Because 3. The Learned of the Church of Rome, dayly hit our Prelates of that See, in the Teeth, and the Unlearned likewise, harbour evil opinions and surmises concerning them, and forbear not to vent and utter them, as if they were Ʋngrateful, and Par∣ricidial in their Actings, against their first Founder and Maintainer, whereby some of themselves also might be discourag'd, and cool'd in their zeal, against the Romish Ʋsurpation, to which their honour'd pre∣decessors owed Allegiance: Whereas Augustine the

first founder, had his maintenance, and dignity, and ways of acquisitions, from the Brittish See of Lon∣don, (whereof Canterbury is parcel, or the same) and owed Canonical obedience, and the rights and for∣tunes of his Successors, to the Brittish Church; to whom they are ultimately to refund, if these are to refund to them, as to the right and first owners. Be∣cause (4.) it would be a great strength, (and but a due and just vindication of Protestantism, or the Apostolical, Ancient, Brittish Church, after such long abuse and wrongful suffering by Rome,) and a New face, and reviving glory to old Brittain, to reco∣ver its Pristine right, and condition, in Church, as well as State, and Name; and worthy of a share in those Solemn Consultations appointed, (as it were by providential instinct) for its further Union in Laws and Government, to the everlasting honour of that Prince, in whose Reign it should be recorded, to be accomplished. Or, (6.) to make our chief See in Brittain, hold some better proportion with the like, in Neigbouring Kingdoms, (as Remes, or Toledo, whom in Universities, and Colledge Endowments, we far exceed to our Glory,) to be a fit preferment for some of our Princes, or chiefest Nobles, hereafter, for the great support of the Church. Or at least, (7.) that the name and memory of Monk Augustin, (the first Author of this disorder by his Infamous Schisms and murders) which Reign'd so many hundreds of years, in such glory, under the darkness of Popery, should set at last in due obscurity, under the Sun-shine of Protestan∣tism. Which considerations are recounted, not out of any design, or desire of Innovation, though into a Pristine right; or, to restore the bone into its due place with pain and danger, that hath been so long out of joynt, and well serves for use, though not

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rightly set: (Though the whole design, and plea of the Church of Rome be, that a bone rightly set, and settled, and fully useful, ought to be dislocated, to the hazard and cripling of the whole, to be in the wrong posture, it once was for a time, for their ad∣vantage and benefit:) But to solve scruples, and unravel scandals, and pluck up all misapprehensions by the roots, whereby any might be deluded, by any pretences of Equity, or conscience, or filial Reve∣rence for a Mother-Church, into a favourable opi∣nion of Romish slavery; Or, if any be prick'd in con∣science, for the wrong done to Rome, at the Refor∣mation, let the same prick reach, to the wrong done before to Brittain, by Romes Schismatical Invasion, which no prescription of time, or years could give right to, and then all will be in right order, as at first they were, and ought to be; (and the first right owners shall have their due, and old Trepassers their censure and rejection) yea, as by good providence, they now are, and stand: for it ought to be well known, and understood, that the See of Canterbury, (as it stands Established) is not a Roman, but a Brit∣tish See; and consequently Exempt from all Romish Superiority, or dependance, by an Original Birth-right, and Immunity; and therefore forbiden by our Laws and Synods, to use, or wear any Pall, or Li••••••y, or Legatine power, of Rome's bestowing; and settled by our Brittish Soveraigns, in Christ-Church Canterbury, as effectually, and Canonically, as at St. Pauls in London; which all Christians of Brittain, whether of Protestant, or Catholick stamp, and Character, may now with a safe and good con∣science, pay due submission and obedience to, (as they ought,) without Schism, or scandal, or forfei∣ture of their Christian Dignities, and Orders, and

Communion, by the Canons of the Universal Church hereafter to be recited, which before they could not; For though Schism be objected by the Romanists to the Episcopals, as by the Episcopals, to the Presbyte∣rians, and Non-conformists; yet the Pope in Brittain, and his Romish Conv••••••cl••s, (set up by craft, or ••io∣lence, over our Churches, which lay out of his Juris∣diction,) ever were the Original Schismaticks, and the first Patterns, and ill examples of disobedience, a∣gainst Right Superiours, against so many good Laws of the Catholick Church, that do Excommunicate, and depose them for it. And nothing in all likelyhood, hath, or doth, more foment, and ch••••ish, our remain∣ing divisions in the Land, and S••••••s in the Church, than Jealousie of Popery, and it sp••••ted hankerings and designs, to reduce men again, under the old yoak of Rome▪ so much d••rest••••, and justly abhorr'd, by the whole Nation. If All in Trust, and Eminency, could fully satisfie men's fears, and Suspitions, of their unfeigned adherence, under God, and the King, to their Brittish Mother-Church, in opposition, and detestation of all Forreign Corrivals for Superiority; It were strange, and justly unexpected, if all parties throughout this miserably divided Nation, would not soon joyn hearts, and hands, and Church-meetings, with one another, in an entire and indissolvable Uni∣on, and Brotherhood, to the Infinite joy and happiness of Prince and People.

SECTION XIV. That the Primacy of Canterbury, as by the Pope and Monk Augustine, is Schismatical, and against the Canons of the Ʋniversal Church; and of the several Nullities of the Church of Rome in England: And how their Clergy, Intruding here, stand depriv'd of their Or∣ders, by the Canons of all the Ancient Ge∣neral Councils; and their Laity, that abet them, of their Christian Communion by the same Authority.

BUt the Supremacy of the See of Canterbury by the Popes Authority alone, as our Romanists would have it, without the Authority of the Kings of England, is Infamously Schismatical, and irregular, and against the Canons of the universal Church, and their own rules and principles; first, it is several wayes against the Canons, in respect of their Invasions of the rights of other Metropolitans, which was ad∣judg'da 1.697 infamous and mulctable, before that in the Council of Chalcedon and in Trullo, power was yielded to the Emperours to erect, or to translate Metropolitical Chaires; and also against the Ca∣nons, in respect of many Illegal Ordinations: which made the Romish Church null in Law, in England, several wayes, besides those nullities in fact, and event, we have before instanc'd. Many are the

Canons of the best, and Ancientest Councils, and the most general, and Oecumenical, that the Church of Christ ever had, which condemn the first Entrance of Augustine, and his Pope Gregory, and the Re-en∣trance of Archbishop Theodore, and his Successors, upon our Brittish Church and Provinces, under no less penalties, than deposition, or degradation of their Clergy, from their several States, and Dignities; and Excommunication of their Laity, from Chri∣stian Fellowship; besides the making all their Ec∣clesiastical Acts, and Ordinations, to be utterly void and null to all intents: If this were of any value, or moment, with them of the Church of Rome, who boast, and crack, of a great respect they have, above others, for Fathers, and Councils, and Ancient Tra∣ditions; but experience too much discovers, it is all with Reservations, and Provisoes, that they offer not to touch, or reflect upon their Church, in any of its grossest errours, or most enormous misdemeanours; for if they do it in the lest, the Canons of the Universal Church, shall have no more respect at their hands, than the Canonical Scriptures; which are not al∣lowed to have any sound, or sense, where they cross and disagree from the private interpretation of their Church: I say private, and suspicious, because notoriously savouring of private ends, and carnal designes, and Worldly ambition, and self-love, a∣bove any Church, or Haeresie whatsoever, in all their Commentaries, and Expositions, and every point, and Article of their Faith, and Government, where∣in they differ from us: Or they shall be openly dis∣own'd, and rejected for no lawful Councils, either in whole, or in part, according to their liking or dis∣liking of particulars; who yet call for implicit obe∣dience to their own petty Authorities, and decrees,

how contrary soever to Common sense, or reason while themselves dispute, and contradict the power and jurisdiction of far greater Superiours, acting, and decreeing, with the special assistance of the Spirit of God: So that, as to such Roman-Catholicks, who are wedded and guided by their wills and Idols, more than Truth, or Conscience; the Testimonies, and Canons, I shall produce, will prove but Pearls ill cast, yet with this advantage and satisfaction, that they shall drive and force them either to sub∣mission; or to rebellion; either to confess, and ac∣knowledge themselves to be convict Schismaticks, and Sacrilegious Robbers, and Oppressors; and their Popes and Missionaries depos'd, and condemn'd in all their Titles, Holy Orders, and pretences, by the Holy solemn Laws and Canons of the Universal, and undoubtedly Catholick Church of Christ: or mani∣festly detect themselves to be Antichrist in this, as in their other practices; and the Invaders of Gods Re∣giment, and power, in all its formes, and varieties of of appearance; as of God the Creator, in disposing the Kingdoms of the World; of God Redeemer, in Lording over Souls and Consciences; so of God the Holy Spirit and Sanctifier, in slighting Scriptures, and General Councils: Which last part, it is to be fear'd they'l chuse to take, as being thereto, too much inclin'd by their Principles, being one main cause, (if not perrhaps the principal,) that the spirit of truth and concord, hath withdrawn it self, in lamen∣table manner, from Christian Churches and Coun∣cils, these several last hundreds of years; in whose Assemblies it cannot well appear, with liberty, and without diminution of its Divine Honour and Glory, when its promis'd assistance to Gods Church, gather∣ed together in his name, must be eftsoons check'd, and

controll'd by the Negative will, and lust, of one man, that sets up himself above Both; and the Inte∣rest of Rome, made the mark to steer by, instead of Truth and Holiness, and Gods holy spirit thereby necessitated, either to countenance Errour, and Ty∣ranny, by its presence, or to stand out; whereby is left but a Carcass of a Church, and not a Church; for a Church without Gods spirit, is but as the body without the Soul; the one as ready moulders into errour and corruption, as the other into stench and rottenness; as is the condition of the Modern Ro∣man Church too visibly.

The first Canon I shall instance in, shall be the third General Council, held at Ephesus, (than which hardly any president can be more apposite to the Case of Rome and Brittain,) and that Councill's determina∣tion upon the complaint of Cyprus against Antioch; where three points may be observ'd. 1. The state of their case and grievance. 2. The sense and re∣sentment of the Council. 3. The decree and re∣dress. 1. Their complaint to the Council by Decla∣ration, and the Affirmation of their Bishops, then, and there, present, was, that the Bishop, or Patri∣arch of Antioch, did send, and Consecrate Bishops, for the Isle of Cyprus, in violation of their Ancient Rights and Customes: The occasion of this en∣croachment was, as is noted by Balsamon, and Zo∣naras, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Upon a pretence, and imitation of the Duke of Antioch, (under the Romans,) sending thence a Deputy Governour for this Isle. The plea of the Cypriots was, (as is imply'd in the Canon,) an Ancient immemorial right of chusing, and conse∣crating their own Bishops among themselves: On the other hand, the Bishop of Antioch, had his Patriar∣chal

dignity, and the Supremacy of St. Peters Chair to insist on, from whom he deriv'd by undoubted Li∣neal Succession: Now if this Controversy had come before the Pope of Rome, and his Conclave, or La∣teran, or Tridentine Council, it is easie to coniecture, who had gone by the worst; but not so easie to know, whom the prey should have been adjudg'd to, whether to Antioch, or rather to Rome her self? although the other were the acknowledg'd Chaire of St. Peter, establish'd for 7 years at Antioch, at the lest, before ever he arriv'd at Rome. 2. But the sense and resentment of their wrong, by this great Council, is very remarkable, who took this matter into their cognizance and Judicature, (though no les•• than the Patriarch of the East, and as great, as the Pope takes himself to be, was one of the parties, to a••ide their censure,) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And thus they represent the mischief and consequence of this encroachment, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. A new kind of Schismatical attempt, in de∣fiance of the (Apostolical) Laws of the Church, and Canons of the Holy Fathers, and striking at the com∣mon Liberty of Christendom, yea the Spiritual Spiritual Liberty of men Souls, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which Christ himself by his bloud hath purchas'd for us, (and consequently which none but Antichrist would invade.) An evil that was like to be the more mischievous, because so like to spread; and requiring therefore a stronger bar, and remedy, and watch against it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Lest proud af∣fectation of secular Grandeur, and Authority, creep

in, under a demure pretence, and Cover, of Sacred order, and Government, and we be depriv'd of our pretious Liberty, by little, and little, and unawares unto us; This being their sence. (2.) Their sentence and redress is to be next observ'd, in four particulars. (1.) The Remedy it gives to the Cypriots. (2.) The security, and Protection, to all others, in the like case. (3.) The Irreversibleness thereof by any Power. (4.) The grounds and reasons of it. (1.) It gives remedy and Restitution to the injur'd Cy∣priots, that they should enjoy their Ancient Metr∣opolical rights, and Independancies from Antioch, ac∣cording to Ancient Custom, and the Canons of the Church, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, safe, and unviolable, from all Forreign Force and Intrusion whatsoever. 2. Securiry and Protection to all other Diocesses and Christian Provinces, in what part soever of the World, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It seeming good to this holy and great Synod, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to preserve inviolable to every Province, its rights, and privi∣ledges, which formerly it had from the beginning, according to an Ancient Custom; That no Bishop, beloved of God whatsoever, should offer to invade the Province of another, which never was before, or from the beginning, neither under his, nor any of his Predecessor's Jurisdiction; But, and if any should presume to Seize, or Subject the same unto them, by force, against their will, they are hereby to restore the same. (3.) The perpetuity and Irreversibleness of this decree, every Metropolitan being to have a Copy thereof, and if any Bull or Patent, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from any Prince, or Patriarch, should be produced by any person, in wrong and derogation of this decree, the whole Oecumenical, and Holy Synod adjudge

that Instrument, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to be void, and of no effect, or force. 4. And the ground and reason of this Canon is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That the Canons of the Fathers be not violated, and made nothing off, and the other evils above men∣tioned effectually prevented, (whereof all that en∣croach upon the Provinces of others, stand guilty in the sence of this Synod.)

And what can be more manifest to any common understanding, but that the three Metropolitical Sees of Brittain, are within the ••rotection of this Canon, and Rome's Intrusion heer (against the wills and rights of our Brittish Bishops) within its stroake and censure. For the pretences of Rome, as Pa∣triarch of the West, or successor of St. Peter, or aided by Ethelbert, and others, are the same in all respects with those of Antioch, herein condemn'd and barr'd. That our Brittish Isles made their own Ordinations amongst themselves, of Ancient Custom, without recourse to Rome, as well as the Isles of Cyprus, without recourse to Antioch, appears by our Brittish Bishops contests with Augustine, Syno∣dically averring their owns rights and Customs, and rejecting his Usurpations; and by the confession of Pope Gregory, compared with the presence of our Brittish Bishops, in the Councils of the Church; which proves they were Bishops and Archbishops; which yet never fetch'd their Palls from Rome, as he found, which proves they were without dependance on that See, and that upon every good reason and probability, not only from their Royal, Imperiall Priviledges, but their undoubted Seniority, being a Church in years, before Rome was in its Cradle. And if a Church, then having Bishops, and Ordinations, Coaevous with it; and therefore without the help of

Rome, Originally 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Which could not Act, or Rule here, before it self was in being. Therefore the pretences and Usurpations of the Church of Rome, over the Chairs of Brittain, were absolute violations of the Laws, and traditions of the An∣cient Church, (mention'd by this General Council) for 900 years together, and still are in their hearts and minds, could they but bring their designs and purposes to pass; which clearly discovers one great flaw in the Art, and mystery of obedience, whereof they pass in the World for such admired Masters, and Patrons, being themselves the greatest example, and president of disobedience, to the undoubted Catholick Church, while they press so much for the obedience of others, to their Counterfeit. Let them but obey the Catholick Church, (least they be no Church to them∣selves, or others) and we in Brittain shall never hear any more of their calls, and clamours for obedience, and subjection, against all Law, right, and History, and modesty.

The next shall be that known, and famous Canon, touching the several limits and Perambulations of the Ancient Chayrs of Alexandria, Rome, and An∣tioch, and Jerusalem, and other Metropolitan Sees, in the Ancient Church, (being the Rule, and founda∣tion, whereon the Council of Ephesus, grounded their Decree and president;) that all might know their own Limits, and enjoy their own rights, and keep within their own bounds, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith Aristenus on it; Every Patriarch, ought to rest sufficed with his own Priviledges, and none of them to encroach upon anothers Province, that was never before under him.

For this were to be blowen up with a desire of wordly greatness, as before. A Canon made for the preservation of peace, and Order amongst Churches, and to prevent strifes and scandalls, saith another upon the same Subject. But Rome will not endure to hear of any equality, or exemption, from its sole, and Universal Soveraignty, and Vice-Gerency under Christ. Nor is it enough with Popes, to be the first in the same rank and order, [which once they had, while the City was Imperial, as there is a Priority or Seniority amongst Dukes, and Grandees, for peace and order sake) but they must have all their Equals, to be their Subjects; and the whole World but one Province, and that Subject to them alone; and until all be their own, Peace and Order, must not be. And this high pretence, Father'd upon Christ and St. Peter, is ei∣•••••••• true, or false; If true, then down go all General Councils, that maintain'd distinct and Independant Provinces, and down goes the Immunity of our Brittish Church, and any other Church whatsoever; their liberties are forfeit, their Charter is overthrown; for if Rome be Soveraign to all, then all unavoidably are Subject to Rome; for to deny subjection and obe∣dience, where Supremacy is acknowleged, were absurdity in reason, and Rebellion in grain. But if this title of Monarchy Ecclesiastical be false, and groundless, and arising from naught, but swelling pride, and carnal ambition, to be greatest, or, at best, from the Graunt of the Tyrant Phocas, is is a certain Key, and a manifest discovery, where to find, and track out Antichrist, which exalts it self above every thing, that is God, or holy, and Sove∣raign, as we observ'd Rome before to do, above God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, so here above the Holy Catholick Church, which in the belief of Chri∣stendom

comes next to the blessed Trinity, but in the Creed of Rome, must give place to the Pope, to go before it; to whom all Ancient Churches, must vail their Soveraignty, (as Kings their Crowns,) as well as private consciences, their Divine Allegiance, and Subjection, which they ow to God, and truth, and no other, but for his sake. And as the case is brought to a short and plain Issue, so to this hazard and inconvenience to proud Rome, that when the Immunity, and freedom of any one single Church is proved and evinced, Irrefragably, their Universal Supremacy is overthrown, and wrested from them, and nothing left in their close possession, but Anti∣christian guilt, by such pride and and Arrogance Incurred. This Ancient and Sacred Canon, for more satisfaction, runs thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.

Let Ancient Customs be firmly observed, those in Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis, that the Bishop of Alexandria, should have the command and power over all those, for to the Bishop, that is at Rome, this is likewise usual; in like manner at Antioch, and in the other Provinces, their several honours, and Primacies are to be preserved safe, and entire, to each Church; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but this Custom is to be mark'd, as Universally manifest, and acknowledged in the Churches, that if any one be ordain'd a Bishop, against the will and likeing of the Metropolitan,

This great Synod hath decreed and resolv••d, that such a one ought not to be taken to be a Bishop. Which is explained and confirmed in the second General Council, held at Constantinople, in these words; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Let not Forreign Bi∣shops approach those Churches, that are without their a 1.698

bounds and Jurisdiction, nor blend and confound the Churches, (which the Canons made distinct,) Let the Bishops of Alexandria have the charge of the East only, always reserving the due honours of Primacy to the Church of Antioch, as they are allotted to it in the Nice Rules. And let the Bishops of the As••••n Diocess govern such places as are in Asia, and concern themselves in no other that are out of it: And the Bishops of Pontus, rule only in the Pontic Province: And of Thracia in Thracia only, and not further; and let no Bishops, without Invitation, come out of their own Diocess to confer Orders, or to dispose and rectifie any matters Ec∣clesiastical, but by the rule above written, to be ob∣serv'd in every Diocess, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. For this is manifest and out of doubt, that in every particular Province, the Synod of that Province, ought to ad∣minister and govern all throughout, according as the Synod of Nice hath decreed in such matters.

Now by these two great Councils, and that of Ephesus together, being the three first general and Oecumenical, as in the mouth of two or three wit∣nesses, or rather of all Christendom, it stands de∣cided and established, that the Church of Cyprus is not subject to any Church, no not to Rome, but is Sovereign within it self: There being no reason, why it should be subject to Rome, more than to Antioch; both deriving from St. Peter, (Christs Vicar) alike. If therefore free, and exempt, from the one, she is alike free and exempt from the other, by the same sentence, and for the same cause, of having power and Authority within it self, by Ancient custome, which frees it from all Forreign Sovereignty what∣soever by necessity, for the contradiction that is between being under, and not under any other,

because absolute and free within it self, as the Coun∣cil did adjudge, both the right, and fact. Therefore Rome cannot be Supream to Cyprus; whereby her universal Superiority is manifestly overthrown, and she bound to suspect her self of Antichristian Arro∣gance. And if not Supream to Cyprus, much less to Antioch, which is Ancienter in Christ, than both: For from Antioch the Gospel came to Rome, and C••prus, by St. Peter and St. Paul, as is confess'd by themselves, which therefore had a Chaire, and the rights of a Chaire by consequence, before Rome had being: I will not here take upon me, to enumerate all Provincial Churches, of Ancient Apostolical foun∣dation, or Imperial exemption, that by this, and other Canons of General Councils, were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, chief within themselves, as were Bulgaria, Iberia, and Cyprus, (as Balsamon notes on the second Ca∣non of Canstantinople,) and Carthage, (after mature debate and tryal for its Title with Rome, which was discovered to have no right of Supremacy, or Ap∣peal, and what she alleadg'd out of the Nice Ca∣nons, was found in open Council, after perusal of Records, sent for on purpose from the East, to be meerb 1.699 cheat, and forgery; and all transmarine Powers, and consequently that of Rome, were barr'd out by strongc 1.700 Canons, that no Bishop might go out of the Land beyond the Sees, without the speci∣al License of his Metropolitan: That no appeals should be pursued to transmarine Tribunalls, but only to the Primates of their Provinces, under pain of being Excommunicate, throughout all the Churches of Africa;) Such immunity had the Church

of Alexandria, which in that respect, is equall'd to Rome, by the words of this Canon. For Rome it self, was chief in like manner, and unsubordinate to any other, in her own Province, though not Superior to all the Churches of Europe, as she vainly pretends.

And if any had this immunity, and chiefty within it self, the Church of Brittain had it, beyond all doubt, or question; and that by the express letter and intendment of this Nice Canon, which confirms such rights to all Metropolitan Bishops, that were before in being: As our Metropolitans of York, and London, and Caerleon, manifestly were; as appears by the Records and Subscriptions of the Council of Arles, which was as great a Council in the West, as Nice was in the East, and held about 14 or 15 years before the other. Besides its Seniority to Rome in the Faith, and its distance and separation by Sea, as well as Carthage, and its pre-eminence in first Kings, and Emperors, and being known at Rome, when Gregory was about sending Monk Augustine hither, to have no Pall from Rome by his own confession, upon search. Yea, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Saith Balsamon, upon the said second Can. of Con∣stantinople. From the beginning all Metropolitans of Provinces, were chiefs within themselves, and ordain'd by their own Synods, which is much con∣firm'd, by that Ancient MS. Carranza mentions, which renders that passage; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Quoniam quidem Metropolitano Epis∣copo hoc idem moris est, &c. And as all Subjects in the State, are concern'd and bound to know, who is their right Ruler, and proper Superiour; so is it in the Church; men are Commanded to know their chiefs: But no where, either in Scripture, or Anci∣ent

Fathers, or Councils is it express'd, that the Pope of Rome, is this Chief; that all Churches, and Provinces are Bound to know, and own for such; for then this controversy of Supremacy were decided, past all further dispute. But what Metropolitan, or Patriarch then, is recommended to us in Scripture, or Traditi∣on, to know and obey for such? My Text, and the 34 Canon of the Apostles answers this Question, and resolves us, whom we are to look upon as our chief, both in Heaven and Earth: For Christ is that Invisible Chief in Heaven, we are to know, and serve in all we do, from the heart: And on Earth, the Primate of e∣very Province, (and not the Pope over all,) was Him, that all Christians in the Ancient, and truly Catho∣lick Church, were bound to Know, and own, and obey, as their head, before Magistrates became Christians. And the Pope of Rome is there quite for∣got, and not mention'd in the lest; and at such a time, as his Authority, and Supremacy had been by all means to be salv'd, or heeded, if it had been then, but a point of any right, or order, in the belief of the Apostolical Church, which is now so great a point of Faith, in the Roman. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. The Bishops of every particu∣lar Nation, ought to Know Him, who is Chief amongst themselves, and to count Him, as their Head. And to do nothing beyond their particular concern and duty, without Him, nor he either to do any thing, without the advice of them all, for so peace and concord shall be attain'd, and preserv'd, and God shall be glorified. Whereby is evident, that the Primitive Ecclesiastical state of Christendom was,

(as its present civil is,) Aristocratical, and not Monar∣chical; where several Provinces, had their several Bishops, or Primates, for their Ecclesiastical Princes, (As now-a-dayes several Kingdoms are under their own several Kings, and States, and no one Prince Supream, or, as a civil Imperial Pope, over all the rest:) But in comparison, of one another, all were equals, and unsubordinate to one another; (as to power and subjection, though not to order, and prece∣dency;) And in their own Territories Monarchical, or supream within themselves: And if the State of the Church was so, and so to be preserv'd by this Canon, although the state civil was different, and Monar∣chical; all Christian Kingdoms and Provinces being then under one Emperour, (as he that hath read St. Cyprian, or St. Hierome, can make but little doubt,) what reason is there, that the State Civil, and Sacred, being now equally Aristocratical, the harmony should be dissolv'd, and all should become slaves, against right, and Laws, and Canons, to please the Pride and sin of one? He that drives at an Universal Monarchy, is, and ought to be taken, by every Prince, and State, as a publick enemy: The reason is the same in Church, as well, as State; Yea there is president for Universal Monarchy in States, but none in the external Church, but only Prophe∣cyes, and warnings of Antichrist, that should be such.

Now for Rome to be Soveraign, (as she pretends,) and every Metropolitan Church to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Chief and unsubordinate within its own Province, according to right and Ancient customes, is a ma∣nifest contradiction, and inconsistency: Both can∣not be true together; but the last was proved to be most true, by as great a testimony, and suffrage, as

Earth can afford, the consent of several General Councils, the greatest that ever met, and in the best, and purest times. And, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Per omnia autem manifestum est: This is universally ma∣nifest, is the manner of wording of this point, in this Canon, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mani∣festum namque est, quod per singulas quasque Provincias in the other, like unto it, both in the Originals, and their own Roman Translations: Therefore if the one be so manifestly true, the other of Rome's Supre∣macy, is as manifestly false: Let them shift off the consequence of Antichristianism, as they can.

Yet Baroniusa 1.701 would prove the Supremacy of Rome, out of this very Canon, as what will they not venter, before they'l part with their chiefest Idol; but his offers are meer Cavil, and Petitio Principii, or begging of the Question, contrary to the context, and the design of this great Council, and contrary also to the text, in whole, and in part: The design being to strengthen the Authority of the Bishop of Alex∣andria, against Meletius and Arrius, who ordain'd Bishops for themselves, within his Province, against his will and consent; which Consecrations were as Schismatical, (being done against his License in Egypt,) as the like were, if done at Rome, or Italy, a∣gainst the Authority of the Pope: Both of Ancient custom, having the like Authority within their pro∣per Province: and the Foundation of the Decree, be∣ing the equality of Alexandria with Rome, as likewise with Antioch, in this respect; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Where equality is suppos'd, its absurd to imagine the same, in the same respect to

be subject, and supream, for that were inequality, and contradiction: Besides, the union, and strength, of the Churches Government, and Discipline, (that whosoever is excommunicate in one Province, should stand so with all the rest, is not grounded upon the necessary Dominion of One over all the rest, (which is the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of Popery, and one of its Master errours, against the mind of our Saviour, and the known state of the Primitive Church, and the union and the peace of all Christendom;) but upon the Brotherly love and communion, suppos'd amongst all Christian Churches, in the 5th. Canon of Nice▪ wherein appears the difference between Ecclesi∣astical, and Civil Polities of those times, and this: The Laws and Sentences of these, being of force only, within their own Territories, by right of Empire; but of those, every where without, through the bond and union of love. And they at Rome, bound to ob∣serve the decrees of their neighbouring Churches, as well as these, of It; which imports mutual subjection to one another by mutual humility, and excludes the proud conceit of Soveraignty in any one, over the whole. The whole Church in this respect being as one Province, (by the fiction of love and unity,) which in other respects, was several, and distinct by local limits, as before; One, not by the dominion and suprema∣cy of any one, over all the rest, (which is the Carnal aime and Antichristian Tyranny of Rome,) but by the submission of all the parts to the Interest of the whole, which is right Christian liberty, and the harmonious Communion of Saints. The act and deed of one, being as the act and deed of all, where the publick weal of the Church of Christ was concern'd. And the ambitious, swelling Supremacy of Rome, is as much contrary to the Text of this Canon, both

in whole, and in its parts, as it was to the connexion and design; In whole, for how can the Supremacy of Alexandria, and Antioch, and other Metropo∣litans, which it establishes, consist with their sub∣jection? For so they were Supream, and absolute within themselves, and not Supream. And like∣wise in its parts, as appears from the words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for likeness in priviledge and customes implyes equality in that respect; for if Rome had the Supremacy, then they were not like, neither would the example, and Instance fit. Withall, the Bishop of Rome is mention'd in the Canon with no more respect, or character of dignity and Superiority, than the Bishop of Alexandria, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is set, as equal and parallel 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And this not from forgetfulness, or Irreverence in the Council, towards the Bishop of Rome, but from Truth and Justice; as appears, when in the follow∣ing Canon, it establishes Priviledges to Aelia, (being as much old Jerusalem, as modern Rome, is old Rome, though neither the one, nor the other, built upon the place, and ground, the former Cities stood on) yet there the Council is very careful, to remem∣ber and salve the rights, and Superiorities, of the Metropolitan of Caesarea, which was Soveraign to it, yet mentions Rome, (the Soveraign of all Churches, according to our Romanists,) without any such pro∣viso, or distinct respect at all; which argues, either that the Council were not of the same sentiment, with our Romanists, touching Rome's Supremacy, so much pretended; or that the Council was unjust, and unmannerly towards Rome, and her Rights, but Civil towards Caesarea; yea it is much rather to be thought, that the Arrogant pretences of Rome, are vain and groundless, if not mad, and ridiculous;

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For if the sence of the Romanists were true, it would follow thereupon, that Alexandria, and Antioch, and all other Metropolitans, should be Soveraign to all the Churches in the World, as well as Rome, yea to Rome it self, as much, as It to them: For Rome is Soveraign of all, say they; but several others, are as Rome, saith the Canon: therefore equally Sove∣raign to all other Churches in the World, and to Rome it self by consequence: whereby Rome by their gloss, becomes both Supream, and not Supream, to other Churches: such absurdities they will rather force upon the Canon, and themselves, than allow it to be understood in its natural, plain, and genuine sense; that all Metropolitans are equally Soveraign, and unsubordinate, each in their several Provinces, Alexandria in the South, Antioch in the East, Rome in the West, over such places, as are subject to it, a 1.702 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith the Scoliast, not over Mil∣lainb 1.703 next door unto it, much less over Brittain, so far out of its reach, or knowledge, but asc 1.704 Ruf∣finus hath it, about 12 or 1300 years ago, together with another most Ancient Edition: Et, ut apud Alexandriam, & in urbe Româ consuetudo servetur, ut, vel illi Aegypti, vel hic Suburbicariarum Ecclia∣rum sollicitudinem gerat, that the one should rule all in Egypt, and the Bishop of Rome, over the Subur∣bicarian Churches, that is over the Territories, within the Liberties of the Praefect of Rome, and his de∣puty, which some say, were these four, Picenum, Tu••cia, Latium, Valeria; others, that they were 10. comprehending the South of Italy, with Sicilia, which last by Imperial prerogative, was for a while taken from it, and added to the then Patriarchat of

Constantinople, with several others it had gain'd in Greece, as an accession: Neither had Baronius rea∣son, to be so angry with Ruffinus for his gloss, (whom he scarce forbears to call a Heretick and Schisma∣tick) there being no signes of spite, or want of Au∣thority, and skill, and sufficient information, in this his assertion; and he was bothd 1.705 an Ancient Fa∣ther, and an Historian of the Church, lived at Aqui∣leia in the neighbourhood, spente 1.706 30 years in the East, having his birth, or extraction,f 1.707 from our Brittish Isles, as St. Hierom affirms, (as his name and intimate acquaintance &c. with Caelestius, and Pelagius further imports,) which made him more fit, and qualified, to answer for Brittain, as well as for East, and West: As his suspicious opinions, less fit, to pro∣voke the Pope, whom he is ratherg 1.708 accused by St. Hierom, to have flatter'd, for protection: and to clip his Holiness Title, and pare his dominions, in a matter of fact and practice, where the falshood, (if any) had been soon hiss'd at by thousands, was not the right way to insinuate into his Holiness fa∣vour, or to maintain his own repute.

Rome being thus reduc'd within her due bounds and limits, and Brittain (with other Churches) re∣stor'd to her rights and priviledges, according to best, and Ancient Canons, Apostolical, and Oecumenical; and the Bishops of Brittain being (as was shewed before,) in the possession of their Sees, (as the 7 Bishops of the Brittains in Bede,) or forc'd out, by Hea∣then Invasion, and Roman craft, and cruelty, con∣spiring together against them, as in the Case of Theo∣nus h 1.709

Thadioc, and Ceadda: The several Nullities of the Roman-Catholick Church in England, will the easier appear in order. The first Nullity is from this 6 Ca∣non of Nice, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 This is an uni∣versal manifest principle, that if any one be made a Bishop, without the consent of the Metropolitan of that Province, this great Synod decrees, such a one to be no Bishop. But Augustine took upon him to be a Bishop here in Brittain, without, and against the consent of our Brittish Metropolitans, as he was told to his face Synodically; and the Case is suffi∣ciently evident by his Forreign Ordination, and forcible intrusion. Therefore he was no Bishop by this Law, and his Consecrations of Mellitus, and Justus Bishops of London, and Rochester, were void and null; yea such Consecration and Ordination, was a second nullity, of the orders and dignities of all three, by the 35 Canon of the Apostles 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. A Bishop is not to presume, to confer Orders out of his own Diocess, in Cities and Villages, that are no way sub∣ject to him. And if he shall appear to have done so, against the mind and will of them, to whom those Cities and Villages do belong; let him be depos'd for the same, and all them likewise, who were or∣dain'd by him; which reaches in equity to Etherius Bishop of Arles, who by Pope Gregorie's Orders, or∣dain'd Augustine a Bishop for this Isle, against the consent of the Bishops in it, as well as to Augustine, and his several Bishops, ordain'd here by him, who were all no Bishops, and the Priests ordain'd by them no Priests, with other scandalous consequences, and further nullities, which how they were imputable to

them alone, who were the faulty Original Causes, and how avoidable by the Innocent, and Sincere, in Gods Account, who measures all our Actions by our hearts, was explain'da 1.710 before. To the like effect, is the 13 Can. of the Council of Antioch, that who∣soever enters upon another's Diocess, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—unless he be Invited by the let∣ters of the Metropolitan, together with the other Bi∣shops of that place, upon whith he enters, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. All that he hath done, is void and nul, and himself is forthwith deposed by this holy Synod, as a just re∣compence of his disorder, and unreasonable aggres∣sion: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith the Scholiast upon this Canon, it gives cause and occasion of much scandal & commo∣tion in a land, for one Bishop to enter upon anothers Province. And Canon 22. of the same Council, what Priest, or Deacon, soever, he shall offer to ordain, the Ordination shall be void, and himself to be punish∣ed by the Synod. And this Council, though at first a Provincial, yet being confirm'd by a general Coun∣cil, it partakes of the same Authority and Force. And Augustine, and Theodore, and there Successors, who were never invited hither, by our Brittish Bishops, or their Letters, or assent, stand fully condemn'd by it, as also, by the second Canon of the second Gene∣ral Council at Constantinople, upon the same Subject matter, extending the Prohibition, not only to Or∣dination, but any otherb 1.711 Ecclesiastical Act what∣soever, to be done by him, in anothers Diocess, which the Scholiast Construes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he ought not to break disorderly into another's Territory, as

a Robber, but with the good leave and liking of the Bishop of the place, for theives are frown'd upon by other Canons, and being taken, are by the 25 Canon of the Apostles, to be excluded from the Ministry, though not from all Christian Communion. Yea to Preach in publick, in another's Diocess, against leave, De∣grades a Bishop to the Lower degree of a Pres∣byter, by the 20. Can. in Trullo. And there is hardly any shift, or pretence, for a colour to this Invasion, but it is prevented, and censur'd by other Canons; will he say, the Diocess was Vacant, when he came in, and Theo∣nus the Archbishop of London, was not to be heard off, when he entred upon Canterbury, this is met by other Canons, 37. of the 6th. General Council in Trullo: The Impression of Heathens upon a See, makes no Va∣cancy, though the Bishops are forc'd to flee; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Council would by no means allow, that Ecclesiastical rights should be abolished by Heathen Invasion. And the 18th. Canon of Antioch, is to the same effect. But suppose the place really, and honestly Vacant, (without Heathens, or Augustine himself, or his Pope, being the evil cause) yet the entrance of him, and his Successors, stands eondemn∣ed by the 16th. of Antioch, and Sardyc. Can. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. If any Bishop unprovided of a Bishoprick, thrust himself into a Vacant Church, and Usurp its Throne, without the consent of a perfect lawful Synod (which requires the presence of the Metropolitan,) he is to be rejected, though all the People, whom he so entred upon, should unanimously Elect, or force him, saith the 14th. Canon of the Apostles. By these Canons, the consent, or Invitation, or Force of the People, avails not to excuse this Trespass▪ If the Invitation of some Potentate in the

place and Territory, be pretended, which comes nearer to our Augustine's Case, (though by Bede it appears, he came hither altogether uninvited, out of meer Commiseration kindled in Pope Gregory, by the fair English Youths, sold at Rome in the Market) it will not much mend the matter, as appears by the 30th. Canon of the Apostles, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. If any man through the help of Secular Princes, pos∣sesses himself of a Church, or See (belonging to a∣nother,) let him be deposed from his degree, and Ex-Communicated, both he, and all that joyn with him: This further increases the nullity of our Roman Ca∣tholick Church in England, whereby Augustine stood Degraded from his Episcopal Dignity, and all that favour'd him, Excommunicate; and all are a Bre∣thren in Iniquity to Simonaicks, as appears by the near conjunction of this Canon to the Precedent, ob∣served by the Scholiasts; and what Church can that be, where both. Head, and Members, are all, either deposed, or Excommunicated from the Catholick Church? of so little use and benefit, is the In∣vitation of Infidel Princes, to the wrong of Chri∣stian Prelates upon the place, were it allowed, and granted, that Augustine settled here, at the request of Ethelbert, who was not King of England, nor of all the Archbishoprick of London, or Canterbury, which Reached from Humber, to Cornwall, and Severn; And what ever were the right of Ethelbert, to Invite, it was the manifest sin of Augustine, and Gregory, to accept the Primacy, to the prejudice of the Christian Prelates in the same Province, and in Wales, that was not yet subdued; For though the Canons approve of Charity, yet to the breach and

violation of Justice, and Ʋnity, amongst Christian Brethren, or of obedience to Superiours, it will by no means admit thereof. Therefore their Priests, and Inferiour Pastors, (if they had any) are in no better condition, than their Superiour Clergy, both equally Degraded from their Orders, for contempt of the Brittish Bishops; who in this Province, were to be owned by them, as their just Superiours, unless they had other guess exceptions against them, than, that the Infidels were too hard for them. The 30th, Canon of the Apostles saith, If any Presbyter, or (Minister) gather Conventicles apart, in despite and contempt of his own Bishop, and set up an Altar in his Diocess, having nought to charge his Bishop in point of Holiness, or honesty, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, let him be deposed for his Pride and Ambition; for such a one is seditious, or next door to a Tyrant. And whoever of the Clergy, or Laity, joyn with him, the one to be deposed, the other to be Excommunicated, after one or too Monitions, which was not in any probability, omitted to Au∣gustine and his Clergy, in the first, and second Syno∣dical Meetings, given him as before, by the Learned Unblemished Brittish Bishops, and their Associates; For as at home, for the Inferiour Clergy, to con∣federate, to suppress their Superiours, were Schism and Ecclesiastical Rebellion in them, by this Canon; so for any from abroad, of the same Christian Com∣munion, to Erect Chairs above the Chairs of the Bishops of this Province, were such an Impudent Invasion of the rights of Lawful Superiours, (and an account will follow of that Epithite) as if the French, or any Forreign Church at London, should go about to exalt it self above the See of Canterbu∣ry, or London, that gives it Harbour. Yea who∣soever

shall attempt, or cause himself to be made a Bishop in a Diocess, belonging to another (where∣by it should fall out, that two Metropolitan Bishops, should be in one and the same Diocess) though he ef∣fect his purpose, not by the help of Heathens, or Tyrants, as did Augustine, but by the Royal Patent, and Authorities of Christian Kings, and Emperours, who had greater Power allowed herein by Christian Councils; by the 12 Canon of the General Council Chalcedon, he did 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or as Balsa∣mon,a 1.712 explains it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he was to be de∣posed, and laid aside from his degree; and any Bishop that was so made, before the ratifying of this Canon, were to be Nominal and Titular only, and the whole Right and Power to remain in the Ancienter Metro∣politan; who was also to Ordain, and Judge the o∣ther, as the Arch-Bishops of Constantinople, were Ordain'd, notwithstanding their Grandeur, by the Bishops of Heraclea, where the See had been before, though they, through their Vicinity, and Interest in Court, were freed from this necessity, by the favour and Prerogative of after Emperours, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to their Power given them from above, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, many are the Canons that Prohibit one Bishop to enter upon the Bishoprick of another, saith the Scholiast upon the se∣cond Canon of the second General Council in Constan∣tinople (To pass by the 12 Canon of the second general Council of Carthage; confirm'd in the general Council in Trullo, and the 37. of the third, confirmed in like manner, and the third Canon of the 7th. general Council, or second at Nice, which though it de∣viated

in other points, is firm in this, and nulls the E∣lection of Bishops made by secular power, and not by the Bishops of the Province, according to the mind of the first Council of Nice, though it decreed awry touching the Adoration of Images, in detestation of those that like Jews, abus'd them too far on the other hand,) I shall content my self in the last place, with the Decrees of the Council of Sardyca, the most favourable to the Church of Rome, and to the memory of St. Peter there, of any other Council whatsoever; whose judgment therefore it may be justly hoped, they will stand to, as they tender their own Interest, (which is wrap'd up in the same third Canon, that secures our liberties:) Where, in the case of a Bishop, condemned by all his Brethren, of the same Province, from whose Sentence there was no Appeal, by the 15th. Canon of Antioch, who yet believing his cause to be right, was allowed this remedy, that upon a state of his case, to be trans∣mitted from the Bishops, that were Judges, to Pope Julius, their fellow Bishop of Rome, Canon 10. the Pope had power repos'd in him, either to order a re-hearing of the cause by other Bishops, (of the next Province, saith the Scholiast,a 1.713 else the Bishop of Thessalonica might be summon'd to appear at Rome,) or by one sent from himself, to represent his per∣son, and to joyn with them; or else to confirm the former sentence, according as he thought good: Which Inch was made an Ell, by the wonted ambi∣tion of the Roman See, and two pretences for Rome's Soveraignty fram'd there from: First, that by this Canon all Bishops whatsoever throughout the World, were to appeal to Rome: Whereas it was only in∣tended

for such Provinces as were subject to Rome, as several were in the West, saith another Scholiast; and what is said of Rome, belong'd as well to the Arch∣bishop of Constantinople, for the Provinces under it,a 1.714 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because of its equal Priviledges with Rome by seve∣ral Canons. Secondly, that this Canon, was one of the famous Council of Nice, (that went some years before) to give it greater Authority, which gave occasion to the Council of Carthage to exa∣mine this high Allegation, and to send to the East for the Original Records of Nice, and to detect the forgery, in the face of the whole Council, as afore, where the Popes Legate was present, and to decree against all Transmarine Appeals from Africa, under pain of Excommunication through all the Churches of that Province, as before: Nor could Africa be more exempt from Rome, than was our Brittain, was also shewed. Yet supposing Rome's right of Arbitration, were no way hurt, or forfeited by this device, (as good Titles may be lost, when forgeries are us'd to support them,) and what was done out of choice and honour to the excellent Popes, that Rome had in those dayes, must be done to its modern Monsters, forever, by Authority of this Council; yet themselves must own its Canons to be in force, if they insist, that others should; and if so, by the third Canon, which contains this grant of honour to them, Monk Augustine's entrance and setlement here in Brittain, is greatly unsetled, un∣less he had been call'd, and invited hither, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the Bishops

of this Province, and their Brethren, that is, by the unanimous desires of the Brittish Clergy; for want whereof, see his danger, Canon 1, and 2. He was to be depos'd from his Episcopal dignity, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith Balsamon, as a very impudent person for this Intrusion; and to be denyed all Christian Communion, not only amongst the Clergy, but also amongst them of the Laity; and his pretence of being invited by the people, to serve him in no stead, and finally not to be capable so much as of Lay-Com∣munion, at his death, the highest deprivation of a mans Christian state, that could be worded: A se∣verity, the Church never us'd, but towards the highest misdemeanours against Christ, and his Church, that could be imagin'd, or conceived. If therefore they claim the benefit and priviledge, design'd for them by this Council, they must first quit all pretences to this Province, and make what reparations they are able, for their long and unjust usurpations, maintain'd by their several Popes, as Prin∣cipals, as well as by Augustine, and his Successors as Instruments, and Legates, who else by this Ca∣non are not to be reckoned amongst Christians, (as the old Brittains urg'd) much less amongst Bishops, or Popes. For what impudence were it otherwise, for persons, who stand Excommunicate by a general Council, which themselves most approve, to clamour for obedience, and subjection, where none is due, yea when no Christians can afford them so much as their Communion (under such faults,) by the Canons of the Church; for, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith the 10th. Canon of the Apostles, if a man pray with a person, outlawed from Communion; so much as in his house, himself is to be excommunicated; and Clergy also, that shall do the same with Clergy depos'd, are

themselves to be depos'd from their Ministry to∣gether with them, Canon 11. Or where is their honour and fidelity to their Countrey, (which vul∣gar breasts seldom want,) that make it their blind study and zeal, to enslave this Ancient free Church and Nation, with their own Souls and judgments, and likewise their posterity, to a titular, degenerate Church, that stands depos'd and Excommunicate, in all their Clergy, and Laity, for disobedience to Christian Laws, by all the general Councils, that have met, both the best, and worst: by 1. Nice∣num Concilium Can. 6. Anno Christi 325. 2. Con∣stantinopol. 1 um. Can. 2. Anno Christi 381. 3. Ephe∣sinum Can. 8. Anno Christi 431. 4. Chalcedonense Can. 12. Anno Christi 451. 5. 6. Quini-sextum in Trullo Can. 55. Anno Christi 681. 7. Nicenum se∣cundum Can. 3. Anno Christi 788. 8. Constanti∣nople 4 tum. Can. 1, 12. Anno Christi 871.

Besides Nullities, from Invasion, which the true Catholick Church of Christ in all Ages hath so much abhorr'd: The Roman-Catholick Church in England, hath several Nullities, in the Ordinations of her chief Clergy all along, (had their entrance been Ca∣anonical and with Invitation.) Not to mention Monk Augustine's own Ordination, (the first pre∣tended Archbishop, which against so many Councils, he went over Seas to receive, from the hands of Etherius Bishop of Arles, by the order of his Pope, when there were Bishops enough in Brittain, who had right to do it, and without whom the Ordina∣tion was invalid, and of no effect by the Canons, as well, as his whole clerical degree, and all his Christian capacity was under disability by his Intrusion, un∣lessc 1.715 he had remain'd in France, in the Province

wherein he was Ordain'd. Therefore Mellitus and Justus, whom he ordain'd alone, the one for London, the other for Rochester, were no Bishops in Law, because ordain'd by him, that was none himself; and by himd 1.716alone, without other Bishops to assist, which was also against the Canons, as shall further appear. Laurentius his Ordination, the next Arch∣bishop of Canterbury after Augustine, was null and void, several wayes, because Ordain'd by Augu∣stine himself for his Successor, in his life-time, which Act of his, was contrariant to the 23th. Canon of the Council of Antioch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That a Bishop ought not to ordain and constitute his own Successor after him, in his life-time; for if any such thing be done, such Act, or constitution, is void and null; but let him rather observe the Laws of the Church, which prescribes such promotion to be no otherwise legally made, but by a Synod, and the suffrages of Bishops, who after the death of the Predecessor, have power and Authority to chuse, for successor, him they shall esteem most worthy: The 76 Canon of the Apostles is interpreted by Scholiasts to the same effect. And this Act was the more inexcusable in our Puny Au∣gustine, because the great St. Augustine (to whom it was a grief, to be chosen Bishop of Hippo in the life-time of his Predecessor, through Inadvertence, or Ignorance of the Canon,) had provided a Canon in the Council of Carthage, (confirm'd afterwards in a general Council,) that the Decrees of Councils, should be read at all Ordinations, for the future, to prevent the like Inconvenience. It was likewise void, because done by Augustine, who himself was no lawful Archbishop, and also done by him alone,

which was a further Illegality, as before. Neither could Mellitus, who was no Bishop, (because ordain'd by Augustine) be a lawful Archbishop in the third place, nor Justus in the fourth by the same reason; nor Paulinus Archbishop of York, because ordain'd by Justus. Nor Honorius, a fift Archbishop of Canterbury, because Ordain'd by Paulinus, nor Felix Bishop of the East-Angels, if Ordained by Honorius, which is an Additional Argument for the ascribing of the Con∣version of that Province, to Brittish Ministry. Thus having prov'd the Ordinations of such Archbishops of Canterbury, as were Italians, to be nul, and void, (which was the first foundation of the Romish-Catho∣lick Faith in England,) Adeodatus the 6th. Arch-Bishop, who was an English-man, (but not of the Brittish, (or Oswaldian Northern Ordination, which was the same,) but of the Romish, being Ordain'd by one single Bishop, Ithamar Bishop bf Rochester, as be∣fore, (because there were no more left of the Roman way, throughout the Isle) his Ordination was also void, as well as the rest, by several Canons of the Church; whereof I shall recite a few in such Order, as shall give a further sight and prospect of the Govern∣ment, and Ordinations, of the first Primitive Church, followed by no Church more exactly, than by our own Ancient Brittish; the first Canon shall be the fift of Sardyca, by which it appears a Bishop was to be chosen by the People, and all the Bishops of the same Province, meeting Synodically; and what care is there taken, least any one should be unsummoned, or unacquainted with an Ordination, that was to ensue? as if all were void, if any one were neglected or passed by; And the description 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of a lawful Synod, for such a purpose in the 16 Canon of Apostles 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

is so to be understood, that then and there a Synod is Right and Perfect, were the Metropolitan himself is present, as well as the rest of his Brethren. For neither, were to Act without the other, by the 34 Canon of the Apostles, before Cited, which Orders the Bishops of every Nation, to know their Metropo∣litan, and Chief, on the one hand, and to esteem him as their head (or their Ecclesiastical Prince;) And on the other, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And that the Metropolitan should do nothing without their advice and liking, for so Concord and Unanimity, should be Established, and God should be glorified through Christ in the Holy Spirit.

Which is all com∣priz••d in the 4th. Canon of Nice. A Bishop ought to be Ordain'd by all the Bishops of his Province, if it be possible; but if this be Impracticable (through some urgent necessity, or two great distance of place,) there must certainly be three Bishops at the least, gather'd together at the place, and they to have the Proxies of those that are absent, and so to Proceed to Ordination; but the Confirmation of the Elect, must ever belong in every Province, to the Metropolitan.

By which is understood the Right Original meaning, of the first Canon of the Apostles, generally practiz'd at this day, whereby a Bishop is to be Ordain'd by two or three Bishops. And that Originally Bishops were to be Chosen, and Consecrated, and Confirm'd, by the whole Commu∣nalty of their Province, as well Lay, as Clergy (as is evident out of Cyprian, and the 13 Canon of Lao∣dicea, which altered that custom, and is acknow∣ledged by the Scholiast upon this Canon,) and by the Principal parts of the Community, which answer to the whole, and by the King, and Head of the Com∣munity,

which represents them all: so our Brittish Bishops were chosen in a Synod, saith Cambrensis, and we have shewed before, that our Metropolitans were, David by King Arthur, Dubritius by Ambro∣sius, in a solemn Assembly, Cleri & Populi, of Par∣liament, and Convocation, to express this matter in modern Terms. By which may be guessed the irregula∣rity and invalidity of Adeodatus his Ordination, (which was Ordain'd only by one Bishop of his Province, who had received his own, from such as were no lawfull Bishops, as before,) and of Theodorus Arch-Bishop, (the Restorer of the Romish Religion in Eng∣land) who was Ordain'd by none in all this Province, and came hither with Tyrannical Power, against the will of the Bishops of this Province, and to displace such, as were regularly Ordain'd, and Consecrated by the Bishops of this Territory, who had lawful Power, as Ceadda Archbishop of York by name, whereby himself, (in the sence of the Catholick Church in the Canons before recited,) was neither Bishop, nor Priest, nor within Christian Communion; whereby the Authority of the rest, by, and after him, Ordain'd, and the nature of the whole Roman-Catholick-Church, built in this land upon such rotten Pillars, may be scann'd, and judg'd of: with trust, that there is mercy and compassion with God, for the sincere in heart, and Vengeance, and Indignation a∣gainst insolent disturbers, and Tyrannical Hypo∣crites. Which by the way, might be the occasion, that our Politick Popes, in the Controversies here∣tofore, berween the Sees of York, and Canterbury for Priority; after both sides were craftily well squeezed, and lurch'd in their Purses, referr'd this matter out of their moderation, to be ended and detetmin'd by our own Kings, as Edward the third

did it under his great Seal, as before; whereby some Authority was, by the way, acquir'd to his Romish See of Canterbury, (which before he well knew had none at all by Church Canons) by the Royal Patents of our Soveraign Kings, which are favour'd by Generala 1.717 Councils; else for Kings to meddle in such Ecclesiastical concerns, had been to touch the Apple of the Popes eye, and to incurr the displeasure of St. Peter, and St. Paul, forever, to the manifest hazard of their Crowns, and Souls, as there are Instances, good store, in matters of less offence, and far more Temporal in their natures.

But our Popes will not stand to any Council, but take themselves to be above them all, which is the true reason of the Schism, between the Eastern and Western Church, or indeed of the Schism and de∣parture of Rome, from the whole Christian Church: the true Catholick, being ever govern'd by Laws, and Canons, but the Roman-Catholick, affecting to be absolute, and to Rule all Churches by its own Ar∣bitary Will, and Lust. The former Arguments from General Councils, though they are sufficient to sa∣tisfie all honest, and right Christians, yet our Popes are no more concluded by them, than was Cromwell by Magna Charta: unless therefore the Nullities of the Romish Church in England, be prov'd from their own Rules, and Principles, and from their own mouths against themselves, they are not prov'd home enough, as to them; to instance in two or three. So tender are they, and averse from shedding of bloud, or would at least somtimes be so Accounted, that their Clergy cannot be present,b 1.718 at a Sangui∣nary Tryal; but if they have the ill fate to kill a

man (though through mistake and chaunce) they become Irregular for it, and depriv'd of their holy Orders irrecoverably: Much more then are they forever unclerk'd by Murder; whereof, if our Au∣gustine the Monk was manifestly guilty, in principal manner, not towards one, but towards one or two thousand Innocents; no men of Arms, but of the Book, and Gown, and Prayer; then the Or∣ders he had, or conferr'd after that on others, as on Justus, and Mellitus, made Bishops by him, after this fact, came all to nought, (as to them) in fact, or desert, and their whole Romish Church, and Mini∣stry by consequence: but that he was principally guilty of the barbarous Murder, and Massacre of our Brittish Monks at Bangor, as before, (c 1.719who by good Relation, came out Bare-foot, and Bare-head to beg their lives;) and was present at the place, to encourage the slaughter, for the better propagating of the Romish Faith, or at the least had a great hand in this bloud, is not denyed by impartial Anti∣quaries; yea those methods us'd by Romish forge∣ries to palliate his crime, by corrupting Bede's text, and also by Enthusiastical, Hypocritical praedictions, to father this execrable massacre upon the Spirit of God, these Arts and devices, are so far from ex∣cusing, that they prove and fasten it the more up∣on him, and in a very high, and nefarious manner. His Orders therefore, and his after Actings in the See of Canterbury, were all null by their own Rules: And his Communion, and much more his Father∣hood in the Christian Faith, to be disown'd and de∣tested by all English Christians and true Catholicks forever, in their own defence. Besides Theodore

Archbishop of Canterbury, at a Council at Herutford, pass'd this Canon, which ownes and espouses the like Canons of the Ancient Church, with their pe∣nalties:d 1.720 Ʋt nullus Episcoporum, &c. That no Bishop Invade the Diocess of another, but rest con∣tent with the Government of his own charge: But such was Brittain towards Theodore, and to the Pope that sent him, as well, as to his Successors, that followed him, as before is largely, and fully prov'd: the Faith here being planted by the Apostles, or their followers, among the Brittains, and by the Brit∣tains amongst the English. Therefore Theodore, the restorer of the Romish Faith in England, stands con∣demn'd, he, and his new Church, and Successors, by his own Law, and sentence, as well as Augustine its first founder: Withall Pope Gregory himself, who was the first root and contriver of our English Po∣pery, allowes not his Augustine to entrench upon the Gallican Church, or the Bishop of Arles his Juris∣diction; because saith he, that were against Scrip∣ture, and the Ancient Institution of the Fathers, (pointing at the several Canons of Councils before recited) and to thrust one's Sickle into another mans Harvest: But Brittain was a Province ever more distinct, and exempt from Rome, than Gallia, as be∣fore is prov'd: Therefore Augustine for his Intrusion, stands condemn'd by his Pope; And his Pope by himself, for sending him. And Theodore, and his Suc∣cessors, by the same definition: Withall, it is observ∣able, why yet Pope Gregory subjected our Brittish, but not the Gallican Church, to the Romish Juris∣diction of Monk Augustine; because, saith he,e 1.721 ab Antiquis praedecessorum meorum temporibus Pallium

Arelatensis Episcopus accepit, I find the Bishops of Arles, to have had their Pall from Rome, in the times of my Ancient Predecessors; that is, because France was subject to Rome, Brittain before was not. Now this modest and humble Pope, declares in several of his* 1.722 Epistles extant, that to affect to be uni∣versal Bishop, and Soveraign of all Churches, both name, and thing, was impious, and Sacrilegious, and Antichristian; and cryed out, that Antichrist was nigh coming, when John Bishop of Constanti∣nople began to usurp such a Title: If therefore by Ro∣mish principles, all Churches that derive their Palls from thence, are thereby subject to their Chaire, and those, that never had Palls from thence, as Brittain, (and other Churches by consequence in the like case) were to be made subject likewise, because they had none, by Pope Gregories instructions to his Missio∣nary; And so, by having, or not having, all Churches became subject by this Artifice: Therefore it is ma∣nifest, Gregory by this Act, made himself that universal Bishop, he so much abhorr'd, though not in name, and title, yet in effect and reality, which is more; and Antichrist, by consequence: Therefore we af∣firm the Romish Faith in England, is to be shunn'd, and disown'd by all true Christians, because its first plantation was from an Antichristian strein and, Original, by the confession of its first founder; who, if Popes be Infallible, as they do, and must believe in that Church, was Antichrist Infallibly, by his own Infallible determination.

Lastly, not one, but all the Popesf 1.723 of Rome, at their Creation, make a solemn vow and profession,

to observe inviolably, all the Ordinances made in the eight first general Councils; where nothing is more unanimously provided for and secur'd, by all Anathema's imaginable, than the Ancient Immu∣nities of Provinces, against Invaders and Intruders, and of our Brittish Church by consequence; whose Rights therefore could not be touch'd, nor violated, by any of them, without incurring the acknow∣ledg'd curse of the Catholick Church, and the con∣demnation of their Holinesses themselves, for Faith∣lesseness, and Perjury, out of their own mouths: What temptation can there now be to any sober Chri∣stian, to renounce an Ancient, and Orthodox good Church, and his own Mother, for another, in a Forreign Countrey, which stands condemned by God, and the whole Christian World, and by it self? And these condemnations, too visibly executed up∣on it, with a probatum est, in a stupendious dege∣neracy, beyond all Heathenism; not only in point of Ignorance, and gross deliberate errours, putting out the Candle of knowledge upon themselves, and all in the room, for no good ends, for many hundreds of years, untill the Reformation: But in their so liberally Licensing, and dispensing in themselves, and others, that is, making nothing of any iniqui∣ty, or Incest, or breach of Faith, or Treason, or Gods Anathema's, in order to their Catholick inte∣rest and gain; which office of faculties, and liber∣tinism, the worst and rudest of Heathens never dreamed of. Who knowing the judgment of God, that they, who do such things are worthy of death; not only do the same themselves, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, allow, and approve, that others may do them, Rom. 1.32. which is so far from being Christian, that no Heathens have been found, or known, more professedly Satanical, or Antichristian.

Seeing therefore, (to contract our Argument to three undenyably positions,) The Catholick Church is still in being, and its Canons unrepeal'd: And the Church, and Province of Brittain, is likewise still surviving, with Ancient Metropolitical Rights ap∣pertaining to it: And the Clergy of Rome are dayly intruding upon us, not only without the Invitation of this Province, (though it is their Interest, and perhaps their secret practice, to try by Cap, or Pall, or preferment, what Wilfrids, or Egberts, or Elbods, they can allure to betray Church and Countrey,) but against manifest, and publick dissent, declar'd by Laws, and highest penalties; What Holy Orders can such men have, who are declared by the Ca∣tholick Church, to be neither Clergy, nor Christians, for such disorder? (the scandalous ill consequences we have salv'd before, as to the Innocent, and charg'd them on their Authors,) or what validity, or power, or comfort to the Conscience, can there be in their indulgences, or Pardons, or Consecrations, any more, than if Butchers, or Town Bedles did absolve, or Cats laid their paws upon their credulous Dis∣ciples, enur'd by long custome to be abus'd?

SECTION XV. A short Diquisition into the Cause, and character of the Roman Apostacy, in its Leaders, and Followers, from History, and Prophecy, and Practice.

ANd though they thus refuse to be Impal'd, from invading our Brittish Liberties, by, either

Conscience, or Canons, or contradictions, which are receiv'd bounds, with all other men, and Christians in the World, and leaving reason, seem to appeal to Club, or Craft, by consequence; which would look very Barbarously Heretical in Protestants: yet nei∣ther are they to conceive themselves Singular in such Magnanimous, and Lawless adventures, and usurpati∣ons, for no thief ever came to the Gallows, nor Traitor to the Scaffold, nor cheat to the Pillory, nor Male∣factor to the wheel, nor any sinner whatsoever, to shame, and damnation everlasting, but for the like obstinate exaltation of their lust, and Pride, above the Laws of God and men: only with this difference, the one sin in the Night, the other in the Day, the one with guilt, and fear, and shame, and somtimes with repentance; but the other with open face, and Catholick confidence, and Sanctity; Fathering all their evils upon Christ, and St. Peter, without hope of Repentance; for to amend, or change their manners, would be to Apostatize from their Aposto∣lical Faith and Principles. An abominable new-found evil, of Monstrous visage, like a Gorgon, of Perni∣cious influence, like a Plague, of hopeless Cure, like a Gout; for here light hath Communion with dark∣ness, which all reason, and Religion, and Order, were Ordain'd to sever; and the Wolf and the Lamb shall lie together, and keep their natures: and Civil, and Wild, and Humble and Proud, and Regular and Lawless, and Holy and Unconscionable, and Catholick and Schismatical, and Apostolical and Atheistical, shall be Consistent; and Church and the World, and God and Mammon, and Christ and Satan, be of one Piece; enough to distract Innocent beholders, not used to monsters, with so horrible a Specter, and strike them dead with the Antipathy;

Cicero wanted words, fully to express such disorder, and confusion; Totius autem Injusticiae nulla est, capita∣lior, quam eorum, qui dum maximê fallunt, id agunt, ut boni viri esse videantur. Of all Injustice, and wrong, there is none so Abominably Pernicious, as that, which would sanctifie it self. Had he been a Christian, he had allowed it the Epithite of Antichristian. The like sight, made another clear-spirited Heathen, start beyond the Pole, in his fright, Ʋltra Sauromatas fugere hinc libet, & Glacialem Oceanum—and chuse to be out of the World, than live near the Immusical Notes, and grating contradictions, of debauch'd Curii, dissolute Stoicks, Sordid Nobles, Holy Hypo∣crites. And for its infection, as nothing is more abhorr'd, so nothing is sooner catching, nor more seises the vitals, and blunts the edge of Conscience, and overthrows all the Laws of the soul. The pre∣sident of a Holy Pope, or Prelate, promoting his pri∣vare lusts, and Interest, jure Divino, shall affect, and Assimilate, whole Kingdoms, Provinces, Churches, and all degrees of men, both Secular and Spiritual, all Politicians, Libertines, Rebels, and Carnal Chri∣stians, whether within or without, his Holiness obedience, to take after the example and Pattern, (when once known,) to become their Own Popes, to License their own Crimes, and Cruelty, and Trea∣chery, for their gain and advantage, as well as He; having so great an example for Apology, and excuse, and the like deceitful heart to prompt them to it; and under the shelter of Sola fides, as well as that, of Sola Ecclesia, (both of the same mould and spring,) both shall drive on their ungodly designs, and be justi∣fied Saints, and good Catholicks, in their own esteem and vote, amidst all their Hypocrisie and Rebellion nevertheless, whatever they be in Christ's, who is their

Judge. And the end of Christianity is hereby de∣feated, and the Gospel, and Baptism revers••d; and every mans Will is his own Bible, and the Rule of his Neighbours Rights, and his Soveraigns duty; self-love his wisdom, and Religion, and Charity, and Loyalty gon out of fashion and request, and all are Popes, but none are Christians: whereas Christ, nei∣ther in his own person, nor his Disciples, nor his Laws, gave the least Countenance, or example, for such Encroachments upon Kingdoms, or Brethren. He allowed his rights to Caesar, and consequently his external Supremacy, to every Prince in his own Ter∣ritory: his greatest Apostles kept their own bounds and line, and did not build upon their Neighbours foundations, Rom. 15.20, 2 Cor. 10.16. Gal. 2.7. Thou shalt not Covet thy Neighbours House, &c. is is one of his greatest Laws, and Maxims, daily incul∣cated upon all his Christians, without exception. And his Apostles forwarn, and testifie, That he is the a∣venger of all such, that oppress, or over-reach their Bre∣thren in any matter, 1 Thess. 4.6. But nothing is more the Profession, or Custom of Rome, than over-reach∣ing, and Intruding into other mens rights, and build∣ing upon other's foundations, and Senior Churches; and thrusting their Sickle into other mens Harvests, rather then keep honestly and peaceably at home, within their appointed bounds, and want their Peter-Pence: Yea rather then fail, by any sinfull ignoble Arts whatsoever, confederating with Pagans against Christians, setting on Subjects against their Princes, and Princes against Subjects, and the People a∣gainst one another, not to mention poisons, secret murders, Massacres, Powder-Plots, &c. And which is the greatest violence to mens faculties, and com∣mon sence, and makes mens ears to tingle at the

Blasphemy, and hearts to tremble at such Atheistical Insurrections, and contempt of the Soveraigns of Heaven and Earth, This invasion of Neighbours, must be the Catholick Cause, this wrong and injustice, must be Gods own Will and Commission, and St. Peters Charter, the chief Robbers, and Rebels in the design, the choysest Saints and Catholick Champions of Christ; who according to St. Paul was the Avenger of all such, but according to our Popes, is made the Patron and approver. Whereby their Repentance and Cure becomes morally impossible, not only be∣cause recovery (with them) were disease, or their de∣parture from the Faith; and their amendment after Christ's mind, a damnable State and Condition; but also, because Reason, and Conscience are gagg'd, and the faculties of their soul wholly lock••d up, from help∣ing to their Conversion. Heathens were easier recover∣able, than Papists, from their Idols; because in the one, there was a reserv'd Allegiance to God, and the Truth, left in their souls, for Arguments to work upon; but in the Roman Heathenism, that Allegi∣ance is so fix'd, and settled in the Pope, as God; that the soul is to regard no Truth, or Oracle, whatsoever of God himself, against him. Papists are more Pope's people, than God's people; and their reasons and Consciences by consequence bound, more to follow guides, and the Will of the Pope, than to follow Truth, or the Will of God. Socrates is my Friend, and Plato is my Friend, but Truth is more my Friend than either, was the Heathen Liberty; Truth is my Friend, and Conscience is my Friend, but my Ghostly Father, and Guide, is more my Friend then all, is the Popish slavery. In the Roman Religion, man is to be regarded above God, yea most are not allowed to give any hearing to God at all, who speaks in his

Scriptures, (which ever were, and are, esteem'd Gods Word in all Christendom, whatever they be at Rome.) Papists to our sight, are Gods rational Crea∣tures, as other men, and Christians be; but in reason, they are but parcells of the Pope, detach'd from God: As Tangier to the eye, is in Africa, but by fiction of reason, in England, to whom it is subject. A Papist therefore being more the Popes subject, than Gods, is hardly reclaim'd by any Truth; which is but the voice or will of God, as of a Potentate, more Forreign, and remote, and weaker (as to him,) than God, who is the strongest of all, to all the World be∣sides, Esdr. 4. And his rational faculties, ordain'd to take the part of truth, are kept prisoners from doing it any service, yea are listed and impress'd to obstruct, and batter it, as Canons taken and master'd by an enemy, and turn'd to do execution upon Friends; whereof the Divines and Parasites of that Church, in many voluminous, learnedly vain Discourses, in defence of gross Errours, against plain Truths, have given a considerable instance to the World.

Now how this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or falling away from God and truth, 2 Thess. 2.3. came first to pass, and that (once great, and glorious) Church, and its Angels, to leave their first Station, and to be tumbled down into their Papal pit of darkness and seduction, next to the Infernal; where, in the one, as in the other, both sorts take a miserable pleasure to continue, ac∣cording to the Brittish saying, y cyw y fegur yn Ʋffern, yn Ʋffern y myn ef fôd, but a far greater pleasure, and triumph, to ensnare as many Souls, as they can, to bear them company, and participate in their plague, is sufficiently clear in History, and strangely describ'd to the life in Prophecy: And to begin with the first, Pride, and a high stomack, had a chief hand, in

both the falls, and founder'd patience in the latter, with an insatiable avarice and ambition in the Fa∣thers of this Church after the vain pomp and glory of this world, which the children of Christs School are instructed early to renounce; that it pleased God in his deep wisdom and Justice, to deliver them over to a reprobate sense, and an infatuated mind, to be a curse, and plague to themselves, and the rest of Christendom for many years, for their sterility, and ungratitude under the Gospel of his Son. And, as it was with the Fox in the Fable, who long strove in vain, to repass out of the Granary through the same hole with a full belly, through which he had en∣tred in empty with ease, till the Wesel advised from a loof, si vis effugere istinc, Macra cavum repetas, &c. The way to get out, is to be as lank and empty, as you came in. So if Rome could have proceeded with that moderation and comport, with the variety of its fortunes, that was prescribed in the morality of this Fable, It might had retain'd its Christian, though not its carnal glory to this day. But for the first three hundred years, her condition without, being lank and narrow, though healthy and glorious within; and being highly feasted by Constantine, and some succeeding Emperours, with the affluence of the Roman Empire in its height; it began to grow big and corpulent, and require more room; that when the Empire began to decline, it was a hard lesson to decline with it, and return from a Pallace to its first Cell. Therefore here thoughts came in, how the Ecclesiastical Grandeur of Rome might be sup∣ported and kept up, amidst the falls and ruine of its secular: So that the sacking of Rome in the year 400, and 500. and the declension of the Empire, especially in the West thereupon, or the removing

of that which letted, out of the way, as the Fathers un∣animously interpret that expression, 2 Thess. 2.7. was both a Prophetical mark, and an operative occasion, of the conception and forming of Antichrist: Here the Inch of respect, given to the Popes at the Council of Sardyca, began to be stretched into an Ell of Primacy and Empire for a taste, by fathering it upon false Ca∣nons of Nice Council, till the forgery in the Coun∣cil of Carthage was publickly detected, as before; And the Dog that began to lick ashes, early dis∣cover'd what his appetite was after meal, where∣with the Italian, saying, would not have such to be trusted. But the long Insolencies and exactions of the Exarchs of Ravenna, (from the year 500. till their deliverance, by Rebellion against Leo Isaurus,) by whom every Pope was to be confirmed, and for a large Feea 1.724 else the Election to be null, was a large tryal likewise and fatigation of patience to those that could never forget their once high, nor ever remember their low condition, (which else would have been their Cure and Grandeur, in imitation of their too much neglected Apostle, I know both how to be abased, and I know how to abound; every where, and in all things, I am instructed both to be full, and to be hungry, both to abound, and suffer need, Phil. 4.12.) And the Ecclesiastical ambition of the Constantino∣politan Patriarchs after all, (aiming at priority to of Rome, which disdain'd to admit them into equa∣lity,) did more discompose, than the Civil Tyranny of the Exarchs; for Pride had rather lose its Purse, than its Plume; by this their patience was set on the tenter. Caesar, and Popes being alike, in their

setting up, on the ruin of the Liberties of others; the one of his Country, the other of their Church; and both from a punctilio and sense of Diminution, not in their being and subsistence, but their quality.b 1.725Difficilius, se Principem Civitatis, a primo Ordine, in secundum, quam ex secundo in novissimum detrudi, It was harder for him being a chief Citizen, to be made a second, of the first, than the last of a second, were Caesars words, and the thoughts of our Popes; the fall being greater from the imaginary condition of a God into that of a Creature, than from one Creature into another. And all of high breed∣ing and low fortunes, that chuse to set up in the High way, have the like temptations, and distress for Apology, for their Secular, as the Church of Rome, for its Ecclesiastical depredations, not any want of necessaries, but of Grace. For the Roman Popes had little cause to be offended with the Con∣stantinopolitan claim of Superiority; (now their City was the Seat of the Empire, and Rome, ever and anon, taken and retaken by Goths,) this being the best stake in their own hedge, when it was an Impe∣rial City, and the best and chiefest foundation of its Western Priority: but being now brought down to the dust, their last Emperour Augustulus resigning to Odoacer by force about 480. who fix'd his Court saith one, at Ravenna, ne umbra Regni Romae superesset, Their Consuls and Senate ceasing in 540. Their Citi∣zens fleeing for shelter into the Marshes of Venice, and else-where far and nigh, as the Brittains into Wales; no Inhabitants left, that could be counted Roman, unless Goths, and Vandals, and Herules, or as Platina,c 1.726saith, Si Epirotae, Dalmatae, Pannoni,

& faex totius orbis terrarum huc missa, Romani appel∣lari queant, unless Epirots, Dalmatians, Hungarians, and the dregs and Porters of all mankind sent amongst us, might pass for Romans. Their City often sack'd, and Burnt, and ruin••d by the Goths; And the veryc 1.727 ruins themselves, and their Ancient Monuments and Statues, ruin'd by our Pope Gregory, as he is tax'd, to contrive that mens repair to Rome might not be more for curiosity, than Devotion; what reason had the Church of Rome, to expect to fare better in this her solitude, and desolation, than that of Jerusalem, the undoubted Mother of all Churches? which was glad in her Poverty, to truckle under Caesarea, where the deputies then resided; as Caesarea, under Antioch, the residence of the chief President of the East: and why not ruin••d Rome to the Constantinopolitan See, now the residence of the Emperours themselves? Nothing was here wanting to a good title of Supre∣macy, as far as the Constantinopolitan Empire reach'd, as it did undoubtedly to Rome at this time, but only the Imperial ratification and assent; without which, Romes Priority by express Canons, still continued unrepeal••d; But when the Emperour began to inter∣pose,c 1.728 Et Mauritius monuit Gregorium, ut Johanni Constantinopolitano obtemperaret, and monish'd our Pope Gregory to submit and acquiesce under the See of Constantinople; their Christian Patience could last no longer: the string was wound so high, till it broke; here they first began to be desperate; and though they quitted conscience, they kept their cunning; and seing Christ did not defend them better, Satan shall: Si nequeo superos, Acheronta movebo. Here our Pope Gregory first exonerates himself on his compe∣titor,

John Archbishop of Constantinople, and stiles him no less than Antichrist, or his Fore-runner, for affecting so large a Supremacy; which yet himself, and Successors more vehemently drove at; but he, Water-man-like, with his face the contrary way, carrying Servus Servorum in his mouth, while Domi∣nus Dominantium was in his heart: Auxit que modestia Crimen, to use the early expression of a worthy Pen, the Hypocrisie and contradiction Antichristianiz'd his Crime. Soon after Mauritius himself, is murder'd by the Tyrant Phoc••s, and his children before his face, as it were by a just Judgement of God, wherein it is likely the Popes had no more hand in the contrivance, than Monk Augustine, a few years after, in the bloud of Bangor: though some while after we find them openly, and Traiterously destroying, not Emperours only, ••at the Empire of the East it self; and despising, and chopping the Kings and Emperours of the West, as fast as Tarqu••n did Poppies, till they stumbled up∣on a Brittain. And Holy Gregory kept fair Communi∣on with this bloudy Phocas, in Letters full of Honour and Respect nevertheless; and his next, or next Succes∣sor saving one, who sate not half a year, Boniface the third, obtain'd from the Grant of Phocas, that Uni∣versal Primacy, wherewith they have troubl'd the World to this day; which in others was Antichri∣stanism by confession, and yet themselves are the men: A Phocâ obtinuit (Bonifacius) magna tamen conten∣tione, ut sedes B. Petri Apostoli, que caput est Omnium Ecclesiarum, ita diceretur, & haberetur ab omnibus; He obtain'd with much ado of Phocas, that the See of St. Peter, which is the head of all Churches, (in their fansie) should be so esteemed, and ac∣counted of by all.d 1.729 They were, and still are, long

studying and hammering for a square and propor∣tionable Title, and Foundation, to bear this grand Fabrick of Universal Monarchy in the Church; The house of Pudens, and our Ruffina, (their Ancientest and Truest,) was too narrow: The undoubted resi∣dence of St. Paul in their City, was their most Ho∣nourable and Glorious Title, but more serviceable for Salvation, than for Supremacy; for it made them but co-ordinate, yea Junior to several Churches of Greece; Athens, Ephesus, Thessalonica, of the same Plantation: Constantine's Imperial Graunt was Subject to change of time, and Emperours to change of mind: therefore no shoulders seem'd broader and fitter than St. Peter's to be their Atlas: (who yet, if ever he came to Rome, came thither upon the score of the Jews, who were his peculiar charge, as the Gentiles were St. Pauls, as is plain from Scripture, and their owne 1.730 confession, according to the appoint∣ment of God, Gal. 2, 7. and the decree of the Hieroso∣lymitan Synod, and their particular respective under∣taking:) lest therefore by this, they were at best but Popes of the Jews, they'l borrow help from St. Paul, and both shall be their founders together, in despite of God, who made them Separate: but then there are other Prerogatives since assum'd by that See, of de∣posing Kings, and Emperours, and transferring King∣doms, which cannot be well derived from Fisher∣men, and Tent-makers, and Subjects. Therefore it is a more adequate Title, to be Christs Vicars, by whom Kings Raign: but because his Kingdom was not of this World, nor his Mission, while on Earth, but to the lost sheep of the House of Israel: The Ro∣man Parasites discern, that the Plaister is never broad

enough for the sore, till he is Vice-Deus, ore 1.731 Vice-God on Earth, as they begin to stile him in their dedications. And this comes nearest to the Scriptures. 2. Thes. 2. Now, it is not my design at present, to dis∣play the great mischief, and bloud-shed, and con∣fusion, that did arise to Christian Kingdoms, and Churches, from this groundless Primacy, nor the En∣chantments upon souls, by this Castle in the Air: nor to examine whether Turcism, or Popery, have been the greater Nusance to Christendom? or which was the greatest wrong to the spouse of Christ, to be slain or defil'd? to be pillag'd, or divided? For all Churches heretofore, from one end of the Earth, to the other, were all, as loving Sisters of one and the same Family, under one and the same roof, tyed to one another in a lovely knot and Union of mu∣tual charity and preference; and still might be, if by the mercy of God, and zeal of Christian Princes, this common disturber, were raised from being Ser∣vus Servorum, (an Hebraism for a great slave) to be equal in Vote and Authority, in Publick Councils, to other Metropolitans, and Primates, his Reverend Bre∣thren, who otherwise hinders all with his proud humi∣lity, and detestable Union of slavery: But my scope and purpose, only is, to vindicate our own Rights, and Liberties, and to unmask this Bishop and his Clerks, who come as thieves in the Coat of Christ, and St. Peter, to steal away our Crowns, and Mitres; and to seduce wel-meaning people, and unwary Gran∣dees, to assist them in the Robbery, out of Con∣science; and to burn and destroy us, as Hereticks out of zeal, for keeping our own, against this their Phocacian Monopoly and Usurpation, which

c 1.732 Monk Augustine and his Successors were sent hi∣ther to execute, amongst as many as they could abuse and deceive. For what fair obligation up∣on Conscience (which is ever correlative and cor∣responding with Gods will,) can this Intrusion, on the Fights of Neighbouring Kingdoms and Churches have, which is so expresly forbidden by the Laws of God, and Nations, and the Canons of the Universal Church? Can God be contrary to himself? or one Catholick Church to another? or the same Lord Christ be both the Avenger and Patron also of such as over-reach their Brethren, or remove bounds and Land-marks? Doth not Conscience bind them rather to aid their injur'd Neighbours, against these holy Robbers? and to study reparations, wherever they were miss-led, to be accessory and assisting to such Burglaries upon the Innocent? If it be good Catholick Religion and Conscience, to swallow, hand over head, any Tra∣dition, o•• gloss, that shall produce a Commission from God, against his express Will and Precept, to the contrary: Then Adam and Eve were com∣mendable Catholicks in hearkning to the Serpent, to the ruine of themselves and their posterity; and we in protesting from plain Scripture against such glosses and suggestions, culpable Protestants. Pro∣testancy is not a name of Schism, but of Duty; and eternal Allegiance of the Soul to God and Truth, against Atheism and falsehood, and the works and words of the Devil in any shape. The Act that pass'd at Germany about an 100 and odd years ago, in protesting from manifest Scriptures, against gross Errours, counterfetting Divine authority, was a duty

in general, 1500 years before, and more, and will be still to the Worlds end. The vow of Baptism makes every Christian a Protestant from the Font. No∣thing more makes Roman-Catholicks, and Cardi∣nals, and Popes, than a Carnal forgetfulness and abhorrence from such Protestantism: It is not be∣lieving, as men would have, but as God in his word and will would have us to believe, that makes true Catholicks and Christians; for Christians are to resist temptations, whereof the most prevalent love to be cloathed with God and Religion: fatuus, the Latine for a fool, is conjectur'd to be deriv'd from, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to perswade, one that is easily won to believe any Lie, or Legend, or Imposture. Old Adam and Eve in hearkning to the Serpent, against Gods word, were the first Types of credulous Papists; Christ, the reformed Adam, in siding with plain Scripture against the glosses of the Serpent, was the first example of wary Protestants. All Religion, and Irreligion, consists, either in turning from the Crea∣ture to God, to the exaltation, and righting of the Soul; or from God, to the Creatures, to its overturn∣ing, to be in dishonourable subjection to the body its slave, to its great wrong and misery.

This Novel Supremacy therefore, being so mani∣festly unjust, for its matter and trespass upon the rights of Soveraigns, and Churches; and so ungodly and scan∣dalous for the motive, and manner of its prevalence; (being founded in the like Pride, that tumbled the Angels into Hell, as Pope Gregory affirms it of his Competitor, in the like impatience, and despair, that keeps them in it: And carried on with the like love of lyes, and murder, and seduction, as makes them intrude, and wander out, into our Air; and pre∣vailing upon many, by the like Arts, either as a Ca∣tholick

Angel of light, to seduce the unwary and superstitious; or as a bountiful Prince, with glo∣rious offers of Palls, and Caps, and Dignities, to win the proud and servile to comply and worship; and ter∣minating in the like everlasting damnation, both to them and their followers, 2 Thess. 2.12. Phil. 3.19.) hath enough in it hereby to dis-ingage all sober and considering English-men, from any necessary zeal, or tye of Conscience, to subjugate themselves, or betray their Church, and Countrey, into such danger∣ous and unworthy slavery: Yea (it were to be hop'd at first sight,) to dispose Italian zeal and ambition concern'd, (if it would but lay hand upon heart,) either to let us alone, to enjoy our Ancient rights without wrong, or trouble; as all would wish to themselves, and therefore ought to permit the same to others; or at least, to let God, and Christ, and Catholick Religion alone, as not to bring his holy name and glory, which is to be honour'd above all we have, to countenance their sin, and wrong, to their just rebuke: But, that from the character of such an Apostatical Church, in Prophecy, (which is praescient History,) any regard to the heart and Conscience, or fear of Blasphemy, is the least to be expected; yea the exclusion of the one, and admission of the other, to be rather alwayes met, as the sum and total of such Religion; as the practice suffici∣ently confirms and fulfills the Prophecy: For what Herogliphick, or Emblem, could more lively describe, such a Church, where at once the Heart and Soul is excluded, and yet sanctity and zeal profess'd; than that of the beast with two horns, like a Lamb, and speech like a Dragon? Rev. 13.12. For what is any Society of men, devoid of Conscience, and private judgment, and common Justice, whose part is, suum

euique tribuere, neminem laedere, but a meer rout of Ravenous beasts; or as they are describ'd elsewhere, men of corrupted minds, 1 Tim. 5.6. For where the mind is corrupted and dead, and the body alone alive; what there remains, but a beast in humane shape? Of the same Herd are those, who are deliver'd over to a reprobate mind, or a mind void of judgement, like Salt, that hath lost its savour; or those in the Prophet, whose eyes are blinded, and their hearts hearden'd, that they neither see with their eyes, nor understand with their heart, Joh. 12.40. For an useless eye, is equivalent to no eye, and an unconscionable Soul, to no Soul at all; as a depos'd King, is a living man, but a dead Prince; so a reduc'd Conscience, dethron'd by lusts, or the Tyranny of any Church, or Gods desertion, is no Conscience. A Soul subject to man, more than God, is no Soul; as are all such, who by force, or choice, are to obey man against the Truth: Wherein, (as was proved at first) the master-errour of Popery did consist: Men of depos'd Souls, or silenc'd Consciences, in Scripture account, are beasts: But the other part of the character, or a profession of Holiness and zeal, included, as well as good Conscience excluded, is set forth by the other notes, Hornes like a Lamb, and Speech like a Dragon: That is, this beast, is as Christ, for arro∣gated Holiness, and authority; and yet as Satan, or the Dragon, or Serpent in Paradice, for destructive seduction. Good God! what a monstrous profes∣sion of Christians, is here painted! which in vulgar blazonry would signifie a Church, hearted Beast armed Christ, and langued Satan: And the two horns, and not seven, as had the other, may note, that the Roman Empire had more of Gods blessing, and approbation; though counted Beast for its violence;

for God blessed the 7th. day, but so he did not the second, Gen. 1.8. And the Roman Empire enlightned and civil'd the Countries, it subdued; but far otherwise it was with the Empire of Popery. The Roman Re∣ligion (upon this Prophetical supposition,) being all Christ without, (for Satan, or the Dragon, mostly tips his temptations with Religion) and nothing of heart or Soul within, is a Sphynx, or a riddle; it••s a Religion, and no Religion: The last, because where there is no heart, there can be no Lord, no God, no Bible, no Religion, no Salvation: The first, be∣cause the Pope alone serves for all; for heart, and judgement, and God, and Christ, and Church, and Bible, and Salvation: He declares all Faith, allows all Scriptures, decides all Controversies; (and where private Conscience is not to be consulted, or regard∣ed; nor Scripture, without his sense,) what makes good or evil amongst such, but his pleasure only? Lyes, and Perjuries, and Murders, and Treasons, and Blasphemy, in favour of that Church, and ap∣prov'd by them, can be no sins, but rather meritorious works, by this Hypothesis: For how can it be other∣wise, where there is no place or vote for Conscience to except, and all power is in him alone, acknow∣ledg'd, to approve and judge; Beasts, or un-soul'd men, being not capable of faults, or misdemeanours. Now how can those be true Christians, who are not men? and how men, who want Souls? for where is the Soul, if it be given away from Christ, to any mortal whatsoever? For the hearts and judgements, that is, the Souls, of Papists are absolutely subject to the Pope, but of Protestants, only to Christ, and truth; the one are holy from the heart to Christ, as Christs servants: the other, without a heart, to their Pope, or guide, as the Servants of men.

And this Diminutio Capitis, or Moral, or Legal, Annihilation of the Eternal soul, by such a sinful profession of absolute Subjection to a mortal Crea∣ture, hath the like effect and influence upon mens Acts of Worship and Religion, as if it were its Physi∣cal, and real extinction: for not to appear, is not to be; and not to be valued, or regarded, is not to appear. Not that the soul ceases to act, as a soul, in this its degradation, or to cut out means for ends, by its work of reason: But that her chief and Soveraign end, being chang'd; her work of reason, and Religion, and Allegiance, is changed by con∣sequence: and the Communion between the heart, and Christ in Heaven, turn'd out of doors, and giving place to another, between the soul, and its new So∣veraign, the Pope. It is still as busie, and zealous as before, but in a more confin'd sublunary sphere, far out of Gods presence, in the Pristrinum of this present World; as a broken Shoomaker sets up for a Cobler, or a fallen Angel to be a Devil. And perhaps the necessary errours of the Roman Church, can never be more clearly detected, and satisfactorily solv'd, than by this Hypothesis and fiction, (new for its name, but old, and too Common for its nature and pra∣ctice) of a Roman-Catholick Apshychite, or Catholick Christians, without souls: for great must the Spiri∣tual and Internal deadness be, and as great and busie, the external formality, and heartless ceremonies, of a Religion so condition'd. Our Learned Divines, who by invincible Arguments convince them of Ido∣latries in their Invocations, and worship of the Hoast, and of Images, do but fall upon the branches, which necessarily spring and grow from the evil root, un∣touch'd: for such must be the Fruit, as is the Tree, Math. 7, 18. St. Paul, and Christ, and God himself,

(the best Judges of Religion,) place it all in the heart, and it's purity; as doth our Brittish Proverb, ffydh pawb yn ei galon, as did all sober Heathens: The end of the Commandment, is charity out of a Pure heart, 1 Tim. 1.5. Blessed are the Pure in heart, for they shall see God, Math. 8.8. Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind, which is the first and great Commandment; And the Heathen, from Deus est animus, could infer, pur â mente colendus, even as Christ himself doth: God is a Spirit, and they that Worship him, must Worship him in Spirit, and in Truth; that is, with the heart, without which all Wor∣ship is a lie. Gratior diis existimatur, qui delubris eoruma 1.733 puram castamque mentem, quam qui meditatum carmen, intulerit, A mind holy, and pure, is the best Anthem with God. If the truth, and life of all Religion by the consent and suffrage of God and men, consist thus in a Pure heart, what Religion can they have, whose Principles exclude, and annihilate the heart? and the Purity thereof by consequence; for where the substantive is barr'd out, the Adjective must stand out for company: Therefore not this, or that part, or tenet, or Article, but the whole Religion of such a Church, is Idolatrous, or the worshiping of God with the body only, without the soul; whereby men necessarily frame Corporeal, Anthropomorphitical sentiments to them∣selves, of God; and of all parts of his Worship: for as without the Spiritual mind and soul, there could be no conception of God, who is a Spirit: no more than of light without eyes; so a Corporeal Religion requires a Corporeal Deity to answer it, and a Carnal service to answer him: for all worship, true, or false, consists in likeness and conformity: in the true, men become pure and holy, as God is; in the false, God

and Religion, are made, Gross, and Carnal, as the men are; which is an highly Idolatrous mistake of the true God, against the first and second Command∣ment. And Spiritual, Rational Religion, shall be traduc'd and slighted by such men, for its contrarie∣ty and dislikeness to their tempers, as the Moors hate heretical white. Rivers cannot ascend higher than their springs, nor an Absychitical Religion, higher than the body, and Carnal apprehension, and out∣ward frame and appearance, or a form of godliness without its power and truth, which is not therefore Re∣ligion, but somthing outwardly like it; no more than is a dead picture a true man, though like in shape unto him. Heaven and Hell, to a Beast, can never signifie more, than the pain and pleasure of the body, nor human words with Parrots, than the outward syl∣lables and sound; nor Religion to Carnal minds, but their Carnal Interests, and conceptions.

This supposition shews the errours of Rome, to be necessary consequences, to the exclusion of the heart, in the first place, and Christ in the second, through∣out their Doctrines and Practices, congruous to this Propheticall Character: and that in such a condition and temper, they can do no less, than place their chiefest worship and Devotion, in the outward parts, and surface of Religion, that hold the nearest re∣semblance to it, in their Carnal conceipts. This makes prayers in an unknown tongue, without the heart and understanding, a reasonable worship with them. This makes transubstantiation both natural and necessary; for Christians so described, cannot conceive any otherwise, than Corporeally, and Gross∣ly, that Christ is in the Sacrament, and to be wor∣shipped there by consequence; for Sursum corda, to lift up the heart, where there is no heart, is but a

lesson to the deaf, but Metaphysicks to Moles. This makes them so easily leave the invisible General, so unlike their new beings, to invocate an host of frail Creatures more like themselves; and to find great re∣semblances to the deity, in Images made by hands; and much Grace, and Spiritual refreshment, and Pro∣tection, in holy Water; and great Salvation in a ma∣terial Cross, to which they'l apply that of the Apo∣stle, God forbid, that I should glory, saving in the Cross of our Lord Jesus, as much as to him that suffered on it: as Pope Adrian, to the Empress Jrene, finds grounds for Image-worship, in those passages in the Psalms, Seek ye my face, thy face, O Lord, will I seek; and signatum est, super nos lumen vultus tui, Ps. 26.4. This hath given that Christian virtue and reputation to Beads, Crucifixes's, Agnus Dei, Christ-Mass-Babes new born, Good-Friday-loggs interr'd, Palls, Saints, Couls, &c. and the rest of their sacred shows, not short of Bartholomew Fair, in their number and con∣gruity, to weak and carnal fancies. A most lamenta∣ble Profanation of our Spiritual and Heavenly worship, to be bewail'd by all sincere and tender Chri∣stians, with grief and tears; and confuted by the Learned, and suppressed by the Magistrate, and prayed against by all. A mock Religion, carried on by great and strong numbers, and Councils, with a high face of Authority, and Catholick truth on its side; and more considerable for duration, and com∣bination, than all other Heresies whatsoever, both Ancient and Modern put together, which bespeak it to be some thing more: being the Blasphemy of them, which they say are Jews, (that is Christians, and Catho∣licks, or new Israelites,) and are not, but are the Syna∣gogue of Satan, carrying on his Kingdom with the same dark Arts, and Eternal perdition to themselves,

and others, as he himself doth, Rev. 2.8. With whom Christianity consists not in a meet Marriage be∣tween the heart and Christ, to bring forth Heavenly off-springs to God Rom. 7.3. even the divine and lovely fruits of the Spirit, Charity, Meekness, Pa∣tience, Temperance, Sobriety, long suffering, the Heavenly joy and Peace of a good conscience, void of offence towards God and man, guided by that wisdom from above, which is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easie to be intreated, full of mer∣cy, and good fruits, without partiality, without Hy∣pocrisie, Gal. 5.22. James 3.27. But in an unlawful Contract and Whoredom of the soul with another Husband, stooping below its Divine rank, and kind to the Impu••e lust of an Earthly Creature; whence pro∣ceeds a Mon••trous equivocal bastard-brood of Spiri∣tual-Carnal Mulats, which must pass for right Chri∣stians without, as to sense, being hardly men within, to reason, but liker to a prophane show of Pu••pe••s, con∣sisting of bare sound and mimick imitation, without life, or truth, or understanding; or a vile Communi∣on of Baptiz'd Apes, and Consecrated Foxes, and Wild Beasts sign'd with many signs of the Cross with∣out any souls, or true Christian Inclinations; but wholly dead to the Hea••enly life; and as exactly alive to the Earthly, and Sensual, and Devilish, and its fruits, and works, lyes, legends, dissimulations, Cruelty, Murders, Treasons, which must pass for Catholick zeal, and Orthodox Religion, by the Laws and pleasures of their guides. There being no heart, or Conscience left within, (nor any pulses thereof without, in modesty, and sense of honour) to direct and prompt to better things, that being miserably lost, and ruin'd, according to the supposition, by being ill be∣stow'd upon a man, instead of Christ. The original cause

of this woful degeneracy, being the changing of their Soveraign, and taking the Pope, instead of the Son of God, for their Lord and absolute guide, sur∣rendring their hearts, and Judgements, and Consci∣ences to him, without reserve, which is a Divine ho∣nour, and homage, due to none but God: wherein, as was said at first, lies the Characteristical note of distin∣ction, inter Cordatos Protestantes, between sober Prote∣stants, that make a difference between the Creator and the Creature, and inconsiderate Catholicks, that make none. The least soyle of the soul by surprize, from any Intemperance, or unmortified lusts, clogs and disorders it in its devotions and addresses towards its God: the suffocation thereof by the habit of vice, wholly alienates it from his life, leaving it dead, and senseless, under the Power of Satan, in trespasses and sins. The reduction, and moral extinction thereof, by its slavish profession to a lawless Counter-Christ, makes it as dead and senceless under another mixt Dominion of Christ and Satan, that is to say, of Antich••ist, or a mock-Christ, or of a meer man, assuming Gods Infal∣lible nature upon him, through his pride, or evil; as Christ, the true God, did frayle human nature, in his humility, for good This is that Roman Idol which is the glory, and fear of devout Romanists, being a God devoid of all Divine Attributes, without ei∣ther much holiness, for imitation; or all-sufficient bounty, for the relief; or constancy, and truth, which endures for ever, for the stay and trust of his Worshippers: being but titular in the one, but a Broker in the other, starving and over-reaching these, corrupting others (as Satan) whom he relieves with favours: And in the third, so shamefully mash'd with contradictions, and non-obstante's, ever and anon, at every appearance of Lucre, and advantage, that

a Weather-Cock in the English, or the retentives of a Suckling, in the Brittish Proverb, cannot be more uncertain, and unsteddy. The truth is, it is not he himself, that is God and Governour, but his Lust or Mammon, which Governs him: at whose beck he must change his Laws, and Bulls, and Canons, and Decrees, (which seldom yielded to God, or his Scriptures,) as good men their vain thoughts, and lives at God's rebukes, or wicked men their good thoughts, and Intervals of sobriety, at the Rules of their Whores. And there is no other hold, to have him fast, and sure by, but this alone, (which makes the Rich to be the Elect, and the poor to be as Re∣probates in that Church) nor any lasting hold by this, without exceeding all Competitors in the more zea∣lous worship of out-bidding, as several Princes and Prelates have known it to their smart, and which ever carried the cause at Rome, beteewn York and Canterbury, as it also did, between Canterbury and St. Davids, and in most Controversies before, or since, where the heaviest purse seldom sailed to be the best cause. Is he fit to be a Witness, between par∣ty and party, that will swear any thing, against Truth or Conscience, for a guift or boon? Or to be a judge in Tribunals, who is professedly for a bribe, above Justice? And is he only fit then to be sole Judge of Controversie in Gods Church, for Peace and Union, who is notoriously, mortally sick of the same disease, and Inclination? and makes his Disciples stu∣pidly believe it, to be perfect health, and holiness, whereon they may venter their Salvation. Or, is it not in this, as in other Idols, that they that make them, are like unto them? or, as in other offences, against Magistrates, where the receiver, is as bad as the thief? or against God himself, where, as Satan

is highly Blasphemous, in taking Divine honour to himself, so Witches are no less damnably unrea∣sonable, and impious, in giving it by their Co∣venants, and recognitions. Men are as responsible in their Reputations, in their Worldly Affairs, for heedless and gross trusts, as for heady and gross mis∣takes; for chusing a manifest wrong way, hav∣ing sums about them under their trust, as taking some known Robber for their guide, in the right. The Antichristianism, is not so much to be wonder'd at, on the one hand, that some proud Spirits, at the Instigation of the Serpent, should affect to be as God; as on the other, that any should be so Spiri∣tually besotted, as contrary to the indelible Alle∣giance of their Souls to God, and the Truth, Trai∣terously to own and Recognize them. A Per∣version that humane nature, (which is essentially tyed to the Election of good in the general,) is not capable, of it self, to fall into, without some omnipotent curse from God upon it, condemning it to believe strong lyes, for its too much neglect in loving sound Truths, as the Apostle shews, 2 Thess. 2.11, 12. Therefore these kind of Fishermen, catch most in troubled Waters, find most Proselytes a∣mongst the grosly ignorant, and vitious, amongst silly women, loaden with sin and shame; and weak children led by sence, and shows, and Customs, or dis∣order'd sinners shackled with guilt, or drown'd in Debauchery, or sunk in Despair, or stupified with sorrow and discontent, or blinded with ambition and vain glory, and an high esteem for implicit faith, in order to absolute and tyrannical govern∣ment over mens Souls and Bodies: who are enter∣tain'd with false joyes, and lull'd with false par∣dons, and releas'd with false Absolutions, and

heal'd with false Cures, and supported with false Comforts, and canoniz'd with ••alse Glory. And all these Impostures and deceits father'd upon God, and Christ, and his Catholick Church, and his blessed Apostles, St. Peter, and St. Paul; and Divine Truths to the contrary, reproached as Heresies, and, all wayes and Arts, yea fire and faggot, us'd to ••ar them out, least their slaves and captives should be undeceived, and set free by them; and so become unmanageable; whereby their Conquest over Souls shall be at peace, and the misery and slavery of mens immortal Spirits, turn to account, and the enriching of their Holy Church. A provoca∣tion against Heaven, of long continuance, enough to raise new Goths and V••••••••••s, against their Church and State, but that the prosperity it enjoyes, is a greater plague, and desolation, than the Sword can bring: The Spiritual servitude of the Soul un∣der Idols, far exceeding the outward slavery of the body, under Conquerors, as much as Apoplexy ex∣ceeds sleep, or the pangs of Conscience, the pain of the Teeth. To live in the causes of damnation being a greater misery, in reason, than to endure the exe∣cution; there being nothing of Gods hand, or justice in the one, being our own mala culpae; as there is in the other, being Gods mala penae, or the correction, which he sends and inflicts, (and therefore the less tolerable evil of the two, if properly evil.) Further correction therefore can do little good upon them. It must be the Infinite mercies of God, and the zeal of Christian Princes, that must do good upon them against their wills, as it is expected by diligent a 1.734 searchers into Divine Prophecies, that some

great Prince will be shortly rais'd by God, to cast a Vial of wrath upon their glory: And they have a common Tradition in France, saithb 1.735 a French Roman-Catholick Writer, that some of the Caro∣lingians, of the Race of Charlemaigne, shall have an Emperour of France, Charles by name, who shall be Prince and Monarch over Europe, and shall reform the Church and State. But the Glory of such a Cure and Deliverance, being as it were the Redemption a new, of those whom Christ redeem'd from Spiri∣tual slavery, seems more probably reserv'd for this Isle above any other whatsoever, as before: And so, since our Island is become Great Brittain again, and the true Religion is recovered, with our Brit∣tish Line, and Monarchy, which were fallen toge∣ther; it is to be conjectured from foregoing Instances of Providence upon this Monarchy, that such of our Princes, as will appear favourers of Popery, are like to be the most unfortunate, and inglorious, and un∣belov'd; (acting therein against the grain and fate of this Empire,) as those of the contrary design and activity (as having Providence of their side) the most successful, and renowned, and the darlings of God and men.

SECTION XVI. What the Roman-Catholicks truly mean by the term Heretick, they so liberally bestow on o∣thers? And that none are greater Hereticks in Truth and reality, than themselves; and of their Title Roman-Catholick, which they so well like: And Old Rome, and Brittain, both Heathen, and Christian, compar'd with the Modern: And that the yoak of Rome is not better to us, than our present con∣dition.

BY their condemning Protestants, so confident∣ly for Hereticks, because they believe not after the manifest errours of their single Church, though they profess to believe after Christ, and his Scriptures, and his true and purest Catholick Church, they do but call others such, what they make, and convict themselves to be thereby: It hath been ever the Custom, or craft of men, when sin, or Satan, or any vile design hath possess'd the Throne of their heart, instead of Christ, to imploy his Name, and Laws, and Power, against, not the enemies of Christ and the truth, but the opposers of that lust, or pri∣vate Interest, which succeeds him. Upon which score the Soberest and Holiest Protestants, (though Catholicks with God,) are Hereticks with the Pope, for opposing his Christ; that is, his Carnal Will, and Grandeur, which rules his heart instead of its right Soveraign. For if Christ, and his mind, did

reign therein, such Hereticks, as right Protestants are, would soon be embrac'd for Christian Brethren. And he that judges of Heresie contrary to Christs mind and will, finds the first Heretick in himself. The right method heretofore, to judge of Heresie, was the Holy Scriptures for a rule, and holy Churche's Authority, proceeding by such a rule; or Scriptura animatae, or Christ himself, speaking in men: But with some now a dayes, one mans absolute will and pleasure, and his worldly concerns and acquisi∣tionsa 1.736 whether just or unjust, or Libido Sainct fi••ata, or a speaking Antichrist, is the only rule and touch∣stone: for to run cross to the one, out of Allegiance to the other, shall more involve in Rebellious He∣resie, than the other Install in Orthodox Loyalty: and this, in uniform agreeableness to the Hypo∣thesis, touching the right and wrong Soveraign, we are upon: And the reason in Scripture why a Heretick is to be finally avoided, is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Tit. 3.11. or the condemnation of his own heart, in changing his Soveraign; which is manifestly dis∣cernable in his Conversation, by all Christians that hold to their Heart-Loyalty, and by the sleepy In∣toxicated party it self, if of a loyal inclination, after two or three admonitions, or else (belike) never: The Portuguees General us'd the like Divinity in the Field, in a passion, as these do in their Schools and Pulpits; who when the Auxillary English, too tame∣ly suffered, as he conceived, the advance of the Enemy towards them, cry'd out in indignation; the English Hereticks have betrayed us: But when, after a suddain Volley, three stories high, they clear'd

the field with but-end; he then confessed, and vowed, with as great content, that the English Hereticks, were excellent Christians. So that Pro∣testants by dexterous application, are not out of hope, but that they may retain their Heresies, and be Catholicks nevertheless, upon an Orthodox Tri∣bute, to an indulgent Pope, who is not averse to tolerate publick Stews, and License Incest, &c. upon the like terms. But in several respects and con∣siderations, none are g••eater Hereticks, in all de∣sert and reason, than our Roman Catholicks, who are first at crimina••in•••• who in the first place, slight the whole Canon of Scripture, and forbid it to several, as a dangerous book, next to Heretical; which no Father 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••he Church, o•• any Council ever did; and the g••eatest Here••icks that ever were, have been b••••ded, and condemned for no more, but clashing against a few certain Texts and parcells thereof: Who, next, renounce the whole Catholick Church, (which all Christians in their Creed profess to be∣lieve,) saving that degenerate rump and shadow thereof, they at Rome have to shew: Allowing none to be Metropolitans, without their Palls;c 1.737 none to be Bishops, or Ministers any where, without Or∣dination deriv'd from them;c 1.738 none to have Au∣thority to Preach Gods word, without a License sued out from their See: Nor the Scriptures them∣selves to be Gods word, without their stamp or Al∣lowance, nor any hope of Salvation to any Soul, out of the Pale of their Church: The Corinthians, Ephesians, Thessalonians, Phillipians, Galatians, had their Gospel, not from St. Peter, but from St. Paul; for he had it not of man, nor by men, Gal. 1.1. And

therefore not from St. Peter, (if St. Peter were a man,) but from Jesus Christ, (who is therefore God;) as likewise the Brittains had theirs from Christs A∣postles, and Companions, before St. Peter ever had a Chair at Rome; yet all these must be no Churches, with the Church of Rome; which is an absolute Hae∣retical affront to the Article in the Creed, touching the Church, which they deny to be Catholick and universal, by limiting it to their Roman Commu∣nion: Did the Haeresie of the Donatists heretofore speak higher, or plainer? Or ofa 1.739 the Pepusians, who affirmed their own City Pepusa to be Jerusalem above? if the Church of Rome in St. Augustine's dayes had been so Heretical, as our Modern, had it escap'd the impartial zeal and censure of that Learned Father? and wherein was Basilides the Ancient Gnostick worse than these Modern? Who maintain'd, that God re∣veal'd his Truth to His party only,a 1.740 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that they alone were men; all others, as Swine and Dogs; as Protestants are esteem'd in the Romish Territories: Or wherein exceeded by Simon Magus, the Father of the Gnosticks, whob 1.741 said he was Christ, as the Pope doth in effect; whoa 1.742 first Worshipped Images, who made all Religion, and the Cross of Christ, subservient to their fleshly ends, and pretended themselves to have Ecclesiastical Authority above any else, or St. Paul himself; though they were the enemies of Christ; because the enemies of his Cross and Gospel; and to be shunn'd therefore by all true Christians, Phil. 3.18. as the Apostle there declares, Whom no Oaths also can bind, no more

than they could the old Heretickc 1.743 Helxas in the Jewish Church, who taught, it was no sin to wor∣ship Idols in time of Persecution, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and although he made profession with his mouth, but denyed the same with mental re∣servation in his heart, (which is a Doctrine too well known at Rome,) he was not guilty of any offence at all. Who lastly in a word, not to enumerate any more particular Heresies whom they revive, are our Apsy∣chites as before, who by their Principles and pactices deny the heart, and its necessary use, in Religious worship; and by consequence deny Christ, and God, and all: for without the heart or soul, as a body, is a dead body, so a Church, is a dead Church in reason, and but the Carcass of a Church; and as the death of the body contains most of the diseases, that can be nam'd, Deafness, Blindness, Apoplexy, &c. so deadness in a Church, (through the want and absence of the heart and soul,) pregnantly comprizes all sorts of errours, and Heresies, as Arrianism, Nestorianism, Pelagianism, Manicheism, Libertinism, Antichristanism, Atheism, &c. for take away the heart, and take away God; (and take away God, you take away all Religion whatsoever) as take a∣way smelling, you take away odours, or take away eyes, and you take away light, these being corre∣lates to one another, as was shewed before: For the heart being intirely for Christ, (as its end and corre∣late,) as was shewed at the beginning, when it loses, its true end, it ceases to be a heart; the end in such things; (as are ordain'd for an end,) being as their life, and soul, and being, whereof when depriv'd, or fru∣strated, in fiction of reason, they cease to be: as an

eye, that cannot see; or an ear, that cannot hear; or a foot that cannot move, is in reason no eye, or ear, or foot, though the Ball, or Organ, or Limb, remain, in visible existence, to the sense; In like man∣ner, where the heart is seis'd or diverted by any Idol, or vanity, from Christ, (its end, and life) it ceases to be a heart. To honour men for Christ's sake, for any likeness to him, (b•• Grace, or Place, or Quality,) may be done with the heart; for it is not man so much, as Christ himself, is so honour'd by the heart; which thereby attains its end, and life, by conjuncti∣on with him: But to honour Christ upon the score of the Pope, (as is the way and Principle of Romanists, with whom, the Pope gives Authority to Scripture, and Religion, and to Christ himself by consequence) It is not to honour or serve Christ so much, as the Pope; to whom the heart is thereby Principally di∣rected, and not to Christ; but rather divided from him, by the interposition and presence of another. And whatever it be, in like manner, that severs and engrosses the heart from Christ, (its life and proper Element) whether it be lust, or Interest, or wordly end, or any sin, or man of sin, destroys, and choaks it. It is the extinction of reason, to be besides it self; the extinction of the heart, to be besides its Christ: The corps of a Religious Action, remains in all Acts of Hypocrisie, and Superstition, and Idola∣try; but the heart and soul, is lost and gone. And generally the form of godliness, no where more abounds, than where the life and Power is wanting: who more for outward zeal, and show of Re∣ligion, than the Hypocrite, who hath none? who more nice and exact in all minical Ceremonies, than the Superstitious, who wants the substance? who more complemental, than the hollow-hearted? Forma

viros neglecta decet, men of great hearts and reality; are more for deeds than words; Now some superficial understandings, that judge all by sense, and out∣ward appearance, though but skin-deep, are apt to mistake busie and zealous superstition, and bigottry, to be sincere and sober Religion; whereas these differ in specie, and are no more the same, than a dying man s••picking bed c••oaths, is Family care; or hollow Complement of the lip, true friendship of the heart: or an f••bullition of worms, in a putrified Corps, the Restoration of its former life unto it; for in like manner, as the cessation of natural life, brings forth an unnatural b••ood of maggots in dead bodies; so the departure of the heart, and life, from any Church, ends in innumerable freaks of Religious whimsies, and crossings, and cringings, without end. There are several other Characteristical marks and effects, of the want and absence of the heart, and conscience, in the Romish Religion, wherein it goes beyond common Heresies, and bids fair for Antichrist. And waving the Principal, or Lucifer-like-Pride, the womb of Antichrist, and Universal Supremacy according to our Pope Gregory, which hath been our game and Subject all along, I shall instance, but in three or four genuine properties; very particular to that Church, above any other. 1. Its Addiction, and de∣light in fictions and pious frauds, and officious lies and equivocations, and mental Reservations, and Stolid, Insipid Legends, and Infamous unconsci∣onable forgeries, and falfifying of the Living, and the dead; both persons, and Records, and Histories, Fathers, Councils, Saints, Apostles, Angels, Virgin Mary, and Christ himself; as well when there is no need of such Arts, as when there is; out of meer de∣light in this ugly sin, as it were to keep their hands

in; whereby few Ecclesiastical Authors, saving the Bi∣bles have escaped their forgeries; and their Histories, (where they are worth the reading,) are scarce to be believed, but where they speak against them, and their Interest: now a lye, is a slight, or repugnancy to the heart, and to God present in it; or to Ciceroe's Divine mind, and by consequence never without a kind of perjury, in its train. But when the heart is with Christ, Christ is with that heart, by consequence: and he that speaks, with and from his heart, never lies for Christ speaks through him, by fiction, and he in whom Christ speaks, cannot lye; for Christ is Truth, and Truth is only that which God saith or approves. And God can neither lie himself, nor approve it in any others; where lyes are in common request and vogue, it's a sign, God, and the heart, are departed; and the Dialect of Satan, who is a lyar, becomes the Language of that Country. The Innundation of Le∣gends and Fables, that over-spreads the service, and Religion, and Profession of that Church, manifestly proves, (that its banks are broken,) that there is little or nothing of the heart, or Christ, or Con∣science, left amongst them, as the sole and proper walls and fences against all untruth and falshood; for regard to the heart alone, will keep out lyes, as in Generous Heathens, and all persons of true honour and honesty; much more to the heart, and Christ, as with all true Christians: there is an Antipathy and in∣consistency between every Ly, and Christ, and the heart, and Conscience, and Honour. Where lying, and Legending, and dissimulation before God and man, are easily dispensed with, as no where more than at Rome, there Christ, and the heart, are but cashier'd Soveraigns, and stand for Ciphers; And in what Church, or Profession soever, Christ goes off the

stage, Antichrist soon comes on, the Father and Pa∣tron of Lyes; who primarily, and originally sure is Satan, Revel. 2.9 c. 13.4. or the great Dragon, and old Serpent in Paradice, the first Anti-god, that destroyed mankind with a Lie, seducing them from their Allegiance to God, and substituting his own will to be observ'd instead, by interpretation from Gods Authority against his mind. Whereof the Sci∣ence and Mystery is retain'd and profess'd in the Academy of Rome, but the common practice and lying Dialect of his Kingdom, is to be met in other Apostatical places and Ages, co-dispers'd with the Church, like Tares among Wheat, to destroy and choak it. And though the Jewish, & Turkish, and Popish Apostacy use different Dialects, the Hebrew, the Ara∣bick, and the Latine, yet they understand one ano∣ther, and exactly agree in their common Mother Tongue of vain lying. For our Popish Legends, and Alcharon Dreams, and Talmudical Dotages, where∣in differ they, but in the Garb and Masquerade of different Languages? being all three, a breed of the same womb, and the Genuine off-spring of the Fa∣ther of Lyes, strongly retaining, as bred in the bone, the humour and special faculty, of vending their own Errours for Gods Truths, whose Inter∣preters they pretend each to be, but the Pope and Mahomet more especially.

2ly. The Unchristian Cruelties of that Church, proves it to be an unconscionable Church, without a heart, and nearly Allyed to Antichrist. For by the Heart and Conscience, we carry all other men a∣bout us, in our breasts, and our Souls are the Armory, and Magazines of Modells and Suppositions, by which ou•• Inward Actions are first form'd and con∣ceived, whereof our Outward are but Copies and

Counterparts. And no man can wrong another out∣wardly, without wronging him, in himself, to the wounding of his own Conscience in the first place: The hurt in both, is to himself; in the one, to the life and quick, in the inward guilt, in the other in the outward effigie, to his own flesh: By our unconfin'd Souls, whereby one man is all mankind by fiction, we are naturally fram'd and dispos'd to compassion, and justice, and doing as we would be done by: As by our confin'd bodies, on the other hand, or the existence of no more, but our bodily life and con∣cerns in the conceptions of the Soul, (which is our narrowest being, and measure of self-preservation,) we become mean, and solitary Individuals, and prom∣pted thereby to the sole care, and defence of our skin and property, and often betrayed to insatiable de∣ceitful appetites after Luxury, which more tire and disappoint, than satisfie the immense desires of the Soul, aiming at the beatifical enjoyment of its God in every lust, and pleasure it blindly stumbles upon: The whole Creation being not a sufficient meal, and the narrow brittle Vessel of the body not large and tight enough to contain and digest its vast draughts and ingestions; but in a bounded love, (or Morti∣fication rather) of its Carnal self, and unbounded Charity, and preference of God, and Countrey, and mankind, i•• finds a Divine and honourable repast, to its full ••atietie, and true content; yea, our Souls were made to be, not only receptacles, and Synods of mankind, but the Temples of God, and Christ, and all Christians: And where the Heart is given Christ, Christa 1.744 in his Law, and Nature, resides, and acts in that heart: As such a heart also by its inspir'd Com∣mands,

and dispositions, rules its own body and mem∣bers: whereby every Christian carrying Christ a∣bout him, by his Faith or Christian supposition, is partaker of his Divine Nature; and become an in∣spir'd Actor of his Saviours Vertues, meek and mer∣ciful to enemies, as Christ himself was; and kind, and tender hearted,b 1.745 and peaceable, and gentle, and easie to be entreated, as he hopes to find Christ to himself, from an assurance from, and in himself, of his Infinite and unbounded goodness. A right Ca∣tholick Christian is angry a•• Hereticks, and trans∣gressors, with the same zeal and dislike, as Christ is; who delights not in their death and ruine, but their repentance and return; yea, he had rather dye for them, than be the death of any of them, though his enemies. Mercy therefore and mildness, and compassion from the heart, to erroneous fellow-Christians, is a great demonstration of true Catho∣lick Christianity, where ever it occurres, or shines; as merciless hostilities, and zealous killing, and burning all Dissenters, of the contrary; and of the Eclipse of the heart, and Conscience, and Christ by consequence, in such a Church, or Christian. Where∣by the Protestant Spirit is justified to the World to be right Christian, and that in a high degree, who serve not their enemies, with that measure, as they have been, and would again be serv'd by them, had they power; but though Papists are as Antichristian Idolators to them, (for a Christian Brother may be an Idolator according to St. Paul, 1 Cor. 5.11.) and they but as stubborn Hereticks at worst, to Papists, yet they have been never brought to the stake for their un∣sound opinions and practice, (by the writs of their own Invention,) nor to Tyburn ever, but for their

Treasons against the State. They look upon Pro∣testants, but as Dogs, though far better Christians than themselves: But Protestants take them, for what they are, but have no malice to their persons, though they abhor their errours; and the severity of our Laws against them, is only to secure our selves from their cruelties, and unquietness. For where Christ and the heart are excluded, (as in the Romish Church too much) naught but burning, and destroy∣ing all dissenters, as Hereticks, serves the turn, when it is within their power; and is never out of their Study, and Inclination, when it is not. And O the malice they shew towards those, that revolt from them, to the Truth! And this wisdom and temper descends not from above, but is Earthly, Sensual, and Devilish, as before, Jac. 3.15. And what can be the cause of this Hellish Inhumanity towards Chri∣stian Brethren, but the want and absence of the heart and Conscience, or which equally destroys it, the giving of it to the Pope instead of Christ; where∣by a Papist is of a piece with the Pope in all things, (which yet adds not one Cubit to his Stature, nor to his virtue, or Graces, or humanity, or Eternal Pro∣tection; but he is still on Earth, as he was before) as a Christian is one with Christ in Heaven, and par∣taker on Earth, of his meek, and gratious, and Hea∣venly dispositions. It's another-guess perfection to be United to Christ, than to the Pope; which is the true difference between a Protestant and a Papist: the one puts on Christ, the other puts on the Pope, by their several resignations, of their private Wills, and Judgements. It's more Heavenly and Divine, to be of Christs mind and disposition, than of the holy inquisitions'. A mans heart, or his Will, or his end, a••e much allyed, and ever go together, and it ever

chuses, and adheres, either to God, or to an Idol; And such is the man, as his choice of his Lord is; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He whose heart, and end, is joyn'd to Christ and Heaven, is Holy and Heaven∣ly, as Christ is; if to any Creature, such as is the Will of the Master, will be the Will of his Man also. To be a Roman-Catholick, therefore makes not a Disciple of Christ, but a Mute, or a resign'd Vassal of the Pope; whose Will, and height, and carnal Interest, must therefore be the Law of Heresie, and distance, and hatred, and damnation, with such a one, And what crosses the Pope's gain or Authority, is laesa Majestas, or Ecclesiastical Atheism, or high Treason against the Roman Heaven, to be vindicated and destroyed, by the Angels of that Heaven, with ut∣most zeal and fury; And BABYLON is observ'd more zealous and severe for its Idol, than SION for its God; the reason is, for where Christ is out of the heart, Offenders find no Mediator, or mercy. And herein the Popish far out-does the Turkish zeal, in cruelty. Truth can better breath in Turkie, than at Rome; and the horns of the Mahometan Antichrist, are less curst in this respect, than those of the Roman. Sa∣tan was not a Lyar, but a Murderer also from the beginning; from whom the Romanists prove their descent, as well by their stakes, and fire-piles; as by their Legends and dispensations. And it is remark∣able (to use conjectures with submission on mysti∣cal Scriptures) Of the Beast with two horns, like a Lamb, and speech like a Dragon, that its special mark and Character was, to make fire come down from Heaven, Revel. 13.12, 13. as of the other Beasts with 7 heads, and ten horns, to overcome Gods Servants with the Sword v. 1.7. And which of these Beasts is Antichrist, and who meant by either, is the question. 1. Its out of question,

that with the Ancients, the Empire that should succeed the Roman, should be Antichrist, whether it be the Popish (which takes place and precedence of the German,) or Turkish, or both, for both de facto have in great part succeeded it: 2. That the number 666 pointed at 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is as clear from Jreneus, who lived neara 1.746 the Apostolical times, to know their key, and secret tradition about this mystery. Now there are three parts to be considered in the old Roman Empire. The Magistracy, Militia, and the Mitre: or its civil Authority; its Military Conquests; its Heathenish Idolatry: Its civil Authority, wherein several Kings succeeded it, (or rather were restored to their own by its fall,) cannot be Antichristian, because Or∣dain'd, and approved by God, To be a terrour to evil workers, and encouragement to the good, Rom. 13.3. But the other two parts of Imperator, and Pontifex Maximus, might well descend to Antichristian suc∣cessors, by Gods just Judgement, to be both a scourge, and an intoxicating Cup, for degenerate and divided Christians. The first, probably falling to the share of the Turk; who hath made such Con∣quests over the Saints by his Sword, such havock in the Churches of Christ by his Victories, v. 7. being the same Beast, with the Roman Heathen Empire in effect, which Conquered all in like manner with the Sword, but was wounded by Constantine, and other Christian Emperours, but afterwards is heal'd again of that deadly wound, v. 3. to whose recovery the ••ope did contribute v. 12. The residence of both being Rome, new and old. And the special confidence and Character of the Turk, being his Sword, where with he does all. And their Priests never read, nor expound their Alcharon in their Mosch's,

but with a nakedb 1.747 Sword in their hands, or hanging by for Terrour. And Mahomet Prophesied his Sect should last, as long as it could keep the Sword, and no longer. But the Popes bid as fair, to the suc∣cession, and revi••ing of the Heathenish Pontificat of Rome, as well as of the Apostate Jewish, as both were Enemies t•• Christianity in the garb of Re∣ligion, an•• Ecclesiastical Authority: For they wave the name of Bishop, used amongst Christians, and chuse that of Pontifex, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with Heathen's only, and never met in any Canonical Scripture; neither are they deficient in Heathenish Polytheism, having errected a Pantheon, of as many tutelar Saints, and Patrons, to be call'd on, as there were Gods at Rome: withal, as the Turk is the Heathen-Roman Power recovered, so the Pope is the Image of both, v. 15. as well in Empire, and Dominion far and wide, as in cruelty, and shedding the bloud of Chri∣stians. And yet this Infernal Trinity, of Dragon, and Beast, and false Prophet, are as one Antichrist; sending out 3 unclean spirits out of his mouth alike, Revel. 16.13. But the Peculiar work, and Principal, Charasteristical Arms, of Pontifical Antichrist, (as the Sword was of the Turk) is fire from Heaven, v. 13, wherewith Elias destroyed his Enemies, which kind of spirit, our Saviour rebuked in his Disciples. And who more at using this fire, than our Popes, and his Incendiaries: by this, they burn all Holy Chri∣stians (members of Christ, and Temples of the Holy-Ghost,) for Hereticks, as they fall within their Power; By this they blow up States and Kingdoms, and set great Cities, and all Europe from London to Hungary this day on fire, if they are not belyed: by this they'l burn the, Scriptures, (especially if Tran∣slated

into Vulgar Tongues) because the Rival word of God, which may give them check, if made so known. Nor shall Christ himself escape better from their fire, than his word, or Servants; whom in re∣maining Hosts, (each one perfect Christ to them) they'l yet burn,b 1.748 by the directions of their Ru∣bricks and Missals; out of no particular spleen or malice, as in the former cases, but out of fatall con∣formity to Prophetical descriptions, to be intirely like themselves; by this, as a lightning, or fire from Heaven, which hath often dazled weak eyes, they Excommunicate, the remaining living body of Christ, all faithful believers, that bear not their (v. 16 17.) mark or ordination, or Pall, or License, or Abjuration of the true Faith, under the name of Heresie, deserving fire. And damn all Christian men, and Churches to Eternal fire, that are not qualified by this their mark, to buy and sell, v. 17. that is, to be of their Antichristian factory and Communion, to buy false Peace and Pardon, for true Coyn; and to sell their Pretious souls for a counterfeit Salvation; and this Hellish Trinity, Satan, and the two Beasts, his Vice-Roys, (though both the latter Proceed from the former, or the Dragon, who was a Murderer, and a Lyer,) can change their properties for variety; and Mahomet is as good at deceiving, as at killing, and the Pope as good at killing, v. 15. as at deceiving.

The third Antichristian quality, (as inseparable from Satan, and his Synagogue, as Lying, and Murder∣ing, and equally wasting and quenching the heart, and Conscience, Hosea 4.11.) is, that of Insatiable uncleanness, and Carnal Impurity. The Holy, and the Counterfeit-Catholick-Church, do both discover respectively the holiness, or the impurity, of the

Ghost, or Spirit, that rules them, in the chastity, or Impurity of their Disciples. Neither is Rome out-done by the Turk herein, in Satanical compliance; nor their Licensed Stews short of his Seraglioes, nor their loose and Infamous privacies, of the more regular (of the two) Mahometan Polygamy. If all other signs had been wanting, the strange and unexemplyfied excess of this filthyness of late in this sober Nation, to the Astonishment of all Christians, had been a suffi∣cient discovery and Alarm, of Popery advancing to∣wards us, as the motion of waves, of the approach of a Whale. And the true cause of this Heathenish degeneracy amongst Christians, (which Infallibly ex∣cludes from Heaven and Salvation, 1 Cor. 6.9. though not from the Bosom of the Church of Rome) lyes prin∣cipally, and solely in the want of giving our hearts to Christ; whereby Christ becomes one with us, for They that so put on Christ, Crucifie the flesh, with its lusts, and affections, which are so abominably unsuita∣ble to their new Character, and person they now sustain, as Christians, Gal. 5.24.4, 27. 1 Cor. 6.15. But they that put on the Pope only, (by resignation of will and judgement) can live in such pollutions nevertheless, as not unusuall with Popes, by the Confession of their best Historians.

The last Antichristian Satanical mark, so opposite and contrary to all heart, and Conscience, as I shall chuse to Instance, shall be that stile and attribute, of The Accuser of the Brethren, Revel. 12.10. and false approvers of themselves by Consequence. The Turks count Christians, but as doggs, and themselves as holy Musulmans, or Royal Priests to God. The Papist is as good at calumny against his betters, and for the favouring his own party, though with greater defiance to Truth and Conscience, in all probability,

than the Turk; where is there greater honour and Eulogies bestowed, than they do on the chief pro∣motors and supporters of their Carnal Synagogue? Holy Fathers, Confessors, most Reverend Jesuites, eminent Cardinalls, Holy, and Infallible Popes, S. R. Ecclesia, and the Apostolick See, Rex Catholicus, Christianissimus, &c. Commemorations, Canoni∣zations into Saints, and Intercessors? who better at disgraceing and sugmatizing, them, that cross their Trade and Idols? who, let them be the most holy, the most excellently Learned and Orthodox persons in the World; if any way hinderers of their Dia∣na's Worship, shall deserve no better Titles, than of Hereticks, and Schismaticks, and Devils, and Re∣probates, and Dunces, and Fools, and Madmen, and Distracted, and Possessed, and what not? wor∣thy to be destroyed by Temporal and Eternal death, where they may be reach'd, by either Law, and Power; or else by poinyards, and poisons, and Mas∣sacres, &c. Can any, that have the charity of Christ in their hearts, Mat. 5.44. 1 Pet. 2.23. be of such a Ma∣lignant Spirit? or is not this with the rest, a con∣vincing Argument that they are not a Church, that belongs to Christ, who loves and blesses enemies, but to Satan rather, who hath his name and stile of Devil from Calumny; whom they are more Industrious to resemble in all Antichristian practice.

And these are our Roman-Catholicks, which is the title they so much arrogate and fancy to themselves; more than of Roman-Christians, or Roman-Orthodox: which they more forbear and wave. But why Ca∣tholick? and why Roman? which looks so like a contradiction? If they affect the stile of Catholick in an Ancient sense, in use among Christians of old, though not the first; whereby any Orthodox Church

of any petty City, or Countrey, as well as of the greatest, was call'd the Catholick Church of such a particular place, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉a 1.749 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For though it were particular as to place, as at Suedri, or Philippi, or Athens, or Rome, or London; yet Catholick, and General, nevertheless it was, for its Doctrine, and exact agreement, with the Apostolical Christian Church throughout the World; as every drop of clear and homogeneous water, is equally water with the whole Ocean; but so is not water and mud, of heterogeneous mixture: If this be their meaning, we accept of this sense and measure, for so they must not expect to be Ca∣tholick alone any more; and their foolish distinction falls: yea, such Churches only that are Apostolical, and Scriptural in their Doctrines, can be call'd Ca∣tholick of Right, and such as have most of the muddy, heterogeneous mixtures of human Tra∣dition, and worldly design, and private ends, shall be most Uncatholick; and so the Catholicism of their Church is more like to fall, and vanish like∣wise: But if they call themselves Catholicks, for distinction from Protestants, who pass with them, but for Hereticks, they are again very grossly mis∣taken in their Criticism: For Orthodoxb 1.750 is con∣trary to Heretick; and Catholick to Jew; which was the first and Original sense of this word, upon the Gentiles being taken into the Church, as well as Jews. And Protestants are no more Jews, than themselves, (as is not doubted.) Nor perhaps so much; for they are liker to the Jews in confining Gods Church within the Roman Pale, as the other did within their Palestine. But we Protestants, Catho∣lickly

extend, and enlarge it, to all Nations, ac∣cording to the promises made to Abraham, the Ca∣tholic•• Fathe•• of many Nations, (as the name, God gave him, imports) as well, as the particular Fa∣ther of the Jews. Therefore the Title Catholick more belongs in Truth and reason to Protestants, than to our Romanists; who are so restrain'd, and Ʋncatholick, and Jewish-like, in the bounds of their Church, which they so confine to Rome. And by their waving the Title Orthodoxe, which had been more proper for their distinguishing design, they fa∣tally allow Protestants for such, and disallow them∣selves: They therefore are in Truth neither Orthodox, nor Catholick; but only New Roman; or a private, Earthly Church below, or a modern Italian Jeru∣salem, that is in exile and bondage, with her Chil∣dren: Not favouring either of the Apostolical purity of the right Christian, or the Orthodoxy of the An∣cient Roman, or the Heavenliness and Spirituality of Jerusalem, which is above, the Mother of all true Christians, who are in Heaven by Faith. They are therefore in Truth but New Roman-Catholicks, as who should say, an Old-New, a Particular-universal, a Spiritual-carnal, a Heavenly-earthly Church, made up of Contradiction and Hypocrisy, and Earth: Whose chief end and Interest is the Advancement and glory of Rome, not of Christ; high, like Kites, in their soring pretences, to eye Dunghills for prey, the better; making silly Souls to believe the only way to be saved, is to become their Spiritual Slaves, and Tri∣butaries, and to go to Rome and Heaven, to be all one.

Which, (with an answerable personal Holiness of life, without which none can see God,) might well be true of the old Apostolical Rome, and any other Church agreeing with it, in the like sound Rule

and Doctrine; but it is far from true, as to the Modern Apostatical; for it is a great and a gross mistake, to take or imagine the Church of Rome Ancient and present, to be one and the same, be∣cause of the same Sirname and patch'd Succession: for it is not name-sake, or Succession, (which yet goes far with superficial judgments, unlike to God, that by their principles neglect and lay by the heart,) but the same soundness of Life and Doctrine, or hearts in the same Heaven, not feet in the same house or Countrey, that make Churches to be the same, and true; the want whereof, or any notori∣ous corruption in Faith or Manners, by the rules of Christianity, cuts off, and debars the Communion of Christians Members, much more the Succession of Christian Governours. For how can any succeed to be Heads, where, by the Apostolical Law, they are out of capacity to be members of a Christian Church, 1 Cor. 5.11. The old Roman Church for the first 400 years (before Rome was burnt and several times sack'd and brought to the dust, as before;) did disapprove the wayes and Doctrines of the Modern, and consequently its Communion, as much as we Protestants; for she did not Worship Saints, or Images; nor slight and suppress the Scriptures, un∣der colour of respect; nor curtayle Sacraments, and Divine Institutions: Nor usurp'd upon Christ, nor Crowns, nor Churches, nor Consciences, (nor up∣on the liberties of our Brittish Church in particu∣lar, as they cannot Instance in one Pall, or ap∣peal, in any Age, or History; Pope Gregorie's ac∣count upon diligent search above 1000 years agoe, to omit other Arguments, is abundant proof and certainty there was none:) nor endur'd to carry God about, in a Cage, and to create as many

Christs, and Saviours, as there be Wafers in Churches, and Cities, and Altars; and every one of equal Deity and Worship to our Saviour in Heaven, God blessed for ever: (which amongst them cannot o∣therwise fall out, as we have shewed, but that a Wafer should be Christ; and Christ but a Wafer, by their Hypothesis, which excludes the heart, whereby Christ by consequence is excluded, and a gross Ca∣pernaitical sense of such Spiritual Mysteries, as ne∣cessarily introduc'd:) nor made the Authority of man, more than that of Scripture, the Rule of Faith and Heresie; nor burnt fellow Christians for their Er∣rours, much less for the same Truths which them∣selves maintain'd, as Protestants are, or are in dan∣ger, dayly to be serv'd by the present nominal Church of Rome; with other innumerable Superstitions, and Unchristian cruelties, and loathsome Fraud and Legends, and Infernal Dispensations for sins and duties: But was Orthodox in her Faith, and Regu∣lar, and sober, and Christian like in all her Church-Rites, and Practices, and well approved of, and acccorded with, by this, and all Christian Churches, by all brotherly love and Communion, as the distance of places did permit; yea with some pre∣ference of honour before many other lesser and obscurer Churches, for its Imperial situation, and numerous Martyrs; yet without any danger of be∣ing caught in any Noose by such respect, or honour∣able Appellations; which no doubt were return'd to every Church, though lesser, with the like, or greater humility and respect, than they were given: In which Christ-like victories and contests, be∣tween Brethren and Churches, the Christian am∣bition did heretofore consist; but the present Church of Rome abuses and converts the Christian

honour of her equals, into aliment and fuel for her Pride, not exalting others for their humility, as God doth, but concluding against them, from it, through the barbarous forgetfulness, of her own mutual, Di∣vine and Christian part; and no Eulogy shall occur in History, but must bespeak Supremacy to her alone, and Slavery and Subjection to the rest of Christen∣dom, like the Wolf going to School, who could discern nothing but Agnus, in every word, and Sylla∣ble, and letter, pronounced unto him,

No; this Church of Rome is no more the old, than a Cock is a French-man, because both are Gallus in Latine; than there City, or their People, or their Language is the same, being all of a new, and a dif∣ferent Situation, and dialect, and descent. The Race of Old Romans are sooner to be met, and found in Venice, (and else-where) than in Gothick Rome; where more inclination, not only after Roman civi∣lity, but also after Ancient Roman, or Protestant Orthodoxy, doth appear, as some of their wisest Clerks, and later Historians, have given a tast: And the parties in this Bill and Plea, for this Roman Su∣premacy being not the same, what need more an∣swer to it? but a motion to be dismissed; because the Plaintiff against us is not the same with the old Roman Church; and if he were; neither hath It, nor ever had, nor pretended, any right of Supre∣macy over us in Brittain. This I say was never the claim of old Christian Rome; but the sally, and invention of the Antichristian; which are as much the same Church, as a Wolf and a Lamb, are the same Creature. It cannot be deny∣ed, but that they have still amongst them, the ruins and rubbish of old Christianity, as well as the other of old Rome, and both under like defacement: And

severall good Creeds, and Canons of Councils and Scriptures it self, if men were suffered to come at it, conveyed unto them from the former Inhabitants, or from St. Paul, or from Brittain; which with the sinceri∣ty of the heart, may serve, we trust, to the Salvation of many thousands, under that captivity; as the ward∣rob of Comedians might serve honest men, for good warmth, and covering; however by them imployed, but to counterfeit persons, and passions for a Lively∣hood by the Hypocrisie, (to use that word in his Ori∣ginal, and first notation:) For though Christ, and Tri∣nity, and other Orthodox Articles of our Faith, have place and mention amongst them, yet it is not for their sakes so much, as in order to their own Carnal designs, to give them better countenance amongst deluded Christians: what more then is their credit or respect thereby, than of parcels of our Scripture standing in the Alcharon, and as the Creatures groaning un∣der the bondage of corruption, Rom. 8.22. and longing to be deliver'd into Christian, and Protestant Libertie, and true sacredness, from serving, or countenancing the lusts and Impostures of Tyrants, and false Prophets: where Christ, it is true, is named with no less respect, than at Rome; but Mahomet, a∣mong them, as the Pope amongst these, preferred before him: in which preference the essence of Po∣pery, and its difference from Protestantism, doth consist, as before was proved. Not to descant more on the servitude of the rest of their Christian Do∣ctrines, the Worship and Mass-Book of Modern Rome, is not the same, as was in use before, with the Old; but strangely altered and depraved, with innumerable Superstitious additions, and vain Repeti∣tions, Prohibited by our Saviour, Matth. 6. Begun par∣ticularly, and most remarkablely of any another, by

Pope Gregory who sent Augustine; and Vitalian, who sent Theodore hither; (but consummated at last by se∣veral Popes into a perfect Oglio, and mixture of Ju∣daism and Christianity, such as the Alcharon it self was fram'd to be, by the heads of Sergius and Mahomet.) And which is also as remarkable, our Gregory pretended extraordinary assistance of Gods Spirit, in the re∣courses of a Pigeon at his ear,a 1.751 no less than Ma∣homet; by which allegation in his behalf, his Books escaped being burnt, and served, as he had served the old Statues and Monuments of Rome. And for the alterations of their Mass, by these two Popes particularly, we have the Testimony of their own Platina, in the lives of the one, and the other.b 1.752 An∣tiphonarium diurnum quam nocturnum composuit, & Introitum—litanias—stationum quoque magnum partem, &c. ejus quoque inventum, ut novies Kyrie Eleeson caneretur, & Haleluja:

He composed their Anti∣phonary for day and light, the Introitus—their Let∣tany, and a great part of their Stations; the Re∣petition of Kyrie Eleeson and Halelujah nine times over, was his patticular invention:

and whereas their Liturgy now requir'd to be us'd in their Vulgar tongue; as it had been before, (the Latine tongue being disused at Rome, from about the year 580.) he so delighted to continue their service in the Latine, (now unknown to the vulgar, and far therefore from the heart and understanding, which is the true genius of Popery,) that he hides and cramps it further from them, with unintilligible charms and Repetitions in Greek and Hebrew: And in a Solemn Synod of 25 Bishops, Establishes his Superstitious Innovations.

in sustulit, quae nocitura, multa etiam addidit, quae profutura fidei nostrae videbantur. He laid aside much of the Ancient formes, as contrary and destructive; and added many new in their place, as more agree∣able to their Modern Faith. For how could their Ancient, Sober, and Orthodox Liturgy, well agree with his Heathenish conceptions, touching purify∣ing Idol-temples with holy water? as we heard be∣fore outa 1.753 of Bede: And his Intercessions for Trajan's Soul inb 1.754 Hell, which perhaps brought Purgatory, in time, in request and fashion, in that new Church; and with his new stress laid upon the great vertue of Wollen Palls, whereon all their Ordinations, and Consecrations, and Archiepiscopal, and Patriarchal Authorities, and consequently their whole New-Ro∣man Church depends. Non bene conveniunt, &c. So∣ber, and grave Religion, and Worship, and such unjustifiable Doctrines, and pueril Infatuations, how could they well agree? Neither was Vitalianus the other great Restorer of the Romish Religion in England, wanting in the like humour to alter and change the simplicity of their Roman Service, which before kept close to the Scriptures chiefly; for them∣selves acknowledge, this their new mode of Litur∣gy, had not been before in use,c 1.755 ante fieri non con∣suevit, perlectâ enim Epistolâ & Evangelio finis Sacri∣ficio imponebatur. So that nothing, by consequence, can be imagined to be more the Liturgy of An∣cient Rome, than our own common Prayer, as it is reformed out of the Mass, by retaining the Old-Roman flower, and casting away the New-Roman-Catholick bran and trash.

So that the Popish Religion ought not in any right or reason to be call'd Roman, but a new Gothic Church, (as we find about this time their Ancestors and Founders the Gothes to agree and Symbolize with them. Gothid 1.756 Grego•••• opera redi••re ad unio∣nem Catholicae Ecclesiae,) or indeed, the Gregorian Re∣ligion, (as they also term their Calender) as well in respect of the great alteration made thereof at Rome by Pope Gregory both in Doctrine and Worship from the Ancient and Orthodox Roman Church; as also of its propagation throughout Churches by his means, and missions, to the greate 1.757 corruption of Christen∣dom: and particularly amongst us in Brittain, to the great wrong of the English, who before had been rightly grounded, and principled in the right, and truly Catholick Faith by Brittish Ministry; And here we have the Incunabula, the first spring and beginning of Popery, whose first entrance through Monk Augustine, by Commission from this Pope Gregory, was under no good Planet or Circum∣stances: being near about the time, that Pope Bo∣niface was declar'd the Universal Bishop (o•• Anti∣christ in the sense of Pope Gregory, in the Case of ano∣ther, as before,) and promoted by, and promoting that Authority here, in contempt, and breac•• of all the Laws, and Canons of the Catholick Church, and the rights of this particular: And attended in the Heavens above, with dismal signes and prodigies, as the like was never seen before: Tanta hoc ••e•• pore prodigia,f 1.758 quanta nunquam antea; Come••es per∣lucidus, puer quadrupes, &c. which last might serve as a significant Emblem of this new Religion; which

serv'd to make men Babes in knowledge, and Beasts in heart and conscience: And accompanied on Earth below, (so uniform are its Antichristian Symptomes,) with another parallel Deceiver, in the East, the prophet Mahomet, both alike feigning the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost by a Pigeon at the Ear; wherein Gregory was not taught by Mahomet, who was Junior to him, and born in the year of Monk Augustine's landing here: But rather Mahomet might have heard, or borrowed it from Gregory, or both perhaps been taught the Art, by one and the same Tutor. But both Reignes, the Mahometan and the Gregorian, have much the same Epocha, and Horoscope: And both began to prevail, the one in the West, the other in the East, in the duske, and twilight of that long, and Greenland night, that was to prevail, by Gods per∣mission, and secret judgement, over the whole face of the Christian Church, for the space and duration of eight, or 900 years or more; to count from the year 600, when the Western part thereof first began, to the dawning of our Restoration in Henry the seventh, as before. The success of this Romish Plantation among us, being answerable to its first manner of entrance, and proving in the end the Eclipse of the true Religion, (before in the Land,) and it self a degenerate sort of Christianity, falling short of sober Heathenism in many respects. Of which that of St. Paul may be rightly applyed. And the times of this Ignorance God wincked at, but now Com∣mandeth all men every where to repent, Act. 17.30. About the dead time of this dismal long night of Popery, that is, about the years 900, to 1300. an∣swering to the hours from 12. to 3. in the morning, The dreams of Purgatory and Transubstantion, first possess'd mens fancies; and dead Ghosts, and Specters,

and Hobgoblins began to fry, and skreek in Purga∣tory, and to cry for help from private Masses: And the Franciscan, and several other Melancholly Or∣ders, to walk bare-foot up and down, like Noctam∣bulon's, or night walkers, in their sleeps and shirts: And men stumbl'd upon many Tutelar Gods and Pa∣trons, groping in the dark, for the true; and still us'd Candles at Noon-day, throughout their Worship, without any need, as it were further to prove, that it is a time of night amongst them. And the Dreams of Nunnes, and Monks were rehears'd in Pulpits, instead of godly Sermons: (as theg 1.759 Profoundest and greatest Clerks then hardly abstain'd from their own, in their Writings;) and the eyes of all, both Clergy and Laity, sealed up in a deep sleep of implicit Faith: And the Host went from Street to Street with a Bellman; and the Popes Rid sleepy Kings and Emperours. For in the year eleven hundred, Hildebrand, or Pope Gregory the seventh, depos'd the Emperour Henry the fourth. And ano∣ther took his Crown from King John, while he was nodding: About the same time Canterbury o••erlay St. Davids, and in Thomas Becket, began to sting our Princes, that had given it warmth and being: But the Fornications, and other works of darkness, in that time, are not to be nam'd, or number'd; the peculiar concomitant of this fleshly Haeresie, (as they say) to this day, scarce reckon'd, or censur'd for a sin, for its commonness, amongst the chief Saints of this dark perswasion. And this dark season serv'd as well for Robberies of all sorts of Goods,

Lands, Houses, Churches, throughout the Isle; which were secur'd, and appropriated to Sanctu∣aries, and Monasteries, by the same dark Arts they were committed; till about the time of Ric••ard the second, several were awakned out of their first sleep, with the ••••r, as was Wickliff, and Sir Jo••n Old-Castle Lord Cobham, and the Loll••rds, who were desirous to rise before it was day, and to reform these a∣buses, before it was Gods appointed time: But all between that and morning, fell asleep again, as fast as ever; till dawning of day in the Henryes 7. and 8. of Brittish race; which last finding himself thin, and un∣attended, expected more respect and observation, for saith he in a speech.h 1.760

We thought that our Clergy of our Realm had been our Subjects wholly, but now we have well perceived, that they be but half our Subjects; for all the Prelates at their conse∣cration, make an Oath to the Pope, clean con∣trary to the Oath, they made to us; so that they seem to be his Subjects, and not ours.

And began then to take course to recover his Spiritual Sub∣jects, whom the Pope stole from him; and to rouse and awaken both Court and Kingdom, against the Burglaries they committed upon others in the dead of night, an•• to seize upon the stolen Goo••••, which in England seldom ••evert to the right owners; and to Discipline the whole Fraternity into better depen∣dance upon their Soveraign; burning several in the hand, to make them cry, God save the King, in∣stead of the Pope; and, asi 1.761 some affirm, arraigning Thomas ••ecket of high Treason against Henry the second, after he had been prayed to, in Hea∣ven for about 400 hundred years, (to heal his

people of the seditious influence of his Canonization.) By this time it was Sun-rising, and the Gospel ap∣pear'd in our Horizon, and in the English tongue; and in Edward the 6th. and Queen Elizabeth, and King James, (after some Eclipse) encreased in ful lustre to a perfect day; that all eyes were open, and sluggards began to rise, and understand themselves, and to be asham'd of their somnolent Religion: yea the chief Calebs, and Spies, and Writers of the Roman Church, by peeping into our Hemisphere, and reading our Heretical Books, (as they reproach them,) became strangely alter'd, and enlightened ever afterwards, in stile and learning, as well as our selves, (for the Polite World ows all its knowledge to Protestan∣tism, as it former Barbarous Ignorance to Popery) but to their greater guilt and Condemnation, with those in the Gospel. That had eyes, and would not see; and ears, and would not hear; their hearts, through love of its Idol, more than God and the Truth, being out of order: But since the weather in our English Church, hath been dark and cloudy, for some years, through the contrivance and malig∣nity of some evil spirits, Infesting our Air, and trou∣bling our Elements, (recommending poison to Gran∣dees in Marriage Wine, and Treaties, to dispose them to old drowsiness; and a far different Liquor unto others, in Synods and Conventicles, to make them turbulent, and frantick, and to worry their Rulers, and destroy their Kings;) several have been so weary and tyred, what with the noyse, and scandal, on the one hand, what with the Narcotick steam, and Operation, on the other, that they are ready to slumber and sleep at Noon-day; and like sick men, can find no rest, but by changing their Religion, as they do their Beds, a deadly Symptom in both: and

to Rome they will go, where they may sleep to pur∣pose, while their eyes are resign'd to their guides, and their trust to man, instead of God, and never waken till the Trumpet, and last Judgement, to their Eternal wo.

If it were to return to Rome Heathen, in its glory, and to change their Bibles for Tully, or Seneca, rather than for Lyes, and Legends, men might have some excuse for their intoxicated love of slavery, which all free Spirits abhor, and especially Spiritual slavery, which is so contrary to the soul, the freest of beings. For there we should meet with Caesar, and Cicero, and Virgil, and many other Heroes, of several endow∣ments; we should light, if not upon Christ, yet up∣on the other part of my Text, the Heart, and Soul in that perfection, and improvement, by know∣ledge, and virtue, and valour, as fully answer'd the Poets Character, (which compriz'd the utmost that men could do, or Pen describe.) Imperium terris, ani∣mos aequavit Olimpo, they match'd the Gods with their parts, and over-match'd the World with their Prowess; And where the heart is well preserv'd and enlightened, Christ is never far off, (even as Anti∣christ is never nigh, but where the heart is first dark∣ned and resign'd). For the Sun of Righteousness was rising to the World, about this time, that Rome was so clear'd and enobl'd in heart and Spirit, and mens souls were so awakned, and sitted with Liberty, and honour, to receive his Truths. The Roman Em∣pire being raised, and imployed in St. John Baptist's work, as it were, to prepare the way of the Lord: and to train mens souls to value truth in the General, a∣bove sordid self-love, and to clense the eye in part, to behold its lustre. For as the Sun were of little use to people, that had no eyes, or were blinded

with cataracts, and scales, so also is the Sun of righte∣ousness, to blind, and servile, and seal'd understand∣ings; and Christ to any heart, that is muffled with Idols, or enslaved to another Supremacy. But in Po∣pery neither Christ, nor the Heart, can well be met with, both are so engrossed, and devour••d by his Vica••; it is highest Honour there, not to be true to Honour, or Conscience, [which passes for a danger∣ous private Spirit) against their Church: and to quit on's self of his soul, and Heart, and Judgement, is the method to be a right Roman Catholick: and Christ, and the soul, like correlates, ever stand and fall together, where the one departs, the other seldom stays behind. Which is the reason, that Popish Rome, in its highest manhood, and perfection, had little to shew of either: for when it arrived to its highest pitch; and all Crowns were Subject to its Mitre, all Laws to its Canons, where was its glory compar'd to the other Rome? but in a Herd of Monkish-Block∣heads, to be set against the others Divine Classick Authors: Bede, Geoffrey, Comestor, or the Golden Legend, against Livy, and Tacitus, and Plutarch, &c. Epistolae obscurorum virorum, against those of Cicero, or Seneca, And who against Virgil, and Ju∣venal, and Horace? Poetry was so Ingenious, and true to human nature, (in whose exaltation it ever chirps, as down in the mouth in its fall also,) that where the Heart was excluded, it turn'd Protestant, and ne∣ver shewed more its head. What they had left to boast of, were men, without souls; Arguments, without sence; Sermons, without Scriptures, or Fathers; Au∣thors, without the stile and dialect of men: cloysterd Epicures, fat and trading Monks, Cardinals with∣out Christian Lives, and Popes without Faith or Re∣ligion. In a word, Christianity without a soul, or

Saviour, the Image of Religion, to mans eye, with∣out the life and truth thereof, to God's; The Pope and the Virgin Mary, instead of Christ, and blind Obedience, instead of the heart; that no time, or Age, since the Floud, or Fall, can be parallel'd to that of Popery, (in its full reign and ad••ption,) for a total degeneracy of human, and Christian nature, in point of Morality, and Grace, and Learning, and Knowledge, and Pen. It were better to have our sight and Judgement, and but Stars to guide us, than to have a blind heart, with such a Sun and Gospel. It were more eligible to be Cicero••s Ser∣vitour, than a King of such Christian Cattel. And this was the state of Popery, in his highest cul∣mination, and plenitude of growth and Lustre. And which it is still at, to recover; for Popery is not to be heeded, by its present pretences, but its known ends, and humour, when it hath attain'd its ends; which of all things hates nothing more than eyes, and private Judgement, and light, which Insepara∣bl•• accompany the heart; for thieves are best at th••i•• work in the dead of night, and Kings are best gull••d of their Soveraignties, and Subjects of their C••yn, and Liberty, by Ignorance, and a scale, or Ointment to blind their eyes, and all are better cram∣ped and confessed, when they are asleep. For to appeal to any mans sence, or Conscience, or observation, is there any thing more experimentally manifest to the World, in every Age, than, that the chief design of Popery, as to its Leaders, is to promote and com∣pass secular ends, and Grandeur, and Wordly power, upon what hazard soever, to souls, or disgrace to Christ, and his Religion: and that Mammon is as Catholickly serv••d at Rome, as God; and that, its main design, is to have the Crowns of Kings, and

Purses of Subjects in its power, and the Consciences of both, in order thereunto; Quae regio in terris, &c. What Territory, or Kingdom can be nam'd in Europe, whose Scepter it hath not made Feudatary and Tri∣butary to St. Peters Chair, by its Faith-craft, as the Ancient Romans, did more nobly and Lyon-like by their Arms and Manhood? what hide of good land, (without the fence of mortmain) had escap'd the Plow of mortified Monks? what Chimney was in all the Kingdom, without a Peter-pence? what is more confessed and gloried in, by our Modern Popes, in their stamps and meddals, wherein St. Peter is re∣presented, lifting up an old Woman from the ground, with this motto, Roma resurgens? a fair and lucky Comment under their own Hand and Seal, upon Rev. 13.12. And he exerciseth all the Power of the Beast before him, and causeth the Earth, and them that dwel therein, to worship the first Beast, whose deadly wounds was heal'd, whereby is prov'd as by their own con∣fession, the Succession of Rome-Papal, to Rome-Im∣perial, it being the sence of the Ancient Fathers, as before, that the Empire which succeeded the Roman, should be Antichrist: yet none must be Catholicks and right Christians, but they alone. How far they may prevail on any of our Great ones, with their tale and story, I cannot tell, yet the generality of the Nation (God be praised) are not so forsaken by him, as to love to be so deluded; but are as deaf, as Ʋlysses, against such charms, (what attempts soe∣ver have been used to prepare, and mollifie them by debauchery for the Imposture,) and ready to answer these Impostors, as did the Neighbour-hood in the fable, the beggar at Towns-end, with his coun∣terfeit Lame legg, Quaere Pergrinum vicinia tota re∣clamat; go to Japan, or Hispaniola, to set up your

Stage, and boast your receipts; In England mens eyes are open, and the mystery too well known: yea the Wisest, and Stoutest, and most Prosperous of our Kings, and Princes in former Ages, our Renown'd Edwards, and Henries, and Elizabeth, have suffi∣ciently unkennel'd these Foxes, and hunted them, and their craft, and their stink, and their fire-brands, and their trouble, far out of our Church and State. But when ever, by a Judgement upon a Nation, they light upon any, that are more tractable and credu∣lous; their first attempt will be immediately, like that of a Crow setting upon a young Lamb for prey, to play first at the eyes; to peck them both out; to sink, and fix Implicit Faith, and blind obe∣dience, like two hollow pits, instead. And then the rest of the design shall be finish'd with less di∣sturbance, and every blow and Inconvenience never seen, till it light; and then also Conscience, and Honour, and Publick Peace, and Truth, and the Al∣legiance of the soul to Christ, must make no ob∣jections, after the Judgement is once Idolatrously resign'd; yea, should they offer to draw back, when they see their errour and danger, (for to err, is human, to recover, is Angelical; to persevere is Diabolical;) How will these false guides grinne, and shake their heads, (if not brew worse things in them) at their departure, or their return from Forreign cheats, to God, and their Country, and the Truth? How will they rip up, and wound his name, and ho∣nour, with the Imputations of Inconstancy, Weak∣ness, Apostacy, Perjury, and what not? (as the un∣clean Spirit, tore the man in the Gospel, when he was to quit possession:) for doing no more, but what themselves, as they are men, and Christians, ought to do, in point of duty and safety, upon the Eternal

Allegiance of their Souls to Christ and the Truth; and count it high honour and glory in great ones to lead: It being in reason a greater Arrival, and perfection, to be wise, and holy, against the deceit∣fulness of sin, and Satan, than to be couragious, amidst dangers; Scipio and Alexander being more admir'd in Story, for their Continence, than for their Con∣quest, for their Victories over Beauty, than over Enemies.

If our Romish Pretenders had any the least descent, or resemblance, in bloud, or temper, or Spirit, with the Ancient Roman Worthyes, or any drop of Ca∣millus, or Scipioes bloud in their Veines, who va∣lued the honour and Sanctity of their false Gods, above their lives and Empire; could their great and clear Spirits thus descend, to pervert the Gospel in∣to matter of Trade, and Merchandize? or truel, and plaister their mean and unworthy ends, with the bloud of the Son of God? And make his Glorious Resurrection and Ascention a Varnish for their secular usurpations? And his chief Apostles, and Holy Ca∣tholick Church, complices and Vouchers of all their Frauds, and Tyrannies, and Treasons? Which is mani∣festly done, when any wrong to men, or Churches, (as the Case was made plain in our Brittish,) are pal∣liated with their Sacred Names and Authorities; (as the practice is as plain and common in their Romish Church towards us, and all Christendom besides.) If it be counted miserable Ignominious Harlotry, corpore questum facere, how much more abominable is it, to make the like Trade and sinful gain of the Gospel, and Christ, and their own Souls, as well as those of their Brethren? It were far more fair and generous in them, and the lesser of the two evils, to renounce, and deny Christ, and his Religion out∣right,

than so to profess it, and to spit in the face of their Redeemer, than thus to kiss him, and to a∣buse without ceasing, his most Holy Name, and Faith, to ••o••, and deal, and cheat, and disturb the World; as it were a less indignity to a person of honour, to be denyed Quarter, than preserv'd alive, to tread Mor••e••, or to g••ind in a Mill. Tolerabilior es••, q•••• mor•• jubet, quam qui turpite•• vivere. Can any sort of Christians, be more real••y Heathens, saving such Ambidextrous Protestants, who for their present advantage, and Interest, can promote Po∣pery in their Countrey, though they believe it to be a false and a dead Religion; and betray their own, which they possess and know to be most Orthodox, and sound? preferring madly a superlative Carnal self before both Religions, and their own truth.

But though those of Rome are far from Old Ro∣mans, either in Faith, or Fame, or Bloud; yet so are not we in England from the Old Brittains, in either of these respects: (But far ou••••oing both, in another good quality, of containing our selves within the bounds of our Isle, without great and just cause to sally out, and not coveting turbu∣lently other mens rights, or their Kingdoms, or Churches,) which is true past doubt of the Brit∣tains in Wales, and was prov'd before at large, as to the English. In the great, and, as it were, second Deluge of Christendom, for their Gygantick sins, by Goths, and Vandalls, and Normans, and Saxons, (for inundations of Nations in Mystical Scriptures, are compar'd to those of Waters, Rev. 17.15.) where∣in most other people were swept away, and drown'd, and their Languages and names oblite∣rated, and Scepters and Churches overturn'd; our Brittains alone charg'd through, and surviv'd the

brunt of all Invasions, and swame to Land, through all those Billowes, alive and safe, with their Bibles in their hands, and their Creed in their hearts, and their own Language in their mouths; living to see, their Church restor'd to its old liberty and pu∣rity, their Crown to their own Flesh and Bloud, and the divided Island to great Brittain again: Before their nunc Dimi••••is, and dissolution, by Incorpo∣ration with the English Nation; or rather Re-union with their Loe••••••a. Brethren, recovering them∣selves, (through Gods wonderful mercies and Re∣surrections to innocent and long sufferers, and his blasts and periods upon Lines of Bloud and vio∣lence,) in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Princes, and Nobles, and Genera∣lity, into O••a 〈…〉〈…〉 again, as was prov'd be∣fore; di••••c••ing perhaps in names and Dialect, but not in Nature, and Humour, and Succession to the like generous defence of their Faith and Glory; be∣ing ••oth observ••d in their Dispositions, for the most part, to be alike Fearless, and Harmless; and War∣like, and Liber••l; and Religious, and subject to In∣dignation; and neither the one, nor the other, our Modern, or Middle, or most Ancient Brittains, In∣feriour to any other Nation, for Armes, or Arts, or Altars; but Superiour to most, and equal to the greatest. For whose Pulpits at this day, are more ad∣mir'd in the Churches of Europe? whose Arguments and Contemplations, in their Schools? whose Va∣lour, in their Fields? or whence is our peculiar Ge∣nius of Ralling, and standing out invincibly in death and honour, which is not so common with Neigh∣bouring Nations, deriveing from the like German stock, but from the intermingled Bloud, and bold∣ness of the Old Brittains? who like Buoyes in Seas, did never sink, what waves soever went over

them, and at even water appear uppermost: In the middle Ages, when the Candle of Learning and Religion was put out by Popish Barbarism, and Romish Superstition, and most part of the North of Europe lock'd up in Heathenism, and the shad∣dow of death: who first lighted, and trimm'd it, by Propagation, or Reformation, to the one, or to the other, but Brittain? as before was shewed; Whence had Italy, as well as France, their Universities, and Philosophy, and Mathematicks, erected and re∣stor'd,a 1.762 at Pavia, and Paris, through Charlemagne, but from Brittain? Whence by their own confessi∣on, had our Germans, (the great Modern Masters of Chymistry) their first Insight and Traditions, touching the secrets of that abstruse Science, but from our Merlin, and Rasis Castrensis, or Rhys of Chester, Monk of Bangor, who leads theb 1.763 van with them, amongst the first Authors of that Mystery, being probably a Relique of the Druidean Philosophy: So that all Learning, and knowledge, both Sacred and Civil, had been utterly lost in Europe, in the Gothish deluge, if our Antediluvian Brittains had not surviv'd the floud, by their Patience, and Courage, and Trust in Cod, as in an Ark; to preserve, and reconvey the the Traditions and Treasures of the Old World to the New. And wherein, in first times, were our Anci∣ent Brittains Inferiour in these respects to the An∣cient and best Romans, whether Heathens, or Chri∣stians? There are considerable Arguments in their own Authors, as before, that Rome had its first Gospel from Brittain; not the lest track, or sign, of

Brittain having it at all from Rome. Neither have they more to boast for Arts and Philosophy; if, as was shewed before, their Greek Tutors were taught by our Samotheans. Besides that Rhetorick and Poesie, (infallible Symptomes of minds, neither mean, nor impolite,) were ever inseparable, the one from our Language, the other from the Nation, in all sorts and degrees; Clerwr andc 1.764 Patron, Master and Man, being equally addicted to Poetry; where∣in theird 1.765 Rules, and structure, cannot be match'd in any Tongue, as no Vein equal their Rules, but their peculiar awen, or inspiration; whereby the Illite∣rate there shall comprise their minds in Verse, with more Elegance and quickness, than themselves, or others could in Prose; yea a Female Vein of that Nation is known to have been hardly exceeded by any of the most Masculine Wits of our present Age: And if, according to their Cicero, a skilful judge, no∣thing more makes Rhetorick, than these three principal Requisites. 1. Deep Notion and Philo∣sophy. 2. Clear expressions, and harmonious Structure. 3. Amabiles mores, or the flavour of Vertuous Prin∣ciples, and an Heroick disposition sparkling through∣out the style: The profound Physiology and Chy∣mistry of their Druids, and their sublime and un∣parallell'd Metaphysicks, touching God, and Soul, and Holy Discipline, proves their reach in the first: And the Genius, and Copiousness of their Tongue, and the Spirit and temper of the people, their fitness in the last. The Brittish Language though in roots, near as scant as the Hebrew, yet in composition and decomposition, is as copious, and exact, as the

e 1.766 Greek, but in Musical Pronounciation far exceed∣ing either. For though harsh to Forreign Eares, (as all Languages not understood seem barbarous to one another,) yet in its structure and delivery, it ap∣pears to be nothing less, than a Regular harmony; an Age is required to smooth and polish the stiff and rough words of other Tongues, but the same is done in the Brittish, every minute a new, in every Sen∣tence; every period of Discourse being a new Tune, and instance of their perpetual Euphonies, and con∣stant inter-changes of hard Letters and soft, and Flats and Sharps, in every word, in order and pro∣portion to its next: Which their youngest Children understand, and their meanest Vulgar practice, as well as the best, and their Learned have Compris'd in Grammarf 1.767 Rules; the Language being now the same, (with little or no alteration, but since the Incorporation;) as it was in the time of Julius Caesar; who attempting this Land with his Legions, before whom no other Nation could stand, was soon sent back to Rome by Caswalhan, to Spell his Veni, Vidi, Vici, backwards; and to be an example to Augustus and Tiberius, wise Princes, to keep at home; as appears from their own Writers, and the Speechesg 1.768 they put in the Mouths of our succeeding Princes, in their Wars, as well as from our own Traditions,

e 1.769 and his Feast of 20000. Beefs amongst his Victo∣rious Officers, upon this deliverance. The Monar∣chy being then, (as now,) more United and entire, but Subject in every Age, to be divided and Canton'd into Petty Principalities, more or less, as the Royal Issue multiplyed or decreased, by the inconvenient Justice of their gavel-kind, (sometimes remedied up∣on necessity, by their Election of a Soveraign, or Dicta∣tor, fit for the exigency of their affairs, as their case was under Cadvan the Father of Cadwalhan, and Mailgwyn Gwynedh, and Arthur, and this Caswal∣han: for Brittain, when United, was never over∣come,) and those again, (as unkindness happen'd) alienated and divided, and serving under Politick, or over powerful, Enemies, through passion, or Re∣duction, against their own people; as against the Caledonians, andf 1.770 Galgacus, in Scotland, under the Romans; under the Saxons with Kerdic and Mordred, as before, in Lhoegr; under Normans, withg 1.771 Fitz Ha∣mon in Deheubarth, or Southwales, and very often in Northwales in the like manner. Theh 1.772 Gwalh of the Ancient, and blind-side of our English, or Modern Brittains, lying most in their Schisms, and un••eace∣able Divisions, to the advantage of Rome, against them, both heretofore, and to this day, The ut∣most Impression, Julius Caesar could make here, was through the help of Mal-contents: The Con∣quest by Claudius, was by a general division, watch'd, and espyed, and fomented by Roman Art, as ap∣pears from Tacitus. Olim regibus parebant, nunc per Principes factionibus & studiis trahuntur; nec aliud ad∣versus

validissimas gentes utilius, quam quod in Com∣mune non consulunt—ita dum singuli pugnant, Ʋin∣cuntur Ʋniversi. They were formerly entire under Kings, (and then not to be approach'd) but now they stand divided into factions, and parties under Petty Princes: And nothing prov'd more for the Roman ad∣vantage against so powerful a Nation, but their di∣visions, and neglect of Publick Union and Councils; for while each fought apart, they were all Conque∣red in the end. But neither Brittains, (nor any other,) could be compar'd to the Romans, for success; for Courage, and Spirit they well might. Aeneas his Cha∣racter, (and greater Fathers) well fitted them. Disce, puer, virtutem ex me, verosques labores, fortunam ex aliis: The Brittains can better boast of their Innocence and abstinence from wronging, than of Conquest, and Dominion over others; and for personal valour, they appear not inferiour to any Roman of them all, man for man; yea well nigh their Women, who in Roman History are Recorded, to Lead, and Fight, and fall under the Romana 1.773 Eagles, in defence of their Li∣berties and virtues, without disparagement to Ro∣man manhood; vincendum, vel cadendum; idb 1.774 mu∣lieri destinatum, viverent viri, & servirent. They were resolv'd to Conquer, or dye; let others live if they would, and be slaves: and the like temper in pub∣lick danger, of Towns, and Cities besieged, occurrs in latter times: that in some part, the breed of the Cooks may be measur'd by the Hens. But two In∣stances remarkably, prove our old Brittains to be no way Inferiour to the old Romans, in point of Va∣lour; Their long and stout defence, before their Re∣duction,

in the time of Caractacus: the fame of their Legions in Roman Musters, after they were reduc'd, Helvicus miss-leads his Readers, when he relates Ca∣ractacus, to be brought Prisoner to Rome, before the time of Caligula, for it was not till about the 11th, year of Claudius, (or the 51th. of Christ:) for the War began in the second, (the year that Pudens and Ruffina, appear'd at Rome for the Gospel, whither she, and her Friends, might then well resort, (though not to visit Caractacus, who was not yet taken) yet in the attendance of his Father Cynvelyn, or Cynobelinus, who there wasc 1.775 educated:) And he very probably was mis-lead herein, by the Scottish History, who would make Caractacus to be of that Country; but though Galgacus were, and he not a Scotch-man either, but ad 1.776 Caledonian (1. hardy) Brittain, most manifest it is, that Caractacus his Portion and Principality, was in the South part of this Isle; for he was Prince of the Silures, and Ordovices, who according to Camb∣dem and all Geography, were South 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and North-Wales (and Cornwal very prob••••••y) ••••••••••of the one might be deriv'd from Isel-Wyr, or Low-Coun∣trey-men, and the other Gwyr-ychaf, at Dow……ly, or High-Countrey-men, upon the River Dee, North-Wales being more high and Mountainous than South-Wales; and were also, and are call'd by other names, as the one Gwynedh. i. Albion from its Snowdon Alps, and the other Deheubarth, or Dextral part, from its Southern Situation. The Brittains after the manner of the East, terming the South, Deheu, or to the right, as the East it self with them is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or before, which furthers proves a nearer cognation, between the Brittans and the East, than between

other Europeans. And the Silures might well compre∣hend Cornwal also, because alike in Tribe with the other two, or Caesar's Aborigines, and the adjoyning Islands of Syllies prove as much, being so call'd, ac∣cording to Solinus,a 1.777 from the Silures. Neither was Powys probably, (or middle Wales, call'd Paradwys Cymru, or the Paradice of Wales, out of his Domi∣nion,) whose chief Cities were Westchester, or Caer-Leon: and Salop, or Shrewsbury; in the Brittish, Am∣wythig, and Pengwern: for thereabouts he received his last defeat, where the works are to be seen, and his name retain'd upon them, to this day, as before. Which Territory he maintain'd, without other as∣sistance, against Claudius Caesar, and his great and Renoun'd Commanders, A. Plautius, and Flavius, and Titus Vespasian, Father and Son, both Emperours after∣wards, &c. for nine years; so here is, in a manner, three Emperours against one Prince; and the whole World United, against one Kingdom divided;b 1.778 experien∣ced Veterans, against fresh-men, not so much us'd to War. Neither was their Conquest cheap, as Suetonius would make it, (no favourer of Claudius,) ••ut dear, and bloudy, as appears from Tacitus, (Agri∣c••la's Son-in-Law, Governour here shortly after) and therefore better inform'd.c 1.779 Claudii & Plautii ductu tricies cum hoste conflixit Vespasianus. That Ves∣pasian had Engag'd in Person, in two and thirty fights against them, and in one with much ado Rescu'd c 1.780 from their hands, by the high valour of his Son Titus: and how is it to be conceived, that either could express such valour so often, unless, their had been correlative valour on the other side, as often to put

to it? Nor is it to be believ'd, that such great Gene∣rals would have come out for Fame and Honour, a∣gainst any mean or ordinary Enemie; as our Great Ruperts, are not imployed upon a Virginia expediti∣on, or against a King Philip: and so it appear'd in the sence of all the Provinces, when this invincible Prince was overpowr'd, and his Wife and Daughter taken, and himself betrayed into their hands for Triumph, by his Neighbour, Q. Cartismandua, ut fermè adversa sunt intuta, As in adversity it is hard to find, whom we may trust,a 1.781 saith the Historian. b 1.782 Ʋnde fama ejus evecta insulas, & proximas Provin∣cias pervagata, per Italiam quoque celebrabatur, ave∣bantque visere, quis ille, qui tot per annos, opes Roma∣nas sprevisset.

Ne Romae quidem ignobile Caractaci nomen erat. The name of Cradoc was famous at Rome, and Italy, and over all the Neighbouring Pro∣vinces, who flock'd, and long'd to see, what manner of man he was, that for so many years set at naught, the Power of the Roman Empire;

which induc'd (Jo∣sephus,c 1.783 being further off, to be believe, that Brittain could not be much less in bigness and number of men, than the other World beside;)

Vocatus ut ad insigne spectaculum populus. The Citizens were invited and call'd together, as to no ordinary sight, and the Pretorian Cohorts made a Guard, And the Empress her self, (which before was never known, Novum sanè, & moribus veterum insolitum) could not forbear to be absent. And the Senate afterwards met, Et multa, & magnifica super Captivitate Caractaci disse∣ruére, and had many discourses, and high resent∣ments of the reducing of P. Cradoc, Judging it no less a Victory, than Scipio's over Syphax, or Paulus

over Perses, or over any other Kings, that ever were led in Triumph by the Romans. And when he was to speak before them, in this condition;

nec c 1.784 vulta demisso, nec verbis misericordiam requiren∣tibus: Neither with dejected looks, nor precarious style, he boldly deliver'd his mind to this effect. S••••ing it was in fate, that the Romans were to be 〈…〉〈…〉 in necessity, that others must be un∣…… 〈…〉〈…〉 ……ey had an opportunity now to shew their 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and being observ'd to be near of Kin in spirit, he was presently received into singular favour and honou••, (which might well conduce to the pro∣motion of Christianity there, by his Visitants from Brit••ai••.) Not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was the deportment of another Aged Gentleman,d 1.785 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••e same Countrey, and in the like condition, about 1100 years after, before K. Henry the second, who being ask'd, whether he con∣ceived his handful of Brittains were able to withstand, or hold out against his Royal preparations now a∣gainst them, made answer with equal unconcerned∣ness, and Faith superlative.

This Nation, O King, may now, as heretofore, and often, be over∣powr'd, and in great part ruin'd by your Armes, and others; but totally destroyed, root and branch, (which was the design of this powerful, and bloudy expedition, and Allyance,) unless the wrath of God concurre with man, they will never be. And I trust, for this Corner of the Earth, however it may happen with the rest of the World, that before the Supream Judge, at the last day, no Nation will be found to survive here, to an∣swer for themselves, but Brittains; and in no other Language, but their own.

But to pursue the Comparison of Brittish, and Ro∣man Valour, after our Reduction; there appears a manifest difference in their own sense, and styles, of their Armies and Legions, after they were ani∣mated with Brittish Levies, from what they were before: For before, they were distinguish'd with nume∣rical names only, of first, second, third, ninth, tenth, fourteenth Legion, &c. But their Cohorts and Le∣gions rais'd out of Brittain, ever bore the Plume, and additional style of Victoriousa 1.786 in ••••e their Fields and Musters; so the sixt Legion that lay at York a 1.787 was called Sexta Brittannica Victrix, or Victorious: the 20th. ata 1.788 Chester, was vicesma Brittannica Victrix, or Victorious also: the third at Caerleon-ar-Wysc, higher yet, being styl'd Augusta, or the Imperial Legion. And accordingly the Emperours themselves finding their greatest safety to be near them, re∣moved their Imperial Seat to this Island: Which at first sight, might not seem the best way to keep the rest of the World under them in peace, to translate their habitation so far into a Transmarine excentric Corner. Great Kingdoms like the dryed Oxe-hide, being best kept even from Risings and Insurrections of every side, by Treading in the middle: But they looked upon their abode to be in the heart, and Centre of the Empire, when they had their Brittish Legions about them for their Life-guard; judging their Brittish Forces to be the most Fighting, and Faithful of any other besides: And this difference be∣tween their several Legions in point of Valour, came to be more distinctly perceived, upon tryal and experience upon one another in their Civil Wars. The Illyrick Legions in the Wars of Severus, for

b 1.789 strength of Body and Military Skill, and Courage? carried the Fame, above any other Nation of the East, or West beside, not only the Roman, which was now much degenerated, but the German likewise, which was in its prime; yet these, Hand to Fist, were worsted by the Brittannic; and the Emperour who trusted in them, put to his disguise and shift. Till they also were forc'd to give way when assaulted with fresh Legions. By them Constantine the Great, their flesh and bloud, overthrew, the Western, and Eastern Forces of Maximus, and Licinius, setling himself, and Christian Religion in the event, in the Throne over Tyrants, and Heathens, by mighty Battles: (was it for this service, that Brittain was made subject forever to the Roman Church, and to forfeit all the liberty and honour they had, either by their own Seniority, or His Nativity and Chri∣stianity from among them?) And when their half Countrey-man Maximus drain'd, and expos'd our Land to ruine with his numerous Levies, how soon did he over-run, and subdue all France, Germany, Spain, Africa, Italy, and Rome it self, with two of its Emperous, instar fulguris, like lightning saith one, and was foil'd at last, (his cause being also not good,) by a third Emperour Theodosius, not so much by Armes, as the Prayers of all the Churches, and Monasteries of the East, andc 1.790 Aegypt, and

the victory ascrib'd to God alone at Rome byd 1.791 an Anniversary thanskgiving for their great delive∣rance: whereby may be gather'd, how considerable Great Brittain still is, consisting of the same people and Courage, when well united in perswasions, as it is in its Monarchy, and upon a good cause.

Is it fit then this Ancient Apostolick free-born Church, Subject never to any, Senior to all the Churches of Europe, and dignified by Providence with several Preheminences; of the first Christian King, Emperour, Reformer, and the honour of first conveying, and reconveying Arts, and Religion, and light, to most Nations of this part of the World, that now at last it must, not only become a Pupil to its Junior, but all its Sons become Slaves and Tributaries forever, in their Bodies, and Souls, and Understandings, and Purses, and Posterity, to a Novel Pseudo-Catholick Church, no more to be compar'd to the old Roman Heathens, than Foxes to Lyons; nor to the Old Roman Christians, than Apes to Mankind; to neither whereof Brittain in her Sons was in any Age, ever Inferiour, either in Piety, or Parts, or Prowess? And change their Truths for Lyes, their Bibles for Legends, and Christ for a Pope, and the Creator, for a Creature? Can any of our Gracious Princes, and Defenders, in whose protection under God we trust, suffer their people, (while not backward to assist them with their Prayers, and Lives, and Fortunes,) both them, and their po∣sterity, to be thus enslav'd under a Forreign yoak, which neither they, nor their Fathers were able to bear, and so long strugled against, and in the end, not without success? And such an indignity and

violence to be offer'd to the Ancient honour, and rights, of this our Brittish Church and Nation? For manifest it is, that the remnant in Wales are the un∣doubted Heires and Successors of the Ancient Brit∣tains, who since their Incorporation are in all rea∣son and honour to be defended in their Priviledges, and immunity, by the whole English Nation; for in a body, the right, or wrong of any part, is within the sense and concern of the whole, and the weaker it is, the more; and especially by our Princes, and chief Nobles, being of the same descent: Ye•• the Body, and Major part of the English themselves, were proved to be descendants from the Ancient Brittains, and by right of Bloud, and Faith, as well as Armes, to succeed into their places, and pos∣sessions, and priviledges, and aire, and humour, and their Infirmities and divisions in some part, as their vertues in most, and bound therefore to re∣pel these Roman encroachments from themselves by self-preservation, which is a strong ••ye upon all mankind, and from their Children by Pater∣nal trust, which is stronger; as the same obliga∣tions upon our Princes, (in whom all rights, and trusts of private men, and Fathers, concenter,) is strongest of all. And this new Roman Catholick Faith (or Fraud rather,) hath enlarg'd the Royal Office, and duty, to one part of Princely care, and circumspection, which Justinian never dream'd of. For besides the defence of their people from For∣reign Invasion and Captivity, by their Armes and Puissance; and from Domestic broiles and disorder, by their Laws and wisdom; in which two parts the Emperour compriz'd, and circumscrib'd the Im∣perial charge: There is a third Protection of their flock, now incumbent upon them, upon the same

equity and reason, their preservation from Forreign Imposture; which contains both the other evils in its womb, and draws home-bred confusion, and hostile Subjugation and slavery along with, at its heels; and therefore in point of necessity, fit for Prince∣ly encounter and prevention, but in point of Honour much more; it being a greater excellency to be wise, than to be strong, and couragious; for the Souldier gives place to his General; and our Sheriffs obey our Judges; and of the two miseries, it is more Ignomini∣ous and disgraceful, to be over-seen, than overcom: as they are ever like to be, who will be guided by any Mortals here-say, against their knowledge and regu∣lated Conscience.

And it may wonder'd, what good is to be seen, or gain'd, by our return to Popery, so destructive of Publick Peace, and Eternal Salvation, and so dero∣gatory, and disloyal towards Divine Soveraignty, (as well as human, as hath been prov'd all along) to whom Princes themselves ow an Original, exempla∣r••y obedience and fidelity; as Subjects ow to them a secondary, by way of consequence and Copy? There is much manifestly to be lost by the change, of inesti∣mable Knowledge, and pretious Liberty, and valua∣ble Wealth and Treasure; great will be the damage and detriment; the Incongruity, greater; The Im∣possibility to sober men and Christians, the greatest of all. What though every man be Lord of his own Purse, to give away what is his own, how, and to whom he pleases; yet he cannot be thus Liberal, in the encouragement of Vice and Imposture, without a blot, and censure upon his understanding; Nor be∣tray and necessitate his fellows, (for condition, though not for folly) to the like contribution and disburse∣ment; without great dishonesty and sacriledge; if

he be private person; or if a Superiour, in Publick trust, without High and Blasphemous Perfidiousness: for (to explain these Epithites) the wrong of private men, upon others of the same condition, is not an assault on their rights alone, but on God, whose they are, and all their rights by consequence; whom they mutually represent to one another, 1 Cor. 8.12. as they undergo the correlative habitude and fashion of Creatures upon themselves by consequence, like their faces, Gods Images, seen by one another, but out of sight unto themselves: But the wrongs, and breach of trusts, in Superiours towards their Sub∣jects (trusting under the shadow of their wings) is like the case of God, proving untrue to his Creatures; whereof there can be no conception made without Blasphemy, nor is there any manner of Instance, or track to be found thereof, throughout the whole re∣gular Creation; neither the weakest, nor wildest Creatures, being ever found false, or unnatural to their own dependants; only miscreant Tyrants, and Parents, and Governours, without bowels, are they alone, who Blaspheme the Divine Character they bear, (by being as God in their persons, but as Satan in their deportment,) Acting a Deity, that hath neither Grace, nor Goodness, nor Truth; which is the highest Abomination, and stupendiously monstrous Blasphemy, that can be conceiv'd, or represented: which God will rebuke.

But the Incongruity increases further; for what were such a change, but selling our Birth-right for a mess of Catholick poison; and preferring Italian Hypocrisie, before English and Brittish Truth; a rot∣ten Disease before sound Health; a Painted Face before a natural Beauty; or for chast, and Noble Matrons, to become Hand-maids to Courtezans; or

Grave Judges to be Secretaries to Theives; or Gen∣try, and great Nobles to be Pages to Mountebanks; or Kings and Emperours, a Life Guard to Rebels, and High-way-men? Xanthe, retro propera, versaeque recurrite limphae, the World will be as orderly, when Rivers flow back to the tops of Mountains, and the Globe of the Earth enlightens the Sun, and the Stars; and the Beasts of the Field, who are with∣out heart or understanding, are to Instruct man∣kind.

And the Impossibility, to the sober, is yet greatest of all: such a change being very improbable in fate, and most impossible in reason. God, who is Irresistible in his Judgements, is as Omnipotent, in his mercies towards his People. His Church flourish'd here in Brittain, more or less, and without Romish defilement, for 600 years, that is, from the Resurrection to Monk Augustine's entrance; It was afterwards sorely visited, and condemn'd to Popish darkness and Cap∣tivity, for great sins, for the space of 800 years; and visited again in mercy, at the Reformation: God's departure upon displeasure, Ebbs according to hundreds, but his return in mercy, flows according to thousands, to those that love him, or whom he loves: though we are unworthy, yet he is all mercy, and Truth; and it is not to be doubted, but we have had our Abrahams, Isacks, and Jacobs, in our Brittish Israel, who dyed in their hope, and trust, for us: for whose sake he'l continue his goodness to their seed; but though his wrath ebb'd 800 years, his Grace and mercy, wherein he delights to abound, and exceed, hath not stowed yet full 200 years; or is he unable to perfect, what he hath begun? He that can work a Resurrection from the dead, cannot he accomplish a Restoration, to a living and surviving People? yea,

and great confusion to all opposers of it? No good man ought, to envy or hinder the longed for mercies of God to a Nation; no great man, can: and if ha∣ving his descent alike from the same People, how can such be deem'd, either good or great, but ra∣ther miserably unnaturall, and deservedly unfortu∣nate, and improsperous. Earthly Potentates may not give stop to God's tides. King Edgar tryed, but fail'd; their timely retreat will be their greatest safety, and Wisdom: how many mistaken Politi∣cians have been drowned and Shipwrack'd in such clandestine, contrary Councils? No Emperour on Earth can command it to be night, after the Sun is risen; where God is for us, we need not fear any seduc'd Dust and Ashes, that may appear against us.

It is likewise most impossible in reason; (unless in case of Gods great desertion, and extraordinary curse.) The radical difference between Protestants and Papists, (as was Stated from the beginning, and Instanc'd in all along,) lyes herein; that the one take Christ, the other the Pope, or his pretended Vicar, for their Messia, or the Lord of their Hearts and Judgements. The Protestants, who live by faith, as all true Christians do, and ever did, hold firm their Al∣legiance to their invisible Soveraign in Heaven. The Papists, who love to live more by sence, and show, (through dis-regard to Faith and the Heart,) change their Heavenly Soveraign, for a visible Christ on Earth: which Rebellion can never succeed, nor be done, no not when it is done already: Should not be, in the holy Language, is shall not be; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which thing shall not be done, say the Sons of Ja∣cob, touching the Ravishment of their Sister Dina, already committed Gen. 34.7. The Soveraignty of

Christ, and the Allegiance of the soul, to God and the Truth, are Divine, Eternal Establishments, not to be alter'd by human pleasure: they can no more be changed by the corruption of men, or the combination and Clandestine Counsels of Conclaves, and Politicians, and seduced Grandees, than the Constitution of Kingdoms, or the Laws of Nations, be repealed and changed by Conventicles of Pis∣mires; some rash attempt may be made, while mens souls are besides themselves, or drunk, and intoxi∣cated with Idols, and vitious Customs; but to no more effect, than casting caps against the Moon, which can never reach it, or spitting against the wind, which returns into the face, or defiance of the Laws, and Government, by a strong Knot of High-way-men, whose end in all likely-hood must be Repen∣tance, or Hell, and Tyburn. Which is further con∣firm'd by good Authorities; the King of Prophets within the Church, Psal. 2. Why do the Heathens (or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Eph. 2.12.) rage, and the People Imagine a vain thing? The Kings of the Earth set themselves, and the Rulers take Counsel together, against the Lord, and against his anointed, (or Messia) saying, Let us break their bands asunder: and cast away their cords from us: (away with these invisible fanatick Lords, and Laws of Souls and Consciences. Let none in Heaven, or Earth, be obeyed in matters of Religion, or Con∣science, but a Pope; in Temporal matters, but a Prince.) He that sitteth in Heaven shall laugh, the Lord shall have them in derision, to shew the Pittiful ridi∣culousnes and vanity of such void attempts. And the Prince of Philosophers, without the Church, in his Golden Book of vertue, and vice, perceiv'd, and affirm'd this Truth, that the one is in it self, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 commendable and lovely; and the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 E∣ternally

deformed, and censurable; let men, or Laws conspire what they can to the contrary: And the unanimous consent, and suffrage of all mens Souls and Counsciences to this particular, points at the true cause hereof; an indelible immediate Al∣legiance in every heart to God and the truth alone, and a deafness to all other Forreign power whatso∣ever, against him: Yea and an accuser of it self, under any such delinquency. For Children and Clownes shall discern and condemn such disloyal deviations in their Prince, whom they reverence; and the Prince in himself, being above all, but not above the Soveraign of his heart. Men of Honour, or Reverence, arriveing, or supporting their Grandeur, by the means, and countenance of Vice, upon the like Loyalty, shall be despis'd by every mouth in the Streets, and the Consciences of troubled silent Servants at home, that dare not, and of their own that dare, and will reprove. This loyalty and disloyalty against Heaven, is such an eternal unalterable measure of mens Mi∣sery, and bliss, that Chast rags will not envy the condition of unclean Silks and Sattin; but those shall often wish for the peace and pure content of these. The Soul, till drown'd in Lusts, or gagg'd by Antichristian Tyranny, never skrinks from its Heavenly Loyalty; while it is a Soul, it is for Christ. It never deserts this Soveraign, till it morally ceases to be a Soul: Which is the reason a priori, that Po∣pery, or the seduction of men from their Loyalty to Christ, to slavery to a Mortal, can never be well promoted without Debauchery, which must first precede, to extinguish the Soul. Its obedience after∣wards shall be blind, implicit, and servile, like that of beasts that have no understanding; nothing shall be

its Conscience and Religion more, but its Carnal Interest, and gain, and pleasures, and complyance with its new false Christ, for a false Salvation; for human Nature cannot dispense to be without all Religion, and Superstition too: Its state, and con∣dition therefore is a state of enmity and rebellion against God, whose Laws it neither is, nor can b•• subject to Rom. 8.7. And therefore all its Actions and designes are null, and void, and damn'd in Law; and also in Fact, when Gods patience is out, either by its timely, or eternal Recantation, either by Repentance here, or durance hereafter; for all cross and Irregular wills must at last come up to Christs will, the judge of quick and dead, either with, or against their wills; and know their true Soveraign at last, either by life, or death. Rom. 8.6, 13.

Whereby the true ground appears for our Reduction of this Controversy from the beginning, to one single point, of obedience, or disobedience to the right So∣veraign of the heart; For so doth the wisest of Kings reduce all Divine and human concern and wis∣dom into one Principle of Loyalty to God: The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, Prov. 1.7. And not only the beginning, but complement and perfection: For he is the wisest and soberest Chri∣stian, who hath (not the Pope) but Christ most con∣stantly present in his heart, and mind: As he is ever the vainest, that hath him least. This presence of Christ in the Soul being its chief life and sobriety, or preservation of the mind, as the Greek imports, and begetting that syberwid, wherein the Brittish Ethicks did, and doth consist. And our Laws, which are the wisdom of the Nation, Endite none, but Rebells against God, who for not setting his fear alwayes before their eyes, become injurious to their Brethren:

The great Apostle of the Gentiles, comprizes the Disease of the Heathen world in one like word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Rom. 1.28. their averseness to eye God ever in their minds; and the health of the Christian World, to be in this, when the Grace of our Lord Jesus was alwayes with them, which was ever his last wish and prayer. And the Cure of the Antichristian, to be herein; for when he had forwarn'd, of the Pest, that was to over∣spread the Christian Church in future Ages, for their want of love to the Truth, 2 Thess. 2.9, 10, 11, 12. he there names the best Amulet and Antidote against it, again and again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cap. 3.16.18. The Lord of Peace give you peace: The Lord be with you all. The Grace of our Lord Jesus be with you all. Amen. For they alone should escheat to Antichrist, who cast off Christ, and Christ them; and those fall in∣to the pit of the one whore, and the other; (that, in the Proverbs, and the other, in the Revelation,) who are abhorr'd of the Lord, Prov. 22.14.

And so much shall suffice by way of Exhortation to all Loyal Christians, true to Christ, their King, and Countrey, to adhere to our own good Mother-Church of Brittain, in opposition to the pretences and inveiglements of the Modern Roman, whom we leave as we found, (as Epaminondas is said to leave a sleeping Centinel, whom he run through,) without a heart, and Soul, and Life, through their taking man, and not Christ, (who is the truth and the life,) for the Lord and Soveraign of their hearts, and judgment.

SECTION XVII. Where the place of the undoubted true Church is, out of whose Pale there is no Salvation? And how to be of the Church in Heaven, while we are on Earth.

THe Brittish Church of England, is a good, and a true Church, and so are many others, but before men; the Church of Christ, that is in Heaven by true Faith, is the true Church before God, and the heart. And certain Salvation is annext to the Church of Hearts and Faith. For according to St. Paul, every true Christian, (who is a Mystical Jew, or Israelite,) is to be tryed by this Rule: For he is not a Jew, saith he, which is one outwardly; nei∣ther is that Circumcision, which is outward in the flesh; but he is a Jew, which is one inwardly; and Cir∣cumcision, is that of the Heart, in the Spirit, and not in the letter, whose praise is not of men, but of God, Rom. 2.28, 29. An unblamable outward profession, constitutes us Sons of this, or that Church, before men, but the sincerity of the heart to God, sets us in the true Church before God; for as he were not a right Son of this Church, that should only observe Rubricks, and Ceremonies, and Consormity, and neglect Temperance, and Charity, and Truth, and Honesty, which are greater; so where both these are outwardly observ'd, and kept, (as the Laws of God, and the Customes of the place, are the measures of all wise and sober men,) yet not from sincere love, and obedience in the heart to

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Christ, but for impunity from human Laws, or vain-glory, or some other secret end, and purpose of the mind; it is that end, we thereby serve, and not the Lord; and by our out-side, and the charitable esti∣mation of men, who are deceiveable, we may be true Sons of the Church of England, but our In∣side, or our souls (which truly are our selves,) will be found out of the Church of Christ, in Gods account, who Judges by the heart, and cannot be deceived. And this Church of Christ is in Heaven, where Christ is at Gods right hand, and men become of it by saith, and the sincerity of the heart, (which alone can reach it) while in the body they remain on Earth. This is the true Catholick Church, (whose Silver Rome borrows to cover its Brass with,) out of whose pale there can be no Salvation, nor Condemnation ever to any that are found within it. Rom. 8.1. There is no Condemnation to them that are in Christ Jesus. If a man were Excommunicated by Rome, and England, and be of this Church, he were safe, being Chri∣stianus in occulto, as St. Augustine stiles such a one in his Book, de verá Religione cap. 6. and miss of Salvation, though in the bosom of both Churches, if he be not in his heart, of this. A Christian who is inwardly by his heart, in Heaven with Christ, Christ and Heaven are present to his heart by Consequence; and such a one is, as it were, Christ Incarnate, (as eve∣ry one who is out of Christ in his heart, and wedded to other ends, or Idols, is a Devil incarnate, more or less.) And this new Celestial person, which he puts on, becomes the standard of his Interest, and the Rule of his deportment; whatsoever he doth agreable to Christ, thus in him, is his honour, and newself-pre∣servation, and peace; and whatsoever unbecoming, the contrary. For Cicero would allow, that the per∣son,

we sustain by nature, or by calling, (and by Grace by Consequence) becomes the Rule, and mea∣sure of men's duties, and obligations; so that there is a vast, and an infinite difference, between one in Christ, and out of Christ, between a Christian and no Christian, as much as between Heaven, and Earth, Flesh and the Spirit, God and a Creature. And St. Paul reduces the whole, to this point: They only, that are in Christ, can be Justified, and Sanctified, and Saved, and no other: and their Natures are chang'd, and exalted by this conjunction; and con∣sequently all their Actions and affections; which answer to the nature, they arise from, as the fruit to the tree. And they that are out of Christ, are out of all hopes, and possibility of Justification, or Sanctification, or Salvation: and the old man, or Nature, continues in them, and the mortal incli∣nations and deeds thereof, by Consequence. And this change of mens state, in respect of dignity, as well as safety, to be freed from wrath, and made as second Sons to God, is not from any human merit, or power; but only from the Infinite, and free grace of Christ. By whom we have access by Faith, into this grace wherein we stand, and rejoyce in hope of the Glo∣ry of God. Rom. 5.2. Our Justification, and happiness by this new state, is attributed by the Scriptures, to Christ, and to Faith, and to his Resurrection; to Christ without us, as to the Purchaser, and Founder, and Finisher: To Faith within us, as to the Counter∣part Instrument of our acceptance, and the effectual appearance, and existence of the Truth, and reality, of this high mercy, and its Obligations, in our minds and perswasions; for what is not known, or own'd and received in the soul, is, as was said before, with all men of no account, as to them; no more, than if

it had never been: and we move and Act in our souls, and in the conceptions and models thereof, as our souls, in God, or Idols: for we walk not in the Streets, and stairs without us: but in the Streets, and stayers within our brain, and count; for let the last be mistaken, or out of order, men shall stumble, and stagger, though the first be never so true and right. And to the Re∣su••••ection. Rom. 4.25. or Ascention into Heaven above 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as to the livery and seisin, of this blessed State, into which, Christ enter'd for us, in our Name, and Na∣•••••••• drawing all hearts after him to Heaven, by this 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and obligation, as to a new center. Where∣b•• the S•••••••• of the Christian Church, (to use the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the World,) or the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Country-Ship of every Christian, is laid and fix'd in Heaven, with Christ, our of himself, and this Transitory World; And the nature of our fall in Adam, under∣stood by the cure and reparation, to have been our departure far from God, and Paradice, into flesh, and self, and death; for out of Christ in the fallen State, the natural man is neither dead to this World in his Cross, nor exalted to Heaven in his Re∣surrection, nor United by love, and the holy spirit to his person; nor dead to himself; but stands upon his own Leggs and Power, against all opposition; upon his own righteousness and Impeccability, a∣gainst Divine Justice; upon his own strength and Grace, against Infernal Powers, and the deceits of the Flesh, and the World: upon the love of himself, (as the spring and end of all his Actions and designs,) above the love of God; being his own 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and in enmity with God by setting up Rebelliously, him∣self Instead; being miserably beside himself, because so totally in, for, and to himself: man's bliss and rest, being not immanent, but transitive; not in himself,

but in God, his Centre; for of him, and through him, and to him are all things, to whom be glory for e∣ver. Rom. 11.36. And the return of the soul to God by love, in the extinction of all enmity on either hand, is wrought alone by Christ, our Mediator; satisfying Gods Justice, by his death for us, when we were Enemies; and swallowing all our lives, and hearts into himself, by the obligation, infinitely surpassing all comprehension, or requital. And we are not lost, but perfected, by this our Transmigation into Christ by love and gratitude; lost indeed to our selves, and to this World; but found in Christ in Heaven, each part being the health, and perfection of the soul: For so the Apostle understood this mystery. None of us liveth to himself, and none dyeth to himself, for whether we live, we live unto the Lord; and whe∣ther we dye, we dye unto the Lord; whether we live therefore, or dye, we are the Lords. For to this end, Christ both dyed, and ••ose, and reviv'd, that he might be Lord both of the Dead and Living, Rom. 14.7, 8, 9. And in another place, The love of Christ constraineth us, (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 hath our beings wrap'd up together with him) because we thus Judge, that if one dyed for all, than were all dead; And that he dyed for all, that they which live, should not henceforth live unto themselves, but unto him, which dyed for them, and rose again; we are to follow him in his Resurrection, by our Conversation in Heaven, and affections set on things above; and in his death, by mortification, and self-denyal, as dead men by con∣struction, and entendment, to all things here below: for the Laws, and fictions of reason well supported, are as much to guide and conclude us, as outward reality: the Mathematicks, the most certain of Sciences, have no other foundation. The Church

bids farewell to the present World, as if it were al∣ready dead, and buried; and lives by its Faith and love in Heaven, as if it were already ascended thi∣ther, and its life hid with Christ in God, Col. 3.3. or, as we said, Christ and Heaven descend to abide in every Christian, (that thus ascends) by his holy Spirit, and the consequence of this union; for they never are in Heaven with him, without his being on Earth in them: Withall, Christ is never back∣ward at Redamation, to prevent the delinquiums, and deadly fits of his sincere lovers, for want of being re-loved, and those Eli, Eli, Lamma Sabacthani's, which himself felt, and underwent for us, out of Love: The Aire is not more at watch, and readi∣ness, to break in at the place, a Vessel is flowing out, to prevent a Vacuum; than Christ by holy inspi∣rations to replenish, that heart, that expires after him, in zeal and love; and by that, to prevent its disso∣lution: Yea Vessels, though never so full, will not, and cannot, flow without such vent; nor the Aire step through, for relief, but where the Vessel is in a posture, and inclination, to run out. But Divine In∣spirations far out do, and super-repair human ex∣pirations; yea sometimes shoot out by their force, the all, that is within, even life it self, into Martyr∣dom; and repair it with a stronger life in the midst of death: According to the Aphorisms or Paradoxes of Christ himself, the first Author of this Divine Art of loving, and mutual dying, and living, in one another. He that findeth his life, shall loose it; and he that looseth his life for my sake, shall find it, Mat. 10.39. And the reason assign'd, why Christians are able to count death and Tribulations, as nothing, yea to Glory in them, is, Because the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost, which is given us.

Rom. 5.5. Because love delights and glories to prove it self by tryals, especially when rais'd and elevated by a divine life, and mixture. And if crosses become easie, and glorious, and acceptable to Chri∣stians, by this mystery of spending, how much more will their prosperities and favours? He that can rest on Thornes, may much more, on Downe. There are many and familiar Instances in the World of these mutual transmigrations between lovers and Benefactors, as well as between Christ and Chri∣stians. Vendidit libertatem, qui beneficium accepit, Obligations exhale mens liberties, and a courtesie from the Heart of the Giver, steals away the heart of the Receiver: But what Grace or obligation can be compar'd to Christs Grace to men? The Servant upon the score of a little Salary in his want, ceases to be his own man; and becomes swallowed, in reason, into the person of his Master; and who more deservedly 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Lord and Master of all men, than our for ever blessed Redeemer? Right love in Matrimony, and Friendship, is mutually transpos'd; the Husband loves himself in his Wife, and the Wife her self, in her Husband; 1 Cor. 7.4. Jonathan loved David more than Jonathan, And David loved Jonathan, more than David, by their dwelling in one another in their hearts: 1 Sam. 18.1. And this in agreeableness to that indelible principle of self-pre∣servation, which preserves it self, not where it is not, but where it is. But no where is this strife and ecstasy of love, and the mutual exchange of hearts and beings, more visible, than between Christ, and true Christians: These swarming out of their Ta∣bernacles of clay after him in Heavenly affections, and dayly Martyrdom, and he much more afore∣hand with them, in dying for them all, in whole, and

in, and with every one over again, apart: As ap∣pears by his expostulation from Heaven, when pinch'd by Saul in his members on Earth: Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? Act. 9.5 where love was ex∣press'd, like that between the friendly pare in the Poet, but with the tone, and effect of Omnipotence; Me, me; adsum, qui feci, in me convertite ferrum,—nihil iste, nec ausus, nec meruit: As if our Saviour had said, Saul, Saul, what mean you? It is not poor Chri∣stians, that you hale and persecute; for what have they poor sheep, either done, or deserv'd, but for their excess of love towards me? Its Me, that am their Head, (where the pain is felt, and judg'd,) it is Me, that have at this time darkned the Sun with the Glory of my appear••••ce to you, that you are so hot, to have me strangled in my Infancy once more; and think you your self able, to carry on this War, against me, an•••• ••••••e? And he trembling, and asto∣nish'd, made no other return, but Lord what wilt thou have me do? Which manifested to the whole World, as well as to St. Paul, the Divinity of that voice and vision. Nothing less could have chang'd in an Instant, the superlative zeal of an Israelite for Moses Law, to run on a suddain in a contrary stream; no less assistance could make his Ministry, and Writ∣ings to be seen ever since by all Ages, to out-do the Sun in usefulness and Glory; as St.a 1.792 Chrysostome proclaimes in a Panegyrick on the Consideration, (the most elegant strain perhaps in all his works,) upon the occasion of his choosing rather to abide in the flesh, for the use and need of Christians, by a laborious Ministry; than to be with Christ in bliss and rest, which was far better for himself, Phil. 1.

23, 24. Transitive love, or charity to others on Earth, being more his delight and perfection, than immanent self-love in Glory: So contrary is self-love, and especi∣ally terminating in Carnal, and Worldly bliss and advantage, to the Spirit of a Christian; being there∣in the lively Copy of the Son of God, beginning man's Salvation, (and making Eternal Glory his own by merit, which he had before by Inheritance, Phil. 2.6, 9.) by loving others before himself, and pre∣ferring death and reproach for our Redemption, be∣fore the continuance of his Beatifical Glory, which he had with the Father before the World began; Joh. 17.5. rather than mankind should lye for ever under wrath; For the u••most arrival of all Chri∣stian perfection, is to be asb 1.793 second Christs, in the imitation of his vertues: And Christ is never exact∣ly transcrib'd, nor his Image drawn to the life, in any Soul, where immanent self-love is not oblite∣rated, and transitive self-love, or Charity, (or the love of our selves in Christ, and all his members for his sake,) is not induc'd in its place: Where Christ is not exemplified, in three conformities: In his death, in his life, in his Redamation. In the death of his Cross, in our death to this World, and the Flesh, and self-love, and lust; all Crucified to us, and we to them, Gal. 5.24.6, 14. In his life, and exaltation, in the transmigration of our hearts and affections, in the consequence of his Grace, and the power of his Resurrection, after him to Heaven, Phil. 3.10, 11, 20. Col. 3.1, 2. And, (which is never failing, and is in the Scripture phrase the new man, or image of God, (or in Cicero's Dialect,) Persona Christiani,

the new Christian person in us, that is to be pre∣serv'd, and adorn'd, thence forward by Congruous Conversation, as the life and support thereof: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Phil. 1.27. Only let your Conversation, be as becometh the Gospel of Christ.) In his Redamations, and counter-descent into our hearts from Heaven by his Holy Spirit, to fill our vacuities and expirations, and to maintain the exundations of our Charity after our beloved, with new sup∣ply, and Divine force; term'd by St. Paul, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The supply of the Spirit of Je∣sus Christ. Phil. 1.19. And, if ensurance of Salvati∣on be the point in question; neither obedience to the Pope, nor being within the Pale of Rome, can effect it to the Conscience; nor any thing else, but this Spirit of Christ born in our hearts, (as the loving Wife her Husbands picture at her breast,) which alone can secure, and prove it to us, and that in a high measure of satisfaction, because by Divine In∣stitution, and undertaking, ordain'd to be the seal of our Salvation, and the earnest of our Inheri∣tance, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, until the Redempti∣on of the purchased possession, as it is expressed, Eph. 2.13, 14. being as the Turfe at taking possession, standing for all the rest of Land; or the Livery and Seisin of Heaven in its first fruits left in our hands on Earth: The earnest, which secures our bargain, and contract to us, as fully and effectually, as if we had it in our possession, and without this earnest to pro∣duce, (which steps ever into the heart, as its love steps out after Christ, and that ever according to the proportion of our Faith, and serious view of Christ in its benefits, and beauty; for ignoti nulla cupido; what the eye never sees, the heart never covets,) we have no evidence, or title to Son ship,

nor consequently to Inheritance, Rom. 8.14.17. For its expresly affirm'd, If any one have not the Spirit of God, he is none of his, v. 9. And Christ in us (thus by his Spirit) and the flesh dead in us by consequence, v. 9. is our hope of glory, which is the whole Mystery of the Gospel, Col. 1.26, 27. Whereby every true Chri∣stian is re-born, and conceived by the Holy Ghost, as Christ was; and rais'd up from the death of sin, by that Spirit dwelling in him, which rais'd up Christ from the dead v. 11. and predestinated to suffering, in conformity to Christ image, v. 30.18. and like Glory, by like Suffering, v. 17. which is St. Pauls predestination, and calling according to Gods pur∣pose, v. 28, 29. whereby all, that own him before men, by suffering, are his Elect; as they, that to save them∣selves deny him, Reprobates, Mat. 10.32, 33. which Spirit of Christ is first freely given in the Or∣dinance ofc 1.794 of Baptism, wherein we die to the flesh, and this World, and rise again to Heaven with Christ; and is nourished, and cherish'd in us, ac∣cording to that beginning: Every being, that God founds, being accompanied with im-bred Law, and Instincts for its self-preservation. And this new Creatures self-preservation is performed in a new, and different method; not in, but out of it self. It preserves it self in another, that is, in Christ, and his members; and another, (that is Christ, in his Spirit,) in it self. To preserve it self in it self, (which is the use and wisdom of this World, that is to perish,) is Antipathy, and suffocation to the Christian Church, that is to be saved. There∣fore the principal Diet, and aliment of this new Creature, (whereby its fed and kept alive,)

is Gods holy word and Eucharist, whereby these mutual Immeations, or Christ in us, and we in Christ, is best supported, and preserved: The Air, it lives and breaths in, is fervent prayer; whereby it dwells out of it self in God, by Divine exstasie; and God in it, by Divine Condescention and supply. The Robe it wears, is Humility; the love and preference of another before it self, being its warmth, and chief content, and Ornament: Its Lan∣guage, is sincerity before God and man; which it's chiefest Oratory, and Eloquence. The path it al∣ways treads, and walks in, is the Spirit, and not the Flesh; every step in the one, which ends in self, and this World, being its death and suffocation; as in the other, which ends in God, and that to come, its life and liberty. All the parts of Christian Reli∣gion, both of example, and copy, are performed by a Counter-change of self; which on our parts can only be done by the heart, for no other way can we go out of, and quit, our selves. The sum of Christian mystery is compriz'd, in that Of God in Christ reconciling the World to himself. 2 Cor. 5.16. The Original is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, making an exchange between Christ, and our human Nature; (the nature of Re∣conciliation, being to be one within another, as the falling out of Friends, to be both, apart, and in themselves,) whereby our sins were Construed to be His. Esa. 35.5. 2 Cor. 5.16. And his righteousness transferr'd, and consign'd to us. 2 Cor. 1.30. Such an Instance of stupendious Grace and Love, as no heart, that once observ'd the least glance thereof, by serious faith and consideration, could continue to be its own, ever afterwards; but its nature was chang'd, and its Centre alter'd thereupon; and it strove to mount towards him, in utmost gratitude,

to answer his descent towards it, by Infinite compassi∣on. And finding it self over-match'd at love, it turns towards his weak and poor members; and Christ is ready to lay his Majesty aside, and to try it there; and to accept its alms and forgiveness in formâ pau∣peris, to be requited by him in formâ dei; yea to exalt our charity towards our Brethren, into the rate, and likeness of his Redemption; Be kind, and merciful to one another, forgiving one another your Trespasses; (which with St. Chrysostom, is the greatest of Alms) even as God in Christ hath forgiven you. Ephes. 4.32. The Characteristical distinguishing duty of a Chri∣stian, is to imitate Christ in his love; and that we love others, not as, but mutually, above our selves; which is a lesson not to be met in Tullies Office.a 1.795 For so Christ loved us; for had he loved us only e∣qually, or next to himself, he had spar'd himself, and we had perish'd for ever, by that measure. We that are strong, ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and not to please our selves, but to please every one his Neighbour, for his good to Edification, For even Christ pleased not himself. Rom. 15.1, 2, 3. And this chief point of Christianity, is, the greatest Article in the Brittish Faith and tradition, among all sorts, High, and Low, Rich and Poor, that are right Brit∣tish Christians, not degene••ating from the Princi∣ples of their Progenitors, (as ••umbers are found to be, to this day) comprizing all Practical Religion, and Irreligion towards Neighbours, in Syberwid, and Ansyberwid, as before; and more was, before our un∣natural Wa••••, and il•• examples; and more yet, per∣haps, before the mixtures of the Nations, in Henry the 7th.

Hereby several momentous questions in Christia∣nity, both speculative, and practical, may be easily resolv'd. 1. Whether Christian obedience, or a good life, be conditional to the Grace of the Gospel? For answer; Essentially consequent it is; but conditional, it can hardly be stil'd with any propriety. Its Es∣sential to the being of a Christian, to be Holy, Just, and Sober, and un-selfish: else he receives the Grace of God in vain, to his greater account, and guilt, than if he had ever been an Heathen, and without God. A vitious, unjust, unconscionable Christian, is an Inconsistency, or a contradiction; as much as a Valiant Coward, a chast Adulterer, an honest Cut-throat, a Loyal Rebel, a Trayterous Saint, a Chri∣stian Fiend, Satan in Christs shape, or Christ in Satan's disposition; which is monstrous Blasphemy to imagine, yet the daily Blasphemy of all Christians, that live unanswerably to their high Grace and Calling: But conditional, it ought not to be call'd for several reasons. 1. Because conditional is repugnant and de∣structive of Grace, in its Nature, and end; what's conditional, is not Grace: what's Grace, is not conditional; especially the Grace of Christ, which 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 super-abounds all comparison, and merit, or contract, Rom. 5.21. The design of Grace, is to win the heart, and to swallow our beings, to become one with Christ; but the nature of condition, (which is Covenant,) supposes two, and them distinct, and to continue so asunder, and so to undertake and per∣form each their part. 2. Hereby suppositions will be implyed, that are contrary to sound Doctrine; for if Grace were conditional in such manner, that condi∣tion was ever concurrent, and Indenting, and coevous with it; and neither set out, without the other; nor could Grace be exerted, without the condition were

the same time perform'd, either really, or by ficti∣on, through belief and acceptation, which is equi∣valent. Now it's manifest, we did not love God, but he first loved us, when we were Enemies, Rom. 8.10. and gave himself for us, that we might not perish, but live; besides, such contemporary contract on mans part, to indent with, and answer Grace on God's part, supposes an Ability in human nature, before Grace, to undertake for it self, to walk worthy of the Grace it shall receive; and is as absurd, and in∣congruous, as it were to Imagine, that God, before he would enter upon man's Creation, required the the dust of the Earth, (whereof he was to be made) to enter into Articles, and promise, that it should walk answerable to reason, after it were made into man, and received Gods breath into it; and that promise to be believ'd, and relyed on, and God to proceed to his Creation, upon that belief, (or performance in fiction) of the condition so insisted on. The Red Earth being as much qualified to pass its word for human performance at mans first Crea∣tion; as Corrupt nature, to pass its word for Chri∣stian performances, upon our Regeneration by Grace; which is the root, and venom of Pelagianism, if Pe∣lagius himself went so far. 3. It greatly soyles, and wrongs unworthily, the noble spring, and genuine clearness of Evangelical obedience; which must now begin to arise and proceed from Interest, and self-ends within us, which before did spring from grati∣tude, and Gods grace without us, constraining us to give the whole glory to him, and leaving nothing to our selves to boast off: these two obediences dif∣fering from one another, as the obedience of a Servant, upon the score of Salary and contract, which is necessary and servile, from the obedience of a child,

upon the score of duty, and nature, which is also necessary, but more Generous: or the mutual love between hearty friends, from that which is between Politicians to one another, both proceeding (as all our Actions do) from self-preservation; the one Im∣manent, and sordid, the other (between true friends,) Transitive and Divine. The one loves himself in his Friend; where, by the mutual Transmigration of love, each conceives himself to be the other: The other loves his friend in himself, and for his own Immanent ends, that is, he loves himself, but not his friend. It is a great slavery and grievance, to be tyed up to Act towards God, upon low, and selfish Principles, when we may, and ought to move upon Generous and Transitive: to Act as children, (as it were) upon childish motives, when we may, and ought as men; to appear before a Prince in old Rags, when we may in good Apparrel. To have no other Opini∣on of Christian Heroes, but that they were chiefly guided by self-interest; That St. Paul loved himself, as much, or more than Christ; or King Arthur his skin above his Church, and Country; than which, what greater Indignity can be offer••d to their memo∣ries? 4. It curtails the rewards of the other life, which will be scanter to those, that were Religious for their own benefit, and Interest only; than to those that acted out of thankfulness to their Redeemer, above any private ends whatsoever; for the one serv'd Christ, the other themselves; the ends of the one was duty, and service, more than reward; of the other, reward, and benefit, more than duty. The one shall have more in the end, of what was less in his Intention; the other no more by his bar∣gain, than what he aim'd at. The one obtains Hea∣ven, as a Gracious recompence for the improve∣ment

of his Morality, the other a Heaven of Hea∣vens above his contract, or expectation, for walk∣ing answerable to his High Calling and Dignity. 5. Its a weaker tye and engagement ••o Holiness of Life, this principle, I say, of Grace in suspence, than freely bestowed and absolute; under the one, men act by option and choice, under the other by obligation and necessity. It is in mens power, juri suo cedere, to dispense with their option, and to quit their felicity for a lust, (or as they please;) but it is not in their power to dispense with their obliga∣tion, or deny the truth, and its equitable conse∣quence; withall, the one strives to arrive to spiritual greatness, upon the stock of nature, the other to maintain it in himself, already had, by walking answerable to himself: Failer in the one, is the loss of what he never had; in the other, an Infamous degradation from the highest Dignity enjoyed: The fall of the one, is like that of Adam, from Paradice to wrath; of the other, like the fall of Angels, from Heaven. And the greater is the precipice, the greater is mens fear and caution about their Station.

2. Whether Ministers of the Gospel may not press to Christian duties, upon the principles of Mo∣rality and Philosophy, as well as upon supernatu∣ral principles of Faith, seeing the same God is the Author of Nature, and Reason, as well as of Grace and Faith? For answer, sure both may be us'd in their place; for both work upon the Soul in the strength of self-preservation, which necessitates to Action, but the self-preservation driven at by the one, is immanent and homely, by the other, transi∣tive and generous, and Heavenly: But they than prefer the one, and condemn the other method, mutually censure and traduce one another, as the

Corrupters of the Faith, or depravers of mens Man∣ners; and fasten odious characters of Calvinists, or Puritans; or Pelagians, or Arminians, upon each other. For many by Preaching unconditional Grace, are observ'd to beget a Sect of Libertines, and Hy∣pocrites, instead of Christians; who, let them ne∣ver so much forget the duty of Justice, and Cha∣rity, and Truth, to their Neighbours, or of Obe∣dience, and Loyalty towards their Christian Go∣vernours, though none more selfish, and censorious, and covetous, and proud, or more contrary to the meek and self-denying Heavenly temper of our Sa∣viour; yet none must be more Gods people, or greater Saints in his Church, because of a dexterity they have above others, to give him the ho∣nour of his free Grace by fervent Complement, and a wordy profession; whilst others must pass but for Moral men, or meer Heathens in Civil termes, that live better, and Prate less: Others, on the other side, to prevent such unworthy abuse of Grace, as to make it a cloak for maliciousness, or to turn it into wantonness, mould the Gospel anew by strong Parts, and stick it all over with Provisoes, and Con∣ditions, (as Tyrants their Acts of Oblivion,) and make a New Moral Phylosophy of Christian Divi∣nity, with some Scripture leaves spread for Orna∣ment about the Corners, but the substance of the Aliment being from the breast of Nature. And that Rock of free-Grace, (whereon so many stumbled and fell,) is far remov'd out of all sight and men∣tion, that Christians shall be as free, and fa••e here∣after, from the danger of its influence, as Heathens ever were, and shall no more be abus'd, or lull'd in∣to Vice, or immortality, upon hopes of a Saviour to bring them off, but they must bring themselves

off, or Christ shall serve them in little stead; which the other traduce as an Arminian, or manifestly Pelagian method of Salvation, contrary to the mind of Christ, and his Apostles, and the Holy Scriptures. For the Solution of this difficulty, and to contribute endeavours to reconcile the well meaning sort of either side. Men are to be consider'd and distin∣guish'd, into several degrees and orders; into Hea∣thens, or Christians, which differ in kind; and these again into Babes, or Perfect men in Christ, which differ but in degree; for all are either wholly selfish, and worldly, and Carnal, (as are all out of Christ,) or highly Spiritual, and self-Annihilated, and Hea∣venly, as are those within the School of Christ, as are of the highest form therein; or of a mixt sort between both, on the frontiers between the flesh and spirit, an unpeaceable station, subject by turnes to the inroads and prevalence of both, being mor∣tal enemies to one another. The Truth also is to be considered, either absolutely in it self; or in its due and suitable application, to these several ca∣pacities and tempers. Of which distinctions we find Christ himself to be a great approver, who would not have his little ones offended, Mat. 18.6. Nor his Pearles cast before Swine, Mat. 7.6. Nor his bread given to Dogs, nor denyed to Children, c. 15.26. And no Rule was more exactly observ'd by his A∣postles, especially St. Paul, wherein he is most care∣fully noted by St. Cbrysostom, (wherein lyes also the excellency of those Commentaries,) Now he argues 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, reasoning after the manner of men, or human reason, Rom. 3.5. assigning the cause to be their Infirmity, Rom. 6.19. as who would hardly believe any further, than they were convinc'd by reason. At other times, (when he hath to do with

more perfect Christians, more strongly establish'd in the faith,) He warnes and minds them of a higher rule to wal•••• by, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Col. 2.8. according to Christ in his death and exaltation to the right hand of God, Col. 3.1, 2, 3. and not according to the weak and beggarly Elements of this transitory World, or the Philosophy of human model and Tra∣dition, which differs from the wisdom that is in Christ, as Earth from Heaven, or Death from life: Here, he speaks to his Auditors, as to Babes, or Car∣nal men. And I Brethren could not speak to you, as unto Spiritual, but to you, as unto Carnal, even as to Babes in Christ, I have fed you with milk, and not with meat, for hitherto you are not able to bear, neither yet now are you able. In another place, saith he, Strong meat belongeth to them that are of full Age, or of per∣fection; Therefore leaving the principles of the Doctrine of Christ, let us go on to perfection, Heb. 5. ult. 6.1. &c. Therefore the primitive Church divided her Dis∣ciples into several formes, and degrees; Catechumens, and Believers, &c. some higher, than others, who were to be differently instructed, with weaker, or stronger aliment, according to their several tempers and capacities. At Athens St. Paul reasons with Phi∣losophers, from the light of nature; at Ephesus and Philippi, from the Creed, and the Cross, and the Resurrection. St. Chrysostom, in his great Christian Auditory, uses an Apology for quoting Heathen Testimony before them; (where the matter seem'd to require it,) upon the like account Aristotle con∣ceived young men, by reason of their heady passions, to be unfit Auditors of his Ethicks: Which Conside∣rations being premised, and proved: This Contro∣versy may be decided in three Conclusions. 1. Grace is to be affirmed to be free and unconditional; and

not to depend upon human merit, and performance, which it infinitely surpasses, as well in point of time, as of love undeserved: and that Divinity, which degenerates into a meer Moral Philosophy, is to be suspected, as unsound, and far short of their Ortho∣doxy, who assert, and maintain the free love, and Grace of God in Christ. The principles of the one, going no higher than immanent, and Carnal self-preservation, which the old man, and Heathenism could reach; the other, to transitive and Divine, proper to Christians, or the new-man in Christ. 2. That Christian edification, (which is to be heeded next after absolute Truth,) is most with them, who attemper their Doctrines to the several maturities of their hearers; Being all things to all men, that they may gain some, convincing natural men with natu∣ral light, and those that are Spiritual, with the de∣monstration of the Spirit and Truth. For the glorious light of free grace, which drinks up the pure soul in gratitude, and redamation, is too strong a lustre for weak and Carnal eyes, enough to blind them in∣to security and libertinism; the soil being not fully fitted for this Heauenly seed, such are better manur'd and prepar'd by rational culture, to become right men in the first place, to the end they may become right Christians in the next; and their false health, and confidence to be cast down, with the disco∣very of their natural Disease, and danger, that their Cure, and their Physitian, may be rightly valued by them; the servile spirit of bondage is best tam••d by a suitable terrour and Discipline. The Husbands of the Amazons conquer'd their servants, (who had married their Wives in their absence,) when they brought their whips into the field against them, who proved too hard before for their Masters, at Weapons

of War. Divinity, in the form of Philosophy, may edifie Heathens, that are in the form of Christians; but Christians that are sincere, and able to know Christ's voice from anothers, are scandaliz'd, and troubled at nothing more, than at the change of of their Gospel, and the return of Heathenism: which is then intended, when the milk is maintain'd to be strong meat; and what served for edification to some, is raised to be an absolute Law of Truth, for all; and grace to give place to morality. Which is ma∣nifest Palagianism, or Heathenism reviv'd, which the Church hath been so careful to condemn; though Pelagius himself perhaps, intended his Principles no further, than to the edification, and conviction of corrupt, and carnal Christians, who walked short, of the light of Nature, (as some Pious, and great Di••ines have in other times,) and not for an Ʋniver∣sal standing Truth, throughout the Church of Christ, which had been absolute Heresie. As in a-like in∣stance, though eyes, and ears be attributed to God, by his own word, for the sake of our weak capacities, to infer from thence, that God is really Corporeal, as other mortals be, were to run by such mistake, in∣to the Blasphemous Heresie of the Anthropomorphi∣tes. 3. That in our Christian Congregation, which con∣sist of mixt tempers, some perfect Christians, some but Babes in Christ, some meer Heathens, in the shape of Christians; A right Minister of God, may and ought to be stor'd with varieties; with Milk, and Strong Meat, Divinity and Philosophy, in his Sermons, according to mens several needs. Nor are the defenders of free Grace, and the truth, to re∣proach him streight for an Arminian, or Pelagian; or our Conditionalists, or Moralists, for a Puritan, as long as he obtrudes not, his expedients of Edifi∣cation,

as Articles of Faith; as long as he keeps himself within St. Paul's distinction, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; that, I delivered, as a Philosopher, for some mens satisfaction, but not as a Christian, for a General rule of Evangelical Truth to all: resolving to take nothing for such, against the Scripture, or his Creed, or his Church.

The third Question is more Practical and to the point. What sets the soul within the Church of Christ in Heaven, out of which, none can be ever saved, nor in it, ever lost? A Roman Catholick, if asked, will say, To be within the Pale of the Church of Rome, or to be subject to the Pope, and to believe as the Church believes, will do it; and nothing else without it. For let a man be never so vitious, and Ungodly, if he stick close to their Church, (which is allowed to be consistent, provided he have the Absolution of a Priest, at the last gasp upon his sor∣row and condition; (or if this be wanting) upon his attrition, or fear of Hell;) he shall not miss Eternal Salvation, nor ever attain the same, if he be a Pro∣testant, though never so holy, or charitable, or Pe∣nitent, and believing; so are such Casuists, for their want of love to the truth, delivered over to deceive, both themselves, and others. But to wave all par∣ties, and to give a plain and clear answer accord∣ing to the truth, (or the mind of God in his word, which is the same,) which the soul and Conscience loves to believe, and build upon, before any human Authority whatsoever. This question may be divided into two points, or Issues; Stricti juris, & largi. 1. What that is, that makes one a Member of that Heavenly Church; which if he wants, he is none. 2. What makes him more assuredly of it, than many o∣thers, that yet be in it. The first question is best an∣swer'd,

in St. Paul's Phrase, in one word; in the sence of that Phrase, in three: By the first, he is of this Salvifical Church; who is in Christ, he is not of it, who is out of Christ, Rom. 8, 1. Here the issue is short and clear, with St. Paul; (Not to be In, or out of the Church of Rome, this he never saith) but in, or out, of Christ, which he affirms throughout. Neither Jew nor Gentile, nor Greek, nor Barbarian, nor Britta¦in, nor Roman, nor English, or Scot, or Irish, are nearer, or further from Salvation, by their Coun∣trey, but their conditions: Not by their first birth, which is Temporal, but their second which is Celestial and Catholick, and one and the same, to all true Christians, stil••d for this Original∣ly, the Brethren. Neither Circumcision, nor un∣circumcision, nor the skin Black, or White, nor a Pall from the body of St. Peter, nor the Vest of St. Francis, to be buried in; nor dispensations Seal'd in Lead, more lasting than Wax, nor sprinkling, nor bathing in Holy Water, can avail any thing to save the soul, or to purifie the heart, but only faith which worketh by love. Act. 15.9. Gal. 5.6. Nor the sign of the Cross alone, nor the very nails, and wood of the Cross it self, were they to be seen and touch'd, nor any other contact, or show, or specious title, nor the entring in at Porta Caeli, at a Jubile, nor the Popes Canoni∣zation, nor the name and title of Roman-Catholick, nor the Holy Roman Church, like the Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, with them in the old Testament, Jer. 7.4. or saying Lord, Lord, with them in the New, Math. 7.21. can give entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven, but the doing the will of our Father which is in Heaven. And did not this old anile faith of Modern Rome, which serves to make so many Catholick Sons of their Church, serve as

much to make them children Universally in under∣standing also, (which the Apostle dislikes, 1 Cor. 14, 20.) their practices would have more of their own suspition, and less of their Neighbour's Censures. What can any mortal excellency, that hath visibility, and hic & nunc, or perishing Temporality stamp'd upon it, signifie to Christians, who are not of this World, as Christians, but of the World to come, by faith? And look not at the things, which are seen, but at the the things which are not seen; for the things which are seen, are Temporal, but the things which are not seen, are Eternal. It's true, as men, we are to prefer, and provide for the nearest in flesh unto us, before others, or else we are worse than Infidels; and prefer our Country, and our Prince, before our own flesh, and life, or else we fall short of Noble Heathens: but as Christians, who is to be nearest to us, but he, that is holiest, and likest to God and Christ? How unlike Chri∣stians therefore are they, in their estimates and mea∣sures, who think any man is a better or worse Christian, or more capable or incapable of Salvation, for being of this, or that place, or City, or Nation on Earth, rather than for having his affection with Christ in Heaven at Gods right hand. Col. 1.3. In whom is neither Greek, nor Jew, Circumcision, nor Ʋncircumcision, Barbarian, Scy∣thian, Bond nor Free, but Christ is all, and in all, Col. 3.11. 2 Cor 5.16. Math. 12.50. Act. 10.34, 35. But how Antichristian is it, to make a contrary measure of Salvation, to curse them as Hereticks, though they be in Christ, that be not of their way and Com∣munion? and bless them as Catholicks, though out of Christ, if they be? According to the sence of that Phrase, it may be further answer'd, in three words. 1. To be Christ's and not his own. 2. to dye in his death to Earth: 3. to live in his life to Hea∣ven.

1. To be Christ's, and not his own. All are yours, and ye are Christ's. 1 Cor. 3.22, 23. and 2 Cor. 5.15. Christ dyed for all, that none should live unto themselves. No Christian is to live unto himself, but unto Christ. He is to eat, and drink, and converse, and rise, and lye down, and labour, and rest, and study, and serve, and obey, and command, and rule, and to bring up, or pro∣vide for children, and relieve the poor, and poor friends, every thing, as to Christ, as guided by his Law, and accountable to his Judicature. For he can∣not be said to be a Servant to another, that minds his own affairs, or pleasure altogether, and never his Master's, but when himself pleases, for a spurt or hu∣mour. Neither is any selfish person a Servant of Christ, nor a true salvable Christian by consequence; but is one, that sets up for himself; And is not under Christ's Law and will, but his own. Neither shall be under his pay, but must must expect his reward, and Salvation from himself, as he lived wholly to, and for himself; and his Conscience cannot gain-say this Law; for such a one never hath Communion with God, (as all true Christians have) but only with himself, like a Rebel Mock-god, ordering all things in the World for his own ends; as God doth all, for his own glo∣ry; and never durst trust God so far, as to go out of himself for his sake: In himself shall he therefore ever remain, and out of Christ forever; because he never had the honesty, to give God his glory; nor the faith, to give his heart, that is himself to his Re∣deemer. 2. To dye in Christs death, to the Pomp and vanity of the World; which according to St. Paul's comment, is the mystical Christian meaning, and fulfilling of the Ancient Circumcision. Col. 2.11, 12. Phil. 3.3. Gal. 6.14, 16. That, as amongst the

Jews, who ever was uncircumcised, was to be cut off from his people; so all, among Christians, that live to their flesh, in luxury, and uncleanness, in wordly pride, and vain-glory, and carnal security, and give their heart from Christ to his Enemy, to sin, and Satan, and the World, contrary to the Christian vow, cannot belong to Christ; but are spiritually uncircumcised, and to be for ever cut off from the hopes and priviledge of a Christian Israelite. Some strongly led by their Carnal will, (which easily be∣lieves what it loves,) think their lusts, and their Lord, may agree; and Salvation, and a sinful life, stand well together; what advantage else hath a Christian, by having a Saviour, above a Heathen, who hath none? and is not this an honourable requital then, to make Christ, who came to destroy the works of the Devil, a greater Patron for them, than the Devil himself? and to fortifie his temptations to sin, with Indemnity. Such suggestions, and delusions are not to be answer'd, but abhorr'd. Shall we continue in sin, that grace may abound? God forbid. Rom. 6.1, 2. or to be seriously warn'd and monish'd, with a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Have a care, be not deceived; neither Fornicators, nor Idolators, nor Adulterers, nor Effeminate, nor Abusers of themselves with mankind, nor Theeves, nor Covete∣ous, nor Drunkards, nor Revilers, nor Extortioners, shall inherit the Kingdom of God. 1 Cor. 6:9, 3. To live with Christ in Heaven, or to have our affection. and Conversation in Heaven; from whence we look for the Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ. Phil. 3.20. Col. 3.2. For his affections, cannot chuse but be with Christ, if his heart be with him; but his heart can never be with him, till it be se••sible of his grace: nor be sensi∣ble of his 〈…〉〈…〉 see its danger, and delive∣rance by him, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he can never see, without

hearing Gods word, and believing his Gospel. Clear therefore it is, Conscience it self being judge, that where there is no pulse of Heavenly life, and con∣comitancy of the heart after Christ in his Exalta∣tion; there is no belief, and who hath no belief, is no Christian: He may pass for a Protestant, or Ca∣tholick, for his profession before men, but God and his heart will pronounce him to be an Infidel, and out of Christ at the last day: and here, great is the use∣fulness and service of a wary Conscience, and a faithful Pastor to be its Adjutant and guide.

The second question is, who are in Christ, with a stronger title, and firmer possession, than others of their Brethren? Or who they be, that be no punies, but compleat Graduates, and of the highest form and degree in the Church of Heaven? All men are ambitious of excelling their Brethren, either in Riches or Honour, or Precedency, or Parts, or Learning, or Activity, or Beauty, or in their very Clothes. And no where is their more scope, or encourage∣ment, or praise, and honour, from God, and man, and Conscience; and less danger of wrong, or envy, than in the honest ambition of being the greatest man with God in Heaven; and surer of being saved, than many others; to be a Christian, not in the Positive degree only, but also in the superlative, ac∣cording as the Apostle Beseeches and exhorts all, by the Lord Jesus, that as they have received, how they ought to walk, and to please God, so they would abound more and more, 1 Thess. 4.1. And Heroes, and Worthyes, and men taller than others by the Head, belonging to the Heavenly Kingdom, may be met, and found on Earth, amongst all Ages, and Conditions, and De∣grees, High and Low, Young and Old, Rich and Poor. For Instance, he is Princeps Civitatis, a

Grandee of this Heavenly City, who is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the first mark with the Apostle, to qualifie a man to be a Bishop, 1 Tim. 3.2. there translated blame∣less; but may well signifie, one that is unsurprize∣able in his Christian principles, and profession, and watch, by any lust, or temptation, or worldly Allurement; alwayes retaining his Baptismal vow, and love, and Allegiance, and fear of God, in his remembrance and esteem; and that in all times, and places, and companies, by an uniform, healthy, victorious sobriety, and vigilance over his heart, and fancy, and senses; subject to no Convulsion∣fits, or Spiritual Epilepsies, or scandalous fallings: But having Heaven ever present in his eye, (to the life,) to cure all weariness, and fainting, and to out-bid all Worldly and Carnal Allurements. Keep∣ing himself altogether with God, or, as near as may be, to Him; having no end, or design ever in his heart, that doth not finally reach his Lord; no thought therein; that his God doth disallow, or take unkind; no word in his mouth to be publish'd with∣out His License, no bargain or sale without his God to approve and supervise it to be just; and keeps no Company, but with the living Images of his God, for every vertue; Is inseparable from Church, and Sacraments, where he is sure to meet with his God, by special promise and appointment. And either Reads, or Prayes without ceasing, at all Intervals of business, that he and his God, may be ever with∣in hearing of one another, which is effected with success, while God is ever speaking to him, or he to his God: Which is an infallible method to be ever with God, that is, to be in the Church of Heaven, (while he is on Earth,) by prefruition.

He is another great Prince, or Peer, that bears great sway and rule, and hath large, and fair Pos∣sessions, and domaines, in this Heavenly Territory; that bears a Martyrial breast, and a fixt Resolu∣tion, to come off with Faith, and a good Conscience, in all his Tryals, though not with life: Being never touch'd, or hurt, but where his Interest and adhe∣rence to Christ (where he computes his self, and be∣ing wholly to be,) comes to be shaken and assaulted. And feels no heat in flames, no rubs in Persecution, to prove his love, and to make good his March, and Progress under his Saviour's Flagg; but dants all that stand in his way, with his immoveable In∣nocence, and Heavenly unconcernedness: And makes all Tyrants, and Atheists confess, they have not strength and power enough, to shock his con∣stancy; nor the whole World wrongs, and vexa∣tions enough, to overwhelm his patience and for∣givenness. For the World, with all its terrours and preparations, is but a dead Host, already subdued, and crucified to his hand, in the Cross of his Ge∣neral; through whom he is more than Conquerour, and altogether inseparable from him, by that love in his heart; Which neither Tribulation, nor distress, nor Persecution, nor Famine, nor Nakedness, nor Peril, nor Sword, nor Death, nor Life, nor Angels, nor Principalities, nor Powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other Creature, can divide from God; but maintains his ground, though but one, against the whole World; who may perhaps prevail to seperate his Body from his Soul; but never, his Soul and Heart from Christ, nor from his love, or Laws.

This Caelestial Champion is hardly to be exceed∣ed, o•• out-done by any, but by •• Joseph, encountring

flames, burning not only his flesh, but his very Soul and outgoing all other Martyrs, that keep the Field, by running away from his enemy, and his thoughts, and from himself, into the bosome, and protection, and fear of God; transforming the flattering visage of his lust into deformity, and flat Rebellion against Heaven, by the glass of conside∣ration, or consultation with his Heavenly Interest and gratitude, How can I do this great wickedness and sin against God? Gen. 39.9. Chastity and purity of Soul and Body, being a Divine transcendent ver∣tue in every Age, and zone, but in the torrid zone of youth, lovely, and admirable beyond measure; where the storm is greatest, and the walls weakest, there to make good one's post, against all the Arts, and Fireworks of Satan, or his blandishments, and deceitful Treaties, and Counsels, (wherein he ever was stronger, than in the Field, or storm,) This is such a proof of victorious loyalty, and courage, and grace, and wisdom, all in one part, as is hardly to be parallell'd, or exceeded, either in Earth, or in Heaven: It is doing Gods will on Earth, not as, but in some manner, above, what it is done in Hea∣ven, by those Glorious beings; who are not in∣fested with that war, and contagion, and clog of flesh and blood, that may give greater lustre and merit to there obedience, from its difficulties: How much is he in Heaven, while on Earth, who is, in a manner, more than in Heaven, by the Glory of his highly rewardable service and loyalty?

Yet the conflict of this Heavenly Victor seems as easie, as shutting the eye, or turning away the face from beholding vanity, if compared to the archieve∣ments of another great Peer, (not to be estimated or understood by Carnal judges,) the contentment and

serenity of a Lazarus, at Dives his gate, pin'd with hunger and thirst, macerated with Sores and Boiles, and tempted the more, to unevenness, by the Pride, and Inhumanity of Dives, more unnatural, and mer∣ciless, and Ansyber, than his dogs, who came and lick'd his sores. A poor man in the eye of this World, is like a wither'd plant out of a dry ground, he hath no form, nor comeliness, or desirable beauty in him, but is despiz'd, and rejected of men, and shunn'd by friends, and slighted in his Vote and Testimony, by the Law, which was ordain'd to do right to all men▪ And for∣saken, as it were by God himself, who seems more bountiful to the wicked, that Blasphem his name, who yet fare deliciously, and are fill'd with his hid Treasures, while the poor mans portion is short of the Fowls of the Air, or the Rich mans Kennel; enough to subdue the strongest Spirit, and to bring down the stoutest heart, to be without heart, or life; not only by the unsupportable pressure and discouragement, but by the endless continuance of such a life-less life, without all prospect of relief. A condition, that Agur prayed against, least I be poor, and steal, and take the name of my God in vain, Prov. 30.9. And all the World shunnes, like paena damni, and finds not that evil in perjury, or perfidiousness, or the Gallowes, or Hell and damnation it self, as in a poor, and narrow fortune, which sets one out of the World, while it disables him to be of the fashion in it, or to live up to his quality and de∣gree: He therefore, that can be thankful to his God in poverty, as well as plenty, and bless him upon a Dunghill, no less than on a Throne, and though his outward man perish, hath his inward man renewed day by day, and is rich in Faith, though poor in Pence, and alive in Heaven, while dead on Earth; and

viewing his condition, with the right end of the prospective, finds his poverty to be his riches; and his misery to be his felicity; and himself to be in the midst of Heaven, when he was thought out of World; for what else is it to be a perfect Christian, than to be dead to this World, and alive to Christ? wherein a poor man hath the advantage above the Rich: Carrying his Mortification ever in readiness about him, while the Rich are to fetch it far off, with labour, and cost, and much Discipline, and difficulty; and to strive against pride, and intem∣perance, and the snares, and temptations of wealth, wherewith the poor is seldom troubled, but is strong in God, who is his trust, while Mammon is the strength and trust of the other; and is cloth'd with Graces, while the other with but Wormes, and Clay; and hath the feast of a good Conscience to match the other's surfets, and the roomes of his understanding clear'd from all Childish conceptions, by a manly Faith; and looks upon fashions, to be but stage appearances, and Earthly dignities, to be but bubbles, and delicious fare but the Dainties of the dead; and stately Mansions, but as Childrens Turretts rear'd with Cards; and this World, to that to come, to be but as the Earth, is to Hea∣ven, for quantity; and his Heavenly condition, not to grow greater, by addition, or lesser, by substracti∣on, of the goods of this World to, or from it. He, I say, that can thus live in death by his Faith, and is hearty and contented amidst wants, and honest, and true in Rags, is that Christian Phenix, which the Psalmist conceived, was hardly to be met with, Who, O Lord, shall give thee thanks in the Grave, or declare thy loving kindness in Destruction? Lo! the man is found, that shall. It is the poor, that receive their evil

things in this World, yet praise God continually for his goodness nevertheless; and are full of heart, though not of present pay, in his service, and resolve to trust in him, though he kill them: These that are full of Halelujahs in their pains and wants; how fit are they already to be of the Quire of Glory? Therefore in the Sermon in the Mount, where seve∣ral of the blessed Citizens, and chief Peers in this Heavenly Kingdom are recounted by our Saviour, in their several ranks and orders, the place of Pri∣mier Nobles and chief Probationers of Glory, is re∣markably assigned to the poor, the really poor in Fortune expresly, (Luc. 6.20.16.25. Blessed be the poor, for yours is the Kingdom of Heaven, blessed are ye that hunger now, for ye shall be filled, blessed are ye that weep now, for ye shall laugh:) As well as the poor in Spirit, or humble in heart amidst their greatest affluence, wherewith they are not puffed, as if it were their own, but are diligent Stewards thereof under God, for their poorer Brethren and Neigh∣bours, whose needs with their Compassion, entitles them to an equal share: The Rich, that are humble and liberal; the Poor, that are thankful and con∣tented; act both equally above this World, in the Society and view of God in Heaven.

Which points and discovers one other order in the Heavenly City, that are to ••it above them also, for these Stars of the first Magnitude, must give place to the Sun and Moon; these Primier Peers must yield precedence to the Royal bloud, to the exact and lively Images, and descendants of the Son of God; who being light of light, very God of very God, yet left his Glory to express his Charity; and for us men, and for our Salvation came down from Heaven, and made himself to be of no Reputation, a

man of sorrows and contempt, to exalt others from misery, to rest and honour; such his Genuine off∣springs, and special Images, are they only, (for no other in this World, are dignified to such a singular capacity,) who most resembling the Eternal Son, in the height of their birth, and Power, and Wealth, and Wisdom, and Authority, and Command, and trust, in their several Spheres and Neighbourhoods; yet delight to transfer their Wealth and Honour, from themselves upon others, upon their poorer Brethren, that are in want and weakness; and to copy out the Divine humility of the Incarnation; and to quit their glory, as Christ did, to put on the griefs and wants, and the miseries of others, to make them happy and ful; and become eyes to the blind, and feet to the lame, and Fathers to Orphans, and Husbands to Widows, and Champions for the oppres∣sed, and Gods on Earth to the Poor and weak. And consume the least share of their estate upon them∣selves, (much less ignobly upon their Lusts, and Luxury) but in the return, after others have been serv'd, receive them again entire, and doubled, and trebled, with the hearts of the refreshed, along with them, and the Acclamations of their Country, and the blessing of their Church, and the reward of God, in the Establishment of their houses, and the Salva∣tion of their souls: for both Exinanitions upon the score of charity, (in the Copy, as well as in the Ori∣ginal) end in highest Glory; to have a name above every name, in Heaven or Earth, that all hearts and tongues should confess, and praise them, to the honour of the Lord Jesus, whom they so Imitate, and the glory of God the Father, whom they so please. The Hea∣venly Magnanimity, and Serenity of the contented poor, is out-done, in several features of divine love∣lyness,

by the Exinination of the Rich, and liberal, not only in the exact likeness to Christ, in his humi∣lity, and Exaltation, and the transitive love, and preference of others, before themselves; but in the difficulty of the Victory, and conflict; it being easier to bear Poverty than Riches; as Winter is more healthy of the two, than Summer; hard Frosts pinch, but excessive heats, Intoxicate sometimes, exhale the strength, at all times; and more souls miscarry under wealth, than under want; and our Streets are fuller of the Blasphemies of the Rich, than of the Poor. These give Divine honour to their bags, and put their trust, Idolatrously, in uncertain Riches, and say unto their Gold, thou art my confidence; others take, and receive Divine honour to themselves; and the fears of the Poor, and the admiration of the sensual, and childish, upon the score of their wordly power, and pomp, and glory, till an Angel some∣times smite them for example, that they be eaten up of Worms. Acts 12.23. Others, though of private condition, think nothing too much to be spent in Luxury, and Liveries, (nothing too little on Alms and Charity) to attract mens eyes to see their power; which they value above all blessings: a fashion more currant in civitate mundi, then in civitate Dei, more suitable to vain Heathens, than sober and Baptiz'd Christians; The middle condition excels both ex∣treams in safety, but not in honour and reward; the Poor for his Patience, and the Rich for his sobriety, and bounty, shall have higher Thrones in the other World: with this pre-eminence, that the Patient Poor, shall have life Eternal hereafter, Luke 16.25. the communicative Rich, have it delivered to their hands, to lay hold off here, as the Apostles affirms, laying up in store a good foundation for themselves, against the

time to come, that they may lay hold on Eternal life, 1 Tim. 6.9.

But though none have properly this singular op∣portunity, and Priviledge, of resembling their Lord in such a depth of love, and height of Glory, but those alone; to whom it is given to be Great and Rich, in this present World: who have much wealth and greatness to quit and leave, for the relief of the Needy, as Christ did; great Parts to prostrate, great State, and Dignity to undervalue, for Christ, and his poor Members. Yet every charitable Christian hath this capacity and Priviledge in the Kingdom of his heart, and in the sight of God, though not in the Kingdom of the World, and in the sight of men; for so the Widows mite was her Exinanition, and is, in proportion, of every liberall giver of a narrow Estate and Fortune, in our Saviours Book of Rates; wherein all mens Actions, and Persons are Rated, and computed by the heart: And the true Church is a Kingdom of hearts; where all we do, is to be done from the heart, as unto the Lord; and he is in Heaven, whose heart is in Heaven; and with Christ at Gods right hand, whose heart is there with Christ, though he be on Earth in the flesh. The Christian begins to be in Heaven in this World, (waf∣ted beyond all the dangers of Fabulous Purgatory) when he begins to converse entirely from his heart with Christ in Heaven; for, non ubi animat sed ubi amat, there all men are, where there hearts are; their hearts, being with Christ, the men themselves are by consequence with him, wheresoever else they may be in their mortal Bodies. Heaven there begins, where this Christian conversation begins, that leads to Heaven, and is already in it; as the Ocean in rea∣son, many be said to begin, not at the Rivers mouth.

but from the first spring of the River, that Travels towards it; for means are the beginnings of those ends, for which they serve, and similar parts there∣of. And every step from our home, in the right way, is more or less, an entrance into our Journie's end.

The Christian's first setting forth for Heaven, is like the beginning of a small Rivulet, which many a time, a hot Summer, or sharp Winter of temptation, wholy dries up, and stops; but recovering it self a∣gain, by the Influence, and pity of Heaven, in Dew, and Rain; and falling in, with other Rivers, that speed towards the same Sea, either they into it, or it into them, it grows bigger, and stronger, by the Communion; and drawing towards its latter end, and hoping to be disembogued at last into its rest; it finds it self repell'd again, and again, with a kind violence, and an useful growth, and Sea-like large∣ness, and swelling, so that it becomes hard to distin∣guish, where the River ends, or where the Sea be∣gins; and being rewarded, and comforted for these frequent stops, and interruptions, with Divine fore∣tasts of that finall brackishness, into which it is to be in the end dissolv'd, and season'd with; its insensi∣bly received, and admitted into its rest at last; and then, and there, lost forever, and found forever, in the Bosom of the Immense Ocean: so is it, most an end, with every Christian soul, at the beginning, and progress, and end of his Christian Race; who is as sure to reach to his rest, and glory, in the bosom of God forever, as Rivers to reach the Sea: which they are reaching every day, nearer, and nearer, as they move towards it, in the channel, that leads un∣to it, and is the very same Element with it.

To conclude, if all could be perswaded, and won to walk up to this short and Catholick Rule, which

reaches all Nations, and Churches, and Conditions, and Vocations, and degrees, to discharge all their duties to one another from the heart, as unto Christ; there would be more truth, and veracity in the World, not only towards Brethren, but towards enemies, and strangers, who have Christ in mens hearts to hold, in their behalf, any promise pawn'd, and made unto them; the violation whereof carries as much of Atheism, and contempt of Christ with∣in the heart, as dishonesty without, towards him, it wrongs: There would be more meekness and pati∣ence towards enemies, and persecutors, if not for their sakes, yet for Christs, who commands for∣giveness and love to enemies, More obedience, or submission, to all Governours, to the best, for Christ's sake, and their own; to the worst, for Christ sake however, being our necessary duty, and their due Almes. There would be more love, and readiness to help one another by Counsel, or Purse, or Prayer, instead of eating, and devouring one another by Craft and Power; when it shall be consider'd, that every benefit, or wrong, we do to our Neighbour without, we do both, in a higher degree, and greater edge, to Christ himself, within our hearts, to our Eternal reward, or reckoning. This would make men true Christians, and Loyal Subjects, and tender Fathers and Governours, and just Masters, and right members in their respective Communities and Societies, and trusts; and Genuine Sons of the Church, not only of England, our Mother on Earth, but of Jerusalem above, the Mother of us all in Hea∣ven, to the saving of our Souls Infallibly, when the whole stock of Mountebank Indulgencies shall faile to effect the Cure. This little Commandment well observ'd, would be the Harmony of the World, set

Heaven and Earth in Tune again, and God at peace with his Creatures; and plant joy, and concord, and the peace of God, (which passeth all under∣standing,) in every Kingdom, in every City, in every Family, in every Breast. And that Angelical Prophetical Anthem at our Saviours Birth, would recover its Truth and Power in the World; And Glory should be to God on high, and on Earth peace, and good will towards men.

Notes

• * 1.1

  More fully shew∣ed in another Dis∣course on Phil. 3.20.
• a. 1.2

  Usher de Britan. Eccles. Pri∣mordiis p. 34.
• b. 1.3

  Usher de Britan. Eccles. Pri∣mordiis p. 34.
• (a) 1.4

  Praefat. Monastic. Anglican. part. 1.
• (a) 1.5

  Ms. Bernesii Doctoris Pontificii apud Spelman Concil. p. 28.
• (a) 1.6

  Baron. T. 2. An. 183. p. 240. & Polyd. Virgil lib 2. p. 37.
• (e) 1.7

  Usher de Primordiis. p 122.
• (g) 1.8

  Monasticon Anglican.
• (h) 1.9

  Usher p. 117.
• (f) 1.10

  Idem. p. 124.
• (i) 1.11

  Usher p. 23. 175.
• i 1.12

  Usher p. 23. 175.
• k 1.13

  Cressy Eccles. Histor.
• m 1.14

  Spelman Concil. p. 12.
• n 1.15

  Helvic. Chron.
• n 1.16

  Helvic. Chron.
• (p) 1.17

  Bochart. Phaleg.
• q 1.18

  Usher p. 415.
• r 1.19

  Gildas Epist.
• s 1.20

  Histor. Angl. lib. 2. p. p. 38.
• t 1.21

  Speech to K Phil. and Marie, An. 1555.
• u 1.22

  Euseb. de Demonstr. Evang. l. 3.
• y 1.23

  Theodoret de ••nrand. graec. Aff. l. 9.
• z 1.24

  Niceph. lib. 1. c. 1.
• a 1.25

  Histor Rer••m Scotic.
• b 1.26

  Usher c. 1.
• c 1.27

  Ibid.
• c 1.28

  Usher p. 141.
• d 1.29

  Bed. lib. c. 7.
• e 1.30

  Buchanan Rerum Scoticarum Regit ••. p. 122. Spotswood Hist. lib. 1.
• e 1.31

  Buchanan Rerum Scoticarum Regit ••. p. 122. Spotswood Hist. lib. 1.
• f 1.32

  Gildas Epist.
• h 1.33

  Concil Arelat. Edit. Reg Paris.
• i 1.34

  Constantini Epist. apud Spelm. Conc. p. 4.
• k 1.35

  Apol. 2.
• l 1.36

  Usher 787,
• m 1.37

  Gildas Epist.
• o 1.38

  Ubbo Emmius Rerum Frisic. Hist. lib. 3.
• p 1.39

  Ubbo Emmius Rerum Frisic. Hist. lib. 3.
• r 1.40

  Usher p. 663.
• s 1.41

  Humph. Lhuid. Frag. Britt. p. 63.
• t 1.42

  Usher p. 819
• s 1.43

  Hist. Ch. Scot. lib. 1. Spotswood ascribes the Conversion of the Isle of Man to the Brittish Culdees, Usher 642.
• † 1.44

  Usher p. 978.
• u 1.45

  Idem 540.
• y 1.46

  p. 686.
• (f) 1.47

  Histor Brit. lib. 8. C. 9. & M. Westm. 489.
• (m) 1.48

  Usher. p. 1005.
• a 1.49

  A mysi Cualter Archiagon Rydychen a droes y Llyfr hwn or Lladin yn gymra••g. I, Walter Arch-Deacon of Oxford Transla∣ted this out of Latine into Welsh, Histor. Brittan. Galfr'd. Monm. M. S. Cambro Brit.
• b 1.50

  Cambrens. Topograph Hiber. C. 17.
• c 1.51

  Ubbo Emmius Rer. frisic. Hist. lib. 3.
• d 1.52

  Buchanan Rer. Scotic. lib. 5. Reg. 45. p. 151.
• e 1.53

  Usher. cap. 3. p. 31. seq.
• f 1.54

  Martial Fpigr. lib. 11. Ep. 53. lib. 4. Ep. 13.
• f 1.55

  Martial Fpigr. lib. 11. Ep. 53. lib. 4. Ep. 13.
• e 1.56

  Usher. cap. 3. p. 31. seq.
• g 1.57

  Anno Christi 44.
• e 1.58

  Usher. cap. 3. p. 31. seq.
• e 1.59

  Usher. cap. 3. p. 31. seq.
• h 1.60

  Hist. Britt. l. 2. c. 2.
• h 1.61

  Hist. Britt. l. 2. c. 2.
• g 1.62

  Gwladys Ruffydh, or Gryffith, whence Ruffinus, Ruffina, Griffin The old Brittains retain'd their Maiden surnames though Married, and do still amonst the communalty, and pronoun••e u as y, and melt away g.
• i 1.63

  Usher p 18▪
• k 1.64

  Usher p▪ 31.
• k 1.65

  Ubbo Emmius Re••. Frisicarum
• l 1.66

  Munster Cosm. l. 3. p. 323.
• a 1.67

  Bed. lib. 2. c. 4.
• b 1.68

  Usher. 129.
• e 1.69

  Concil Arelat. can. 1.
• f 1.70

  Bed. lib. 2. c. 2.
• f 1.71

  Bed. lib. 2. c. 2.
• g 1.72

  Ibid. Here the Brit∣tains term their own Faith and Customes Hên ffydh, counting Po∣pery then at its first entrance here, but an Innovation which is a note for our Brittains to consider, who vulgarly call Popery Hên ffydh, or the Old Faith.
• g 1.73

  Histor. Brittan. lib. 11. c. 12▪
• h 1.74

  Usher p 197.
• i 1.75

  idem p. 207.
• k 1.76

  idem p. 215. 224. & Pelagii Epist. ad Demetr.
• l 1.77

  Usher 221.214.
• m 1.78

  Usher p. 215.
• n 1.79

  Bed. lib 1. c 17.
• o 1.80

  M. Westm. p. 446.
• p 1.81

  Camden in St. Albans.
• q 1.82

  Usher p. 474.
• q 1.83

  Concil. Arelat. Can. 1.
• r 1.84

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Chrys. T. 5. Edit. Savil. Hom. 53. p. 357.
• r 1.85

  Lib 3. Haeres Audian.
• r 1.86

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• s 1.87

  Idem lib. 3. Haeres. Antidicomarian.
• t 1.88

  Bed. l. 3. c. 25.
• u 1.89

  Usher p. 925.
• x 1.90

  Baronius An. 325. N. 30.
• y 1.91

  Usher p. 321.
• z 1.92

  Bed. l. 2. c. 2.
• a 1.93

  Bed. l. 3. c. 25.
• b 1.94

  Usher p. 81. Godw. Catalogue in Bernard St David.
• c 1.95

  Con∣vocato clero & populo, Pyramo Archiepiscopatûs (Eborac.) sedem concessit. M. Westm. de Arthuro. An. 522. & Spelman Conc▪ p. 60. & Hist. Brit. l. 8. c. 12. l. 9. c. 8.
• d 1.96

  Usher p. 125.
• e 1.97

  in Eleutherio.
• f 1.98

  Usher p. 90
• g 1.99

  Idem p. 800. & Spelm. Conc. p. 107.
• h 1.100

  Usher p. 73.
• i 1.101

  Heylin help to History p. 115.
• k 1.102

  Monast. Angl. part 1.137. & Spel. Concil p. 27.
• l 1.103

  Praesat Monast. Angl.
• m 1.104

  Epist.
• n 1.105

  Leges Howeli Dha apud Spelman, quasi garw-wysg.
• n 1.106

  Usher 882. Baronius An. 34. n. 47.
• o 1.107

  Conc. in Trull. c. 55. c. Plin. lib. 10. Epist. 97.
• p 1.108

  Scholiast. in loc.
• p 1.109

  L. 10. Ep. 97.
• q 1.110

  Epiphanius in Aerio.
• r 1.111

  Cyn gywired a'r Ancor. Brittish Proverb, as honest and true as an Anchorite. Eremi∣tas & Anachoretas abstinentioe majoris magisqve spirituales alibi non videas, Grald. Cambr. Descript. Cambr. c. 18.
• s 1.112

  Usher p 110.
• † 1.113

  Idem p. 818.
• † 1.114

  Idem p. 818.
• u 1.115

  Spelm. Concil Arelat.
• x 1.116

  Bed. l. 3. c. 25
• y 1.117

  Bed. lib. 4. c. 1.
• x 1.118

  Cambrens Descriptio Cambr. c. 18.
• a 1.119

  Cambrens. Itmerar Cambr. lib 2. c. 1.
• a 1.120

  Cambrens. Itmerar Cambr. lib 2. c. 1.
• b 1.121

  Bed. l. 2. c. 28. 7 ••. Interrog.
• b 1.122

  In∣nocentius 3 tius de Officio Misse c. 51.
• c 1.123

  Tom. 1 Epl. 17. Usher p. 202.
• d 1.124

  Idem •• 177.
• e 1.125

  Idem. 248.
• f 1.126

  Idem p. 210.
• e 1.127

  Usher p. 210. Idem p. 474. Girald. vita S. David.
• f 1.128

  Idem Pre••at. Cambriae Descript.
• g 1.129

  Bed. lib. 2. c. 2.
• h 1.130

  H. Lluid Fragm. p. 58.
• a 1.131

  Godwin Catalog & Hector Boethius Hist. lib. 8.
• b 1.132

  Bed. lib. 3. c. 5.
• c 1.133

  Usher 540.
• d 1.134

  H. Spelmen Council p. 64.
• e 1.135

  Histor Brit. lib. 8.
• f 1.136

  Usher p. 1128.
• g 1.137

  Hist. Britt. l. 8. c▪ 12, 16, 24.
• h 1.138

  Concil. Arelat. praesentibus Episcopis Brittanniae. can. 3.
• i 1.139

  Conc. Arausic c. 17.
• k 1.140

  Cambrensis Descript. Cambr. c. 8 Henric 2. à••secretis Pitseus p. 276.
• z 1.141

  Newbrigensis l. 2. c. 5.
• l 1.142

  Leges Howel Dha apud Spelman c. 29
• m 1.143

  Histor. Brit. lib. 8. c. 7.8.12. l. 29. c. 4.14, ••5.
• n 1.144

  C••mbrens descript. Cambr. c. 18.
• o 1.145

  Act. 4.35.
• p. 1.146

  Cambrens. descript. Camb. cap. 18.
• q 1.147

  ibidem & Usher p. 364.
• p. 1.148

  Cambrens. descript. Camb. cap. 18.
• r 1.149

  Gyrald Cambrens descript. Camb. c. 9.
• s 1.150

  Epiphanius lib 3. in sine.
• † 1.151

  Inter Augustinianas Epist. 142. & Hieronymianas.
• s 1.152

  Usher Rell. of the Ancient Irish. c. 10.
• a 1.153

  Bede lib. 1. c. 28.
• b 1.154

  Bed. lib 1. c. 29.
• c 1.155

  Bed. lib. 1. c. 29.
• d 1.156

  Antiquitates Ecclesiast p. 35.
• e 1.157

  Bed. lib 1. c. 31.
• f 1.158

  M. Westm. An. 605.
• g 1.159

  Spelman Concil p. 77.
• g 1.160

  Anti{que} Eccles. p. 35.
• h 1.161

  Spelman Concil. p. 77.
• i 1.162

  M. Westm A. 609. & 605. & Wheeloc in Bed. lib. 2. c. 8.
• k 1.163

  1 Cor. 2.4. compared with 2 Cor. 4.2.
• l 1.164

  Perambulation of Kent p. 79
• m 1.165

  Polyd. Virg. lib. 4. p. 63.
• n 1.166

  Bed. lib. 2. c. 9.
• o 1.167

  Ibid.
• p 1.168

  Histor Britt. Galfr.
• q 1.169

  lib. 2. c. 20.
• q 1.170

  lib. 2. c. 20.
• r 1.171

  Bed. l. 2. c. 2.
• s 1.172

  Idem. c. 5.
• † 1.173

  Idem c. 6.
• † 1.174

  M. Westmin. 586.
• u 1.175

  G. Malmesb. de Gestis Pontif lib. 1.
• x 1.176

  Idem Epis••. Lond. lib. 2.
• y 1.177

  Ibid.
• z 1.178

  Bed. l. 2. c. 6.
• a 1.179

  Idem lib. 4. c. 12.
• b 1.180

  Idem. Ibid.
• b 1.181

  Idem. Ibid.
• b 1.182

  Cooke's Inst. part. 1. p. 127.
• c 1.183

  Bed. lib. 2.7.
• d 1.184

  Cicer. off. l. 3.
• e 1.185

  Bed. lib. 2. c. 2.
• f 1.186

  idem.
• h 1.187

  Invisae Gentis magis quam Disciplinae, (de quâ multa atque praeclara frequentius Audiverant,) odio permoti lib. 9.171. § 10.
• i 1.188

  Bed lib. c. 22.
• k 1.189

  Gens non ex concione aestimanda H. Lhuyd Fragm. p. 76.
• l 1.190

  Usher c. 8. p. 192. & p. 1112.
• m 1.191

  Bed. lib. 3.4.
• n 1.192

  Usher p. 686.
• o 1.193

  De reb gestis Alfredi p. 13.
• p 1.194

  Bed. l. 2.27.
• p 1.195

  Bed. l. 2.27.
• q 1.196

  Usher Index Chron. A. 597.
• r 1.197

  Math. Westm. A. 586.
• s 1.198

  Idem A. 596.
• t 1.199

  Hector Boethius Hist. lib. 9. p. 166. § 20. & Bed. lib. 2. ••. 5.
• t 1.200

  Hector Boethius Hist. lib. 9. p. 166. § 20. & Bed. lib. 2. ••. 5.
• u 1.201

  M. Westm. A. 486.
• x 1.202

  Rich. Hooker Sermon of Pride, p. 517.
• y 1.203

  Cambrensis Itinerarium p. 564.
• z 1.204

  Usher 415.
• a 1.205

  M. West. 462. & Usher 1114.
• b 1.206

  Histor. Brit. lib 6. c. 13
• c 1.207

  Idem lib. 4. c. 17.
• b 1.208

  Histor. Brit. lib 6. c. 13
• d 1.209

  Spelman. Concil. p. 85. & Polydor Virgil lib 4. p. 63.
• e 1.210

  Bed. l. 1. c. 26.
• e 1.211

  Bed. lib. 1. c. 28.
• f 1.212

  Antiyuitat. p. 34.
• f 1.213

  Antiyuitat. p. 34.
• g 1.214

  Bede lib. 1. c. 28.
• h 1.215

  Bed. l. 2. c. 2
• h 1.216

  Bed. l. 2. c. 2
• i 1.217

  Antiquitates Ecclesiast. p. 47. non conscius sed causa Belli p. 48.
• i 1.218

  Spelman. Cnncil. p. 112.
• k 1.219

  Wheeloc not. in c 2. l. 2. Bede.
• l 1.220

  Monachi pacem petentes crudeliter occisi. H. Lhuid fragm. Brit. p. 58.
• m 1.221

  M. Westm. An. 603·
• n 1.222

  Spelman. Concil. p. 93.
• o 1.223

  Jewel defense part. 5. c 1. p. 438.
• p 1.224

  Spelman. Conc. p. 110. 111. & Wheloc. Annot. in Bede l. 2. c. 8.
• c 1.225

  Hist. Britt. lib. 11. c. 13.
• a 1.226

  Usher p. 1005.
• a 1.227

  Edenburgh,

  Britt. Dîn-eden id est, Castrum Alatum,

  Aden

  Britt. Ala, Din Castrum, dinas Civitas:

  Unskieth,

  Insula An∣gusta, ynis Britt. Insula, Caeth Arcta.

  Lieth

  i. e. Lhaith, Ma∣dida

  Pen-Vael,

  caput valli.

  Argathelia,

  i. e. Ar-gwyahel, contra Hibernum.

  Glasco,

  olim Glasghu, Usher p. 684. p. 684. i. e. viridis dilecta, aut forsan Glasgoed, viridis Sylva.

  Aher,

  Ostium fluvii.

  Dyglas Dylas

  fl. sive Duglas, Dû nigrum, Glâs viride, unde forsan nomen Familiae Illustris.

  Ar-cluid, Urbs

  super cluid sive Glottam, nunc Dunbritton, &c.
• b 1.228

  Tervyn

  Britt. Terminus.

  Derwen.

  Britt. Quercus.
• c 1.229

  Ravon-glas,

  fluvius Caerulens Morlas in Syntaxi.

  Mor-glas,

  mare Caerruleum Avonlas. in Syntaxi.

  Vide Gram. Cambro-brittanicas.
• d 1.230

  Pont. Verunnius l. 5. p. 110.
• e 1.231

  Cremus, Grym Britt. Ro∣bur. Buchanan & Spotswood Hist.
• f 1.232

  Usher p. 410. & Gildas Epistl.
• h 1.233

  Guitelin, diminitive. Gwydhel sing. Hybernus. Gwydhelod plur. Gwydhelun diminit, u pronounced as y; But in the Brittish M. S: His name is Cyhelin, which hath no affinity with Gwyd∣hel. i•• G. Malmesb. de Gestis Anglorum. c. 3.
• i 1.234

  M. Westmin. A 489. & 462. Usher p. 1114.
• i 1.235

  M. Westmin. A 489. & 462. Usher p. 1114.
• k 1.236

  Idem p. 520. & Stowes Annals p. 65.
• l 1.237

  Usher p. 514. & liber Triadum.
• m 1.238

  Usher p. 468.
• m 1.239

  Usher p. 468.
• m 1.240

  Usher p. 468.
• n 1.241

  Idem 569.
• o 1.242

  Usher 515 516. M. West. 537.
• p 1.243

  Idem 568.
• q 1.244

  Bed. lib 4. c. 14. 3, c. 27.
• r 1.245

  Idem l. 1. c. 34.
• s 1.246

  M. Westm. An. 456. Hector Boethius l 8.
• † 1.247

  M Westm. 489. Usher 446. 450.
• u 1.248

  Histor. Brit. l. 8. c. 7.
• x 1.249

  Hector Boethius l. 8. p. 150.
• y 1.250

  Histor. Brit. l. 8. c. 8. & Hector Boethius ut supra.
• z 1.251

  Usher p. 718.
• z 1.252

  Usher p. 718.
• a 1.253

  Bede lib 5. c. 19.
• b 1.254

  H. Seplman. Concil. p. 442.
• c 1.255

  Usher p 65.
• c 1.256

  Several Dukes of Brittain were afterward so called.
• d 1.257

  Hist. Brit. Galsr.
• e 1.258

  Usher 421. 422.
• f 1.259

  M. Florus lib 2, c. 4.
• g 1.260

  Hist. Brit. l. 6. c. 13.
• g 1.261

  Hist. Britt. l. 6. c. 13.
• h 1.262

  Spelm. Con. 129. Leges R. Edward Confess. apud Lambard. p. 148.
• i 1.263

  Not. in Faedus Aluredi & Gu∣thruni apud Lambardum.
• k 1.264

  G. Malmsb, de Gestis Angl. lib. 2. c. 1.
• † 1.265

  Buchanan Rege 86. p. 211. H Luyd Fragm. Britt. p. 30
• l 1.266

  Enderby Cambria Triumphans.
• m 1.267

  Cambden in Scotia p. 726. Buchanan Rege 86. p. 212.
• f 1.268

  George Owen Harry, Pedegree of King James Printed at Lon∣don, 1604 Et Langhornius Hist. infine.
• g 1.269

  Hall 3. Rich. 3. f. 54.
• p 1.270

  Usher p. 143.
• a 1.271

  Liv. Decad. 1. l. 7:
• r 1.272

  Dolo non fero W. Malemsb. lib 3. de gestis pontific. Londin. Dr. Heylin Help to History p. 37.
• s 1.273

  Dr Powel History of Wales
• † 1.274

  Statul. Ann. 12 Edw. 1.27. H. 8. c. 26.
• u 1.275

  Dr. Hammond of Schism p. 113.
• x 1.276

  Antiquitates Eccles. Permultos Reges Anglo Saxonas conversos ante Augustinum nisi nostris & externis fidem detrabamus p. 8.
• y 1.277

  H. Lhuid fragm Brit. p 58.
• z 1.278

  H. Boethius lib 8. p. 171.
• a 1.279

  Ibid p. 150.
• b 1.280

  Ibid p. 171.
• c 1.281

  Hect. Boethius l. 9. p. 161.
• d 1.282

  Buchanan l. 5. Reg. 45. p. 148.
• e 1.283

  Hector Boethius lib 9. p. 165.
• f 1.284

  Ibid. p. 160
• g 1.285

  Ibid p. 166.
• h 1.286

  Bed. l. 3 c. 21. Math. Westm. Anno 640.
• † 1.287

  Hector Boethius l. 9. p. 169.
• k 1.288

  Ibidem p. 172.
• l 1.289

  H. Boethius l. 9. p. 171.
• m 1.290

  Ibid. p. 172.
• n 1.291

  Munster Cosm. p. 552.
• o 1.292

  Ibid. p. 580.
• p 1.293

  Bede lib. 3. c. 7.
• q 1.294

  Idem lib. 5. c. 19.
• † 1.295

  Bede l. 2. c. 20.
• r 1.296

  M. Westminster 663.
• s 1.297

  Hect Boethius l. 9. p. 174.
• t 1.298

  Bede l. 3. c. 1. M. Westm. 634.
• u 1.299

  H. Boethius lib. 9. p. 174. § 50.
• x 1.300

  Ibid. § 70.
• y 1.301

  Bed. l. 3. c. 1.
• z 1.302

  Hist. Brit. lib. 12. c. 13.
• a 1.303

  M. Westm. 665.
• b 1.304

  Idem 676.
• c 1.305

  Bede l. 3. c. 2.
• c 1.306

  Bede l. 3. c. 2.
• d 1.307

  Idem c. 3.
• e 1.308

  Usher p 170.
• f 1.309

  Bede l. 3. c. 3 & 5.
• f 1.310

  Aidhan, the name of a King of Powys, Ancestor to Blethin ap Cynwin. Bwlch-Aidhan in Com. Montgom. Aedani Ecclesia in Monâ Ins. Gyrald Cambr c. 7. Annot. Descrip. Cambr.
• g 1.311

  Bed. lib 3. c. 3. 4. & 17.
• h 1.312

  Bede l. 3. c. 3. & 6. l. 3. c. 5.
• i 1.313

  Bede lib 3. c. 6.
• k 1.314

  Math. Westm. Marels-feild Bede lib 3. c. 12. Hen. Hun∣tingdon Mesa-feild. Locus conterminus Walliae Armonicae 7 millibus a civitate Schrowsbury versus Walliam, Monastic, Anglic. pars 1. p. 38.
• l 1.315

  Ibid.
• m 1.316

  Bede lib. 3. c. 3. & 6. & M. Westmin A. 635. Nullus in∣credulus tempore Oswaldi in Northumbriâ. Idem A. 634.
• n 1.317

  Usher p. 1004.
• n 1.318

  Usher p. 1004.
• o 1.319

  Pitzeus p. 106.
• p 1.320

  Bede l. 3. c. 17. & 25.
• q 1.321

  Usher p. 954·
• r 1.322

  Hect. Boethius l. 9. 176.
• s 1.323

  Bed. l. 3. 21, 22. & 24.
• s 1.324

  Bed. l. 3. 21, 22. & 24.
• s 1.325

  Bed. l. 3. 21, 22. & 24.
• t 1.326

  Bede l. 3. c. 21.
• u 1.327

  Idem.
• x 1.328

  Idem c. 9.
• y 1.329

  Histor. Britt. Galfr.
• z 1.330

  Bede. l. 5. c. 24.
• a 1.331

  Powels History of Wales.
• b 1.332

  M. West 676.
• b 1.333

  Usher p. 395.
• c 1.334

  Bede lib. 3. c. 22. 24. 25.
• d 1.335

  Idem ibid
• e 1.336

  Bede l. 3. c. 22. 23.
• f 1.337

  Usher 394.
• g 1.338

  Bede lib. 3. c. 7. & 27.
• g 1.339

  Bede lib. 3. c. 7. & 27.
• g 1.340

  Bede lib. 3. c. 7. & 27.
• h 1.341

  polyd. Virg. lib. 4 p. 71.
• h 1.342

  polyd. Virg. lib. 4 p. 71.
• i 1.343

  Brittish Bishops and Doctors Famous in France, were, Apud Usher. Mellon first Archbishop of Roan, p. 145. Mansuetus first Bishop of Toul in Lorraign, p 747. St Winocus, p. 1147. St. Win∣walocus, p 464. St. Leonorius cum 72 discipulis, p. 1012. Fau∣stus Reiensis, p. 424. Paulus Leonensis, p. 558. Sampson, Ma∣glorius, and Maclovius Archbishops of Dole, p. 73, 75. Alcumus, Rabamus, Maurus, &c.
• k 1.344

  W. Malmesbury lib. 2. de Episc, Occiden. Saxon, p. 137.
• l 1.345

  Bede lib. 3. c. 7.
• l 1.346

  Bede lib. 3. c. 7.
• m 1.347

  Usher p. 394.
• m 1.348

  Usher p. 394.
• n 1.349

  lib. 2. de Episc. Lond.
• o 1.350

  Bede l. 2. c. 15.
• p 1.351

  Ibid.
• q 1.352

  Ibid.
• r 1.353

  Idem l. 3. c. 19.
• s 1.354

  Bede l. 3. c. 18.
• † 1.355

  Usher 1027.
• u 1.356

  M. Westm. An. 605·
• x 1.357

  Bede l. 3. 28.
• y 1.358

  Idem. l. 3. c. 19, 20.
• z 1.359

  Bede lib. 3. c. 19.
• a 1.360

  lib. 3. c ••7.
• b 1.361

  Clerici vero & sacer∣dotes mucronibus undique micantibus, ac Flammis—omnes simul in exterminium pelluntur, tunc Archiproesul Theonus London∣nensis, & Thadioc Eboracensis, &c, Math. Westm. ad An. 586.
• c 1.362

  Bede l. 3. c. 27.
• c 1.363

  Bede l. 3. c. 27.
• e 1.364

  Cambden
• f 1.365

  Bede lib. 4. c. 13. Math. Westm. 661.
• g 1.366

  Monastic. Anglic. part 1. p. 65. Bede l. 4. c. 13.
• † 1.367

  Usher p. 464.
• h 1.368

  Ibid.
• i 1.369

  Ibid.
• k 1.370

  Idem lib 5. c. 20.
• l 1.371

  Idem lib. 3. c. 7 28.
• m 1.372

  Guil. Malmesbury de gestis Pontif. l 3. de Arch. Eborac. Spelman. p. 157.
• n 1.373

  Bede l. 4. c. 14.
• o 1.374

  Praefat Monast. Angl part 1.
• p 1.375

  Bede lib 4. c. 12.
• q 1.376

  Will. Malmesb. lib 4. c. 12.
• r 1.377

  Bed. 3. c. 28.
• s 1.378

  Idem lib. 3. c. 7. Mat. Westmin. A. 666. G Malmesb. de Episc. Lond. l. 2. p. 134. &c.
• s 1.379

  Idem lib. 3. c. 7.
• † 1.380

  Mat. Westmin. A. 666.
• d 1.381

  G Malmesb. de Episc. Lond. l. 2. p. 134. &c.
• † 1.382

  Bede l. 3. c. 20.
• e 1.383

  Guil. Malmesbury de Gestis Roffens.
• x 1.384

  Antiquitates Eccles. p. 55.
• y 1.385

  Usher p. ••055. Ex Will. Malmesbury.
• z 1.386

  Antiquit. Eccles. p. 58.
• b 1.387

  Spelman p. 302, 303.
• c 1.388

  Photii Nomocanon Tit. 1. c. 20.
• d 1.389

  W. L'isle divers Ancient Monuments. Antiquitates Eccle∣siasticae, p. 35.-to 47.
• e 1.390

  Wheeloc not. in c. 9. lib. 4. Bedae, Antiquae Homiliae Saxonum nunquam sanctos invocant. &c.
• f 1.391

  Ceremoniosus non relligiosus.
• g 1.392

  Antiquitates Ecclesiasticae p. 36.
• g 1.393

  Ibdem p. 36.
• h 1.394

  Antiq. Eccles. p. 37.
• i 1.395

  Norwich Antiq. Eccl. p. 39.
• k 1.396

  M. Westm. Anno 596.
• a 1.397

  Itinerar. Cambr l. 2. c. 1.
• b 1.398

  Mat. Westminster 561.
• d 1.399

  Hoveden Hist. part 2. p. 453.
• c 1.400

  Usher p. 530.
• e 1.401

  Bede l. 3. c. 4.
• f 1.402

  Idem l. 5. c. 10, 11, 12.
• g 1.403

  Usher p. 398. & p. 730. Bede l. 5. c. 10
• h 1.404

  Ubbo Emmius lib. 4. 124. l. 3. p. 99. Usher 398.
• i 1.405

  Idem p. 127.
• l 1.406

  Ubbo Emmius l. 3. c. 109.
• m 1.407

  Idem l. 4. p. 127.
• n 1.408

  Idem l. 4. p. 147.
• o 1.409

  Idem p. 147.
• p 1.410

  Ibid.
• q 1.411

  Idem p. 146.
• r 1.412

  Idem p. 154.
• s 1.413

  Ubbo Emmius p. 165.
• † 1.414

  Magd. Cent. 8. c. 10. p. 816.
• u 1.415

  Idem p. 161. Magd. Cent. 8. c. 2. p. 28.
• x 1.416

  Idem p. 145••
• y 1.417

  Idem p. 161.
• z 1.418

  Munster l. 3. p. 519.
• a 1.419

  Usher p. 30.
• b 1.420

  Usher p. 749.
• c 1.421

  Idem p. 745.
• † 1.422

  Munster l. 3. p. 323.
• d 1.423

  Idem l. 3. p. 604.
• e 1.424

  Idem p. 654.
• f 1.425

  Idem p. 552.
• g 1.426

  Ubbo Emmius l. 4. p. 148. Idem l. 4▪ p. 148.
• h 1.427

  Idem p. 147▪ Magd. Cent▪
• h 1.428

  Idem p. 147▪ Magd. Cent▪
• i 1.429

  Munster l. 3. p. 323.
• k 1.430

  Munster l. 3. p. 486. Magd. Cent. 8. c: 10. p. 795.
• l 1.431

  Ubbo Emmius l. 4. p. 148. Munster l. 3. p. 323.
• m 1.432

  Ubbo Emmius l. 4. p. 149. Munster l. 3. p. 485.
• n 1.433

  Idem p. 753.
• o 1.434

  Ubbo Em∣mius l. 4. p. 149, 150.
• † 1.435

  Magd. Cent. 8. c. 10. p. 822. Munster in fuldâ.
• p 1.436

  Ubbo Emmius p. 153, 154.
• q 1.437

  Munster l. 3. p. 719.
• r 1.438

  Munster p. 748 Magd. Cent 8. c. 2. p. 23.
• s 1.439

  Ubbo Emmius l. 4. p. 161. Magd. Cent 8. c. 2.
• † 1.440

  Munster l. 3. p. 737.
• u 1.441

  Ubbo Emmius. l. 4. p. 160. Munster l. 3. p. 749.
• x 1.442

  Ubbo Emmius l. 4. p. 161.
• y 1.443

  Ubbo Emmius p. 165:
• z 1.444

  Idem p. 161, 167.
• a 1.445

  Idem p. 166.
• b 1.446

  Munst. l. 3. p. 742, & 818
• c 1.447

  Idem p. 754.
• d 1.448

  Idem l. 4. p. 83.
• e 1.449

  Idem p. 902.
• f 1.450

  Idem p. 866. Madg. Cent. 8. c. 2. p. 1••. & ••••.
• m 1.451

  Spondanus Anno 44. n. 27.
• m 1.452

  Spondanus Anno 44. n. 27.
• m 1.453

  Spondanus Anno 44. n. 27.
• n 1.454

  Ibid. Anno 44. ad An. 68.
• o 1.455

  Spondan Anno 45. n. 6.
• p 1.456

  Idem Anno 46.
• q 1.457

  Idem Anno 51. n. 3.
• r 1.458

  Dr. Sudbury's late Sermon before the King.
• s 1.459

  Spondan A 51. n. 14.
• s 1.460

  Spondan A 51. n. 14.
• † 1.461

  Baron. Tom. 1. p. 254.
• u 1.462

  Nelvic Chron.
• † 1.463

  Spondan Anno 51. n. 14.
• t 1.464

  Ibid.
• u 1.465

  Idem Anno 5. n. 1.
• x 1.466

  Idem Anno 58. n. 19.
• y 1.467

  Helvic Chron. Anno Christ. 70.
• z 1.468

  Spond. Anno 68. n. 1.
• a 1.469

  Spondan Anno 44. n. 28.
• b 1.470

  Sect. 6. p. 145.
• c 1.471

  Spondan Anno 44. n. 28. & An. 159. n. 4••
• d 1.472

  Clem Constit. Apost. lib. 7. c. 47.
• e 1.473

  Munster l. 3. p. 290.
• f 1.474

  Annal. Eccl. Gall. 667. n. 20.
• g 1.475

  Bede l. 3. p. ••9. M. Westmin. A. 647.
• h 1.476

  Pref. Epist. ad Galat.
• i 1.477

  lib. 1. c. 5.
• k 1.478

  Jo. Vossius Praef. de vitiis serm.
• l 1.479

  Epiphan in Audianis, Audius being banished into Scythia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—Instructed many Goths, changing the names of Christians from Christ, into Audians, from Audius.
• m 1.480

  Usher p. 1012
• n 1.481

  Ubbo Emmius lib. 4. p. 126. &c.
• o 1.482

  Ubbo Emmius l. 3. p. 109.
• p 1.483

  Ubbo Emmius lib. 4. p. 131.
• q 1.484

  Bed. l. 5.12:
• r 1.485

  Usher 1168. & 730.
• s 1.486

  Bede l. 3. c, 27.
• † 1.487

  Epistl.
• u 1.488

  Praefat. Cram. Cambr. Dr. Davies
• x 1.489

  Apology for Learning &c. p. 44. where the Phaenicians also are proved to have had their Learning hence, as Plinie Nat. Hist. l. 30. c. 1. believes the like of the Persians, and the Original of their Magia.
• y 1.490

  Annius Viterb. in Beros. Antiq. lib. 5. ••••r of Caesar, Xenophon, Josephus, &c. proves the Greeks to have had their Letters, not from Cadmus, but the Celtae, or the Galli, and the Galli from Dis Samothes, the Father of the Samotheans in this Isle, called by us Samoth y s••r, from his skill in Astronomy: whereby it is probable, the Brittains came from Sem, while the rest of Europe, from Japheth, whence in their Language and Customes they agree more with the East.
• z 1.491

  M Westm. Anno 727.
• a 1.492

  Ibid.
• b 1.493

  Spelman. Concil. 167.
• † 1.494

  Bede l. 3. ••. 27.
• d 1.495

  Bede l. 5. c. 11. Spondan An. 694. 696.
• e 1.496

  Ubbo Emm. lib. 4 p. 131. Bed. 5. c. 11.
• f 1.497

  Ibidem, Magdeb. Cent. 8. c. 10. p. 822.
• g 1.498

  Bonifacij Epistl.
• h 1.499

  Spondan. A. 724. n. 2.
• i 1.500

  M. Westm. A. 609.
• k 1.501

  Baron. Tom. 9. p. 110
• l 1.502

  Usher p. 87. H. Lhuyd frag. p. 55.
• m 1.503

  Bede lib. 5. c. 11
• n 1.504

  Magd. c. 8. c. 9 p. 544. Math. Westm. An. 726. se{que}
• o 1.505

  Baron. Tom. 9 p. 79 Magd. cent. 8. c. 10 p. 684.
• p 1.506

  Spondan A. 751.
• q 1.507

  Ubbo Emm. Coronam Septrum{que} Pipino, &c. Spond. 75, 752.
• r 1.508

  Magd. Cent. 8. c. 10. p. 725.
• s 1.509

  Spond. A. 791. n. 3.
• a 1.510

  M. Westmin. 793 Spelm. 218.
• b 1.511

  Idem p. 307.
• c 1.512

  Magd. Cent 8 c. 9. p 626. seq.
• d 1.513

  Spelman Concil. p. 307.
• e 1.514

  Idem p. 308.
• f 1.515

  Spondanus Anno 794.
• e 1.516

  Idem p. 308.
• g 1.517

  Ibid. n. 3.
• h 1.518

  Monastic Angl. par. 1. p. 55. Usher p. 755.
• i 1.519

  Munster l. 3. 718.
• k 1.520

  Munster lib. 3. p. 800. Baleus of the Life and Tryal of Sir John O'd Castle.
• l 1.521

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• m 1.522

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• n 1.523

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Epiphan. in Audianis.
• a 1.524

  Dr. Hammond of Shism, p. 160.
• b 1.525

  Apud Usher p. 125.
• a 1.526

  Antiq. Eccles. p. 9.
• b 1.527

  Wheeloc note in Bede c. 2. l. 2.
• c 1.528

  Monastic Angl. part. 1. p. 333.
• d 1.529

  Bed. l. 3. c. 14. & 24.
• e 1.530

  Idem c. 15.
• f 1.531

  Ibid.
• g 1.532

  Idem l. 5. c. 20.
• h 1.533

  Oswi ita conclusit—quia hic Ostiarius est, cui ego contra∣dicere nolo, ne forte me adveniente ad sores Regni Caelorum, non sit, qui reserat, &c. Bede lib. 3. c. 25.
• h 1.534

  Oswi ita conclusit—quia hic Ostiarius est, cui ego contra∣dicere nolo, ne forte me adveniente ad sores Regni Caelorum, non sit, qui reserat, &c. Bede lib. 3. c. 25.
• k 1.535

  Bed. l. 3. c. 28.
• l 1.536

  Usher c. 5. p. 78.
• m 1.537

  W. Malmesbury de Gestis Angl. c. 3. & Bed. lib. 3. c. 28. lib. 4. c. 1.
• n 1.538

  Bed. lib. 3. c. 23.
• o 1.539

  Idem lib 4. c. 2.
• p 1.540

  Bed. lib. 4. c. 2.
• q 1.541

  lib. 4. c. 3.
• a 1.542

  G. Malmesb. de Gestis Pontific. lib. 3. de Episc. Eborac. Spelm. Concil p. 157.
• b 1.543

  Usher p. 1164. Bede lib. 4. c. 13.5, 20.
• b 1.544

  Usher p. 1164. Bede lib. 4. c. 13.5, 20.
• b 1.545

  Usher p. 1164. Bede lib. 4. c. 13.5, 20.
• c 1.546

  G. Malmsb. de Gest. Angl. c. 3.
• d 1.547

  Idem de Episc. Occident l. 3.
• e 1.548

  Spelm. Concil. p. 167.
• f 1.549

  M. Westm. Anno 727.
• g 1.550

  Usher p. 84. p. 696.
• g 1.551

  Usher p. 84. p. 696.
• a 1.552

  Bede lib. 4. c. 5.
• b 1.553

  Hist. Britt. l. 12: c. 1.
• c 1.554

  Bede l. 2. c. 20.
• d 1.555

  Idem l. 3. c. 1.
• e 1.556

  Idem l. 5. c. 24.
• f 1.557

  Ibid.
• g 1.558

  Usher 702.
• h 1.559

  Bede l. 5.23.
• i 1.560

  Idem l, 2. c. 20. Conc. Sardyc can. 1. & 2.
• k 1.561

  Eadmer Hist. Nov. l. 3. p. 50.
• a 1.562

  Spondan An. 692. n. 5.
• b 1.563

  Idem An. 34. n. 47.
• c 1.564

  Edward Hall Union of York and Lancaster, 1 Hen. 7. f. 2.
• d 1.565

  Hist. Britt. l. 12. c. 17.
• e 1.566

  Pi••seus p. 63.
• f 1.567

  Apud Usher 567.
• g 1.568

  Dr. Davies Preface to Welsh Grammar, for part thereof.
• h 1.569

  Powel Annot. in cap. 3. Descriptionis Cambriae Giraldi
• i 1.570

  Hall 1 Henry 7. f. 5.
• k 1.571

  Antiquitates Eccles p. 316.
• l 1.572

  Idem p 309
• m 1.573

  Ibid
• n 1.574

  Idem p. 316.
• o 1.575

  Idem p. 325.
• p 1.576

  Idem 306.
• q 1.577

  Pitzeus. 691.
• r 1.578

  Antiq. Eccles. 306.
• s 1.579

  Ibid.
• † 1.580

  Ibid. & Pitzeus 693.
• u 1.581

  Antiq. Eccles. 307.
• x 1.582

  Ibid.
• y 1.583

  p. 323. Ibid. p. 331.
• z 1.584

  Ranchin Review of the Council of Trent.
• a 1.585

  Hall 24. H. 8. fo. 207.
• b 1.586

  Idem.
• c 1.587

  Idem.
• d 1.588

  Idem.
• e 1.589

  1 Cor. 5.5.
• f 1.590

  Tortura Torti p. 190.
• a 1.591

  Balaus Cent. 1.42.
• a 1.592

  Histor. proaemio.
• b 1.593

  G. Malmesbury prolog l. 1. de Gestis Anglorum Pontificum.
• c 1.594

  Usher p. 98.
• d 1.595

  Bede lib. 2. c. 2.
• e 1.596

  Hoveden pars poster. p. 454.
• e 1.597

  Plat in Eleuth.
• f 1.598

  Bede lib. 1. c. 29.
• g 1.599

  Concil Arelat apud Spelm.
• h 1.600

  Usher c. 5. p 95, 96.
• i 1.601

  Fragm. legum Moelmut. apud G. Moris de Llansilin.
• k 1.602

  Polydor Virgil lib. 2. p. 45.
• l 1.603

  Conc. Chalcedon Can. 12. 17. Const. c. 3.
• m 1.604

  Con. Nicen c. 7.
• n 1.605

  Photii Nomocan Tit 1. c. 5.
• o 1.606

  Concil in Trullo Can. 38
• p 1.607

  Photii Nomocan Tit. 1. c. 20.
• q 1.608

  Balsam in Can. 17. Concil Chalcedon.
• r 1.609

  Innocentius Tertius de Officio missae lib 1. c. 51. Clem Pontifi∣cal p. 86.
• s 1.610

  Spondan. An. 32. n. 94.
• t 1.611

  Sueton in Aug. § 98.
• m 1.612

  Spond. A. 492. n. 93. Platin. in vita liano
• n 1.613

  Donatio Constantini.
• o 1.614

  Spond. A. 492. n. 93.
• p 1.615

  Idem A. 536. n 17.
• q 1.616

  Idem A. 336. n. 17.
• r 1.617

  Bede l. 1. c. 28, 29. Usher p. 69.
• r 1.618

  Bede l. 1. c. 28, 29. Usher p. 69.
• r 1.619

  Bede l. 1. c. 28, 29. Usher p. 69.
• s 1.620

  Greg. lib. 7 Epist 5. c. 5. & Epist 114.
• t 1.621

  Ibid.
• u 1.622

  Ibid. Platina in Leone secundo.
• x 1.623

  Pontif. Rom. Clem. p. 8. 86.
• y 1.624

  Inno∣centius ••tius. de Officio misse l. 1. c. 51. Pontif Rom. Ibid.
• z 1.625

  An∣tiq. Eccl. in Deneo p. 302.
• a 1.626

  Pontif. Rom p. 89.
• b 1.627

  Gratian distinct 100
• c 1.628

  Eadmer Histor. Nov. lib. 4. p. 98.
• d 1.629

  Math. Paris 1215. p. 463.
• e 1.630

  Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 223.
• f 1.631

  Godwin Ca∣talog p. 133.
• g 1.632

  Antiquitates Ecclesiasticae p. 326.
• h 1.633

  Bede 1. 28.
• i 1.634

  Girald Cambrens Itinerarium Cambr. lib. 2. c. 1.
• k 1.635

  Usher p. 74, 75.
• k 1.636

  Usher p. 74, 75.
• m 1.637

  Antiq. Eccl. 302. in Deneo.
• n 1.638

  Pontific Rom p. 68.
• n 1.639

  Usher p 175.
• o 1.640

  Usher p. 990.
• p 1.641

  Monast. Angl. part 1 p. 171.
• q 1.642

  Dictio∣nar Cambrobrit. Dris Davies▪ Pen caput. teyrnas Regnum.
• r 1.643

  Photii Nomocan Tit: 8. c. 1.
• r 1.644

  Virgil.
• s 1.645

  Lhûn Effigies, Dain Diana, Brittain, Brit. Prydain; Pryd, forma vultus. Diana was a great Goddess in Asia Act. 19. as also in Brittain, agreeing with the East in Idolatry, as afterward in Re∣ligion
• t 1.646

  Math Westm. An. 601. & 604. Usher 66.67. & p. 127.
• u 1.647

  Polyder Virgil lib 4. p. 71.
• x 1.648

  Idem p. 56.
• y 1.649

  Usher 68.69.
• z 1.650

  Histor Brittannic. lib. 6. c. 4.5.
• a 1.651

  Usher p. 175.
• a 1.652

  Histor. Britt l. 9. c. 8.14, 15. l. 11. c. 3.
• a 1.653

  Histor. Britt l. 9. c. 8.14, 15. l. 11. c. 3.
• b 1.654

  Apud Usher 1129. Hist. Britt. l. 8. c. 8. Ubbo Emmius l. 3. p. 107.
• b 1.655

  Apud Usher 1129. Hist. Britt. l. 8. c. 8. Ubbo Emmius l. 3. p. 107.
• c 1.656

  Usher p. 1132. & p. 83. Quanquam & ipsius Augustini temporibus inurbe Le∣gionum, sedem Archiepiscopatûs adhuc haesisse, cum ab aliis, tum ab Authore Chronici, quod Brutus, appellatur, proditum inveni∣am; unde ijdem Legionenses & Menevenses Antistites Giraldo.
• a 1.657

  Quod pulchrius manus Deorun, quam castus & Sanctus, & diis similimus Princeps? Plin. Paneg.
• b 1.658

  Usher. p. 74. 75.
• c 1.659

  Usher 533.
• d 1.660

  Bede lib. 1. c. 29. lib 2. c. 4.
• e 1.661

  Antiquit Eccles. p 14.
• f 1.662

  Usher p. 78. ex S••eephan (qui & Aedd••) Bedae ••quali, & ••im Dunelmenf.
• g 1.663

  Usher p. 69. ex Simonis Baldoc Episcopi Londinensis Chronico, & tabula pensili Ecclesiae St. Pet••i in Cornhill.
• g 1.664

  Usher p. 69. ex Simonis Baldoc Episcopi Londinensis Chronico, & tabula pensili Ecclesiae St. Pet••i in Cornhill.
• h 1.665

  Bede lib. 1. c. 29. c. 33. Antiq. Eccles. p. 34.
• i 1.666

  Bed. lib 2. c. 8.18.
• k 1.667

  Galfrid. lib 12. c. 17.18.
• l 1.668

  Guil. Malmesb. Initio lib de gestis Pontifi. lib 1. c. 4.
• y 1.669

  Lambard Peramb. p. 79.
• z 1.670

  G. Malmesbury de Gestis Pontif▪ l. 1. c. 1.
• a 1.671

  Antiquit. Eccles p. 14.
• b 1.672

  Lamb. Peramb p. 79.
• c 1.673

  Usher p. 71.
• d 1.674

  Antiquit. Ecclesiasticae in Cranmero p. 329.
• e 1.675

  25 H. 8. c. 2.
• f 1.676

  Bede lib. 2. c. 2.
• g 1.677

  Usher p. 80, 88.
• g 1.678

  Usher p. 75, 76, 80, 88.
• g 1.679

  Usher p. 75, 76, 80, 88.
• g 1.680

  Usher p. 75, 76, 80, 88.
• † 1.681

  Hen, vetus: Fsordh, via.
• h 1.682

  Bed. lib. 1. c. 7.
• i 1.683

  Ead∣mer Histor. Nov. lib. 5 p. 132.
• k 1.684

  ••og Hoveden pars posterior p. 372.
• l 1.685

  Elbodius Archiepis∣copus factus ob conciliatos Cambros Romanae Ecclesiae H. Lhuid fragm. p. 55.
• m 1.686

  Usher p: 85. ex H. Hun
• n 1.687

  Cambrens. Itinerar lib 2. c. 1
• o 1.688

  Goodwins Catalogue in Bernard.
• p 1.689

  Roge Hoveden pars posterior p. 454.
• p 1.690

  Roge Hoveden pars posterior p. 454.
• p 1.691

  Roge Hoveden pars posterior p. 454.
• p 1.692

  R. Hoveden pars. poster. p, 454.
• p 1.693

  R. Hoveden pars. poster. p, 454.
• q 1.694

  Spelm. Conc. p. 26. & p. 110.
• a 1.695

  Sr. Roger Twisden Histor. Vindicat. p. 21, 22.
• b 1.696

  Photii Nomocanon Tit. 1. c. 20. Concil. Eph. Can. 8. Concil in Trullo Can. 38. Concil Chalced. Can. 12. & 17.
• a 1.697

  Photii Nomoc. Tit. 1. p. 20.
• a 1.698

  Concil. Constant. 1 Can. 2. & 3.
• b 1.699

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zonar. in can. 31. Conc. Car∣thag.
• c 1.700

  Conc. Carthag, c. 31. c Conc. Milevit. c. 22.
• a 1.701

  Spondanus An. 325. n. 32.
• a 1.702

  Scholiast in Can. 3. Concil Sardyc.
• b 1.703

  Praefat. Monastic Anglic. part 1.
• c 1.704

  Ruffin lib. 1. c. 6.
• d 1.705

  Non minima Pars doctorum Ecclesiae. Gennad. de Ruffino.
• e 1.706

  Hierom Apol. adv. Ruffinum l. 2. c. 1.
• f 1.707

  Idem Proaem. in Jeremiam.
• g 1.708

  Usher p, 204, 205.
• h 1.709

  Hierom Apol. Cont. Ruff. l. 2.
• a 1.710

  Sect. 10. p. 344.
• b 1.711

  Bals. in Can. 2 Con. Con. 35. Can. Apost.
• a 1.712

  Balsamon & Zonar in Can. 12. Concil. Chalcedon.
• a 1.713

  Balsamon in Can. 3. Concil of Sardic.
• a 1.714

  Scholia in Can. 3. Sardyc. & 31 Carthag. apud. Synodicon Edit Beveregii.
• c 1.715

  Concil Arelat Can. 2.
• d 1.716

  Concil. Arelat Can. 20.
• a 1.717

  Con. in Trul. Can. 38. Chalc. Can. 17
• b 1.718

  Con. Lateran Can. 18.
• c 1.719

  Juell 5 part. defence 438.
• d 1.720

  H. Spelman Concil p. 153.
• e 1.721

  Bede lib. 1. c. 28.
• * 1.722

  lib. 4. Epist. 76, 83, 178. 194. Antiquitates Eccl. p. 43, 45.
• f 1.723

  Apud Dr. Hammond of Schisme p. 105.
• a 1.724

  Platina in Severino 1 mo. Vana erat cleri & populi Electio sine Exarchi Confirmatione.
• b 1.725

  Sueton in Julio Caesare, § 29.
• c 1.726

  Platina in Gregorio.
• c 1.727

  Platina in Gregorio.
• c 1.728

  Platina in Gregorio.
• d 1.729

  Platina in Bonifacio tertio.
• e 1.730

  Spondan. An. 51. n. 4.
• e 1.731

  Torturi Tor••i p. 361.
• c 1.732

  Wh••lock. not in Bed. l. 2. c. 8.
• a 1.733

  Plin. Panegyr.
• a 1.734

  Divine Dialogues p. 226.
• b 1.735

  Review of the Council of Trent, by W, R.
• a 1.736

  Haereticus arguitur, qui monitus non restituit bona Eccle∣siae, Spondan Anno 794. n. 6.
• c 1.737

  Concil. Lateranens. Can. 18.
• c 1.738

  Concil. Lateranens. Can. 18.
• a 1.739

  Epiphanius in Simonianis.
• a 1.740

  Epiphanius in Simonianis.
• b 1.741

  Idem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.742

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• c 1.743

  Epiphanus lib. 1. p. 24.
• a 1.744

  Eph. 3.17. 1 Cor. 6.20. in MS. Alexandr:
• b 1.745

  Jac. 3.••7.
• a 1.746

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Epiphan.
• b 1.747

  Ricold. contra sect. Mahomet c. 10.
• b 1.748

  Innocentius 3 tius de Missa. Can. Eadgari apud Lambard leges.
• a 1.749

  Epiphan Praefat. Anchorat.
• b 1.750

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Phot. tit, 12. c. ••.
• a 1.751

  Math. West. An. 605 Spondan An. 604. n. 5.
• b 1.752

  Platina in Gregorio prime.
• a 1.753

  Bede l. 1. c. 30.
• b 1.754

  M. Westm. An 592.
• c 1.755

  Platin in Caelestimo 1 mo.
• d 1.756

  Platin. in Gregr. 1 mo.
• e 1.757

  Antiqui•• Eccles. p. 42.
• f 1.758

  Platina in Gregor 1 mo.
• g 1.759

  Bradwardin in Prefat. in lib. de causâ Dei. Deriving his name or descent, I suppose, from Brordordhun. Castle in Hereford∣shire, belonging to the Family of the Vaughans.
• h 1.760

  Hall. 24. H. 8: fo. 205.
• i 1.761

  Sinnych. Saul ••x. Rex.
• a 1.762

  Munster lib. 3. p. 209.
• b 1.763

  Merlinus Brittannus scripsit de Lapidis Philosophici Allegoriâ. Helvic ad An. 480. John Rhe∣nani Syntagma. Borelli Biblioth. Ghymica.
• c 1.764

  Postscript. Lexic. Cambro-Brit.
• d 1.765

  Vide Dris Joh: David Rhesi Prosodiam.
• e 1.766

  E. G 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 1 Tim. 3.3. Britt. Diariangar: di 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Arian 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gar 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Cadwalhan. Câd exercitus, gwalh de∣fectus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lhawn lhon supplementum, q. d. anima exerci∣tûs. Tatantir Breixhir: the name of Cadwalhan'. Horse. Taran, Tonitru, braix brachium, hir longum. q. d. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• f 1.767

  Grammatic. Dris. Jo. David. Rhesi. Gruff. Rupertia. Dris. Davies.
• g 1.768

  Vocabatque nomina Majorum, qui Dictatorem Casarem pe∣pulisient. Tacit de Caractaco. Territa quaesitis Ostendit terga Brittannis. Lucan.
• e 1.769

  Ugain-mil of wystfiledh, yn feirw a Lâs, pan fu'r wlêdh Dr. Nanmor Cywydh of Hospitality.
• f 1.770

  Nostris illi (Romani) dissentionibus ac discordiis clari—& (pudet dictu) Erittannorum plerosque Dominationi alienae sanguinem commodantes. Galgacus apud Tacit. in vitâ Agricolae.
• g 1.771

  Cambden.
• h 1.772

  In not. ad pag. praeced.
• a 1.773

  Tacit. Ann. l. 14. Miles ne Mulierum quidem neci temperabat. Cambd. p. 36.
• b 1.774

  Ibid.
• c 1.775

  Histor Brit.
• d 1.776

  Caledion plur. Brit. duri.
• a 1.777

  Cambden.
• b 1.778

  Vetus miles, & multâ praeliorum experientiâ, &c. apud Camden p. 36.
• c 1.779

  Idem p. 31. ex tacit.
• c 1.780

  Idem p. 31. ex tacit.
• a 1.781

  Tacit.
• b 1.782

  Idem Ann. lib. 12.
• c 1.783

  Apud Camden. Ibid.
• c 1.784

  Tacit. Ann. lib. 12.
• d 1.785

  Dr. Davis Praefat. Gram. Cambr. ex Camden.
• a 1.786

  Cambden p. 571. 458. Pancirol c. 35. p. 236.
• a 1.787

  Cambden p. 571. 458. Pancirol c. 35. p. 236.
• a 1.788

  Cambden p. 571. 458. Pancirol c. 35. p. 236.
• b 1.789

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Herodian. lib. 2. in Juliano. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ibid. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Idem in Severo. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ibid The Brittains for valour and warlike rage, are no way short of the Illyrians.
• c 1.790

  Spondan. Ann. 3888. n. 5.
• d 1.791

  Spond. Ann. 388. n. 7.
• a 1.792

  Chrysost. Hom. 3. c. 1. Epist. ad Philipp.
• b 1.793

  Chrysost. Hom. 10. in cap. 3. Philip. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉;
• c 1.794

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Chrysost. Hom. 11. in cap. 3. Philipp.
• a 1.795

  Lactantius lib. 5.