Decimus Junius Juvenalis, and Aulus Persius Flaccus translated and illustrated as well with sculpture as notes / by Barten Holyday ...

Decimus [1] Junius Juvenalis HIS SATYRES. (Book Decimus Junius Juvenalis)

SATYRE. I.

ARGUMENT.

Fables our Author scornes, the Times Being so fruitful of great Crimes. When Information, Pride, Unjust Indulgence, Dice, Oppression, Lust, Riot and Poison, grow Too-bold, Our Poet sayes he cannot hold. Yet since the Living he doth dread, He points his Style against the Dead; And Acts, ev'n on the Stygian Coasts, The Zealous Tyrant or'e foule Ghosts. He makes their Graves with op'ning Jawes, To teach the Living, Vertue's Lawes. When Goodness cannot, dangerous Fame Curbs-in wild Crimes, and makes them tame. Satyre is Story. He begins The blushing Annals of Rome's Sins.

SHall I be still an Auditor? and ne're Repay, that have so often had mine eare Vext with hoarse Codrus (a) Theseads? Shall one sweat Whiles his gown'd Comique [2] Scene he does repeat? Another, whiles his Elegies (b) soft strain He reads? and shall not I vex them again? Shall mighty Telephus be unrequited, That spends a Day in being All recited? Or Volume-swolne Orestes, that does fill The Margin of an ample Book, yet still (As if the Book were mad too) is extended Upon the very back, [3] nor yet is ended?

No Man knowes better his own house, then I The Grove of Mars, [4] and Vulcan's Aetna (c) nigh Th' Aeolian Rocks; what the winds do; what Ghost Aeacus does Torment; and from what Coast Another stole the golden Fleece; what vast Ash-trees the Centaure Monychus did cast; Fronto's [5] Plane-trees and shaken Marbles (d) crie Allways, that this their daily Poetrie Has cleft the trembling Pillars; and look what The Best wits choose, [6] the Worst dare write of That. Our hand then from the ferula [7] we have Withdrawn. Advice we once to Sylla gave [8] To sleep retir'd and safe. But since we meet Poets (such is the store) in ev'ry street; 'Twere silly Clemency to spare the cost Of paper; [9] though ('tis likely) 'twil be lost. Yet wherefore in this field [10] I rather run, In which happy Aurunca's worthy Son [11] With Art did turn his Horses; if you are At leasure, and will hear, I will declare.

When a soft Eunuch Weds, [12] and Mevia strikes A Tuscan (e) Boar, [13] nor with bare breasts dislikes To shake a Hunting-spear; when one dares vie For vast Wealth (f) with our whole Nobilitie, One whose officious Sizzers went snip, snip, As he my troublesome young Beard did clip: When one of Nilus's Rout, a servile pate, Crispinus a Canopian (whiles in state His Shoulder does his purple Cloak [14] recall) Upon his sweating fingers fannes his small Summer-rings, [15] and a larger Jewels weight Shunnes as a burden: who but needs must straight Breath Satyre? Who can tow'rds leud Rome remaine So Tame? Who's so stark Ir'n, as to containe? When pleading Matho comes yee in his New Litter fill'd with himself, and next we view One that betrays [16] his great Friend, then does waite To snatch what's left of his consum'd Estate; Whom Massa fears, [17] whom Carus bribes, a faire Thymele too, [18] sent closely, that he'd spare Trembling Latinus: when they Thee remove, [19] Who become Heirs for Night-work, and now prove That the best way of mounting to the skies, Is by an old rich Widdows Lust to rise; A Twelfth part Proculeius [20] does inherit, Gillo Elev'n: they're Siz'd by Chamber-merit. And let them take't, the price of Blood, (g) and be As pale, as one that with bare heels too free Has crush'd a Snake, or one prepar'd for Fame At the Lugdunian Altar [21] to Declame.

What should I tell, how my dri'd liver burns With wrath, when a young VVard a Pathique turns, Made Needy by his Guardian, whose vast train Throngs-up the People; and condemn'd in vain [22] (For, What's Disgrace where Wealth is safe?) now quaffs, In Exile, from th' Eighth hour; [23] Thus Marius laughs, T' Enjoy his Angry Gods: but Thou, Prevailing Province, find••st for thy wrongs no help but wailing!

Claime not these Crimes Flaccus's Venusian light? And shan't I vex them? shall I rather write Of Hercules or Diomedes luck, (h) Of the loud Minotaure, or the Sea struck By falling Icarus, or th' happier wing Of Daedalus, that flew from his fierce King? When One, his own wifes pandar, becomes heire To her Adult'rer, whiles the Law takes care [24] Shee shall not; when to th' seeling he looks-up, Or with a watchful Nose snortes by a Cup. VVhen He dares hope for a Praetorian Band, VVho has on Stables spent with a vain hand His ancient Means, whiles with swift Axle-tree O're the Flaminian way he flies: for He [25] Like young Automedon the Rains did guide [26] VVhen by his VVarlike Mistress [27] he'd be Ey'd. Should not then Satyre in the Crosse-ways fill Large Table-books? [28] when less then six necks will Not serve, to bear one in his gazing Chaire, [After Mecaenas's garb] who has by rare Forgery got a brave Estate; by small VVills and a moistn'd Ring, that seal'd them all? Loe, a rich Dame mild Calene wine as due, To' her Husbands thirst brings, but brings toads juice too. Her Neeces this Locusta [29] shews the way, In spight of Fame and People, to conveigh Stain'd Husbands to their fun'ralls. Something dare Worthy the narrow Gyarus, [30] or th' aire Of a loath'd Jaile, if some body thou'dst be: Honesty's Prais'd, and Quakes with cold, we see. Unto their Crimes they owe their whole Estate, Palaces, Gardens, Tables, Ancient Plate, The Goat too, [31] which from their proud bouls juts-out. VVho can take rest for one that beyond doubt Bribes his Son's wife to Lust! For Male-brides and Adult'rous (i) Boyes! [32] If Nature wont command Verse, Indignation shall at least indite Such lines, as I or Cluvienus write.

From That time, that Deucalion's Ship ascended Parnassus's top [show'rs to the Sea extended] VVhen he his Lot enquir'd, and soft stones grew VVarm with a soul; when Maids, that vail ne'r knew,

Pyrrha to Men did bring; whats'ere men do, Their Vows, Fear, VVrath, Delight, Joy, Visits too, Is our Book's Mixture. And when e're did Vice More flow? VVhen open lay to Avarice A larger Haven? VVhen did Dice Intrance Our minds Thus? For they go to th' Tables chance Not with a Purse; the Chest's at stake! There see Their Battels with their Stewards, such as be Squires of their Dice and Coine! To cast-away A hundred Sesterces, (33) and then not pay A coat to' a Quaking Servant, is't a small Madnesse? So many brave Piles [34] which of all Th' Ancients built in the Country? VVho alone [35] Supp'd with seaven dishes? Now there's only knowne A Basket-doal [36] at the outmost door to wait, VVhich will by the gown'd rout be snatch'd-up straight. Yet first the Steward sees one's face, and quakes Fearing one by some forg'd name craves and takes, VVhen known, th' art serv'd. He bids the Crier next Call our Prime Trojans; for the thresholds vext By these too. Serve the Praetor; then dispatch The Tribune. But a Libertine [37] lies at th' catch As First; I'me First, sayes he; nor may I fear Or doubt to prove my Place, although born near Euphrates, as the dainty windows [38] show In my freed ear, though I deny't. But know Five Burses, which I let, adde to my store Four hundred Sesterces. [39] And, pray, what more Can Purple give? If your Corvinus keep In the Laurentine fields anothers Sheep? Pallas and the Licinii [40] in estate I far surpasse; let then your Tribunes waite. Let Wealth take place; and let not him, that come But th' other day with his chalk'd feet [41] to Rome Once yield to sacred Honor; (k) since we hold As most Divine the Majestie of Gold! Though, woeful Mony, Temple none thou hast, [42] VVhiles Peace, Faith, Vertue, Vict'ry thus are grac'd, And Concord, whose old Temple, [43] which yields store Of Storks, sounds when with Beak their Nest th' adore. But when your Great Ones at th' years end account; To what the Doal does make their gains amount; VVhat shall poor Clients do, who hence must buy Gown, Shoes, Bread, Fire? A throng of Litters cry- Out for the Hundred Farthings: (l) their VVives jumble After, though Sick, or Great as they can tumble. One craves for's Absent wife by a trick now known: A litter clos'd [44] he shews; but wife there's none. My Galla 'tis, sayes he; Quick order keep: Galla appear. No noise, Sir; shee's asleep.

The Day does th' Order of their Business follow. The Doal's First; Next, the Law-court and Apollo (m) Grown Lawyer; the Triumphal Statues too: 'Mongst which a vile Aegyptian, one that drew Gain from th' Arabian Custome, [45] has not fear'd To have his Titles; but at this high-rear'd Image not only leak you may. Then th' old Tir'd Clients leave the Porches, and their bold Appetite, a short Meals Long, Long Desire! And now, poor men, they must buy Herbs and Fire! Mean whiles what choise, Forrests or Seas afford, Their Lord (n) devours at's Ghuestless Couch and Board. For of so many large Round-tables, neat And ancient, they at one their whole state Eat. Now not a Parasite finds room! But who Loaths not such Niggard-Gluttons? O throat New And Vast, to which a Boar's a Dish! a Beast VVhich ne're was purpos'd-out but for a Feast. But Judgments Instant, when thy Panch devested Bears to the Bathes thy Peacock undigested. (o) Hence sodaine deaths are; hence Intestate age! The News not sad is Table-talke. VVith Rage His friends dispatch the funeral. So Bad And near a one being gone, they should be glad. Our Crimes for after-times have left no Fact: Our Nephews must the same things Love and Act. All Vice is at the Pitch-pole? Then set saile; Spread all thy Canvase. But where's now the gale Of wit, thou'lt say, fit for th' attempt? Now where Th' old Libertie of writing what so e're A mind inflam'd did dictate? VVhere the same Simplicitie, which now I dare not name? VVho car'd for Mutius's pardon? [46] Tigelline But touch, thou shalt in that dire taper shine [47] Wherein they stand and burn, whose own foul smoak And a sharp gag under their throats half-choak. Shall He then, that has drench'd three Uncles, be Mounted in Down, and thence sleight our degree? And, from the sand, and shews when carry'd-out Make a large furrow [48] through the trampled rout? Yes, meeting Him lay finger on thy lip: 'Tis slander, [49] if but the VVords, That's He, slip.

Of Turnus and Aeneas's furious steel VVrite freely. VVho Achilles's wound does feel? Or greives, that long-sought Hylas fetching water Let fall his Pitcher, and himself fell after? Yet when inflam'd Lucilius did with dread Shake his drawn blade, the hearer straight grew red, Whose secret crimes drove from his Breast all heat, And cast his Guilt into a quaking sweat.

Revenge and Tears burst hence. VVeigh all then right [50] E're Trumpets sound. When Arm'd for single-fight, Too late 'tis to Repent. I then will trie VVhat I may speak 'gainst Those, whose ashes [51] lie Under proud Tombes erect to their bold praise In the Flaminian and Latine [52] wayes.

NOTES on JUVENAL, Sat. 1.

(a) HE had nothing of a Poet, but his Poverty; of which, if we do but suppose that his Inventory Sat. 3. vers. 203. or Himself the occasion of the Proverb, Codro Pauperior, his proportion was enough, had he really been so good a Poet as he thought himself; or his Theseis as excellent as the Aeneis of Virgil. Yet this he made his Pattern in his Heroick Poem of Theseus's Feats of Chivalry; But came so infinitely short of it, that the like Names only of the Poems, made his Theseis seem an imitation of the Aeneis.

(b) This sort of Verse being Womanish and unmanly, heightens the Poets Indigna∣tion at their recital. For they either contained the little fooleries of Love, especially if that was unsuccesful, as in 3. De Arte &c. Eleg. 1. Flendus amor meus est, Elegëia flebile Carmen; Or some impertinent commendations men give (and perhaps never till then) the deceased. For Proclus in Photius says, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Ancients call'd Mourning, Elegy, and with it commended their Dead. And thence according to some, Elegia quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But the true deduction of the word is from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that being by Aristoph••nes frequently used as a Note of Mour∣ning. Yet the Verses themselves were not only so; Isaac Causabon telling us, that in them young Poets began first to breath their Muses, and that before they themselves were fully inspired. So that their Productions, being cheap and of little esteem, gave too just occasion of calling any ordinary and trite peice of Poetry by the same Name of Elegies. Hence Persius, — Nam si qua Elegidia Crudi Dictarunt Proceres.— He shews the Raw Authors, and Horace calls the pitiful Work Exiguos Elegos in his Arte Poet. Dio Chry∣sostome lib. 4. de Regno, calls the common Epitaph on Sardanapalus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, although He∣roick Verses. So that our angry Poet here, in the Name of the Verse, shews the reason of his Passion.

(c) Antrum Ʋulcani] 'Tis the Hollow on the top of Mount Aetna, now Monte Gibello, where because of the constant Eruptions of Fire, the Poets supposed Vulcan did forge Joves Thunder-bolts, and therefore in Strongyle, the nearest of the Liparaean or Aeolian Islands, placed Aeolus the God of Winds, as if on purpose the more conveniently to blow the God of Fire's Bellows. When in truth these Islands became the Signorie of Aeolus, from the good Prognosticks of Winds the Inhabitants of them could make. For they could by the smoak three days before, certainly tell what Winds would blow.

(d) By Convulsa Marmora, most understand the Pillars that sustained, when they might as well have interpreted them the Statues that adorned their Portico's. For that was the Roman fashion. Sat. 6. v. 164. — Vetu••ios Porticibus disponit Avos.— And then the Ruptae Columne in the next verse is significative, and not superfluous, as well as the sense clearly thus. Well might our Author be offended at the Recitations of those Poeta∣sters, at whose hideous yellings, even these Statues, as in strong Convulsions, shrunk up together, and shreiked for fear.

(e) And therefore the fiercest of any in Italy. But not so fierce as Mevia or other Women, one of which on the Amphitheater slew a Lyon, Mart. Epigr. 6. Spectac. And the Custome grew so common for Women to turn Gladiators, that in Xiphilines Severus we find it forbidden, by a Decree of the Senat: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(f) Single Romans have had vast Estates, such as would perswade one, did not our Author contradict it, that the wealth of a whole Order of Men amongst them, their Nobility, would as soon exceed Arithmetick, as it's self be exceeded especially by one

man. For we find one Crispus a Freeman of Ʋercelli, to be worth Bis Millies, or 1562500 l. and Caesar once needed a greater sum then this, Bis Millies quingenties 1953125. l. that by this much (as he wittily expressed the paying his Debts) he might be worth nothing. M. Crassus and Seneca had Ter Millies a peice, of our Mony 2343750. l. and of this the Philosopher had in England alone Quadringenties, or 312500 l. at Use. Cn. Lentu∣lus the Augur in Augustus's time had Quater Millies, or 3125000 l. Yet all this, and a great deal more, comes short of the Estate here mentioned. The Master of which, as at first he rose from nothing, so at last came to nothing; for upon some ill success at Law he fled into Sicilie, and left his Riches: And by Mart. lib. 7. ep. 63. as unfit for any other employment, is remanded to his primitive one of a Barber. Quod superest, itecum Cinname Tonsor eris. There you have his Name; and his former felicities are inti∣mated, besides in this place before us, in Sat. 10. v. 225.

(g) Sanguis, as in that of Plautus, Apage à me iftas sorores qui hominum sorbent sanguinem, is here put pro Semine. An easy Metonymie will shew us the Reason. For in Nature the Semen is but a perfecter concoction and preparation of the Blood. Yet this, by that Preparation, is so much enspirited, that to lose one dram of Semen, weakens as much as the loss of 60 ounces of Blood, if the observation of some Physitians in Dr. Browns Pseud. Epid. lib. 3. cap. 9. may be credited. And this supposed, the Poet very well adds of a venereous person, — Et sic

Palieat, ut nudis pressit qui calcibus Anguem.

(b) The old Stories of Hercules are so numerous amongst the Trivial Poets, that their Labours seem well nigh as troublesome (at lest to the Readers) as his they com∣mended. The Luck of Diomedes King of Aetolia (not the Thracian Tyrant) so often com∣mended by Homer especially Il. 5. was; that at his return from Troy, unwilling again to live with his Whorish wife, and wandring in several places of Italy, at last he settled in Apulia: There he found Divinity; and a Temple in those small Islands of the Adria∣tick that bear his Name. Worshippers he had in other places along that shore, and in Venice it self. His Companions in Travel, bore him company to Heaven no farther then Birds could fly, into which they being turn'd, were call'd Aves Diomedeae. Ʋno in loco totius terrarum Orbis visuntur, in Insula, quam diximus Nobilem Diomedis tumulo atque Delubro, contra Apuliae Oram, fulicarum similes. Advenas Barbaros claugore infestant, Graecis tantum adu∣lantur; miro discrimine velut Generi Diomedis hoc tribuentes; Aedemque illam quotidie pleno gut∣ture, madentibus pennis perluunt, atque purificant. Ʋnde Origo fabulae, Diomedis Socios in earum Effigies mutatos. Plin. lib. 10. cap. 44. D. August. de C. D. lib. 18. cap. 16.

(i) Fraetextatus Adulter is render'd by Adulterous boyes, because they were the young Nobility of Rome, that wore the Praetexta or Gown border'd with Purple. Not but that Praetextati are sometimes put for Magistrates, who first wore this Gown, though 'tis here, and commonly understood of Children, and Praetextata aetas is Childhood. For to the end of thay, namely till 16 years of Age they did not leave off this Gown; And they could not by Law be arraigned before they were divested of it; though they could, I perceive by our Poet, commit enormous crimes that deserved it.

(k) The Honor of the Tribunes is here call'd Sacred, either because 'twas great, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is the great strength, &c. Or, as now the Majesty of Kings is Sacred, that is inviolable, according to Festus. Quod sacrum est, idem lege aut instituto Majorum Sanctum esse, ait, ut violari id sine paena non possit. And Erasmus in the Proverb, Sacer Piscis, says Sacer dicebatur. Cui nemo nocebat, sed sui juris erat. Which was in a special manner al∣lowed to the Tribunes of the People at their first Creation; they only among the Ro∣mans being Magistratus Sacrosancti. They only were created per Legem Sacratam. Liv. lib. 2. Dec. 1. which Law Sanctum jubet esse alicui Deorum, devotes the family and the goods of the Offender against it to some one of the Gods, Godelevaeus on Livy, pag. 38. so that the difference of Sacrum and Sanctum we find in Pop••na, is not constantly observed. For, as there are Sancti Legati, so there are Sacri Tribuni, and upon the same Account, and for the same Reason. In Livy lib. 3. there are Sacri Dii, in Ovid. 3. Amor. Sacrivates. From this Reverence their Laws allowed the Tribunes, the sauciness of these Clients that here sleighted them, must needs be as much, as could be expected in the loosest times.

(l) Which was the summe of mony the Patrons gave their Clients instead of the Sportula or doal of meat they usually gave. Illust. 36. & Mart. Ep 60. lib. 1. & Ep. 7. l. 3.

[m] That is Apollo Palatinus, so called from the Temple Augustus built him in the Palace. Suet. Aug. cap. 29. And the Scholiast on our Author assures us, that by (or in) this Temple the Lawyers usually met and discoursed the doubtful cases in the Law.

[n] The Peacock and his Train, as at ours a Pheasant and his, was a fine sight at a Roman Table. Horace. — Quia veniat au••o, Rara Avis; & picta pand at Spectacula Caudâ. The whole Reason of it I think he has given us, for from necessity there can be none. Nun Esuriens fastidis omnia praeter Pavonem, Rhombunque? Ambitiosa non est Fames, contentae desinece est: quo desinat non nimis curat. Hortensius the Augur at his Installation Feast first brought this Fowl to dinner, as Ʋarro. And but small thanks are due to his Invention if St. Augustus's Experiment be true, that the flesh of it will never putrifie. De Civ. l. 21. c. 4. For it must needs be of a very hard Concoction, as our Poet here observes, and as full of inconveniencies as in the next verse we read.

[o] Proverbially before the sight begin, which was usually signified by the sound of Trumpets. Thence the Proverb of a Coward, Ante tubam timidus; one that's afraid when there is no appearance of Danger. Other signals of Battel were in use among the Romans, as the hanging a red Banner in form of a coat over the Generals Pavillion, and this in Caesar is call'd Proponere Ʋexillum. See Lips. ad Lib. 1. Annal. Tac. Our Poet in Sat. 2. v. 101. calls it Tollere Ʋexilla.

ILLUSTRATIONS Of the Obscurer Passages in the SATYRES OF D. Junius Juvenalis.

SATYRE. I.

The Mistake of some about Juvenal's Praenomen. Togatae and Palliatae. Pallium, La∣cerna, Penula. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Lucus Martis. The Ancient Custome of Poets to Read in Publick their Compositions. Ara Lugdunensis. The Roman Division and Imployment of the Day. The Number and Distinction of the Roman Meals. Pran∣dium, us'd amongst the Ancients. Merenda. Pugillares. Stylus, the Fashion and Matter of it. Praetextatum. Sestertius and Sestertium Distinguished and Valew'd. Atrium. The Ancient Custome of Supping with their Doors open; and the Reason. The Number anciently of their Dishes at Supper. Coena Recta. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Sportula; Centum quadrantes. A Roman Knight's necessary Revenue by Law. Pecunia, a Goddesse. Sella and Lectica. Arabarches; the Name, Office, and Person here intended. Tunica Molesta. Lipsius his conjecture alledg'd about that verse, Et latum media sulcum deducit arena: Ptolemaeus Flavius his Opinion about the same. The Roman custome of Burning the Bodies of the Dead: The diffe∣rent Custome of the Persians and Aegyptians; and in some cases amongst the Ro∣mans. Suggrundaria. The Custome of Burving in Caves, Groves, Gardens, at the foot of a Hill; before the Gate of a City; in private Houses. Diverse Names of a Sepulcher. Burial in Citties, Forbidden. Different places for the People and the Nobility. Tombs in Fields, by the Sides of the High-ways. Burial, by the Lace∣daemonians, permitted in Cities (and in some places, near the Forum,) to some also amongst the Romans; and at last in Temples.

1. DEcimus Iunius Iuvenalis. Those that have hitherto in pub∣lishing this Authour, bestow'd three names upon him, have for the first, either with a secure ambiguity, prefix'd only the let∣ter D. or with a liberality of Pen and error, written at large Decius Junius Juvenalis: amongst which last is Petrus Crinitus (who is there∣fore justly taxed by Ludovicus Carrio, in his Emen∣dations, lib. 1. cap. 1.) and also Cerutus before his Pa∣raphrase upon this Authour, alleadging Crinitus his words without correcting them. But, to stay the farther propagation of this error, amongst the three sorts of Names which the Romans had, the first whereof was called Praenomen, the second Nomen, the third Cognomen (under which last, with Onuphri••s Panvinius, I comprehend Agnomen) it is to be noted that Decius was a Nomen; as also may appear by the Catalogue of the natural Roman Praenomina, which were about thirty, as they are reckon'd up by S••go∣nius, de Nom. Roman amongst which Decius is not mention'd. This D. therefore is Decimus, as it is written in all those Manuscripts in which it is writ∣ten at large; and this agrees with Antiquitie, for Decimus was a Praenomen amongst the Romans. This

may be also confirm'd by those, who wrote the Ro∣man story in Greek, as by Polybins, Diodorus, Diony∣sius, Plutarch, Di••n: who alwayes when they found the letter D. used in Latine Historians for a Praeno∣men, as it is here, expounded it at large by Decimus. Yet Lubine, in his annotation upon that in his fourth Satyre, vers. 103.—Quis priscum illud miratur acumen, Brute, tuum?—Makes Decius a Pranomen, calling him that expell'd Tarquin, Decius Junius Brutus. But herein he multiplies an error: for first, he that ex∣pell'd Tarquin, and which is there meant by Juvenal, was called Lucius Junius Brutus, as is manifest by the Roman Fasti. Secondly, he that was called D. Junius Brutus, was one of them that conspir'd against Caesar; and thirdly, that conspirator was not called Decius, but Decimus Junius Brutus, as it is manifest by the Grecian writers of the Roman story; And therefore in the exacter Editions of Dio, published by Xylander, and Leuncl••vius, when this Brutus is in the Text called Decius, it is corrected with a va∣riety of Reading in the Margin, by Decimus; and in one place, where he is said to be nam'd in Caesar's Testament, he is absolutely called Decimus, without the mentioning of his other names, and on this place is no diverse Reading, or correction in the Margin. So likewise he is by Appian absolutely cal∣led Decimus, without the mentioning of his other names. I think the more plainly to distinguish him from the other Brutus, who was the chief in the same conspiracy, and was called Marcus Junius Brutus. It is an error therefore in the Author of the Prosaical part of our Grammar, called Lily's Grammar, p. 2. where he says, that when D. stands for a Praenomen, it signifies Decius. But it will be needful to remove one scruple. In Lucilius his Fragments, P. 13. Numb. 101. we find this verse, Persium non curo legere, haec: Laelium Decimum volo: which words are so recited also in Tully, de Oratore, lib. 2. and by Pliny, N••t. Hist. lib. 1. Epist. ad Vespas. Haec doctissimum Persium legere nole, Laelium Decimum volo. The sense is, Lucilius would not have the learned Persius (not the Poet, but) one, who in Tully's judgment was, as he says, Omnium ferè nostro∣rum doctissimus: but he would have a lesse learned Reader, such a one as Laelius Decimus. By which order of the names, Decimus seems not to be a Prae∣nomen. It is therefore to be known, that all the common Copies of Pliny (and so consequently of Tully and Lucilius) are corrupted. For all the an∣cient Printed and Manuscript Copies of Pliny, as Hermolaus Barbarus observes, and after him Fr. Dousa, on Lucilius, pag. 105. read, not Laelium Decimum, but Junium Congium, or Laelium Congrum. But by a licentious transposition, the cognomen was sometimes set before the Praenomen, as in that Maluginensis M. Scipio; (see Robertellus, and Sigonius de Nom. Rom. cap. 24. and 52.) which seems to have been the first occasion of the vulgar error.

2. Whiles his gown'd Comick Scene. The Ro∣man Comedy, so called from the Habit, which by pro∣priety of Country the Romans wore, as the Graecians did Cloaks. So the Scholiast on this place, accor∣ding to Pithaeus his Edition, Togatae sunt Comoediae La∣tinae, Palliatae Graecae, quales Afranius scribit. Yet be∣cause Afranius does not write Greek Comedies, cor∣rect the Reading, as Rutgersius does very well, in his Var. Lection. lib. 6. cap. 18. reading it thus, Togatae sunt Comoe diae Latinae, quales Afranius scripsit, Palliatae Graecae. And here note, that although Toga and Pallium are opposed as the Roman and Graecian gar∣ments, the Gown and the Cloak, yet some garments used by the Romans, neither have been, nor in our Tongue can be more properly render'd then by the name of Cloaks, a•• Lacerna and Penu••ae; yea Pallium doth not only signifie the Graecian Cloak, but also a garment which the Roman Women work over their stola or their long coat down to the heel. Sometimes also it is taken for bedcloaths, as Antonius Augustinus de Legib. 12. Tab. p. 267. ob∣serves out of Juvenal, Sat. 6. in that verse, Advo∣cat Archigenen onerosaque pallia jactat; and as Passe∣ratius notes in his Prelections upon Propertius, lib. 4. p. 589. The Lacerna and Penula are both in the Old Gloss upon Persius, Sat. 1. vers. 68. called pallia: which identitie of name doubtless arose from the near similitude which they had each with other, and both with the Graecian Cloak: nay the Roman Gown too was almost of the same form, as Lazius shews in his Commentaries, lib. 8. cap. 3. The La∣cerna by the descriptions of the ancients was a kind of Cloak first used in the Camp, but afterwards through civil wars it got into the Citty, and was worn upon their gowns to defend them from Cold and Rain. The penula was used for the like defence; yet this by Larius his description, lib. 16. cap. 11. was shorter and fitter for expedition, and therefore cheifly used in travel. And yet according to diver∣sitie of times it was more or less frequently used, as Lipsius shews, Elect. lib. 1. cap. 13. I judged it ne∣cessary here to shew the diverse acceptions of the word pallium and Cloak, because here it seems to be appropriated to the Graecian, when notwith∣standing we shal frequently hereafter in this Au∣thor render those Roman garments lacerna and pe∣nula by our word Cloak: which without the pre∣vention of a note might peradventure have been to some the occasion of some error.

3. Upon the very back. The custome of the Ro∣mans was to write but on one side of the leaf, leav∣ing the other for any after-thoughts, or brief re∣membrances. But in a continued course to fill the second side, the accounted extream folly or ex∣tream industrie; and such writings the Latines cal∣led à tergo scripta, the Graecians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. See Catanaeus on Pliny, lib. 3. epist. 5. and Claudius Minos. Rader on Martial. lib. 8. epig. 62. Alexander Nea∣pot. in his Genial. Dier. lib. 2. cap. 30. and Tiraquet on that place.

4. The Grove of Mars. The common Reading is Lucus Martis; but Ptolemaeus Flaevius in his Conjectan-cap. 29. tels us of another Reading, which Johannen Baptista Blautius hath, and that is Luctus Martis: but whether this be grounded upon copie or con∣jecture I know not. The sense they make diverse, and so uncertain, understanding one while the adul∣tery of Mars and Venus, another while the fight between Mars and Diomedes in the Trojan war, and so they would obscurely have Nero. touch'd, who set Rome on fire, that he might write his Troica. But all this being rather wit then truth, and a stranger to all the Manuscripts, which I have seen, the old Reading is to be retain'd, which also is subject to as much variety of interpretation. Some travel as far as Athens to find Lucus Martis there, others as far as Colchos to find it there; where they are both as far from the Poet's intent, as Athens or Colchos are from Rome. The Lucus Martis, which some would have at Athens, was, as they say, the Athe∣nian Areopagus: but Britannicus his exception will stand against this, who says, That was not Lucus but Villa Martis, though the margin of one manu∣script (but without any proof) says that there was also Lucus Martis. Calderinus thinks it might be understood of a place at Colchos, where the gol∣den

fleece was; but I approve not this conjecture: for then, methinks, we should scarce quit our Au∣thor of a tautologie; seing that by and by after he reckons-up that of the golden fleece, as a distinct argument, which the cheap versifiers of those times did trade in. Others not taking the pains to go out of Rome, make Lucus Martis there, and so take it for a place, wherein the Poets did use to read their poems. But this opinion Lubine, witti∣ly derides, urging that by consequence the Poet should say, that he had not been likewise in Vulcan's Aetna, for this immediately follows in the like sense. Yet this jest of Lubine may be answer'd in earnest; for Baptista Egnatius in his Racemations, cap. 6. urges out of P. Victor, de Ʋrbis regionibus, that Antrum Vulcani was a place in Rome, in the fourth region of the Citty, but the copies which we now have of Victor, have in that place not an∣trum but area Vulcani; which how it can be made to signifie antrum, I see not. There is besides in Victor, in the ninth region, Aedes Vulcani, and this peradventure may with a less violent abuse be cal∣led Antrum Vulcani. Now Egnatius thinks that this was a place where Poets did use to recite their po∣ems; indeed the Old Scholiast says so of Lucus Martis; but as the Scholiast hath some singular re∣membrances of less-obvious antiquities, so hath he likewise some uncertainties. For if we view the contexture of the place, we shall find, that he does not here speak of Lucus Martis, as of a place where∣in poets did read, but as of a vain argument, which they handled. The learned Parrhasius, Epist. 2. be∣sides all these brings another exposition, saying that by Lucus Martis, Valerius Flaccus is touch'd, whom, as he says our Poet did emulate, they liv∣ing at the same time together under the Vespasians, whom Flaccus flatter'd, and Juvenal hated; and therefore flouts at many passages of his Argonautica, as Parrhasius by a diligent parallel of diverse places shews at large. Which conceit some highly ap∣prove, and so do I, yet with some abatement from so full an approbation; and that for these reasons. First, I dislike that he assignes as a partial motive of Juvenal's anger, Emulation: for, which of the learned is so young, as to compare the labours of young Flaccus, at the best unperfect and but an imi∣tation of Apollonius (though a commendable Essay for a young wit) with the masculine and subact judgement of Juvenal, to whom, for the admirable mixture of advanced Passion and equal wit, old Rome from all her monuments cannot casily pro∣duce a parallel. The orher motive which Parrha∣sius assigne••, we ought to beleeve; that is, the just indignation, which Juvenal's zeal conceiv'd against the impotent disingenuitie of Flaccus, who for out∣ward respects would flatter a vile Prince. Second∣ly though Parrhasius his conjecture on this place be true, yet it is but an allusive, not an absolute ex∣position; so that it may be admitted but in a se∣cond place. To find out then the true interpretation we will neither travel to Colchos nor stay at Rome, but with a moderate and neighbour journey to Alba, and find there the grove where Rhea brought forth Romulus and Remus; which place was called Lu∣cus Martis, as Merula in his Commentary on this place, shews out of Justine and Plutarch. To deli∣ver then the absolute and best meaning of our Au∣thor, which I would choose; We may understand Lucus Martis either Metonymically for the story of Rhea done there, or Synechdochically for any grove, according to the sense of that in Persius, Sat. 1.—Nec ponere lucum Artifices—such stories and such descriptions being the first tria's of slight wits. This interpretation I take to be most natural, as being upon examination true, and not far fetch'd: which conditions I think to be safe rules for all interpre∣tation. After an absolute expofition allusions take place, and so in the next place we may embrace Parrhasius his apt conjecture.

5. Fronto's Plane-trees. A noble Roman famous for learning and bounty, who used to lend his state∣ly house encompassed with shady trees, to the Po∣ets of his time, wherein they did read their Poems. This is at large describ'd by Persius in his first Sa∣tyre, and by Juvenal in his seventh. Of the••de∣lightful shade and spreading branches of the Plane-tree, see Claudius Minos on Pliny, lib. 1. epist. 3. Bisciola in his Hor. Subseciv. lib. 9. cap. 21. and Wo∣werus de Ʋmbra, cap. 26. The imitation of this Roman custome of publique and Voluntary Reading, though not in such a manner of place, hath been heretofore amongst Us; as Mr. Camden notes in his Epistle before his Anglica, Normannica, &c. For when Giraldus Cambrensis was return'd out of Ire∣land with John, King Henry the second's Son, to whom he was Tutour, he read publiquely in Ox∣ford, in the year 1200, his Topographie of Ireland.

6. And look what the best wits choose. Expe∣pectes eadem a summo minimoque poeta. Amongst the diverse conjectures which are deliver'd upon this verse, this which I here use seems to me the most consonant to the nature of the place. For the Poet here intending to express first why he writ, secondly why he writ Satyres, gives the reason of the first in this verse; which was because Every one writ, both Good and Bad, nay the worst durst writ of the highest arguments, when as our Poet knew himself furnish'd with as much School-learn∣ing either in Grammar or Rhetorique, as many of them: and therefore as he passes from this verse, he markes it with the particle or sign of a reason thus, Et nos Ergo manum Ferulae, &c. We therefore Now, &c. The reason of the second he makes to be the crimes of Rome, as the text it self clearly shews.

7. From the Ferula. The vertuous indignation of the Poet••••••who having in the Schools learn'd the grounds of Grammar, and practised himself in the Rhetorique of a Declamation, would not any longer endure to be an Auditor of others, and as it were suffer the ferula again, but would now af∣ter his declamation upon Sylla, or the like argu∣ment, perform'd by him in the Shools, attempt the writing of a Satyre, especially the Ignorant with the confidence of the learned daily publishing the fruits of their wits.

8. We Once to Sylla gave. There is an especial Emphasis to be put in the Praeterperfect tenses Sub∣duximus and Dedimus, as Turnebus acutely observes in his Advers. lib. 28. cap. 24. For though our Au∣thor had perform'd these younger exercises Here∣tofore, yet Now, he saith, he will venture upon a more manly task.

9. To spare the cost of paper. Scing that others spoile paper, he will spoile some too, though (in the modest apprehension of his own worth) he thinks that what he shall write will quikly perish.

10. Yet wherefore in this field. The Field of writing Satyres.

11. In which happy Aurunca's worthy Son. Lu∣cilius born at Aurunca a Citty of the Rutilians, as some say; others would have him only educated there, but born at Suessa a Citty of the Aurunci; a Mediterranean Citty in Campania, says Ptolemie. Su∣essa Pometia, says Florus, was the chief Citty of

the Volsci in Campania; which, as Livy relates, the Aurunci forsaking their own through fear, came in∣to, and called it Aurunca. Livy, lib. 32. makes mention of Suessa Aurunca. Add what Ortelius in his Thesaurus says from Sylburgius, &c. Caius Lucilius (to speak of the man) being about the age of 16. was a souldier under P. Scipio Africanus Minor in the Numantian war, as Fr. Dousa, notes on Lucilius, p. 98. He was a Roman Knight, and great Uncle to Pomp••y the Great. He was a souldier in Spain, 18. years. At Rome he dwelt in the house that was built for King Antiochus his Son, when he was a ho∣stage at Rome. Lucilius died at Naples, and had there a publique funeral. Eusebius says he died in the 46. year of his age: but Horace implies, that he was an old man; —quo fit, ut omnis Votiva pa∣teat veluti descripta tabella vita Senis. He did save diverse of the Roman Nobilitie, and the most fa∣mous Poets though dead, as Euripides, Ennius, Cae∣cilius, Pacuvius, Aetius and Others: nay, he is sayd to have written his own life, and not to have spared himself. Se his Reliquias, p. 20. He was of most fa∣miliar acquaintance with Scipio Africanus and Laelius.

12. Weds. The wit of Lust! to marry an Eu∣nuch, so to enjoy marriage without Child-bearing.

13. And Maeviae strikes a Tuscan boar. A familiar but strange impudence of Women (yea Noble ones) in Domitian's time, to combat with wild beasts (not upon a stage, but) in the Amphitheater. See Onu∣phrius de Ludis Circ. lib. 2. cap. 1. and Marcellus Donatus on Sueton's Domitian. cap. 4.

14. His Purple cloak recall. The slipping of his cloak implies the impatient delicacy of Crispinus in wearing his cloak loose; it being the custome of the Romans to fasten their Lacerna about their neck; as appears by that of Am. Marcellinus, lib. 14. Sudant sub ponderibus lacernarum, quas in colli exerta singulis ipsis adnentant: which place Marcellus Dona∣tus upon Sueton's Augustus, cap. 40. rightly amends by reading, for singulis, fibulis.

15. His small Summer-rings. The dainty pride of the Romans had great rings for winter and smaller for Summer.

16. One that betrays. Heliodorus a Stoick Phi∣losopher greatly favour'd by the Emperor of Domitian.

17. Whom Massa fears. One flatterer flatter'd another if greater then himself.

18. A fair Thymele. The receiv'd story and inter∣pretation of this place hath commonly been this; Latis and Thymele his wife were Mimiques very grateful to the Emperor: but Latinus being by Heliodorus taken in adultery with Messalina the wife of Claudius, as the manuscript commentary hath it, or the wife of Nero, as the Scholiast, or the wife of Domitian, as one Manuscript hath it in the mar∣gin, to prevent accusation and ruin which he fear∣ed, sent his wife Thymele to winn Heliodorus to a silence, either by delighting him which some mi∣mique, sports, or, as some would have it, by the prostitution of her self to his desires; for submissa bears either of those senses. But Calderinus dislikes the last; for, saith he, what beauty could there be in a Mimique to move desire in the great Helio∣dorus? But this may be easily answer'd; for why may we not justly think, that the wife though a Mimique had beauty enough to content a favorite, when as her husband of the same profession had enough to be desired by an Empress? Hereupon, saith the manuscript Commentator, the matter was conceal'd; yet afterward, as the Scholiast tels us, it was known and he was put to death by Nero. This narration if it were true, were a sufficient in∣terpretation of the place: but to bring it to a brief examination. That Latinus and Thymele were mimiques greatly favour'd by the Emperor, it is manifest by many testimonies; but that Thymele was his wife, Politian. lib. 7. epist. 33. eagerly de∣nies: yet herein may be used some moderation; for as there are not any authorities alleadged to prove them married, so neither are there absolute∣ly to denie it. And seing that the explication of the place depends not upon any necessity of such relation between them, as it will appear, we may leave it as a point not more uncertain then imper∣tinent. But for the rest of the story it may be thus opposed; first, Latinus was not put to death by Nero, as Sueton testifies in his Domitian: Secondly, he was guilty of no such crime, but died in the great love of the Emperor; for Martial writing his Epitaph, lib. 9. epig. 29. expresseth the innocency of his mirth, and the Emperor's love towards him. The Epitaph is made in the person of Latinus speaking of himself: wherin after that he hath ex∣pressed the sports he shew'd in his parts, he adds,

Sed nihil a nostro sumpsit mea vita theatro, Et sola tantum Scenicus arte feror. Non poteram gratus Domino sine moribus esse, Interius mentes inspicit ille Deus.

The stage did not express my Life, but skill: (In effect this) I did but Personate, not Practice Ill. I had not else pleas'd my great Lord, that weigh'd With what a mind I liv'd, with what I playd.

Leaving therefore this opinion too much hither∣to receiv'd, I most willingly embrace the inter∣pretation of Turnebus, who in his Adversar. lib. 20. cap. 8. gives this exposition; Latinus and Thymele famous mimicks had often on the stage as an adulte∣rer & an adulteress performed their parts: in which personated work the adulterer had either been ta∣ken, or at least been suspected by the husband of the adulteress; whereupon she by the instruction of her lover went to her husband with much flat∣tery, like some love, to smooth-up the matter and clear the adulterer, which stage device was ge∣nerally known in Rome; and the like is imitated in the sixt Satyre in that verse, Quem toties texit peri∣turi cista Latini: for this Latinus had playd the adul∣terer, and upon the apprehension of the Husbands comming, was sodainly clapt into a chest. The poet then saith, that as Latinus upon the stage did send his adulteress to make peace for him, so do many now adays that offend, use the mediation of others to bribe great informers to a silence. There∣fore I understand it not by way of story but of allu∣sion; it being false in the person, but in the allu∣sion true: because Thymele did not bribe him: but as Thymele excused her adulterer to her husband, so some she-intercedents did obtain pardon of great informers for some offenders.

19. When they thee remove. An Apostrophe of the Poet, to any true heir disinherited by an adul∣terer.

20. Proculeius and Gillo. Famous adulterers.

21. At the Lugdunian Altar. A contention of Orators was instituted by Caligula, as Sueton in his Life, cap. 20. relates, at Lions in France: where was a famous Altar (mentioned by Strabo) and where he that was overcome was to write the prai∣ses of his Conquerer, and bestow a reward upon him. If he did extreamly displease the Auditory, he wiped out his own lines with a sponge or with his Tongue, unless he chose rather to be punish'd with a ferula and (not drown'd, but) ducked over head and ears in the next River; as Sueton's lear∣ned

Interpreter renders it in English.

22. Condemn'd in vain. Marius Priscus Proconsul of Africa, for spoiling the Country of great sums of mony, was forced, upon the complaint of the Afri∣cans, to pay a fine to the Roman Treasury, and was banish'd Italy. Yet reserving the greater part of his former spoils, he lived in a wanton exile; whiles the distressed Africans had the sentence of Law pas∣sed on their side, but no restitution. The sum, in which he was condemn'd, was, as some tell us 7000. Sester••ii, herein following Lubin, who says, 7000. nummûm; but the sum it self might shew the error, this being not so many two-pences, and in exact reckoning but 54 l. 13 s. 9 d. but if they had consul∣ted with Britannicus, he would have told them, it was Septingenta millia, that is, if deduced to our coin, 5468 l. 15 s. though this also was but a trifling Fine for such an Offender.

23. The eighth hour. The Romans greatly dif∣fer'd from our times in the division of the day: for we use a Civil day, that is the space of day and night, which we divide into 24. parts, or Equino∣ctial hours, which are always constantly equal. They used a Natural day, which is the space, from the Sun-rising to the Sun-setting; as Censorinus shews, De Die Natali, cap. 23. so that their own hours varied according to the season of the year; an hour at Mid-sommer being a twelfth part of their longest day, and an hour at the deep of Winter, be∣ing but a twelfth part of their shortest day. The like was the division of the night. Thus they had only one six'd hour both of day and night, when the Sun was at the Meridian in either Hemisphere. So that when would render their hours by ours, we must not make the comparison absolutely, but con∣sider the time of the year. Yet for the aptest and general equation, we may consider the Roman hours when they are the same with the Equinoctial, which is when the Sun is in the first points of Aries and Libra; and then the sixt hour, both Roman and Equinoctial, being at 12. of the clock, their eighth hour was at our two of the clock; And so conse∣quently their hours at all seasons of the year, may be easily reduced by allowance or abatement. Now their custome was to allow the first part of the day for business, and at the ninth hour to Sup; accord∣ing to that of Martial, Imperat extructos frangere nona thoros. To bath and Sup sooner was accounted Luxury, except on Festival days, for then they might prevent this time; as is implied in that of the eleventh Satyre,—Quanquam Solida hora supersit Ad Sextam—. See Achilles Statius in his Observati∣ons, cap. 9. and Parrhasius in his 63. Epist. touching some part of this argument, and Lipsius in his Ex∣cursions on Tacitus, Annal. 14. de Conviviis tempestivis. Concerning the hour of Bathing, read Bisciola, in his Hor. Subseciv. lib. 9. cap. 20. Alexand. Neapol. Genial. Dior. lib. 4. cap. 20. And Tiraquel's Annotati∣ons on him. For the division of the day, according to the Ancients, see Rader on Martial, lib. 4. epig. 7. and the more diligent Expositors of St. Mark, cap. 15. vers. 25. as also Beroald. Chron. lib. 1. cap. 3. and Aldus de Dierum generibus & horis, by way of Commen∣tary upon Palladius de Re Rustica. Concerning the Number and Distinction of the Roman Meals, or times of repast, as Jentatio, Frandiculum, Prandium Merenda, Coena, Vesperna, & Commessatio, there is di∣versity of opinions. Servius denies Prandium to have been in use amongst the Ancients: but Philip Beroald, in his Annotations on Servius, does abun∣dantly prove this to be an error; as likewise Stuckius in his Antiquitat. Convivial. lib. 1 cap. 11. to which we may adde that of our own Poet, Sat. 13. Pran∣debat sibi quisque Dens—. See also Marsilius Cagnatus in his Var. Observation, lib. 1. cap. 17. Some have held, that the Romans did use to eat but once in a day: but this likewise is refuted by Muret. in his Var. Lection. lib. 4. cap. 12. The truth of their cu∣stome was this; There were in all Five times of repast in a day: which before we reckon and pa∣rallel with ours, one difference is to be observed concerning Prandium and Merenda. Prandium is by Festus made the same with Merenda; but Nonius di∣stinguishes them, making Merenda to be in the After∣noon: which controversie between these two, Aldus Manutius de Quaesitis per Epistol. lib. 1. Epist. 4. endea∣vours to compose, saying that Merenda (a word in use before Prandium, and derived a meridie, the time of the day wherein it was) did at the first signifie that, which was afterwards called Prandium; which thus came to pass. The Romans at the first, called their repast at Noon, Merenda; and used to fast from that time till Supper: but afterwards Luxury encreasing amongst them, they thought it too much to fast so long, and therefore made another meal between; then calling that meal Prandium, which before was called Merenda, and bestowing this name Merenda on the new repast, which their delicacy invented. Yet Andreas Baccius, de Convi∣viis Antiquorum, lib. 4. hath a conceit, though he denies not the former Etymologie of Merenda; thinking that it may be equally called so a Merendo, and so that it properly signified the repast of La∣bourers; which for conceit we may commend, whiles we approve Manutius his Opinion for Truth. This doubt then being removed, the times of their repast were these; First, their Jentaculum (which was the same with Prandiculum) answered to our Break-fast. Their second, Prandium, in an ordinary acception, answered to our Dinner; but in an accu∣rate, it agreed neither in time nor quantity of food; theirs being about Noon, or our twelve of the clock, and but a light repast. Their third, Merenda, bears apt proportion to our After-noon Bever, or drink∣ing. Their fourth, Coena, (called also Vesperna) answered to our Supper. Their fift, Commessatio, was a Drinking about two or three hours after Supper. All these were used by the luxurious; but the tem∣perate were content with few. Break-fasts were scarce used by any but Children: Dinners likewise were made a full meal only by Them, as too tender to endure hunger, and by Labourers, in whom the repair of strength makes food more ne∣cessary. The better sort, if they dined at al, did it but slightly. The Merenda was required by the me∣rit of Labourers, and the tenderness of Children. Their Coena was the only meal which the better sort usually made; and unto This were their most re∣spected Invitations. Their Commessatio was by the Riotous often abused: but the learned made it the occasion of enjoying each others vertue and learn∣ing by discourse. This light diet amongst the Ro∣mans may be understood to have been caused by the heat of their Climate; whiles by experience we see that they which dwell far Northward, when they come into the heat of Southerne Countries, have an abatement of appetite.

23. Whiles the Law takes care. Adulterers used to bequeath their whole Estates to their Adul∣teresses: which enormity Domitian endeavour'd to prevent by a Law, by which he made all such in∣famous Women incapable of Legacies; who did notwithstanding delude the Law, by making their own Husbands Pandars to their Lust, and so causing

the Legacies to be given to Them.

25. For He. Even in his Youth, like another Automedon, Achilles his Chariotier.

26. The rains did guide. It was a humour in the Roman dames to fall in love with such Gallants, as could drive a Chariot bravely: and therefore your young Nobles did use to shew themselves in the pride of their Art, to their admiring Mistresses. Which vanity is partly taxed in the eighth Satyre, in that verse on Damasippus, Ipse rotam stringit multo sufflamine Consul, Nocte quidem—, and in that other, —Clara Damasippus Luce flagellum sumet—.

27. His Warlike Mistress. Britannicus in this place by Lacernata amica, understands Nero's Sporus, being the rather induced to believe thus, as we may conceive, because by Lacerna, we may Metonymical∣ly understand the Sex, (it being the Man's Garment) and, by amica, vilely understood, the abuse of the Sex. But by the precedent Annotation (which is the Exposition of Turnebus, Advers. lib. 28. cap. 24.) it is manifest, that in this place is taxed the humor of Women. Here therefore he speaks of a Woman; so that amica expresses the Sex, and lacerna an abuse or impropriety, it being properly the Souldiers Garment; and therefore, as Isidore tells us, Lacer∣natus was used absolutely for Miles, as Togatus for Ʋrbanus: which the Scholiast well understood; and therefore on this place sets this note, Saryrice, ha∣bitu virili foeminam describit. So that according to the natural meaning of this place, he calls a Woman thus stoutly affected with the hurrying of Chariots, a Warlike Mistresse. To have follow'd the letter, I should have rendred it, His Cloak'd Mistress, or his Mistress using the Souldiers Cloak: but because it is spoken by a metonymie of the Adjunct, which more agrees with the sense, I chose rather to ren∣der it by the aptness, then the severe propriety of the word.

28. Large Table-books. Tables of wood cove∣red with wax, on which they writ with an Instru∣ment of Iron or Brass; and therefore they were called Pugillares, à pungendo, as Aldus Manutius ob∣serves, De quaesitis per Epist. lib. 2. Epist. 1. Of these Tables, see Lud. Carrio. Emendations, lib. 2. cap. 6. Meursius upon Lycophron. p. 340. Victorius his Variar. Lection. lib. 16. cap. 5. and Laurentius Pignorius de Servis, pag. 116. & 117. In the first of which he says, Pugillarium forma fuit oblonga & quadrata, emi∣nenti quadam margine circumcirca conclusa, ut vidimus Romae in veteri arca sepulchral•• in hortis Cyriaci Matheii. Which I note, because Georgius Longus, de Annulis Signatoriis, cap. 8. describes them to have been of a triangular form. In the last cited page of Pigno∣rius, is expressed the form of the Roman Graphium, or Stylus, which was sharp at the one end to write with, and flat at the other to smooth out what they had written. It was commonly carried in a little case, called Graphiarium, as Philip Beroald notes in his Commentary upon Sueton, lib. 1. cap. 82. and Pig∣norius, pag. 119. And because it was too apt and dangerous to stab with, and too frequently abused in that practise, it was sometime at Rome publickly prohibited to be worn, if made of Iron; such only being permitted as were made of bone, as Casaubon notes on the forecited place of Sueton. Before the invention of paper, they did use to write on Palme leaves, (as some tell us; yet see Sat. 8. Illustrat. 9.) on the barks also of trees, (strictly, the inward rind of them) as also on lead, on linnen, and on waxen tables: which last remain'd in use after the inven∣tion of Paper and Ink, being portable and conveni∣ent. See Aldus Manutius, de Quaesitis per Epistol. lib. 2. Epist. 1. and Cornelius Witellius in his Annet. in Georg. Merulam, cap. 3.

29. Locusta. A notorious wretch of this name there was in the time of Nero; whom she help'd by her execrable experience in poisons, to dispatch Britannicus,. See Sueton's Nero, cap. 33.

30. The narrow Gyarus. A place in the Aegean Sea, of most uncomfortable banishment.

31. The Goat too. The Images on the sides or foot of their stately bouls. One Manuscript (not to omit the mirth) would teach us, that Caper here mentioned was a Philosopher; and so tell us, that by stantem extra pocula, we must understand, that he was a Sober one!

32. Adultrous Boyes. An elegant contradicti∣on, praetextatus adulter; for as Pompeius tells us in his Fragments, some used pratextatum for pudicum. And yet it was sometime used in a contrary sense, for obscoenum, as in that place of Agellius, lib. 9. c. 10. Non praetextatis sed puris honestisque verbis; and in that of Juvenal Sat. 2. verse the last, —Praetextates re∣ferunt Artaxata mores. See Meursius in his Exercit. Critic. Part. 1. ad Plauti Capteivos cap. 1.

33. A hundred Sesterces. The Romans amongst their Coins had two, which almost agreed in Name, but in valew greatly differ'd; Sestertium and Sester∣tius, the first containing a thousand of the latter. In this place the first is meant, as it is manifest by the words Sestertia centum. The valew of them is to be reduced to our coins by this account; The Denarius or Roman penny is by the most judicious, and particularly by the last and accurate Transla∣tors of our English Bible in the Marginal notes upon Matthew 18.28. and the 20, 2. and 22, 19. valew'd at 7d. ob. which Denarius according to the Roman writers, contained 4 Sestertios; so that Sestertius is 1d. ob. qa. q. which being multiplied by a thousand, arises to 7l. 16 s. 3. which was the value of a Sester∣tium; which being again multiplied by a hundred, arises to 781l. 5 s. which is the summe, which our gamester here looses. And whiles we are now re∣ducing this coine, let us again multiply these hun∣dred Sestertia, that is these 781 l. 5 s. by 4. and they will amount to 3125 l. or quadringenta sestertia, which was the value of a Roman Knights yearly Revenue. Our English yields not diversitic of termination to express the difference between Sestertium and Se∣stertius; therefore rendering it Sesterces, it was ne∣cessary to point out, and clear the ambiguity. Con∣cerning the Denarius I may farther note, that Ga∣briel Simeoni (an Italian Antiquary, in his Illustratione de al' Epitaffi Antichi) tells us, that the Head (ex∣pressed in it) arm'd signifies Rome; the Wings its Diligence; the Vessel (us'd in Sacrifice) their reve∣rence in Religion; X. the Value Denarius, implying thus, that by Armes, Diligence, and Religion, Rome got the Empire of the World.

34. So many brave Piles. Summer houses in the Country for pleasure.

35. Who alone. Three things are here repre∣hended, as being against the Roman custome. The first, that now they supped Alone; which, if we weigh the etymologie of the word coena, implies a Satyrical contradiction; it being so called, because it was common. For it was the manner of the Ro∣mans (though they might lightly Dine alone) to Sup with their Friends. The second thing was, that now they supped privately, whereas before they used to Sup in the Porches of their houses; which Porches (or Halls, for so atria are sometimes ren∣dred) were covered over head, and built fair and large, wherein they did keep the Statues of their

Ancesters, and used to make fire; for which cause Servi••s derives atrium, ab atrore. See Cland. Minos, on Pliny, lib. 2. Epist. 17. and this expounds that in the 8th Satyre, vers. 8. Fumosos equitum cum di∣ctatore magistros, in which he calls the Statues smoaky, because they stood in their Porches, where they made fire. Of the Romans supping with their doors open, that the peoples eye might be a witness of their temperate diet, see Marcellus Donatus on Sueton's Angustus, cap. 35. A third thing here repre∣hended, was the number of their dishes; for so with Britannicus by fercula we understand patinas, according to that of Horace, lib. 2. Satyr. 6. Maltaq, de magna saperessent fercula coena. The temperance of former times was far from the riot here mentio∣ned by our Poet; see Casaubon and Torrentius on Sue∣ton's Angustus, cap. 74. where it is noted of that Em∣perour, that he had but commonly three dishes, and when more plentifully, not above six. Our Poet in his 11th Satyre, where he invites Perstens to Supper, and names to him what he should expect, reckons up but two dishes of meat, Kidde and Hen, and some Fruit. The Romans indeed when they feasted, had sometimes strange varietie; and with more state and solemnitie divided the Feast into three parts or courses; of which see Sat. 5. Illustrat. 3.

36. A Basket-doal. It was at first the custome of the Romans, after their Clients had graced them with their attendance, to have them home with them, and give them a good Supper, which was cal∣led coena recta, that is legitimum convivium, or a just and full meal. But afterward they changed their bounty into a lighter and cheaper doal, which one distributed to them at the outward threshold, and commonly they received it in a little Basket; and therefore the Grecians called it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Latines Sportula from Spartum (as some think) which signifies a kind of Broom, of which the Basket was made; and so by a Metonymie from the matter, it vvas called by that name; see Sat. 3. Illustrat. 38. They gave also sometimes, instead of coena recta, centum quadrantes, vvhich in a round account vve call a hundred farthings; though in an exacter reckoning they were much lesse, then a hundred of our farthings, vvhich make tvvo shillings and a penny. To reduce then these centum quandrantes to our coine; vve may take notice, that the Denarius or penny valewing 7d. ob. contained ten Roman Asses, each of these by consequence valewing ob. qa. As likewise contained three trientes, each being a far∣thing; but 4 quadrantes: so that quadrans is as much with us as q. c. vvhich quadrans or q. c. being multi∣plied by a hundred arises to eighteen pence half∣penny farthing, vvhich is the summe that vvas given them instead of their coena recta. The vvord Spor∣tula in after times came to have other signifieations; for in the civil Lavv there vvere Sportulae Judiciales, vvhich vvere the Fees for Counsellers at the Lavv; and by the Grecians called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. There vvere also Sportulae sponsoriae, called by the Grecians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vvhich were pavvns for assurance. For vvhen tvvo vvere about to go to Lavv, before the Plaintif put in his Declaration, or the Defendant his Ansvver, they laid dovvn a summe of mony by vvay of Caution or Surety, vvhich he that vvas cast in the Suit vvas to loose. It did also in the Primitive Church signifie the Ministers maintenance.

37. A Libertine. A Libertine is one that is ma∣••••••issed from servitude. Of the exact acceptions of Libertinus and Libertus; see Aldus Manutius de Quaesitis per Epist. lib. 1. epist. 7. and Josephus Castalie, in his Var. Lect. cap. 13.

38. The dainty Windows. The Eastern People were commonly of servile condition; yet by the common vanity of their country they much delight∣ed to were pendents in their ears, and for that purpose did use to make holes in them.

39. Four hundred Sesterces. A Roman Knights just wealth, or yearly revenue according to the Law. Yet note by the way that a Roman Knight's estate was once raised to 500. Sestertia, as it may be collected from Sucton's Julias, cap. 39. by those wo••ds, Ludis Decius Laberius eques Romanus mimum suum egit, quingentis sestert•••••• & annulo, &c. though afterwards it was reduced by Tiberius to the former custome. See Medius, in his Nov. Antiq. Lection. epist. 33. p. 154. Yet we may observe the fault of the copie which Modius used, the name of Laberius being not Decius but Deci••••••s, as it is corrected in the best editions published by the latest Criticks.

40. Pallas and the Licinii. Fellows that were raised from servile estate to exceeding great wealth; Pallas being accounted richer then Crassus, as Ca∣pellus in his Miscellanies, cap. 11. proves out of Tacitus.

41. With his chalked seer. Slaves that vvere brought from other countries, when they vvere exposed to sale, were wont to be marked on their feet with chalk; as Brissonius (to omit others) ob∣serves, lib. 6. de Formulie.

42. Temple none thou hast. Mony vvas adored as a Deity, though it had not a temple, as the o∣ther Gods and Goddesses had: yet some (as Fulbeck in his learned Pandects of the Law of Na∣tions and before him Coelius secundus Curio) think our Poet deceived vvhen he writ this; and urge for the contrary, 81. August. lib. 4. De Civitat. cap. 21. Arnobius indeed seems likewise to imply as much, lib. 3. saying, Quis ad extremum Deam pecuniam esse eredat, quam velut maximum numen vestrae indicant Literae? vvhich implies, I grant, that mony had a Temple; yet is being under the name of the God Aes, or Aesoul••••••s, it shevvs not the structure to have been of same or continuance enough to con∣vince Juvenal here, of much mistake, or of any, for his ovvn Time.

43. Whose old Temple. On the top of the Temple of Concord vvere many storks nests; into vvhich vvhen the storks flevv-up they made a noise vvith their beaks, vvhich noise of the stork is not∣ed also by O••id in his Metamorph. saying, Ipsa sibi plandat crepitante ciconia rostro. Some more inti∣mately tell us that the Goddess Concord vvas vvor∣shipped sub Imagine Ciconiae: but the Scholiast under∣stands it more plainly of the stork and her nest, saying, Satyticè, salutato nido, non templo. Templum Concordiae vetur, in qua ciconia m••••ia est.

44. A litter closed. The reason, vvhich caused the servant to take a careful vievv of those that came to receive the Sportula, vvas because it vvas given only to such as in the nature of clients (as they called them) honourd their Lord vvith their attendance. In vvhich passage though I render according to Britannicus, Sella (as if like the Lecti∣ca) a Litter (our language not so exactly expres∣sing the difference) yet they differd in this, that Sella vvas properly to fit-in, and Lectica, to ly-in; partly such difference vve may see betvven our Litters and Coacher, or our late Seda••••••.

45. Gain from the Arabian: custome. Some read here 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, some 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 others Arabarches; their interpretations and proofs are these. Turne∣hus in his Advers. lib. 27. cap. 25. inclining to the first Reading, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, confirmes it from a Greek

Epigramme and the Authority of Josephus, yet thinks it to be the same with Arabarches; and that the softning of the R into an L might peradventure arise from the nature of the Alexandrian Idiom; and that, because the Jews were near the Arabians, the Aegyptians called them Alabians. So he would have it signifie the magistrate of Alexandria, who was prefect over the Jewes, which dwelt there; and almost half the Inhabitants were Jews, as Phi∣lo witnesses. Others read after the same manner, Alabarches, but in a different sense: for they would have it come from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, inke; and that thus here is meant magister Scripturae, a Customer, which kept a Reckoning book of revenews which he farm∣ed. And this opinion, though not in Reading, yet in sense, will prove good. Others supposing the Copie false, propose another sense, reading. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so make it to signifie the Prefect of the Salt. Indeed Lazius in his Commentaries, de Repub. Rom. lib. 2. cap. 13. shews the Offices of Halasar∣ches and Alabarches to have been distinct imploy∣ments: but being here impertinent, the Manu∣scripts having generally Arabarches, this I retain; there being also as just a libertie for the compo∣sition of this word, as for Lyciarches, or Syriarches, or Ethnatches, which are usual. Some would have it to signifie one extreamly effeminate; as Baptista Pius, in his Annot. Poster. cap. 93. labours to prove, alleadging Tully in an epistle to Atticus, where he calls Antonie by way of disgrace, Arabarches; to ex∣press, says Pius, his extream luxury; the Arabians being exceeding luxurious, and Arabarches, accord∣ing to the force of the word, being the cheif amongst them, and so one most notorious amongst others very notorious. But this is but opinion and an imagin'd signification of the word. Tully indeed does by that word disgrace Antonie, yet not by that express his riot, but his base oppression, to which his riot, whiles he was in those parts, did drive him. For he being a Noble Roman, did notwith∣standing to maintain his luxury, as it were perform the office of the Arabarches, or Aegyptian Publican, which was too vile a practice for his Nobilitie. To express then the nature of the office and the reason of the name, it may be observed, that in the Pro∣vinces subject to the Romans there were Officers, which received the custome and paid it to the Ro∣man treasury; and that particularly in Aegypt there was a great custome paid for the cattle, which were yearly brought into that country from Arabia; and that this Customer for this respect was proper∣ly called Arabarches; as may be collected from Rhodigin. Lection. Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 35. Consent of Copies having it thus, it is not lighty to be reje∣cted. The Office then of a Publican and Customer, though at the first it was of good credit, yet as at the first it had the Occasion, so at the last the Opi∣nion of Baseness. See Waserus de antiquis numis He∣braorum, lib. 1. cap. 18. But now it is to be enquir∣ed, who is to be understood by this Arabarches. The common opinion hitherto has been, that Cris∣pinus was the man; but Prolemaeus Flavius (in his conjectan. cap. 49.) seems to have observed, (for he positively affirmes) that He had not a statùe: and he being cut-out, he sayes, that the man here understood is Josephus the Jew, who for his worth, says he, had a statue erected to him, which, as he adds, our Poet took in great indignation, and therefore satyrically describes him saying, that he knew not whether he were a base Aegyptian, or an effeminate Arabian, meaning by an exclusive scorn, a third thing as vile, a Jew. But against this witty opinion we may suppose these reasons; First, the ingenuity of our Poet: for although Josephus was a Jew and so by country odious, yet being eminent for learning and wisdom, our Author probably would be far from jeering at such worth. Secondly, Josephus never had the office of the Arabarches. Thirdly, this interpretation cannot stand without a manifest corruption of the text: for then it should be read with the particle of division, Aegyptius aut Arabarches; which is false, as, in the reason fol∣lowing, it appears. Fourthly the Poet does not say, he knows not whether he were an Aegyptian or an Arabian; but not what Aegyptian, or an uncertain one, the text being not An Aegyptius, but Quis. The person then here understood was one Tiberius Alex∣ander by birth an Aegyptian, who for embracing at that time the religion of the Romans, was highly honour'd and made Prefect of Aegypt, as Tacitus affirmes in his Hist. lib. 1. and was afterwards a prime agent to help Vespasian to the Empire, as Ta∣citus shews, Hist. lib. 2. and he had a statue, as Bis∣ciola observes in his Hor. subseciv. lib. 14. cap. 22. So that by this double mark Aegyptius atque Arabarches (for that is true reading, atque not aut, according to the Manuscripts which I use) our Poet right∣saryrically points him out. Where this caution may be taken by the way; that seing that Tiberius Alexander was the Arabarches, it is not without a slip expounded by some by Arabiae Praefectus: for at what time Tiberius Alexander had this prefecture of Aegypt, there was no Prefect of Arabia: Arabia being not conquer'd to the quiet obedience of the Roman Empire till Trajan's time (as it is manifest by Lazius de Rep. Rom. lib. 1. cap. 4. and by Lipsius de Magnitudine Romanâ, lib. 1. cap. 3.) when as Ti∣berius Alexander had this prefecture of Aegypt long before under the Empire of Galba. Wherefore he was called Arabarches not from any residence in Ara∣bia, or a dominion over it; but only from Colle∣cting the custome, which was yearly paid for the cattle, which were brought from Arabia into Aegypt.

46. Who car'd for Mutius's Pardon? some give as a reason of Lucilius his boldness the Povertie of Mutius: but this is probably an untruth, Mutius be∣ing a Noble Roman, as may clearly appear from Lubin, on Persius, Sat. 1. and this sense being be∣side the intent of the Poet, who raises the cause not from the difference of Persons, but of Times; Satyrists in former times usurping a tyrannical li∣cence over any man's fame, were he never so great, if liable to reprehension. Besides the Poet here signifies, that it is ever secure enough to write against such when they be dead, but not whiles they yet live.

47. In that dire taper shine. The story to which this place alludes is this. It was an usual cruelty practised by the Romans against the Christians, to put upon them a shirt anointed on the inside with matter apt to take fire (called by our Poet, Sat. 8. Tunica molesta) and then tying them to a stake, to make them serve for Lights by night. See Meursius his Exerc. Critic. part. 2. lib. 3. cap. 4. Schot. Obser∣vat. lib, 5. cap. 4. Turnebus, in his Advers. lib. 13. cap. 9. and Lipsius on Tacitus, Annal. 15. Thus the story of this place seems easy enough: but the construction is very perverse and almost incorrigi∣ble; Pithaus professing, that there is no place in all Juvenal, which he less Grammatically under∣stands, and, as the text hath been hitherto, we may think so too. The common Reading is —tada lucebis in illa, Qua stantes ardent qui fixo guttere fu∣mant. Et latum mediâsulcum deducit arenâ, in which

there is an inconvenient perturbation of Numbers, in the words fumant and deducit. Wherefore Lip∣fius in his Commentar. on Seneca de Ira, lib. 3. cap. 3. ventures upon a conjectural emendation (for he mentions no Manuscript for the proof of it) and reads it thus, Et latus mediam sulcus diducit arenam; by which, I grant, he makes it Grammatical, and according to that Exposition I may render it thus, And where an ample furrow parts the sand.

Making a pit, wherein their feet may stand; so that sulcus shall be the furrow, pit or hollow place, which as Lipsius thinks, they made for the feet of the condemn'd person, that so the fire might be kept-in the closer to him. For this pit being made somewhat large and descending towards the mid∣dle, (as we see in the form of a bason) when the fire sunk, it fell towards him and encreased the flame. The Scholiast also implies this conceit, at∣tributing it to the thrift of the executioner, who thus would burn the body with less fewel. Scali∣ger also Ie Emetidat, lib. 5. p. 471. corrects this verse as Lipsius does, but expounds it somewhat differently concerning latus sulcus, saying, stantibus ad palum destinatis unco (ne motatione capitis picem cadentem declinarent) gutturi suffixo è lamina ardente (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vocat Imper. M. Aurelius) pix aut un∣guen in caput liquifiebat, ita ut rivi pinguedinis humanae per arenam Amphitheatri sulcum facerent. According to which exposition it may be thus rendred, And where an ample furrow, as they stand, Made with their melting fat, divides the Sand. Yet this being without the warrant of copie, and so but conjecture here, though otherwise probably truth, I rather approve of the apt conceit of Prolemaeus Flavius in his Conject. cap. 48. who retaining the ancient Read∣ing, thinks here is only a dislocation or transposition of this troublesome verse; and that it should be plac'd two verses lower, reading the place thus, Qui dedit ergo tribus patruis aconita, vehatur Penfili∣bus plumis, at que illine despiciat nos, Et latum mediâ sulcum deducat arenâ? And this order of these ver∣ses I keep in my translation. The sense is as this verse is here plac'd, that Tigellinus his train of fol∣lowers made a large lane through the people. The like is spoken of Marius in the first part of this Satyre.

48. Make a large furrow. Et latum media sul∣cum deducat arena; Pithaeus out of one manuscript reads diducis arena, and so some placing this verse two verses higher, expound the whole place thus; speak against Tigellinus and thou shalt be burnt alive, and thus thou dost but speak in vain, thou dost but plow the shoar. But none of the manu∣scripts, which I use, having this Reading, I rather like Flavius his conjecture as ascending neerer to the advanc'd passion of a Satyrist; it seeming also somewhat a ridiculous fall, after he has said, Thou shalt be burnt alive, to add, and shalt loose thy labour.

49. 'Tis slander, if but the words, That's he, slip. I••bin reads this place thus, Accusator erit qui verbum dixerit, Hic 'st; but I know not what copie he fol∣lows; those which I use, have Accusator erit qui ver∣bum dixerit, Hic est, which some expound thus, He shall not want an accuser, whosoever he be, that points with the finger and says, This is that vile Tigelline. But this is harsh; for it being clear that accusator and qui express the same person, the ex∣position in the margins of the manuscripts, which I here use, is to be preferr'd: which is, that accu∣sator is here to be taken in the worst sense, as oppo∣site to veridicus. According to which the sense here is, that he which shall speak against Tigelline, though most truly, shall yet be esteemed but as a false accuser or slanderer.

50. Weigh all then right. The common copies have this place thus, — ••ecum prius ergo voluta Hac animo, ante tubas, galeatum sero duelli Paenitet.— and some read —voluta haec, anime, ante tubas: but some manuscripts (though without any material diversity of the sense) have this elegant variety of reading, — tecum prius ergo voluta Hac; animante tubâ galeatum sero duelli Paenitet—.

51. Whose ashes lie. Concerning the original of this custome of the Romans to burn the bodies of the dead, see Hieronymus Magius in his Miscellan. lib. 3. cap. 10. disputing against Pliny. Quintilian (Declam. 10.) gives the reason of this custome; which was from an opinion of the Romans, that the soul was first to be purged in fire, before it could ascend unto the stars. Yet this use was not gene∣ral among the Ancients; for the Persians did not burn their bodies, as Herodotus testifies, lib. 3. giv∣ing the reason for it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. because they held the fire to be a God, and so thought it abominable for a God to feed upon the carcass of a man. Our poet also seems to attribute somevvhat to the fire, in his 15. Satyre; vvhere telling the tale of the fellovv, that vvas torn in pieces and eaten ravv at the feast and quar∣rel in Aegypt, he does vvittily rejoice that the Fire was not prophan'd in boiling or roasting any of him —Hinc gaudere libet quod nou: violaverit ig∣nem, Quem summa caeli raptum de parte Pronetheus De∣navit terris. Elemento gratulor. Yet tha•• they, esteem'd it not as a God, it is plain enough by that in the third Satyre, verse 214. Tum gemimus casus urbis, tune Odimus ignem; to applie vvhich vvord (Odimus) to a Deity had been a boldness more then Satyric••l. The Aegyptian•• likevvise did not burn their bodies, as Herodotus vvitnesses in the same place; and he gives the reason, because they thought fire a devouring beast, and it vvas not their custome to cast the bodies of men to beasts. So Cyrus in Xenophon from the custome of the Persi∣ans, giving order at his death, that they should not put his body in gold or silver or the like, con∣cludes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but that they should vvith all speed commit it to the earth. Be∣sides, the Romans themselves did not burn the bo∣dies of Traytors, or of Tyrants, or of such as killed, their masters or themselves, holding it profane. See Jacobus Durantius Casellius in his Variatum lib. 2. cap. 3. Neither did they burn the bodies of infants, which died before they were 40. days old, or, as some say, before the seaventh. See Satyre 15. ••••∣lustrat. 12. And therefore the sepulchers in which infants were buried, were not called Busta, their bodies being not burnt; but suggrundaria, from sug∣gero, as some derive it, an infant, as they say, being carried into a subterraneous place, or, as others, from suggredior, which is as much as latenter gradior, the place where infants were buried not rising to any apparent height; for which respect they were not called tumuli. Plutarch in his consolatory epi∣stle to his wife gives the reason of this custome, which was because that infants dying so young were thought to need no purging, as having never been infected with the world. Our Poet expresses this custome in his 15. Satyre, in those words, —vel terra clauditur infans, Et minor igne rogi—. See Meur∣sius upon Lycoph. p. 114. Philip Beroalds Annotati∣ons upon Martial, and Heraldus his Animadvers. on Jamblicus, cap. 8.

52. Flaminian and Latine ways. The ancient Fa∣thers in the first times did use to bury in Caves; so Abraham buried Sarah in a cave, Gen. 23. and this we may see also in the latter times of the Jews, as from that place of St. John, cap. 11. vers. 38. where speaking of our Saviour comming to Laza∣rus his grave, he says, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. It was a cave and a stone lay upon it. their use of burying without the City may be aptly collected from St. Math. cap. 27, vers. 53. where speaking of those that rose after the resurrection of our Saviour, it is said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they went into the holy Citty. Saul was buried under an Oak in Ja∣b••s••. 1. Chron. 10.12. which in the first of Samuel, cap. 31.13. is only in general called a Tree; as our English Translatours have it: but St. Hierome and Tre••elius render it by Nemus, a Grove; which may very well stand both with the word and sense, the word in the Original being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which ac∣cording to the Masters in the language (Pagine, Ma••in••s, and Schindler) signifies ne••••••, the word as some derive it, comming from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which sig∣nified to be Quiet, and so may aptly agree to a grove, a place of retirement: and so our latest translatours render the word, in Gen. 21. vers. 33. shewing only in the margin, that it signifies a tree. The varieties are easily reconciled, if we suppose it to have been under an Oak at the grove of Jabesh; and so some conveniently render it an Oak-grove. The Septuagint less accurately say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Our Saviour was buried in a Garden, which was in the place where he suffer'd, John, 19, 41, which place was mount Calvary, called by the Jews in the Sy••l•••• Tongue (which at that time they used) Ga∣g••t•••••• as Tremellius notes; in the Greek it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vers. 17. which was the common place of execution for the City of Jerusalem, and without the City, at the North-West part thereof. See A••••io••o••ius his description of Jerusalem, Numb. 235. and also Numb. 204, in the explication of Vallis Jo∣s••phat. Meunsi••s (upon Lycophron. p. 289. and in his Spitideg. p. 6.) observes an Order of the An∣cients to bury their Famous men at the foot of a ••illo. The supposititious Dares Phrygius (de Ex∣cidia, Troja••) writes, that Priamus buried Hector, according to the custome, before the Gates of Troy. The Romans at the first did use to bury in their private houses; as Heraldus notes in his Adversar∣••••b•••••• cap. 6. and Meursius in his Exerc. Crit. part. 2. lib. 3. cap. 20. and hence came the worshipping of their domestick L••••es, as Servius notes on the 6. of the ••••neads, A Sepulcher is in diverse Authors cal∣led by diverse names, as Requietorium, Locus, Ossua∣rium, Ci••erarium, Locus communis (as Meursius notes in his last-cited place) and Sedes (as Petrus Bur∣gius observes, in Elect. lib. 1. cap. 4.) likewise Do∣••••••s ••ternalis (as Mr. Cambden notes, in Glamorgan∣shire) or domus aterna (as in two Inscriptions in O••tavi•• Rossi his Memorie Bresciane. pag. 277. and 297.) To bury among the Romans in the City, was forbidden by a Law. HOMINEM. MORTU∣OM. EN. DO. URBE. NEI. SEPELITO. NEI. VE. URITO. For they held the burial prophane, in not distinguishing the place of the Living and the Dead; besides, they held the Burning dangerous to the City. See Antonius Augustin••s de Leg. 12. Tab. cap. 44. and Fulvius Ʋrsinus his Notes on that Law. See also Marcellus Donatus upon Sueton's Ti∣berius, cap. 1. who cites out of Dion a Roman Edict, whereby it was prohibited to burn the bodies of the Dead within two miles of the City. Thus then the Roman custome was to bury without the City; yet were there distinct places for the No∣bles and the People. The common sort were bu∣ried at Puticula, a place so called from the little Pits or Graves, in which their bones were buried, But the Rich had stately Monuments on the sides of the publick ways in their own suburbane fields; and therefore, as Burgius (in the fore-cited place) well observes, our Saryrist by these intimated in this verse, Quorum Flaminia tegitur cinis atque La∣tin••. understands the Great Ones. There are even yet to be seen in the Flaminian way the vast ruines of Sepulchers, as Marlianus reports in his Topogra∣phie of Rome, lib. 7. cap. 13. and such monuments were erected by the sides of the fields, unless the places were barren and stony; for then they were raised in the midst of the field; as Meursius shews in his last-cited place. Upon such monuments was inscribed, how many feer of ground about them was consecrated; as is commonly still to be seen throughout Italie; as Victorius relates, lib. 14. Var. Lect. cap. 21. Among the Lace damonians it was law∣ful to bury in the City, that so they might conti∣nually remember the famous deeds of Worthy men; and to bury near their Temples (much like our custome now in these times) that so the Sepulchers might be the more secure from violation, as Cragi∣us de Repub. Lacedem. lib. 3. p. 110. and 111. deli∣vers the observation and the reason. Heraldus also in the fore-cited place observes, that in some Ci∣ties of Greece they did for honour bury some in the midst of the City, near their Forum. And in lat∣ter times the use of burying in the City was ad∣mitted among the Romans; see Burgius in the fore∣cited place, and Plutarch, problem. 79. who says, that it was permitted to such as had Triumph'd. Eu∣tropius de Gest. Roman. tels us, that it was granted unto Trajan; and Rhodigine, lib. 17. cap. 20. ob∣serves, that it was also permitted to the Vestal vir∣gins. Lastly, Burial was admitted in the Temples themselves, as Heraldus, in the place before-alleadg∣ed, shews out of Arnobius, lib. 7. Adversus Gentes.

SATYRE. II.

ARGUMENT.

Our Poet with a peircing sight Looks through the Rev'rend Hypocrite: Whom here he venters to unmaske; (He venters on a mighty taske!) The Stoick, Judge and Priest are first, The Stoick, Judge and Priest are worst. The Emp'rour then scapes not his quill; Not any Greatness that dares ill. Nor thinks be it enough to shew Their Crimes, but whence their Crimes do flow. Atheisme therefore be does touch, And vile Commerce: These make them such.

BEyond the Tartars [1] and the frozen Ocean I could flie hence, when such pretend devotion, Who seem to be the Curii (a) of the Times, Yet act the foulest Bacchanalian Crimes. Chiefly th' Unlearned: [2] though their studies be Fill'd with Chrysippus's (b) Images. For, He Is of all these the most profound, that buyes The best carv'd Aristotle, or the wise Pittacus, and (whiles He on leaf ne're looks) Bids a first-form'd Cleanthes [3] keep his Books. Ne're trust a Face. What street bears not the stain Of Grave Obscenity? Thou wouldst restrain Another's Lust, when Thou the noted sink Among Socratick Pathicks (c) dost most stink. Indeed thy rugged Limbs, (d) and Arms as much Harness'd with stubborn brisles, promise such A vertue, and stern Soul: but thy back-part Needs thy deriding Surgeon's Lancing art. These men affect Mute Gravity, and pare Their locks [4] far shotter than the haire Upon the Eye-brow. Wherefore unto Me Plain Peribonius's ingenuitie Is better pleasing. Him unto his Fate I do impute, who in his Face and Gate Shows his disease. Simplicity does win For such a Mercy; and th••i•• Fury of sin,

Which makes them Guilty, Pardons them. More vile Are they, who dare with a Herculean style [5] Invade such Crimes, and say Vertue's most dear; Yet shake the taile. Why Sextus should I fear Thy Passive Lust? I pray thee, show thou me, Sayes vile Varillus, how I'me worse than thee? Let Him deride the Lame, that goes Upright, And Him an Ethiopian, that is white, Who could endure to hear the Gracchi blame Sedition? Who could not justly exclame In one mixt Out-cry, O ye Heav'ns, Earth, Seas, If an oppressing Robber do displease Verres? If Milo once hate Murderers, If Clodius accuse Adulterers, If Catiline Cethegus? If the three Scholars of Sylla [6] blame the crueltie Of his Proscription? (e) Yet in this our Age How wild a Lust worthy a Tragick Stage Stain'd a severe Adulterer, [7] at what time He had restor'd sharp Laws against that Crime; Laws so extreamly dreadful, as would make Stout Mars himself, and conquering Venus quake; Ev'n at that time, when Julia's womb enlarg'd Of so many Abortives was discharg'd, Such Lumps like her rude Uncle? May not then The last of Vices, (f) and the Lost of Men Scorn these False Scauri, and if struck disdain Their unfit Punisher, and strike again?

Laxonis fear'd not one of these rough-brow'd Dissemblers th' other day that cry'd aloud, Where does the Iulian Law now sleeping lie? To whom she smilingly did thus replie. The blessings of the Heav'ns! O happy times, That have oppos'd Thee thus against the Crimes Of this our Age! Let Rome turn Modest Now! A Third Cato (g) is drop'd from Heav'n! But how, I pray you, was it your good luck to meet With the Balme-gumme so delicately sweet, That sents about your rugged neck? Pray, where Bought you it? Nay, be not asham'd, or fear To name the Master of the Shop? If then Laws must be Vext from rest, First against Men Cite the Scantinian Law: [8] for they act more And viler Crimes: Yet They remain secure By their thick Squadrons, [9] which do so combine, As if their boss'd sheilds o're their heads did joine. O, there's a Monstrous League between these soft And slack-ham'd Pathicks. But I'de know how oft Nay, whether any yet, could ever find So horrid an Example in our kind?

With Cluvia Taedia's Chast: Flora's ne're vile With a Catulla; Hispo Youths defile! He's pale with both Diseases! Is a Cause Pleaded by Us? know We your Civil Laws? Do we disturb your Courts? Some few are fed, To make strong wrastlers with the wrastlers bread. [10] You can card wool; you can your wages ask, VVhen in your Baskets you return your task. The strutting-belly'd spindle, that does swell VVith slender yarn, you whirle-about, as well, Nay better then Penelope could, and Then fine Arachne with her nimble hand; Or then a trembling Harlot [11] whose wrong'd dame Makes her sit spinning on a clogge with shame. 'Tis now well known, why Hister left his fair Freed-man, in his last VVill, for his Sole Heir; [12] Heir of his wealth and Crimes: yet in his life Paid Tribute-brides to his own Conscious wife! She shall be rich, that seemingly can sleep A third in a large bed, and Counsel keep. VVed and be Mute. Thy Silence and his Fear VVith rich Cylinders [13] then shall grace thine ear. Yet falls the heavy Censure on our necks. And, pard'ning Crows, [14] the harmless Doves does ve••. The feigned Stoicks fled. They durst nor hear Their true and known Crimes with a guilty ear. For did Laronia slander them? But now VVhat shall not others venter-on, when Thou Cretian Metellus, [15] goest in cloaths so thin, VVe see, through thy transparent gown, thy sin, (h) The People at the sight are struck with shame, Insteed of Rev'rence: yet dost Thou declame Against a Procula or Polinea! Fabula's an Adult'ress and Carsmia; Condemn her, if thou wilt: yet lost to Fame Shee'l ne're wear such a gown, [16] for very shame Of Nature. But Iuly is Fire! I Boil! [17] Go Naked then; the Madness were less vile, VVhen our good Mountain-people left the Plow In ancient times, to make our Enemies bow; And after from the field victorious came Adorn'd with happy wounds fresh as their fame; O this had been a brave attire for thee To' have sate in Then, their Judge! what may not we Proclame then, when such Dress the Judge does wear? I aske, were't fit a witnesse should Thus Swear; Yet Thou fierce Cretian, the stout Patron too Of Freedom, art Transparent! Thee this n••w Contagion has thus touch'd: and this Thy stain Shall, as Example, be diffus'd again!

Thus one foul Hogg infects a Heard of Swine: And one stain'd Grape does farther stain the Vine. Hereafter thou wilt dare some fouler Crime. No man at First is Monstrous. They, with Time, Will win thee; who at Home, like the Shee-Sex, (i) With tires (α) their brows, with Jewels (β) dress their Necks. A Sows soft belly peice (λ) and large bould of VVine (μ) They bring to the Good Goddess's (χ) Chast shrine: [18] But their thwart Custome lets no Female (ν) venter To' approach their Altar; only Males must enter. Prophane VVomen begon; with a loud scorn 'Tis Cry'd. No She-Priest here lows in a horn. (••) Such Orgia by night the Baptae kept VVhiles tir'd Cecropian Cotytto slept. One, with his crisping pine, (δ) his eye-brows dies (γ) VVith black: Paint too prides-up his Lustful eyes (ι) This in a Glasse Priapus drinks: His Call (ζ) Of gold his huge locks fill: his gown is all Shield-work on Azure, (••) or white Silk (θ) he wears Most sleek: His Servant too by Juno (ι) swears. [19] The Pathick Otho's shield (a Looking-glass) [20] A third does hold; A Spoil that does surpass Actor Aruncus's Spear. Before the Fight, In this he view'd, if he were Harness'd Right. New Annalls and fresh Story this Glass claims; This Baggage quite All Civil VVar out-shames. O, to kill Galba was a Generall's Art; To smooth his Skin too, a Great Citizens part: In Bebraick field to aim at Royal Spoil; And with sopp'd Bread (k) his Face to Trimme, and Soil. Quiver'd Semiramis th' Assyrian ne're Did Thus; nor Cleopatra's Actian Fear, At Sea. Their Talk and Table's Foul: they (l) speak VVith Cybel's License; with loud voice they screak. Their Hoary inspir'd Priests of throat so ample They well may hire him for their grand Example. (m) But what's the stay? They should with Phrygian art E're this, have cut-off their superfluous part. Four hundred, as his Portion, Gracchus gave To a dear Cornet-winder, or a brave Trumpeter! Deeds they Seal. Heaven bless the Paire, All Crie! Vastly they Feast. Nay, this so Rare A Bride [21] enjoys his Husband! Need our Times A Censor, or th' Aruspex [22] for These Crimes? Could Fear or VVonder more exceed a Mean, To see a VVoman calve, or a Cow yean? The fring, (n) long gown, [23] and flamy vail He wears, VVho Mars his Shields (staid with close thong oft beats VVith jolts and sweat! Father of Rome, what clime Brought to thy Latian Shepheards this wild crime?

VVhat nettle thus, Great Marcher, [24] does inflame Thy Nephews? Loe, a very Male, of Fame And wealth, does wed a Male! yet dost not shake Thy crest? Nor with Spean p••irce the Farth! Nor make Complaint to Jove? Go then, leave thy severe Acres, thy Field, which thou neglectest. E're The Sun's scarce up to morrow, I must tend In our Quirinus's valley on a friend. The Business? Askes the other. Oh, He's Marry'd To' a Male; says This, And't must be closely carry'd. Let these men Live, hereaster men will do The like in Publick: they'd record it too! (o) Yet this sore greif does to these Brides adhere; Children, the Husbands Bonds, they can not bear. 'Tis well, that o're the Body, yet the Mind This pow'r has Not; No Babes they leave behind. Big Lyde's Physick-Box can This ne're gain, [25] Pan's running Priest their palmes does touch in vain.

The coated Gracchus's Trident this surpass'd! [26] About the Sand this Fencer ran agast, Though Nobler than the Manlii, Catuli, Marcelli, Fabii, Aemilii; Then the First Rank at Shews; [27] or He that set Them forth, when this Great Gracchus cast the Net!

That there are Ghosts and Subterraneous caves, A ferry-poal, and Frogs in Stygian waves, That one boat wafts-o're thousands, is now made Fable by Boys, if they've the Bath-fee paid. [28] But believe Thou they're True. Could we disclose The thoughts of Curius now, the Sciplo's, Fabricius and Camillus, or the bold Legion of Cremera; [29] or the Youth behold, That fell at Cannae; Spirits of VVar! when we Send a Foul Ghost to Them, They fain would be New-purg'd, if Sulphur and the Pine-tree were VVith Them, [30] and if they had wet Laurel there. Thither, alas, we all are wafred! tho' Our Armes we stretch beyond the Irish foe, [31] The late tam'd Orcades, the Britans too, Content with their short night. But what we do In our Victorious Rome, ev'n They do hate, VVhom we have conquer'd! Fame does yet relate That one Armenian, Zalates, worse kind Then all our Smooth-ones, foully was inclin'd To a fir'd Tribune! See what commerce can! He came an Hostage: Here he's made a Man! [32] For if these Guests long in the City dwell, They cannot want a Tempter then farcwell Slops, knives, whips, bridles, Thus they trade-away Rome's Noble Crimes to Rude Arta••ata.

NOTES on JUVENAL, Sat. II.

(a) HE was a most acute Stoick, and so good at Logick, that he could sooner find proofs, then other men Opinions for him to prove. This was a Quality the grave sinners of these times thought worth pretending to; as they did Aristotles Learn∣ing, Pittacus's Wisdome, and Cleanthes's Industry. Yet could justify their Pretensions only by keeping these Worthies Pictures. Though perhaps they expected even from these Pictures some Infusion of Learning; as, he that in Lucians days bought Epictetus's Lamp, tribus drachmarum millibus, hoped it would in a Dream inspire him with Epicte∣tus's Wisdome.* 1.1 Thus the Turks look'd for Valour in Scanderbegs bones, and the Papists do still for Miracles in the Relicks of their Saints. There's a Parity of Reason for these Unorthodox Philoso∣phers.

(b) M. Curius Dentatus, for his wooden dish, and his Rapes; and his refusal of a Present, made him by his vanquished Samnites; became, Exactissima Norma Roman•• fru∣galitatis. Val. Max. l. 4. c. 3. And his Name is here an Expression of Temperance. V. Sat. 11. v. 78.

(c) Such, as like Socrates disputed severely, of Vertue & Honesty, Cinoedi interim erant & Pa••hici. The Practice of Socrates's abusing himself with Boyes, being as infamous as his Precepts of Vertue are renowned. This allusion of the Poet is justify'd by the fossano∣tissima, illa sc. Corporis posterior & non nominanda, which regards Socratic••s Cinoedos.

(d) This some men among the Athenians industriously affected, especially rough Armholes, and would in their voteing at Elections, which they call's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, endea∣vour to discover as they stretched out their Hands. For as Casaubon observes, Laudi ducebant habere illam partem fructicante pilo neglectam, & totum Latus horridum: which is but the Latin of Theophrastus in his Char. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And the Schol. on Aristoph. Concion. confirmes it saying, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. They nourished hair on purpose to seem the more men. And I no∣thing doubt but these Hispida membra, Durae setae, and Hirsutum Collum v. 41. were Imitati∣ons of the others Gravity, I may add slovinglyness.

(e) Two Tables or Rolls of Proscription Sylla proposed in the Forum at Rome, pre∣sently on his victory at the Colline Gate, of which and his other Cruelties see Florus. L. 3. c. 21. Plut. in Syll. c. 21. The first of these was a list of 80000, the 2 d of if 5000, all whose lives any one that met them might take from them, and their Goods were at Syl∣las's disposal; which was generally the Condition a Proscription left men in.

(f) Here by the abstract we must understand the Concrete, and Render Vitia ultima the debauchest persons. Which in Nouns of the Neuter Gender especially, is an ele∣gant use of the Rom. Authors. So Adulteria in Suet. is Adulteri, and Servitia and Erga∣stala in Florus, signify Slaves and Gaol-Birds. Even these might justly return a reproach upon the ficti Scau••i; Men who in shew were Vertuous, but abounded with secret vi∣ces, which is the Character of Aemilius Scaurus, in Salust. Bell. Jug. 1.

(g) Cato Major or Censorinus, and Cato Ʋticensis his Nephew, with the Grave repre∣hender of Vice in our Author are the three. This last is Ironically supposed sent down from Heaven to War against the Sins of the times, which in seriousness they a••firm'd of the two first; who by their Gravity and severity, gave Occasion to a Proverbial cal∣ling, any rigid Censurer of another mans Life, Tertius Cato. Erasm. Chil.

Add to Must. 8. after but from Scantinius] who being accused by C. Marcellus for offer∣ing to force his Son, a Law passed in Senat•• that seta Fine of 10000 H.S. upon the like attempt. And the foul Offender was either to pay the whole summ, of our Mony 78 l. 2 s. 6 d. or his Life. This manner of giving Laws, &c. as in the Illustrat.

(h) Multicia; quasi Multilicia. For the thred of the Woof or Licium being fine in thin silks, must necessarily be the oftener doubled to fill the peice. Upon this de∣pends another Reason of the word from Multumicere, because the Pecten or stay of the weavers Loom (having teeth like a comb) must the oftener strike and drive this Woof, the oftner 'tis doubled. Whence Multicia is called by Franc. Jun. on Terrull. Ve∣stis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And an old unprinted Scoliast with Vossius says tis mulia & inena••rabili textura expressa. But this is not all that grounds the Reprehension of our Poet (though even this delicacy of Apparel might justly be noted in a Crave Judge, or the Noble

Mitellus) for the same Unprinted Schol. tells us that the Multici•• was only used, innup∣tis puellis, out viduis Matronis: which as to the first part is confirm'd by the printed Old Schol. who say's Multicia, est vestis Molli intexta Substamine, qua••nti solent. puelle. This Womans Garment on Metullus's back mightily warms our Poet. In his times perhaps this garment began to be, but not without a reproof, what usually 'twas in latter, the common wear of both sexes. Whence in Vopiscus's Aurel. we read Tunicas Multici•• vi∣riles decem cap. 12. Whence Salmas. Notes that Multicia is in the neuter Gender put sub∣stantively. For otherwise there is Multicia Vestis, and Multicium Vestimentum.

(i) Here begins a description of men, though one would scarce think it by their Garb, or their Religion. For first their Habits were the same that Women wore, viz. (α) their Redimicula, Fillets, that is, on their foreheads (β) Monilia, Necklaces. (γ) Su∣percilium suligine tactum, black'd Eyebrows; and crisped too (δ) obliqua Acu. (ε) Nay the balls of their very Eyes were coloured, Pingitque trementes Oculos; which St. Hierome call's Orbes Stibio fuliginatos, and Pliny makes it a Beauty, calling it Decoris affectatio. L. 11. c. 37. Arnobius notes the Custome L. 2. Adv. Gent. Ʋt imminuerent frontes Limbia (the same as Redimicula here) fuligine Oculos obumbrarent.(ζ) Next they wore the Womans Reticulum Auratum or Caul. (κ) Their Caerulea Scutulata, Net work Garments, so thin that the mashes of them represented distinctly the form of the Roman Scutum or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, something very like is seen in the spiders Web; the Invention may be parallell'd in our Ladies new net hoods, which one might well call Scutulata. Of the same nature, though the name expresses the roundness of the Mashes, I take the Tenuis Cyclas to be, Sat. 6. v. 26. Then (θ) their Galbanarasa, white smooth sarcenet without hair or shag, fine pilis out villis extantibus, of this our Women now wear hoods. Galbamum, as Isidor. L. 19. c. 9. was a kind of white paint crescens in monte Amano Syriae: alias succus est ferulae. But Sal∣mas. Thinks Galbamun derived from Galba, and thence by the Analogy of the Latin its Penultima should be long, and so unfit for this verse. Wherefore on Vopisc. Aurel. he reads it Galbina rasa, and derives it from Galbus, which Philoxenus renders by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a grass-green, such as Mart. Calls Herbarum colores Ep. 24. L. 5. And that this was a Wo∣manish wear may be seen by the same Authors 97. Ep. of his 1. L.

—Habeat & licet semper Fuscos colores, Galbinos habet mores.

Secondly, their Religion was the same with Womens; For their Servants (ι) as if they were Women as well as their Masters, swore by the Juno of their Masters, which was a Womanish Oath. (κ) Their Mrs. also sacrificed to the Bona Dea as Women did; (λ) with the paunches of fat sows Abdomine Porcae, and (μ) Magno Cratere, large vessels of Wine, which they call'd Amphora's of honey Alex. Gen. Dier. L. 6. c. 8. or as Plutarch. Qu. Rom. 20. of Milk. Other Ceremonies were more sinistro perverted, as (ν) the ex∣cluding of Women, and admitting only Males, when not so much as a Picture of them should by right be there. And the (ο) usual signification of these Solemnities by a Womans winding a horn was not observed. Nulla gemit Tibicina, &c. v. 90. This effeminacy, and Religion of Ranters, the Athenian Cotytto was as much troubled with as the Roman Bona Dea. Who she was see in Alex. ut sup.

(k) This bread according to Pliny was made of Rice and bean flower, tempered (perhaps) with Asses milk. Which Poppaea Sabina was to fond of, that she carryed with her in her travels 50. Asses for this only purpose.

—Atque illo lacte fovetur Propter quod Comites secum deduxit Asellas. Sat. 6. v. 470.

This milk, and the distilled water of Bean-flowers, still keep the Reputation of Ex∣cellent Cosmeticks. Extendere, in our Author, is dilatare, for spreading this Bread on the face, Rugas in facie eximit, ipsamque teneram reddit. Pliny.

(l) The Reverence that sober Romans gave their Tables, was much; because they thought them holy, so Synesius Ep. 57. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Sacras facitis Mensas Salinorum appositu, & Simulachris Deorum. Arnob. 2. Adv. Gent. P. 87. Whether or no they thought salt because Preventive of Putrefaction, near of kin to the Incorruptible Gods, I will not determine; though I am certain they gave a degree of Purity to it, as Salillo purior in Catullus, is so pure as nothing more. The use of salt in Sacrifices is shewed amongst the Jews. Lev. 2.13. Mar. 9.49. which might perhaps heighten the Esteem of it among the Romans: For much superstition these Heathens borrowed thence.

Other Religious Table-Actions, as the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 they cut to their Gods from the first dish, and the Attendance feasts commonly had on Sacrifices, may be seen in Casaub. on Theoph. Char. p. 259.

(m) —Conducendusque Magister] such a Proficient, that is, in Vice, that he might have been to Tiberius à Voluptatibus, an office of his own Institution. Suet. Tib. c. 43. Nero's Elegantiae Arbiter, or Magister, though of a finer Name, was of the same Nature. For Petronius that bore it as a Qualification for the Place, is said to be Revolutus ad vitia, seu vitiorum Imitationem; and Tigellinus (a Gentleman for his Debaucheries thought worth a Note of our Author, Sat. 1. v. 155.) envies him ut Aemulum, & scientia Ʋo∣luptatis Potiorem. Tac. An. 16.

(n) This Verse contains several Ornaments of Women these Voluptuaries had usur∣ped, as the Veil, and Stole or Gown; the Segmenta, or Laces, as according to our wear we may conveniently render the word. It comes from Seco, and they were small strips cut out of some rich stuffs, or cloth of Gold (for there were Segmenta Aurea) and sow'd as Ornaments to their Womens Garments.

—Purpureus late qui splendeat Ʋnns & alter Adsuitur Pannus.— Hor.

Where Pannus is the same with Segmentum, Fascia, Zona, or Lorum; For all these Names it had. And from the Number of these Lora, the Garments were Monolores, Dilores, & usque ad Pentelores. Two of these Laces were usual, as by that of Horace, but five were the height of Vanity. Now because none of these antiently were used but by Women, our Author inveighs against it in one of these Voluptuous Salii. Salmas ad Hist. Aug.

(o)—Cupient & in Acta referri. These Acta were Registers that contained Res, Ratio∣nesque populi, Judicia publica, Comitia, Aedificia, Nativitates, Illustres Mortes, Matrimonia, Di∣vortiae, A place therefore in these Registers was undoubtedly due to the present Marri∣age, as well as to the Nativity of a Child, Sat. 9. v. 84.

—Tu libris Actorum spargere gaudes Argiunenta Ʋiri. Ʋid. Lips. in An. Tac. p. 233.

Such Registers as these every Parish now keeps though not with exactness enough.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Second Satyre.

Saurom tae. Pluteus. The diverse sorts, Matter and places of statues among the Ancients. Lara∣rium. Pinacotheca and Bibliotheca distinguish'd. The custome of the Stoicks in the wearing of their Hair. Verba Herculis. The Military Testudo. Coliphia. Codex. Ima Cera. The an∣cient form of Subscribing to Wills. The Colours of Apparel. Toga and Stola. Bona Dea. Oaths proper to Men, others to Women. Ancilia, their form. Gradivus. The Retiarius, his furniture de∣seribed; likew se Myrmillo, with the reason of the name. Sequutor. Podium. Children's Ba∣thing. Legio. The manner of purging persons polluted.

1.BEyond the Tartars. Ʋhra Sauromator. Sauromatae were those, which did inhabite Sarmatia, which was two∣fold, Europaea containing Polonia with Russia, and Asi∣atica called Cumania: which in Mercator's, and likewife in Ho••dius his Edition of Ptolemie's Geographie, lib. 5. cap. 9. is by Petrus Montanus (on that place) in his marginal exposition of old names by less anci∣ent, called Tartaria. But we may observe, that Petrus Bertius (in his latter and more exact Edi∣tion of the same Work published, 1618) retains Montanus his annotation, yet leaves-out the word Tartaria. Whose reason, as I conceive, is because in a strict acception, Tartaria is a word too gene∣rall. For, Sarmaria Asiatica was but a part of Tar∣t••ria, which contained in it That and Both the Scy∣thia's (as Ortelius shews in his description of Tarta∣ria) and likewise Cathay, as Maginus hath it: so that the Saurematae inhabited all that, which is now called Polonia, Russia and Moscovia. Yet seeing that a part of Tartaria also was inhabited by the Sauro∣matae (according to Ortelius) and was the Farthest part of their habitation, by One I express Synech∣dochically the Rest, and rather by This, then by the rest; this part being farthest from Rome, and so nearest to the sense of the Poet.

2. Cheifly the Unlearned. Indocti primùm. This place is diversly expounded, because the word primùm may be taken several ways; First, as imply∣ing Order, and so might be render'd, First the un∣learned; but that the Poet in the rest of the Satyre passing to the descriptions of other hypocrites, does not use particles answerable to this: Second∣ly by way of Aggravation, as if those he reprehended were exceedingly ignorant; but this were untrue in respect of the Judges, and as Improper in res∣pect of the Nobles, here reprehended: lastly by way of Comparison, according to which sense I ren∣der it, the Poet saying, that he had rather flie to the frozen North and live there with Vertue, then at Rome with Hypocrites; of all sorts of which they are cheifly to be detested, which pretend the Love and knowledge of Vertue, but are destitute of both.

3. Bids a first-form'd Cleanthes. Et jubet arche∣typos plutenm servare Cleanthas, the antique images of Cleanthes: such pictures and statues being called ••••chetype, as are first form'd, and those ectype, which are made by the first. The first as most ancient and true were held in great estimation, and there∣fore with the more curiositie sought-after by these hypocrites. But this passage is not without some difficulties arising from the diverse fignifications of pluteus, and the ambiguous order of the constru∣ction. Pluteus is properly taken for a Desk, figura∣tively for a studie or the books in it. The Manu∣script Commentary takes it in the first sense, telling us, that they us'd anciently to draw the pictures of learned men upon their desks, whereon they writ. The Scholiast takes it according to the second, for a study; so likewise Britannicus: who, though the opinion be in a sort true, illustrates it ill from that of Persius, Nec pluteum caedit; as if the Poet had there implied, that Poets, when their compositi∣ons were not easy but with violence, us'd to knock their knuckles against their studie-walls. But the whole difficulty may be best removed, by taking notice of the custome of the Romans, who orderd several sorts of Images into several places. The first of which was before their Gates; where they pla∣ced the Images of their Ancestours expressed in brass, or such solid matter. The second was in their Halls, as in a conspicuous part of their house: and here they set the like statues but curiously wrought in waxe. The third was in their Chamber, where they placed their Lares (for the careful keeping of which a servant was appointed) then the Images of those friends, whom they lov'd most dearly; as also the Deities, which had the care of the Marriage bed. The Roman Emperors in latter times kept here also a golden Image of Fortune: yet Domitian had not an Image of Fortune, but of Minerva; as, before him, Tully also had. The fourth place was their pinacotheca; by comparison of the use we may call it a gallerie of pictures: and in this they placed the representations of their Gods and their Heroës, and likewise painted fables and histories. The fift and last was their study, wherein they kept the Images of Learned men. Of which two last that place of Lampridius may seem properly to be understood in his Alexand. where he speaks of the Emperor's two-fold Lararium: in the one of which, he says, he had the Images of Apollonius, Abraham and Orpheus; and this agrees with the use of their pinacotheca: in the other he says, he had the Images of Virgil and Tully; and this agrees with the propertie of their bibliatheca, or study. By this then we may avoid the error of Calderine, who says, that pluteus here signifies pi∣nacotheca; for proof alleging that of Pliny, Pina∣cothecas veteribus tabulis consumunt, as he reads it,

or consnu••t, as the common copies have it as ill; or rather, as Dino••sius Peravius (in his Notes upon Synes. Ca••••it. Encom. p 27.) better conjectures, construunt. Lubin likewise, though he delivers and chooses the true opinion, says this also may stand which cannot be. For since the Images of learned men were kept only in their studies, not in their galleries; and that pluteus, according to them∣selves, signifies the place, where such Images were kept; it follows, that pluteus here cannot fignifie pinacotheca, but bibliotheca. That place of Pliny shews only, that in their pinacotheca they kept Ima∣ges: but that they were not of learned men, ap∣pears from the distinction of places. See also Be∣roald upon Sucron's Augustus, cap. 7. and Casaubon on the same place. To applie this; Pluteus may be taken conveniently in the second or third sense, for a studie or the books in it; the figure and sense bearing bo••h. As for the Order of the construction some would have it, that the study should keep the Images: but this is cold and without life; the contrary order more happily expressing the vigour of Ironie. According to which way of interpreta∣tion our Poet then says, That this ignorant hypo∣crite never applying himself to his book, bids his Images take care that his studie and Books run not away.

4. Their locks. Supercilio brevior coma. By this passage it is commonly conceived, that the Severe Philosophers cut the hair of their head, as short as that upon their eye brow. But with what truth then could Seneca have said, Epist. 5. describing the form of the severe Philosopher, Asperum & incul∣tum & intonsum caput, & negligetiorem barbam devita. For the removing therefore of this scruple, we may take notice of the Scholiast upon Aristophanes his N••••••••. Act. 1. sc. 1. writing thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which last words implie, as Heral∣dus observes in his Adversar. lib. 2. cap. 16. that the Stoicks were close-cut only in the lower part of the head, where locks were by others nourished: but that upon the upper part of their head their hair was negligently rough. The sense then of this place lies in the special acception of Coma, which is not here in a general acception the same with cu∣pi••••us (the hair of the head) but rather as much as compta caesaries, the ornament of locks; which the negligent Roughness of these Stoicks avoided.

5. With a Herculean style. Verbis Herculis. Some make this an allusion to a passage in Xenophon, in which Hercules is described severely checking the Woman, that offerd him Pleasure, and following her, that represented Vertue: according to which this may be expounded; and the rather because it follows—Et de virtute loqunti; which seems aptly to express that story of Hercules. Yet, to speak with libertie, I think this not to be the Po∣ets intent, and that this verse does only casually agree with that description. For we must suppose that the Poet's meaning was in his own time com∣monly understood, and that therefore probably it had not a special reference to a private story with which few were acquainted. More likely therefore it is, that he alludes to the famous labours of Her∣cules: whose hand, known to be dreadful in the taining of Monsters, these false Stoicks (whom Ju∣vonal detested) would seem to emulate, using as terrible language against the monsters of Vice; and so striving, in a diverse kind, to be as fierce as Hercules himself; and thus Hercules his words, (or style) are such as might seem sutable to Hercules his Courage.

6. The three Scholars of Sylla. These by the Scholiast are said to be Caesar, Pompey and Crassus: yet by way of probability he changes them into An∣gustus, Lepius and Antonie. Indeed though the in∣stance in the three first be a truth, yet we may say, that the three last, not so nere to Sylla in Time, were nearer to him in Imitation.

7. A serve Adulterer. Nuper pollutus adulter. Inverpreters differ much in defining the person here intended. Diverse think it to be Caligula, whose shameless incestes and adulteries are largely related by Sueton, in his Life, cap. 24, 25, and 36. His horrible countenance also is noted by the same Author, cap. 50. in these words, Vultum ver•• natur•• horridum ac tetrum etiam ex industriâ efferabat, compo∣nens ad speculum in o••nem terrorem ac formidinem. Which I may grant to be marks of the adulterer here described; yet they are but some of them: and to pronounce a judgment on the whole person for some few signs, were but to imitate an unskil∣full Physiognomer. There are then three more de∣livered in this place; The first, that he did at the same time put in execution Laws against Adultery, when he himself committed the same; The Second, that a Cheif Adulteress with whom he offended, was called Julia; The Third, that she had Abor∣tives, or untimely Births: none of which are by these Interpreters proved to be recorded of Him. There is indeed, cap. 25. mention made of one, whom he adulterously abused and quickly dismis∣sing, commanded her to abstain from the bed of any man for ever after: but there is no mention of putting en execution Laws against Adultery. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sides the word nuper, which notes the season of this fact, must be drawn back very much, from Juve∣nal's time (who writ partly in the raign of Domi∣rian) to Caligula's; and so be understood of crimes committed about 40. years before, which will but inconveniently be carried by the propertie of the word naper: and therefore we may nor yeild to this first opinion. A second is of them, that appli•• this to Claudi••s the Emperor: who after the exe∣cution of his leud wife Moffa••••na, married the daughter of his brother Germa••••icus, Julia Agrippius the mother of Nero, and by a decree of the Senate made such incestuous marriages lawful for any man; as Tacitus notes in his Annals, lib. 12. nere the beginning. By which we find him guilty of incest, but not of adultery; Agrippina being a wi∣dow when he married her, as Tacitus there testi∣fies. Besides, that he reviv'd Laws against adul∣tery, the Interpreters take not the pains to prove. Moreover, whereas some Expositers make Claudius very ill-favour'd, Sucton (accurate in the descrip∣tion of his Emperors) bestows a better visage on him, cap. 30. saying, Authoritas dignitasque forma non defuit stanti, velsedenti, ac praecipuè quiescenti, and adding, that he was specie canitieque putchrâ. Indeed he describes his Laughter and his Anger to have been very unseemly: but Now we speak of his Own face, not of the face of his Passions. But the word naper will not so readily admit likewise this opini∣on, there being 27. years between Claudius his End and Domitian's Beginning. Wherefore, (in a third Opinion) we may rather look upon Domitian, to whom the Time agrees and the Fact: he having not only corrupted many mens wives, but also more particularly taken away Domitia Longina from her husb••md Aelius Lamia, and made her his own wife; as Sueton relates in this Domitian, cap. 1. Yet he made Laws against dishonest women; reviv'd the Scantinian Law against unnatural lust, and another

against the prophane pollution of the Vestal Vir∣gins; and put a Roman Knight out of the number of the Judges, because, after that he had accused and dismissed his wife for adultery, he took her again; as Sueton relates, cap. 8. He desil'd also his brother Thus his daughter, Julia, who was at that time another man's wife: and when her father and husband were both dead, he sham'd not to love her openly; yet was he the cause of her death, by forcing her to abortion; as Sutton cap. 22. testifies saying, Ʋt etiam cause morris extiterit, coact ae concep∣tum a se abigere. This therefore we must conclude to be the person here intended. Only there is yet one doubt to be remov'd; Juvenal seeming here to implie his ill visage, in those words abortivas pa∣true similes off••••, whereas Sueton, cap. 18. says that he was vultu modesto, and afterward —praterea pulcher ac decens. Indeed after the first words, vul∣tu modesto, he adds ruborisque pleno; which, if they be taken only as an interpretation of the former, then must they fignifie only, that he was much sub∣ject to blushing, which is also implyed in that chap∣ter: but if they be expounded of his constant co∣lour, as the words do aptly bear it, then they will most litterally and exactly expound these words of our Poet and Domitian's complexion, partrus simi∣les offas. But Juvenal's sense may be made more easy and appliable, if we understand this, not of Domitian's complexion, but of his conditions, in respect of which he might figuratively be call'd an Abortive, and so like the fruit which he got and destroy'd.

[illustration] depiction of Roman soldiers in tortoise formation attacking a barbarian fort

8. The Scantinian Law. When a Sto∣ick objected to Laro∣nia a bold harlot the Julian Law against Adultery, she requit∣ed him by objecting the Scantinian Law against Unnatural Lust; a Law so nam'd not from him that made it, but from Scantinius, who was the occasion of it by his crime. Which manner of giving names to Laws (it being less usual) some have denied: but you may see it justified by Janus Parrhasius. Epi••••. 23. by the like among the Graecians: who made the La••an Law (mentioned by Pla∣te) of the same na∣ture with the Scan∣tinian, upon occasion of the like crime committed by Laius.

9. By their thick Squadrons. Junctaque umbone phalanges. An expression of com∣panions in Vice, de∣sending themselves like souldiers, when for fifty they joine their targets so, that one touches anothers boss, as when, accord∣ing to some, they cast themselves as, an the assaulting of a fort, into the mili∣tary figure of the te∣stad••, or the torteise∣shell: which in Gu∣••ll••••••e du Choul, in his Discours sur la Ca∣stra••etation des Ro∣mains, fol. 41. b. is thus represented.

10. The wrastlers bread. Coliphia. Some take Colophia to be a strong kind of meat made of cheese and flower: but Rigaltius on this place takes it to be the same with the Athenian 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which were pernae, gammons of bacon; which we may grant to be a strong meat, yet there is no prooffor such de∣rivation of the word. Junius would have it in an unclean sense to signifie the form of the loaf (not unlike the glasse-priapus, Sat. 2.) from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, membrum; though there is no necessitie of such un∣seemly signification from the word it self. Where∣fore the usual derivation from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, seems best: as if, only transposing the words, the food had been called strong-limbs, metonymically from the effect of it. Which varietie of expositions may be drawn from the note, which the Scholiast gives on this place; Pulmentum sive membrum — aut potius athletarum cibum dicit. The last part of which annotation I think to be the best: so that it shall in general signifie the wrastlers diet, as Bu∣••••aeus thinks. Yet because the coliphia seem to have been some special part of that diet and most proba∣bly loaves, as we may conjecture from the Number∣ing of them by that in Martial, lib. 7. Epig. 67. Cum coliphiasexdecim comedit; as also from their Making, according to that of Plautus in Persa, Coliphia mibi ne incocta detis: we may with the most interpreters render them, the Wrastlers bread. Which also in probabilitie was some special Diet bread, to advan∣tage them at once in breath and strength.

11. A trembling harlot, &c. In codice pellex. Mi∣stresses that perceiv'd any suspicious familiarity of their husbands with their maids, did in the absence, or after the death of their husbands use such ser∣vants according to their deserts, with shame and labour. So the Scholiast and after him Joseph Sca∣liger and Turnebus; as also Janus Parthasius, Epist. 22. But Autunmus on this place says, that such a servant was made to sit thus before the door (for so he adds) horrida & inculta, ne habeatur uxor, that she might not be mistaken for the wife, or mi∣stress of the house; and this interpretation he thinks to be most agreeable to the mind of Juvenal. Both which reasons may be admitted, the one im∣plying the Revenge, the other the pride of the Mistress. Codex may be interpreted either by a Clog or a Cage, or a like place of restraint made of timber; both acceptions being frequent, and the latter also us'd by Propertius in this particular busi∣ness, lib. 4. Eleg. 7. Codicis immundi vincula sentit anus; she induces the narrow limits or restraint of an unclean cage. In which passage it is figurative∣ly used by a metonymie of the matter; but in this of Juvenal it is commonly understood with more plainness, only for a clog, as here I render it.

12. In his last Will for his sole heir. —Cur solo tabulae impleverit Hister Liberto. Wills being writ∣ten in waxen tables, primae cerae is taken for the first table, as ••mae for the last; which is sometimes cal∣led also extrema cer••, and ultima tabula, as Tiraquel notes on Alex. Ne••pol. lib. 1. cap. 1. In which last table the second heirs were nam'd, and legacies with other burdens imposed upon the first heirs; as among others L••••gus shews, de Annulis Signa∣toriis, cap. 10. p. 95, alleging also the last part of a Will made by one Grunnius Corocotta: which partly for the humor of the testator and partly for the track of Antiquitie in it, (shewing their Plentie of Witnesses and Manner of testifying) may be ob∣served. It is thus in him, as also in Brissonius de Formulis, lib. 7. Optim. amatores mei, vel consimiles vitae, rogo vos ut corpori meo benefaciatis, benè condia∣tis bonis condimentis, nuclei, piperis & mellis, ut ••••∣men meum in sempiternum nominetur. Mei Domini, & consobrini mei, qui buic meo testamento interfuistis, ju∣bete signari. Septem testes. Lucanicus signavit. Ter∣gillus signavit. Nuptialicus signavit. Celsanus signavit. Lardio signavit. Cymatus signavit. Offellicus signa••vit. It may be farther observed, that imâ cerâ scribere, does sometimes signifie (as in Sueton, in vita Caesa∣ris) to write so deep in the waxen tables, that it can hardly be blotted out. So St. Jerome takes it in epist. ad Chrysog. saying, Ita nostrae es necessitudinis penitus oblitus, ut illam epistolam, quam in corde Christi∣anorum Apostolus scriptam refert, non parvâ liturâ, se•• imis, ut aiunt, ceris eraseris. After which explica∣tion of Antiquity and Phrase, we may more easily understand the rare bounty of Hister's Lust, that troubled his Freed-man with no co-heirs; but made him alone take-up all the room, as in his Affections, so in his Will.

13. With rich cylinders. These precius stones (worn as jewels) were called so from their fi∣gure: which (to speak exactly) was not ovall, but long and round, like a small pillar, of the same circumference from one end to the other.

14. And pard'ning crowes. Pedro Cerone a Spani∣ard in a large work, which he hath written de la Musica, touching upon this passage expounds it thus; Entendiendo por el cuervo al noble y rico que suele yr ve∣stido de negro: y por la columba ò paloma al pobre labra∣dor, por quanto suele vestir de pannos blancos. So that by Crows he understands Great men, because, saith he, they usually go in black; and by Doves the Poorer sort, because they use to go cloathed in White. Which reasons we need not refute in earnest; yet to give satisfaction to some, it may be known, that the Lacerna, or Souldier's Cloak, was Black, according to Manutius (but in this part is a mistake) and the upper garment which was usu∣ally worn at home is by some thought to have been black: but to wear black publickly was not the custome. Nay, if any came so attir'd into the Thea∣ter, he was forbidden by a Law, to sit among the better sort, mediâ caveâ, as Sueton speaks in Au∣gust. cap. 44. yet we grant that it was permitted in Mourning. In like manner, for the apparel, of the poorer sort, that they went in white, perchance Cerone might imagine, by misapprehending that in the 10th Satyre, vers. 45. — Et nive••s ad fraen•• Quirites, such as went by the Consul's Chariot in his triumph being so attir'd. But this was not to express povertie, but state, it being an extraordi∣nary matter and proper to an Assembly, or a time of Triumph, that those Clients which went by the Consul's horses, should go thus dress'd. Yet was it permitted to Paulus Aemilius going to Iberia with Command: who rode all in white and on a white horse, all his followers likewise were in white; but this was by the special favour of the Senate. It was indeed a special colour in the time of the Empe∣rors, and the meaner sort were so far from wear∣ing of it, that the contrary, Black, was an expres∣sion of Povertie; as Rosinus shews, lib. 5. cap. 32. from that of Calpurnius, O utinam nobis non rustica ve∣stis inesset Pullaque paupert•••• —: and it was grown a distinction of the Citizens, that some were candi∣dati, not such as anciently were suters for Offices, but only the better sort; others, pullati. On the contrary, that the better sort, except in mourning, woar not black, as also that the colour of the la∣cerna was not always black, see Sat. 3. Illustrat. 25. See also Sat. 10. Illustrat. 9. So that it seems, whiles Cerone thought upon the use of black in our times,

wherein it is often a Wear of Gravitie, he mistook the propertie of the Times Here intended.

15. Cretian Metellus. Cretice. One Manuscript has here Critice, as if the sense were, Critick or Judge of manners: which for the purpose might be very agreeable, but that the word seems a noveltie in Juvenal, as being against all the other copies. Be∣sides, there is no end of alteration; and therefore we retain the common Reading, Cretice: which some would have to allude to those severe Judges of Creet, Minos and Rhadamanthus. But we need not search so low for an interpretation: Juvenal's conversation was with Men, though their crimes were hellish; and in the language of Rome he speaks unto them. Creticus therefore in this place most probably signifies, as it does in another place of Juvenal: who in Sat. 8. vers. 90. says to a Moble Roman, by way of advise, and under this name, —ne sic tu Creticus aut Camerinus; deserve not thou to be ironically call'd Creticus or Camerinus; and thus he uses these two words in a like kind, that is, as the names of Noble persons. By some here is un∣derstood Julius Creticus, a great Lawier in the time of the Caesars: but we may more safely and gene∣rally take it for any, that were descended of this familie, the familie of Metellus, noble as much by Vertue, as by blood: who for his conquest of Creet had the honour in his name, and was call'd Creticus, as Scipio was call'd Africanus. Thus a few verses before in the same 8th Satyre, Juvenal calls another Nobleman, for a like reason, Getu∣licus (in those words, —salve Getulice) he being of the famous familie of Him, that had gotten that name from his conquest of the Getulians. So here he speaks of Creticus, as of Metellus; aggravating the levitie and filthiness of wearing transparent, and so immodest, apparel, from the Nobleness of his Person; as if he should say, Wilt Thou do this, that should'st remember, that thy Ancestor was a noble warrior severely detesting such effemi∣nacy? This seems the least constrain'd exposition, and for advantage I add the Name (Metellus) to enlighten the epithet and the sense.

16. Shee'll ne're wear such a gown. —Talent Non sumet damnata togam —. Toga (the Gown) was properly the Man's garment, as stola was the Wo∣man's, especially in the latter time of the Roman Commonwealth. Yet the obscurer sort of Women, also, and maid-servants, and dishonest Women, cheifly those that were convicted of adultery, were enjoined publickly to wear the gown; as Manu∣tius de Quaesitis per Epist. lib. 3. Epist. 1. shews out of Porphyrio upon that of Horace, Sat. 2. lib. 1. —quid inter Est in matronâ, ancillâ peccesve togatâ? opposing Matrona and Togata. He brings this also of Juvenal, as an allusion to that; marvailing at Servius and Nonius Marcellus for delivering the con∣trary, and thinking that they speak only of the most ancient times of the Roman Commonwealth. Indeed Tully implies as much for His times (as Ma∣nutius notes) Philip. 2. Sumpsisti virilem togam, quam stati•••• mullebrem reddidisti, primo vulgare scor∣tum: certa flagitii ••••erces; nec ea parva.

17. But July's Fire! I Boil. Sed Julius ardet, Aestu••. These words are an objection supposed and presently answer'd by the Poet.

18. The Good Goddesse's chast shrine. Atque bo∣nam tenerâ placant, &c. As the Goddess Cotytto was worshipp'd at Athens (the first King whereof was Cecrops) by her Preists the Baptae, so called because they were washed in (hot) water, before they were admitted to her filthy Sacrifices call'd Or∣gia, from the furious raptures wherewith her preists were thought to be inspir'd; and as, to add opportunitie to leudness, these Rites were cele∣brated by night, a time fitter for sleep, then for service: so at Rome the Goddess Bona, or the Good Goddess, was worshipp'd by Women, who were usu∣ally summon'd to such service by the noise of a horn or the like instrument, men being excluded. In imitation whereof, some filthy Men perform'd by night and stealth such sacrifices to the same God∣dess, excluding Women, but not pleasure. To these Juvenal here alludes, saying that they which first would not blush to wear wanton Apparel, would at the next degree be partakers of those odious Rites, and wear Women's apparel; and not only be thus unmanly in their Attire, but worse in their Behaviour.

19. By Juno swears. The Poet here, saith Poli∣tian in his Observations, reprehends Men for Swear∣ing after the manner of Women, by Juno; where∣as they should more properly have sworn per Geni∣um. Seneca implies the reason of this, Epist. 110. speaking of former times, Singulis enim & Genium & Junonem dedê••unt. Which words Dempster de Ju∣ramento, lib. 1. cap. 8. p. 145. mends thus, lege aut Genium, scilicet viris, aut Junonem, foeminis: but be∣fore Him, Lipsius on that Epistle mended them so. Where we may farther note, that some Oaths were observ'd to have been peculiar to Men, as to swear by Jupiter, Hercules, Fides, Genius; Others to Women, as Aedepol, Mecastor, and by Juno; for so Lubin delivers out of Politian. Yet I find Valen∣tinus Acidalius, an accurate Critick, in his Annota∣tions on Plautus his Asinaria, cap. 10. making Aedepol a common Oath to Men and Women.

20. Otho's shield (a Looking-glass). Some have seem'd to doubt of the truth of this Disgrace, which Juvenal here lays upon Otho; being mov'd by the elogies, which Historians bestow upon his death. Yet that is not enough to clear his Life; if but ac∣cording to History we remember his vile commerce with Nero, his effeminate periwig to hide his bald∣ness, and especially his impudent coin circumscrib'd with His Name and Title; wherein he is expressed with such a curious method of wreaths, that it will suppose Otho's hand, or his mistresse's, rather then the engravers, to have dress'd it. It is thus preserv'd and publish'd by Antoine le Poix a learned French Antiquary, at the end of his Discours sur les Medalles Antiques, p. 1. figur. 8. The Poet then faith

[illustration] depiction of a coin bearing the likeness and title of Otho

M. OTHO CAESAR AVG. TR. P. IMP.

that these base sinners as much esteem'd of Otho's looking-glass, as Turnus did of the mighty spear, which he bravely wonn from Actor Aruncus; as it is in Virgil. Aeneid. 12.

21. Vastly they feast. Nay, This so Rare a Bride, &c. The Poet having expressed the portion which this execrable Gracchus brought to his dear Cor∣net-winder, namely 400. sestertia (3125 l.) pro∣ceeds

saying, as the common copies here have it, Ingens coena sedet; gremio jacuit, &c. In which pas∣sage Lubin takes coena sedet for convivae sedent; which is but a hard acception: and whereas he once thought with Lipsius (as he says) in his Epist. Quast. p. 133. that it should be read, Sed & gre∣mio, in English as much as, Nay even to bed went this bride, and so to be an aggravation: yet he tells us that now he likes of the other Reading, Coena sedet, expounding sedet by posita and parata est; making this phrase or manner of speech pe∣culiar to Juvenal: who, as he alleges, speaks on this fashion also in that of the first Satyre, —nunc sportula primo Limine parva seder. He might have taken that other instance also from our Au∣thor, Sat. 8. vers. 63. —Rara ju••o victoria sedit. But I approve not of his change of opinion for these reasons; first, it is a new expression to say coena sedet for coenantes; and Lubin is fain to say, that it is peculiar to Juvenal. Secondly, his proof out of Juvenal, and the other of the like form, which I allege, do not advantage his exposition of coena by coenantes; nay, they rather make it the more harsh; because then it should be, coenantes sedent mensâ: which, if expounded like the other (juga victoria sedit) the guests would be placed as well upon the table, as at it. Thirdly, though the learned Pithaeus in the text of Juvenal reads coena sedet; yet in his Var. Lection. on this place, he gives this note, An potius distinguendum fuit—ingens Coena, sedet: gremio jacuit, &c. and then adds out of A••uleius, Accumbit ad summum thorum maritus, Psy∣chen gre••io suo complexus, intending it as a like sense. whereby it appears, that he disliked the insolency of the phrase coena sedet, and sought to avoid it by the varietie of Reading: according to which, coena cannot be the word that must agree with sedet; but either the Bride-groom, or Grac∣chus the new Bride, or both of them; that so it may answer to accumbit maritus, &c. But then gre∣••••io jacuit should only signifie that she lay in his bo∣some, after the Roman fashion, at Supper; which were to take away the greatest aggravation of the crime, and according to this sense, sedet might have been spar'd in this concise expression, being imp••••ed, if it did signifie accumbit, in the next words jacuit, wherefore I cannot here approve his conceit. Besides the Poet in this place uses most judicious and accurate brevitie in the distin∣ctions and parts of his speech, as Signatae tabulae; dictum feliciter; ingen•• coena: after all which, to come dropping in ••ith no news; but to say, that the meat was let on the table, and then that they Sate down, were but a filling speech, being that which every man must suppose, especially at a wedding, though Juvenal had held his tongue. But let us take Lipsius his Reading, Sed & gremio (which I here use,) and it is an elegant advancement of expression, an admiration sutable to the crime.

22. A Cen••or or the Aruspex. The One purged the the City from Offences by Punishment, the other by Sacrifice; or upon occasion when Monsters were produced.

23. The frindge, long gown, &c. The Poet here describes the singular pravitie of Gracchus, who had been even a Priest of Mars, and therefore should have been far from filthy esseminacy: yet so far did degenerate from Nobilitie and Manhood, that as a bride he was married and attir'd. But in the Poet's description of the Salii or Preists of Mars, there seems to be some ambiguity, whiles he says of Gracchus, as of one of them, Arcano qui sacra se∣rens nu••antia loto, Sudavit clypei•• ancilibus—. The Dress of the Salii in number twelve (though after∣wards twice so many) and all of the Nobilitie, was chiefly this; A cap like a helmet, for the head; for the body the tunica picta or a coat embroyder'd; on this a brasen breast-plate with a little shield fa∣stened with a thong on the inside (as some de∣scribe it) & small daggers in their hands, wherewith they struck upon their shields; and in this Dress yearly in March they solemnly danced about the Forum and the Capitol. In which passage it may seem doubtful, though the doubt be not proposed by the Interpreters, what is meant by Sacra. In breif, they take it generally, I grant, for the same with clypels ancilibus, and, as I think, rightly; make∣ing the sense to be, as I have render'd it, that they carried the shields and danced with them so long, that they sweat. But this I thought necessary to be mention'd for two reasons; the one whereof is, because Lubin says here, upon arcano loro—lorn̄ è c••r•••• intrinsecus statuis appositum erat: which to what pur∣pose he adds here I know not, unless he would have us suppose, that every one of the Salii carri∣ed some statue of Mars fastened to him; but, that any such thing was here used, it appears not. The other reason is, because the poet varying the ap∣pellation of the same thing in the very next verse, it might justly seem obscure, as I think it is, and therefore fit to be observ'd: though I think it also justly warrantable; the first (sacra) being but a general expression, the latter (ancilia) more espe∣cial. And here we may observe, that though an∣cile be according to some rendered by Scutum, it is more accurately here by the Poet called clypeus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the difference being, that the Scutum was a larger defence, being somewhat like a door, more long then broad, and therefore by the Greeks called 〈◊〉〈◊〉; whereas the clypeus was less and round, and therefore the eye of the Cyclops is compared unto it by Virgii (yet to a large one, an Argolick shield) saying, Argolici clypei & Phoebeae lampadis instar; as Godelevaus observes out of Livy, lib. 8. where the Historian says, that to some souldiers was appointed the clypeus, but to others pro cly∣pe•• Scutum. Yet the form of the Ancile (or the sheild, as the fable has it, that fell from Heaven with a voice foretelling, that, That City should bear rule, in which that should be kept) is de∣scribed not without varietie; some saying that it was cut on each side like a half Moon, as Manutius de Quaesitis per Epist. lib. 3. Epist. 6. others, that it was rounder, according to that of Ovid, Atque an∣cile vocan••, quod ab omni parte recisum est: Quaeque oculis spectes, angulus omnis abest. Both expressions are presented by Du Choul de la Religion des Ancien•• Romains. p. 239. the one from a friver-coin, in Augustus his time, which by some is taken for the form of the Ancile; the other from a brasen coin, in the time of Antoniaus Pius, which last has the flame expressed upon it.

[illustration] depiction of a coin from Augustus' reign showing ancilia shields

b

IMPERATORII.

ANCILIA

S C

[illustration] depiction of a coin from Antoninus Pius' reign

a. Juv. Sat. II. Illust: 23.

PSTOLO

III. VIR

24. Great Marcher. Thus I choose to render, Gradive. Gradivus here signifies Mars: but Autum∣nu•• against the common exposition takes it here for Romulus, the Son of Mars; but gives no reason of his dissent. Yet I suppose it to be from the former words of Juvenal saying, O pater Ʋr∣bis; which likewise Autumnus expounds by Romu∣lus. But I think that Gradivus ought here to be taken for Mars; it being the safest way to expound any Author by himself, and so Juvenal by Juvenal: who Satyre, 13. vers. 113. call, Mars by this name, Gradivus Homericus, Mars mentioned in Homer, as it is there justly and necessarily expounded. We may add that of Livy, Decad. 1. lib. 2. Jovem patrem Gradivumque Martem aliosque iratos deos invoco; and thus it was usually taken by others. For so when Juvenal says, Sat. 13. Et Martis frameam—, it is borrow'd and altered by Martianus Capella into Gradivi frameam. And whereas Autumnus takes pater Ʋrbis to be Romulus, there also it more fitly signifies Mars: who, being the father of Romulus, may with more honour to Rome, as being account∣ed in their fond religion the greater deity, be called the father of it. But to shew beyond just replie, that Gradivus must here signify not Romu∣lus, but Mars, it is apparent from the continuation of this Apostrophe, in which, a little after, the Poet says unto him —Go then, no more respect Thy warlike field—: by which, Autumnus (as the rest of the Interpreters) understands Campus Martius, an ample place, where military exercises were us∣ed. Which manner of speech, thy field, makes it clear, that he speaks to Mars, whose field it was. Thus even according to Autumnus himself it must be expounded, though he observed not the inconve∣nient truth of his own exposition, against himself. Now, for the word Gradivus, some (as particu∣larly Servius) would bring it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so it might with small addition be rendered, Shake∣spear; which in effect is the sense also of the name Pallas, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vibro; but that this is a near and easie derivation, the other somewhat remote; as also is theirs, who vvould dravv it from gramen, because a Grass-coronet vvas in Honour amongst Martial men, being the revvard of those, that rais∣ed the enemie's Siege. Others make it quasi Gran∣dis divus: but this vvere no name of distinction from some other gods; nay, even in this sense it might seem fit to be given to Jupiter himself by vvay of excellency. Festus the Grammarian de∣rives it from gradior, à gradiendo in bello ultro citro{que} from bestirring himself in Battels: but Britannicus though he sets this derivation in the first place, yet expounds it in a different sense, saying, quia gradatim, & per ordines eatur in bellum; implying that the vvord does seem to express the stately and leasurely March of the God of War; according to vvhich apt sense I choose to render it.

25. Bigg Lyde's Physick-box can This ne're gain. There are tvvo Readings of this passage; the one, Turgida non prodest in pixide condita Lyde; and this is renevved and approved by Fortunatus Scaccbus in his Myrothecium, lib. 1. cap: 44. vvhere he says, that Lyde signifies a spider, so called from Arachne a Lydian turned into a spider; and that condita in pixide turgidâ, implies that it vvas closed in a swelling box, so called either, because it vvas full of Ointments, or else somevvhat round sided, of this form, as Schacchus presents in Myrothecuim, p. 431. and lastly that this vvas thought to be of

[illustration] depiction of a round-sided physick-box

special vertue to make Women fruitful. Upon this perswasion, says he, they carried a spider about with them in a box; which that it might not cor∣rupt and so by the smell offend, they added oint∣ments to it. Which beleife was occasion'd by a kind of spider called Phalangium, which as Pliny re∣lates, lib. 11. cap. 24. brings forth 300. young ones at one time. Thus we must first suppose that Women generally took notice of this obscure fable of the spider Phalangium; and secondly we must make turgida, which is here a dactyle, to be of the ablative case and agree with pixide. Indeed the interpretation is as excusable as the poëtry; yet I mention it, because he does more fully then others, set down this Opinion, or rather phansie. Junius also did deliver this conceit about a spider, out of an old Manuscript, and so it came into the more estimation, and seems to please Autumnus, as the best: but let him beleive the trifle, whiles we beleive it to be but a triflle; this Reading and Interpretation being in effect long since rejected by Philip Beroald in his Annotations as an exposition too remote and an affectation grounded upon no suffici∣ent

authority. The other Reading is Turgida non prodest conditâ pixide Lyde; and this most Manuscripts agree upon: according to which, Beroald and Poli∣tian make Lyde turgida (that is, ventricosa) to sig∣nifie a corpulent Woman called Lyde from her country (the Lydian Women commonly of such a size, as Statius seems to emplie in those words, Hoc plaudunt grege Lydiae tumentes); adding, that such went with boxes of Ointments to sell, pretend∣ing them to be effectual for Womens fruitfulness, and that they were intertain'd with a common and foolish belief; which exposition as the most pro∣bable I receive. To the like effect indeed the Lu∣perci the priests of Pan did use in February to run naked about the City (yet Plutarch mentions a lit∣tle covering) the Women that desired to be fruitful holding our their hands unto them not without impudent folly, and the priests striking them with a goat skin, or, as the Scholiast has it, with a ferula.

26. The Coated Gracchus's trident This surpass'd. Tunicati fuscina Gracchi. Under the name of Grac∣chus, the Poet here and before declames against some of the cheif Nobility; before for their exe∣crable marriages, and here for hiring their lives to the Prator (who set forth shews to the people) and, as infamous persons, for fighting publickly in the Amphitheater strew'd with sand, to drink up the blood that was shed. For they that were put to the worst were according to the custome usually killed: yet to this base madness did some of the vicious and bank-rupt Nobilitie descend. Where it is worth the noting, that the Poet, in passing to the description of this other Gracchus, says Vicit &c hoc monstrum tunicati fuscina Gracchi, as if this fault had been more monstrous then the other crime. Which sense may seem unworthy of Juvenal's judgement, namely that he should make a fault against Honour to be greater then a sin against Nature; and I mar∣vail that this inconvenience has almost scaped all Interpreters. Indeed Lubin seems to take notice of it, saying that the Poet calls this the worse fault, because unto the former, some of the Nobilitic had been forced by Nero, but unto This baseness they did voluntarily descend. This were somewhat, if it were all true; but he proves none of it. I remem∣ber that Sulpitius Severus in his Eccles. Histor. lib. 2. relates that the monster Nero was, as a Woman, married to one Pythagoras, and that Xiphiline says the same and also, that as a Male he was as mon∣strously married to one Sporus! Orosius says the same; only whereas some call the former infamous person, Pythagoras, Sueton calls him Doryphorus, Ne∣ro's freed-man: yet in this as there is no mention of Nobility, so neither of compulsion. Wherefore unless we saw better ground for this assertion, we may rather seek some other reason; and I propose this. The Poet does not here compare the two faults for the Hainousness, but for the impudence in the committing of them: in which respect, this though the less sin in it self, did exceed the former. For in the committing of that, they had some shame, as the Poet implied saying, — Nubit amicus, Nec multos adhibet—, it must be closely carried; and Fiert istapalam—, hereafter they will commit this openly, so that as yet it was a secret villanie: but as for This Baseness, though extream, they run into it open faced; as may appear from the nature of the fault now to be set forth. Of the two that are here described for the combat, the one was called Retiarius, as this Gracchus here was; the other Myrmillo and Sequutor. The first is (in effect) used a little after this passage, when the Poet says,—retia misit: the two latter are used in Sat. 8. where the Poet falls again more largly and vehemently upon this argument. Yet because the Antiquity and Form of these exercises is very necessary to be here declar'd, the exposition of that in the eighth Sat. may be here deliver'd. The Retiarius then was so call'd from the principal part of his furniture, which was diverse. For first he was dressed in a short Coat, which beseem'd not the state of a Noble Person. Se∣condly he had a three-pointed Mace or iron in his left hand; and thirdly a Net in his right; with which, if he could by his skill (which was commonly pra∣cticed) he did enwrap his adversary by sodainly casting of it over his head and as sodainly drawing it together, and then with his trident usually slew him. In which mad exercises, the net was counted such an advantage, that they allowed the Retiarius no other fence. For on his head he woar only a hat or long cap tied under his chin with a broad string or ribband, as this Gracchus is described, Sat. 8. And thus he fought in part bare-faced, which farther ar∣gued the unworthiness of such a person, thus to engage his life and honour with a hireling. The other combatant was called Myrmillo, who, besides a hooked sword (falx supina) and a buckler, was allowed also a helmet, whereon was the picture of a fish: which gave occasion to the Retiarius to say usually to the Myrmillo that strived to avoid the casting of the net, Non te peto, piscem peto, quid me fugis Galle? not that the Myrmillo was always a Gaul or Frenchmen, but because his Armour or furniture was after the Gallique fashion. The reason of the name Myrmillo is by some mentioned, as by Marcellus Do∣natus on Sueton's Caligula, cap. 32 where Myrmillones are said to be so called, quasi Myrmidones, as if it were from their singular valour, the Myrmidons hav∣ing in their time been the flower of the Greek soul∣diery. But not to abuse our selves with such deriva∣tions, the learned Johannes Isacius Pontanus in his Glossarium Prisco-Gallicum, in the word Myrmillo, p. 254. tells us, that the Myrmillo is a fish by the French-men anciently called Mormyron, or Mormilon, which will so subtilly shoot himself into the mud, that the Fishermen are scarce able to take him with a drag. And because he that fought with the Retia∣rius did sometimes use great bendings or windings of his body to avoid the net, and as it were to hide himself from the art of the Retiarius; therefore by similitude he was called Myrmillo, and wore the pi∣cture of the fish upon his helmet. Thus Pontanus, chiefly out of Gillius, partly out of Gesner; though the Scholiast indeed gave the light to them all: who on this word, Sat. 8. v. 199. gives this note, Mirmillo armaturae Gallicae nomen, ex pisce inditum, cuius imago in galeâ fingitur. The Myrmillo is also upon occasion, Sat. 8. v. 210. called Sequutor, as much as the Pur∣suer; because if the Retiarius did not cunningly poise his arm in the casting of his net, but cast either to short or to far, so that he missed his purpose, in∣stantly he betook himself to his heels, running a∣bout the Amphitheater for his life, with all possible agilitie, that he might happily recollect his net for a second cast; the myrmillo in the mean time as swift∣ly pursuing him (whence he was called Sequutor) to deprive him, if he could, of his purpose and life. This kind of fighting (with the Net) came from Pittacus the wife Grecian, who (as Diogenes Laertius relates) fighting a single combat with Phrynon, did with a net which he hid under his buckler sodainly entangle him and then slew him.

27. Then the first Rank at Shews. Ad Podium spe∣ctantibus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was the chief place at Shews, and called so because, as some think, it did jut-out like a foot, or as others, because it was at the foot or low∣er

part of the building, and so being the formost and nearest place of Seats for the advantage of sight and hearing, was appointed for the Nobilitie. Servius alleges this to expound that of Virgil, Aeneid, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Mox totum caveae ••••••cessum ingentis, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Prima p••trum—. So that our Poet says that Gracchus, who thus dis∣grac'd himself, was by birth more noble, then the best of his Spectators, or the Prator himself, who set forth these Shews.

28. If they 've the Bath-see paid. The Scholiast tells us that the children did not pay the Balneati∣c••m, or see for being Bath'd; seeming to implie that they were bathed. The Author of the Manuscript Commentarie would be too impurely subtile, saying that the Poet here speaks against little children, who that they might be bathed without paying the fee, permitted themselves to the Bath-keepers worst desire. Lubin first says that children were not bath'd at all: but afterwards he prefers another opi∣nion before this, saying that though they were bath∣ed, yet they paid not the farthing, or fee. But he might have better kept himself to his first opinion; children being not bathed at all in the publique baths, as C••lde••ine shews out of Tully de Oratore; and the time that they thus abstained being till they were four years old. One Manuscript well expresses the sense of this passage, the Author of it saying that none but infants believe a hell, that is, such as not comming yet to the publique Baths, are by this means as yet not corrupted in their lives. Thus does he implie the epidemical impietie of those times, wherein hell was counted rather a fable, then a place of justice, and only such satyrically supposed to believe it, as could not understand it.

29. Or the bold Legion of Cremera—. It may peradventure give occasion of doubt to some, that Juvenal here calls those, that were slain at the river Cremera in Tuscanie, a Legion; it being expounded of the Fabii, who were in all but 306. whereas a Legion, according to Vegetius, and Modestus, contained 6000. foot and 700. horse; not to examine farther the ex∣act overplus of these numbers. And though the number of a Legion did sometimes vary, yet this number of the Fabii may not presume to swell to that extent. Britannicus indeed says that they were aided by their Servants and Clients, yet Florus, calls them Patricius exercitus; and Livy, lib. 2. cap. 49. says of them, Nunquàm exercitus, neque minor numero, neque clarior fama & admiratione hominum per urbem incessit. wherefore the word Legio seems here not to be used in an exact sense, but rather by way of wit: such brave Romans, though but few, being termed a Legion for their equivalent worth.

30. If Sulphure and the pine tree were With them—. The Ancient manner of purging those that were polluted was with Sulphure and fire made with the wood of the unctuous pine tree, and such like; they used also to wet a lawrel branch and sprinkled them with it. See Turnebus, lib. 23. cap. 21. Meursius in his Spicileg. p. 144. and Marcellus Dona∣tus on Sueton's Nero. cap. 6.

31. Beyond the Irish foe. Juverna here used is by the Scholiast taken for Britany; and Ortelius shews out of Isacius upon Lycophron, that Juverna was cal∣led West-Britany. Yet both by Orielius and Mr. Camb∣den it is taken for Ireland, and otherwise, methinks the Poets expression would seem disjointed, first mentioning Britany, then the Orcades, and then the Britans (for so the Poet orders them, saying —ultra Littora Juvernae—&—Orcadas—ac—Britannos): be∣sides to name both Britanie and the Britans were su∣perfluous. But the chief doubt here is, whether, as Juvenal here says, the Romans had extended their victories beyond Ireland; seing that it is thought by our accurate Cambden, that the Romans did not con∣quer Ireland. Wherefore, this passage of Juvenal seeming to imply the contrary, we may conclude that the Poet speaks here at large, as a stranger to there parts, and but according to the report of the triumphing Romans, who sometimes took discoveries for conquests, and thought those overcome, who were but neighbours to those, whom they overcame. And here we may observe, that the Poet notes the Britans for their short nights; which is to be under∣stood of the Summer-solstice, when the night, in the extreamest part of the Isle is scarce six hours long; as Lipsius notes on Tacitus his Agricola, on those words, Dierum spatia ultra nostri orbis mensuram.

32. He came a hostage; here he's made a Man! Ve∣nerat obses; hic fiunt homines; That is, He came inno∣cent, from his own country, and rather into a sor∣rowful stare, to be but a pawn for the loyaltie of his country-men, and therefore indeed but as an ho∣nourable prisoner: but here by commerce, he is made a Man no doubt! which last words are usually understood as an Ironie; the meaning being, that he was rather turn'd a Woman. Indeed the word Homo will bear either sense; and peradventure, though a∣gainst some interpreters, the later will prove the truer, if we take notice of the significations of the word, Which sometimes by way of excellency signi∣fie the First of men, as (according to the Latin co∣pie) in that of Gen. 2.25. Homo & uxor ejus: where not only the word Homo is used by way of distinction for the Man, but also necessarily Homo and not Vir, & that according to the strictness of the Original; wherein the word is not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Johannes Drusius in his Notes upon Sulpitius Severus his Eccle∣siasticall History, lib. 1. p. 8. shews also that sometimes homo is taken only for the Woman; see there also his Epistle to Baudartius of the acceptions of Homo. But for the sense of the word in this place, I think it ought to be render'd here, as it is on a like occasion used again in Juvenal himself: who, in the sixt Satyre bringing-in an impudent Woman not able to deny her dishonesty, makes her confess her shame, in a kind of excuse, by crying-out Homo sum; which I there render, —I me Woman. And I think it might as truly be render'd here in that feminine sense; Hither he came a hostage, an innocent Male, as Pledges (to pre∣vent dishonourable inconveniences) use commonly to be (though not always, as Lipsius observes on Ta∣citus his Germania) but now we may say, he is of one sex more; though not meer Woman, yet of the Com∣mon gender. And this the Poet implies by his effe∣minacy, saying that the change and corruption of his manners appears in the change of his attire: for now mittentur braccae, &c. not (as some would have it) He shall have such things sent as guifts to corrupt him; but, as the Scholiast well expounds it by shewing an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mittentur, that is, Dimittentur; the sense being this, Now he will bid farewel to his former simpli∣city, he will lay aside his own Country Ornaments, such as were the (braccae) Slops, and the ruder knives of His country fashion; likewise the whips and bri∣dles used by him in his home-bred, honest, manly & hunting exercises; And will carry home to his Arme∣nian City Artaxata, the brave sins of Rome. Whence we may farther see, that Mittentur cannot signify, that such things should be sent as guifts unto him, this being to preserve him in his innocent attire & exercises; but it must signify a chang of his Armenian manners into R••man. It were a truth, though but a sport, to remember that in one Manuscript the word Artaxata is expounded by a kind of strange garment; but we must add that such exposition is more strange.

SATYRE. III.

ARGUMENT.

To Witty Rome the Greeks such Wit Did Adde, they could each humor fit. They could a Great Mans Crimes Explore; And those Crimes Publish, or Adore And Act too, if Need Bid them! Rare Merchants, that made mens Sins their Ware! Nay, in meer Rome, besides these drifts, Through Pois'ning, Treachery and Guifts, Fires, Ruins, Throngs, Noise, Scorn and Theft, No place for Honest men is left. Umbritius then from Rome departs, Because he wants the Roman Arts.

THough my old Friends departure makes me sad, Yet I commend him, that he means to add To good Sibylla one inhabitant more At private Cumae. [1] 'Tis the Romans door Into fair Baiae, and does yield the sight Of a most grateful shoar's retir'd delight. I Prochyta prefer, though counted base, Before our brave Suburra (a). For what place Is so forsaken, that thou should'st forsake, Ev'n There, sweet Peace? and madly choose to quake At daily Fires, and falling houses, and A thousand such disasters still at hand In dreadful Rome? Nay, and in August's heat, When Poets read, [2] to throng into a sweat?

But whiles his goods were in one Waggon laid, By the Capenian Conduit-gate he staid, At the Old Arches. Here did Numa use To meet his night-Nymph: but here now some Jews, Whose Hay and Basket is their wealth, [3] do dwell Hiring the Muses Chappel, Grove and Well. (b) For ev'ry Tree must pay the People rent: Our Groves now Begg: Out are the Muses sent To seek a Roof! Hence to Aegeria's Vale We did descend; whose sacred Caves now faile

To yield the eye the first delight. For sure The water's Deity were far more pure, If a Grass-margin grac'd the Spring, and none Of our vain Marbles grac'd the native stone.

Here then says my Vmbritius, since no gains Or place Rome yields to Honest Arts and Pains; Since my stock daily wasts, and less will grow To-morrow; I resolve thither to go, Where Daedalus put-off his weary wings: Whiles Hoariness in straight Old-age (c) first springs, Whiles Lachesis has yet not Finish'd, and Whiles my Feet bears Me, not a staff my Hand. Let Us leave Rome; 'tis for Arturius Here, Or cunning Catulus to domineere: Such can turn black to white, hire Temples, Ports, Rivers, Sink-cleansing, Bus'ness of all sorts, And Gain by't; bear to their last fire the Dead, And sell under the Spear a Servile head. These were but Cornet-winders, whose base Crue And Cheeks (d) each Country Theater well knew. Now these set forth the Shews, and with ease can, The Peoples Thumb being turn'd, [5] kill any man; And thence return'd [6] they hire for gain (ne're grutch) Jakes-farming. Why not all things? Since they're such, As from a low Estate are strangely Blest By Fortune, when she is dispos'd to jest.

VVhat should I do at Rome? I cannot fain, Not praise a Dull Book, or crave to obtain A Copy: The Stars Motions pass my skill: To promise a Rich Father's Death, my Will And Art detest: Toads entrails (e) I ne're view'd: VVhat with one's Bride a slie Knave does conclude, VVhat Guists, what Letters pass, let others know: I'le be no Theife's Receiver. Thus I go From Rome as fit for no man, like one maim'd. VVhose right hand, Life already has disclaim'd. For who's now lov'd but he, whose burning breast Great Mens great Crimes does Hide, though not detest? He neither Gives, nor Owes thee any fee, That tells thee but some Honest Secrecy. Dear shall he be to Verres, that knows How And when, to Accuse Verres. But slight Thou The shadow'd Tagus's sands, though sands of gold, VVhich with his waves into the Sea are rowl'd; Rather then wake through Guilt and Bribes, and tend VVith a sad Heart on a Great jealous friend.

VVhom now our Rich ones Love, and I most Hate, Since They blush not, I'le blush not, to relate. I loath, Quiritians, Rome turn'd Greek; [7] although Not much Achaian dreggs we have. But loe,

Syrian Orontes into Tyber flow'd Long since, and brought with it more than it ow'd; Tongue, Manners, strings as straight, the Minstrel too, The Syrian Drum, and the soft Girles that woe For Gain, at the known Circus (f). Thither go You, that their painted Miters [8] love to know. The haunt-doal gown, [9] Quirinus, Thy Clown wears, And his oil'd neck rewards of Mast'ry bears. But one from Amydon, high Sicyon, and Samos, from Andros, Tralles, Alaband, On th' Esquiline or Viminal Hill's Ador'd, First th' Entrals of some Great House, Then the Lord! Such are of swift wit, of Brow strangely bold, And Tongue most quick: Isaeus is less rowl'd. Riddle me this, what's He, that to Rome came, And with him brought what Man or Trade you'l name, Grammarian, Oratour, Geometrician, Painter, Anointer, Quacksalver, Magician, Diviner, Rope-dancer! All things he knows, A hungry Greek, if bid, to Heav'n straight goes. In brief, no Moor he was, Tartar or Thracian, That Flew once; but in Athens born. Bold nation! Shall I not shun their Purple (g)? Or must I Let Him Seal first, and on the chief Couch lie [10] At Feasts? VVhom to our Rome the same wind brought, That brought us Prunes and Figgs? Goes it for nought, That we Aventine aire first breath'd, and bred In Rome, were with the Sabine olive fed? But, O, these Greeks cunning, to fawn, can grace A Sott's discourse, and a Friends ugly face: His slender neck to Hercules they dare Equal, that held Antaeus in the Aire: They praise his small voice, though no better then The noise, the Husband-Cock makes with his Hen. VVe could praise these things too, thus lie; but They, (There's the luck!) are beleiv'd too! who does play A Thais, better? or, a VVife? or, fair Doris? You'd think it were the Nymph, no Player. Though no short Cloak does hide her, yet ones eye (Through their ev'n skill) no difference can descry. Antiochus, Demetrius, Stratocles, Soft Haemus too, where these come, cannot please. The Nation's Born to Comedy. Smile you? He shakes with laughter: weeps, give but the cue, And Grieves Not. Call for fire 'gainst winters threats, On goes His Rugg (h): say but, I'm hot, He Sweats. VVe are not Ev'n then: he 'tis has the start, That still can wear anothers Face and Art; Cast up the hands before the brow [11]; commend His Lord, if he belch well; if his bigg Friend

Leak on his Couch [12]; if, when the wine's quaff'd up, His lips but smack against the golden cup [13]. Besides, what's holy? from their Lust what's free? Matrone and Daughter in a Familie, Nay Bride-groom too, yet smooth, and the dear Son, Modest till now, are now by these undone! If this pray fail, till ev'n the Bottome's clear'd, They'l ransack House and Heart, [14] and thence be fear'd! And now we talk of Greeks, their Schools go view. [15] And the Grave habit. (i) 'Twas a Stoick slew Bareas, a whispeuer his Friend, an old Master his Scholer; born where the too bold Gorgonean Horse a feather lost. [16] No place Is for a Romam left at Rome; where base Protogenes, where Diphilus, or where An Erimanthus once gets head, who ne're (That's the Greek trick) Divides a friend; but will Engross him. For, can he but once instil, Into an easy ear, his subtle hate, A drop of his Greek venome, I am straight Thrust out. Thus my long service is rewarded! A Clients loss is no where less regarded!

Indeed, what's Here a Poor man's Toile or Pay! Though his gowns on, to Visit, before Day! (k) VVhen as the Praetor to his Lictor sends Headlong, least that ev'n Then his Childless friends Be up, and some Collegue in the pursuit, Should Modia or Albina first salute. Here thou may'st sometimes see a Free-born Son, Upon a Rich man's Servant's Left-hand run: [17] For ev'n this Servant gives from his strange store To Catiena or Calvina more For a faint night or two, then the whole pay Our Tribunes have, that in a Legion sway. But Thou, glad of a Vail'd face, dost not dare To hand down Chione from her high Chair [18] Bring here a VVitness too, though just, as he That lodg'd th' Idaean Cybel, or as free As Numa, or our Priests, that to his fame Sav'd trembling Pallas from the Temple's flame: Straight ask they, Is he rich? But, Is he just? Is the Last question, and least cause of trust! How many Servants feeds he? What's his Land? How furnish'd is his Table? VVhen all's scann••d, Thy Chest's thy Rule: for, How much Treasure's there, Just so much credit hast thou. Should'st thou swear By the great Samothracian Gods and ours [19] They think, the Poor sleight thunder and the pow'rs Divine, and are forgiv'n. VVhat jests are spent On a poor man, if his cloak's foul or rent!

If his Gown's soil'd, his Shooe ript, or ill sow'd, That the brown thread, like scars in wounds, is show'd. Unhappy Povertie's worst Plague is, that It makes a man, alas, be flouted at! Away cries one, and let him not here claim A seat on the Knight's cushion'd bench [20] for shame, VVhose state's below the Law; sit you here, which (Though Pandars sons born in some Stews) are rich. Let some neat Crier's son clap here, among Trim yonkers from some goodly Fathers sprung, Sons of some Catch-Fish, or chief Fencer [21]. Thus It pleas'd vain Otho, who distinguish'd us! VVho gets a Rich wench Here, If his Means are Less then Her bags? VVhat Poor man's made an Heir? VVhen askes an Aedile his advise [22]? The Poor Should have lest Rome e're this, by troops, once more. They scarce e're get their heads above the flood, VVhose vertue's, by short means at home, withstood! Chiefly at Rome; where ev'ry thing is dear, Poor Lodging, Servants Bellies, and short cheer, And yet an Earthen dish These scorn, though He VVell lik'd it, that by sodain change did see The Marsians and Sabellians thrifty food, [23] And that wore There the course Venetian hood [24] Indeed, not in a few Italian Towns There are not any, till they're dead, wear Gowns [25] Ev'n when to their grass-Theaters they throng At their great Feasts, when the known Parting-song Returnes unto their Stages, [26] and the sight Of a pale gaping Actour [27] does half-fright The country Babe in's Mother's lap; you may See there one Dress, nor the first seats more gay, [28] Then are the People's: where the Roab of Note In their chief Aediles is but a white Coat [29] Here without Means too bravely we go dress'd, And sometimes borrow from another's Chest. This is our fault! VVe all, in Pride controul'd By want, live Here. In brief at Rome All's Sold! VVhat will ye give, Great Cossus to Salute? Or for Vejento's glance, though He'l be Mute? One barbes his Man, another trims his Page Inrich'd with their fine cakes [30]. But add just rage, As leaven; Swell at This; poor Client's pay Meer Tribute to proud Slaves, which thus bear sway! At cold Praeneste or Volsinium plac'd 'Mongst shady Hills, at Gabii truly grac'd VVith innocence, or at steep Tibur's Tow'r, VVho fears a Ruine? VVhen as, much of our Proud Rome does trust to a weak prop. For so The Country workman stays it; and, although

He hides but some old chinks, when we're half sure Of instant death, he sayes, Now sleep secure. I'le live where are no fires, no fears by night: Vcalegon my neighbout does half-fright The street; now cries-out, water; bears-out now His small goods; now thy third floor smoaks whil'st thou Know'st nothing. Soon comes the til'd cock-lofts [m] turn, (VVhere soft Doves breed) let once the bottom burn. Codrus's Wife Procula was short; his bed Shorter: six Pitchers grac'd his Cupbord's head. His little Can in lower place did stay, And under the same marble Cheiron lay: A Chest, though old, did his Greek Poets shrine, And barb'rous mice gnaw'd Poems though Divine! [31] Codrus had nothing; Who denies't? Yet what So e're that Nothing was, he lost All That; Nay, to heap greif, when naked he begg'd bread, No man vouchsafed him food, or house, or bed! But if Arturius his house fall, Rome quakes, The Nobles put on black, the Praetor makes The Law-days wait; then we accuse the dire Mischances of the City, then hate fire. Whiles yet it burns, some run, and marble give, Th' expence too: Some send statues that ev'n live, So naked they're, so pure: Some send a neat Peace, by Euphranor wrought, or Polyclete; Which once grac'd the Phaecasian Gods. [32] One brings him Books, Desks, a half Pallas (n): Another flings him Silver, almost a peck. [33] A richer store This childless Persian gets, [34] then e're before; And now men fear, 'twas but an acted part, And that his house was fir'd by his own art.

Could'st thou but leave the Circus, [35] and wouldst go To Fabrateria, Sora, Frusino; Thou might'st a good house Buy, for that which here Thou giv'st for a dark hole hir'd for one year. Some Gardens There; A shallow well, that needs No rope, but the young Plants willingly feeds, There love thy fork, be there thy Garden dress'd; Then ten times ten Pythagoreans Feast. (o) 'Tis somewhat to be Lord of some small ground, Though but a Lizard can therein turn round.

Here want of sleep the sick does often kill: But undigested meat begot this ill, Clogging the burning stomack. For, who can Sleep, for the noise of shops, but the Rich man, That bribes for't? Thus they sicken; when Carts (p) meet Or stand, in narrow turnings of a street, The railing Carriers sore perplex'd do make Ev'n Drusus, (q) and our heavy Sea-calves wake,

If business calls a rich one, the rout shuns His train, above their heads his large couch runs, VVhiles he within reads, writes, or sleeps: for keep His litter-window shut, [36] and he can sleep; Yet makes more speed then we. Run we? Before, A wave resists: Behind, a Troop does goat Our loins: an Elbow here, or poal does rub My side; my head feels There a beam or tub. Durt fats my thighs: a clown treads on me, and A Souldier leaves his Boot-nail in my hand [37].

Seest not with what a Smo••k we celebrate Our Doal? [38] A Hundred ghuests! On each does wait His Kitchin! Gorbulo would be half dead, Should he so many huge pans bear on's head, As a small wretch sustains, nor yet must tire, But upright go, nay run, to fan the fire; His patch'd coat's torn for hast. A long Firre quakes Sometimes, as the Cart joggs; or a Pine shakes Aloft, whose nodding threats the whole street fears, For if an axle cracks, that hither bears Ligurian stones, and casts upon the rout His mountain-load, what then can be found out Of their crush'd bodies? where a Limb? a Bone? Their Corps Invisible, as their soul, is gone! Mean while the house, which none of this does know, The dishes wash, and with a fill'd cheek blow The small fire, the oil'd Cleansers sound, [39] with skill They sold the Bath-cloaths, and the oile-horn [40] fill. Thus do the Servants order ev'ry thing At home; when he that should the Supper bring, Poor Novice, on the Stygian bank does quake At ugly Charon, not account does make To pass the foul gulf, since in's mouth he can Not find the farthing for the ferriman! [41]

Now view Night-dangers, and the dreadful height Of our house-tops, whence on one's brain does light Some earthen ware that leaks, some pot-sheard thrown Out at a window. It's weight marks the stone; It breaks the flinty pavement. 'Twere the worst Neglect of Chance, to sup abroad, and first Not make thy Will. So many Deaths thee meet, As there are watchful windows in each street. VVith this Base prayer then, this only, go; That on thy Pate they only urine throw. Besides, your drunken gallant, if he fight VVith no body, [42] with torment wakes all night; Nay, like Achilles for Patroclus, cries, And now upon his face, now upwards lies. Some only in this method sleep; a fray Makes them rest well; or else they watch till day.

Yet such a Knave, though hot with Youth and Wine▪ Has so much drunken wit, as to decline The Purple Roab, which a long tram defends, And with broad lights and brazen Lamps attends. Me, whom the Moon leads, or a Candle's end, Whose wick I temper, least too fast it spend, He slights. The Proems of a fight I'le show; If that's Fight, where Thou Giv'st, I Bear the blow. One meets thee, bids thee stand: thou must obey; What help? His rage and strength will make thee stay. Wheace come ye? Cries he. With whose Vineger And unshal'd bean d' ye swell? What Coblers were At the bo••ld Sheep's lips, and cut Leeks? [43] unfold Your mind, or with your guts my heel grows bold. Where is your station? At what Temple-door May a man find you begging? [44] Now if more Or less thou would'st Replie, or if Depart Silent, all's one. They'l beat thee; then with Art Complain, and bind thee o're to answer's. [45] All A poor man's Libertie is but to fall Prostrate, though buffered; and to entreat They'l leave him a few teeth to eat his meat. Nor mayst thou fear This danger only; but A Their may spoil thee too, when doors are shut; When shops are bar'd and chain'd, and all's grown still. Sometimes a Villane's sodain blade does Kill, To make Dispatch; when once the Pontine Moor [46] And Gallinarian Pines take, to secure Those parts strong guard: for then those parts they shun, And all like Deer to a Park, do hither run. What Forge, what Anvil makes not heavy Chains? VVhat Ir'n we spend in shackels! The whole veins, You'd fear, would fail, and none be left to make A neédful Plow-share, Martock, or a Rake. Happy were our great Grandsires, Grandsires Times, VVhen under Kings and Tribunes, for all Crimes, One Jail serv'd Rome.

More Reasons could I show, But my Teem waits me, and the Sun grows low; [47] I must begon: the Carter calls away, And jerk'd his whip to signifie my stay, VVherefore fatewel, and not forgetful be, VVhen Rome to thy sweet Aquine hastens thee, From Cumae to draw me to your Divine Helvinian Ceres, [48] and Diana's shrine. And if thy Satyres blush not to give room, To your cold fields a Booted Aid [49] I'le come.

NOTES on JUVENAL, Sat. III.

(a) THat Suburra was the Cheapside of Rome, the Comparison makes out. For Ʋm∣britius now choosing a retirement, prefers the most private one such as was Pro∣chyta, a little Island, before the most populous Suburra. Though perhaps not the Num∣ber only, but the Quality of its Inhabitants, offended the good man: For a Multitude of Whores lived there. Fame non nimium bonae puella, Quales in media sedent Suburra. Mart. with whom and Herace, Suburrana signifies a whore. The Learned, out of Festus derive it à Succurrendo, because the Court of Guards was their kept, which relieved the watch, when the Gabines beseiged that part of the Town, Whose Inhabitant; Unto Festus's time were call'd Tribus Succurrana, and not Suburrana, and this Justifies the Etymologie against Varro. L. 4. L. L.

(b) Lucus, & Fons Aricinus, which Numa Consecrated to the Muses, without the Por∣ta Capena the Triumphal or South-Gate of the City; through which from this Foun∣tain water was conveyed to Rome, and therefore 'tis well call'd Madida Capena, and fitly render'd Conduit-Gate. 'Tis of it Ovid speaks in his Fasti;

Egeria est quae praebet Aquas, Dea grata Camoenae, Illa Numae Conjux, Consiliumque fuit.

Where Camoenae is the same with Capena. Scribit, enim Asconius extra hanc Portam, Lucum & Aedem Camoenaruu•• esse: Propterea Camoena à nonnullis est appellata, nunc vero Porta Sti Sebastiani. Marl. Ant. Rom. Topogr. L. 1. c. 8. And Egeria is said to be grata Camoenae, be∣cause it requited it's kindness, in letting out her Votaries, by sending in at it the sup∣ply's of fresh water. Or else Grata, by Reason of the Pleasures it afforded the Capena by it's Springs.

(c) Philosopher's divide the time of Mans Life, according to the several changes, which at certain stages happen to it. And first PƲERITIA they stretched to 25. years of Age, and made it include. 1. Infantia, from ones birth to three or four years of Age, within which time all children speak. 2. Pueritia, strictly so call'd, thence to 10. All this space of Time they were puri, i. e. impubes. Censide Die Nat. Isid. L. 11. c. 2.3. From 10. to 18. was the time Pubem Emittendi, thence call'd Pubertas. 4. And thence to 25. is Adolescentia, for then they are full grown. Secondly INVENTƲS, which was properly from 25 to 35 or 40. Quòd tunc aetatis Beneficio ad juvandum Rempub. apti erant: Or else Virilis Aetas, thence to 50, so call'd Quòd Viri tunc sunt. h. e. viribus pollentes. Thirdly SENECIƲS, which was either Prima & Recta as our Poet calls it from 50 to 65. or Ʋl∣tima and Decrepita till death. Hence the meaning of the Poet is clear. Only note that Servius Tullius in A. Gell. L. 10. c. 28. upon another Consideration made another Divi∣sion of the Ages of Men.

(d) These Cornicines (as if they were nothing else) are prettily here described by their Cheeks; which in such kind of People are often much swoln and Protuberant. Or Buccae, may signify as Buccones, when 'tis put for Parasites and Buffoons. Sat. 11. Curtius, & Matho Buccae. And even these here Nigra in Candida vertunt, v. 30. Et, Librum si malus est Laudant; v. 42. which were agreeable employments to Arturius, and Catulus; Persons that in antient times (with the rest of their Gang) had not the Honour of Attendants on that Theater, which now at their costs they fill'd; But were per Oppida, in the Country Towns, content to act on an Herbosum Theatrum, v. 163.

(e) Ranarum viscera, i. e. Rubetarum, which were a strong Poison; and Locusta could well use it. —Viro miscet sitiente Rubetam. Nay she was Communicative too, and did not bury the secret, Instituitque Rudes melior Locusta Propinquas. This Honest Aruspex never veiwed such entrails.

(f) Under the seats of the Circus Max. There were Cells or Vaults, wherein women did make the most gainful use of what they had: Particularly near the Aedificium Menia∣num, whence Spectators beheld the sports of the Circus, there were plenty of immodest women, thence call'd Menianae, and Summenianae. Mart. L. 3. Epig. 61. And here observe that this vile Custome was begun by strangers, who are seldome of good report. This forces a Thracian in Theoph. Char. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. to speak thus of his mother. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, obscurely intimating says Casaubon; That at Athens, Thracian Women were thought, ignoble or whores. Et certum est peregrinarum mulierum ubique fere Loco∣rum, olim suspectam fuisse Pudicitiam: Quamobrem in S. Scriptura, mulier peregrina idem

sonat ac Scortum. The women we speak of were strangers, as well as whores.

(g) Conchylia is tranlated Purple, Because the Purpura & Murex, ex quibus piscibus elicie∣batur liquor ille pretiosus ad tingendas vestes, was Conchyle, or a shell-fish. Now this, the wear of the cheif Romans only, Ʋinbritius cannot endure these Graeculi should wear. For the Promiscuous use of it was forbidden by Aug. Suet. c. 43. The reason of it Tas. An. 2. shew's and commands, Praeclare vero prudenterque Caesar Ordines Civium vesre discriminavit, ut sc. qui locis, Ordinibus, dignationibus antestant, Cultu quoque discernerentur. Yet at length Li∣berty prevailing at Rome they lived (if the mony of the poorer sort could reach it) as in a Spartan Common wealth. where ex Institute Lycurgi Nemo altero cultior incessis.

(h) Endromis, quod illâ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. cursu utebatur. For after running at justs and Tur∣naments, and other Exercises of the Roman Gymnasia, they put on these shaggy and thick Garments (in this like Rugs) to prevent takeing cold. By this the fawning Greek sig∣nifies his concurrence in that persons Opinion of the weather, who to warn him desired a little fire to be made 'Twas a French Manufacture as Mart. assures us Ep. 19. L. 4. where at large he shews the use of it.

(i) That Abolla, was a grave habit, I nothing doubt from Pegasus's takeing it with him to the great Councel of Sat. 4. v. 75. Erat species majoris Ʋestis, ant P••ll••i Philosopbici, says Parrhas. who allows the Minor Abolla to be a military Garment. Yet Ʋoss. in his Ety∣mol. L. Lat. because by Varro and Mart. Ep. 48. l. 8. 'tis opposed to Toga will have it be nothing but a Military Gown, and says our Poet here gives it the Stoick 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & cum irrisione quadam, that is, satyrically. So that the sense is: Hear what he hath done who is no souldier, but of far greater Dignity, and therefore ought to be of much greater sanctity. Yet he falsly accuses Bareas Soranus, his friend and Scholar. P. Egnatius is the man Tacitus lays this fault to. An. 16. Heliodorus the Stoick is suspected for the same fault, by some Interpreters of, Magni Delator amici. Sat. 1. v. 31.

(k) The same Mart. Promises, and more too; L. 10. ad Gall. Mane, vel à media nocte togatus ero. And all this, first to bid his Patron Cood Morrow, and the better deserve his Favour, and the Sportula. Great men we find at the Foolery, the Praetor himself running upon this pitiful Errand to the childless and rich Matrons Albina and Modia. When notwithstanding this first salute was granted to the Client as a great favour. Est pro∣prium superbiae magno aestimare Introitum, ac tactum sui liminis; pro honore dare ut Ostio suo pro∣pius assideas, ut gradum prior intra domum ponas Sen. de Ben. L. 6. c. 33. This quickn'd their pace, but never so much, as to make them forget their Gown. For such an Omission would have quite spoiled their Complement.

(l) The Romans used great vanity (for certainly 'twas unnecessary) in their great numbers of Servants, Pedacius Costa kept 400. Another had 2000. Caecilius Isidorus had 5000. some 10 Others had 20 thousand, as Athenaeus affirms. L. 6. p. 272. And that, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not to make Advantage of them; but that they might have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, very many Attendants, as Ushers, and footboys. Now such as they, though not for their honesty, yet for their riches should be believed. The Custome Pliny blames, and disapproves these Mancipiorum Legiones, & in d••mo turbam externam, & servorum quoque causa Nomenclatorem adhibendum. Sen. ubi supra, speaks of the same assistance they needed, for the number, and the orderly digesting of their friends in primas & secundas Admissio∣nes. But this I suppose may include their Clients too, and such as serv'd them as intel∣ligencers or spies. Which every Cardinal now at Rome keeps in such plenty, that a Notary can hardly remember for him, their Names and Employments. This trouble Augustus once saved the Antient Romans, and forbade any of them to have Servos aut Li∣bertos supra viginti, aut Plus quingentis millibus mummûm. But Luxury, which knows no Laws, even in this broke them.

(m) The poor man that liv'd in them though last, yet should infallibly burn; so that the slats his only cover (for being in the Garrats of the house, he had no floor above him) would not in this dysaster be his defence. This Tegula sola here, is the same with Coenaculum elsewhere. Which was inhabited by none but poor Poets, as Mart. Scalis habito trilnes sed 〈◊〉〈◊〉, poor Philosophers, poor Labourers, and in the begining of the Gospel poor Christians or their Inm••••es, as well as Embl••me, the poor Doves. Whose laying their eggs in these rooms, perhaps gave Occasion to the Greeks, to call Coena∣culum, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: St. Mark in his last Chap. calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(n) A Minerva drawn to the wast, according to the mode of those times. Hence the jest Cicero past on his Brother Q. who, being but a little man, yet his Effigies ingentibus

lineamentis usque ad Pectus ducta, made the Orator pleasantly say, Frater meus dimidi••ate ma∣jor est quam Totus. Macrob. L. 2. c. 3. Satur.

(o) Who never did eat any thing but herbs.

(p) Mandra according to the Old Scholiast signifies a hog-sty, according to Mart. Ep. lib. 5. 'tis the Stals of Mules, and Generally any stable. So that as we Metonymically say a person lost his stable, for the horses in it; here also Mandra is put for the Mules it entertained; who standing in the Cart, and being cursed by their driver make up what is meant by Stantis Convitia Mandrae. St. Bafil calls the stable in which Christ was born 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ʋt item Ovile dicitur pro Ecclesia Christi, sic & Mandra ponitur pro Coenobio, tanquam in quo sint Oves Christi. And thence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an Abbot, and Archimandritis an Abbess.

(q) Claudius Drusus Caesar, and the Seal or Sea-Calf were equally drowsie. Stornunt se somno diverso in littore Phocae. Virg. Georg. lib. 4. Pliny.

(r) A Tall-Chair-man; for this at Rome (with some other as servile) was the usual employment of the People of Liburnia, a part of Illyria between Istria and Dalmatia; 'tis now call'd Croatia. — Tarde venisse Liburnos.

(s) He means Authepsa; a vessel of the same use with a Kitchin. 'Twas divided into two Cells, in the uppermost of which they could put their Sportula or doal of meat, in the lower one, fire to dress the Raw, or keep the dress'd flesh warm. This was portable and the faster they went with it, the better the fire burned in it. — Et cursu ventilat ignem, v. 259. Cicero pro Roscio Amer. tells us as much was paid for one of these, as would pay for a farm. The name is deduced ab 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉& 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quod sua sponte coquit. Vid. Cic. sub sin. Orat.

(t) This Town of the Latines was Juvenal's Birth place and that great Schoolman's Thonias Aquinas, call'd by our Countrymen St. Thom. of Watering. A moist place the Temple of the Elvin Ceres proves it to be; which is as much as Ceres of the Washes, or Marshes. Hence the spring and River of Elvis took their Names.

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ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Third Satyre.

Cophinus. Premere pollices and vertere pollicem, how they differ'd. Foricari••. Mi∣tra. Trechedipna, Niceteria. A facie jactare manus. Cottabus; Manes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, latage, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an acclamation in Drinking. Trulla. Claudere latus. Alta sella. Tribuni Stipendium. Samothtacum Arae and Dii Patrii, according to Macrobius. Equestria and Popularia. Pinnirapus. Lanista. Cucullus Venetus. Toga. Exodium. The consecration of Hair and the First Beard; Cakes present∣ed at such Solennities. Great Men's Register-books of their Clients; and their No∣menclators. Opici mures. Dii Phaecasiani. Modius. Coena recta. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Strigil, the matter, use and form of it. Sectile porrum. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ceres Helvina. Adjutor Caligatus.

1. AT private Cumae. Vacuis Cu∣mis. Ʋmbritius a skilful A∣ruspex and a friend of Juve∣nal is wittily brought-in giving the causes of his de∣parture from the City, and telling whither he would go to dwell, namely to Cu∣mae, where Sibylla had a Chappel and where, as Ʋm∣britius afterwards speaks, Daedalus put-off his wings, or rested after his flight from Minos. But the Poet calling it here Empty Cumae, and yet little after, Janua Baiarum, and so greatly frequented, being a thorough-fare to those frequented Bathes; to pre∣vent the seeming inconvenience of some contradi∣ction, I render it private Cumae, it being so, accord∣ing to the Poet's intent, it compar'd with Rome. And as he thus preferr'd Cumae before Rome, so like∣wise Prochyta a small Iland near Baia and the Cam∣panian shoar, before Suburra a most delightful street in Rome. *

[illustration] map of the Bay of Naples, Italy (orientated with the south to the top), showing fortifications, plantations and ruins

Juv. Sat. 3. Illustr. 1

The Baian prospect and delight is thus presented by the courtesie of Bertellius in his Thea∣ter of the Italian Cities, p. 84. by which, Cali∣gula's bridge of ships may be the better under∣stood; of which, see, Sat. 10. Illustr. 31.

2. And in August's heat, When Poets read. He notes the importunate ambition of Poets; who not content to read at other times of the year, would trouble men even in August also, when men usually sought the shady relief of the Country. This Cu∣stome is partly touch'd, Sat. 1. Illust. 5.

3. Some Jews, Whose hay and basket is their wealth. Judais, quorum cophinus foenumque supellex. The Poet in this difficult passage inveighing against the base coveteousness of his times, says that for Gain they did rent-out sacred places, as Groves, and that to the poor Jews: whose poverty he de∣scribes by their Basket and Hay, which, as he says, was all their householdstuffe. And if we ask, why by such marks their necessity should be expressed, Lubin makes answer, —Supellex erat cophinus, in quo victum & cibum gerebant, & foenum adjumenti alimentum. But why should we suppose a poor Jew to be able to keep a beast, when as he was fain to beg to keep himself? as Lubin acknowledges, whiles he expounds mendicat silva by the poor Jews, who hiring obscure habitations in Groves, went begging about from door to door. Besides, if their hay was for their beast, why did they carry it about with them? Or how will this agree with that in Sat. 6. —Cophino foenoque velicto Arcanam Judaea tre∣ment mendient in aurem? implying rather that they left them at their poor home, when they went forth to beg. Some think that the Hay was for the their Bed; so Britannicus on Sat. 6. v. 540. saying, foenum ubi cubitavent: but this seems but vain, it we confider either how they could carry enough, or rather why they should carry any at all. Lyranus on that in Psalme, 81. v. 6. —His hands were deli∣vered from the Pots, or Baskets, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉(ab aheno, according to the Latin) thinks that these were the marks, not of their Poverty, but (by an ancient custome) of their servitude in Aegypt, where in baskets they carried straw, hay, mortar and such things for the making of brick, and in such like labours. Which opinion I think to be the best exposition of this passage, and for these reasons. First, it is as probable, that the Jews might by way of thankfulness glory in the marks of their Servi∣tude, but in effect of their deliverance and deli∣verer, as the Christians once in the use of the Cross, making that the badge of their glory, which the Enemie accounted their Shame. Secondly, because it is said, that the Jewish Women also carried the basket and the wisp. Thirdly, because it is said, that the Jewest, when she went forth to beg, left these things behind her. Cophino foenoque relicto, says the Poet; but not as A••••umnus expounds it, Negotiis omissis & supellectile relicta: it being a chief part of her Business to Leave them at home, that by concealing her religion from publick notice, she might not endanger such Roman dames, as she endeavour'd to draw to her devotion; and so the

Poet adds, mendicat in aurem. By which also it farther appears, that they could carry their provi∣sion without a basket. Fourthly, though the Poet might with some sharpness describe their povertie by their basket and wisp; yet it follows not, but that these things might have a farther signification. So may we collect from Sidonius Apollinaris, lib. 7. epist. 6. where writing to one Basilius a Bishop, concerning the pressures of the Christians under the Gothique King Evarix an Arrian, he says, Ordi∣nis res est, ut (dum in hac allegorica versamur Aegyp∣to) Pharao incedat cum diademate, Israelita cum co∣phino. 1. It is sutable to the divine order or ap∣pointment of humain affairs (whiles we are in this figurative Aegypt of the world) that Pharao (or the wicked) should have the mark of Dominion, and the Israelite (or, Jew) his Basket, or bag of servitude. Where also the word incedat may be observ'd, implying these things as properties, or marks of distinction. According to which sense the learned Savaro expounds the place, saying Allego∣rice Catholicus servituti addicitur, Evarix dominatur & imperat. And here we may farther observe for the understanding of the next verse, Omnis enim po∣pulo mercedem pendere jussa est Arbor; that although it be commonly understood, by the Rent exacted from the poor Jews for every tree, that could yield them but a shelter; some more particularly expound mercedem by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a tribute which was exacted of the Jews (capitatim) by the pole, after the destruction of the Temple, as the Pro∣vincial Census was Before the destruction of it; and that thus what was formerly paid to the Sanctuary was afterwards brought to the Capitol; as Josephus and Xiphilin testifie. Lastly I think, that we may farther and probably guess, that the occasion, for which the Jews left-off to carry the basket and hay, was the greeveous disadvantage in discovering by Them their Religion. For as Sueton notes in his Domitian, cap. 12. Judaicus fiscus acerbissimè actus est; telling us, that They were made to pay, who lived after the Jewish manner, vel dissimulata origine, as he adds, imposita genti tributa non pependissent. Where he makes mention also of filthy rigour; saying that he remembers, that when he himself was a youth, he saw a man of 90. years of age publiquely search'd in a great assembly by the com∣mand of the Overseer of the Jewish tribute, to know if he were not circumcised. Concerning some other passages about this argument (the Jews) see farther in the explication of this Sa∣tyre, Illustrat. 44. and also Sat. 6. Illustrat. 65.

4. The Water's Deity. Numen aquae. This esti∣mation of Fountains among the Heathen may ap∣pear as well by their ancient inscriptions (one of which extant in Orravio Rossi his Memorie Bresciane, p. 279. begins thus, Fontibus Divinis Sacr.) as also by their Fontinalia, Festivals so called a fonte, says Varro, de Linguâ Lat. lib. 5. at which feasts they used by way of Reverence to cast garlands into Fountains. But that Fountain from which this honour was derived to others was, as Joseph Scali∣ger thinks, by Porta Capena. Yet Dempster, de Juramentis, lib. 1. cap. 5. citing him dislikes his Opinion, saying that such honour was done unto Fountains in honour of Fontus sometime a King in Hetruria (he cites T••••••ebus, lib. 16. Advers. cap. 11.) and in honour of whom were the Fontinalia sacra mentioned by Varro and Festus. There was also Fontua the Goddess of Fountains, as he shews out of Saxo Grammaticus, lib. 1. Histor. Danica.

5. The People's thumb being turn'd. Verso pol∣lice vulgi. The Poet here sets forth the vile con∣ditions of such, as thriv'd most in Rome, namely flatterers and impudent undertakers, as in Repair∣ing of decay'd Temples, or in Farming the reve∣nues of them or of Customes in Port-Towns, or of the carriage of goods by Rivers, of Cleansing of Sinks, of performing the Office of the Libitinarii (who sould all things fit for Funerals) or of the Pollinctores (who were imploy'd in the Burial of the dead) or of Selling Servants under the Spear stuck-up to signifie such sale according to the Ro∣man Custome. Which employments though tole∣rable, if perform'd severally and by sutable per∣sons, were an argument of base greediness, if per∣formed all by the same person. Yet such there were and they grew rich, though formerly they had been but cornet-winders, and that but in pet∣ty Towns. Nor were they only grown rich, but also impudent; for, having in former time basely hazarded their lives in Shews set forth by the Wealthy Romans to please the People, and so might have lost their lives, if overcome, had but the People but pleased to turn their thumb; now they themselves, though once such vile persons, set forth such costly Shews, wherein others at their wanton charge were familiarly kill'd. But here the manner of the Custome of Turning the thumb seems to be a point rather controverted, then ex∣pounded. Premere pollices was a sign of Applause; Vertere pollicem, of Dislike: but the doubt is, what these Gestures were. Horace implyes the first, lib. 1. Epist. 18. in that verse, Fautor utroque tuum laudabit pollice ludum: in which words, says Porphyrio the Commentator, there is a Synecdoche, pollex being taken for manus; so that both thumbs, according to him, ••signifly both hands. For which interpre∣tation he is reprehended by Politian, in his Miscell. cap. 42. who by this seems to implie, that it was an expression not of the hand, but only of the thumb; proving it from that of Pliny, Nat. Histor. lib. 82. Pollices, cum favemus, premere, etiam pro∣verbio jubemur: but I see not how this authority refutes Porphyrio; who proceeding in his exposi∣tion says, though with some obscurity, that qui∣laudat vehementiùs manus jungens jungit pollicem cum proximo. Acron would have premere pollices to be the listing up of the hands and the moving of them of∣ten. Cruquius speaking of this phrase mentions on∣ly pollicem in the singular number, with no small alteration of the matter; and adds, that this is done, when the thumb pressing upon the top of the middle finger falls back towards the the fore∣finger making a noise; and that, if it were done on both hands, it was the greatest approbation. So convertere pollicem, according to him, was to open the hand, and so consequently not to make such noise, or give such notice. But Ferrarius, de Veter. Acclamation. lib. 2. cap. 13. justly objects a∣gainst this, that this were not pollicis pressus, but crepitus digitorum, not a gesture of the thumb, but a noise of the fingers. He therefore rejecting all this exposition as uncertain, if not false, thus de∣cides the point. First, at the Sword-plays or pub∣liquely Fencing it was usual for him that overcame, to kill the other; yet the matter was altered ac∣cording to the sign, which the people were pleas'd to make, so great was their power at these shews: and accordingly, sometimes they made a sign, to have the person, that was overcome, slain; and sometimes they made a sign to have him saved. Secondly, these signs were very easie to de dis∣cerned, being of such sodain importance, and were instantly understood; the sign of favour be∣ing made with both hands, the sign of death only

with one; the first of which was called premere pol∣lices, the second vertere pollicem. Thirdly, he thinks the manner to have been this; Premere pol∣lices was to lift-up both hands and clinch them as a fist, pollices ipsos intra pugnum arctè vehementerque comprimere, that is, to clinch the thumbs strongly and vehemently within the fist. Which expression, in this last point seems somewhat unnecessary: for, what did it avail to the makeing of the sign mani∣fest, to clinch their thumbs either vehemently or gently? Vertere pollicem, says he, was to lift-up one hand clinch'd like a fist, the thumb appearing a∣bove the fist, and either to point it backward to∣ward himself that held it up, or to move it about circularly. But this might more strictly have been anciently render'd, supposing this to have been the sense, by elevare pollicem, or invertere pollicem: though this be likewise liable to his own censure, being but probable. Yet I think his expression comes near the custome: notwithstanding with a like libertie I think I may reasonably vary and enlarge the conjecture. The natural acti∣ons of all people are generally much alike, and therefore the outward expressions of approbation and dislike; and no more was intended by these signs. When therefore the people saw a brave fencer sometimes unhappily put to the worst, we may probably suppose, that they did instantly, to save his life, lift up both their fists, their thumbs being clinch'd or press'd on each fist, yet not both their hands put together, but each being at liber∣tie, as men that are ready to strike, the left arm being stretch'd out and the right somewhat drawn back. So that the immediate or first signification of this sign seems to have been a threatning of the conquerer, if he spar'd not the life of him, whom he overcame; a second and but a consequent sense was an applause of his valour and skill: and this we ghuess to have been the sign, which they called premere pollices, to clinch the fists at one. But if they saw that he which was overcome, had be∣hav'd himself but like a coward, without courage or art, we may suppose they did clinch one hand, the thumb standing upwards, and so cast their hand moderately over their shoulder, in a kind of con∣tempt, as if one would have said Away with him, meaning that he was not worth their mercy. And this they might call vertere pollicem, that is, reiro∣jicere, to cast back the thumb, or to turn it over the shoulder. But I leave everyman here to the libertie of his own phansie, contentingmy self in these conje∣ctural arguments to propose that, which to me seems most natural, and so most easie to be admit∣ted.

6. Inde reversi Conducunt foricos. Fovicae are by some taken for common shops near the forum, be∣longing to the City; and so rented out to such as let them again to others for a greater rent. But others think that this alludes to the farmers of some homely rents in Juvenal's time; such as in some degree that was, which was rais'd by Vespa∣sian, from Ʋrine (mention'd by Sueton in his life, cap. 23.) for the receit whereof there were vessels purposely set in publick, and, as some think, for the use of fullers. And this unto some seems to have been that greivous chrysargyrum famous in hi∣stories, and taken away by the Emperour Anasta∣sius. Which pension was (as Lipsius, Adm. lib. 2. cap. 6. out of Cedrenus) ut quisque mendicus aut pauper, meretriis sive jam emerita, omnis servus item∣que libertus, inferrent in aerarium pro Ʋrina & stercore, jumentorum etiam & Canum; sive in agris, sive in op∣pidis habitarent: & hamines quidem utriusque sexus, nomisma argenteum; equns, mulus, bos, tantundem; asinus & canis follex sex (follox was a small peice of mony.) Yet even these profits the Cheif of the Roman Nobilitie basely sought to farm, and by the Lawiers were call'd Foricarii. Caligula also (as Sueton in his lise, cap. 40.) Ex captivis prostitut a∣rum vectigal instituit, quantum quaeque uno concubitu mereret, and afterwards under Heliogabalus, Leno∣num vectigal & mererricum, & exoletorum fuit; as Lansius observes, in Orat. contra Italiam, p. 1005. But the most receav'd interpretation, is that dis∣graceful one, by which I render it; and Forirarii in the law signifies such vile Officers. According to which sense if we more sharply view the words, Inde reversi, they may be understood not of their returning home from proud shews to base offices; but a falling back through vain prodigalitie to base necessitie. For, the inference upon this seems to implie some such thing, whiles the Poet says that Fortune makes a Sport of them: which were not so properly by raising one from Povertie to Wealth, which is not very rare; or, by casting one down from Wealth to Povertie, which is very common; but by making the same person the subject of both these fortunes, which is a Rarity, and by the Poet here call'd the Sport of Fortune.

7. Rome turn'd Greek. Gracam Ʋrbem. He shews the pestilent manners of the Graecians; who though they were not many at Rome, had so corrupted the Romans both in Manners and Language, that the Romans in a ridiculous affectation of the Greek tongue, delighted in it more, then in their Own Latin. Which sense of this passage is implyed by Pignorius, in his Symbol. Epist. 41. Where he says, that this affectation continued from the time of Au∣gustus to Alexander Severus. Yet by his leave we may remember, that Sueton says, Tiberius to shew the Majestie of the Roman Empire abstain'd from Greek: though we may grant that this fashion was ancient, Tully writing a Commentary of his Con∣sulship in Greek, as he himself testifies at large, lib. 2. ad Atticum, epist. 1. But a worse custome was brought in by the Asiatick People, particularly by the Syrians; whose manners, as the Poet notes, were as crooked, as their Musicall instruments, in∣fecting the City with their out-landish harlors, which at the Circus, where Shews were presented, did set up Stews.

8. Their painted Miters. The Miter was properly a Trojan attire, and not only of that form which is usually with a divided top; as Pignorius a Paduan Antiquary shews in his treatise entitled, Le Origini di Padua: in which (cap. 12.) upon occasion of that in Virgil. Aeneid. 9. —habent redimicula mitra, he pre∣sents this form of a miter, following, express'd ac∣cording to an ancient head in the Vatican; which for difference may be observ'd, not varying much from an ordinary cap.

[illustration] depiction of a Trojan mitre or cap

9. The Haunt-Doal Gown, Quirinus, Thy Clown weares. Rusticus ille tuns sumit trechedip∣na, Quirine. The Poet here in an Apostrophe to Romulus says, that the Roman, who was once rustical, or sim∣ple, is now come to the familiar and artifi∣cial servilitie of the Greeks, namely in pa∣rasitical Haunting after Patrons and, accord∣ing

to some, in Gymnastick exercises; though by these last also they were rather corrupted then in∣abled: yet that for vain and vile abilities the Greeks did still far exceed them; witness their rowling Eloquence, (in which they surpassed Isae∣us the Oratour) and their pretended Art of Fly∣ing. witness Daedalus. But a difficulty there is in these words, Rusticus ille tuns sumit trechedipnae; the last of which the Scholiast expounds by Parasi∣ticall garments, which he calls caligulos Graias, or as some mend it, Galliculas, Shooes used by the Gauls, which according to some others were called also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But this seems too narrow a sense, unless we should phansie, that they wore a special fashion of shooes only to feasts. Some copie have, rechedipna, some taking it for a gar∣ment us'd at feasts, and uneasily drawing the name from recinium or rejicinum, it being, as they suppose, usually in the manner of wearing it, cast backward, and from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, coena: others, as the Scholiast, takeing it for the Master of a feast; implying, that the Romans once plain and thrifty were now become Feasters. But this implies an unseemly superfluity of speech; for then the construction should be, trechedipna tuns sunait & fert niceteria, in which man∣ner of expression, sumit were a vain over-plus: others (& they the greatest part) read trechedipna, deriving it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, curro, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, cana; because in these garments they haunted after their patrons, for the sportula. Yet some understand by it, the person, in whose hasting to feasts some note a Pride to take place, others an appetite to good chear; though this stands not with the exception before alleged, nor with the certainty of the word: see∣ing that, as the Scholiast told us of rechedipna, it is sometimes taken for the feast-maker, and not in a jeering, but in an innocent sense; as, according to most reasonable conjecture, it is to be taken in that ancient inscription cited by Rigaltius, FILIO. BE∣NEMERENTI. FECIT. PATER. TRECEDIP∣NUS. ET MATER. ATTICE. But the most take it for a garment, though with some difference; Turnebus and others thinking it to signifie expedite garments used in gymnastis, in which exercises they were but in part cover'd, and as the word implies rather Naked, then apparell'd. Yet the excess in those exercises seeming to be touch'd as a di∣stinct foult in those words following, fert niceteria; it may seem somewhat more sutable to the Poets varietie of reprehensions, to expound this passage, as some do, of several corruptions, which had prevail'd upon the Romans. Scaliger, de Emen∣dat. Temp. lib. 5. De primo Agone Actiaco, says, that they, which were conquerors in the sacred Games among the Graecians, had a Supper provided at the publick charge; unto which such as ran betime to get place, were by way of a common jeast call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, supper haunters; yet that they were not rashly admitted, but first known by their nice∣teria, or signs of mastery hang'd at their neck. But Rutgersius, in his Var Lect. lib. 6. cap. 13. thinks that trechedipna were Liveries (as we now adays call them) or garments distinguish'd by the co∣lour, that so a parasite being known might have a ready admittance to his Patron's table. To which sense he thinks our Poet alludes in that passage, Sat. 5. —viridemque thoraca jubebit Afferri, —Ad mensam quoties Parasitus venerit infans: which he would have to be understood of Virro's Livery: and thus thinks the Romans to be here taxed for des∣cending to servile Flattery and the Gymnastick fears, to both which they had been especially cor∣rupted by the Greeks. Lubin more plainly and nearer to the Roman custome understands here by trechedipna, the Roman Gown in which they did vi∣sit and attend their Patrons, whether in hope of the Sportula or an Entertainment; and by niceteria the trisling rewards, which as encouragements, they wore at their neck in token of their mastery in Fencing; and that in both these respects the Ro∣mans had receiv'd some addition of corruption from the Graecians. This I choose as the most moderate opinion including in it in effect the Gracian cu∣stomes; the Roman Gowns being for their simill∣tude of employment jeeringly called trechedipna, and the use of the niceteria being by the Romans vainly learned of the vain Graecians. Thus the Satyrist breifly tells the Romans, that whiles other nations are exquisite in Flattery and Thriving; the dull Roman (though he imitates the Greeks and others in Trivial Vanities) is good for nothing but to trudge about for his hungry sportula, or to seek a perverse fame from infamous Sword-playing.

10. —Must I Let Him seal first, and on the cheif Couch lie, &c. The Roman custome was, says the Author of the manuscript Commentary, to have seven witnesses at the making of a Will; which was but according to the strict provision of the Civil Law, but now corrected by the Ecclesiasti∣call; it seeming unreasonable that Two should not be accounted sufficient, when as they are allowed by the Divine Law. Our Lawiers therefore now call those ancient ones, Solemn Testaments, as the latter sort, Unsolemn. Now the manner was among the Romans, that all the witnesses should set their seals unto a Testament and in Or∣der, as the Poet here implyes, according to their dignitie; which custome and form may partly be seen, Sat. 2. Illustrat. 12. A Multitude of witnesses has likewise been used in ancient time here in our own country, not only to Wills, but also to other Deeds, as among others may appear from that grant of certain mannors here in England made by William the Conqueror unto the Abbess of Caën in Normandy, which is alleged by the accurate Mr. Au∣gustine Vincent in his Discovery of Errors in a Cata∣logue of Nobility, publish'd by R. Brook, p. 119. The Deed is thus testified, Signum ✚ Willelmi An∣glorum regis. Signum Comitis ✚ Roberti Moritanii. Signum ✚ Lanfranci Archiepiscopi. Signum ✚ Matil∣dis Reginae. Signum ✚ Roberli Comitis filii regis. Sig∣num ✚ Henrici filii regis. Signum ✚ Willelmi Co∣mitis filii regis. There follow nine witnesses more; but these may serve for the illustration of this cu∣stome, not only for Number, but also for Order, which is somewhat remarkable. And, the better to know some of the witnesses, the reades may understand, that Robert mention'd in the second place was Earl of Mortaigne (in Normandy) and of Cornwall, and brother to the Conqueror by his Mo∣ther Herlot; as also that Matildis mention'd in the fourth place was the Conqueror's Wife. Farther, it may suffice in this place breifly to take notice, that the Romans did anciently use to ly••on Couches at their Supper: the manner whereof, as also which was the cheif place, shall more fitly and largly be declared, Sat. 5. Illust. 3. on that verse, Tertia ne vacuo cessaret culcitra lecto.

11. Cast up the hands before the brow. A facie jact are manus. Britannicus tells us, that flarterers did use with both hands to stroak the face of their friend, as imitating the ancient manner of the Greeks, who, as he urges out of Pliny, did use in their supplications to take their Gods by the chin.

Which interpretation seems more learned, then apposite; and to suppose such applause to be used by flatterers towards their Patrons, may sooner, I think, win the reader to a smile, then to a be∣leif. The interpreters usually take the phrase, A facie jactare manus, only for a sodain expression of applause and admiration: but Ferrarius de Vet. Acclam. lib. 3. cap. 22. peirces farther into it, and tells us that it is, manibus oscula jactare, to kiss the hands and then cast them up before the face, ac∣cording to that of Martial, (as Scriverius reads it) Audieris cum grande sophos, cum basia jacta (1. au∣dieris) when thou hearest the great acclamation, sophos, (or, as Persius speaks, Sat. 1. euge and bellè) when thou hearest the kisses cast up into the air. Thus he implies, that they used by way of Ap∣plause to kiss their hands, which in parting from their lips made a gentle noise, and so cast them up before their face, or brow. For, not only the casting up of the hands and the kiss is expressed in basia jacta, but also the noise in audieris basia. Which we do grant to be a true interpretation of Martial, and that it may in this place also have a like sense, yet not a like necessity of such accep∣tance; admitted it may be, but not hence enfor∣ced.

12. Leak on his couch. The common copies have here, Si rectum minxit amicus, they praise him, if he performs but the offices of nature well. For so we may vail the sense of it, as also Johannes Sarithuriensis does in his Polycrat. lib. 3. cap. 4. who avoiding this plainesse of our Poet varies it thus, S••••bene ractavit, aut si quid fecit amicus, Quod pro∣serre palam non possit lingua modestè. But far better is that Reading, which Parrhasius uses, Si lectum minxit, agreeable to that of Horace, Comminxit le∣ctum potus: which is to be understood of the beds or couches, on which they used to lie at their ta∣bles. Thus the Poet intends, that some great ones drinking so hard, that they even leak'd on their supper couches, were yet even for this ap∣plauded by unconscionable flatterers.

13. His lips but smack against the golden cup Si trulla inverso crepitum dedit aurea fundo. Some make this a flattering applause at the rich mens per∣formance even of the homely offices of nature; but they force the words, methinks, from their pro∣per sense, and seem as far from truth, as from cleanliness. Others take it for an applause given to one that excelled at the Cottabus, a kind of sport, which they used in their immoderate Drink∣ings, to omit some other less pertinent acceptions of the word. But the Manner of this sport is not without great uncertainty & variety deliver'd by diverse; some telling us that before them which drank or play'd thus, if we shall so speak, there were set empty vessels swimming in water, into which they used to cast the snuffs of their draughts so violently, that commonly they sunk them, and that he, which thus sunk the vessels lowest, won. Some make it to have been but the placing of a brazen ewer fill'd with wine before the company, and the pouring of it from a-loft into a bason with a loud noise. Some say that they cast their snuffs thus violently upon the pavement. Others more cutiously describing the performance of this Sici∣lian invention (for, such they account it) yet us∣ed also by the Athenians, tell us, that they pitch'd a staffe into the ground laying another on the up∣per end of it on cross, at each and of which cross flasse hung a scale, and that under each scale was placed a ••tulla or broad vessel filled with water; each of which vessels was set upon a brazen statue guilded, the head of which was called Manes, Then one of them which play'd, say they, arose takeing a pot full of wine, and from a lost pout'd out the wine into the scale with, a sodain and vio∣lent fall, that so he might strike the scale under water▪ In which sport he had the foolish victory, who so threw the Wine, as that he shed none, yet made the greatest noise; this being counted good luck in the success of their Love. At which vanity they that conquer'd were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 1. ex cottabo temulenti; the snuffe of the wine, which was cast forth, was called Latags, and the noise or clap in the casting of it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and crepitus cottabi. See for the parcels of these antiquities, Athenaus, Sutdes, Pol∣lux, the Etymologicon, Plautus, and of late time Pa∣thasius, epist. 36. where he writes of it more larg∣ly then clearly. In which variety to resolve what to depend on, we may take all these descriptions for truth, they being probably the expressions of the various forms of the same sport; seeing that in the main they agree, that is, in the noise, and so in the cause of the applause. Yet I see no ne∣cessity to make this custome to be the intent of the Poet in this place, although I grant it probable, it being a Greek vanity, and so likely enough to have crept in among the Romans; and therefore surable enough to the precedent passages and purposes of Juvenal. But with far less straining we may ex∣pound it of a Greek custome of applauding a man, when he drank off a large vessel at a draught (such as the trulla, used, not without excess, in drinking) which clear carousing it non seldome expressed by a smack or kissing of the bottome of the cup. After which carousing, the Greeks were wont to cry, Zho••••es, (1. vivas, or Long maist thou live) as Ferrarius de Veter. Acclam. lib. 7. cap. 13. shews out of Dion. lib. 12. and Suidas in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The form of the Trulla (or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, catinus, properly too large to drink in, yet used by drunkards) is by Scatchus in his Myrothecium, lib. 1. cap. 43. P. 418. thus presented. *

[illustration] depiction of a trulla or over-sized drinking vessel

14. They 'll ransack house and heart, &c. Aulam resupinat amici; he will turn his friends house and all in it, as it were, upside down, so to discover his secrets and keep him in awe. But the Scholiast here reads aviam, very aptly and satyrically; mean∣ing, that if there were neither a young Son nor Daughter, nor a young master nor mistress in a house to be corrupted, the impudent and vile Greeks would complie even with their friends gran∣dame though never so aged and deform'd, and by corrupting her, though themselves with her, to explore the secrets of a family. An acute exposi∣tion if warranted by copy, which therefore I ra∣ther propose, then approve.

15. Their Schools go view. Transi gymofia. Par∣thasius,

epist. 24. (and, after him, others.) does justly reprehend those, who think that here the Poet in effect says, Let us now pass from their gym∣nasia (their Schools); seeing that he speak not any thing of these before: but expounds transi gym∣nasia by transi ad gymnasia; transire signifying not only praeterire, to passe-by, but also demigrare, to pass from one place to another. So Ti••. Donaetus in vit•• Maronis, A Cremona Mediolanum, & inde paulo p••st Neap••lim transit; and thus the sense here will be, Let us pass now from the faults of the People to the Philosophers themselves. Yet here we ob∣serve, that when Parrhasius says, that the Poet made no former mention of the gymnasiae, the word must not here extend to the Places of their bodily Exercises; these being, according to some inter∣preters, intended before, when he speak of nice∣teria.

16. Born where the too bold Gorgonean horse a feather lost. —Ripâ nutritus in illa Ad quam Gorgonei delapsa est penna Caballi. Lipsius on Tacitus expounds this of one Aeguatius: but because some doubt (as Autumnus notes) whither or no he was a Greek, others expound it of one Heliodorus. But whoso∣ever it was, the Poet here aggravates his crime from his country, as Parrhasius says, Epist. 24. and 25. First, because this person, says he, was born at the famous Tars••••; Secondly and rather be∣cause Alexander, de Successionibus, (mention'd by Diogenes Laertius) says that Chrysippus also, the most famous of the Stoicks, was from thence. The last of which two may seem like a reason: yet peradventure Juvenal intends this description of the place of his birth only as an odd scoff at a vile condition'd fellow. Vid. Tacit. Annal. 16.

17. Upon a rich man's servant's left hand run. It will be somewhat necessary to set down more largely this passage of our Author, whose words are these;

Divi••is hic servi claudit latus ingenuorum Filius: alter enim, quantum in legione Tribuni Accipiunt, donat Calvinae, vel Catienae, Ʋt semel.—At tu Cum tibi vestiti facies scorti placet, haeres, Et dubitas altâ Chi••nen dedu••ere sellâ.

To prevent mistake the reader may observe, that these words contain not three equally opposite parts, as to some they might seem by occasion of the three particles, Hic, Alter and Tu; but that the first of them, Hic, fignifies adverbially, Here, that is, at Rome; and that only the other two are opposite, expressing two sorts of persons, the Ser∣vant and the Freeman pointed out, though by diffe∣rent construction, in those words, Divitis hic servi claudit latus ingenu•••••••••• Fi••ins—; some making it filius divitis servi, others filius ingenuorum. Autumnus takes, the first, expounding it thus, Hic filius servi div••tis occupat locum ingenuorum; and adds; claudit. i. e. Tegit. Which though it be a truth, yet is not a true interpretation, being not the truth here intended. The Poet indeed complains, that ser∣vants took the place of freemen: but this reaches not to the phrase and sharpness of the Satyrist: who says not only that Freemen gave place to rich ser∣vants, but so expresses it, that the phrase, claudit latus, which is acknowledged to fignify, to go on the worse hand of one, must by this order he spoild of its proper sense, or else the construction must be, filius ingenuorum claudit latus divitis servi, which is contrary to Autum••••s. Besides in the two subse∣quent parts, by Alter, according to some, is un∣derstood filius ingenui, and by Tu, servus divitis: which likewise, methinks, is contrary to naturall construction and the Poet's intent. For first, see∣ing that the construction (as is shew'd) ought to be filius ingenuorum; alter cannot so naturally be re∣ferr'd to the nearest in place, namely to ingenuo∣rum filius immediately precedent, as to that which was more remote, namely divitis servus: alter being as it were a calling back of a thing formerly named. Secondly, seeing that by alter, the Poet, as the description shews, expresses one more wastful and Luxurious, and by tu one more thrifty and coursely wanton; it were not sutable to his indignation to make the Freeman in a better or more plentiful fortune, then the servant: and therefore he must by Alter rather intend the Ser∣vant, and by tu, the Freeman. But here though L••bin tells us, that as far as he knows, never any man before him rightly understood this place; yet methinks he does not rightly expound it, whiles he understands both by Alter and Tu, only the Rich: when as the diversity of their condition is a cheif part of the Poet's intent, and explains the reason of his speech. The Poet in effect says, that such is the baseness now in Rome, that the Son of a Freeman gives the better hand to a rich man's servant, or (as the Scholiast says) to one now grown in wealth, who notwithstanding was but a servant, and as it were, smells still of his servi∣tude. Yet is it not fit? seeing that the one (al∣ter) the servant is grown so rich, that he can give as much to his gallant harlot, as the Tribune has for his military Pay; but that the other, the Freeman, as Poor, is afraid to deal with such a costly peice of pleasure. Thus the sway of the speech and reason seems to be, that it is but sura∣ble that they differ in their precedency, as they differ in the curiosity and courseness of their lust. This point then being excepted, I grant the rest of Lubin's interpretation to be good; as that the Poet here inveighs against the baseness both of the Freeman and the servant grown rich, that they both ran obsequiously for the doal or Sportula, and then as vilely spent it. Likewise, that in their running, the Poet notes the baseness of the Free∣man, who not only made himself the companion of a servant, or of one lately a servant, but also went on the lower hand. For to that sense claudere la∣tus is usually extended, it signifying to guard ones side, as an attendant does, that protects a man, and so consequently one that goes on the inferior side. And such attendants were anciently call'd stipatores and laterones, or latrones; though now this word be degenerated. And here it may be farther observ'd, that, in Going, the Better man was said, if there were but two, ire interior, and his companion (the worse) ire ex••erior; and that, if there were three, the Best went in the middle; according to that of Ovid speaking of an aged man, (Fast. lib. 5.) Et medius juvenum••••non indignanti∣bus ipsis That, & interior, si comes ••••us 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

18.

But thou glad of a Gown'd Wench, dost not care To hand-down Chione from her high Chaire

— A•• Tu, Cum tibi vestiti facies scorti placet, hares, El dubitas altâ Chionen deducere ••••ellâ.

Ʋmbritius having set-forth with indignation the wealth and wantoness of proud Servants, shews now the Beggerly and ridiculous thrift of such as were free-born. He speaks to Juvenal, and in him to other free-born Romans, as if he should say, But you alas, for all your freedome, being of petty fortunes if compar'd with lucky and guilty ser∣vants,

must be glad of a poor harlot. For this is the sense of Scortum vestitum, that is, togatum; the gown being properly the Man's garment, and there∣fore when applied unto a woman it signifies the viler sort: it being enjoin'd as a Punishment and shame to leud women; as is shew'd, Sat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Illu∣strat. 16. But as for a Chiöne (says Ʋmbritius.) that is, for a curious and dainty harlot, in a neces∣sary thrift, thou (though free-born) hae••es, dost stick through fear, and doubtest to attend such a costly one, or complementally to help her down in the street from her high Chair, in which she is wantonly carried. Such Chairs were call'd Sellae, and from thence such women (as Britannicus says) were call'd Sellariae. But Pignorius, de Servis, p. 143. thinks that it should rather be cella (mean∣ing meretricia) and so alta cella should according to him be fornix (the slews) so call'd from the fashion of the building, it being rais'd high and with an arch'd roof. Which conjecture he con∣tirmes from that in Sat. 6. —Et cellam vacnam, and —ultima cellam clausit. But methinks here is no need of mending this place, and that the truth which he delivers is not here to be applied. For does not Juvenal, Sat. 6. reckon the Sella among the wanton womens provisions, when he says, —conducit Ogulnia vestem, Conducit Comites, Sellam, cervical, amicas? So also Seneca in his book enti∣tied, In Sap. n••n cadit injuria, cap. 14. Quid refers quot habet lecticarios, quam oneratas aures, quam lax∣am sellam? Which testimonies Pignorius himself takes notice of, in another place, de servis, p. 217. and might more fitly have applied them here. Be∣sides, this interpretation seems more sutable to Juvenal's purpose; who intending to express the free born Roman's Poverty, Thrift and Fear in at∣tending on a costly harlor, might fitly express it, by shewing how he withdrew himself from the greatest charge; it being probably more chargable and vain to wait upon his mistresses humours a∣broad also, then only at home. And here on the contrary we may take notice of the expence of the rich man's riotous servant, who is said to bestow upon his lust, as much as the stipend of a Military Tribune, of which there were diverse in one Le∣gion, every thousand foot-men being usually under a several Tribune: whose stipend, as Britanni••us (on those words, Aenea lampas, v. 285. of this Satyre) alleges out of Strab••, lib. 11. was a ta∣lent. Which, to omit Britannicus his reducing of it, is according to the common rule, when abso∣lutely nam'd, to be understood of the lesser Attick talent, which was as much as 24. Sesterria, or 1871. 10 s. the summ of the riotous Servants expence here inveigh'd at by Ʋmbritius.

19. By the Great Samothracian Gods and Ours. —Jures licet & Samothracum Et nostro••um aras— The Poet sets forth the desperate estate of Home, where neither Honesty nor Oaths were sufficient in a witness, but only wealth. For though he were as honest as Scipio Nasica, in whose house the mother of the Gods, Cyb••l•• the Phrygian Goddess, when she was brought to Rome, was entertained, till a Temple was provided for her; or as N••m•• the founder of the Roman Religion; or as Me••ell•••• who, when the Temple of Miker••a was on fire, r••n in though to the loss of his own fight and brought out her statue, the Pulladium, which was kept there a yet so great honesty, whiles but ho∣nesty, would not serve. Besides, though one should swear by all the Gods either of the B••••ba∣rians or Romans, it were all one. For th•••• the margin of one manuscript does expound the intent of Sam••sb••••••••am a••as, taking them pro q••ib••scunque barbaris 〈◊〉〈◊〉 according to which interpretation it should be a Syneed••che of one particular for the ge∣neral. But the accurate Mac••obi••s discussing this last point, what the Sam••thr••cian Gods were, makes them Proper to the Romans and the same with Pe∣nates and Magni ••ii; and though some held them to be Apollo and Neptune, he after cutio••s search affirms them to be Jupiter, Juno and Minerva: and makes Vesta also either to have been of their num∣ber, or without doubt their companion. He shews also out of Varro, that they were brought by D••••∣dan••s out of Sam••••h••raci••, an Iland in the Aegaean Sea, into ••••••ygi••, and by Aene•••• from Troy into Italy, and that by Virgil they are called Di•• Patri••. Which being so clear from the learned Macr••bius, we need not repeat the p••tty varieties and errors of some Interpreters: only we may add, that some with more convenien••y then others, by No∣stror••m ar••s would understand Mars and Romulus; which I believe to be a part of truth, yet an im∣perfect one in respect of this place, the intire sense whereof I take to be brei••ly this. Be a man here at Rome never so honest and brought for a wit∣ness, yet if he be hot rich, he shall not be believ'd, though he swears both by the Gods of our Ance∣stors the Tro••••ns, brought from Samothracia into Phrygia and thence by Aeneas into Italy, as also by all those other Gods, which in the many ages since Aeneas his time we have added to them, and which we may therefore rightly call, not the Sam••••hra∣cian Gods or the Gods of our Ancesters, but more properly Our Own. Which sense, methinks, re∣lishes of some sharpness against the multitude of the Roman Gods; which argument he far••••••er and vehemently prosecutes, Sa••. 13.

20. —Let him not here claim A fea•• on the Knights cushion'd bench—. De p••l••n•• surga•• Eque∣stri••. There were distinct sea••s in the Theater for the Roman Knights and the People; the first were called Equestria, mention 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that of Senec•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Be••••f. ••••b. 7. cap. 12. Equestria omn••um Equi••um Ro∣ma••or••m su•• •• the last were called P••p••••••••a. So Sue••on in Domitian; Omne ••enus return 〈…〉〈…〉, ••••ar∣sit, & quia pa•••• major inter popular••a decider a••, quin∣quagenas ••essa••as in ••ingulos cuneos Equestris at Senato••ii ordinis pronun••i••v••t; as Marcell•••• Donatus notes on Sueton's Augustus, cap. 4••, p. 401. Now whereas this difference was almost wot•• out, Domi••••an in contempt of the people ••enew'd this distinction, which had been brought in by a Law made by Lu∣cius Roscius Otho Tribune, of the People; and for the pre••••••••ing of which difference there were in Domiti••••'s 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Overseers in the Theater. Such a one was Lecti••s mentioned by Mar••ial. lib. 4. in that epigramm of Ch••restra••us, Qu••aringenta tibi no•• sunt Ch••res••••••••••, s••rge, Lec•••••••• e••ce ••enit.—.

21. Son•• of some Catch fis•• or chei•• Fencer. ••in∣ni••apus (notwithstanding other opinions) signi∣fies here according to Bri••a••••••••us, Turnebus and the most, the Re••••arius d••scrib'd•• Sa••. 2. Illustr••t. 2••. who has ••er•• this name bestowed on him from his catching with his n••t his adversaries he••me••, where∣on was pa••••ed a fish. In the ••eyer••ty of the most li••••eral expression the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••apus may be rendred, a finne ••a••cher. Some tell us, that the Retiarius wore a feather in his Orest; and so it might be render'd a Catch-〈◊〉〈◊〉: but I think the first interpretation the more, accurate. L••••••••••a which is here added, signifies one, who tram'd up sword prayers in the art of fencing, and t••e••

hir'd them out. The name, as some think, comes à laniandis hominibus, from his Art of killing men: which we may take rather for truth then phansie, if we consider the inhuman practice of those times. Britamicus illustrates it also from that of Sueton in his Caesar, Tyrones neque in ludo, neque per lanistas, sed in domibus per Equites Romanos a•• etiam Sena••o••es armorum peri••or erudieb••t. The Poet's intent then is, that poor yet worthy men were excluded from the chief seats, but rich ones were admitted, though their fathers were of the vilest sort of peo∣ple; so that knighted Wealth, not Vertue, was respected.

22. When asks an Aedile Their advise? Even a mean Magistrate scorns to consult with a poor man, though never so wise. Wherefore, says he, the poor should indeed long e're this have made one departure more from proud Rome, and have left it desolate, as once they did; though they suf∣fer'd themselves to be perswaded back again by Menenius Agrippa. He indeed wittily expressing the quarrel between the Nobility and People by the fable of the Parts of the Body quarrelling with the belly for devouring all, till by withdrawing their aid to fill the belly, not only that, but all the other parts were like to perish, won them to a reconciliation, which was made by creating Tribunes of the People to defend them from the insolency of the Rich.

23. Though he Well lik'd it, that by sodain change did see The Marsians and Sabellians thrifty ••ood. Some Interpreters undestand this generally, that he who shall be sodainly taken from the Roman plenty and wantonness, and be but practiced to the more homely fare and thrift of the Marsians or Sabellians, will well like an earthen dish. Which, though a good sense seems not to be the sense of this place; for then it had been proper and as casy to have expressed it by the future tense, nega••is: but the generalitie of copies having negavit, in the time past, it does more aptly implie story. Wherefore I think the old ex∣position to be best, according to which it is understood of C••rius Dentatus, who used such simplicitie of earthen vessels, when the enemies brought him gold; saying, he had rather eat in vessels of earth, and be Lord of such as eat in vessels of gold: besides making war against these people, be became as famous by victory, as before by Thrift. Some few understand here P. Cornelius Scip••••; but the variety of the instance varies not the manner of the interpretation.

24. The course Venetian hood. There were diverse people called Veneti, as Ortelius shews in his Thesaur. Geograph, there being of that name in France, others in Italy: which latter are here in fittest probabilitie to be understood, that so more su••eably may be laid together homely and innocent Italians, such as the Marsians, Sabelli∣ans and the Veneti. Where we may note, that al∣though Venice, which now flourishes, were not built till the year of our Lord, 429. yet the whole pro∣vince, which belongs to it, was long before that called Veneti••, as amongst others Machi••vel notes in his ••lore••ine History, lib. 1. and as the Scholiast implies in his annotation on this place, saying that these were course hoods, such as the Perusini wore, vel a colore out provinci•• Venetos; whose name by a little change was made from the Haneti, who are said to have come thither to inhabite after the de∣struction of Troy. We may farther take notice of what A••tu••nnus says on this place, Venetum carule•••••• temperate Alexandrid reperit: whence we may collect, that though this kind, of hood was not for the in∣vention of the colour called the Venetian hood, ye•• that it was so call••d for the frequent use of it in that part of Italy. The colour is by Britannicus cal∣led bla••us, which is a blew; by others it is common∣ly render'd by caerule••s; and so is taken for skie-colour, or Sea colour: of which see Sat. 11. Illustrat. 16. The hood it self, though a course one, was worn not only by the meaner, but also the better sort•• which custome is partly touch'd by Columella, lib. 2. cap. 8. who advises Masters to provide hoods for their familie against rain and cold. Julius Capi••oli∣nus, in his Pertina••, mentions tuculli Bardiaci (or, as some read, Bardaici) which, it seems, the French Bardes did anciently use; and thence it is, as Mar∣c••llus D••natus (on Jul. Capitolin. in Pertin.) thinks, that Poets in latter times were painted with hoods, as, according to his instances, Petrach and Dan••e: but I leave his opinion to the Reader's Judgment.

25. Not any, till they're dead, weare Gowns. The Roman Gown was a garment without sleeves, of a semicircular form, different in largness ac∣cording to mens wealth or povertie, though the just size of it were six ells, according to that of Horace, Epod. 4. Videsne sacram metiente 〈◊〉〈◊〉 viam, cum bis ter ulnarum toga. In the time of the ancient Commonwealth they wore it down to the shoo••, as the Graecians, did the pal∣lium; as Aldus Manutius, de Quaesitis per Epistol. lib. 3. Epist. 1. shews cut of Quintilian. Lubin on this place render's it a mantle; the form of it R••∣sinus sets out, Antiquit. Roman. lib. 5. cap. 32. The colour of it is said to have been white; yet we may not forget what Pancirollus an exquisite obser∣ver tells us concerning this, lib. 1. Tit. 43. Toga•• communiter portabant caruleam an•• alterius coloris: nunquam vero atram vel pullam; nisi in funeribus? Abam, autem tum imprimis, cum ad spectacula acce∣derent; qu•• colore & Senatores ••••ebantur. Ʋnde & Ordo C••ndid••tus dicitur. Ru••gerfius also; as is shew'd, Illustrat. 9. of this Satyre, ventures upon a conjecture of Livery-gowns voluntarily, though flatteringly, worn by Clients: which being for distin∣ction of attendance and Patrons, argues some liber∣tie and variety of colours. Under this they wore a short garment, the tunica or coat. By this then it appears that the Gown a garment of such largeness was indeed a burthen, and more for Solemnitie then other use. Wherefore the S••cii or Confede∣rates of the Romans in diverse parts of Italie living plainly and without pomp did all their life forbear the use of it; yet when dead, they were carried to their funerals in the solemnity of the Gown, as Manutius shews in the place before cited. Who also thinks that the ••oga was a garment, which was worn only in Publick, but that their usual domestick garment was the L••cern••, which, as he says, was black. Yet, if he took this to be the only colour of the l••ce••••••, he erred; our Poet mentioning Tyrias l••••er••••s (purple) Sat. 1. and likewise a••rata lacerna, Sat, 10. Martial also makes the Lacernae Betiea to speak thus, Non est lana mihi mendax; nec m••tor aheno: Sic p••••ceant Tyriae, me me a tin••it ovis; implying that some were of the natural colour of the wooll; of the Betick wooll, which was, as Britan••icus thinks, ru∣tilous, of a bright of fiery colour. The form of the Orator's Gown i•• thus by Rubenius (in his Elect.) set forth from an ancient Monument 〈◊〉〈◊〉 though con∣cerning some father expression of a Closing of the Roman Gown upon the shoulder, see Per∣sius, Sat. 5. Illust. 2.

[illustration] depiction of a Roman statue of a man dressed in a toga

Juv. Sat. III. Illust. 25.

26. When the known Parting-song Returns unto their stages—. They had yearly shews, as Trage∣dies or Comedies: at the end of which, it was the Custome, as the Poet here implies, to have a con∣cluding Song at the People's departure or Going forth of the Theater, and therefore called Exodi∣um, after the nature of a jigge after a play, the more cheerfully to dismiss the spectators. Where it may be observ'd that the Scholiast and after him others would have the Exodium to be proper in a sort only to Tragedies, to put the hea∣viness out of the Spectators minds; yet Pollux makes it belong to Comedies: which uncertainty may make it probable that it was used at both.

27. At the sight of a pale gaping Actour. Personae pallentis hiatum. At the A••ellan plays they did anciently bring in terri∣ble, or rather ridiculous goblins with great jaws, and gnashing their teeth. Manducus is taken for such a one in Plau∣tus, and signifies the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & so they feign'd Lamia to be a de∣vourer of children: and therefore Pompo∣nius an A••ellan Poet entitled an Ex••dium which he made, Python Gorgoneus; the Gorgons also being painted with great teeth. See Joseph. Scaliger on Varro de Lin∣guae Latina, lib. 6. p. 150. & 151. & Pignorius de Servis, p. 99. aptly thus presenting this from an ancient brazen expression by him applied to this passage of Juvenal. *

[illustration] depiction of an actor with grotesque mask

Juv. Sat. III. Illust. 27.

28. —No•• the First seats more gay. Orchestra (from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to dance) was properly the place where the Players usually danced: but here figuratively it signifies the seats next the stage. Of this see Marcellus Donatus more largely, on Sueton's Caesar. cap. 76. p. 265. It was the place in the Theater, where the Senators sate at Shews, as Vitruvius tells us, lib. 5. cap. 6.

29. —But a white Coat. In Municipal Towns,

only the Aediles, to whom belong'd the oversight of the Plays, wore a White coat; whereas at Rome the people used it at their publick Shews, as ap∣pears by that of Martial, Et plebs & minor ordo maxi∣musque Sancto cum duce candidus sederer. Thus Bri∣tannicus on this place; yet we must farther remem∣ber, that in places out of Rome, as the Poet says, the Aediles wore only a Coat.

30. —Another trimms his page, Inrich'd with their fine caks. Crinem hic deponit amati, Plena domus libis venalibus. The Poet here shews the misery of poor clients, who ••o continue their Patrons favour are forced to take all flattering courses in their se∣veral professions; as to barb their Patron's ser∣vants of riper age, and, if he had any younger and wanton attendant, to trimme his locks; or rather, when his hair was cut-off and dedicated to some God (which time was accounted Festival) they were glad to send bribing-cakes, as presents to the young favorite, which being many and costly he sold again (as men over-fill'd with New year's guifts) and so grew rich. This is the most receiv∣ed interpretation, as implying the fond custome in the dedication of their Hair and First Beard, as also the Offring it self in a manner holy; Liba pro∣perly, as Britannicus notes, being offrings to the Gods. Concerning the Custome of offring their first beard to some God, Sueton mentions it of Nero: whose beard being cut-off was put in a box, and be∣ing adorn'd with pearls was dedicated. Of the Dedication likewise of their Hair, Martial speaks, lib. 1. epig. 31. in those words, Hos tibi Phoebe vo∣vet totos à vertice crines Encolpus Domini Centurionis opus. But we must take notice that some latter cri∣ticks do according to some copies read here, Plena domus libris venalibus, understanding it of a custome in Great mens houses to keep books containing a vain-glorious catalogue of all their clients: which books say they (among whom is Pignorius) were sold unto Great mens Clients at dear rates. For the first of which, that they had such books, I grant that Seneca, de Benef. lib. 6. cap. 33. (cited by Pignorius, de Servis, p. 218.) implies it: but as for the copying of them out for sale, and so for any great gain, it seems but a supposition: the use of these books being not for the clients, but for the Patrons, or rather for their Nomenclator, or Prompter, who readily was to tell them the name of any client that came to salute them; as Lipsius shews on that passage of Seneca. Wherefore we may probably suspect those few manuscripts, which have this last Reading, as being but ignorantly transcribed, and the occasion of more phansie, then truth. Besides methinks that if these Criticks had but observed the connexion of the Poets discourse, they could not easily have interjected this imper∣tinent argument. For with what proprietie should the Poet have immediately added, accipe, & illud Fermentum tibi habe, (take also this Leaven with you,) if he had not spoken of Liba before? What proprietie of inference from Libri to Fermentum! But having spoken of dainty cakes, which are usu∣ally made light and easy of digestion, to shew not∣withstanding, if they were truly consider'd, that they were heavy to a poor client, what could more naturally and aptly be said, then that these cakes though fine did notwithstanding not want their leaven, which might justly make a poor client Swell with anger at the charge. Where it may be observ'd that the Poet (in the person of Ʋmbritius) bids the client, though he gives away his cake, yet to keep the Leaven to himself; fermentum tibi habe, says he; implying that the rich favourite had the guift, and the poor client the greif.

31. And Barb'rous mice gnaw'd Poems though Divine. Et divina Opici rodebant carmina mures. The Poet proceeding to describe the misery of the poorer sort, shews that they were forced to hire the cock-losts of mean mens houses, to which they usually ascended by a ladder, according to that of Martial. lib. 1. epig. 117. Et scalis habito tri∣bus; sed altis, and there dwelt in a place next the slats, fitter for pigeons then men, and which if a fire happen'd below, was unhappily ready for in∣stant ruine (yet even in a storme without all fear of drowning) Orbilius the rigid School-master, as Sueton describes him, had such a habitation in his old age; and here Codrus a poor Poet, by Juvenal call'd raucus, Sat. I. seems to be dressed in the like povertie, as may appear by the small furni∣ture of his house, in which he had yet forsooth a statue or two; particularly one of Cheiron, which underpropp'd his table. Yet some would here understand the Works of Cheiron, who was Physi∣tian to the Argonautick fleet; and that poor Codrus not thriving by his Poetrie turn'd Physitian. But this last they speak without proof; and the Poet seems only to imply that this Codrus was not ac∣commodated either with the ordinary ornaments of a house, or with so much, as a convenient place for his few books; which, it seems, were so cours∣ly layd-up, that the mice gnaw'd them. Concern∣ing the explication of which last and cheif passage we may know, that some would have Opici come from Ops, (terra) and so it should signifie earth∣ly or base mice; others rather from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which, say they, signifies to imitate the noise of mice when they gnaw, and so it might nibbling mice. Which interpretations are recited in the manuscript commentary, and the last is perferr'd; and so in the margin of one manuscript, opici is expounded by rosores: which is a tautologie, being but to say, rosores rodebant. The Scholiast brings it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but makes it to signify those that speak unskilfully, or, according to others, those that have an unplea∣sant ••••••ce. Mancinellus an ancient Interpreter of Juve••al (and since him others) deriv'd it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, c••verna, or foramen: which we may grant to be an ingenious conjecture, according to which it might be rendred, lurking mice. Some take Opicus for one that is ignorant of the Greek language, and prove it from Agellius, lib. 11. cap. 16. where he says, Per••unctant•• cuipiam, qui literarum & vocum Graecarum expers fuit, cujusnam liber & quâ de re scrip∣tus esset, adds, tunc ille opicus verbis meis inchoatis & inconditis adductus: and that this should be the sense, they the rather think, because he speaks of Greek books, which Codrus had, and which are here said to be gnaw'd, Yet Brita••••jcus, though he alleges this, thinks that opicus signifies one ig∣norant of the Latin, and so expounds Opici by Ru∣des & barbari, nec qui Latine sciant. But the word and sense he draws from Opici a People of Campa∣nia, the same with the Osci a rude people, of whom that of Titinius an old Poet is spoken, Osce & Volsce fabulantur, nam Latine nesciunt. Which derivation is very agreeable to the sense of this place. But whereas some out of Agellius would have it signifie one ignorant in the Greek, we may admit that it signifies so there, yet only by accident, and that in the like manner it may signifie one ignorant in the Latin; but properly it signifies one ignorant or rude in Speech, and of the two in This place ra∣ther rude in the Latin, then in the Greek. And

this way of interpretation will most aptly agree with the sense of this passage, and likewise shew why we receive not the derivation frem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, fora∣men. For first it were but an impertinent epithet in this place, to say Lurking mice gnaw'd Divine Poems, without any sharpness of opposition; and secondly the word being used again by Juvenal is of a far different signification. For when he says in the sixt Satyre, — atque opicae castigat amicae Ver∣ba—, he intends, according to the receiv'd expo∣sition of that place, that a proud Roman dame re∣prehends her she-friend (though but less skilful) as one Rude of Speech, particularly there of the Roman Speech. Whence it may be inferr'd, seing that in Agellius one ignorant of the Greek and in Juvenal one ignorant of the Latin is reprehended by the same word Opicus, that the word generally implies one Rude in Speech. And in this sense it is expounded by Britannicus, who renders Opici by Rudes & Barbari; nor had he erred, had he not straitned the sense to an Imperfection or Rudeness in One only language. The Poet then says Ironi∣cally, that the Poems, which were gnaw'd were Divine, that is here, most Eloquent, and the mice that gnaw'd them were most Barbarous.

32. Which once graced the Phacasian Gods. The Poet in this next place shews the contrary condition of the Rich, by the grief and help that was afforded them, if any distress, as sodain fire or the like, befel them: for then were the Law∣days stay'd as in a publick mourning, and other rich ones instantly furnish'd them not only with necessaries, but even with ornaments. The rea∣son of which flatteries, notwithstanding the loss of their houses and moveables, we may ghuess to have been the greatness of their estate in land and their want of children. In the description of the ornaments sent unto them the Poet mentions the pictures and statues of the Gods of other nations, from whose Temples they were brought as spoils by the conquering Romans, and employed in the adorning of their stately houses. But in the ex∣plication of this point there is some variety; one copie, alleged by Lubin, having here Hic Asiano∣rum, in effect agreeable with Pithaus his manu∣script, wherein it was Hac Asianorum: which Read∣ing is preferr'd by Lipsius upon Seneca, de Benefi∣ciis, lib. 7. cap. 22. the intent being, that the Romans brought their spoils from the Asiatick Tem∣ples. Yet the Reading now generally here re∣ceiv'd and taken notice of by Pithaeus also, is, ac∣cording to the truest writing, Phacasianorum. But both Readings being warranted by copie, though I approve the last as best, it seems but equitie to allege the motive of my choise. It may be ob∣serv'd then, that the Poet mentioning those things, which were sent to the Rich ones in their distress, reckons-up Peices perform'd by Euphranor an ex∣cellent Painter and by Polyclete a curious statuary, both Athenians. Now because the Dii Phaecasiani were Athenian Gods (though Alexandrian also, as some say) this verse is a fit exposition of the for∣mer, shewing with good coherence, that their Guifts were not from the Asiatick conquests, but from the Graecian, as most congruously appears by the Workmen and the Gods, both Athenian and so both Grecian. Now for the name, Phaecasiani, it is from the shooes call'd Phacasia, with which their Gods were pictur'd: their Priests likewise were thus dress'd; and Appian. de Bello Civili, lib. 5. speaking of M. Antonie, says that he wore white shooes, such as the Priests of the Athenians and Alexandrians use. We may only add, that these shooes were remarkable rather for the persons that wore them, then for their valew; the price of a pair mention'd by Seneca, de Beneficiis, lib. 7. cap. 21. being but three denarii, or, two and twenty pence half-penny: which is agreeable to Hesychius, who calls the Phaecasium, a Country-shooe.

33. Silver, almost a peck. Modium argenti. Mo∣dius is commonly render'd a bushel; but by the learned it is as commonly acknowleg'd to be an error: though what it is, may seem as hard, as it is useful, to be determined. But not to vex the Reader insteed of informing him, we need not dis∣cusse the doubt from the learned and large discour∣ses of Georgius Agricola, Budaus, or Mariana, who have with singular diligence tried the ancient measures: but with a more speedy, success we may positively be instructed by our last Translators of the Bible; who on Mat. 5.15. upon the word Bushel in the text, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the original, say in the margin, that The word in the Original signifies a measure containing about a pint less then a peck. The peck then con∣taining sixteen pints, and the modius as much, wanting but about one such sixteenth part, I ren∣der it in the nearest generalitie of expression, almost a peck.

34. This Childless Persian. Some would have Persicus here to signifie a Perstan, and so they think that Arturius a little before spoken against was a Persian, and that as a stranger grown rich by base courses he is pointed at by the Poet. Others take it for the proper name of some rich and flat∣ter'd Roman: indeed it is the name of Juvenal's friend to whom he writes his 11. Satyre, as ap∣pears from the 57th. verse of it. Seneca likewise de Beneficiis, lib. 4. cap. 30. mentions Fabius Persi∣cus; on which place Lipsius alleges that of Juvenal, Sat. 8. v. 14. Natus in Herculeo Fabius lare: which Fabius he makes to be him, of whom Seneca speaks. Yet I think that this acception of the word ought not to take place here, but that it only expresses Arturius by his Country, and so shews with con∣gruity the success of his devise. I approve there∣fore the first opinion, which is the opinion also of the Scholiast, who expressing his reason says this, Persicum, quasi divites posuit: eo quod Persae divi∣tes. I will only add, that if I would venter upon conjecture, I might say it is a name purposely here used by Juvenal to signifie a witty fellow, that was able to put such a trick upon the covetous and cunning Romans, as by firing his own house, to get more then he lost. For Varro de Linguâ Lat. lib. 16. p. 82. says, Perficus a perito. Itaque sub hoc glossema Callidè subscribunt. Upon which passage of Varro, the accurate Antonius Augustinus in his Emen∣dations, p. 46. (according to Scaliger's Edition) places this note, Persicus fortasse scribendum ex Sext. Pompeio, qui per acatum interpretatur; & baec Naevii verba refert, Et qui fucrit Perficus, carpenti adest ra∣tio. So that Persicus may thus signifie as much as peritus, callidus and acutus, a cunning fellow; nor may the word, though seeming obsolete, be any hindrance, seeing that Juvenal but a little before, did for his purpose use the word Opicus, which strictly was not of much use: yet I propose this only in a libertie of conjecture.

35. The Circus. It may suffice in this place only by the way to take notice, that the Circus was a large place in Rome incompass'd with seats, where pompous Shews, as running with Chariots and the

like, were with wonderful delight presented to the People. The description whereof may more conveniently be referred to Sat. 6. Illustrat. 71. and Sat. 11.

36. Clausâ lectica senestra. Of the Lectica carried by six (called Hexaphorum) or by eight (octopho∣rum) permitted but to certain persons, see Mar∣cellus Donatus on Sueton's Augustus, cap. 76. and Lip∣sius, Elect. 1. p. 105.

37. A souldier leaves his boot-nail in my hand. He implies the rude thronging of some on foot, some on horse-back, as they strive to pass the streets. For this must be suppos'd, to understand these misera∣ble and continual vexations. Of the souldier's Ca∣liga and clavus, (the boot-nail, not the rowel of the spur, which was called stimulus) see upon more fit occasion the last Satyre, Illustrat. 3.

38. With what a smoak we celebrate our Doal? He shews the custome of the Romans, which, for their attendance on their Patrons, receiving at night the Sportula or Coena recta, had fire-pans (or chaf∣ing dishes) placed in their baskets, which were speedily carried home by their Servants, (that the meat might not grow cold) though sometimes the burden of such trumperie was able to weary even Corbulo, one of great strength and stature. This trouble about the Sportula is mention'd by Seneca to Lucilius; but is to be understood, not as Sportula is sometimes taken, for centum quadrantes, but as for coena recta. And here it may be observed, that though the Poet says, centum convivae, he does not intend that they all supped with their sportulae toge∣ther, as the word convivae might seem to implie; for the Poet implies afterwards that they departed to their houses with their sportulae, as Pignorius also observes (de Servis, p. 106.): but it shews that many came to the same Great man for such Doal. Wherefore we may take notice here, to prevent error, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Athenaeus (lib. 8.) is taken in a sense far different from this. For as Roberius Tuius, Locor. Controvers. lib. 8. cap. 20. shews out of Athenaeus, there were two kinds of feasts or meetings upon agreement; the one 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when diverse gave their rings or other pledges, to make a meeting or feast, and so paid though they came not, or though too late; the other, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when every one brought his provision in kind. Concerning which distinction see Suidas de Brumalibus: but this of Juvenal is diffe∣rent from both these, though by some it might have been mistaken for the latter of the two. Of Chasing dishes see Seneca epist. 85. and Casaubon, (out of Aristophanes) in his Athenaean Animadversions, lib. 1. cap. 6. And to prevent mistake, we may fur∣ther know, that the Sportula being a little basket, was not a pannier containing meat for a hundred Clients, but being provision brought out by lesser portions successively to the great man's Gate, was by degrees distributed, and the Clients accord∣ingly dismiss'd: and took the name from the small baskets, in which the Clients servants usually re∣ceiv'd it. See, Sat. 1. Illustrat. 36.

39. The oil'd Cleansers sound. —Domus—sonat un∣ctis Strigilibus. He shews the trimness and diligence of servants at home preparing for their master a∣gainst his comming home, all things fit for his bathing before supper as the cleansers and napkins handsomly folded (not foul ones already used): but though the master return, the servant that is expected with the supper from the rich! Patron, is sometimes unexpected and unhappily slain by carts in the street. The strigil was an instrument of Iron, says Brita••nicus; wherewith in the Bathes they scrap'd-off the sweat from their bodies, and called it so à stringendo, 1. radendo, and therefore he thinks that they were oil'd, that they might be the more gentle: which Sueton scorn••s to implie, whiles he notes of Octavius, that he hurt his body with the too much use of the strigil. Yet we may farther observe with Du Choul (des Baines & Anti∣ques Exercitations, sol. 3.) that there was great difference in their matter according to the delicacy of some rich ones; diverse making them of brass, silver, gold, ebony; others more tender using sp••••a∣ges not only white, but some died in scarlet: though I believe that the common sort was of Metal, as may seem to be implied here by Juvenal, in the word sonat. The form of the strigil is thus present∣ed by Fortunatus Scacchus in his Myr••thecium, lib. 1. cap. 35. (as also in effect by Piguorius de Servis, p. 46.) *

[illustration] depiction of a strigil

And here it will not be unpleasant to remember concerning the strigil, what Plutarch (de vitio Pud.) tells of Theocritus: who being in a Bath, where two fellows desir'd to bor∣row his strigil or Cleanser of him, the one of which was a stranger, the other a noted theif, answer'd the first thus, I will not lend it you, because I do not know you; and the second thus, I will not lend it you, because I do know you.

40. The Oile-horn. Guttus. It was so called from Gutta, because the oile leasurely dropp'd out. It may be observ'd, that there was also a vessel of the same name mention'd by Varr••, used for wine, and in their sacrifices, and called so for the like reason, the manner of dropping forth. The guttus is from Antiquity thus fashion'd.

[illustration] depiction of a strigil and oil horn

41. The farthing for the ferry-man. Trien∣tem. The Poet here implies the vain opinion of the Heathen, who held that if a body lay unburied, the Soul remain'd on the bank of A∣cheron, and might not be permitted by Charon to pass over till it had wandred an hundred years between Heaven and Earth, as Virgil implies, Aeneid. 6. They beleiv'd likewise that they which were to pass, were to have their ferry-mony in their mouths: for which cause the Athenians were wont to put such mony into the mouths of the dead. Now the Poet seems to implie, that he which is here said to be kill'd, could not have passage, because the person was so crushed, that the mony could not be disposed of according to the custome; or because, as some and, the servants cruel master would not bestow upon him so much as the ferry-man's pay, though but a triens, or farthing, it being but the third part of As (so called from Aes, the least brasen coin) which was ob. qa. as is shew'd, Sat. 1. Illustrat. 36.

42. If he fight With no body. He expresses the disorders of the City; and thus Sueton particularly relates of Otho, that he used to walk by night, to beat those that he met, and with his companions spreading his Sagum or souldi∣er's cloak, to toss men up with it. The like night-wandrings are reported of Nero, who would sometimes cast those that he met, into the common jakes.

43. And cut leeks. Sectile porrum. The Au∣thors of some of the manuscript annotations ex∣pound sectile by Great, because, say they, it was big enough to be cut into many peices; or because, say others, this implies a niggard∣liness in the owner, in spending but a peice of it at a time. But without such niceness, better is Britannicus his observation out of P••••y, lib. 29. cap. 6. who divides porrum in∣to sectile and capitatum, according to the dif∣ferent ordering of leeks in the garden: one so•••• being let to run to a head, the other being ••••ually cut for the service of the kit∣chin. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 like manner there seems to be no special matt•••• intended in the word verve∣cis, when the ••••••et speaks of a sheep's head, though there is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 apparent Ironie in labra for caput. But Autu••••••s his exposition here is somewhat different, who makes Cujus con∣che ••umes? to signifie Cuj•••• favore ••umes? as thinking the poor man here ••erided, as be∣ing grown proud, for having sup••ed, though but basely, with his Patron. But the drun∣ken gallant here mention'd, asking th•• poor man what coblers were with him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the great cheer, seems to implie that it ••as the entertainment, which one poor man be∣stow'd upon another, and seems to flout ra∣ther at their misery, then their pride.

44. At what Temple door May a man find you begging? The Romans had son houses of sacred use distinct names, as Templum, Ae∣des, Phanum, and Proseucha, which last though we render, by the most known word a Tem∣ple, yet we may strictly call it an Orato∣ry, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to Pray. Which kind of places the Scholiast says were proper to the Jews, but others prove them to have belong'd also to the Romans: which seems the more probable, it being incongruous, that the poor Romans should beg at the Oratories of the Jews, who are throughout our Poet de∣scrib'd generally as very poor; or that they should beg rather of Jews then Romans, cha∣rity being commonly extended only to persons of a like devotion.

45. And bind thee o're to answer't. Vadimo∣nia — faciunt. This expression is in effect as sute∣able to the Romans, as to us, though the man∣ner and season of the appearance be not the same, yet among them he that committed a misdemeanor was compelled to put in Surety, that he would answer the accuser: and this was called vadimonium, from vadere; because as some have it, the surety did vadere in discrimen, go into danger for another, or, as some, because after the Surety was put-in, the partie bound to appear might go at libertie till the Hear∣ing.

46. —When the Pontine Moore, And Gallina∣rian Pines. Aet Pontina palus & Gallinaria Pi∣nus. The Pontine fen and the Gallinarian Wood of pine-trees were places in Campania notori∣ous for robberies, mention'd by Strabo and Sue∣ton. Jovianus Pontanus, lib. 2. de Magnificentiâ, and since him Lubin says, that Julius Caesar layd∣drie this moore: but Marcellus Donatus, p. 239. on Sueton's Caesar, cap. 44. did heretofore note, that Caesar only intended it, being prevented in the performance by death; but that it was af∣terwards perform'd by Trajan. Strabo says, that it was called Pontina palus from a City called Pontia; and Pliny tells us, (lib. 3 cap. 5.) that anciently there were 23. Cities about it.

47. And the Sun grows low. Aet Sol inclinat.

Our Poet not mentioning at what time of the day his friend Ʋmbritius began to speak to him, con∣cludes more warily then the Poet Nemesianus (by birth a Carthaginian, flourishing at Rome in the time of Dioclesian) who in his Bucolicks, Eclog. 1. bringing-in Timet••s and Tityrus talking together i•• the Morrning, whiles, as Timet••s there says. Et ros & primi suadet clementia Solis, does aft•••• a few verses interchang'd, (which could ••ot take-up the fourth part of an hour, as Hug••••••us Martellius on that place, Annot. 1. sharp•••• o••••erves) make Tityrus conclude after this ••••ma••••er, Sed jam Sol demitti•• equos de culmine 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Flumineos suadens gregibus praebere liquores

48. Helvinian 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Me quoque ad Helvinam Cererem. Some ••••ad, as Britannicus says, Me quo∣que Eleusina•• ••ererem, making Ceres to be so cal∣led from ••••er Temple which she had at Eleusis, (betw•••••• Athens and Megara) whence by Virgil (in ••is Georgicks) she is called Eleusina mater. B•••• this epither seems not so proper here; it being no such apt expression to say, Call me to Eleusian Ceres near Aquinum. Scoppa and Brodaus take Helvinam for a title given to Ceres from the colour of ripe corn (of which she was the God∣dess) and to signifie yellow. Yet methinks to express so common a notion so obscurely were a choise of words as far from Art, as from Necessi∣tie. Some deri•••• the word ab eluendo, making it to signifie ••urifying Ceres, because they that were initiated ••n Her Rites, were Wash'd, or Purified. Whi•••• opinion seems very apt and may be includ∣•••••• in that which follows. For some think her so called from a Fountain nere Aquinum, called Hel∣vinus fons, which as Ortelius relates (in his The∣saur. Geograph.) is now called Elvino, by which, as Scoppa acknowledges, there are still the ruins of Temples which are thought to have belong'd to Ceres and Diana; and this opinion Britannicus also mentions. And this I think to be most agreeable to the intent of Ʋmbritius, who bids his friend Juvenal call him from Cumae to Aquinum, unto His Ceres and His Diana; seeming to design by Helvinam and Vestram as well the Place, as the Deities.

49. A Booted aid ••le come. Caligatus. Caliga was properly the souldier's Boot; and Aquinum (Juvenal's Country, was by reason of the wa∣ters there, a place of a cold air: upon which occasion Ʋmbritius tells Juvenal, that if he will admit him as an Helper, he will come to his cold Aquinum well booted like a souldier a∣gainst the injurle of weather, and if Fear chill his courage to proceed in Satyre, he will assist him like a prepar'd souldier, that dares go on in his attempts.

SATYRE. IV.

ARGUMENT.

Crispinus first for Lust and Cheer Is here expos'd: next does appear Caesar himself, whose Vast Expence Exceeds Beleif, at well as Sense. The Poet then calls on his Muse For help, to tell True and strange News. The Lords by th' Emp'rours Will and Witt, About a Fish in Councel sit: They all are censur'd with concise Truth, in their Manners and Advise.

ONce more behold Crispinus! Oft I shall Make Him act here: a Monster, whom from all Vice, not one Vertue rescues! Sick, yet strong In Lust: Only th' Adult'rer scorns to long After your Widow's Dainties! What is't then In long arch'd Walks [1] to tire Mules, or by men Be carried in Vast shades of Groves; or nigh The Forum, [2] Houses, nay whole Acres, buy? No Bad man's Happy. Least of all a vile Tempter, with Incest stain'd, who did defile But lately a veil'd Vestal, [3] which by right VVas to be buried quick. But now of sleight Faults we complain, and yet for faults as small Under the Censor's Judgment others fall. For, what did good Titius and Saius stain, Became Crispinus! But complaint is Vain! The man's more Ugly then all Crime! He paid Six thousand for a Barbel, which being weigh'd Cost a Sestertium a Pound, [4] as they Report, who of great things do greater say. Yet I'de commend his Wit, if by his rare Guift, he became some Childless old man's Heire: Or had it on some wealthy VViddow been Bestow'd, that rides in her glas'd Cave unseen. Away with Plots; 'twas for himself: we see VVhat our Niggard Apicius [5] durst not! Free Crispinus, thou dar'st This; though once, you know't, Your Country Paper made you a girt coat. [6] VVas this a price for Fish-scales? I durst ghuess, One might have bought the Fisherman for less.

Our Provinces for This much sell some store Of A••res, and Apuli•• affords more What Feasts did th' Emperour swallow then? when all These Sesterces (which were but as a small Mess taken from the Margin of his Cheer VVhen Least) were by a Court-rook belch'd out here, Now Chief of all our Knights: Though time was, when He cried but broken Fish to's Country-men! [7]

Begin Calliope, I'am Fix'd; I will Not Sing; 'Tis very Story. Lend your skill Ye young Pierian Maids: help ye my tongue; And help the sooner, since I call you young. VVhen the last Flavius th' half-dead world did tear, And Rome to bald-pate Nero [8] crouch'd with fear, 'Fore Venus's Shrine, Dorique [9] Ancona's grace, An Adriatick Turbet of vast space Plung'd in, choak'd up the Net [10] and stuck no less Then those, which the Maeotick waves oppress, Till thaw'd at the dull Pontick Gates they throw Them out, first with long cold made fat and slow. The Boat and Nets glad Master does ordain This Monster for the High-Priest. [11] VVho so vain Indeed, that such a Fish or Sells or Buyes; VVhen no shoar wants Informers, prowling Spies, VVho'd strive for Sea-weed! and to th' Boatman say, This Fish unworthyly had stoln away; And first being fed in Caesar's Ponds, he ought Though scap'd, to his first Master to be brought. For if Palphurius lies not, if we dare Trust Armillatus, what so e're is rare, Swim where it will, 'tis Caesars. If I can, I'le Give't, not loose't then, quoth the Fisherman. Now sickly Autumne was by Frosts displac'd: The Sick fear'd Quartans; [12] winter all defac'd VVhistling in Cold, and kept the prey still New; Yet hastens He, as if a South-wind blew. And when the Lakes they'd past, where Alba, though Half-down, keeps th' Ilian Fire, and with less shew Serves Vesta still, the wondring Rout did stay His Entrance, till remov'd, the Gates gave way VVith easy hinge. Th' excluded Fathers wait To see th' admission of these (a) Dainties: straight He to Atrides goes; to whom thus spake This poor Picenian. Daigne, Great Lord, to take This that exceeds all private fires. This day Spend on thy Genius: cleanse without delay Thy Stomack; and this Turbet, kept not sought, For Thy Raigne, Eate. The Fish would needs be caught, Greedy of happy ruine! This to Eies Half-blind was open Flatt'ry. Yet his Comb did rise!

Once equal men with Gods, [13] their Rule shall be, In such mens Praise there's no Hyperbole. But now there lack'd a size of Pot: in all Hast then the Lords he does to Councel call, Men whom he hated, in whose visage sate A paleness of Dread Favour. Loudly straight A large Liburnian baules ye out, Run, Run, Caesar is set. Pegasus then begun To stir, catch'd up his Roab, and first does come: He was of late Bayliff of frightned Rome. VVere Prefects then ought else? He was the best Indeed, and Law with exact truth express'd: Yet saw, in those dire Times things so did stand, They might be touch'd but with an half-just hand. Then came (b) old pleasant Crispus, of a sweet Temper and Eloquence, and none more meet To have advis'd Him, that rul'd Sea and Land, Might he but have condemn'd foul Actions; And Had not That Plague of Mankind loath'd to hear Truth. But what's fiercer then a Tyrant's eare? VVith whom to talk of Heat, Cold, Spring-show'rs, straight (As if you'd in the weather search his Fate) VVas Death! Hee'd ne're then swim against the flood: No man for Truth durst spend words, much less Blood. Arm'd with these Arts of Proof, This man, in fears And such a Court, did live safe fourscore years! Next came Acilius [14] of the like Great Age; His Son too, whom the Tyrants bloody Rage Mark't-out and seiz'd-on. But meer Prodigie Long since, Great Age was in Nobilitie. So that I'de be, though not for size, for birth A brother [15] of the Giants (born of th' Earth). He scap'd not then, though in the Alban Sand This naked Hunter kill'd with desp'rate hand Numidian Bears. [16] For such Patrician Art VVho knows not now? VVho now admires the Part Once acted by Thee, (c) Brutus? No hard thing 'Twas then, t' Impose on a rude, Bearded King. [17] Rubrius [18] too, though of no Noble race, VVent thither with as lad a heart and face. He did a Court-fault, which to name's no wit, Yet, then the Pathick that a Satyre writ, VVas worse. Montanus came too, and his slow Paunch; and Crispinus, who did rankly flow VVith sweat of Morning-ointments: [19] they scarce wast So much upon two Fun'rals! Then did hast Pompey more cruel: He could, with a fine VVhisper, cut throats. Fuscus did likewise joine In Speed and Councel; on whose entrailes fed The Dacian Vulturs, He to the VVars was bred

In his brave Marble Summer-house. Then went The shrew'd Vejento, [20] and Catullus bent To bloody Plots. He us'd to be enflam'd With Beauties, which he saw not, but heard nam'd; A Grand, conspicuous Monster in these worst Times, a Blind, flatt'ring, cruel States-man, first Brought from some Bridge, [21] fit still to begg, and throw His flatt'ring kisses towards those, that go [22] By Waggon down to Aricia. None stood more Astonish'd at the Turbet; words good store He us'd, but did towards the left side stand, When as the Beast did lie at his Right hand. He'd Praise Cilician Fencers; Crie, Well hit; Commend a Stage [23] and Play-boys thence, by fit Devise, catch'd-up to a feign'd Cloud. Yet came Vejento short of him? struck with thy flame, Bellona, he Divines: and, here, says he, A wondrous Omen of Great Triumph see! Some King thou shalt lead Captive, or at last Arviragus [24] from British (d) Chariot cast. The Beast is Forreigne: On his back behold, Upright thy Darts stand! [25] Yet Fabricius told Them not the Turbet's Age and Country. But, Quoth Caesar, What d' ye think? Must he be cut? Montanus cries, The Fish Disfigure not! But make a large, round, deep, thin-sided Pot Of Earth: straight some Prometheus of rare worth With Clay and Wheel bring quickly. But hence forth, Caesar, some Potters on your Court should wait. This Counsail worthy of the Author straight Took place. The Caesar's Riots He long knew, And Nero's Mid-night-suppers, and his New Hunger, when Falerne draughts his Lungs had fir'd. No man to Rarer Trencher-Art aspir'd In my Time! If from the Circaean shoar Or Lucrine Rocks came Oysters, or from more Remote Rhutupian depths, [26] He'd tell aright At the First Tast: nay more, at the first sight Tell from what shoar a Crabb came. They Rise, and The Lords (the Counsel ended) by command Depart. These to his Alban Court our Great Leader had drawn frightned to Hast and Sweat; As if he would have said somewhat about The (e) Catti, or the sterne (f) Sicambrian Rout: As if from divers Parts some News had come With rushing wing, [27] which might have startled Rome! And would he had in these toyes spent his Raign; Wherein without Revenge brave men were Slain. But when his rage did against Coblers swell, Imbrued in Lamian blood [28] He likewise fell.

NOTES on JUVENAL, Sat. IV.

(a) DAinties — Obsonium. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 proprie vocatur edulium quod additur pani praesertim coctum: and obsonare signifies sometimes lautius vesci, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, obsonatores did of old, male andire, as Erasmus observes. But though this word is taken in this large signification, yet we find it in good Authors, in a more restrained sence, and by way of eminency put for Fish, as here in our Poet obsonia is put for the Rhombus: So paulum obsonii for paulum piscis in Terent. And. A. 2. sc. 2. and in Adelph. &c. so likewise in Scripture 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are two fishes, Job. 6.9. and in many other places, as Grotius and other Commentators ad locum do shew. The reason of this Antonomasia is no other then the delicacy and excellency of Fish above Flesh. The Roman and Greek Gluttons (the best Judges of such matters) had Fish, especially the Muraena, in very great esteem, as may every where be observ'd in Martial. Sueton. Tacit. Plin. &c. and hence Athen. calls the famous Glutton Philoxenus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Deipnos. lib. 1. cap. 6. and more concerning the delicacy of Fish may be learned ibid. cap. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. some hence are of opinion that Tiberius styl'd the instruments of his Lust Pisciculos. Suet. in vita, and that the Poets fancied Venus to be born of the froth of the Sea; and that the Fish was made the Hiero∣glyphick of Luxury, as Pierius Hierogl. lib. 31. cap. 1. Upon this account many of the Romans were not ashamed to owe their Sir-names to Fishes, as Sergius Orata and L. Mu∣raena. But though degenerate Rome valued Fish at so high a rate that Cato once com∣plain'd Romae pluris piscem venire quam bovem: yet the old Romans in testimony of their temperance worshiped the Goddess of Flesh called Carna, as Ovid informs us, lib. 6. Fast.

Prisca Dea est, aliturque cibis quibus ante solebat, Nee petit adscitas Luxuriosa dapes.

Upon the same score it is observ'd that Homer, who every where commends the tempe∣rance of his Heroes, never serves up at their Tables Fish, and there are not wanting a∣mongst the Criticks, who think that God himself for this reason forbad Fish to be of∣fer'd upon his Altars. All this will serve to justify the expression of our Poet, and the translating Obsonia dainties.

(b) Old pleasant Crispus, Crispi Jucunda senectus, this periphrafis is usuall with Au∣thors, especially Poers: So 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for Hercules, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, cirrus Polypodis, for Polypus, see Casaub. in Athen. Deipnos. lib. 1. cap. 5. So Sententia Catonis for Cato. Horat. and for Scipio and Laelius

Virtus Scipiadae & mitis Sapientia Laeli. ib.

This Vibius Crispus was born at Placentia, and lived to be fourscore years old in several Courts of Evil Emperours, by deporting himself so us our Poet says afterwards,

—Nunquam direxit brachia contra Torrentem.—

Which is the reason of the Epithet Jucunda, and of the Character Statius gives him,

Lumina Nestorei mitis prudentia Crispi.

Who desires to know more of this politick Courtier, may read Quintil. lib. 10. cap. 1. Sueton. lib. 6. cap. 2. He was twice Consul, twice Married, and left at his Death an Estate of CCIƆƆ H. S. as Lubin: and for his cautious and cunning behaviour, or rather complyance with the Roman Emperours, is thought worthy of no other Character by Tacitus then this, Inter potentes potius quam bonos fuit.

(c) Who now admires thee, Brutus? This D. Junius Brutus is well known to have been one of the two first Consuls of Rome. In the reign of Tarquinius Superbus, upon the appearance of a prodigious Snake, he was sent with two of Tarquins Sons to con∣sult the Delphick Oracle. The young men being desirous to learn of the Oracle, which of them should succeed their Father in the Kingdom, the Oracle answered, he that kiss'd his Mother first; Brutus hearing this, and being of quicker apprehension then the rest, pretended to stumble, and so took occasion to kiss the Earth, the common Mother of all Men, and that which was intended by Apollo. But least Brutus should be suspected to aime at the Kingdome, Stultus videri volebat, & inde Bruti cognementum acce∣pit, as Livy tells us at large, and the Commentators upon him in Vita Tarq. Superbi; this is that which is alluded to by our Poet in these words, Quis priscum illud miretur acumen Brute tuum? Where the elegant Antithesis betwixt acumen and Brute, is to be observed,

for though his Sirname was Brutus, yet he discovered this acumen abundantly, in making good the saying, Sapieutis est desipore in loco.

(d) British Chariot, aut de temone Britanno. This place will receive no small light from that famous place of Tacitus in his Agricola, where he thus writes of the old Bri∣tains way of fighting, Quaedam nationes curru praeliantur, honestior est auriga, clientes propug∣nant; from whence we may learn, that it was the custome of the Britains to fight in Chariots, and the noblest of them to fight in that part which we call the Box; for honestior in the forecited place, signifies the noblest, or most honourable. And to this custome, without doubt, our Poet alludes in these words, aut de temone, for temo is well defin'd, lignum illud currus, quod inter equos currum trahentes, excurrit, currum regens, and it is well known that the Box of the Coach, where the Auriga sits, is fastn'd to this long beam.

(e) Catti. Strabo lib. 7. and others call them Chatti, they inhabited that part of Ger∣many which is now subject to the Land-grave of Hessen, and are now called Hassi. How terrible these people were to the Romanes, is sufficiently hinted by our Poet; and that there was cause for their fear, we learn from Ʋirgils character of them.

Mortem contemnunt laudato vuluere Catti.

(f) Sterne Sicambrian rout. Strabo lib. 7. places these Sicambri in Germany too, near the Catti. Geographers place them in that part of Germany which is now call'd Westpha∣lia and Gelderland.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Fourth Satyre.

Porticus; the Pleasure and Largness of them. Forum. The Punishment of Ince∣stuous Vestals. The monstruous Weight and Price of Barbels. Diverse Apicii, Gluttons. Papyrus, the places where it grew, and the several uses of it. Succin∣ctus papyto. The form of the paper-reed. Pithaeus his varietie of reading the place, Fracta de merce. Sperare for Timere; against the opinion of Pto∣lemaeus Flavius and others. Boulduc his Phansies concernning Giants. Nu∣midici Ursi. Barbers, when first used by the Romans. Matutinum Amomum. Bridges, hounted by Beggars. Jactare basia. Arviragus. Erectae in terga su∣des. Rhombus. Rutupiae. Ostrea; their varietie among the Romans. Praeceps pinna.

1.WHat it's then In Long Arch't Walks. Quantis ju∣menta fatiget Porticibus. The more wealthy Romans had anciently stately Walks both for Fair and for Rainy Wea∣ther; the first in the shade of Trees and sometimes more particularly planted with Box or Rosemary, as Pliny implies in an Epistle to Gallus; the second under magnificent roofs born upon pillars, where they might enjoy the air, yet escape the rain: and in these they were sometimes carried in their coaches, as for the likeness of the use we may call them, sometimes in their Chairs on mens shoul∣ders; and sometimes for health or pleasure they walk'd on foot. For which several respects these places were call'd Gestationes, Viridaria, Deambula∣tiones and Porticus; which last signifies sometimes Ʋpper Galleries, but in this place Walks somewhat like cloisters, and of great extent. In these they us'd a set number of Paces, as Plutarch (in Cicerone) reports of Tullie. Which use may appear from this Ancient Inscription in Pignorius (de Servis, p. 141.) by which they knew when they had been carried, or walked a Mise.

IN HOC POMARIO GESTATIONIS PER CIRCUITUM ITUM ET REDITUM QUIN QUIENS EFFICIT PASSUS MILLE

The cover'd Walks Juvenal mentions again, Sa∣tyre, 7. in that passage, —Et pluris porticus in quo Gestetur Dominus—: which large places of recrea∣tion were but sutable to their other magnificence; their Houses being for Largness like Cities, as Se∣neca shews, epist. 90. and 114. so that, according to several seasons, they would sometimes use One part of their houses, sometimes another. In these were their Cunationes, Vestibula, Atria, Peristylia, Bi∣bliotheca, Pinacotheca Basilica and such structures, according to the state of Publick Works.

2. Nigh the Forum. Jugera quot vicina foro. The Forum signified among the Romans their Market-places and their Law-Courts, being deriv'd as Var∣ro says, à frerendo; because to those several places were Brought Wares & Causes. In the first or com∣mon acception, (as in this place) there were Three Fora: the first was call'd the Roman, the Latin, the Old forum; and absolutely Forum; the second was Caesars, call'd afterwards, Palladium, by Domitian; and the third Augustus his. There were in after-times two more added; the one begun by Domitian and finish'd by Nerva; the other built by Trajan. I omit the increase of them, which was to no less then, 19. as Rosinus shews from Onuphrius Panvinius. In this place the Cheif or first, as be∣ing absolutely called Forum, seems to be under∣stood. And this was situated, to omit the exacter bounds of it, nigh unto Mount Capitoline, and Mount Palatine, in the heart of the City, where was an ample space of ground compassed about with state∣ly buildings. Wherefore Britannicus thinking that it looked like an inconvenience, to affirm that One man, though Rich, should have many acres in such a place, thinks that Forum Here signifies Rome it self; and so that hereby may be meant the Rich mens Suburbane Places of delight. He adds, that the Forum signifies so both in Other Authors and in Juvenal himself; Sat. 11. in that passage, Cedere namque foro; where he speaks of Bank-rupts, that lest Rome. Yet by his leave in that place strictly

and properly it signifies the Forum, and but by consequence the City. Such debters indeed lest both, and fled ••o other places, ••••••cheifly they left the Forum, aplace of pleasant resorr, like ••n Exchange or Bur••e. BUt methinks he ne••ded not have suspected this inconvenience; since he might have thought, that either jugera was used, by a poetical hyperbole, or that such large possessions might have been in many houses there, peradven∣ture rented-out to the use of diverse others. For in the first Satyre there is a description of an other Rich one (much like this Crispinus) who though at first he was but a poor stranger (born at Eu∣phrates) had even by the Forum five lesser Burses, which yearly yeilded him a Knight's revenue, as the Poet says in those words, —Sed quinque tabernae Quadringenta parent. Besides since Crispinus is here expressed as an example of singular wealth, what great matter had it been, to have said, he had good store of acres, if they had been Without the City, though near unto it; especially if we consi∣der what Senecoe says, Epist. 89. where he repre∣hends those, that think a man (truly) Rich, quia Suburbani agri tantum possider, quantum invidiose in desertis Apuliae possideret; implying that there were some so wealthy. Indeed, though with some un∣certainty, Britannicus of his own accord straight adds, Aut revera hortos intelligis, quos ad amoenifates habebant ••otentiores in onedio fere urbis, & vicinos Fo∣ro. The which he might at the first with less am∣biguitie and enough safely have deliver'd, and clearly agreeable to that of Seneca alleg'd in the precedent 11. Illustration.

3. —Who did defile But larely a veil'd Vestal. Cum quo nuper Vittata jucebat. Upon this saith the Scho∣liast, Ʋltimum Filou•••• Gentis Pa••••tianum dicit; which, as the exposition of this place, is alleged out of him by Anturnus. But they might have per∣nei••'d their mistake by that which follows; that not Domitain, but Crispinus is here ta••ed, according to that neason given two or three verses after, Nam quod turpe bonis T••io Seioque decebat Crispinum—. In∣deed Domitian, who is a little after called calvus Nero, is here implicitly tax'd for winking at that fault in his favourite, which he punish'd in ano∣ther. Concerning the veil'd Vestal, it may he known, that the vitta, sometimes renderd a coro∣net or chaplet, was strictly (from vincta) some special Binding for the Head, rather then a Veil, and a Dress for Preists, Sacrifices, Vestal Virgins and Marrons; and farther, that if the Vestals be∣came incontinent, Vivae in parietibus struebantur (as some express it) out terra obruehantur; that they were immur'd alive, or buried alive in the ground; which last, a little more largely to describe the solemnitie, was thus perform'd. At Porta Collina (on the North-East side of old Rome) within the City, as Plutarch describes it, in a roome under ground there was prepar'd a Bed, a burning Light, and (as the cheif parts of food) a little bread, wa∣ter and milk. The Vestal was bound alive and layd on a biere, and so carried through the Forum with great Silence and Horror. When they came to the cave, the biece being set down, deposito feretro (not let down into the Vault) and she unbound, the Priest praying somewhat secretly, brought her and sether on a ladder, by which she descended, and presently turning back from her, the ladder being drawn up, they threw-in earth, and fill'd up the Cave's mouth. The reason of which punishment, according to Plutarch in his Problems, was either because they would not honour such an Offendor with Burning, which was the Rite at innocent fu∣nerals, she having so ill attended on the holy fire; on because they would not offer violence by for∣ced death to a ••••nse••rated virgin they thinking that after this manner they suffer'd ••er to die, as it were, of her own accord.

4. He paid six thousand for a Barbel, which being weigh'd, cost a Sestertium a pound. Mullum sen millibus emit, Aequantem sane paribus sestertia libris. Id est, says Merula, pendentem libras sex pro numero sestertiorum. Nam mille-nummos sestertius valebat. But this last clause is an error in him, and reprehended by B••d••us for which, see Satyre, 11. Illustrat. 2. Briefly then, Merula should have said, sestertium valebat; which was as much as 1000. sestertii: so that the weight of this Barbel being six pounds, and he paying six thousand sestertios or six sestertia (the sestertium being 7 l. 16 s. 3 d.) this Barbel cost Crispinus, 46 l. 17 s. 6 d. Autumnus on this place says, Asinius Celer septem millibus nummûm mercatus est piscem mullum, Sestertiis octo, ut tradit Macrobius, ad quem videtur alludere poeta. But this being such an error, as Macrobius could not commit (and but Autumnus his own addition, to expound 7000. se∣sterties by eight sestertia) against the known va∣lews of the Roman Coines, he might more congru∣ously have cited him, as Britannicus does, who reads octo millibus nummûm. And so is the story re∣lated out of Pliny by Lipsius on Seneca's Epist. 95. An-40. Asinius Celer, in the raign of Caius Caligula, Mullum unum octo millibus nummûm emit: though Johannes Isacius Pontanus on that passage of Macro∣bius (Saturnal. 2. cap. 12.) observes that Fran∣ciscus Junius likes rather to read there, according to Juvenal, Sex millibus; and then this of our Poet would seem a satyricall allusion to the story of Asi∣nius. But as for Barbels they were not dear among the Romans themselves, except only extraordinary ones, Macrobius saying in the place above alleged, At ••••nc & majoris ponderis passion videmus, & precia boec insan•• nescimus: though, for the weight, Pliny says (lib. 8. cap. 17.) Maxima est copia mullis, si∣cut magnitudo modica, ut hic piscis raro duarum libra∣rum pondo excedat. So then the Barbel being com∣monly but small, and seldome above two pounds in weight, it was the bigness only made the price. How may we then admire that Barbel, which Pliny tells of, lib. 9. cap. 18. in those words, Licinius Mu∣tianus prodidit mullum octoginta librarum in Mari Rubro tum; see Marcellus Donatus on Flavius Vopiscus in Aureliano. Which Barbel caught in the Red Sea weighing fourscore pounds (supposing Fliny's copy to be free from corruption) if it met with as frank a Chapman, as Crispinus or Asinius, must have been sold (at a sestertium the pound) for no less of our mony, then 625 l. Apretty price for a Barbel! Then we might justly cry-out with our Poet, Hoc, precio squammae? (Are fish at this rate?) for so some copies have it, not as the common ones, Hoc precium squammae? Is this the price of a fish. And here the reader may observe, that Sestertium in this passage is the price of every pound of the fish, not the weight of a pound, as some would have it: a thousand sestertii, which were Silver-coins, being in value (as is said) 7 l. 16 s. 3 d. (a sestertium) but in weight properly, 2 pound and a half, and the weight of 16 s. 3 d.one pound weight of silver being in value, 3 l.. 2 s. As for Mullus here, which we render a Barbel (not a mullet, which in Latin, is call'd Mugilis) let the learned Hippolitus Salvia∣nus a Roman Physitian be, as most ••••kilful in this ar∣gument, the firrest judge: who in his Historia A∣quatilium

Animalium, Histor. 89. says, that mullus is by the Venetians call'd Barbone; and by the French, among other names, Barbels (and Barbon) see Salvianus (fol. 135. and 75.) his large and ex∣quisite work in folio (printed at Rome, 1554. and dedicated to the Pope) when he presents the lively forms of the several kinds of Fishes.

5. What our Niggard Apicius. Thus the Poet ironically calls the gluttonous spend-thrist Apicius; of which name there were three, as Lipsius proba∣bly shews (on Tacitus his Annal. lib. 4.) the first of which liv'd in the time of the Roman Common-wealth; the second under Augustus, and the third under Trajan. The second was the most famous, and call'd by Pliny, nepotum omnium altissimus gurges; and seems to be here intended, as Lipsius thinks, on Seneca in his Consol. ad Helviam, annotat. 137. and this by the Scholiast is thought to be that Api∣cius, who writ the Books of Cookery; for he gives here this note, Author praecipiendarum caenarum, qui scripsit de Juscellis. But I suspect that he mi∣stakes; the Authour of that Work (yet extant, a copie of which I have, Printed at Venice, 1503.) making mention (in his Trophetes, or sixt Book) of Jus frigidum Apicianum, which we may most probably think to have been some tast of this most famous Apicius his Palate-art, and so cited by some later Apicius. The end of the notorious Glutton was like his Riot, desperate; for having almost wasted his Estate, to prevent Want he disparch'd himself. Where we may note, that Autumnus on this place citing Seneca (de Consol. ad Matrem) con∣cludes in these words, aere alieno oppressus, laqueo vitam finivit: but his Diligence or Memory in tran∣scribing the last words fail'd him, it being in Se∣neca, Veneno vitam finivit.

6. Your Country Paper made you a girt coat. Succinctus patria quondam Crispine papyro. The word Papyrus is like the Plant, Aegyptian; it is call'd also Biblos Nilotica; from whence, as from the matter, the Grecians drew their name for a Book. Accor∣ding to Pliny, it grew in the more fenny places of their Rivers, and is mention'd by the Prophet Isay, cap. 19. vers. 9. according to our last Interpreters. For whereas in that place Pagnine and Arias Monta∣nus render the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by Gramineta, and one of our former translations had it, The Grass; the last Interpreters render it there, The Paper-reeds by the Brooks, by the mouth of the Brooks. The use of it was various; for they made of it, sails, ropes, mars, coverlets, garments, shooes worn only by their Priests, and paper of the stalk shav'd into sheets with a broad thin instrument of Iron; and the root they us'd for food. The Poet then saying here of Crispinus, that he was succinctus papyro, not only im∣plies the use of it in garments, but also that it was but a coat which Crispinus formerly had, as is signi∣fied in the word succinctus, which is not only Clad, but Girt, intimating thereby his servile condition; it being the form of a servant to wait in a girt coat. (See Sat. 5. Illust. 8.) The Scholiast would have succinctus Papyro to signifie, that Crispinus had been in his own Country a seller of paper: but this is not likely, because he says presently after, that he was a petty Fish-monger. I will not here tran∣scribe, concerning paper, the learned observations of the accurate Melchior Guilandinus, or Pliny's de∣scription of it, lib. 13. cap. 11. Only since it so much concerns the Scholer, it will not be unpleasant to present the form of the Reed.

[illustration] depiction of a papyrus plant or paper reed

7. When he cried but broken Fish to his Coun∣try men. Magna qui voce solebat Vendere Municipes fractâ de merce Siluros. The Poet here describes Crispinus, as he now was, Purpureus scuri a palati, a Court-rook, or one that by playing the Cogging jester, and so humouring a leud Emperour, was be∣come a Noble man; more particularly, princeps equitum, as the Poet here calls him: which with the Interpreters is made the same with magister equitum: but this was an Officer in the time of the Common wealth, and more especially in the time of a Dictator. Some take it for the General of the Horse: but that was an Officer in time of War, which was none of Crispinus his employment. Some render it, Master of the Horse; an Officer indeed of Honour: but Equitum will not yield that Exposition. It may be observ'd then, that he, who by the Censors in the cloze of their Offices, when the Senators were all recited by name, was in the Catalogue first nam'd, was call'd Princeps Senatus, The Cheif or First of the Senate; in like manner the first nam'd of the Knights, was call'd Princeps Equitum. Such was the Dignity of this unworthy Knight Crispinus; but if any prov'd unworthy of his Order, and were omit∣ted by the Censor in the recital, such a one was de∣priv'd of his Dignity; though upon better beha∣vior he might be readmitted. See Rosin. l. 7. c. 10. therefore render it, Now cheif of all our Knights, (Jam princeps Equitum) Even such was Crispinus become; though at first, in Aegypt his own Country, he sold but Fish, and that but some base and broken ware; the Silurus being a vile Fish, and usually bought by the poorer sort. It is sufficient in this place to render it only in general, Fish; though, Sat. 14. where it is reckon'd with others as a seve∣ral sort, I render it, for defect of a proper name for it with us, a Nimble-tail, according to the Ety∣mologie from the excessive motion of that part. The Poet calls them here municipes Siluros, or his own Country Fish, by way of jeer, implying that they were alike base: but the other words; fractae de merce are variously interpreted, some expound∣ing them by fracto vase, as if the Vessels or Panniers in which they were carried, were broken (but this seems a week Exposition); others laying the sense on fracta, and supposing that it was sold by small

penny-worths, and so was fracta or diminished, as in a Hucksters utterance; others thinking it to signify impair'd by stealth, as if Crispinus an under-huckster had stoln it. But the most easy sense is, that he bought the refuse of other mens ware, the Fish of a broken parcel, tumbled and refused by other chap∣men. We may here add, that some copies have, facta de merce, but with little sense; and that Pi∣thans in his Var. Lection. on the Scholiast, says that most copies have fracta; but none, for ought he knows, have faria, which sayes he, were very witty; he means Fharia de merce, from his Egyptian ware. This, I grant, were apposite enough, but then it were but a tautologie, to say municipes and Fhariâ, they bearing both, in this place, but the same sense.

8. Bald-pate Nero. Domitian; who was extream∣ly offended with the mention of baldness, and writ a Book De Cura Capillorum, as Sueton relates in his Life, cap. 18. This was also the blemish of Julius Caesar, who to hide it wore a chaplet of Bayes. Tiberius likewise was bald, in disgrace of whom, Sejanus therein more presumptuous then wise, cau∣sed all things in a publick Shew to be perform'd only by bald men; as Dion reports. And here I may remember, that in after times in the favour of Carolus Caluns, the Son of Ludovicus Pius, one Hug∣baldus a Monk (cunning it seems, in his degree of wit) writ verses in the praise of Baldness, every Word of them (sutable to the word Calvus) begin∣ing with the letter C. Which Monastick Phansie, omitting the verses themselves, I the rather men∣tion, because they came in my way, being prefix'd to the Manuscript Juvenal in the famous Library at St. James's.

9. Dorique Ancona. It was a Greek City built by the Grecians in Italy, says the Scholiast: Lubin more partiuclarly says, a Doricis condita. But Franciscus Schottus in his Itinetar. Italia, part. 1. pag. 237. says, that they mistake in this place of Juvenal, who from hence would conclude, that it was built by the Do∣rians. It was then, according to Him, a Colony of the Syracusians, who spake the Dorique tongue, as the Sicilians generally, which their Poets writings testify. Yet this was in part observ'd before by Britannicus. It was called Ancona from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Elbow, if we liken Italy to an Arm: but it is more commonly, as in Leander and others, compar'd to the thigh and legg; according to which similitude, Ancona must be plac'd in the Calf, as Otranto in the heel, and Rhezzo about the toe. But some there tell us, that Ancona is the chief City of Pisa, now Marchia d' Ancona, say they, when as Pisa is not a Country, but a City; and the Italian City of that name, (for there was one in Greece also of the same name) is in Tiscany: but the Country of the Fisher∣man, who is here call'd Picens, was call'd Picenum, now taken for the Marquisate of Ancona; which Country is on the East-side of Italy, as Pisa is on the West-side: and thus the Fisher-man may here be call'd a Picene, (or, Picenian) not a Pisan. The Poet makes mention also of the Picene Pears, Sat. 11. vers. 74. which some there also not without mistake call Pisan Pears.

10. Choak'd-up the Net. Implevitque sinus. Retia, say the Interpreters; more particularly Lubin, and concava retia, and rightly, The bosome of the Net. But he adds, vel per sinus intelligit angulos & curvaturas ejusdem portus; and then it was a monstrous Turbet indeed: but he forgot to leave room in the Haven for the Fisherman's Boat, that caught him, or, by admitting such an Exposition, to make room in the Boat for the Fish being caught. For though the Beast be call'd monstrum; yet he that master'd him is but cymba linique magister.

11. This Monster for the High-Priest. Pontifici Sammo; so he calls Domitian the Emperour, by an Ironie; since to glorify his raign with rare exam∣ples, when Cornelia Maximilla, a Vested Virgin, had by her offence deserv'd to be buried quick. He him∣self took upon him the office of the cheif Priest, whom that cause properly concern'd (the care of the Vestals belonging to Him, as of the Fire to Them) and calling the rest of the Priests to Alba condemn'd her, as Plinie relates in an Epistle to Cornelius Minutianus, lib. 4. cap. 11. The Poet calls him also a little after, Atrides; which some ex∣pound by Agamemnon (the son of Atreua) the brave Leader of the Greeks: others by Orestes (Agamem∣non's son) who kill'd his Mother Clytemnestra. Which last being not appliable to Domitian, his Mo∣ther Flavia Domitilla dying in his Fathers life time, and before his Fathers Empire, and without a Tra∣gedy, (as appears by Sueton, in his Vespasian cap. 2.) the first is to be here understood, it being aptly Sa∣tyrical, to call him ironically Agamemnon, to whom he was like in Power, but not in Vertue; Agamem∣nons worth being to lend Domitian rather a Shame, then a Patrern.

12. The Sick fear'd Quartans. Jam quartanam sperantibus agris. The Poet by way of jeer expresses the Time, wherein Fear, not Heat, hasten'd the Fisherman, namely the end of Autumne, or begin∣ing of Winter, towards the mid'st of December: which he describes, by saying it was the time, wherein the sick fear'd Quattans. For so Speran∣tibus is here (as Sperare is by Virgil also taken for timere) commonly, and, as I think, rightly inter∣preted; by reason of the craziness usual at that time of the year, not only proceeding from old and in∣ward causes, but also from the various temper of the aire. For though it somewhat agrees with the na∣ture of the Spring for heat and cold, yet is there this especial difference; that in the Spring the heat and cold are broken into one temper, but in Autuma they are both preserv'd distinct, and too sodainly successive, it being cold in the morning, hot at noon, and cold again at evening. And as in the Autumne Melancholy is predominant, so also Quar∣tan agues, of which Melancholy is the cause. Yet Prolemaus Flavius in his Conjectan. cap. 17. takes sperantibus in this place properly, saying that the sick now hope for Quartans, which kill no man, as He seeks to prove, and into which at this season other Feavers turn. Which opinion some other like; and Bernardus Reatinus, Annotat. 6. says, that after a Quartan, health increases, the length of the di∣sease having spent the Phlegmatick and Melancholy humours. Yet this opinion (though including some truth) prevails not, the Quartan being not commonly thought to be so courteous. Besides it would hence follow, that the Quartan, whose mat∣ter is Melancholy, and so most proper to the tem∣per of the year, the Autumne, should be placed in the Winter-quarter, the matter of whose diseases are properly the Phlegmatick humour. So that to say, the Sick now hope for a Quartan were impro∣per, the time of that disease being properly past in the beginning of Winter: but to say they now fear it, stands with the season of the disease; which ha∣ving tormented men the most of the Autumne, may well be fear'd at the approach of Winter. More∣over it is but an uncomfortable way of cure to hope to be deliver'd from one shrew'd disease, by falling into another shrew'd disease. But the Interpre∣ters

having left this doubt, concerning the danger of Quartans, undecided; it will not be unaccep∣table to clear it by the judgment of Physitias: who describe two sorts of Quartans; one arising from the Melancholie humor properly so called, and this they make not of any great danger; the other from atra bilis, which is likewise generally and fudely call'd Melancholie, but properly it is flave bilis vehementer adusta, as amongst others the accu∣rate Massarias and Sennertus teach; and this they hold to be very dangerous, and unto both ateri∣bute properly the same season, the Autumn; not that they are not in other seasons, but then: most, and most properly. This last kind then is to be here understood; so that flava bilis being corrupt∣ed in the Summer and grown vehemently adust or turn'd into atra bilis by the Autumn, vexing the sick with a Quartan all the Autumn, may justly make the sick afraid when Winter comes on, and Na∣ture has been already so much oast down. We may a little farther take notice, that some of late would have it, jam quartanam spirantibus agris; that now the fields breath'd infectious Air, the cause of this disease. But this, for ought I find, is but in part confirm'd, only one copie having spirantibus agris: besides, it dashes against the former reason; since, by this interpretation the Quartan should be a dis∣ease appropriated (by the disposition of the Air) to the beginning of winter, at which season the end of it, rather then the beginning, is expected.

13. Once equal Men with Gods. He speaks this historically of Domitian, who commanded that men should instyle him, Dominus & Deus noster, Our Lord and God! Yet (omitting his pride as hor∣rible as his end!) though this he a truth, it may seem cotrary to That in Statius (Sylv. lib. 1. on the Kal. Decembres Saturnales)

Tollunt innumer as ad astra voces, Saturnalia Principis sonantes, Et dulci Dominum favore clamant: Hocsolum vetnit licers Caefar.

For this implies, that he did forbid men to call him Lord, it being a Title Odions among the Ro∣mans, and therefore refus'd by sundry Emperors. But this doubt is rightly solv'd by the learned Ge∣vartius in his Papinian Lections, lib. 1. cap. 47. where he shews that this prohibition of such title was on∣ly during the time of the Saturnals, the time of Li∣bertie, wherein servants feasted with their Masters, as Macrobius mentions, in his Saturnal. lib. 1. cap. 7. which resolution is also implied by Statius himself in that verse alleg'd, Saturnalia Principis sonantes.

14. Acilius. Dempster, lib. 1. de Juramento, cap. 2. says that Acilius was put to death by Nero, and is mention'd by Juvenal in his fourth: which may be allowed for truth, if by Nero we understand Domi∣tian, who indeed in this Satyre is ironically call'd Calvus Nero. Some say, that Domitian having first put to death Domitius the Son of Acilius, did after∣ward spare the Father, the more to grieve him with his Son's death. And the Interpreters tell us that this Acilius Glabrio (for so Sueton calls him) was at last put to death for some intended treason with others. Sueton in his Domitian, cap. 10. relates it thus, Complures senatores, in his aliquor Consulares, interemit: ex quibus, Civicum Cerealem in ipso Asiae Proconsulatae, Salvidienum Orfitum, Acilium Glabrionem in exilio quasi molit••es novarum rerum.

15. Fraterculus esse Giganium. According to the Fable Giants were born of the Earth, (as the word implies) and so base-born. Yet the Poet whiles he acknowledges the advantage of their mean birth, desires to be but fraterculus, rather then frater (as Politian notes, in his Miscell. Observat. cap. 18.) least he should seem to wish for their gi∣gantick vastness of body, as well as for their Igno∣bleness, so to escape destruction by his obscuritle of condition. I will not here delay the Reader with any discourse of Giants, especially after the labour of Cassanion and others, who have with much learning and delight examin'd this argument: only I will add, that whereas the Anclent Heathens pro∣phanely drew the occasion of their fables often∣times from the Mosaical story, the copie of which they had, and which as in other points, so in this, they did wretchedly and childishly deprave by their fictions; yet a late French Capuccine, one Boulduc (De Ecelesia ante Legem. lib. 1. cap. 9.) tells us, that the names, Raphaim, Emim, Zuzim, and others, as he says, commonly in Scripture taken for Gi∣ants, are not so to be expounded. Then he af∣firms that the Title of Giant was anciently a name of honour, fignifying such persons, as in those times were restorers of Piety; and that their assemblies were as Colledges of instruction in that Age of the world. Thus he endeavours to prove that Nimrod was in that sense a Giant, a man instructed by God; which he would prove out of Methodius. But these his New Assertions and curious proofs from their Hebrew Titles with many other his ventrous exploits of phanfie I leave to the leasure of thy Judgement.

16. Numidian Bears. Ʋrsos Figebat Numidas Al∣band nudus Arenâ. The Poet here shews, that Aci∣lius his Son did strive to scape the Emperor's fury, by fighting with wild beasts, so to seem mad (and therefore to be neglected, rather then fear'd) like Brutus, that so scap'd the rage of Tarquin. This is apparently Juvenal's intent; though some seem to implie, that he did it in right carnest to please the Emperor, who was so delighted with such sights, that sometimes he himself slew beasts in that man∣ner of combat, according to that of Sueton, —ut centenas aliquando prostraverit. But this cause seems not agreeable to Juvenal's instance in Brutus, who us'd Art under the form of Madness; besides, the word nudus may probably seem to distinguish His manner of fighting with beasts, from the Empe∣rors. But here it must be noted concerning the beasts here mention'd (Numidici ursi,) that though Britannicus (as before him the Schotiast) takes ursi properly, for Bears, urging Solinus his autho∣rity in these words, Numidici ursi formâ caeteris pra∣stant; yet Numidia yields no Bears (they delight∣ing in Cold Countrys) as Pliny testifies, lib. 8. cap. 36. besides, that the Romans, at the first but ignorant, when they saw Lions brought from Afri∣ca, call'd them, in usual speech, Bears, as it is proved by some out of Virgil. See Lips. 2. Elect. cap. 4. so that Numidici ursi are expounded by Leo∣nes. As for the Place, where Acilius his Son did thus behave himself, the Poet says, that it was at Alba: for there did Domitian use to celebrate year∣ly the feast of Minerva call'd the Quinquatria (as Sueton says in his Domitian, cap. 4.) at which such Shows us'd to be presented. And here it may be observ'd, that Albana Arena is by Britannicus and Lubin render'd by Albano Theatro; and that not on∣ly here, but commonly through his Commentary, Lubin renders Arena by Theatrum: which may be the more warily observ'd, to prevent error; the Theaters being for stage-plays (as also for rope∣dancers, tumblers, and such like, as some think) but the Amphitheaters for Fights of Men with men, and of men with beasts. Which places, that the

abundance of blood which was there usually shed, might not be offensive, were strew'd with Sand (to drink it up) whence it was called, Arena. Besides, the Theater differ'd from the Amphitheater in the form; the Theater being but an Half Cir∣cle, the Amphitheater a Whole Circle; according to its name, it being as much as a Circuiting or Compassing Theater, in substance as much as two Theaters. And sometimes Theaters were so con∣trived, that by engines they might be turn'd about and join'd into an Amphitheater. See for the di∣stinction of their forms the learned Ansonius Popma, de Differentiis verborum, in the word, Theatrum; and Salmuth on Pancitollus, de Amphitheatris & Thea∣tris; where he says, that though at first the Thea∣ters were us'd for the Exercises of strength and Running, they were afterwards employ'd for the use of stage-plays, See Rosinus in his Antiquit. Rom. lib. 5. cap. 4. where most distinctly he says, ut Circen∣ses Ludi in Circo, ita Scenici in Theatre peragebantur (to which point I speak also, to prevent error, Sat. 8. Illust. 7.) And therefore when Julian in his Epist. 35. (pro Argivis) speaks of hunting wild beasts, as Bears and Panthers in Theaters, Petavius well adds on that place this note, Amphi∣theatrales venationes intelligit, implying, that he spak not accurately. The form of a famous Theater at Ve∣rona, though in part decay'd, may not be unplea∣sant to be beheld, and by Munster is thus present∣ed; and before him describ'd. by Torellus Saraynos a Native of that City. *

[illustration] depiction of the Roman theatre at Verona

Juven. Sat. IV. Ill. XVI.

Athesis. fl.

17. Bearded King. Facile est barbato imponere re∣gi; So Sat. 5. he says, Capillato Consule, and Sat-ult. —dignum barbâ, dignumque capillis Majorum; whereby he intends the first or most ancient times of Rome, in which they wore long hair: for they had no Barbers in Rome, till after the building of it, 444. years, says Calderine citing Pliny; though not with∣out some error in the Time. The Authoritie is out of Varro (from whom Pliny has it) in whom it is 454 (according to Scaliger's Edition) and then they were brought over from Sicilia, by P. Ticinius Mena. See Varro, de Re Rusticâ, lib. 2. cap. ult. who alleges, that the statues of the Ancients were form∣ed with long hair and great beards: which may here be observ'd for the illustration of those places in the other Satyres above cited. The Poet then intends, that in that simple age of Rome it was ea∣sy to deceive a King, as Brutus did; but that the present Age was grown more cunning.

18. Rubrius. This Rubrius, says the Poet, was worse then Nero, who writ a Satyre against Quinti∣anus his effeminacy, he himself being worse. The fault of Rubrius here conceal'd was, as some think his speaking against Cecinna in the behalf of Flavius Gabinius. But why should the Poet then say, that this fault ought to be conceal'd, as those words implie —offensae veteris reus atque tacendae? Yet it is thus express'd by the Scholiast, Rubrius iste aliquando Ti∣biam in pueritiâ corruperat (Autumnus in the reciting of it says, Tibiam Domitiani) & verebatur ne pro ba•• mercede poenas ab ipso reposceret. Whether this Tibia (if there be not some mistake in transcribing the name, Pithaeus, in his Notes on the Scholiast, doubting that it should be Livia) were some Beau∣ty affected by Domitian, or no, it appears not: but Lubin from a Commentary on an ancient Copy, gives this nearer reason, quod cum Domitiani conjuge concubuerit, for being too familiar with the Em∣press. And this opinion I think most probable; first because Domitia Longina (Domitian's wife) was guilty in the like kind with another, and of as low a tank, namely Paris the Player, as Sueton reports in Domitian. cap. 3. for which he divorced her; though extreamly doting on her he took her again, pretending it to be the desire of the People. Se∣condly, this fault is the more probable by compa∣rison; because not long after, Sueron himself, the Historian, being Secretary to Adrian the Emperor, was deptiv'd of that honour for being in the like kind too familiar with the Empress Sabina. Lastly, this was most probably the crime for the hainousness of it, which, as he says, was to be con∣ceal'd: which could not in probabilitie be either for fear of Tibia, or (when Juvenal writ this) for fear of Domitian now dead; but most likely for fear of Domitia's kindred; since he speaks, as if wisdome made him silent; though, it seems, Sue∣ton did, not long after Juvenal, shew more holdness in relating her like lendness with Paris.

19. Morning-Ointments. Matutino Amomo. Some take it for Eastern Ointments; some both wayes. Both are true, yet the first intended, as I think; since he speaks according to the custome of the Romans, who bath'd in the Morning, and so in the Morning us'd ointments.

20. The shrew'd Vejento. Prudens. It is doubted in what sense the Poet here uses this word: but since he describes him afterward as a rank flatterer, and not worthy therefore of so solid a name, I con∣ceive, that it here signifies in an allayed sense, not truly Wise, but the conning or shrew'd Vejento; who is afterwards in this Satyre called also Fabri∣cius, his name being Fabricius Vejento.

21. Brought from some Bridge; There Beggars usually sate for Almes, and thence, he says, Catullus at first came, and that he was still worthy to beg of the richer Passengers that went by Waggon between Rome and Aricia, which was seated on a sleep ascent. The cause of this concourse of people to Aricia was two-fold, according to the diversity of the persons, the rich and the poor. There was at Aricia (in the Appian way beyond Alba) a Grove consecrated to Diana, call'd Artemisium, greatly frequented for de∣votion sake; as Britannicus says. For this cause it was also haunted by Beggars, and much the more, when the Jews, as says the Scholiast, as the Christi∣ans, as Lubin says, were expell'd Rome; who in ne∣cessity and wit resorted thither. Lubin thinks it is said at Aricia, to signify that he was not worthy to beg at any bridge in Rome it self; but this seems somewhat strain'd.

22. And throw his flatt'ering kisses towards those that go, &c. Blandaque devexa jactaret basia thedae. The margin of one Manuscript says, that the poor did kiss the hands of Passengers, for almes; but this is silly. Another Manuscript has not Basia, but Brachia, implying the stretching out of their armes, for almes; but this reaches not the sense of the epithet blanda, more sutable to the condition of Beggars. The most easie sense will be, that they did most obsequiously kiss their fingers, and then stretch them out unto the Passengers. See Sat. 3. Illustrat. 11. The Poet says, Rheda devexae; so that by the delay of the Waggon for safety, they had the more leasure, and so the more advantage, to beg. Lubin would here pick out this opposition; that he, who being blind (as Catullus is here said to have been) would yet fall in Love with Beauty, was fit to bestow his kisses at distance on the Wag∣gon wheels. This seeming to imply, that there were Women in the Waggon, he might the rather have said it, if he urg'd the Scholiast, who says in∣deed, Rheda ferenti ••nulieves; implying, that in

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their way of devotion, That Sex was most forward.

23. A Stage. Pegma. A pageant by art so con∣triv'd, that of it self did rise aloft; an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, upon which was seated a Boy representing, as is pro∣bably conjectur'd, Ganymede snatch'd up to the Ve∣laria, the purple converings of the Theater sheilding from Sun and Rain, and, as occasion requir'd, shap'd into a Scenical Heaven. Such youths St. Augustine lib. de Civit. Dei•••••• speaking of this argument, calls arreptitos.

24. Arviragus. Not far from Caerloyl, Malmes bu∣riensis says, a stone was found with this inscrip∣tion, Marii victoria: which Humphrey LLuyd, in his Fragment. Eritan. descript. fol. (in 8 vo) 26. thinks, was a Trophie erected by Macurigus (who by some of the Latines, says LLuyd, is called Arviragus, by Others more aptly Marius) In remembrance of a victorie in that place over the Picts, whose King was then call'd Roderic, who, like the Saxons, practis'd piracy upon our Seas. Arviragus is by the Scholi∣ast (according to the copie now extant) called Rex Arbila; the interpreters tell us, that he was in that Age a King of the Bri∣tans, whose manner was to fight in Chariots: Lubin says that he fiercely Rebell'd against the Ro∣mans. But more particularly the story, at least the Legend, of this Arviragus, as it may be collected from our own Historians, is this; he was the younger Son of King Cymbeline; the elder was called Guiderius. Arviragus began his raign Ann. Dom. 44. which was in the 4th. year of the Emperor Claudius: whose daughter Gemissa he married at Glocester, she be∣ing given him by her Father for his singular valour. But denying to continue the payment of a tribute to Rome, Vespasian was sent hither, wonne the Ile of Wight, and thus by force com∣pell'd him to the payment; others say he did it at the entreaty of his Queen. He raign'd 30. years. Marius, his Son, succeeded him. Ann. Dom. 74. which was in the sixt of Vespasian's Raign; see Matthew of Westminster and so about 6. years before Domitian's Raign. Both Arviragus, for va∣lour, and his Son Marius for Wisdome, are high∣ly praised by our Historians. Marius won a bat∣tel against Roderic and his mighty army of Ficts and Stythians (called, by some, Gothes and Hunnes) and at Staimemore in Westmoreland, where the bat∣tel was fought, he caused a pillar to be erected, with this inscription, Marii victoria. Marius was buried at Carsiel, leaving a Son called Coilus, who began his Raign, Ann. Dom. 126. (in the 10th. year of Adrian.) So Juvenal lived in the time of Arviragus; and out-liv'd him many years. The flatterer then is made here to say to Do∣mitian, that she shall overcome an Arviragus; not properly, he being dead before Domitian's raign, but some such stout forraign foe, as he was, yet overcome by Vespasian, Domitian's Father.

25. Upright thy Darts stand! Erectas in terga sudes? Lubin gives this place this sense; As the sinnes did rise on the back of the Turber, so should Domitian's darts on the back of Arvira∣gus: which, I grant, may, as sufficiently expres∣sive, be admitted; yet strictly it is less pro∣per, the finnes being natural to the fish, and so not as weapons oftending him. But I acknow∣ledge, that Timilitudes claim some pardon. But if any less take his opinion, as an inconvenient exposition, I would then render it thus, — On his back behold His: rebel fin arise! implying, that as the forraign beast did with the spreading fins look like) an arm'd rebel, yet, for all his ter∣ror, was caught so though Arviragus were ne∣ver so stout and rebellious, yet he should be∣come at last a Captive. The connexion will be briefly this; The beast is forraign and behaves himself rebelliously; Loe, how he seems arm'd for resistance, rebel like! The view of the Tur∣bot it self will somewhat improve the reason; Behold then the Rhombus with loss trouble, then Domitian's Nobles did. *

[illustration] depiction of a turbot

Juv. Sat. IV. Illust. 25.

26. Rhutupian depths. Rhutupinove edita fun∣do: Rhutupiae according to Ptolemy, Rutupis por∣tus according to Antoninus (now Richborough in the North-East of Kent) had its name, as our learned Camden happily conjectures, from Rhye Tufith in the British, that is, vadum Sabulosum. There was, in the flourishing times of the Ro∣mans, a populous City, where they took ship for forraign parts; and though the City be now become arable, yet Mr. Cambden notes, that where the streets were, the corn even at this time comes-up but thin; and that, in plowing, Roman Coins are often found. By the decay of this place arose Sondwyc, according to the Sax∣ons, now Sandwich, à sabulo. Britannicus ren∣ders it more largly, yet truly enough, ex Mari Britannico; indeed the Roman Luxury did search all Seas for satisfaction. Which wantonness may partly be discern'd here by the varietie of their Oisters, namely Circaean, Lucrine and Rhutupian; and partly from the eigth Satyre, where he mentions also the Gauran. I will only add, that Licinius Mutianus alleged by Hieronymus Colum∣na upon the Fragments of Ennius his Phageti∣ca, p. 252. prefers the Cyzicen Oisters thus, Cyzicena majora Lucrinis, dulciora Britannicis, sua∣viora Edulis, acriora Lepticis, pleniora Lucensibus, sicciora Coryphantenis, teneriora Istricis, candidiora Circeiensibus. See Columna who speaks more largely.

27. With rushing wing. Praecipiti pinnâ, or penna. Some think this an allusion to a custome of sending letters by pigeons, mentioned by Pliny, lib. 10. others to the manner of postes (as Dion relates) who woar a feather on their heads to give notice of their hast. The Scho∣liost thinks it to implie the Consul's manner of sending news to Rome: the Good as he says, be∣ing

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express'd on the letter by a Bay; the bad by a feather. His words are, Si••••ict••riae nunci∣abanour, lauru•• in ••pisteta fiebat••••y: Si••••em ali∣qu••d advers••, pin•••• fie••••••. For which last word Autumnus has, adhibebatur; and Pithaus guesses it should be sereba••ur; but Dempster (on Rosi∣nus, lib. 10. cap. 29.) more easily mends it. thinking it should be sigeb••tar. Indeed concern∣ing the bay-brand•• Salmath (on Pa••cirellus, lib. 1. Tit. 42.) speaks more plainly, Solebant Imperatives Romant, re bene g••sta, literas la••ro revincte•• mittere, adding the reason out of Pli∣ny, at ips•• aspect•• earun•• bo•••••• ••••••ien ••••••tendere∣tur. But the least constrain'd sense in this which I use, taking epistola practpit•• pe••••••d, by an ordi∣nary figure, for a letter of ill news; which usu∣ally is swift-wingd. Of Laureate letters see also Persius. Sar. 6. Illustrat. 5.

28. Imbrued in Lamian blood. Lamiarum ca∣de madenti. The Lamian familie was most no∣ble being sprung from Kings, which by the testimonie of Hower (in his Odyss.) raign'd at Caj••ta. Of which familie was Aelius Lamia, whose wife, Domitia Longina, Domitian took a∣way; as Sueton relates in his life, cap. 1. and afterwards put him to death; as also diverse other eminent persons, Sueton shews in the 20th. chapter of the life of the said Domitian. And here we may note, that when the Poet speaks of the death fo Domitian, saying, Sed periit, postquàm cerdonibus esse timendus Coperat—; (that he was slain, when he began to be terrible to the meaner sort, even to Coblens) some under∣stand by Cerdo••••s, the Christians, thinking the poet, after the manner of the Gentiles, to call them so by way fo contempt. But methinks this exposition shews more sagacitie, then certainty, and therefore I rather follow the Scholiast & others, understanding the word according to the common acception; as most probably it is used again by Juvenal, Sat. 8. in that passage, —qua Turpia cer∣doni Volusos Brutosque decabant.

SATYRE. V.

ARGUMENT.

The Poet here strives to diswade Vile Trebius from his Table-trade: Shews, that though Povertie's some Curse, To be a Parasite is worse: Presents his Patrone Virro's Cheer, Which, bought with Libertie, is Dear. Yet with Great Virro he does joine Rather in Table, then in Wine, Or Cups, or Water, Servants, Bread, Fish, Oile, Flesh, Mushrooms, Fruit: But fed With couz'ning Hope, or Grief at least, Injoys a Famine at a Feast.

IF [1] at thy Resolution thou dost yet Not blush, but on another's trencher set Thy heart and bliss: if tamely thou dost that Digest, which nor (a) Sarmentus suffer'd [2] at Gaesars's proud Table, nor vile (a) Galba e're Indur'd; I'd scarce believe thee, should'st thou Swear. (b) Mere Hunger's wondrous Thristy. But yet grant, Thy empty belly needful food did want: Is no Shoar, Bridge, or more then half-fall'n shed, Void? Dost so prize another's Flout and Bread? His starving Table? With more Honest Need Thou might'st quake there, and on (c) base Dog-bran••fecd. Besides, Count thus; when once he thee invites, All former Service fully he requites. The fruit of his Grand Favour's Vi't'alls: which Though rare, he reckons; reckons though he's (d) Rich. If then after two Months neglect, wee'll grace A Client (though to fill [3] a third void place) Saying, Let's sup together; straight thou dost Injoy thy Wishes! What seek'st more? Now must Trebius break his sleep, now [4] half-dress'd run, Least the Saluting Rout their Round have don, When day-spring dimmes the Stars, [5] or bout the Pole The slow Bootes his cold Wain does rowle.

Yet see the Cheer! Thy wine-dregs moist Wool can't Indure; they make a Guest turn (e) Corybant. Ill words begin; then Cups flie, when a slash Mads thee, and a stain'd Napkin wipes the gash. For when your Lords Freed-men and you fall-out, With Saguntine stone-pots a Battle's fought. His Wine was in some [6] long-hair'd Consul's days Laid in, and a choice grape His cup does praise, Trod-out in our Confed'rates War: to's Friend, Though heart-sick, not a cup of This hee'l send. To-morrow from th' Albane or Setine hills His bowl with wanton choice and wine he fills, Whose Country and Inscription are defac'd With Age: the VVine by th' hoary Vessels grac'd. Such Thraseas and Helvidius with (f) flow'rs crown'd Drank on the Birth-dayes of the two renown'd Bruti and Cassius. Bowls to Virro come Of Amber (such th' Heliades wept) and some All rough with pointed Berylls. Gold they do Not set by Thee; or set a keeper too To tell the Gems, and see, sharp nails forbear; Blame him not; A fair Jasper glisters there. For Virro (as now many) from his rings Unto his Goblets sparkling Jewels brings: The youth yet, who Iarbas fierce out-sway'd, VVith such instarr'd the hilts of his stour Blade. The Beneventane Cobler's glass to Thee They bring, fow'r-nos'd and crack'd, [7] that begs to be Exchang'd for Brimstone-matches. If much meat Or wine thy Patron's stomack over-heat, VVater decoct they fetch, more cold then e're VVas Scythian Frost. Did I complain you were Not serv'd with the same wine? why see, you have Not the same VVater. Some Getulian slave, A Foot-boy, or some Black-Moor's bony hand Brings Thee Thy Cup; whom so ungently tann'd Thou wouldst not meet at mid-night, shouldst thou ride In the steep Latine way, by a Tomb's side. On Him does wait the Flow'r of Asia, who Cost more then stout Tullus and Ancus too VVere worth, in brief then th' Utensils of all Our Kings. Look back then, when for wine thou'dst call, On a Getulian Ganymede. To fill To beggers, a Boy bought so dear wants skill. Yet such a Face and Age do well agree VVith such disdain. VVhen comes he then to Thee Though call'd, [8] with his hot water, and his cold? Indeed he scorns to wait upon an old Client; that Thou should'st call for things, and lie At ease as 'twere in state, and He stand by.

Ev'ry great house is full of such proud slaves. See too, how one that sets the bread behaves Himself with growling; bread, which hardly can Be broken, musty crusts, the which a man May with his jaw-tooth rather gnaw, then cat: But for thy Lord's set snow-white, tender wheat, Keep back your fingets, pray; [9] and in awe stand Of the dread Butler. Yet suppose thy hand More sawcy, such thy sawciness were vain; There's one, will make thee lay it down again. From your own Basket will you not be fed, Bold guest, and learn the colour of your bread? Th' art pierc'd and groan'st thus, Wast for this (poor Man!) I've left my Wife so oft and up-hill ran On the cold Esquiline (g) in Spring when main Hail ratled down, and my Cloak drop'd with rain? Lo, with what depth of breast thy Patrone's Fish Deck'd round with Sperage-buds extends a Dish? VVith what a Tail he sleights a Feast? Inhaunc'd He comes, by a tall Servant's Armes advanc'd. Thou some shrunk Crab-fish and half-egge dost get: A [10] Fun'ral Supper in like dish they set. His Fish swims in Venafrian oile: but Thy Half-wither'd Hearbs (poor wretch) in Lamp-oile lie. For, what his wooden dish yields for thy lips, Came [11] in Misipsian canes by sharp-beak'd Ships. For which our Bathes rank Boccher shun; He's Hot: Gainst Africk Serpents this Stink's Antidote. Thy Lord a Corsick Barbel has, or one The Taurominian rocks did yield; for none In our own Seas are left. The Roman Throat Devours so fast; and Markets all so note, So search our Seas with daily nets, th' exceed: They respite not the Tyrrhens fish to breed. The Provinces our Kitchins help, and That Comes Thence, which progging Lenas buyes, and what Aurelia sells. A goodly Lamprey caught In the Sicilian Gulph, to Virro's brought. For whiles the South-wind in his Dungeon sits Pruning his rainy wings, and so admits A little calm, the hardy nets dare view The midst of fierce Carybdis. Now on You There waits an Eele, half-Snake, or some Fish bred In our own Tiber, whom th' Ice spots, one fed Fat with the rowling City-sink; his fault VVas, he swom fat-up [12] the Suburra vault. VVe'd speak a word t'him, if mild ear he'l lend: VVe ask not what was sent to a poor friend By Seneca, good Piso, Cotta; when Bounty, not Names and Consul's Rods, made men.

VVe say but This, Sup Civilly; Like more Be then, Rich to thy self, to thy Friend Poor. Thy Lord his [13] Great Goose-liver has; as fair A Hen; a smoaking Boar worthy of rare Golden-lock'd Meleager's Spear; In Spring Scrap'd Mushroomes too, which welcome Thunder bring. Corn, says Aledius, do Thou, (h) Lybia, spend: Unyoak thy Oxen, so thou Mushrooms send. In the mean time, that thou may'st want no greif, Thou see'st a Carver Dancing, whiles with cheif Motions and Laws of Hand, his flying knife Acts all his Master's Dictates to the Life. 'Tis no small difference, with what gesture men Of Art Vnlace a Hare and Spoil a Hen. Now if thou should'st once mutter, [14] as too free, As if a Three-nam'd Man, straight thou should'st be Dragg'd out of the doors by th' heels; So entertain'd VVas Cacus, who by Hercules was brain'd. Besides, does Virro drink to Thee? or take The cup thy lips have touch'd? Yet dar'st thou make So bold, to say, Sir Drink to Me? They dare Not utter much, whose cloaks are grown thread-bare. But yet [15] fow'r hundred Sesterces if straight Some God or Heros, kinder then thy Fate, Threw thee: from wretch, from nothing, O how grown Thou'dst be? How dear to Virro then? Then none But Thou! Carve Trebius of this dish; that other Reach Trebius. Will you of these entrails, Brother? O Money, Thee he dreads, his Brother Thee He makes. But now if thy Lord's Lord thou'dst be, No young Aeneas in thy Hall must toy. About, not Daughter sweeter then the Boy. A barren VVife makes Friends esteem'd. Yet, though Thy Mygale into thy bosome throw Three Children, with thy chatt'ring nest he fine Sport makes; [16] gives a green coat, nuts and small coin, If ask'd; when as thy Infant-Parasite Unto his Table comes; Thou can'st requite. Dangerous Mushromes to Poor friends they set; To thy Lord choice ones, such as Claudius eat: Yet such I mean, as he did eat before His wife's came, after which he eat no more. For Virro and his Virros with choice skill Apples they bring, whose very smell does fill. Such the Phaeacian's endless Autumne brought: You'd think them from the Africk Sisters caught. A Scurvy one Thou hast, yet must be glad: Such [17] at the Mount th' Ape gnaws, which, with shield clad And Helmet, fearing the shrew'd scourge to know, Learns from the Goat's rough Back the dart to throw.

Perchance thou think'st Virro does this in Thrift: He does't to Vex thee. For, what Comick drift, VVhat Mimick's better, then a murm'ring Throat? All this is done, if yet thou dost not know't, To make thee Crie, Rave and thy Jaw-teeth dash, And, though long time suppress'd, Now loudly gnash. Yet Thou as Free and thy Lord's Guest dost swell: He thinks the Nose-led by his Kitchin's smell. Nor does he guess amiss. For who's so poor, So stripp'd, that such a Lord hee'd twice indure? VVho, that young wore [18] th' Etrurian golden boss, Or but the Knot, the Leathern Signe more gross? The Hope of Supping-well starves thee. Sure, some Of that half hare, or that Boar's haunch will come To Us, to Us that fat Hen. Thus at last, Ev'n the hard bread untouch'd, y'are Mute and Fast. He's wise that serves thee thus. All which, if bean Thou 'Canst, thou Ought'st. A [19] shaven crown thou'lt wear In time, then be well knock'd, and scourg'd in th' End, VVorthy of such a Feast and such a Friend.

NOTES on JUVENAL, Sat. V.

(a) NOr Sarmentus nor Galba. Sarmentus was a famous Droll in Augustus Caesars Reign, and by such Arts insinuated himself at last into the Emperors favor so far, as to have the priviledge of coming frequently to his Table, where he (being a Roman Knight) to the dishonour of his quality, endur'd all manner of af∣fronts, while he endeavour'd to sauce their dishes with his scurrility upon others and himself. See a famous Duel of Wit fought by this Sarmen••us, and one Messius Cicerrus, pleasantly describ'd by a more innocent Droll, Horat. lib. 1. Sat. 5.

—Nunc mihi paucis Sarmenti scurre pugnam, Messique Cicerri Musa velim memores.

Apiclus Galba exercised the same illiberal Apt••in the ruign of Tiberius, and is often mention'd by Martial. Aristotle's making 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a vertue in his Nicom. and the an∣cient Romans worshiping the Goddess Vacuna (i. e. Dea quae praeficit vacantibus & otiosis, ut in ipsis recreationibus religionem colere viderentur, vide Hospin. de Fe••t. Decemb.) shew there is an innocent kind of Drollery to be allow'd of: But when men shall have no regard of honesty or Religion, and spend the little wit they have in abusing themselves and others onely to gratify their Patrons, and get a Dinner, this is that which our Poet Quarrels at. These Parasites are called by way of contempt Mures by Plaut. in P••rsa; quod semper alienum edunt cibum: They are also in the Proverb compar'd to Muscae; see Erasmus Adag. Impudentior Musca, for these Muscae us'd to trouble the Heathens in their Sacrifices to Belzebub (a God of Flies, as the word signifies) and so did these Drolls, which occa∣sion'd Aristotles elegant term, by which he expresses this vice of scurrility in his Nicom. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an Altar, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because these Drolls lay behind the Altars till the Sacrifice was over, and then pleas'd the Sacrificers with some jests, till their bellies were fill'd with the relicts of the Sacrifices. This likewise they did at Great mens Tables, all which will do more then justify the indignation of our Satyrist.

(b) Meer hunger is wondrous thrifty. Ventre nihil frugalius. That nature is con∣tent with a very little, has been the constant observation of the soberer Heathens. Plato observes, that Man of all other creatures, spends the most time in digesting his meat: to denote that nature would not have those nobler employments (for which man was created) interrupted by too frequent eating, and as this is a good Moral reason, so the Physical reason (which Anatomists afford us) is not to be contemn'd, for they observe that the Ileon, one of the guts through which our meat must pass, is 6 times longer than our whole body, and so folded in and out, (hence its Etymology from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 involvo) and withal so small, that the meat cannot presently pass through it.

(c) Base dog-Bran. Farris Canini. Far is well known to signify Barly when taken properly, it has its name à frangendo, apud antiquos enim molarum usus nondum erat, sed frumentum in pilâ missum frangebant. Vid. Isid. in voce Zea. populum Rom. farre tantum è fru∣mento 300 annis usum, Verrius tradidit Plin. lib. 18. cap. 7. & cap. 2.3. he says, Romani (uti & Graeci) existimantes omnium frugum antiquissimn̄ & pretiosissimum, ab hoc in omni sacrificio, in quo victima crematur igne, inition sumunt; and hence they called your Sacras nuptias, confarrea∣tionem à farris communicatione; this being their best sort of grain they then had. But af∣terwards Wheat was invented, and Barly was accounted a courser Grain, and fit to be eaten only by the poorer sort: The Epither Canini makes it yet courser, such as was fit only to be thrown to dogs. Frandium Caninum is put for a poor ordinary dinner in Agell. lib. 13. cap. 30. ubi plura.

(d) Rich. Rex. i.e. potens & dives amicus, in the same sense Horace, saepe veresundum laudasti, rexque paterque audisti coram, &c. Horat. Epist. 7. lib. 1. and Plant. Asin. Act. 5. ni impetro, regem perdidi, &c. and our Poet below, vers. 129. ut dicat regi, bibe, &c.

(e) Corybant. Corybanta. The mad Priests of Cybele, amongst many other names, were call'd Corybantes, either from one Corybantus, one of her first attendants, or from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉occultare, because they conceal'd Jupiter by the great noise they made with their Cymbals call'd therefore aera Corybantia, or rather as Strabo lib. 10. will have it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quod in armis cum saltatione incederent: These Priests were infamous for their drunken and frantick performance of the rites of their Goddess, which is the Ground of our Poets expression.

(f) With flowers Crown'd. Quale Coronati, &c. The Antiquity of celebrating Birth days, may sufficiently be prov'd out of Scripture, as Mark 6. and Gen. 40. & 42. The manner of their celebration is more largly set down by our Poet in the beginning of the 12 Sat. and by Persius in the beginning of his 2 Sat. and because at such times they did indulgere Genio, they us'd to wear Crowns sometimes made of Apium, as is pro∣ved at large by Lambinus on that of Horace Ode the 11. lib. 4. Est in horto Phylli nectendis api∣um Coronis, &c. but most commonly of Hedera, which is therefore so often mention'd by Poets as a Tree sacred to Bacchus, and that such who drunk hard, wore such Crowns, appears from Plantus Amphit. Act. 3. where Mercury is brought in speaking thus, Capiam Coronam mi in caput assimulabo me esse ebrium: and Cicero describing the debauchoes of his time Catil. 2. says they were Vino languidi, conferti cibo, ••ertis redimiti, & Plinie gives us the reason of this custome, by telling us, that Ivy had a vertue in it of expelling the vapors arising from Wine, and in his 16 lib. cap. 35. adds this experiment, si vinum mix∣tum aqua immittatur in vasculum ex materia hederacea confictum vinum effluet, aqua remanebit. Besides these Arts, they us'd sometimes to eat the leaves of Laurel as Martial hints, Foetere multo myrtale solet vino, sed fallat ut nos folia devorat Lauri, our drunkards may learn many other Medicines to cure the Head-ach us'd of old by the merry Greeks from Athen. Deipnos. lib. 4. cap. 2. tot. The Poet therefore uses this expression, to shew with what jollity these Stoicks Thraseas and Helvidius-celebrated the birth days of the Bruti, one of which expell'd Tarquinius Superbus, the other was amongst the Murderers of J. Caesar, both accounted Patriots of their Country of this Thraseas and Helvidius. See Tacit. Annal. 16. and Suet. in Neron.

(g) In Spring, &c. Jupiter Ʋernus. Jupiter is put for air, the seat of such Meteors, and the Epithet of Ʋernus has a great deal of Philosophy in it, for in the Spring and Autumne the greatest hail usually falls, as may be learn'd from Aristoile, in his Meteors, and Commentators on him.

(h) O Libye disjunge boves, &c. Libya when strictly taken, signifies only that part of Africa which lies betwixt the River Nilus and Cyrene: It had its name either from Libya the Daughter of Epaphus, or from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an old Greek word for black, and so agrees with the complexion of the Inhabitants: or (as the learned Bochart) from the Arabick word Lub sitire, hence Lucan. lib. 1. Libyae sitientis arenas. And Ʋirg. Hinc deserta siti regio: and because this Country is so sandy, and barren, that according to the Proverb,

Aegypti sulcus Libyae non curat arenas.

It cannot be the Libya here mention'd by Juvenal: we must therefore note that the Greeks did by an usual Synecdoche by Libya understand all that part of the world which was called Africa by the Latines: and hence Libs the South wind is by the Latine Poet call'd Africus, creberque procellis Africus; and hence Dionysius in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. divides the world into these three parts, Libya, Europe, and Asia, see vers. 9.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

And Libya took in this large sence for all Africa may well be understood here; for Africa is well known to have abounded with Corn, and hence Bochart derives it from Pherik an Arabian word, signifying an ear of Corn. And Ovid de Ponto, lib. 4. Africa quot Segetes? and Aegypt a part of Africa, was always acknowledged —Horreum populi Romani, because it did annually furnish Rome with four Months Provision: insomuch that it was said by Pliny, that the greatness of the Roman Empire could not long continue without the Corn and Wealth of Egypt. And this the Romans were so sensible of, that they al∣lowed the Ships of Alexandria, which brought this Corn, the honour and priviledge of having Suppara or top-sails, as Lips. ad Sen. Epist. 77. and Cas••ub. ad Sueton. Aug. c. 98. This makes our Poet so angry with the glutton Aledius, because he prefer'd his tubera before all the Corn of Libya.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Fift Satyre.

Iniquae Mensae. The Roman Fashion of Lying on Beds at their Meals. Tricli∣nium. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Caput Lecti. The cheif place at the Table 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Men∣sae secundae. Boni Eventus Poculum. The Number of Ghuests and Beds, Various. Sigma. Antisigma. The Ancients Storing-up of Wines. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Wa∣ter Heated and Drunk with Wine. Snow mixt with Wine. Canna and Gan∣deia. Altilis. Different Opinions about the Right of Tria Nomina. Heroës. Hirsuta Capella; the diverse interpretations of it, examin'd. Bulla aurea. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Britannicus his opinion about Vertice raso. Shaving, a mark of Servitude.

1.IF at thy resolution, &c. Si te propositi nondum pudet, &c. Lubin will here have not si, but sic, making it signifie as much as siccine; and so reads it with an interrogation, ac∣knowledging that it is diffe∣rent from all Copies, but thinking that otherwise the place yields no convenient sense. But such alterations (without copie) be∣ing rather to make, then expound a work, I re∣tain the usual Reading: nor seems there any in∣convenience, the Poet's meaning being this, If thou art troubled neither with Shame nor Greif at worse disgraces, then the Parasites Sarmentus and Galba suffer'd at other mens, I should scarce be∣lieve thee, though thou should'sh swear that thou had'st such patience; it being indeed a Baseness never to be found in the nature of man, unless ex∣treamly degenerated.

2. At Caesar's pround table, &c.—Iniquas Caesaris ad mensas. Johannes Brod••us in his Miscell. lib. 9. cap. 1. expounds iniquas by unequal; because there was worse cheer provided for the ghuests, then for Caesar. This I grant to be witty; yet the common exposition made by Briannicus and others seems more natural; who, interpret it by the scornful and jeering table of Great men, according to that which follows, Tantine Injuria coenae? implying that they were intertain'd rather with a Flout, then a Feast. Besides, there might be some diffe∣rence of provision at Caesar's table for himself and a Sarmentus; and yet no injury done to such a ghuest.

3. Though to fill a third void place. Tertia ne vacuo cessaret culcitra lecto. That the Ancient Ro∣mans lay on Beds, or Couches, at their meales is commonly known; yet in the first or most ancient times, they did use to sit, as Varro tells us: but their conquests over Asia, Greece, and Hannibal, taught them this wantonness. Thus Syphax the Numidian King (at Livie notes, Decad. 3. lib. 8.) supp'd lying on a Couch, when he entertain'd Sci∣pio and Hasdrubal. Virgil also imples the like of Di∣do, when he says of Aeneas, Inde thoro pater Aeneas sic orsus ab alto: yet after the men were grown to this fashion, it was Long e're Women came unto such boldness. Besides, Cato Ʋticensis, when Civil war was once begun in his Country, in sign of sorrow and severitie supp'd always sitting, as Plutarch notes of him. See Aldus Manutius de Quaesitis per Epist. lib. 1. ep. 4. The Place wherein they supp'd was metony∣mically call'd Triclinium from the usual number of the beds, which were placed about the table: but more properly it signified the beds themselves. Plautus in Bacchid. mentions Biclinium; but triclini∣um was most usual. The Table at first was of a plain form, foursquare, and thence call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, at it is usually deriv'd from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and accordingly had four feet. But afterwards they us'd Round tables, and some semicircular; the meaner sort standing on three feet, the more stately on One. Cameratius therefore to avoid the inconvenience of the first derivation brings it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from moving the foot of it, The figure of the beds com∣passing the usual table, like three sides of a square about a circle (the fourth being left open for the waiters and the or∣dering of the Table) is thus set down by Camerarius. Decur. 9. Problem. 6. *

[illustration] schematic of the layout of a Roman dining room

The manner was after they had wash'd and put off their gowns, as also their shooes (least they should soil the couches, which were fairly adorn'd to put-on a garment conveni∣ent for the purpose;

and then upon each of the beds usually lay Three, sometimes Four. Each did lean on his Left elbow, the Second with his head in the bosome of the first, and the third with his head in the bosome of the Second; yet so, that their heads were somewhat erect, with cushions (or pillows) behind their backs to bear them up. After which manner they lay, whiles they did eat: but at times of intermis∣sion they lean'd their backs and heads towards their pillow, somewhat erecting the upper part of their body, as if they sate. Which posture of the lower part at a table with one couch (more the phansie may supplie) is by Mercurialis, (lib. 1. Gymnaslic, p. 55.) thus aptly portray'd. *

[illustration] depiction of a Roman dinner with diners reclining and waiting staff carrying dishes

ACCVBITVS

Juv. Sat. V. Illust. 3. 6.

Which being supposed, the dignitie of place at the table may be thus conceiv'd. Of three beds the Middle∣most was the Chief; and on each bed he that lay without any body behind him, the First, ad Caput lecti, was called summus: yet of three (on the same bed) the Middlemost person was the Chief, and summus in order was the Second in Dignitie. If four lay on one bed, the Second in Order, that is, He which was Next unto Summus, was the Chief; and Summus, or the first in Order, was likewise but the Second in Dignitie. If there lay but Two on a bed, summus, or the first in Order, was the Chief; as Lipsius, Rosinus, and Others determine it; yet with this remembrance, that the Wife's proper place was in the bosome of the husband. Besides, it must be observ'd, that this number of 12. or 9. or fewer ghuests, was but the convenient rule at private feasts: for at publick, as at Marri∣ages or the like, these rules could not be observ'd. The master of the feast was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

A feast in the latter and luxurious times of the Ro∣mans was divided into three parts, or courses; as Lipsius notes, lib. 3. Antiqu. Lection. the first of which was call'd Ante••••••a; the second Coena, and the third Mensae secundae. The first was not us'd in the thrifty times of the Romans; the second was the Chief, and at this the chief Dish was call'd Caput coenae: The ••uird consisted of Fruit and Junkets. You may see in Macrobius his Saturnal. lib. 2. cap. 9. (according to Pontanus his correction) the particulars of the two first parts of such a feast; and of the last part, in cap. 14, 15. and 16. When their mensae secundae were brought-in, they had their boni eventus (1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) poculum; and then they began their Drink∣ing for the consummation of their meeting and mirth; as Caemerarius notes in the fore-cited place. And here it will be necessary, for the preventing of an inconvenience, to add, what the learned Petrus Ciacconius (de Triclinio) says concerning our Saviours last supper with his Disciples. He first determines, that for them all, though thirteen, there were but three couches about the table; and his reason is, be∣cause at farther distance, they could not all have reach'd to the same dish: which possibilitie must be granted from that in the text (Matt. 26, 23.) He that dippeth his hand with me in the dish, the same shall betray me. This may be confirm'd also from the name, triclinium; as the accurate Fulvius Ʋrsinus notes upon this passage of Juvenal, in his Appendix to that work of Ciacconius, p. 104. saying, that the Romans did place only three beds about a table, nisi cum coena publica daretur, aut convivium exhiberetur ab Imperato∣ribus. Ciacconius then disposes them thus; He places five of the Disciples on each of the lower or side beds; and on the Middlemost (or, uppermost) three, namely our Saviour, St. John (who is said to have lain in his bosome) and thirdly (si divinare permit∣titur, as He speaks) St. Peter: and his reason is, Is e∣nim veluti proximus Johanni innuit, ut ex Domino aucto∣rem tanti facinoris quaereret. Yet according to the former doctrine we must grant our Saviour to have been between these two disciples, because otherwise we cannot attribute unto him the chief place (which was the middlemost) on the same bed; and therefore veluti must a little temper proximus; and St. Peter will notwithstanding be near enough for the pur∣pose he intends, and have the summus, or first place in Order, but the second in dignity; and St. John will have the third, or last place, and so be in the bosome of our Saviour. We may farther take no∣tice, that Fulvius Ʋrsinus, p. 102. shews from Martial and Athenaeus, that sometimes six, nay seven lay on one couch; and that, p. 126, and 128. he shews, that sometimes they had one semicircular bed, which they called Sigma, from an ancient form of that Greek letter, like the Roman C; and that sometimes they added another semicircular bed on the other side, which they call'd antisigma, and so of both made a compleat circle of couches about a round table. This Truth may discover many errors, that may be met with; and the Reader may observe, that when the Table was in the fashion of a Hemicycle, the fore part only left for the waiters cannot properly be called the Hemicycle, though by some it be so call'd, that being but the less part of the figure.

4. Now half-dress'd run. Et ligulas dimittere; to let the strings (for hast) hang loose, wherewith his garments, or shoes should have been tied together: which I render therefore according to the more general sense of the word; though Festus Pompeius makes it a part of the shooe, like a tongue thrust∣forth. He means, it seems, the buckle of the shooe; though the word be of a larger signification, being sometimes taken also for a measure, and sometimes for a kind of sword.

5. Or 'bout the Pole The slow Bootes his cold wain does rowle. Quo se Frigida circumaguni pigri Sar∣raca Bootae. The Poet describing here the early speed of Clients in visiting their Patrons, so to indear themselves unto them, says that they came by day-break or more early, when Charles-wain rowles a∣bout in the North part of Heaven: not that he means it stands still at any time; but that they came even before day-break, or by night when yet the motion of the waine was Apparent. Janus Parrhasius (epist. 1.) speaking of this passage of Juvenal, does more particularly describe the time of Bootes his appear∣ing to be circiter secundam vigiliam, nocte videlicet in∣tempestâ, adding afterward, Boötes autem-sub easdem noct is hor as incipit apparere, & ante crepusculum matu∣tinum desinit. Now the Second Watch of the night being from nine till twelve, it were absurd to as∣cribe that time for Clients. It must be then under∣stood by what he adds, that then it Begins to ap∣pear, and disappears before Day-break; so that the meaning is, They came not only at day-break, but some sooner, whiles yet Charles-wain was to be seen.

6. His wine was in some Long-hair'd Consul's days Layd-in. Ipse capillato diffusum consule potat. He means in the Ancient times of Rome; And here I render diffusum not according to the Acti∣on intended by it, but the Purpose; it signifying here not wine fill'd-out as to be presently drunk (though that be Lubin's first exposition, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dolio in craterem, & è cratere in pateram fusum, not su∣table to the sense of the place) but wine pour'd out from one vessel into another, and so stor'd up; according to that of Eudaeus, de asse, (lib. 5. p. 235.) Vina autem in doliis inveterascere non si∣nebant antiqui, sed in amphoras & ca••os dissunde∣bant. Thus Pliny, lib. 4. cap. 4. relates of wine that was kept 200. years, and that it look'd like hony. And on such vessels plaister'd up they in∣scrib'd the Country of the Wine, and the names of the Consuls, in whose year they laid it in. And such brave wine, says the Poet, was drank by the lovers of the Roman Liberty, on the birth-days of the Bruti, that is, say some, D. Junius Brutus, that expell'd Tarquin, and M. Brutus, that help'd to destroy Caesar. But the Reader may know that both these Bruti lived at the same time, and con∣spir'd against Caesar: but he that expell'd Tarquin, was call'd Lucius Junius Brutus. See Sat. 1. Illust. 1.

7. That begs to be exchang'd for brimstone-matches, Et rupto poseentem sulphura vitro. Upon the word Sulphura, the Scholiast says, Quia hoc solent vitrum solidare, id est, maltare; which word seems to come from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a kind of soder, as it is commonly expounded, made with lime, sand, water, pitch and wax, and nam'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉(from the softness of it.) So that He implies, that Trebius had as base a cup or glass (for calix and vitrum ruptum are here the same) as the Be∣neventane cobler had; and that being broken, it requir'd to be soder'd. But Britannicus and others reject this exposition; expounding it with more probabilitie, as I render it; it being the manner ev'n in those times to change-away broken ware for other trifles, as here broken glass for brim∣stone-matches, according to the probable sense of that in Martial (lib. 1. epig. 42.) Qui pallentia sulphurata fractis permutat vitreis: where saying not sulphura, but Sulphurata, he implies them to have been somewhat besides brimstone.

8. With his hot water and his cold. —calida Celidaeque minister. Amongst many differences be∣tween the proud Virro and his wretched Guest, he says, the guest is attended at the table by some Negro, but the Lord by some curious waiter, such an one as this *

[illustration] depiction of a serving boy carrying a drinking horn

Juv. Sat. V. Illust. 8.

presented from an ancient expression. And as for the curiositie of the Rich man's wine and water, he mentions The Custome of the Ancients to drink Cold or Hot water alone, as some, or mixt with their wines, as others, is generally known: yet this difference may be ob∣serv'd, that the mixture of hot water was count∣ed the worse wantonness, as Philo (de vitâ Theo∣retica) and Others note. The use of this was cheifly in Winter. The vessel, wherein they pre∣par'd their hot water, was call'd miliarium, as Sal∣muth (on Panciroll, lib. 1. Tit. 51.) shews out of Ʋlpian; and from Seneca, in his Nat. Quaest. lib. 3. cap. 24. Muret also noted the same on that place of Seneca. The name is by some deriv'd from it's ca∣pacitie of many measures. Yet concerning their aqua frigida they were likewise grown to singular wantonness, keeping snow under ground, for such uses, till Summer and as Seneca implies, (epist. 78.) they did mix snow with their wine.

9. And in awe stand of the dread butler. Salva sit artoptae reverentia. Britannicus reads, Artocopi, de∣riving it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, bread, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, labour; and thinking it to signifie, Elaborate bread. Others take 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) according to the Oraecians, for the Baker himself. The Scholiast reads, Artoptae; yet takes it either for the Baker, or the Pan in which the bread was baked; and so some derive it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, asso; but Lu∣bin better (as I think) from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (vi∣deo) alleaging in the like kind, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vini inspe∣ctor. So that artopta shall here in general signifie the butler, or overseer of the bread, in a great fa∣milie perchance a distinct officer.

10. A funeral supper, Feralis coena. They did place in the sepulchers of the dead, to appease their ghosts (such was the Heathens folly) a lit∣tle milk, hony, water, wine and olives; and strew'd flowers. It was call'd feralis, from fera; which, as Britannicus notes, did with the Ancients signifie Death (probably deriving it from ferio.) But some more accurately take Caena feralis, as I shew on Persius. Sat. 6. Illust. 4.

11. Came in Micipsian canes by sharp-beak'd ships. Canna Micipsarum prora subvexit acutâ. Mi∣cipsian, that is, Africane, from Micipsa King of Nu∣midia in Africa. But this verse is diversely ex∣pounded; The Scholiast taking Canna for a kind of ship (by some render'd a Canao;) and Britan∣nicus making canna prorâ acutâ to be the same thing, a sharp-beak'd ship, saying Hoc autem dicit, quia ut scribit Plinius, lib. 7. cap. 56. naves fiunt utiles ex papyro, & scirpo & arundine, simulqne ad id respex∣it, quod in India arundines sint tantae proceritaris, ut ex singulis internodiis naviculae fiant, qua alveo naviga∣bili ternos interdum homines ferant. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 2. But this methinks does not satisfie: for though they might of such weak materials make a vessel that might serve on Nilus, yet it would prove too weak for the Mediterranean wave; and according to his own allegation it was but of capacitie for two or three, as being made but of the spaces be∣tween the knots or joints of the cane. And though it were possible for such a boat to cross that Sea, yet these ships here intended were of usual passage between Africk and Italie. Lubin, though he al∣leges not any reason for the rejecting of the former opinion, prefers, and as I think, rightly the in∣terpretation of some, that expound canna by dolio∣lum, making it probable from Strabo, who says that the African canes are of a mervallous thick∣ness; and therefore he thinks, that the parts of them serv'd for vessels, wherein they put their oile, and so shipp'd it over for Italie. This I think the most congruous, and so, as distinct things, render canna by the cane, or oile-vessel, and prora by the ship. As concerning the two next verses (prop∣ter quod Romae cum Boccare nemo lavatur. Quod tutos etiam facit à serpentibus Afris) some would trans∣pose them, others leave-out the latter: but the difference being not much material, we may re∣tain the order and number in the common copies; and the rather; because the particle etiam in the last verse, if it were plac'd in the second, were less needful; but if left to the third, is an apt addi∣tion of a farther aggravation. According to which the sense is briefly this; African ships bring over for thee, poor Trebius, African oile, for whose rankness no man will indure the same Bath with

a Bocchor, an African (some make him the same with Bocchus, sometime a King of the Moores) since it out-stinks, nay drives-away African, or the most rank, Serpents.

12. Pinguis torrente cloacâ. Rutgersins (Var. Le∣ction. lib. 2. cap. 17.) would have it, torpente, sluggish; which is a witty varietic, but without copie; besides, whether it be right, let Britanni∣cus judge, who says here, Nam tota urbs pensili•• erat cloacis, corrivatis septem amnibus a M. Agrippa sordes urbis in Tyberim deferentibus. Lege Livium. But as for the fish, which is in the former words said thus to grow fat,—glacie aspersus maculis Tyberinus, and was thought to be spotted with the ice, it is the Lupus or Wolf-fish, prais'd by Varro. Yet Co∣lumella noted, that by the luxurie of the times, it begun to be sleighted; much more then, in after∣times, as in Juvenal's age. There were two sorts of them, as Brodaus (Miscell. lib. 7. cap. 27.) notes out of columella; of one of which kinds he says, — quorum dorsum ex albo caruleum est, venter candidus nigris maculis conspersus; and this was noted as the worse sort.

13. Thy Lord his Great goose-liver has; as fair A hen; a smoaking boar. Anseris ante ipsum magni jecur, anseribus par Altilis, & flavi dignus ferro Me∣leagri Spumat aper. Thus it is most commonly point∣ed and expounded. But Marsilius Cagnatus (in his Var. Observation, lib. 2. cap. 14.) places the point after anseribus par, referring altilis to aper; and then expounding the first part thus, that the liver was as big as the goose, according to that of Martial (lib. 13.) Aspice quâm magno tumeat jecur ansere maju••. Yet there is no necessitic to draw Juvenal's words to the like sense; Altilis may, I grant, be truly, rather then aptly, applied to aper, it seem∣ing superfluous when the boar is come to the ta∣ble; as is suppos'd in this place. Besides it is us'd in the end of this Satyre, for a hen, which because it was fatted is there call'd minor altilis (as Britan∣nicus expounds it) which I grant was spoken by way of difference from aper, of which the Poet spake in the former verse. And in this place to take it for gallina is a very fit and Satyrical aggra∣vation of the sense in this passage, signifying the gluttonous excess of Virro and such like, in fatting a hen to the size of a large goose.

14. —As too free, As if a Three-nam'd man. Tanquam babeas tria nomina; Thus the Manuscripts have it: and by the Scholiast and Britannicus it is expounded De nobili; so that they make the right of three names to have been the propertie of a No∣ble man; and so the sense of the Poet to be this, Thou poor Trebius must not talke boldly, as if thou wert a Noble man and great Virro's equal. For the proof of which exposition Britannicus alleges that of Ausonius (Edyll. 11.) Tres equitum turme, tria nomina nobiliorum. Yet Lylins Gyraldus, Lubin and the most expound it more largely De ingenuo & libero, making the right of three names the pro∣pertie of every Freeman; and so the sense to be this, Thou poor Trebius maist not be so bold, as to talk like a Freeman. To judge of which two so different opinions, it may be observ'd that at the first even the most noble person had but two names, as Valerius Maximus testifies (lib. 10.) though in after-times such eminent persons for some special cause had a third name added; and at last custome bestow'd this credit upon every Freeman. So wit∣nesses Quintilian (who liv'd in Juvenal's time) lib. 7. cap. 3. in these words, Propria liberi, quae ne∣mo habet nisi liber, praenomen, nomen, cognomen, tribum: haber haec addictus. Where he add•• that they which were made free were admitted into some tribe (and, as some say, call'd also by the name of the tribe) and that this right of three names a Free∣man retain'd, although he were in debt ad (addi∣ctus) deliver'd-up to his creditours, till he could redeem himself. Which being so clear a truth, there is one doubt fit to be observ'd, and the ra∣ther because not observ'd by the Interpreters that expound this passage De ingenuo & libero; and that is, how the Poet could say of Trebius, Tanquam habeas tria nomina; for this were plainly to denie him to be a Freeman. But Trebius, though poor, was one of Virro's Clients, now Clients though they perform'd much honourarious attendance upon their patrons, yet were not properly servants, but sometimes guests, and so Freemen. Let Juvenal be judge, who des∣cribing Clients hasting for the sportula, says it was Turbae rapiend a togetae; now the toga was proper to the Citizen, as the tunica without the toga, to Ser∣vants. Trebius then being a Freeman, we must (unless we will reject Copie) expound it with Britannicus, De Nobili, and understand Juvenal (as also Ausonius) to speak of the right of three names as it was bestowed for some samous cause at the first. So that Juvenal may seem here satyrically (though he himself also enjoy'd the priviledge of three names) to check the vain custome of be∣stowing three names upon every one that was made free; such emptie names being but the guist of their masters, and as well marks of their old ser∣vitude, as of their new liberties. But if any would understand this passage De ingenuo according to the latter custome of the Romans, they must flie to Conjecture for some new Reading. In which way of exposition the learned Rigaltius very wittily thinks that Juvenal writ, Quanquam habeas tria no∣mina: this indeed avoids the alleg'd inconvenience concerning Trebius, and according to this the sense will be this, Thou Trebius, must not talk Freely, though thou art a Freeman: for Though thou art a Freeman, thou art but a poor man. But the Cri∣tical rule of interpretation prefers not Guess before Copie, where this does yield a tolerable sense; wherefore I retain in my interpretation the first exposition; to this sense, Thou maist not (though free) talk like a Nobleman, like a three-nam'd man of the first institution, before the priviledge be∣came ordinary. And thus the ancient Reading, Tanquam, will be preserv'd.

15. But yet four hundred Sesterces if straight some God or Heros, &c. Quadringenta tibi si quis Deus, aut similis Diis, &c. He means quadringenta sesterti••••. (3125 l.) a Roman Knight's yearly re∣venue according to the Law. Thus much, as the Poet says, if some God, aut similis Diis, some He∣ros, as Lubin renders it, or some Man by his Boun∣tie not unlike the Gods, should bestow on thee, Virro would then esteem thee. Where it may be observ'd, that the Heroës according to the do∣ctrine of the Pythagoreans were Good Angels, as they sometimes call them, being of a middle nature be∣tween the Gods and their Daemones terreni, that is, Learned and Wise Men: for unto these three sorts of excellent natures they held a reverence to be due. So Hierocles an Alexandrian Philosopher of that Sect, in his Commentary In aurea Pythagoreo∣rum carmina (publish'd by Curterius) p. 18. di∣stinguishes them: and p. 41. describes them saying, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And these Heroës of a more excellent nature then Man, they held to be Rational: according to which

doctrine, he describes a Heros, p. 290. thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Every Heros is a Rational Soul join'd with a Lucide, or enlightned, body; and p. 46. he says, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. ΚΑΤΑΞΘΟΝΙΟΥΣ ΔΑΙΜΟΝΑΣ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that deservedly he joyn'd them together and call'd Wise Men Terrene Angels, according to those golden verses, which he expounds,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Th' Immortal Gods First honour, as they're plac'd. Esteem thy Oath: th' Heroës Next, so grac'd: Wise Mortals too. What's Law, be That imbrac'd.

16. Gives a green coat. Viridem thoraca. The Poet says, that a man, though formerly poor, if he become rich, shall he flatter'd by the rich, espe∣cially if he be childless; if, as he speaks, he have no young Aeneas sporting in his house, in auld; which some render, in his Court, in respect of the allusion to Dido and Aeneas in Virgil. But the word not only signifying the Court of a Prince, but also the Court or Hall (for so diversely it is taken) of a privace, though a great house, I choose to render it according to this latter acception. First because the first opinion would yield this strange sense, that the way for a Frince to be flatter'd, were to be childless: Secondly, because the Poet speaks but of a private person, of Trebius his possible advance∣ment to the estate of a Knight (I mean a Roman Knight; that was to have above 3000 l. a year) And such a rich one, that was able to requite, even the rich would flatter; and though he had some Little-ones, they would be at some trifling charge with them. They would give a green coat (or the like) sometimes, as he speaks. In a nearer ex∣pression it might be render'd, a green stomacher, but that he speaks of boyes; and the Scholiast takes it in the sense in which I render it, saying, Armilau∣siam prasinam, ut simiae. Yet thorax was a garment for Men, and is mention'd by Sueton in his Augu∣stus; and armelausa is by Isidore describ'd to be a garment open before and behind, but clos'd at the shoulders or arms, and therefore call'd so, as he thinks, quasi armiclausa. As for the Colour, Statius mentions the like in Epiced. Glauciae, saying, —modo puniceo velabat amictu Nunc herbas imitante sinu, and Martial, lib. 5. Epig. 24, in those words, Herbarum fueras indutus Basse colores. Rutgersius (Var. Lect. lib. 6. cap. 13.) thinks that this green colour was the Livery colour of Virro's parasites; as I have partly mention'd, Sat. 3. Illustrat. 9.

17. The Poet having express'd the curious fruit provided for Virro, describes on the contrary the Apples set before poor Trebius, saying to him, Tu frueris scabie mali, quod in aggere redit. Qui tegitur parma & galea, metuensque flagelli Discit ab hirsuta jaculum torquere Capella. This is one of the ••nig∣matical places of our Author; which most expound of a young Souldier fed in the Camp with hungry fare, as with the worst sort of Apples and the like, but singularly varying in the exposition of hirsuta capella. Georgius Merula takes it for a thong of Goat∣skin, unto which a dart being fast'ned, might at pleasure be hurl'd and recall'd: so that according to him, the sense should be, But thou eatest such apples, as the young Souldier in the Camp; who being Arm'd with Sheild & Helmet, does for fear of the scourge learn to through the dart from the Goat∣skin-thong, which helps to cast or recall it. Man∣cinellus takes hirsuta capella for sagum cilicium, or his Cloak made of Goat-skins; adding, that it may be taken for an engine of War made of Goat's hair. Others take it for a Quiver cover'd with Goat-skins. Curio thinks it to be a Cretian bow trim'd with Goat-skin; Brodaeus (Miscell. lib. 9. cap. 1.) takes it for the Bow it self made of Goat's horns. Titius thinks it an allusion to an ancient custome of setting Kings chil∣dren upon the back of a Ram, so to reach them to ride, citing this passage in Hesychius, Of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But this explication as nothing tending to the sense of this place, is rightly rejected by Scaliger and Rut∣gersius. Indeed, what did scurvy apples and scourge concern Them? Lubin mentions some, who taking birsuta capella properly, think that a Goat was tied for a mark, at which they hurl'd their darts: but he expresses not his own opinion. Britannicus reciting that of Persius, Hic aliquis de gente bircosa centurionum, and that of Juvenal, Sed caput intactum buxo naresque pilosas, Adnotes, & grandes miretur Lae∣lius alas, takes birsuta capella for a Centurion called Capella Figuratively, for his rank hariness; Autum∣nus adds, aut a vestibus, because his garments were made of Goat's hair. The learned Josephus Scaliger, under the name of Yvo Villiomarus writing against Titius, says that Capella was the name of a known Centurion, which practised the young Souldiers in the Military discipline, and that it was a cognomen among the Romans, which last assertion needs not much proof, Stailius Capella being a Roman Knight mention'd by Sueton in his Vespasian, cap. 2. Rigal∣tius also does confirm it, adding on these words, In veteri inscription•• reperitur nomen C. Albutii Capellae. The name is mention'd likewise by the Scholiast, in those words, Capella, Campidoctore: which, though but interlin'd, as Pithaus observes in his Notes on him; yet shews the exposition to be ancient; and the Scholiast expounding it by a sene Magistro, excep∣ting only the name Capella, does in effect say the same. Yet this interpretation using violence to the Text, may not be admitted, the Manuscripts gene∣rally having here, hirsuta capella, whereas Scaliger for his purpose would have it hirsuto. Yet this Reading seems to be approv'd by Dempster, who on Rosinus (lib. 5. cap. 25.) speaking of this place of Juvenal, says,—sed potior indubie lectio, quam admit∣tit vetus Scholiastes & Yvo Villiomarus in Robertum Titium. But Lipsius approv'd not this interpreta∣tion, and for these reasons; First, why should a young Souldier he an example of one that had such vile fare? Then, how can he be said to be arm'd with the parma, this being in Juvenals time, out of use? Thirdly, why should apples be mention'd for Souldiers diet, which are so seldome seen in a Camp? Lastly, how can a Souldier be said to be metuens flagelli, from which every Freeman, much more a Souldier, was safe? The vine-rod and cudgel, vitis and fustis, not flagrum, were the instruments of his lesser punishments. Yet the second of these reasons might, methinks, be conveniently avoided; for, what though the parma were out of use in Juvenal's time? Does he not profess in the end of the first Satyre, that he writes against the vices of the Dead? and therefore we may say, that he writes of those times, wherein the parma was in use. But may we not doubt of Lipsius his assertion, whereas Sueton tells us, in the life of Domitian, cap. 10. of a Par∣mularius, that was put to death by that Emperours cruelty? Can it imply-less, then the use of the parma, even in Juvenal's time? His sourth reason likewise, that flagellum belong'd not to a Souldier, Dempster seems to confute from that of Claudian (in his Pancgyrick in sextum Honorii consulatum, towards the end)—Insonuit cum verbere signa magister, speak∣ing of the monitor tironu••r Romanorum, who, as Demp∣ster

(in the place above cited) says,—in segnius of∣ficia abeuntes animadvertebat, —non voce modo, sed & verbere; and makes verber in Claudian and flagellum here in Juvenal, to be the same. Yet he wavers much in his assertion; for by and by he adds, Nisi∣dicamus & verber & virgam & flagellum, tessera instar fuisse, non vero plectendo tironi dicatam; which he thinks may be, according to that of Virgil Aeneid. 5. —signum clamore paratis. Epytides longe petit, insonuit-flagello. Notwithstanding he presently falls again on his first assertion, saying, Sed expeditius est, ut ad poenae usum flagellum istud pertrahamus. Thus with him it serv'd both for a token or signe at some of their Games to direct the Actors (as when to be∣gin their exercise) and also for a scourge: but his testimonies reach not to the proof of this second. Lipsius then not choosing Scaligers opinion, under∣stands this passage of the venator, and bestiarius, qui fer•••• jaculari condiscit in capella, such a one as fought with Beasts, a fellow of the vilest condition, and subject to the scourge; arm'd also with the parma and the galea; and such, says he, did practice upon a Goat. But autumnus has censur'd this opinion only as recited by Lubin, saying of it thus, Quod est mag•••• falsum, quàm quod est falsissimum. As for the Agger, Lipsius takes it to be a publick place, where such fellows did practice: but this practice and exposi∣tion of capella for a mark, is without proof. Besides, to press his own reason, why should apples be the diet of the bestiarii? and why should such diet be proverbially vile? Dempster changing his opinion which I before mention'd, does in his Additions to Rosinus lib. 10. cap. 10. expound this place of Juve∣nal thus, according to Claverius, —simiam intelligit insidentem caprae & edoctam tironis instar jacula inde vibrare; and takes agger for some eminent place in the triclinium, or supper-room. And that this pas∣sage is to be understood de Simia, he proves it from that of the Scholiast, on vers. 143. viridem thoraca, armilausiam prasinam, ut gestare solent simia; and from that on the 154. (as he orders the words) Tu scabie frueris mali, quale simia manducat; and then adds, Ita censer vir literatissimus Stephanus Claverius, & ces∣sent tandem aliquando Critici turbare, aut aliam ex∣positionem quaerere. Rutgersius likewise prefers this exposition (in his Var. Lection. lib. 3. cap. 15.) urg∣ing the Authority of the Scholiast, and that of Mar∣tial (lib. 14. epig. 202.) concerning apes taught to throw the dart, Callidus emissas eludere simius hastas. Of this opinion then the Scholiast was the Author, yea (in substance) of the three last Interpretations; for in this place he is too uncertain, his expositi∣ons of the several parts of this passage being incon∣sistent. For by metuens flagelli he understands simia, yet by Qui tegitur parma, he understands a young Souldier, tiro, and by ab hirsuta capella, he under∣stands à sene magistro, capella campidoctore. In the explication of which last opinion de Simia, that agger should be some place in the triclinium seems impro∣bable: we may more safely then take Lipsius his exposition, and take notice, that a part of old Rome was senced with a ditch or trench a hundred feet in breadth, and that by it was rais'd a Mount, or ram∣pire of great height and breadth, between the Es∣quiline and the Colline gates (about six furlongs in length, as some describe it) the top whereof was contriv'd into pleasant walks, and the like delights; implyed in that of Horace, Nunc licet Esquiliis habi∣tare salubribus, at que Aggere in aprico Spatiari— as also mention'd again by our Poet, Sat. 6. and as some think in the eighth also, as in those places is observ'd; see Sat. 6. Illust. 71. towards the end; and Sat. 8. Illust. 4. which Agger Tarquinii is omit∣ted in the Maps of old Rome, both by Bertellius and Boissard; but by the accurate Martian is thus excel∣lently set forth in the North part of Rome in this his Map; and may save all future search and trou∣ble to Interpreters, and give clear light in the know∣ledge of old Rome, to the Authors. *

[illustration] map showing the northern part of the city of ancient Rome with its walls and hills, orientated with the north-east to the top

••••v. Sat. V. Ill. 17.

Now this Mount was greatly frequented by the meaner sort; and many sports, as tricks with Apes, and the like, were here perform'd. The substance then of this last exposition is this; For Virro is provided the most choice fruit; but thou, poor Trebius, hast such as they feed Apes with, at the Rampire, or as Juve∣nal amplifies it, such as he, that is, the Ape mumps upon at the Mount, where being ridiculously clad with Helmet and Shield, and quaking at his Masters lash, learns to cast the dart Souldier like, from the back of a Goat, on which he is ridiculously placed. This I prefer before any of the rest; first, because it is without any alteration of the Copy, and is in the ancient interlinear Gloss of the Scholiast, as also in the Margin of one Manuscript (namely in that in Corpus-Christi Library), which, though in a inter∣linear exposition it has Campidoctore Capella, has yet amongst other interpretations this also, Alii dicunt simiam fuisse, quam exculta & armata capella flagello co••ebatur imitari certamina; varying only in taking C••••••clla for a proper name. Secondly, I prefer it, because it is free from any of those inconveniencies, which follow the other opinions; Thirdly, because it supposes nothing, but what, according to the or∣dinary custome of such sports, will be easily gran∣ted; and lastly, because it is far more quick and Satyrical, to this sense; Virro has his curious fruit; but Thou such as they feed Apes with.

18. The Etrurian golden Boss. The golden Boss (brought in among the Romans by the Etrurians) permitted first only to Noblemens Children, after∣wards to all free-born, was made in the fashion of a heart, and worn before their breast, to prompt their young age to the study of wisdom; as Macro∣bius (Saturnal. lib. 1. cap. 6.) observes: but Liber∣tinorum filii (whose Parents were first Servants) wore them of Leather. The Scholiast upon the words, Puero si contigit aurum, says, Antiquitus nobi∣lium pueri bullas aureas babebant: upon which place Pithaeus in his Notes adds, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, citing the 1. Machab. 11. The quotation is at the 58. verse, where it is said, that young Antiochus, amongst other homours done to Jonathan, gave him leave to be cloath'd in Purple, and to wear a golden Buckle; so our last Translators render it. This, we may grant, might admit some Comparison with the Bulla, rather then likeness. It was indeed a sign of honour; but the person Jonathan, to whom it was permitted, was High-Priest, as is express'd vers. 57. The aurea bulla was left off by children in the 16 year of their age; and yet it was worn by them that Triumph'd.

19. A shaven Crown thou'lt ware in time, &c. Pulsandum vertice raso Praebebis quandoque caput. Bri∣tannicus takes this for an admonition given by the Poet to Trebius, that he should at last vindicate himself to Liberty from very servitude for a moals meat; and so supposes it an allusion to the manner of servants Manumission; who, when they were to be set free, had their heads shav'd; then going to the Praetor, were struck by Him, or at his appoint∣ment, by the Lictor, twise or thrise upon the head with a wand, and then being turn'd round became free. But this seems not to be here intended, ac∣cording to the most receiv'd interpretation of this place, which is commonly expounded, as I render it, not for an admonition, but a flout; implying that he, who was already thus base, would become

yet baser; it being an inference from the prece∣dent words, Omnia serre si pote••, & debes; after which he descended to particularize the cheif of those infamies, namely to have his head shav'd, to be struck on the pate, and at last to be scourg'd, as they us'd Slaves. Lubin to this effect parallels it to that of Plautus in his Captiv.—nisi qui colaphes perpeti potest parasirus, frangique aulas in caput; implying the baseness of Parasites, that could indure to have pots broken on their heads. And this exposition I ra∣ther choose, because the Poet seeming positively to express, what course Trebius would next take, does yet with more art of Satyre conclude rather with a sharp Irony, then a flat Exhortation.

SATYRE. VI.

ARGUMENT.

The Roman Dames are set-forth here, As the' Are, but not as they'd Appear; And in Revenge exactly just, With Zeal as fierce, as their own Lust: Which they with Art and Boldness strive As well t' excuse, as to Contrive. Their Copes-mates follow them, a Crue Of Players, Harpers, Fidlers too. Hippia with one to Aegypt ran: Out-run the shame she never can. Now Messalina's Lust is Story, And strives t' out-vie the Roman Glory. Some are call'd Chast, yet some suspect, Th' are call'd so, for some by-Respect. Watchful they are, Imperious, Fierce, Criticks; Th' affect Greek Phrase, and Verse. Th' are Pleaders, Fencers; Learn all News: They are Tongue-Rampant, and Abuse Neighbours and Servants; Mercyless, Mere Sluts at Home. Rich dress Abroad they wear. They deal with Jews, Diviners, Fortune-tellers; Leud arts use To prevent Child-birth: yet dare show Supposititious Babes. They grow Cunning to kill a Son-in-Law; they do So use their Own; their Husbands too. Long Peace and Pow'rful Wealth us'd ill Rais'd-up these Crimes; These Crimes this Quill. The Rage of Zeal! Sure, we but find Th' Exception Here of Woman-kind!

I Can beleive, that Chastity has been On Earth, in Saturne's Raign, and long was seen, VVhen a cold Cave a narrow shelter made, VVhich did Fire, House-God, Sheep and Shepheards shade: VVhen the rude VVood-mans Mountain-House-wife spred Leaves, Reeds and neighbour-beast-skins for a bed; Not one like Thee, Cynthia; or Thee, whose wise Tears, for thy Sparrows death, vext thy fair Eies. But one of breasts for large Babes large enough, VVhose Acorn-belching Husband was less rough Sometimes. For when the world and Heav'n was New And Fresh, men did not live as now they do;

When [1] they were born of th' op'ning Oak; they say, Or without Parents were compos'd of Clay. Then many foot-steps one perchance might show Of ancient Chastity, at least some few Ev'n under Jove, till Jove was bearded; when [2] The (a) Greeks swore not by another's Head, nor Men Fear'd lest their Herbs and Fruits should be a Prey To Theives, and Gardens all unmounded lay. Then by degrees to Heav'n Astraea led The way with Her; thus these two Sisters fled. He Acts no new sinne, Posthumus, that sleights The Genius of another's Marriage-Rites. Other Crimes not till th' Iron-Age stain'd Man: Adult'ry in the Silver-Age began. A meeting yet, Cov'nants and Spousals Thou In these our Dales prepar'st, and art trimm'd now By some cheif Barber, [3] and already hast Perchance a Ring bestow'd. Sure, once thou wast No Crack-brain. Yet a Wife in these Times takes Posthumus? what Tisiphone, what Snakes With twining Curles thus made thee? Can'st endure The Empire of a wife? when yet there's cure From so many spare-halters; daz'ling-high VVindows, [4] and from th' Aemilian Bridge so nigh? Or if these scapes less please, p••rchance in deep Art of Crime, by thy page thou'dst rather sleep, And so scape Night-brawls, by no guists thy wealth Impair, and as Thou wilt, preserve thy health. But 'tis the Julian Law, so Chast, so grave, Vrsidius likes: Now a sweet Heir he'd have. Now the fair Trout and larg-fin'd Barbel are B••low him, and such cogging Market-ware. But what's unlikely, if Vrsidius get A wife? If an old known Adulterer let His fond Head with the Marriage-nooze be dress'd VVhom quivering Latinus his Stage-Chest So oft has hid? Nay, a Chast wife he'd fain Find! [5] O Physitians, strike his middle-vein! Choise Sir! See, the (b) Tarpeian threshold thou Prostrate adore, and (c) kill to Juno now A Heifer with her guilded horns, if blest Thou art, with one of a Chast Brow and Breast. Ceres pure Veils so few deserve to wear Or touch, whose lips their Fathers need not fear! VVith Garlands dress thy Gates: on thresholds strew Thick-berry'd Ivy-boughs. Let all men know, Thy Iberina will but one mate [6] trie! Content she will be sooner with one E e A Country Damsel yet great Fan e has wone: VVell, let her live at Gabü, as Sh' has done

At Home; or at Fidenae not grow warm; VVe'l grant her Chast too at her Father's farm. Yet who will say the Hills and Caves, though cold, Are Chast? Are Jupiter and Mars so old? But in our Arch'd walks, think'st thou, thou can'st spie A woman worthy of thy Trust and Eie? Or can the (d) seats at Shews yield to thy sense, VVhat thou with Love and Safety may'st choose thence? VVhiles soft Bathyllus does the Leda dance, VVith rare hand-gesture, Turcia in mere trance Of Love, forgets recention; Appula Breaths rapture too; [7] The start and Well-a-day VVith long attention Thymele does note; Thymele, rude till now, now learns to doat. VVhen th' empty Theater stands shut, and all Stage-dress lies-by, only the Law-Courts baul; VVhen [8] from these shews the Megalesian too Are far-off; in sad hope some Dames [9] yet view Accius his Visard, Dart and Truss. A strong Laughter [10] at an Atellan Parting-Song Some City-Mimick raises; with each limme Acting the mad Autonoe. On Him Poor Aelia doats. At dear rates some, as vile, Unbutton [11] a Comoedian; Others spoile Chrysogonus his Voice. Your Tragick throats Hispula loves. VVho on (e) Quintilian doats? Thou VVedd'st: Ambrosius the Piper's thus A Sire, Echion th' Harper, or Glaphyrus. Scaffolds for the view i'th narrow Streets erect; VVith large Bayes let thy Posts and Gates be deck'd: Lentulus, thy arch'd Canopy must grace Euryalus the Fencer's Babe and Face!

(f) Hippia [12] a Lord's wife with a Fencer fled To Pharos, Nilus and the walls far spred By a bad Fame, where Lagus raign'd: whiles base Canopus did prodigious Rome disgrace. Her Husband, House and Sister she forgot: Sleighted her Country: She regarded not (Leud wretch) her howling Children, and (O strange!) For Him She did our Plays, nay Paris change! At home, when young, she slept in Down and Ease, And border'd Cradles; yet now scorn'd the Seas, But First her Fame: for which Shee little cares That still is carried in our dainty Chairs. The Tyrrhene waves then, and th' Ionian so Loud-roaring, with firm brest Sh' endur'd although So oft She shifted Seas. This no devise VVorks in just danger; Then their breast is Ice. Then trembling down they sink, so faint they are: Stout minds they bring to what they leudly dare.

But let her Husband bid, O, then 'tis strange To take Ship! the Pump stinks: the Skie does change! This, with her Fencer, never Casts, nor whines: Th' other bespue•• her Husband's brest. This dines Among the Sailors, gads about the Stern, Handles stiff roaps, as if Sea-Art She'd learn. VVhat Beauty yet thus fir'd her? what young face Caught Hippia thus? for which, she chose disgrace, To be instil'd The Fenceress! For dear Sergiolus had shav'd his throat, and, e'r•• Long, his maim'd Arm hop'd for release. No small Blemish his Face had too, as a shrew'd gaul Made by his Helmet; A huge Bunch o'recop'd The mid'st of's Nose; from's eye sharp rheum still drop'd. A Fencer yet he was; This makes them seem Mere Hyacinths: This She did more esteem Then Children, Country, Sister, Husband too. 'Tis Metal sure they Love. For had but you Freed Sergius from the Sword, [13] The Rod, like Hate, Had Sergius made a mere Vejento straight.

But what's a private House? what's Hippin's Fame? See now the Rivals of the Gods! The Shame Claudius indur'd! From whose side, whiles he slept Secure, his watchful VVife ignobly crept! Before His bed She chose a Mat that stunk, And wore a Night-hood too, an Empress-Punk! She went but with one girle, such was Lust's Care, A [14] yellow Veil hiding her Sadder hair. Thus enter'd she the Stews, whose quilt well known Reak'd yet; She took a Cell void, and her Own. Under [15] Lycisca's name with Breasts adorn'd She stood: to shame thy womb She should have scorn'd, Noble Britannicus! Kind words she gave To them that came, and the Reward did crave! But when the Girles were all dismiss'd, no hast She made, she left her Cell both Sad and Last. Depart she did, not 'cause she would, but must, Still burning with the wild-fire of fierce Lust! And though to her self no Licence she deny'd, VVeary she did retire, not satisfied! Then with [16] cheeks soil'd with Lamp-smoak, back she went Bearing to Caesar's Couch the Stews rank scent.

Their Love-cups shall I name, Charms, Poisons too Temper'd to drench a Son-in-Law? They do VVorse things, when th' Empire of their Sex does win Upon them; that their Lust seems their least sin. But why's Cesennia by her Husband prais'd? She [17] brought her Thousand: This the chast name rais'd! Lov's Shaft or Flame nor Pines nor Burnes his heart: Thence took he Fire; The Dowry threw the Dart!

Her Freedoms Bought. She dares Nod, write-back; see, VVho will. Niggards Rich wives are widows, Free. Why does Sertorius Bibula so grace? Would'st know? The wife he loves not, but the Face, Let but three wrinkles come, her wither'd skin Slaken, her teeth grow black, her eies shrink in; Pack-up, his Freed-man sayes, Begon, you grow A burden, and your Nose too oft ye blow; Hence straight, there's one to come with a Drie nose. Till then she's Fire and Tyrant: does impose Laws on her Lord! Shepheards, (g) Canusian Sheep, And Elm-prop'd Falerne-vines she'l have; Nay, [18] keep VVhole Work-Houses of Slaves. And, if there's ought She wants at home, if neer 'tis, straight 'tis bought. When in short [19] days Iason the Merchant lies Shut-up, and his house bright with Snow denies The ready Seaman's wish, fetch they must great Vessels of Chrystal, nay more large and neat Of Myrrh, and the known Diamond more rich By Berenice's finger; This 'twas, which The Barbarus Agrippa did bestow On his incestuous Sister; where, you know, Kings [20] on their Sabbaths bare-foot go, though cold; And where kind Custome lets their Hogs grow old. Does none of these Heards please? Suppose then one Fair, Modest, Rich, Fruitful, and of long known Ancestors rank'd in Porches, and more Maid, Then loose-lock'd Sabines, who a battle stay'd: Be she Earth's Rare bird, rare as a black Swan, Who'l indure Her, that does her Vertues skan And prize them to thee? Sure, give me, give me A poor Venusian wench rather then Thee, Cornelia Mother of the Gracchi. Vain 'Tis with great Vertue to bring great Disdain, And as part of thy Dowry reckon All Thy Triumphs. Prythee take thy Hannibal Thy Syphax take in his Camp overthrown, VVith all thy Carthage too pr'y thee begon. Spare [21] Paean, Goddess spare your shafts sure flight: Guiltless the Children are; the Mother smite; Amphion cries. Paean his bow bends still; The shaft the children smites: Him grief does kill; Whiles Niobe does slight Latona's Race, And the white Sow that pigg'd thrice ten, disgrace. VVhat Gravity's so dear, what Shape, that still If should upbraid thee with its worth? what fill Of pleasure in this Bliss, which spoil'd by Pride More Aloes has, then Honey? who'll abide VVorth and Scorn? who's so wife-sick, but he may Praise, and loath such a one seven hours a day?

They've more small faults, at which yet who could wink? For what's more stinking; then that one should think Her-self not fair, till of a Tuscan, she Turn petty Greek, of a Sulmonian be A mere [22] shee Cecrops. All's done in Greek; though VVe should blush more out Latin less to know. In Greek they shew Fear, VVrath, Joy, Care, and poure Forth all the secrets of their Breasts. VVhat more? Their Lust is Greek. VVhich in Girls y'admit, In Thee, whom th' Eighty-sixt year strikes, is't fit? Smatter'st thou Greek still? This tongue does ill grace An old Trot, who her talk does interlace VVith her* 1.2 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 phrase but now Under thy blanket lest, shamelesly Thou Bring'st to the common Ear. For sure a Light And tempting word whom does it not excite? 'Tis a Lusts Rankest Motive. But, [23] although Thy sinking wings invite, and that there's no Haemus or soft Carpophorus appears More wooing-voic'd, Thy Face numbers Thy years.

If one by Cov'nants and just writings join'd Thou lov'st not, why to wife thy self dost bind? VVhy loose thy [24] feast and wine-cakes, when thy friends Half-clog'd depart? To what, the first night, tends Thy Guist? Thy Charger full of golden Coine, VVhere Dacian and Germanick Titles shine? But if thou'dst simply Marry, and one bed Intend, with ready neck bow then thy head To bear the yoak. Not one pitties a kind Husband, though she affects him; but, his mind Delights to Vex, and Robs him. Thus the Best Husband is by a wife still most Distress'd. Thou shall not Give, Sell, Buy, if she conspires Not with thy will. Sh' Appoints thee thy Desires. An Old Friend thus, whom [25] thy Gate heretofore Knew bearded, must be now shut out of dore. VVhen Pandars. Fencers, Sword-players do make A VVill, Thou art Compell'd for heir to take VVhom thy wife names, thy Rivals too! A [26] Cross Raise for thy Slave. VVhy? was his Crime so gross? VVho's witness? who's th' Accuser? Do no wrong Dear wife; to a man's Death no Delay's long. Fool! Is a Slave a Man? Suppose his hands Guiltless; 'Tis my will: Will for Reason stands. Thus she's her Husbands Empress! yet ('tis strange!) Soon leaves this Pow'r, and House for House does change; VVears out new Crimson Marriage Veils: Thence flies Again, to th' bed which first she did Despise. The Gates she leaves, which dress'd but late had been; The Hangings too, and threshold-boughs yet green.

Thus growes the Number: Shee [28] Eight husbands takes In Autumnes Five. Her Epitaph shee makes.

Whiles thy wife's Mother lives, of Peace despaire, Shee'll teach her still to keep her husband bare: Shee'll teach her to write back with no rude quill To her Adult'rer's letters: by [28] meer skill Or Bribe shee'll came the keepers; and then call Archigenes, though shee be well, and all The heavier bed-cloths cast aside: Mean while Th' Adult'rer lurks; and by Delay's more vile! Indeed, can'st think, that when the Mother's Bad, Shee can teach Vertues, which she never had! Besides, for an old, filthy trot to train A daughter up, as leud, is no small gain.

Scarce comes a Cause, but y' have a woman chooses One side: Manilia's Guilty, or Accuses. They draw yee Bills, teach Celsus to dispose His Heads of Speech, how to Begin or Close.

Their Purple Rugs and Wrastlers Ointments who Now knows not? and the [29] hollow wounds so true With daily spears made on a Post, which still Their Shield provokes, whiles They All Art fulfil. Such Matrones Flora's trumpet should command, If their stout breast intends not the True Sand. Shee's past a blush, that once a helmet wears; That has renounc'd her Sex, and, sleighting fears, Admires the Sword-fights so. Her Lust yet can Not suffer her to wish to be a Man. A brave sight 'twere, should thy wife's Goods be sould, Her Belt, her Gauntlets, Plum'd Crest, and the bold Left thigh's half-armour, or if shee be dress'd For more fights, when her Greaves are sold thou'rt Blest! Yet in a round Thin Dress These Sweat! So pure Their lims, that the Silk-gown they scarce indure! See, with what roar stroaks, if fore-warn'd, shee bears! Under what weight of helmet shee scarce rears Her head! How pois'd shee on her hamms does sit! [30] The Band of her thick-volum'd Coats! The fit Jeer is, when shee's disarm'd, a spightful pott Betrays the Champion. Speak, you, whom such spot Ne're staind, yee Neeces of great Lepidus, Of blind Metellus, wastful Fabius; Thus VVas Fenceress e're dress'd? Did e're the most Bold-fac'd Asjlus's wife fence with a Post?

The Bed, in which a wife lies, still does keep Retorted braulings. That's no place for Sleep. When Greif shee faighns, with secret guilt First stung, The Tiger's less fierce, that has lost her young. Shee's then thy Load: shee does thy Children hate: Complains of a (faign'd) harlot. Fresh tears wait,

And alwayes in such readiness do stand, They but expect Her Order and Command. Thou think'st this Love, fond [31] Spirrow, and art glad: Thy Lips drink-up her tears, thy Eies more Add. If yet this jealous Dame's Casket one; threw But Open, Oh what letters might'st thou view! But when with Slave or Knight, shee's caught in th' Act, Some Colour shew, Quintilian, for This fact. You Pose us, cries the Orator; Speak then Thou Woman: Why, says shee, Ag••eed 'twas, when VVe married, Thou should'st do, what Thee should please, I what lik'd Me. Crie-out then; Heav'n and Seas Mix, if thou wilt. I 'me Woman [32] They dare Flout, When taken; and from Crimes grow fierce and stour.

But dost thou ask, whence all these Monsters flow? Chast were our Dames, when their estate was low. Small roofs from Vice's touch were sav'd by tough Labour, short sleeps, by hard'ned hands made rough VVith Tuscan fleece, by Hannibal's neere Pow'r, By their arm'd Husbands at Collinus's Tow'r. Long Peace confounds us: Riot worse spoil makes Then VVar; Revenge the Conquerd VVorld Thus Takes. No Crime, no bolder Act of Lust is strange, Since our old Thrift for Riot we did change. Since, to [33] These Hills have flow'd the sins more wild Of Sybaris, Mile••us, Rhodes; Defil'd VVe are with bold Tarentum, where still crown'd They quaffe, and with rich Ointments are half-drown'd. 'Twas filthy Mony, which brought these strange Crimes: Soft VVealth with Riot did corrupt the Times. For, what does drunken Lust regard Chast Fame? Shee for the Face mistakes what's Nature's shame, VVho her great Oisters does at Midnight eat; When [34] Falern wine with Ointments dash'd does sweat Perfume: when in large shells carouse they do: VVhen round the house turns, and each light seems two. Go now, and scarce believe with what rank flout Of nostril Tullia draw's-up air; Go doubt VVhat 't is Collatia tells known Maura nigh Chastitie's Old Altar, as they pass by. Here stand by night their Litters: here they staine The Goddess, whiles her statue they prophane. Here mutually they 're vile; and yet although 'Tis night, the Moon sees all. Thence home they go. Thou visiting Great Friends the place dost tred, VVhen Day returns, where stood thy wife's leud Bed.

The Rites of the Good Goddess now to light Are brought: where Pipe and Horn and VVine incite: VVhere these astonish'd Maenades ••e're shame, To run with rowling hair. O inward flame

The Leud Lawfella makes a Game of Sinne: Rewards proposes, and [35] rewards does winne. Shee to worse Medullina yet gives place: The Worse the Nobler! Thus they mount to grace! Here's nothing feign'd; All's True: Enough to fire Old Priamus, and Nestor's maim'd desire. But when these very Women have all done, Impatiently from these Deceits they run. A Lover they 'll not want; though Some do blind Nature's broad Light and Sin below their Kind!

Yet would at least our Old and Publick Rites VVere not prophan'd with these impure delights: But Moors and Indians now have learn'd by Fame VVhat singing Wench of no mean Manhood came Thither, whence but a bolder Mouse, if Male, Must flie; where a He-Picture has a Veile. VVho scorn'd the Gods Then? who did Fear so lack, To flour at Numa's Chalice, and his Black Vatican Earthen Dishes? But Oh see, VVhat [36] Altar from a Clodius is now free? I know what you my friends advise me to, Bar her, restrain her with a Guard. But [37] who Shall keep the Keepers? Them her wit First winnes; The Rich and Poor A like are in These sinnes: Shee whose bare foot the durtie flint does vex; And Shee that's carried on tall Syrians necks. To see the Playes Ogulnia brave Attire, Servants, Chair, Pillow, and Shee-friends does hire, A Nurse and Wayting Maide with golden haire. Yet though her Portion shee does thus impaire. Shee wasts on smooth-chinn'd wrastlers, her sweet friends, What's Left: Her House-hold-stuffe at last shee spends. Many at home are of Small Means, But No Modesty in Such want, nor Measure know, To which their Need has siz'd them. Yet to Thrive Sometimes their Husbands late Fore-see, and strive Taught by the Learned Pismire, to scape cold And Hunger: whiles th•• wife wastfully bold Observes not their decrease; but as if still Mony reviv'd and th' emptied chest would fill, And still be taken from the full heap, they Ne're reckon VVhat for these delights they Pay. Some of More Art have [38] Eunuchs for Despaire Of Beard: Such for Abortive Cups ne're care.

If Song shee loves, his [39] Button will not hold, VVhose Voice the Praetor buyes. Her hand's still bold With Instruments: Her Lute all-radiant swells VVith thick-set gemms: the strings her rough quill tells. Once soft Hedymelos us'd. This; Shee still: VVith joy shee sweetly kisses his sweet Quill.

One of the High-born Lamian Race with wine And cake at Janus and at Vesta's shrine. Ask'd, if that Pollio to his strings renown Should win the (i) Capitolian Oaken Crown. Sick had her Husband been, could more be done? More, had Physitians Left her Dying Son? Shee stood before the Altat and ne're fail'd Through Shame, for a base Harper [40] to be veil'd. The prompted words (as Custome bids) shee spake, And, at the Open'd Lamb, struck pale did quake. Speake, I thee pray, speak now most Ancient God, Great Father Janus, Lend'st thou These a Nodd? In Heav'n yee 've wondrous Leasure then! 'Tis true; Yee Gods (for ought I see) just Nothing doe. This a Comoedian, a Tragoedian Shee Prays for: th' Aruspex needs must Crook-leg'd be.

Yet better shee thus Sing, then haunt each street Boldly, and ev'n the places where Men meet, Talking before her Husband with your stout Arm'd Captains face to face with breast Layd-out. VVhat's done in the whole VVorld Shee knows: what now The Scythian or the Thracian's doing: How A step-dame secretly deals with her Son: VVho's Love-sick: what Adulterer begun A hope, but Miss'd: who did a VVidow wooe And worse: the Month shee knows; and more Arts too! 'Twas shee First saw [41] the Comet, that did bring Fear to th' Armenian and the Parthian King: Fresh News shee catches at the Gates: faigns Ground And People by Niphates to be drown'd: That Cities nodd with Earthquake, Hills sink down, She tells to all shee meets throughout the town.

This is not yet so vile, as she that strips Poor neighbours, whom shee drags and wounds with whips, VVhen shee Forgives them. For if a loud curre Breaks her deep sleeps, Your Cudgels straight bestirre, Shee cries; The Master's First bang'd, the Dog Next. Shee's dreadful Met, or View'd: The Baths are vext With her, by [42] Night: Then Move, with tumult great, Her Bathing-Shells, her Camp; Thus shee will Sweat; VVhen with the massie ball of lead o'retoyl'd Her arms fall down; and her leud limms are Oil'd. Mean-while the Ghuests, whom Sleep and Hunger tame, Do wait: at last comes-in this ruddy Dame. Thirsting for a whole Flaggon: at her foot A full Urne 's plac'd. A double draught must doe't Three Pints, to [43] raise fierce stomach; which being wash'd, The [44] Draught returns, and on the floor is dash'd. The Marble flows, or, of her Falerne strong The brave guilt bason smells; as when a long.

Snake does into a deep tun fall, shee drinks And vomits: Her vex't Husband's sick and winks.

Shee's yet more Irkesome, at her Boord that uses Virgil to Praise; Eliza's death Excuses; Compares your Poets: making Maro swaye, One Scale [45] and does in th' other, Homer waigh. Grammarians yeild, and Rhetoricians: [46] All Stand Mute: Lawier, nor Cryer does so baul; No, nor another Woman! Pow'r of Tongue! You'd say, [47] so many Bells and Basons rung. Your pans and Trumpets now weary no more: This can alone [48] the Lab'ring Moon restore.

In Just Acts too New Aime [49] shee gives. For, shee That pretends Art and Tongue, should Coated be. But to th' Mid-Leg; should to Sylvanus slay A hog, and at the Bath the Farthing pay. Let not the Dame that lies by Thee, have Taught Forms of speech, or with winding words and thought. Hurle a short Enthymeme: nor at command All stories know; nor some Books Understand. Her do I hate, that in [50] Palaemon's art Is quick, has Laws of speech, and Rules each part; Verses (Great Antiquar••e!) does repeat To ••e unknown: corrects a friend less neat, Or rude in words, which Men neglect: yet such Soloecisme in a Husband think not much.

All faults a woman grants her self; no check Shee feels when stately Em'ralds grace her neck; VVhen great [51] Eye-checking Pearls stretch her soft cars: Then a Rich wife, worse Burden No man bears! Her loath'd face yet, worthy of Laughter, [52] swells VVith paste, or of Poppaean ointment smells; It bird-limes her poor husbands lips. VVith care Shee's wash'd for her Leud friend: when looks shee fair At Home? your choise Leaf-Ointments for her Friend Shee gets, and what you, slender Indians, send. At last shee's seen; her Crust of Paint Lies-by: Shee's known: shee's smooth'd with asse's milk still nigh. For, Asses still shee'll keep, though shee should be Banish'd to th' Hyperborean Axle-tree. But, with chang'd Med'cines, what shee so daubs-o're, And clots of flow'r, A Face is 't, or a soare?

'Tis worth the knowing how they spend the Day. If in the night Averse her husband lay, VVoe to the [53] wool-waigh-maid! The Chamber-maid Is stript! Her Litter-man has too long stayd, He too, for his dull Master's sleep, must needs Suffer. On This the canes are broak: He bleeds VVith whips; a Third with Thongs: by some ther's spent Upon your Torturers a yearly rent.

He whips, whiles shee at ease her p••int renews; Talks with shee-friends, or gold-embroyd'ry views; He whips; shee the long bills of the day past Reads twice. He whips, with whipping tir'd. At last, Begon, shee thunders-out; but all's done first: The Old Sicilian Court was not more Curs'd. For if shee'd be dress'd rarely, and haste straight To some fair Garden, where a friend does waite, Or rather to the [54] haunted Brothel-shrine Of Isis; wretched Psechas does with fine Order Dispose her hair, Her self with hair All torn, with shoulders too and breasts all-bare. Why [55] stands this Curle so high? with Thong shee's pay••d Straight, for the Crime of a few hairs mislay'd. What has poor Psecas done? wherein does lie The w••nches fault? If thy Nose stands awry. And Anger's thee? Another combes as fast Her left-side-locks; which into Curles are cast. Some Matrone Counsails, who now wool does spin, Yet [56] once was cunning at the Crisp••ng-pin. Her judgment is ask'd first; then They impa••t Their mind, that are yet Less in Age and Art. As if it were for Fame or Life, so great Her study is to know how to be Neat! With stor••e upon storie shee so rears The structure of her head, that shee appears Before [57] like tall Andromache; behind Shee's Less, Nay, scarce the same, if shee's short loin'd. Then a Girle-pygmie shee's more Dwarf without High heels; and tiptoes for a kisse and flout. Mean-while shee slights Husband and Thrift: her Life Makes her more like a Neighbour, then a wife. Shee's nearer yet in This, that shee does hate His Friends, his Servants; and wast's his estate.

Loe, fierce Bellona's and great Cybel's Quire Enters, and an huge Eunuch, [58] whom th' admire As less Obscene: long since he did neglect Pleasure; with pot-sheard to himself dissect. Him the hourse-rout and petty drummers fear, Who on his head the Phrygian cap does wear. September's Southern blasts approaching nigh Loud'y he bids them Fear, or Purifie Themselves, Each with her hundred eggs, [59] and then Give him their Old Cloths brown like vine-leaves, when They 're dried: so shall there pass the worst of fear Into the Coats, and expiate the whole year. Shee'll break the frozen River sink, through th' Ice, In a cold morning dive in Tiber thrice. And in it's whitle-pooles wash her trembling head: Then over all proud Tarquin's field half-dead.

VVith cold and Quivering, if White Io shall So bid, on bloodied knees shee'll naked crawl. Shee'l go as far as Aegypts Confines stretch; And [60] from Hot Meroe shee'll water fetch. To sprinkle Isis Temple, which stands rear'd By the Old Sheep-fold. Shee believes shee heard. The Goddess bid her So. Loe here, a right Pure Soul, with whom the Gods may talk by night. He then with These does the chief honour gain, That [61] acts (k) Anubis midst his bald-pate train. In linnen dress, yet closely does but flout The howling People, whiles he runs-about. He pard••n begs, when from the Marriage-Rights. A wife abstaines not upon Holy Nights; VVhen [62] th' injur'd bed deserves no gentle tod, Gently [63] the silver Serpent seems to nod. This to His Tears and studied Pray'rs th' ascribe: Their great Goose and thinne Cake Osyris bribe.

A quaking Shee-Jew next [64] leaving elsewhere Her Hey and Basket, begs close in their eare. Shee the Jewe's Law expounds, is [65] in some grove Chief Priest, and a sure post 'tween Them and Jove. Her hand shee fills too with some petty coine: The Jewes will sell ye what dreams you'll enjoine.

Next some Armenian or some Commagene Southsayer does assure One, the Gods mean, Shee shall enjoy a Lover young and fair Or be some childless Rich One's Mighty Heir. A hot dove's Lungs did shew it. He does view Th' entrails of Chicken, whelps, and Children too sometimes, [66] His Crime then on Another thrust; But in Chaldoaans they more firmly trust. VVhat e're an Astrologian says, they count As sure, as if 'twere fetch'd from Ammon's Fount; Since th' Oracles at Delphi cease, Deep Night Shading the times to come from Humane sight. He yet is Chief, that oft has been Exil'd, By whose [67] kind scheme worth all price, a high-stil'd Cittizen fell, once Otho's dreadful foe. When their [68] arms sound with chains, and once they grow Tir'd pris'ners in the Camp, Men trust their skill; Your Figure-flinger has no Genius, till Condemn'd and ev'n Lost; when he hardly shall Be, sent to Cyclas, or call'd-back from small. Seriphus. Thy dear Tanaquil would know Of such, thy Mothers funeral so slow, Though hast'ned by the Jaundice, but Thy Date First, Then her Sisters and her Uncle's Fate. Shee'd know if her Adult'rer shall Outlive her: Indeed, what greater bliss can the Gods give her!

Shee knows not yet what woe Saturne implies. VVith what [69] star Venus does success-ful rise: VVhat Month's unlucky, what Times good for Gain. But ev'n to Meet Her, see thou shun amain, That has her Ephemerides like gumme Or fat, worn-out with her perpetual thumb; That now Askes not Advise, but Gives it; who Lets her dear Husband go to th' wars, or to His Home return, but still Her Comfort lack; If that Thrasyllus's Figures call her back. VVhen [70] shee is carried but a mile to look Abroad, the How'r is taken from her Book. If Rubbing makes the corner of her Eie But itch, her Birth-scheme view'd, Cure shee does trie. Sick though shee be, no how'r for food shee'l use, But that, which Petosytis's skill does choose. If Poor shee be, [71] shee'll at the Race-bounds stand; There draw her Lot, then shew her brow and hand Unto a Fortune-teller, who does crave Often to clap her palme. But Rich Dames have Phrygian Diviners; or some Indian hire In Heav'n and Nature skill'd; or some Grave Sire, VVhose Art [72] does publick Lightnings Expiate. The Mount and Circus know the People's Fate. Shee whose long neck no Gold or Jewels wears, Before the Tow'ers and Dolphin's pillars dares Enquire, if in new marriage shee shall take A Cloak-seller, and th' Inne-keeper forsake.

Yet These from Child-birth-pangs are not secure; And press'd by need the Nurse's toile indure. But Gold-work-Beds a Lying-in scarce know; Her hideous Arts and Med'cines prevail So, VVho barren makes, and undertakes to kill Man scarce conceiv'd! wretch, be thou glad, and fill Thy wife what drench shee likes. For if that quick Shee'd be, and feel the lively infant kick; Some Black-Moore's brat perchance Thy Heir should be, VVhom in a Morning thou 'dst ne're gladly see.

I name not Now supposititious Heirs, False joyes, or, at the [73] Bastard's Pools, vain Prayr's; Nor our High Priests, not Mars-priests, that Thence came, Nor Persons Forg'd to bear the Scauran Name. Fortune in waggish sport and secret night Smiles on the naked babes: they 're her delight. Shee hugs them: Mounts them to brave houses: then Makes them her secret Mimicks to act men. These shee does Love; these to her self indears; Leads-forth these Darlings, and the world Thus jeers!

One brings them Magick Charms: Another sells Thessalian Love-oups, whose wild force expells

A Husband's wits. Their pantosse with scorn May clap him. Thence 'tis, thou growst Fool, forlorn In Brain! Thy understanding is struck blind! Not canst thou, through a Dulness, call to mind VVhat thou did'st last. Yet thou might'st be but Sad At this, if that it makes thee not stark Mad, Like Nero's Uncle; into whose drench'd bowle Caesonia squeez'd the whole brow of a foale. And who'll not imitate an Empress? All Took fire, and the world's frame quite crack'd did fall; As if Juno had made Jove mad. Less Ill Did Agrippina's Mushrome. That did kill But one: It made but One Old Palsie-pate Descend [74] to Heav'n, with drivling lips. This straight Snatch'd Fire and Sword; This Potion tortur'd so, That slaughter'd Lord's and Knight's blood mixt did flow! All this One colt did work: VVhat then, think you, Can Shee, that has the Art of Poisons, do?

These hate their husband's bastards; nor is 't spight: But Now to Kill a Sonne-in-Law 's held Right. Take heed, ye Orphans, to whom Riches must Descend; guard your dear lives, no Table Trust. VVith staining poison brought by On's Own Mother Fat dainties are Too Hot. Let then some Other Bite First: though shee her self bring wine ne're sip, Till it has first touch'd [75] thy Guide's trembling lip.

But sure we faign: Our Satyre has put-on The lofty Buskin, And Old bounds out-gone. Our Sophoclean throat yawnes out a Crime News to Rutilian Hills and Latian Clime. Would we did Fable now: but [76] Pontia cries, Guilty, I do confess, I did devise My Children's death by poison. This my fact Was known and publish'd: yet I this did act. VVorst viper! At one Supper did'st kill two? Two! Yes, Seav'n, if th' had been Seav'n, had seem'd Few. VVe now believe whats e're Tragaedians Wit Of sterne Medaea and of Progne writ. I'le not Oppose their Stories: though those times Durst Monstrous Acts: yet not for Wealth, Such Crimes! Less wonder's due to wondrous sins, if done VVhen This sex fir'd with Rage does headlong runne, Like [77] stones cleft from a rock, when th' under-part Sinks, and the Side from th' hanging brow does start.

Her do I hate, that a vast Crime Contrives And Acts in sober blood. The stage to wives Presents Alceste, who did undertake The worst of Fate, for her dear husband's sake. But could such change be now, and such change help, They'd wish their Husbands dead, to save their Whelp.

VVee Belides and Eriphylae meet Betimes, and Clytemnestras in each streeet. Yet with this odds; This Tyndaris did choose Abungling Axe, which both her hands did use. Now with a red toad's subtile lungs they do The feat; yet they would use the sure Axe too, Should wise Atrides th' Antidote once take, VVhich [78] the thrice-conquer'd Pontick King did make.

NOTES on JUVENAL, Sat. VI.

(a) SWore not by anothers head. nondum Graecis jurare paratis per caput alterius. Accord∣ing to the appointment of Solòn the Graecian men were to swear by Jupiter alone, who was therefore call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and jusjurandum quasi Jovis jurandum, as some are of opinion; Euripid. Med. assures us of this custome in these words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But afterwards they learn't to swear by all the Gods and by creatures too. Pausanias tells us Corinth. 74. that afterwards they had such a superstitious opi∣nion, that they ought out of greater reverence not so much as mention the name of their Gods in their oaths, which he signifies in these words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Socrates is recorded by the Scholiast upon Aristoph. In Avib. for the Author of this opini∣on, and he pretended to have had it from Rhadamanthus, who expressely forbad them to swear by the Gods, but allowed them to swear by the creatures; and hence sprang the custome of swearing by the head as he did in Virg.

Per caput hoc juro, per quod pater ante solebat.

And this was one reason why they accounted the head holy and Sacred as Athenaeus tells us Deipnosop. lib. 2. cap. 25. (where he gives more reasons) and why they accounted Sneezing a Diety, and why they expressed a profane fellow by this proverb cerebra sine fine comedet, see the learned Casaub. upon the place. This was also the reason why Py∣thagoras commanded his disciples to abstaine from beans: for Lucian gives this reason in his Dialogues, and Eustathius likewise in these words

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

For beans have the signature of the braines and so occasion'd that symbole. This kind of swearing we find particularly forbid by our Saviour Mat. 5. v. 36. where Grotius gives more instances of this way of swearing out of Synesius and others, and makes some difference betwixt swearing by our own head, and the head of others which is here chiefly intended by our Poet.

(b) Tarpeian threshold. Tarpeium limen adora. Jupiter is here understood, called Tarpeius from the Mountain on which his Temple stood; both had their names from the Vestal Ʋirgin Tarpeia who betrayed the place to the Sabines. Ʋirgil. lib. 9.

(c) Kill to Juno now, &c. auratam Junoni caede Juvencam. Juno was one of those Die∣tyes, cui vincla jugalia curae. As patroness of marriage shee is called pronuba and had therefore at such Solemnityes beasts Sacrificed with gilded horns as Plin. lib. 33. cap. 4 see more of these Sacrifices afterwards on Sat. 12.

(d) Or can the Seats. Cuneis. Cunei has many significations, sometimes it is put for the worst place of the Theater, whose remotest part resembled a wedge and hence inter cu∣neos residere is to be a base ignoble fellow. Sometimes it is put for the jointings of the seats together and so signifyes by a Synecdoche any seat; hence we read of cuneus Equestris mention'd by Tacit. in his Annal. in this General sense it must be taken here viz. pro se∣dilibus.

(e) Who on Quintilian dotes? Fabius Quinctilianus who wrote the Rhetorical Institu∣tions and Declamations, and was Tutour to our Poet, was too good a man to please the lew'd Ladyes of Rome, who were more delighted with Stage-players, &c.

(f) Hippia a Lords wife. This Hippia was wife to one of the Senators Fabritius Ʋe∣jento, and is thought to have this fictitious name from the excess of her Lasciviousness,

for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greek signifyes a strumpet; the reason of the metaphor learn from Ʋirgil, 3. Georg. Scilicet ante omnes furor est insignis equarum, and Aelian. lib. 4. cap. 6.

(g) Canusinian sheep. Ovem Canusinam. Canusium was a Town of Apulia Daunia in Italie upon the River Aufidus; it was famous for sheep which they used to cloth to preserve the wool from dirt and bryars: these were called oves pellitae. Those that wore garments made of this wooll were called Canusmati Mart. lib. 9.

(h) Flora's trumpet. Florali matrona tuba. The Poet here alludes to the Floralia insti∣tuted in honour of Flora called by Lactautius de fals. Rel. lib. 1. Faula for which Ʋossius reads Flaura there. She was Scortum Herculis as Ʋerrius cited by the same Lactautius. Shee was made the Goddess of Gardens and Meadowes by the Senate, ut pudendae rei quaedam dignitas adderetur as the same Lactantius. Which is likewise told us by Ovid. lib. 5. Fast.

Convenere patres & si bene floreat annus, Numinibus nostris annua festa vovent.

The same Poet acquaints us that these solemnities were perform'd in April towards the latter end.

Incipis Aprili, transis in tempora Maii Alter te fugiens, cum venit alter, obit.

This festival therefore was instituted ut fruges••cion arboribus, aut vitibus bene prospereque florescerent as Lactant. ib. and vile impudent strumpets were wont to dance naked through the streets to the sound of a trumpet to which our Poet here alludes more particularly.

(i) Capitolian Oaken crown. Capitolinam Quercum. Domitian instituted sports in ho∣nour of Jupiter Capitolinus which were celebrated every fift year: and he that came of vi∣ctor was rewarded with an Oaken crown. See Martial. Ep. 54. lib. 4.

(k) Acts Anubis. Anubis was an Aegyptian diety the Son of Osiris according to Lubin; of Typhon and Nephthys according to Ʋossius. Servius on Ʋirg. Aen. 8. v. 698. omnigenumque Deûm monsira & latrator Anubis, says he is call'd latrator quia capite canino pingitur, but gives no reason why he should be pictur'd in that shape: but Lubin tells us this was the reason quod in insigni canem gessit, ut Macedo frater lupum. But Vossius gives this reason out of Plut. de Isid. & Osirid. to Nephthys the Aegyptians assign'd the presidency of that Hemisphere which is below our Horizon, to Isis what is above it, and the Horizon it self to Anubis: and therefore they dedicated a dog to him, quia ut canis din noctuque videt & domi custodit, itae Anubis & nostrum & oppositum videat hemispherium, & quasi custos sit utrinsque. Voss. de Idol. lib. 2. cap. 75. After this dog Anubis the Romans in imitation of the Aegyptians, went crying and howling, as if they followed him in quest of his father Osiris King of Aegypt, that was murder'd privately by his brother Typhon; his body was at last found cut in pieces near to Syene. After his Deification they still mourned for him with this cere∣mony, and adored him in the form of a Bull; accordingly his offering was hay: and if he took it, it betokened prosperous success, if he took it not, it was ominous; Strab. lib. ult. Plin. lib 8. cap. 16.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Sixt Satyre.

Sundry phansies of the Heathen about Man's Original. A Custome of Swearing by Another's Head. Rings; the use of them in Marriage; and the Finger on which they were worn. A doubt about Medla vena, which is to be open'd in a Phrensie. Subitum, miserablle, longum, not rightly expounded by Britannicus. Megalesia and Ludi Plebeii distinguish'd. Visards worn by Actors in Plays. Altars in Theaters. Thyrsus. Fabulae Atellanae. The Fibula, for the preserving of the voice, describ'd, Rudis. Lanistae. Whether the Hair of Matrons were distin∣guish'd from Harlots by the Colour. Cells and I••scrip••ions over them in the Stews, and Lamps hang'd-up there, as also in Temples. Ergastula. Mensis Brumae. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Scrofa. Subsidant pennae, expounded differently from the ancient In∣terpreters. Mustacea, distributed to Guests at Marriages, and Mony to the Bride. Barbers, when first in Rome. Quintana, a Military exercise. Books anciently rowl'd-up; The greatest breadth of a Page. The Reading, flu••i••ad Istros, dis∣prov'd against Britannicus, from himself. Ointments drank in Wine. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The form of the ancient Harp. The Antiquity of Bells. Sylvanus his Sacrifices and Sacrificers. The Bath-fee. Elenchi. The form of the Tu••ulus, or High-Priest's Cap. Foliata. Xerampelinae. The Colour of Matro••s garments Feigned Sacrifi∣ces sometimes offer'd for true. Cadurous. A Silver Serpent in the Temple of ••sis. Miles in the Publick Ways from Rome Mark'd-out by Stones. Circus, the Form, Capacity and use of it. Phalae. Delphinorum columnae. Poppysma. Publica ful∣gura. Spurci lacus. Philtra. A difficulty, about Saxa jugis abrupta, exd••••n'd. Mithridates his Antidote.

WHen they were born of th' Op'ning Oak. Rupto robore nati. The Poet intending to set-forth the corruptions of the Roman Dames, describes the innocency of the golden Age, in the beginning of the world, when there were not such quaint mistresses, as a near Cynthia, or Carullus his Lesbia, that bewailed the death of her Sparrow: but rude and hardie people born of Trees or form'd out of Clay; and that thus they continued till mankind, growing worse, the two heavenly sisters, Astraa (or, Justice) and Chasti••ie sled to heaven. In which expression he touches two ways concerning the Original of Mankind, the one from trees, the other from the Earth. Concerning the first, Britannicus, says, Quum prima illa atate homines in speluncis sy••••sque, more ferarum, habitarent, quumque ex arboribus v•••• rustare cavatis, tanquam ex domicilio exirent, putaban•• tur ex arboribus ess••••nati; then all••ging that of Vir••∣gil, Geosque, vitum truncis, & duro robbra nas••••ls In which words-he ap••ly shews 〈◊〉〈◊〉 probable cause of the fictions that as they dwelt in woods, so they seem'd to be born of the trees••••. Hutl whiles he says, ex arboribus ve••us••are cau••••i•• (••••u•• of trees grown hollow with age) methinks he does a little for get himself, having said but a little before; primai•••••• aetate, so (that there was, Then no time past in which they could he as yet grown hollow with age; yet Autumnus commits the same oversight. The second way, of Mans Original, from Glay, shews that though many of the more learned Hea∣then had read the M••••ical hist ony, they underva∣lued, or corrupted, or oppo•••••• he instruction. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which last fort was Julian the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and parti∣cularly in this argument. Who in a Fragment of an Epistle (publish'd with his other works h•••• Pet•••••• vius) p. 534, &c. delivers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Theologie of the Aneient (Heathen) that Mankind inot••••••'d not from two persons, as Al••se•• taught; but that

when Jupiter made the World, drops of Sacred blood fell down, out of which arose mankind; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; im∣piously ••rging, that otherwise the world could not have been so soon increas'd, though Women (as he leudly adds) had in their travail been as fruitful as Swine. The like vain Original the Heathen believ'd of some of their Gods, as ap∣pears by Varro in his Fragments (Antiquitatum re∣ram Divinarum, lib. 1. p. 31. &c. according to Scaliger's Edition) where reprehending their fabulous Divinitie (Mythicon ge••us; Theologia) he says, —in hoc enim est, ut Dens alius ex capi∣te, alius ex femore, alius ex guttis sanguinis na∣tus. To which I may add that vanitie of some Ancient Philosophers concerning the Repa∣ration 0652 0200 V 3 of Mankind. For whereas there are in the joints of the fingers little bones, commonly call'd Seed bones, of which one about the bigness of half a pease, and plac'd in the first joint of the thumb, is call's by the Arabians Albadara (as Bar∣tholinus observes in his Anatomical Institutions, lib. 4. cap. ult.) some fondly held, that out of that, tan∣quam ex semine, Man should at last be propagated again. See other opinisons also of the Ancients, concerning Man's Original, in the accurate Cense∣rin••••, De Die Natali, cap. 4. at large. See also Vi∣tranius, lib. 2. cap. 1. where he says, that in the beginning men inhabiting together, by custome of conversation began words: and how that the houghs of trees dashing-together with the winds struck fire; and that so men came to the use of it. See Lucretius also, lib. 3.

2. When the Greats swore not by Another's Head. Per caput abertus. So Ascanius in Virgil swears, Per caput hoc juto, per quod pater ante sole∣bat. By Alterius sotle understand Parents, others the Gods, which (say they) as yet were not: which exposition though it be true, according to the Theologie of the Heathen, concerning Pa∣rents, whom they denit to have been in the be∣ginning, yet must it be false concerning their Gods; Julian (as is shew'd in the precedent Illustration) mentioning Jupiter at the Making of the world. The Manuscript Commentary ex∣pounds alterius by anici, adding, quasi cum loco nu∣minis haberent. Lubin notes on the word alterius, that the poet thought their Gods to be but men, because men swore by their heads. But in brief the Poet only implies, that in that ••••cocent age of the world men us'd not the trick, which now was so familiarly practin'd by the Greeks, to swear when they told an untruth, so to win belief.

3. And already hast Perchance a ring bestow'd. Es di••••i to pi••rum fort asse de••••isti. Concerning Rings, the use of which was frequent among the Ancients, we may with Georgius Longus an Italian (who has written a weatise purposely De Annulis) observe, that An with the Oldest Latines was as much as circum; so anbire the same with circu••mtive; so annus as much as circuirne•••• and in like mannet annulus was so call'd from the Circuit of it. It was us'd when Persons were bethroath'd together, as not only Juvenal here implies, but also Pliny, lib. 33. cap. 1. in those words, —ad spensiones annulo exili∣cute. Sadinus likewise speaking of the Thratian wives says, Qua pra cateris specie valent, subarrbari volent. It was us'd also anciently by the Christians; though I will not with Longus move you to believe that Mary and Joseph were thus betroath'd, and that the very Ring is at this day in Italie kept in St. Laurence's Church at Perusium: indeed, he says it is very hard to judge of what matter it is made, and we may be ••••ntent, as I think, to think so too. But for after times, St. Je••••me speaks of Sponsalitius annulus, upon Job, cap. 8. and on Isay. 3. Beda likewise on Luc. cap. 15. hom. 40. says, Sin∣cera fidei Signaculum, quo promissa certa impressione signantur. Clemens Alexandrinus (pad. lib. 3. cap. 11.) touches also another use of it, which is pointed∣out likewise by Macrobius (Saturn. lib. 7. cap. 13.) in those words, Ve••••res non ornatus, sed fignandi cau∣sa annusum secury circum ferebant. In which place he shews a twofold cause, why the Ring was worn on the left hand, and on the finger next the little finger: one whereof is, Because, according to the doctrine of the AEgyptians, a Nerve passes from the Heart to that finger (or according to the com∣mon opinion, a Vein passes from the Heart chiefly to that finger; which yet Bartholinus in his Anato∣mie, lib. 4. cap. 1. censures as an error) the other, because at the first, as the Hetrurians taught, Rings were worn on the Right hand, till they began in Pride to be made of precious stones, and that then for sear of breaking by the continual use of that hand, men transfer'd them to the left; yet not to the thumb, as being much in use; nor to the fore∣finger as not sufficiently guarded by reason of the shortness of the thumb, nor to the middle-finger, as being too great; nor to the little finger, as being too short, but to the next to it, as being of less use, and so of more safety, Pliny (lib. 33.) says that the Ring, which was sent to the Bride, was of Iron, and without any gemme in it; yet Ter∣tullian says, that it was of Gold; aurum nulla norat praterquam unico digito, quem sponsus oppigner asset pro∣nubo annulo. See also Marcellus Donatus on Julius Capitolinus in Maximino Junniore, shewing the manner of bettroathing with a Ring, out Terence in Hecyra-Act. 3. Scen. 3. and stom others. Of Rings see also Fersius. Sat. 6. Illust. 3.

4. And from th•• AEmilian bridge so nigh•• Be∣cause, says the Scholiast, There were Stews. But the usual reason I think to be better, namely, be∣cause it was an high place, from which he might cast himself into Tiber. Besides, for the first lend purpose, he needed not to have gone so far, or at all to the AEmilian bridge; which being that far∣thest Southward in the City, was fitter for a Melan∣choly and Desperate resolution, them for a wanton one; as being a place where with more conveni∣ency he might have stole a drowning.

5. O Physitians, strike his middle vein. O me∣dici, mediam pertundite venam. The Poet here seering at Ʋrsidius Posthumus for his intent to mar∣ry, undertakes (satyrically) to shew the cause of his resolution, namely his Fear of the Julian Law, which punish'd Aduterers, and his Desire of hav∣ing a lawful Issue of his own; and likewise the ••••sequence of his resolution which was, that now he would no longer accept of rich and cunning bribes from the market, brought by such as aim'd at his estate, when he should die, being childless. But then he sharply sect-upon him saying, But thinkest thou that any will marty Thee, who hast so often, to escape a taking in ar••olfety, been clapt into a chest, as Latinus the Mimick has been upon the stage? (Of whom, see Sat. 1. Illustrat. 18.) But especially docst think to have a Chast wise too? O ye Physitians, says he, Let him blood in the middle vein; for he but a phrensie. But here

arises a doubt about media vena; Georgius Meruls and his Scholat Britannicus taking it for the middle vein in the arme (between the veins Basilica and Cephalica) but Galeottus Narnensis, citing this verse of Juvenal, interprets it of the middle vein in the Furehead, which, says he, is to be open'd in Phre∣metick persons. And this opinion is defended and Merula derided by Jacobus Nicolaus Loensis (in his Miscell. Epiphyll. lib. 3. cap. 23.) proving it by the authoritie of AEgincla lib. 3. cap. de Phrenstilis.) who does indeed warrent what Locusis says, but also conveniently decides the quarrel; which the Interpreters might have prevented, had they rightly consulted him. For he says, that if the sick be strong enough, they should presently be let blood in the arme, and somewhat plentiful∣ly: but if they refuse to hold sorth their arme or if in doing it there be danger af∣terwards, through their unruly tossings in their disease, of loosing much blood, then, says he, let them blood in the forehead, and take enough away at once. Whence it is clear, that the arme∣vein is to be open'd in the ordinary course, the other in a more special case. AEtius likewise lib. 6. cap. 80. prescribes letting-blood in this case, in the Forehead. Some prescribe both, if there be need, for the perfecting of the cure; and as for the order, the fore-head-vein to be open'd last.

6. Thy Iberius. The Poet tells him, that if he gets an honest wise, as chast as the shee-priests of Cetes, he had need to give thanks to Jupiter, and bring to Juns a sacrifice with guilded borns (for so they dress'd their larger sacrifices, as Pliny, lib. 33. cap. 4.) and that he might well rejoice as they do at Weddings, decking their gates will garlands and Ivy-boughe••, or (as he speaks after∣wards, which may be here taken notice of) with Bayes and skaffolds erected in the street for Nup∣tial Joyes. But sayes he, thou shalt not find thy Iberina, whom thou hast chosen, to be such a pure peice: but that, though shoe might be chast at her obscure and country home, if brought to the temptations of places of more resort, as Gabii and Fidena (though exceedingly, inferior to Rome) shee may prove as honest as Thou hast been. In which place some take Iberina generally for a Wise, at least for any City dame, which were, methinks, to make the Poet's invective too large and ad••ous: others with more decency, and indeed property, make is a jeer at Posthamus only, meaning thus he, who had been so faulty himself, was for all his experience in that for mistaken in his choise; and so take Iberina strictly for Posthumus his intended wise; whose arus name pe••••drenture was Iberina, and shee but of a suspected same, as he may seem to implie of Her singularly, by the emphasis, bac, in those words following, — ••••ius illud ext•••• ••••hid, ut Ha•• could contents sit no••••.

7. The St••••t and Well a day! The Poet here expresses the loud manners of the City, and how they are corrupted, whiles delighted with the sight of wanton action, particularly by seeing the Lods denced by the Pantomime Bathyllus, Which effeminate danes requird a special are and motion of the hands; and therefore the Poet cells in ••hei∣ronomon London; and so Jean Baptista Suarez in his Antiquedades Gaditanos (lib. 4. cap. 3. p. 285.) speaking of the Mimick and this dance describes it, telling us that such names were given by way of difference, being dances fitted to songs in the praise of famous Women. According to such ge∣stures the Greeks were likewise said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to dance the Medea or the Ca∣nace; which was by Motion to express the stories of those Persons. The Leda is sufficiently known as Brod••us notes (Miseell lib. 9. cap. 1.) from Lu∣cian 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It was by the Minical motions of the hand an expression of Leda seaz'd on by Jupiter; which motions are here by Britannieus and others thought to be call'd, Subitum, Miserabille, Longum; but by their learn methinks these three signifie not so many several motions; as may! parthy appear from the conjunction &, which, if that sense had been intended, should for the constru∣ction's sake have been left-out, and been only un∣derstood before longum, but being express'd before the second thus, subitum & miserabile, apparently makes only the two first of a like nature. Where∣fore I think longum to be us'd adverbially (as in that of virgil, longum vale and to be referr'd to attendi••, and so to signifie a long time, patiently, diligiently or without weariness: and thus only the two first shall implie mimical actions. Indred, those only were sufficient, signifying the chief les∣sions in her rage, her Fear, express'd by Subi••am, her Stars, through sodian amazdment, to see so strange a swan; and her Sorrow signified by ••••sserd∣bile, her Bewailing her self, or as we may term it, he Well a day! to see her self so unavoidably surprised: which passion of Leda, Bathyllus express'd by action; so that the construction will stand thus, Thymele longum attendir Subitum & Misorubile Ledae; according to which sense I render it, —The Start and Well a day, With long attention Thy••nele does note.

8. Argue a Plebeiis longe Megalesin. The Poet here to shaw the caget wantonness of the Romas dames says, that when the Theaters were at cer∣tain ••iman shut-up, and that it was yet a good while e're the like delights were to be presented again, they would, to supplie such defect, in∣steed of injoying the Actours and such Plays, at least view and handle the dress and fur••••••ure, which the Players used, as for instance, the vi∣sard, dart and truss of Astius a Player. In which expression there are some things either not as all, or erroniously, or darkly mention'd by the Com∣mentators; the cheif difficulty being in these words —atque a Plebeis longe Megalesia. Upon which passage Britannicus says (à plebetis) suband••, s••••••, id est, quoties ludi Carceuses, qui in gratium plebeis manima exhibebantur, sum longe à Plebeis, in est, per∣fecti sunt, & plebei à Ludis discesseruns; that is, when the Cireensian shews, (which) are celebra∣ted chiefly in favour of the People, are farre from the People, that is, are onded, and the people farre from these Shewi: But this is farre from the sense of the Poet, whiles Plebei is taken for Persons, the people.) That the Megalesia, as he says before, were Ludi Circenses, is a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lu∣bin on the word plebers gives this nore, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 unt forte vulgares Ludi, post quea (he mean. perchance spectacula, which word he uses a little before) bongo tempare celebrata sint Megalesia, quorum••ilia tenebantun desiderio. In which words he snapes Britamnians his mistake, who thought that Plebeis signified the People: but he takes them for games, yet not without forte, implying the uncertainty of his assertion: and indeed he shew'd it in the name, rendring it by Ludi vulgares. Some more posi∣tively say post plebeios ludos; which being a truth,

it may be farther known that the Megalesia were Games dedicated to the honour of Cybele, the great mother of Gods (from which title they had their name) and that there were also special Games called expressely Ludi Plebeir, Instituted as Asconius Pedianus observes (in 1. Action. Cie. in Verrem) either in remembrance of the people's Libertie after the expulsion of their Kings, or else for the reconciliation of the people after the seces∣sion to Mount Aventine. Next it may be observ'd that the Megalesia were perform'd in the Circus, and that so were also the Ludi plebeil; besides, that the Megalesia were celebrated in the Spring, per dies sex, à pridie Nonas April, as Rosinus notes, lib. 5. cap. 13. so that they begun on the fourth day of April; but the Ludi Plebeii in Autumn, and continued for three days, yet not as it is in Rosi∣nus, lib. 5. cap. 20. a. d. xvii. calendas Novembris, at testantur veteres Fasti; for that were about The middle of October: but insteed of Novembris, it should have been said Decembris, seeing they were perform'd on the 15th. 16th. and 17th. days of November, as his own witness, the old Roman Ca∣lendar, testifies. Yet I believe, considering his learned diligence, that it was but a slip at the Press (though I find it in several editions) not∣withstanding necessary to be observ'd; because it agrees not with that which he delivers, lib. 4. cap. 15. where he rightly says, XVII. Kalend. Decembreis, & duobus sequentibus, Ludi Plebei erant in Circo, uti Kalendarium docet. Lastly it may be remembred, that the delay intimated here in our Author, from the Ludi Plebeii in November till the Megalesia in April, implied in those words —a plebeis longe Me∣galesia, being about 4. months and an half, may clear the sense of the Poet jeering at the Roman dames, which so tediously long'd for the delight of these Shews, This agrees (serting aside the unwarrantable assertions of some, on this place) with that of Beroald, Annotat. 8. upon this passage; Cam Ludi magnae Deum Matris Cybeles Longe absunt à Plebeis Ludis, vel longe tempore intermitrum••ur: & longissima post illos ludos tempore exhibentur: interea illa lasciva mulieres tristes ob intermissos ludos, ipsa aguat inter se illas ludos, & mimorum vestes & ornamen∣ta tractant.

9. Yet view Actius his visard, dart and truss. Personam thyrsumque tenent & subligar Acci. Among the many impurities In their Shews, they had some seeming degree of modestie, the Actors wearing a visard, mask or disguise on their face 5 though indeed it was but that they might act the more licentiously, as Britamicus notes on that of the third Satyre (v. 25.).—mulier nempe ipsa videtur, Non persona loqui, saying, nam mini, quo liberlus om∣nia peragerent, personas induebant. Yet strictly the Mini, whose part it was to express all things by action, and whose entrances were between the Acts, were not persenati (says Rosinus, lib. 5. cap. 6. towards the end) but suligine obliti & agninis ami∣cti pellibus, wore not a visard, but only sullied their faces and were dress'd in lamb-skins. Which difference though neglected by many, yet may seem to be implied by Rodolphus Agricola, who in the explication of this verse, in the 17th of the Philological Episties publish'd by Goldastus, more warily says, Histriones (he says not mimi) saciem ••uam in seena regebant alienamque praferedant. Which may be confirm'd, by that of Sueton in Nerone, Tra∣gadius quoque tantavir personatus Heroum Deorumque; item Hereidum ac Dearum; personis effictis ad similitu∣dinem oris sai. They were likewise a truss, with∣out which they might not act, the rest of their body being naked. The Thyrsus also was used by them in honour of Barchus; there being in ev'ty Theater (which was form'd like in half-Moon) at the two horns or Ends of it, Altars; one con∣secrated to Bacehus, the other to that God, to whom the Shews were dedicated; as Rosinus has it, lib. 3. cap. 4. The Thyrsus was a dart or jave∣lin wrapt about with by; and this according to some was attributed to Bacchus? because In India his armle carried such to decieve the Indians then unskilful in war, by a devise probably not unlike that which the Kentish-men put upon the Norman Invader. But Macrobius (Saturn. lib. 1. cap. 19.) though he makes the same description of the thyr∣sus, yet gives a more intimate reason. For, speak∣ing of Liber Pater, he says, Sed & cum thyrsum te∣net, quid alind quam latens telum gerit, cujus mucro hederâ lambente proregitur? quod ostendir vinculo quo∣dam patientia obligandos impetus belli, habet enim he∣dera vinciendi obligandique naturam. The Ivy has also a power to Raise Fury and Lust, and so in Greek is call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; as Vives notes on St. Austin, de Civ. Dei. lib. 6. cap. 9. alleging also Plu∣tarch in his Problems. And from the Ivy, Bacchus was call'd Hedereus, as Dempster observes on Rosinus, (lib. 2. cap. 11.) out of Pansanias his Attica: and farther tells us, that Bacchus his Statue was adorn'd with a coronet of vine branches. Bri∣tannicut says that the Javelin was wrapt-about with vine-branches; and Vives in the forecited place says, it was wrapt about both with Ivy and the vine-branch.

10. At an Atellun parting song. Extodio—Atellana. Fab••le Arellana were so call'd from Atella, a City of the Osci, where they were first us'd. Fabius Dossennus was a writer in this kind, as Lipslus notes on Se∣neca epist. 89. These Plays were ridiculous and ob∣scene; yet to please some corrupt Emperors, acted sometimes by the Roman Nobilitie. They were after∣wards chang'd into Mimick Fables. See. Jacobus Ni∣colous' ••••ensts-Miscell. Epiphyll. l. 2. c. 12. Concerning the Exodlum or Parting song, see Sat. 3. Illust. 26. & 27.

11. Unbutton a Cemadian. Fibula signifies not strictly a button, but also a buckle, clasp or such like stay. In this place the Poet-expresses by it the instrument of servilitie applied to those, that were imploy'd to sing upon the stage; the Fraetor, who set-forth Playes for the delight of the People, buying youths for that purpose. And that such might not by lust spoile their voice, their over-seers clos'd their shame with a case of metal, having a sharp pike of the same matter passing by the side of it, and sometimes us'd one of another form: or by a nearer crueltie they thrust a brazen of silver wier through that part, which the Jew did loose in Circumcision. The form of the first, and also another fashion the curious reader may here see (being without any immodestie) as they are presented by Pigarius de Servis, p. 82. *

[illustration] depiction of two forms of male chastity devices

Juv. Sat. VI. Illust: 11. b.

But

whatsoever the fashion or invention was, the trust was but fond, which was committed to them, as the Poet implyes: seeing that the art of lust and gold could make them as vain, as the Italian en∣gines of jealousie at this day. On such companions then the Roman dames doated, but never on a Quintilian, an honest man. Thus, O Lentulus, says the Poet speaking figuratively to some Noble-man, it is thou that art married, but it is some Musiti∣an's or Fencer's bastard, that is born under thy Lordly Canopie.

12. Hippia. The Satyrist here describes a Ro∣man Lady, one Hippia; which some think to be her true name; though Jac: Nicol. Loensis (in his Miscell. Epiphyll. lib. 2. cap. 15) thinks, that the Poet gives it to her for her Lust, according to that of Vrigil, Scilicet ante omnes furor est iusignis equa∣rum, and cites Aelian de Animalibus, lib. 4. cap. 6. which may be admitted as a phansie, though per∣chance the Poet ne're thought on it. Shee was the wife of Fabricius Vejento a Nobleman (men∣tion'd, Sat. 4.) in the Time of Domitian; and with a Fencer, one Sergius, whom the Poet jeer∣ingly calls Sergiolus, shee fled to Alexandria in Aegypt, where Prolemaus Lagus once raign'd, even the Canopians, though luxurious Aegyptians, con∣demning such more shameless filthiness. Besides, the Poet makes it yet more strange; in that, for his sake, shee left the pleasures of Rome, even Paris the pleasing Pantomime (put to death afterwards by Domitian for his adultery with the Empress Do∣mitia) Nay, says the Poet, shee sail'd with him through varietie of Seas, as the Tyrrhene, the Adri∣atick, the Aegean; in which, through the varie∣tie of tides, shee could not but meet with uncour∣teous waves. But should a Husband desire her to go to Sea with him, shee would then crie, that vertitur act, the skie seems to change, or all things seem to run round, and shee straight grows giddy. Besides, her sweet-heart Sergius was grown de∣form'd, and, as one maim'd, hoped shortly to be releas'd from fencing; and then, says the Poet, he also would seem as deform'd, as her husband Vejento. In which words, he implies the manner of discharging fencers; which was by giving them rudis, a rod or cudgel, a waster, the sign of such freedome. But till then, the Roman dames doat∣ed as much on such kind of creatures, as ever Apollo did on Hiacynthus.

13. The Rod, &c. Accepta rude. Here I render rudis, according to common use (as it is expound∣ed by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, virga, as by Britannicus) a rod (or wand) when as according to strict truth (which may be observ'd for prevention of an easy mistake) it was a cudgel, and so by some is call'd baculus gladiatorius, the fencer's staffe or waster; and was call'd rudis, as some think, because with such cudgels they practiz'd the rudiments of fencing, before they came in publick to fight at sharp. Hence is the phrase in Sueton's Caligula, cap. 32. rudthus batu∣ere, to play at cudgels, and in the Author of the Dia∣logue de Oratoribus, rudibus dimicare. For, that the rudis was not such a trifle, as a rod or wand, it may appear from the weight of it, the cudgels or wa∣sters, which they did practice with, being more weighty, then the true weapons, with which they did fight in publick; according to L. Seneca, lib. 5. Controvers. 4. Gladiatores gravioribus armis discunt, quàm pugnant. And with such a staffe or cudgel in testimo∣nie of freedome from Sword-playing, some of the chief gladiators were after long service and danger freed and grac'd, and were afterwards call'd rudia∣rii. The ancient Sword-fights were call'd Munera, that is, Officia, duties perform'd to their Gods, or to some great persons dead; though some would have them called so, because the cost of presenting them was as a guift bestow'd by great Ones to please the People. But though we grant this for a truth, that they were grown into such corruptions, such pieces of flatterie; yet this reason seems too young for the Original of the name. the first being more ancient, then this corruption. Those that fought were call'd Gladiatores, and more particularly, if the Shews were for the dead, bustuarii: those that train'd-up such, were term'd lanistae, and all the Gladiatores that be∣long'd to one Lanista, were called Familia, Nero made 400. Senators and 600. Roman Knights fight thus shamefully, Domitian made Women fight thus by night. But the bloody use of fighting at Sharp was prohibited by M. Antoninus; and the whole use of these Shews taken away by Theodorick King of the Gothes.

14. A yellow veil hiding her sadder hair, — ni∣grum flavo crinem abscondente galero. Galerus is by some taken here for a periwig, as in Sueton's Nero, galericulo capiti propter raritatem capillorum adaptato & annexo; so Ptolemaus Flavius in his Conjectan. c. 44. So likewise Adrianus Junius expounds it in his Com∣mentary de Comâ, cap. 1. As for the Colour of it Ser∣vius notes, that yellow was the colour of the har∣lot's hair, but black of Matrones: according to which rule, Junius, cap. 9. says that in Terence the name Birria, should be amended into Pyrrhia, from the yellowness or fiery colour of her hair. Which

conjectures we may grant to be witty: but there is no necessitie to take galerus for a periwig, nor yet for pileus, as Lubin renders it; but in a more easy and general expression, for a veil: the Pileus being unproper for a Woman, and the periwig not necessary for this purpose, seeing that a veil would as easily serve the turn. And as for Servius his rule, though we admit it to be commonly true, yet Ptolemaus Flavins in the forecited place does a lit∣tle weaken it, shewing that even Ovid a master in the art of beauties observ'd not that rule, speaking in his Fasti of Lucretia, Forma placet, nivensque color flavique capilli; indeed in whom they were natu∣ral, it is not likely that they would veil them by art.

15. Under Lycisca's name —titulum mentita Ly∣ciscae. The several Cells in those impure places had the names of their hirelings inscrib'd over them, and Messalina took Lycisca's room. Where we may note that, for Ostenditque in the next verse in Juvenal, Barthius reads Offenditque, which, for a Conjecture is apt, and noted by Lipsius also, in his Elect. p. 27.

16. With cheeks soil'd with Lamp-smoak. Fumo∣que lucernae foeda. In the Stews they had Lamps hang'd-up, on the back part of which was express'd hieroglyphically, to whom they were dedicated. Fortunatus Schaccus (in his Myrothecium, lib. 1. p. 55.) presents such a one, which in the Circle of it had a Venus: but not to trespass upon mode∣stie, and yet to shew the state of those times in such furniture, I chose rather to present here, from the same author (cap. 7 P. 53.) another Lamp, *

[illustration] depiction of a Roman lamp

Juv. Sat. VI. Illust. 16.

in the time of the Christians, dedicated to sacred uses, having in the slope-circle of it X P for our Saviour's name, as Schacchus expounds it. But these letters were us'd long before our Saviour's time, as Longus shews de Annulis Signatoriis (cap. 6. p. 42, 43.) and where express'd in coines of the Heathen, some taking it for a Star, a note of im∣mortalitie; ohers (to omit many other conje∣ctures) thinking it to signifie 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, clemens, benignus, implying the clemency of the Prince, whose coin it was: which might indeed be after∣wards applied to our blessed Saviour, in the high∣est sense. Concerning which letters see also Pig∣norius his Symbol. Epist. 14. The two Lamps cited here from Schacens were expressed from two brasen Lamps at Rome. A double light was hang'd-up with two chains, as in this pattern; and Lamps were hang'd-up on beams, and to the roof of the Temples to illustrate the faces of their Idols. Such lights seem to be intended in the Apocryphal Epistle attributed to Jeremie, and written to those that were to be led captive unto Babylon; it is the sixt chapter of the book of Baruch, where it is render'd verse, 19. They light them candles, yea more then for themselves, whereof they cannot see one. In the Greek it is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and vers. 21. it is said, Their faces are blacked, through the smoak that comes out of the Temple; or, à fumo, qui ex demo, as Aria

Montanus from the Greek, — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

17. Shee brought her Thousand. Bis quingenta dedit, that is, Sestertia vel talenta, says Britannicus, and after him Lubin: which last exposition by ta∣lenta is without use or proof. But the first by Se∣stertia is allow'd; and by Turnebus (lib. 18. cap. 30.) express'd by decies centena millia, meaning Sesterti∣ûm, as it is in the genitive of Sestertius, and so is the same with mille sestertia. Of which, the Sestertia, Joan. Baptista Suarez in his Antiquedades Gaditanas, lib. 1. cap 16 pag. 131. having occasion to speak, calls them Sestercios mayores, the greater Sesterces, dis∣covering a like scarcitie in the Spanish to distinguish them from the Sestertii. The Sestertium then here understood being 7 l. 16 s. 3 d. arises, if multiplied by a thousand, to 7812 l. 10 s. the portion, which Casennia here brought to her Husband. See Sat. 10. Islustrat. 41. whereas then some here express his quingenta by ten thousand, it is not without mistake: for if they reckon by Sestertii, it should be render'd ten hundred thousand (or, a million); and if by Se∣stertia, it should be render'd only one thousand; which summes are the same (a thousand Sestertia being a million of Sestertii.)

18. Nay keep whole work-houses of flaves. Pueros omnes, ergastula tota; troops of servants, and whole work houses. It is almost superfluous to note, that servants were by the Ancients frequently call••d pueri, according to that of St. Ambrose, lib. 1. de Abraham, cap. 9. Pueros dicimus cumservos signifi∣camus, non aetatem exprimentes,, sed condicionem. Erga∣slula were properly not Jailes, nor Bridewells, yet in somewhat like both, the slaves being setter'd in them, and kept to hard labour. See of these more largely, Sat. 14. Illustrat. 2.

19. When in short days. Mense quidem Brumae; that is, in December the wanton dames of Rome would make their Husbands put to Sea to ferch rarities. Dicta Bruma, says Varro (de Linguâ Latind lib. 5. cap. 45.) quod brevissimus dies est; and Macro∣bius (in his Saturn. lib. 1. cap. 21.) according to the same sense derives it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Yet some copies anciently had, Mense quidem Numae, meaning February instituted by Numa, as one Manuscript tells us in the margin: which being a less aggravation of the wifes unreasonable insolence, (the first im∣plying the depth of winter) is not methinks to be equall'd with the first. Besides, though the time of putring to Sea, be usually in the Spring, accor∣ding to that of Pliny, lib. 11. cap. 47. Ver aperit navi∣gantibus maria, and that of Vegetius, lib. 4. cap. 39. ex die III. EID. NOVF.MB. usque in diem VI. EID. MART. maria clauduntur, as Titius notes, Locor. Controvers. lib. 10. cap. 6. Yet in the Calendar set down by Dempster upon Rofinus lib. 4. cap. 4. on the sixt of the Ides of February, that is, the ninth day, it is said, Veris initium. The first and common Reading I think therefore to be both more effectual and safe. But it may be observ'd, that in after times it was expresly forbidden by the Emperours, Gratian, Theodosius and Valentinian to venter to Sea, from November till April; as also by the Kings of Scotland, from St. Jude's day till Candlemas; As Wellwod observes in his learned Abridgment of Sea Laws. Tit. 7.

20. Kings on their Sabbaths bare-foot go, &c. Observant ubi festa mero pede Sabbata reges, Lilius Gi∣raldus (Dialogism. 10.) shews out of Josephus, lib. 2. de Bello Judaico, cap. 15. that it was among the Jews a custome for those that were Sick, or in other ex∣tremities, after their escape to pay their row; namely by praying certain days before they offer'd their sacrafice, by abstaining from wine, by shaving off their hair, and performing the sacred rites bare∣footed, as Berenice King Agrippa's Sister did, when she came to Jerusalem. Which story feems to be here implied both by the word reges and the men∣tion of Agrippa here. Yet it was a general rite a∣mong both the Greeks, the Romans and Barbarians, also to celebrate a feast call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or nudipe∣dalia, as De la Cerda in his Adversar. cap. 97. shews out of Tertullian, Florus, Ovid, and from this of Ju∣venal. Dempster on Rosinus, lib. 5. cap. 36. thinks these rites were instituted in time of a great drought to obtain rain; as may seem to be implied in that of Tertullian. Apologet. cap. 40. Denique cum ab imbri∣bus aestiva, hiberna suspendunt, & annus in cura est, A∣qualicia Jovi immolatis, nudipedalia populo denunciatis, caelum apud Capitolium quaeritis, nubila de laquearibus expectatis, aversi ab ipso Deo & Caelo. Concerning this Feast the reader may see Cerda on Virgil, and Scaliger de Emendat. Tempor. lib. 3. pag. 223. de Anno Priscorum Heb ••orum Abrahameo.

21. Spare Paean, Goddess spare, &c. Parce precor Paean, & Tu depone sagitras, &c. The Poet here inveighing against the pride of Women, and parti∣cularly of Cornelia the mother of the Gracchi, though otherwise a woman of excellent endowments, boasting of the Victories and Triumphs of her An∣cestors, adds also the example of Niobe (the wife of Amphion the Theban): who being singularly fruit∣ful (some saying, to omit other reports, that she had 14, others 21 sons and daughters) grew so proud, that as the Poets tell us, she reprehended the Theban women for offering sacrisice to La••ona, though the Mother of Apollo and Diana, saying it was fitter they should offer it to her. For which contempt, as the fable has it, these Deities slew with darts all her children, as they were playing before the gate of Thebes: at which sight Amphion is here brought in by the Poet, crying out to Apollo and Diana, that they would spare his innocent children, and strike his wife, that had offended them; but, as the fable goos on, she was turn'd into a stone, and He died of greif. But for the farther aggra∣vation of her pride, the Poet adds, that she scorn'd not only Latona, as less fruitful, but even the white Sow, Can••t•••• Scrofa made famous by Virgil, which at Lavinium brought a litter of 30. white Piggs, thereby portending to Aeneat, that after 30, years, the Lavintans should build a town call'd Alba; which afterwards Ascanius built, and call'd it A••••a longa, propter colorem suis & loci naturam, says Varro, de Ling. Lat. lib. 4. These parceis of fable, though indifferently known, seem'd necessary to be touch'd, in respect of the less skilful reader. As for the word Scrofa, it is by many thought to be fictitous, form'd from the sound or noise of Swine.

22. A meer She-Cecrops, Mera Cecropis. This also to the ordinary reader may seem a little dark, though otherwise clear enough, signifying here but a very Athenian; from Cecrop's King of Athens.

23. — Ʋt tamen omnes subsidant penna; or pinnae, as some copies have it. This passage has much trou∣bled the Interpreters (except some few that indeed ne're touch it): concerning which the Sc••••••liast be∣ing imperfect and somewhat unclean, ••omit him. Britannicus points it thus (according to the Paris Edition) — Digitor habet, ut camen omnes subfidant pennae; expounding it that such words were exces∣sive tempration; adding also, Est aute•• metaphora sumpta ab avibus, quae compositis alis & pennis sedent: which intimation though obscure, may yet, as in the

conclusion may appear, give occasion of farther conjecture. But the ordinary pointing is this, Digitos habet. Ʋt tamen omnes subsidant pennae, dicas bac mollius Haemo, Quanquam & Carpophoro, facies tua computar annos. One Manuscript in the Margin ex∣pounds subsidant pennae by subjacent pili, adding culpat turpitudinem anuum, quae jam asperis & duris pilis ad∣huc pruriant, and two other Manuscripts likewise by pennae understand pili. The Manuscript Commentary has, licet pili laterent (so it expounds subsidant) facies tamen atatem proderet. The one implies, that he should say, Though her aged hair were not grown brisly (according to that expression in the second Satyre, Hispida membra quidem & durae per brachia setae) the other, Though her aged or gray hair were not seen, yet her wrinkled face would betray her old age. This exposition were indifferent good, if the Poet did not imply by subsidant pennae an excessive temptation, increas'd also in the next words, Dicos bac mollius Hamo, &c. which aggravation were lost, if the place were expounded thus, that only her hair was not yet grown brisly. Lubin sayes here, Haec ita explico (nam interpretes vix Oedipus intellexe∣rit) Qua••••vis—omnes libidinis prurigines subsidant, & inferius —dilabantur: —vel irridet irritum conatum vetularum, quae ut vel maxime omnes ingenii nervos ad∣hibeant & graecum sermonem mollissimè pronuncient, &c. In which words though he gives a double expositi∣on of subsidant pennae by libidinis prurigines and ingenii nervos; yet for farther satisfaction he adds, Metae∣phora ab avibus, Ingenii nervi vel pinnae quasi ex supe∣riori loco deorsum vocentur. Possumus etiam pinnas hoc loco intelligere in cacumine turrium rotundos apices. i. e. Quamvis illa quae suprema sunt sermone two quasi de∣orsum voces, videtur esse proverbialis quadam figura. which last expositions seem more to need an Oedi∣pus, then those which he rejects. With like liberty to add farther conjecture, Britannicus his words, Est autem metaphora ab avibus, quae compositis alis & pennis sedent, may methinks yeild a sufficient and easy exposition. For though they are general∣ly, and so somewhat obscurely, deliver'd, yet it may be remembred from the third Satyre, that our Poet uses there a metaphore from the noise of the Cock, quo mordetur gallina marito (vers. 91.) and here in like libertie he seems on the like occasion to bor∣row an expression from the nature of the ben, say∣ing that though this old trot behaved her self as it were subsidentibus pennis, with sinking or yeilding wings, that is proportionally with aptest invitation, whereby she might seem young, yet her wrinkles betray her; yea though she should use all art of voice, like the most skilful and impure Mimicks Haemus and Carpophorus.

24. Why loose thy Feast and Wine-cakes, when thy friends half-cloy'd depart? —Nec est, quare c••••nam & mustacea perdas, Labente officio, crudis do∣ra••da. The Poet mentions here some less obvious rites at Marriages, as giving the ghuests Wine∣cakes at their departure, and giving the bride gold∣en coin in a charger; which he expresses by the Emperour Domitians Inscriptions or Titles stamp'd upon it for his victories over the Dacians, and Ger∣mans; the Catti, (now call'd the Hassians) mentio∣ned by Sueton, in his Life, cap. 6. being Germans: And here we may not omit what Dempster on Rosi∣nus, lib. 5. cap. 37. observes out of Symmachus (lib. 4. epist. 4. and lib. 9. epist. 96.) non e••dem tamen facili∣tate purgabis, quod silii nostri Minervii nuptias aliorum potius relatu, quam literis tuis comperi? an veritus es ne àre numisma cusum desider arem? potui jacturam sportulae facere. Whence he collects, that at Marriages they made not only a Feast, but also bestow'd on the guests coins purposely stamp'd with the resem∣blances of the Bride-groom or Bride, or both; which he points-out with this close, Quod nescis an ex alio cujusquam scriptoris loco probari po••••it. But for the farther illustration of the Poet in this place we must add, that whereas some expound labente offi∣cio by officio stomachi, because here follows crudis do∣nanda, (all which words some leave out unex∣pounded) it is quite beside the receiv'd use of the word officium, as may appear from Britannicus; who having expounded it de officio amicorum Shews the use of the word in this sense, for the attendance of friends at a wedding, from Sueton (in his Cali∣gula, cap. 25.) saying, Liviam Orestillam C. Pisoni nubentem, qu••m ad officium & ipse venisset, ad se deduci imperavit; and from that of Juvenal, (Sat. 2.)

—Officium cros Primo sole mibi peragendum in valle Quirini: Quae causa officii? quid quaeris? nubit amicus.

25. Whom thy gate heretofore Knew bearded. —Cujus barbam tu•• janua vidit; that is, whom thou knew'st, when he was young; it being a custome of the Romans (excepting Philosophers, and others in time of mourning and in some like cases) to shave-off their beards (and as some more especi∣ally determine it) at one and twenty. Thus all the Roman Emperors were shav'd until Adrian, who brought-in the custome of wearing beards; as Pan∣cirollus (lib. 1. de Fibulâ, tit. 44.) notes out of Xiphiline the Epitomizer of Dion. Of the custome of Shaving, Agellius makes mention, lib. 3. cap. 4. where having in this argument spoken of Scipio, that conquen'd Carthage, he adds, Comperimus au∣tem cateros quoque in. iisdem temporibus nobiles viros barbam in ejusmodi aetate rasitavisse: idcircoque pleras∣que imagines veterum non admodum senum, sed in medio atatis ita factas videmus. Yet Sat. 4. Illustrat. 17. I having observ'd the contrary out of Varro (de Re Rusticâ lib. 2. cap. ult.) it will be needful here to allege his words. Speaking then of the year of Rome CCCCLIIII. Wherein Barbers were first brought to the City, he says, Olim tonsores non fuisse adsignificant anriquorum statuae, quod pleraque habent capillum & barbam magnam. Which seeming con∣tratietie between them (the one saying that the statues of the ancients were without beards, the other denying it) being not taken notice of, by their resiners (Scaliger and Stephanus) seeing likewise that Pancirollus, Salmuth and Dempster de∣liver Agellius his observation for a truth without taking notice of Varro's different assertion, and lastly that Agellius his rule sorts best with this pas∣sage of Juvenal, it is but necessary to find a recon∣cilement. First then, though they seem contra∣ry, I hold them both to be true, and that the truth of each appears from Juvenal; a passage in his 4. Sat. agreeing with Varro, and this with Agel∣lius. Secondly they must be understood of sundry Ages of the Roman state; Olim in Varro must have reference to the times before the year of Rome, 454. in which Barbets were brought thither; and and not reach to the time wherein Varro himself flourish'd, who was Consul in the year of Rome 680. and so Agellius his assertion must take place after the year 454. and continue in statue and custome to his own time, that is, till the year of Rome, 864. in which he flourish'd; which year reaches within five years of Adrian's time. Yet this caution may be observ'd, that neither Varro nor Agellius make the wearing of beards or Shaving to be Ʋniversal Customes: and therefore it is less warily said by

Pancirollus, Romani Omnes radebantur. And this, methinks, appears from the word pleraque in Varro speaking of statuae, and likewise by plerasque imagines in Agellius. Which caution is necessary in respect of Juvenals statue which is express'd with a beard: which though we might in part defend by his Phi∣losophical life; yet seeing that he never assum'd that profession to himself, nay rather seems to decline it in his discourse to Calvinus, Sat. 13. v. 121. we may leave the cause of it to his Libertie & choice, or rather to his old age, which Agellius in some sort seems to exempt from the custome of Shaving, whiles he says, non admodumsenum.

26. A Cross raise straight, &c. Fone crucem servo. These are the words of a cruel wife brought-in here by the Poet speaking against a faulty servant, upon occasion of the power of life and death, which, among the Romans, masters had over their servants. Then follow the words of the husband mitigating the business; Meruit quo crimine, &c. The next is the replie of the wife, O demens! Ita servus homo est? Fool, is a slave a man? which in∣terlocutory passage was somewhat needful to be pointed out. In the matter it self two things may be observ'd; First her Crueltie in the punishment, which she calls for against the servant; namely Extream and Shameful, the Cross, which strictly they were said ponere, to set, because the foot of it was fastned in the ground; the form of which punishment (commonly servile) needs no de∣scription, it being so commonly known, and pur∣posely written-on by Lipsius, Gretser and Bosius; by whom the reader may be voluminously satisfied: Secondly her Scorn of her servant and husband; This being in her account but a Mad-man, and That not a Man, according to those words, O demens! Ita servus homo est? Fool, or Madman! Is a Slave a Man? strange contempt! Yet scarce more strange, then that of Florus (if we consider it deliver'd by such a writer) who in his History, lib. 3. cap. 20. speaking of Servants says, nam & ipsi per fortunam in omnia obnoxii tamen secundum hominum genus sunt. Yet less strange is this speech, then the practice of the Spaniards (as Mr. Purchas relates in his Pil∣grimage, lib. 8. cap. 15. upon the testimonie of Bar∣tholomeus de las Casas a Spanish frier and afterwards a Bishop in America) who, if a West-Indian imploy'd by them fainted under his burden, least they should loose time in opening the chain wherein he was tied, smote-off the head and so let the body fall-out; and sometimes layd wagers, who could with most dexteritie strike-off an Indian's head, or smite him a sunder in the middle. But concerning the sweet moderation to be used towards Servants, see the excellent discourse of Macrobius, Saturn. lib. 1. cap. 11. And here concerning the use of the word Homo it may be observ'd, that whereas in this place servus and homo seem to be used by way of opposition, Homo notwithstanding is sometimes used for servus, as Pignorius, de servis, p. 28. ob∣serves out of Catullus, carm. 10. Aere comparati Ad lecticam homines. So St. Austin, Epist. 56. homo tu••s, your Man, or Servant; so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was used by the later Graecians; see De la Cerda in his Advers-Sacr. cap. 146. num. 12. For other acceptions of the word homo, see Sat. 2. Ill••strat. 32.

27. Shee eight husbands takes, &c. The Poet hare implies the great abuse of divorces among the Romans, which were grown so common, that some wanton dames, as he says, were no sooner married, but straight, whiles yet the wedding ornaments did dress the house, they would leave their hus∣bands and take new, and thus in five years eight husbands, as he says. Which number he does not mention carlesly, but purposely, that being the bound of divorces permitted by Law. Beyond that number was accounted adultery, according to that of Martial, lib. 6. epig. 7.

Aut minus, aut certe non plus, tricesima lux est, Et nubit decimo jam Telesina viro. Quae nubit toties, non nubit: adultera lege est.

But Lipsius citing this passage upon Seneca, de Be∣nef. lib. 3. cap. 16. annot. 97. makes it far more odious, reading the verse thus, (differently from the common copies) Aut minus, aut certe ••ix jam vigesima lux est. Seneca in that place is very bitter, saying Numquid jam ulla repudio erubescit, postquam illustres quaedam ac nobiles saeminae non consulum nume∣ro, sed maritorum, anno•• suos computant? Divorces indeed were somewhat restrain'd in Augustus his time, as Sueton notes: yet lust and licentiousness over-rul'd the Law, as may appear by that above cited from Martial. Now such a number of hus∣bands, says Juvenal ironically, would be a fine Epitaph for a Roman dame, —titul•• res digna sepul∣chri; implying a custome, as Britannicus notes, of writing upon the Wife's tombe the mumber of her husbands, according to that of Marital.

Inscripsit tumulo septem celebrata virorum, Se fecisse Chloë, quid pote simplicius.

And here may be remembred what Valla (cited by Lubin) relates of a married couple in Italy, where∣of the Man had buried 20. wives, and the Woman had buried 21. husbands; that the conclusion of the business and expectation was, that the Man at last buried the wife, and so became even with her.

28— By meer skill

Or bribe, shee'll tame the keepers; and then call Archigenes, though she be well, and all The heavier bed-cloths cast aside— — Decipit illa Custodes, aut aere domat: tunc corpore sano Advocat Archigenem onerosaque pallia jactat.

The Interpreters differ in the exposition of this passage; which therefore it will be fit breifly to clear. The Poet sets-forth here the arts of one's wife's mother leudly for gain teaching her daugh∣ter to entertain adulterers; so that by Illa, which is three several times used by the Poet in this place, must be understood socrus, the Wife's mother, who is here said, by art or bribe to master the keepers, which jealous husbands used to set over their wives. In which description, Lubin and some others would have those words corpore sano to be understood of the wife, and those Advacat Archigenem onerosaque pallia jactat to be underflood of the mother; who faigning her daughter to be sick, would send for an Archigenes a Physitian (one famous in Domitian's time) and subtilly remove the bedding from her faint daughter; but under this pretence insteed of a Phyfitian admit an adulterer. But I think the Scholiast's interpretation (follow'd also by Bri∣tannicus) to be bettor, who expounds it only of the wife's mother; and indeed the construction of the words does necessarily carry it. So that the sense cannot naturally be, corpore sano the daughter being well the mother sends for the Physitian; but the mother her self being well pretends sickness, that so under a colour of a necessary attendance on the mother supposed to be ill, the daughter might subtilly meet with an adulterer under the shape of a Physitian. Which sense, methinks, may not inconveniently seem to be intimated in the last

words ••nerosaque pallia jactas; not that the mother casts them off from the daughter, but from her self faignedly ill, being indeed corpore sano, as may ap∣pear from the weight of the cloths which were one∣rosa, and from her strength in tossing them aside, implyed in the word jactat. It may be farther noted concerning the word pallia, that some take it here for bed-cloths, as I have shew'd, Sat. 1. Il∣lustrat. 2. though properly it signifies mantles; and so Britannicus takes it for the many and thicker gar∣ments, which sick folk usually endure for fear of cold. In which smaller doubt, there being no necessary circumstance in the Poet to determine it, it may be indifferently here interpreted; though I choose the first acception, according to Antonius Augustinus and Passeratius. And peradventure I may confirm my choice (and so their interpre∣tation) from this conjecture, that (to me) it seems more satyrical to applie it to the mother, im∣plying her greater hypocrisie, that did not only faign her self sick, but even so sick, that she must take her bed.

29. —And the hollow wounds so true, with daily spears, made on a post. —Aut quis non vidit vulnera pali, Quem cavat assiduis sudibus, &c. The Poet having shew'd the impudence of Women in the person of one Manilia, in pleading of Causes, and in their undertaking to teach Rhetoricians themselves, even such as Celsus; likewise in the imitation of wrastlers, wearing, like them, rugs after their exercise for fear of catching cold (but purple ones in a wanton pride) in the next place shews their wanton impudence in practising the Palaria, an exercise used by the souldiers at their Camp: which, besides the four ways that crosse∣wise led into it, had a sift (as Pa••cirollus, lib. 2. Titul. 21. delivers it) which therefore was called Quintana, at which they practis'd the Palaria, and from whence that exercise was call'd the Quintan, in these times with difference corrupted into a sport. That exercise anciently was a fencing at a stake or post fixt in the ground, but appearing a∣bove ground the height of a man, 6 foot, (as Ve∣getius describes it) at which they perform'd all the points of the fencer's art as with an enimie, by way of preparation to a true fight. Such Women then, says the Poet, as are before describ'd, are fitter to act in the Floralian sports; where harlots acted with naked impudence. Then sports he with the husband of such a wife, telling him, it would be a fine sight, to see all his wife's armour set∣forth to sale; among which he mentions Cruris si∣nistri dimidium tegmen: for, the left leg being in fight more set-forward, they wore harness upon it; yet he calls it but dimidium tegmen, because it reach'd from the foot but to the mid-thigh, the upper part of the thigh being cover'd with the Shield. He farther jeers at him for his wife's greaves, or leg-harness (properly used by the Retiarii, or Pursuers, as the Scholiast notes) which when his puella, his damsel should set to sale, Were not he then (says the Poet) a happy man?

30. The band of her thick-volum'd coats! Quàm denso fascia libro! I might render it, though not so literally, The bundle of her thick-rowl'd coats! He excellently expresses a Roman virago repining to have sail'd by receiving a stroak, which she had been taught to avoid•• he describes the windings and bendings-back of her body upon her hamms to avoid it, and expresses what a rowle or bundle of coats she had behind her hamms, tied-up for her better activitie, with some ribband, or band, ac∣cording to that of Martial, Harpasto quoque subligat a ludit. In which exprestion he compares the bundle of her coats tied-up behind her, to a great book or volume; their books anciently being rowl'd-up, as one rowles-up a sheer of paper, beginning at one side or edge of it. Which fashion is to be seen in the copies in the Vatican Library, and is still the custome of the Jews, as Schaccus says in his Myro∣thec. lib. 1. cap. 38. —ut ad haec usque tempora, sacram legem non nisi in volumine servent: atque non nisi ex∣plicato volumine legant: though now they have ma∣nuscript Bibles [for private use] and bound-up as our ordinary books; mov'd to such change, it seems, from the conveniency of the use. It may be farther remember'd for the help of the ordinary reader, that to one side of the roll was fastned a smooth and round peice of wood, horn, or bone (like a small staffe) about which the leaves were rowl'd; which being in the middle of the book, when rowl'd-up, was by similitude call'd umbili∣cus, or the Navel; the ends whereof were call'd cornua, or the horns. This may be seen also in our publick Library at Oxford; where there is the book of Esther so written in Hebrew in a roll consisting of eighteen pages in a Quarto-form, all set [like wain∣scot pannels] in a row, from the right hand to the left; and so the staffe is fastned to the edge on the left side, which is the end of the roll. Tho••e are also Latin rolls, but different from the former in this; that these begin and so are unroll'd down∣wards and in that manner are read, the staffe be∣ing fastned to the bottome-edge. Yet we may es∣pecially observe with the learned Aldus Manutius, [de Quaesitis per Epist. lib. 2. Epist. De Epistolis, p. 237.] that Letters (Epistles] which sometimes consisted of one, sometimes more pages were foulded-up; whence they were said involvere libros, and complicate Epistoles; though when they would preserve or Lay-up letters, they rowl'd-up Them also. The greatest breadth of a page did not exceed 13. fingers in breadth, as Pliny notes, lib. 13 cap. 13. Whereas then, some conversant in Antiquities, think that the roll was sometimes 20. cubits long, and 10. broad [which would implie a proportio∣nal excess of every page] urging for it, Zacha∣ry, 5, 2. I think it to be a misinterpretation: that expression in the prophet being extraordinary, and so a figurative speech; 20. common cubits being ten yards in length, and so 10. cubits being 5 yards for the breadth, which dimensions figurative∣ly imply the amplitude of the punishments due to the sins of Jerusalem, nay, of mankind, as St. Jerom enlarges it saying, volumen autem volans oftenditur in quo ••••nium peccata descripta sunt: ut unusquisque reci∣piat secundum opera sua, sive bonum, sive malum. To proceed then with our Author; after this descrip∣tion of an impudent dame the Poet jeers at her for using the scaphium: which impudence in a publick use of it, and at feasts, came from the infamous Sybarites, as Isaac Casaubon notes on Athenaeus, lib. 1. cap. 14. Then with exclamation he disdains that such things should be done by Women of good rank, which even the wife of impudent Asylus the Fencer would blush to do.

31. Fond Sparrow, that is, Hed••e-sparrow. Cur∣ruca. He means, Fond cuckold; the curruca, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉(as Aristotle reports, lib. 6. de Natura Animalium▪) being a bird in whose nest the cuckow lays eggs, which the silly curruca hatches. Upon which word Lubin rightly says, similis es avi currucae, quae alienae cuculi ••va pro propriis fovet & excludit, ita tu alienos liberos pro ••ui••••; yet in his annotation immediately

precedent, on those words, Tu tibi tune curruca, he sayd, Tu O miserrime cucule gaudes & tibi places, quod uxorem consequutus si••, quae tahto tui amore teneatur. In which words not without a mistake, because contrary to the intent of the Poet, he calls the hus∣band, cuculus: when as cuculus implies the crafty bird, and so the adulterer, but curruca the silly bird, and so the abus'd husband.

32. I'me Woman. Homo sum. Of this see large∣ly, Sat. 2. Illustrat. 32. and on this Satyre, Illustrat. 26. See also Cerda, Advers. Sacr. cap. 110. num. 6. alleging Gen. 1. in the Latin, Creavit dens hominem, &c. Marem & feminam creavit cos; according to which more general acception, Homo sum might be rendred, I'me flesh and blood; but he seems rather to aim at the frailtie of the female sex, according to the purpose of the whole Satyre; and therefore here I choose to render it, I'me Woman.

33. —Since to These Hills have flow'd, &c. Hinc fluxit ad istos Et Sybaris colles: hinc & Rhodos & Miletos, &c. I might render it more litterally, Hence to These Hills have flow'd, &c. But because that way of expression is somewhat more ambigu∣ous in the Latin, and that he speaks of Time in the immediately precedent words, —Ex quo Pauper∣tos Romana perit, I rather render'd it by the Time. The intent of the Poet is to shew, that since the Roman Dames have been free from the fear of an Hannibal (at whose being within three miles of Rome, their husbands were fain to stand in arms on the Colline Hill for the defence of the City) Thrift has been expell'd, and all riot has broken-in. Since, says he, or Hence, (that is, from Plenty and the expulsion of Thrift) the vices of the leud Sybarites, Miletians, Rhodians, Tarentines, and such like have followed to these hills, on which Rome is built. For this is the best Reading (as Partha∣sius has it) Fluxit ad istos—colles; not as some, ad Istros, or as others, ad Indos, without any congru∣ous sense, as the word colles may sufficiently implie. But I marvail that Britannicus chooses that Reading, ad Istros; for he himself making the sense to be, that the vices of Rome had corrupted the Istrians (whereby he must implie the Romans to be the worse, as being the Corrupters of others) he does by his instance in this place prove the Contrary; namely, that the Istrians corrupted the Romans. For he says, speaking upon the authoritie of Festus Pompeius, that from the Histri, Players were first call'd Histriones (though I know that some make Hister an old Tuscan word of the same sense) ad∣ding, quòd primùm illinc venerint, ut inde appareat c••s molliter vixisse. So that this mollities, as He makes it, flow'd from the Istrians to the Romans; whereas the Poet's purpose (as he farther enlarges himself) was to shew, that though the Romans had overcome others by the sword, yet they themselves were o∣vercome; by the Vices of those, whom they had o∣vercome; Savior armis luxuria incubuit, victumque vlciscitur orbem; that Riot did revenge the cause of the poor conquer'd world and now as fiercely wast∣ed the conquering Romans. And here the Reader may farther observe, to preserve himself from mi∣stake, that Miletos here mention'd does not, as Lubin and after him some others tell us, signifie Malta an Island in the Sicilian Sea [call'd Melite, Act. 28.1.] but a City call'd Miletus, the Metropolis of Caria in Asia the less, as Mercator, and others better in∣struct us.

34. When Falerne Wine with Ointments dash'd does sweat Perfume. Cum perfusa mero spumant un∣guenta Falerno. The Poet taxes here the excess of his times, wherein they had not only plenty of wine and sweet ointments, but also a mixture; and so not only were anointed with such rich ointments, but also drank them, as Pliny (lib. 31.) observes with some indignation, saying, At Hercules jam qui∣dam etiam in poin addunt (speaking of ointments) tantique a••naritudo est, ut odore prodigo fruantur ex u∣traque parte corpor is exteriore scilicet & interiore. Yet to speak strictly, the fault was rather in the abun∣dance, then in the mixture; such kind of wine be∣ing allow'd by the compassion of the Law to such as were condemn'd to die, so to abate (as some think) the too accurate apprehension of death. And such, it is thought, was that wine, which was given to our Saviour at his Passion, and call'd by St. Mark (cap. 15. vers. 23.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vinum myrrhatum; wh••ch as De la Cerda (in his Ad∣versar. cap. 177. num 6.) thinks was allowed also to the two theives, that suffer'd with our Saviour. And though some have affirm'd that Wine mixt with myrrhe is unpleasant by reason of the bitter∣ness; Pliny lib. 14. cap. 13. reckons it not only a∣mong Wines, but also among sweet Wines, and for the smell admirable. Indeed Turnebus, Adversar. lib. 28. cap. 6. notes that the Graecians Nectar was call'd myrrhina potio, and myrrhiola. St. Jerom also affirms that Wine mingled with Myrrhe was in it self excellent and comfortable, and so allow'd our Saviour according to the Custome; but that in a scornful malice and against the Custome, it was by his Enemies mixt with Vinegar and Gall. properly then not the mixture of Wine and Myrrhe, but the luxurious and common use of such a precious draught is the vice here chiefly aim'd at by our Poet.

35. —And rewards does winne. —tollit pendentis praemia coxae. The Poet having intimated the im∣purity of some Roman Dames under the names of Tullia, Collatia and Maura, in their secret vileness, yet also in their impudence in jeering at the God∣desse Chastitie even as they pass'd by her Altar [whereas they should according to Custome on such occasion have put their hand to their lips by way of Adoration, as Apuleius implies in his Apologie, whiles he accuses Aemilianus for the constant neglect of he enlarges the complaint by instancing in Laufella and Medullina: of the first of which he says, tollit pendentis praemia coxae, that she wonne in an impure contention the reward or prize of her Vice. But some expound pendentis praemia coxae by pernae penden∣tis tis in carnario, citing for an inducement to this Ex∣position that in Sat. 11. Sicci terga suis rara penden∣tia crate; and so make the reward to be a Gammon of Bacon. But had that sense been intended by the Poet, he might with more clearness have said pernae, rather then coxa. Besides, to omit other excepti∣ons, though the Scholiast mentions that interpre∣tation, yet as dis-esteeming it he puts it but in the second place; the more receiv'd and more natural expression being this which I use, though sparingly I render it, somewhat avoiding the other interpre∣tation also of the Scholiast, it being enough to say, that she carried away the prize of her fouly weak∣ned, or disjointed hip. And here I cannot but leave my Author, about this place, to an overplus Zeal of speech, choosing to contract some things, and leave out some; as particularly, after a few verses, that witty Irony in the word Anticatones, the formality of the wit being in the obscenity. Wherefore seeing that they would not be parted, I thought it best to part with them.

36. What Altar from a Clodius is now free? Sed

nunc ad quas non Clodius aros? An allusion to the story of Clodius [as, amongst others, Plutarch relates it in the life of Caesar] who for the love of Caesars wife Pompeia, disguised himself like a woman, and so went to the Sacra or Rites of Bona dea [to which none might be admitted but women]: at which, though perform'd in Caesars own house, [he being then Summus Pontifex] he venterously obtain'd his adulterous purpose.

37. But who shall keep the Keepers? Eunuches that attended on their Ladies chamber, called Custodes. Which kind of service intended for the preservati∣on of the Wifes chastity, did belong sometimes to the Papas, who was the instructer of their children, as Pignorius observes, de Servi••, pag. 188.

38. Some of more art have Eunuchs. Yet some even of the Heathen have been so chastly severe, as to teach that the society of man and woman should not be for pleasure but issue. So taught Ocellus Lucanus the Scholar of Pythagoras, in his Book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. publish'd with Annotations by Nogarola. Some verses following I omit, so might my Author: but the boldness of their Vice added boldness to his Indignation.

39. His button will not hold. Nullius sibula durat Vocem vendentis Praetoribus. See the 11th Illustrat. of this Satyre.

40. For a base Harper to be veil'd. Pro Cithara velare caput. The Poet here sets forth the singular impudence of some Roman Ladies, that sham'd not to consult the Gods and solemnly perform all the Rites requisite in such cases, for a base paramour, even a Harper; for so is Cithara here taken for Ci∣tharadus, the instrument for the Person. Concer∣ning the Instrument it self it may be observ'd, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉cinnor in the Hebrew, Gen. 4.21. as also Psal. 150.3. Is in the Latin Bible render'd by Cithara (or, as Arias Montanus, 1 Sam. 16.16. has it, by Cinnara) and in the English by a Harp. Which I urge not only for the justifying of the translation; but also occasionally to shew, that the Instrument, which we commonly call a Citherne, is most proba∣bly, a little before, call'd testudo, (though I render it according to the vulgar acception, a Lute) in that passage of our Author, — densi radiant testudine tota Sardonyches—. Which name testudo us'd most commonly, yet but figuratively, for the Lute, from the arch'd form of it like a Torteise-shell, is indeed appliable to any such vaulted instrument, and by some I find it expresly render'd, a Citherne, which acception, as in this Author it is express'd, may seem according to the Musick of these times, most aptly to claim this translation, it being said of the testudo, —Crispo numerantur pectine chordae, and after∣wards, grato plectro: the plectrum (whether made of a quil, or hair, as some tell us) seeming not so con∣venient, as the fingers themselves, for the playing upon an instrument of so many strings as the Lute has, in respect of the Expedition of the Touch and the Distinction of the strings, with which endeavor of preventing ambiguity in this argument we may the rather rest satisfied; there being in the distin∣ction of the ancient Musical instruments, even a∣mongst the most inquisitive Antiquaries, great per∣plexity. In the form of the Harp, it may be far∣ther observ'd, that there was diversitie; some say∣ing that it was anciently of a triangular fashion, like the Greek letter Δ, as St. Jerom testifies, Epist. 28. (if that Epistle be his) an inverted Δ being indeed somewhat like the modern Harp; Others affirming that it resembled the head of a Goat, the two sides being like the horns, & the bottome like the head it self, with a flat basis on which conveniently it might be set. Towards the upper part of the horns there passed from the one to the other a peice of wood, which they call'd jugum, unto which the stringes were fastned. This form of the Harp does appear in some of the Coins publish'd by Goltzius; and these Harps had at the first but four strings, though afterwards seven or eight, but not above, in the an∣cient coins of Nero and others. According to which paucity of strings that of Ovid speaking of a woman (De Arte Amandi, lib. 3.) Nec plectrum dextra, cytha∣ram tennisse sinistra Nesciat, may be conveniently un∣derstood, implying the manner of playing upon the Harp with a quil. But at last the Harp had some∣times 24 strings, or more, which is more sutable to our modern harps. Besides, some mention it as a thing not material, whether the strings were of wier or not; for so indifferently speaks Mersennus (in Genes. Quast. 56. column. 1524.) of the Cithara; Suppono 24 chordis, sive aneis, sive alterius materiae pa∣rum resert, instructam fuisse; where he expresses in picture both the ancient flat-bottom'd Harp, and also the modern, Column. 1527. To omit the fashion of the mo∣dern Harp as sufficiently known, I have here represented the an∣cient fashion as it is in Pignorius (de Servis, pag. 86.) and like∣wise with small difference, in Titius his Assertion, lib. 1. cap. 2. p. 10. *

[illustration] depiction of two sorts of harp

Juv. Sat. VI. Illust. 40.

See also Persius, Sat. 6. Illustrat. 1. That which is far∣ther implied by our Author in the words velare caput, is from the custome of the Ancients in their consulting their Gods; before whom they stood veild, as the Poet here says: of which custome see Alexander Neapol. lib. 2. cap. 22. and lib. 4. c. 17. and Dempster on Rosinus, lib. 3. c. 33. who, concerning their standing, shews in some case an excep∣tion. The Aruspex also that made enquiry for them did stand: whereupon the Poet pleasantly says, that if so many of them trouble him, they will sure∣ly make him crook-legg'd, that is, with too much standing. They repeated also certain words after the Aruspex: and by the way we may take notice of Juvenals estimation of the Ethnick Deities, whiles he says, Ye Gods for ought I see just nothing do.

41. The Comet that did bring Fear to the Arme∣nian and the Parthian King; that is, to the enemies of the Roman Empire, says Britannicus rightly, yet but generally. Lubin refers it more particularly to the raign of Trajan, who undertook an expedition against the Armenians and Parthians: yet this his opinion may seem less probable, because Juvenal was about the fixtieth year of his age in the begin∣ing of Trajan's raign; but the vigour of this Satyre seems more agreeable to the younger vigour of his life and wit. Secondly, though such a War was in Trajan's time, yet there is no Comet then pointed at. Wherefore it may most conveniently be refer∣red to a Comet in Vespasians time: of which, when it was shew'd to him, he jestingly said, This prodigy belongs to the Parthian, that wears long hair; but Ves∣pasian died shortly after. The Poet here farther inveighs against some Roman dames, that were im∣pudent News-makers, as he implies in the word fa∣cit in that passage, —quosdam facit isse Niphatem in po∣pulos — (one faigns, that the great Armenian River Niphates has rush'd upon or overwhelm'd much people); adding that their Phansie and Tongue committed more such outrage of News.

42. By night. Baluea nocte subit. In the descrip∣tion of a rich disorderly woman, the Poet implies divers Roman Customes and their Order; as, their repairing to the Bath before Supper (but by this Dame deferr'd till late in the night, as he intimates by the Guests staying for her return, till they were as much oppress'd with sleep, as with hunger); Then their Exercising themselves there with an heavy mass of lead in their hands, to procure swearing (such weights they call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, be∣cause they used them in leaping; Seneca mentions them, Epist. 57.) Next, their being Anointed, (as this dame was here, but by a Male attendant; in which passage I a little veile my Authour); After which preparations, the Ʋse of the Bath it self; and lastly (after their Bathing and before Supper) their emptying of their stomacks. Which last custome was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being a soul practice of pouring down liquor without breathing, and then vomiting it up again; a thing hurtful to the eyes, and making the body costive; and justly here reprehended in the Roman dames, as Parrhasius notes, Epist. 26. Yet whereas the Poet says, that this dame had an alip∣tes, or an anointer which was a man; this was the vileness but of some few: this office being perfor∣med to modest matrons by maidens.

44. —Which being wash'd the draught Returns; and on the floor is dash'd. Dum redit, & loto tertam ferit intestino. The Poet expressing that this ruddy Dame thirsted for a flaggon full of Wine (oeuophe∣rum, as it is commonly expounded) and drank be∣fore Supper, for the cleansing of her stomach, a double draught of Wine, each (Je••tarius) about a pint and a half, prosecutes it saying, the draught through offence of stomach returned, or was cast up a∣gaine, and wash'd the marble pavement; thus aggra∣vating the excess, (as some heighten it) as if she had cast up not only the Wine, with such fierce pro∣vocation. But whereas Britannicus observes from the words admotum pedibus, that it was bad Wine, and so such as she intended to vomit, because it was set at her foot; it seems rather to have been placed so only in a scornful state, (as the quantity of the Vessel implies, it being an Urne of Wine, four gal∣lons and an half;) and such a luxurious Dame no, doubt disdaining to drink bad wine, especially she loving Wine, (as the Poet expresses it) as eagerly as the Serpent is said to do.

43. To raise fierce stomach. Rabidam facturus orexin. Such a greedy appetite, as the Cretians are taxed for, according to some, in that of their Coun∣try-man Epimenides cited by St. Paul, (Tit. 1.12.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which last words though they are commonly render'd, slow bellies, and though 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 often signifies ig••avus and albus, yet as Gulielmus Canterus (Novar. Lection. lib. 1. cap. 15.) observes, it signifies also not seldom, velox and avidus, implying such an orexis as is here mentioned. And so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Poets, as he notes, may signifie not white dogs, but eager and swift, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sodainly or quickly forgetful. Thus in this of St. Paul (according to him) it shall signifie eager and devou••ing bellies, which other∣wise are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And therefore Canterus thinks, that Epimenides used the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 insteed of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, only for the necessity of his verse: and Phavorinus interpreting this verse, expounds 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (for so he reads it, and more Attickly, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Canterus the ra∣ther dislikes the common exposition, there being no great reprehension, as he says, in the term slow bellies: but when the belly, says he, is taken in an ill sense, nothing that is disgraceful is usually added to it. Yet then by his leave, what needed Aepime∣nides to have added 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉? or else his ex∣pression is unusual.

45. And in the other Homer weigh. Atque alia parte in trutind suspendit Homerum. Some think that in Juvenals judgment Homer was esteem'd the ligh∣ter, because of the word suspendit, as implying, that Homer hang'd in the Scale, and so that the other, as more weighty, funk. Which, though it has been granted by some eminent Criticks, and happily is not disagreeable from our Poets judgment, yet I think it not sufficiently prov'd from the word sus∣pendit here used: seeing that in a double testimony of Persius, It is used in so different a sense, that not only it does not, but in those places it can not signify so; as namely in that of Sat. 4. —gemina suspendere lance Antipit•• libtae—. And in that of Sat. 5. Aequali suspend•• tempora librae; where Ancipitis and Aequali urterly make void any such acception of the word suspendit in these places. But as for the contro∣versie, it has indeed more generally been carried for Maro; though if the question be respectively propos'd for the age in which they writ, the glory may be Homers, who was not only without peer, but without pattern. And though some have poin∣ted out some blemishes in his work, are they more visible, then Virgils anachronism in laying together the stories of Aeneas and Dido; whereas he came into Italy, according to the best Chronologers, a∣bove three hundred years before Carthage was built? But Juvenal seems, as some understand him, to flour at them both in diverse passages of his Satyres; as at Homer, Sat. 13. vers. 112. and 113. in those words, —Ʋr Sten••bra vincere poss••s, vel potius quantum Gradivus Homericus; because Homer Iliad. 5. makes Stentor to out-cry 50. men; and Mars being wound∣ed to roar louder then 9. or 10. thousand; In like manner at Maro, Sat. 9. vers. 63. and 64. in those words, —sed appellat pues ••nicus, ut Polyphemi Aeato acies, per quàm solets evafit Ʋlysses; as if the Giants eye, had been so broad, that Olysses had scap'd through it; but of this in its place. But apparent∣ly and vehemently he inveighs in his first Satyre against all writers of elegant and uprofitable fictions.

46. All stand mute. Omnis turba silet. Totum con∣vivium, says Lubin, illa loquente silet. It may more

generally be understood of any company met toge∣ther, and rather by chance, then as at a Feast, to which the word turba seems not so well to agree. Nor yet may we think, that it ought to be strain'd to signifie a rout or uproare, as if he would im∣plie, that she outshouted them; for this were not suteable to the degrees of aggravation which follow, when he says by way of increase, that neither La∣wier, Crier, nor another woman out-spake her. More generally therefore it may be render'd, of ma∣ny met together, All stand mute.

47. So many bells. Tot tintinnabula. Pancirollus, lib. 2. tit. 9. refers the invention of Bells to Pauli∣nus Bishop of Nola, about the year of Christ, 400; but He rather changed the use of them to religious purposes. For, their great Antiquitie is well shew'd by Adrian Junius in his Adversorum. Lib. 3. cap. 11. who shews out of the ancient Scholiast upon Theocritus, that they used to be rung when men di∣ed. Strabo likewise (lib. 15.) says, that the Persi∣ans did call an assembly before day-light by the sound of a bell, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. We may re∣member also Aaron's bells, and see farther in Coel. Rhodigin. Lection. Antiquar. lib. 19. cap. 11. at large; and in Salmuth, on Pancirollus. Concerning the Matter or Substance of which they were made, we may take notice, that Durantus (de ••itih. Eccles. Cathol. lib. 1. cap. 22.) says of the Citizens of Caesarea, that upon an occasion of joy, they went ligna sacra pulsantes, whereby he means, that they had some hollow vessels of wood, which they used insteed of bells; for upon this occasion Durantus mentions them. Salmuth amongst others, tells us that in Prester John's Country they use bells of stone.

48. This can alone the lab'ring Moon restore. Ʋna laboranti poterit succurrere Luna; that is, with her greater noise. The vain Heathen had an opi∣nion, that the Moon, when she was eclips'd, did labour, as if in an agonie, and suffer a kind of death by the Incantations of witches; of which opinion even Stesichorus and Pindarus were, as Pli∣ny relates, lib. 2. cap. 12. Besides, it was generally believ'd, that by such means the Moon might be brought down from Heaven, and so at such times they fear'd the loss of that heavenly light: which yet they thought might be prevented by making a loud and Panick noise with brasen Vessels, as pans, kettles, bells and the like, that the Moon might not hear the Inchantments, and so not suf∣fer any hurt. Liv. 7. decad. 3. speaks of it, as of an Ordinary custome, in those words, —qualis in de∣fectu Lunae silenti nocte fieri solet, edidit clamorem, which absurdity was so inbred in the Heathen, that after that diverse of them were become Christians, it was not quite expelled, it being reprehended in them by some of the Fathers, as by St. Ambrose, and by Maximus in a Homily De defectu Lunae. Of the suppos'd fainting of the Moon, Wowerus also makes mention in his Paegnion de Ʋinbr. â cap. 8. to∣wards the end. But we may farther observe, that the Arabians did believe the Moon to be in such an agonie, when she eclips'd the Sun, as may appear from their custome at their New Moon. For they keeping the day of their Neomenia, or New Moon, Holy, and counting it unlucky to have the Moon suffer any hurt on that day, did use, because on that day she might eclipse the Sun (the Solar eclipse being in Novilunio) to defer the celebra∣tion of their Neomenia till the next day, at least for 16. hours, till the Sun were past the Eclipse. And hence it is that the Astronomers do distinguish the Arabian's Neomenia into Caelestis, which was the first and natural time, and Civilis, which was not the true time, but the next day, celebrated to a∣void the ill luck, which their superstition fear'd. See Nicolaus Mulerius in his Diarribe de Anno Arabi∣co, in the Explication of the Arabian Epocha or He∣gyra; it is inserted by Ʋbbo Emmius in his Chrono∣logie, between his fourth and fift, books.

49.

In just Acts too, New Aim she gives. For she That pretends Art & Tongue, should coated be But to th' Mid. Leg; should to Sylvanus slay A Hog, and at the Baths the farthing pay. Imponit finem sapiens & rebus honestis. Nam quae docta nimis cupit & facunda videri, Crure tenus medio tunicas succingere debet, Caedere Sylvano porcum, quadrante lavari.

The Poet Satyrically describing his Learned Dame, says that she has her proper opinion de Summo Bono, which is the End or Aim of vertuous Actions, Then adds he, Nam quae docta nimis cupit & facunda vi∣deri, &c. Which Reason of the former speech seems not so fully cleared by the Interpreters. But I conceive the mind of the Poet in this place to be briefly this; It needs not seem strange, that she has also her several opinion of the Summum Bonum: for she that so mainly pretends to Learning and Eloquence, should not only, as a Leader of a Sect, have This Novelty; but should do many things be∣sides, as Philosophers do, namely, have her coat descend but to the mid-leg, Sacrifice to Sylvanus, and pay the farthing for the Bath-fee; implying, that these things she did not, either through shame or pride, as may appear from the more particular view of the three things he mentions. For first, she was asham'd to wear her coat like the Philoso∣phers, Orators and such learned men; whose fashi∣on is described, as Britannicus rightly notes, in that of Quintilian, Tunicae prioribus oris infrae genna paulum, posterioribus ad medios poplites usque perveniant. Nam infra mulierum est, supra centurionum. Which teach∣es us that the coat of the Orator, and such as pro∣fessed learning, as Britannicus implies, teached on the fore-edge a little below the knee; on the hin∣der edge to the middle of the hamme; that Lower was the wear of Women, Higher of Centurions. In which passage I render Crus, the Leg (not the thigh), anatomie giving us the libertie; which gives that name to that whole part of the body, from the heel to the hip, as Bartholinus tells us. Anat. lib. 4. cap. 10. according to which acception Juvenal and Quintilian will agree in their expressi∣ons. But from this fashion, though of the Learned, this Dame was deterred by shame; as likewise from the second, which was the sacrificing to Syl∣vanus; it being unlawful for Women; and more affected by. Learned men, as the Scholiast tells us. Which in part is prov'd by Joseph Scaliger; who on Varro, de linguâ Latinâ, lib. 4. p. 48. cites that of Cato speaking of the Rites of Sylvanus; Mulier ad cam rem divinam ne adsit, nive videat, quomodo fiat; and afterwards Scaliger cites this of our Poet. The latter part also may likewise appear by what Bri∣tannicus says from the Authoritie of Cato, de re Ru∣sticâ; to wit, the Poets and learned men (the patterns of this learned Dame) who for, study of∣ten resorted to the delight of groves, did use to sacrifice there to Mars Sylvanus. Yet we may ob∣serve, that Scaliter in the place alleged says, that the Rites to Sylvanus, were perform'd by some Country-man, whether he were Ingenuous, or a Servant. Which difference may probably be re∣conciled, conciled, by allowing the Ordinary performance of that sacrifice to have been the business of the

Husbandman, and the Learned to have been after∣wards Voluntary and Superadded Sacrificers. Be∣sides, it may be here observ'd, that when it is said of this dame by the Poet, that she should sacrifice a hog to Sylvanus, the Noveltie was not in the kind of the sacrifice, but of the person, a Woman. For though at first they offerd milk unto him, yet af∣terwards a hog; which was a sacrifice also to Tel∣lus, (as Horace testifies in his Epistles,) and to many other Deities, as to Ceres, the Lares, and Ve∣nus, of Livie, lib. 1. part. 4. The third thing which our Poet says this Dame should do, whereby to shew her self like a Philosopher, is the payment of the mean and usual Bath-fee (strictly not a far∣thing, but q. c. as appears, Sat. 1. Illust. 36.) But here we may ask, though the Interpreters press not the business to this doubt, how the payment of the usual Bath-fee could make her like a Philo∣sopher, when as it was not proper to Them, but the Common-see; which is therefore by Seneca. Epist. 86. call'd res quadrantaria. In answer to this doubt (which I but justly raise) I might allege what I find in the Manuscript Commentary, which on this passage has this note, Pro balneis nihil solve∣bant mulieres: which, if admitted, would partly clear the business; but that I find this assertion only in this Commentary; and cannot but allege those words of Tullie, pro Coelio (cited here by Cu∣rio, though not to this purpose) Nisi forte mulier potens quadrantariâ illa permutatione familiaris facla fuit Balneatori; which seems to imply, that Wo∣men also paid the Bath-fee. To express then mine own opinion, I think, that the Ironie here used a∣gainst this learned dame, which could not be in re∣ference to her sex, was in respect of her Wealth and Pride, which made her like the Philosophers rather in their vanitie, then in their seeming hu∣militie of conversation. Like them she would seem to be in the invention of a new opinion, rather then in a homely life; that she thought glorious, this contemptible. She seems to be such a one for Plenty, as that other proud and dissolute Dame mention'd before (Illust. 42. and 43.) that scornd the common and petty provisions of the Baths; but to these also, she should descend, as with the peo∣ple even Philosophers likewise did.

50. — That in Palaemon's Art is quick. —Quae re∣petit volvitque Palaemonis artem. The Poet enveigh∣ing against such Women as studied the exactness of Grammar-art taught by Remmius Palaemon (Quin∣tilian's master) whose life is written by Sueton, de Illustribus Grammaticis, cap. 23. says, that they had their Laws of speech, or spake by rule, servatâ lege loquendi. Upon which words Eubin says, Idem no∣stro tempore curiost quidam scioli in Cicerone feceruns, us Longolius, Sadoletus, Bembus, Sigonius. It is a large instance, and makes me remember this Palaemon (who disesteem'd the learned Varro, terming him a Hog) and the School-master Ruffus (mention'd Sat. 7.) that call'd Tully a fellow of Allobrogian, or ruder, Eloquence; and lastly such another Hy∣percritick, Nogarola, a learned Iralian, who in an Epistle at the End of Ocellus Lucanus (whom he publish'd) does in the conclusion of it, p. 48. censure at once the whole Italian tongue, even the Tufean puritie, terming it but peregrinitas Latini sermonrs, & verborum colluvies; and as for the three most fa∣mous of the ancient poetical wits in that language, Dante, Petrarch and Boccace, he requires in the first, more elegant words; in the second, matter and Sen∣tences for his words; and in the third; Discretion (very magisterially). But setting aside there Censurers, our Poet does here a little farther re∣prehend his learned Dame, for affectin, as he says, to be Antiquaria; the acceptions whereof, Marcellus Donatus notes, on Sueton's Augustus, cap. 86. as first, that it signifies one that does refine, or preserve, ancient books from corruption: second∣ly one studious of the old Poets and Historians 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thirdly, one that studies ancient Coines, statues and inscrib'd stones: fourthly, such as use obsolete and antiquated words. All which though they might be counted an overplus and curiositie in a Woman, yet only the last is absolutely a fault: and though in this Dame he expressely reprehends part∣ly the second, yet chiefly the last, as a mere fault intended in those words, Opicae castigat amica verba— concerning the sense of the first of which words, see at large, Sat. 3. Illustrat. 31.

51. When great Eye-checking pearls stretch her soft cars. Et cum Auribus extensis magnos commifit Elenchos; upon which says the Scholiast, uniones, mar∣garitas oblongos; and —Elenchos, quos & Titul atos ap∣pellant; because they were (as Pignorius, de Servus says, pag. 207.) somewhat like the Tutulus Pontifi∣calis (the High-Priests Cap) qui fuit metali figura, as Festus speaks; seeming to imply them to be somewhat like the form of the Meta in the Circus. But the fashion of that Cap is more clearly thus expressed * by Du Choul de la Religion des Anciens Romaines, pag. 243. And to prevent mistake, we

[illustration] depiction of a cap worn by priests of Jupiter

b. Jupiters Preists Capp

[illustration] depiction of a cap worn by the high priest

the High Preists Capp

a. Juv. Sat. VI. Illust. 53.

may take farther notice of the form of Jupiters Priests Cap, call'd Albo••alerus, figur'd with wing'd thunder, and of a rounder form, as du Choul, p. 239. represents it, from an ancient Marble at Rome: without which Cap the Flameh Dialis might not go our of his house. Pliny describing these jewels, [lib. 9. cap. 35.] says, that they did descend in a fuller bottome, which is agreeable to Festus his de∣scription, who say'd, they sharpen'd towards the top; and so the Scholiast calls them tutulatos; tutu∣lus, besides that it signifies the High-Priests Cap, signifying also sometimes a top of haire laced up on the Crown of the head of the High-Priests wise, for distinction and Honour. When Lubin then had cal∣led these jewels titulatos (though as the Scholiast does) he less warily adds, Cylindros alias appellamus; the Cylinder being of an equal compass from top to bottome; and calling them presently margaritas ab∣long as, he ventrously addes, evali magnitudine; for though we should in a possibility admit the size in respect of the Pearl, we may scarce admit the weight in respect of the ear; yet, in that they were worn, as the Poet says; and though he says, auribus extensis, he intends not that they were torn, though stretched. But now, though the Interpreters tell us, that Elenchi signifie such Jewels, yet they do not so much as intimate, why they were call'd so; no, nor the more curious Cerda, though in his Adversar. [cap. 175. num. 2.] he purposely describes them. Two of the Manuscripts indeed would have us be∣lieve that Elenchus is properly titulus libri; they might rather have said, Index libri. They would have it come from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Sun; because, say they, the title does illustrate the Book: and so, say they, the jewels call'd Elenchi, were conspicu∣ously plac'd, that all might see them. But we need not go farther for a derivation, then to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and then it will signifie a reprehension and conviction: in which sense, the name is aptly appliable to such jewels, which figuratirely may be said to reprehend, or check the infirmity of the eye in beholding them, and to convince it to an acknowledgment of their sustre. So that in accurate from of speech, Elenchi might be render'd, Convictions: but respecting the conveniency of the expression, with a little additi∣on I render it, Eye-checking Pearls.

52. Her face swells with paste, or of Poppaean Ointments smells. —pane tumet facies, aut pinguia poppaean•• Spirat —. Sueton and Juvenal [Sat. a.] re∣late in part the like of Otho. The Poet here shews the art of Womens paint, in steeping white-bread∣crums in Asses milk, to preserve the face from wrinkles; and in the use of Poppaean Ointments, anciently held singular for the beautifying and smoothing of the face, and call'd so from Poppaea, the Wife of Nero, who invented, or chiefly used them. Some yet think them to be of no very good smell, but rather a medicine: which we may part∣ly admit for truth; because the Poet having said, that she uses these for her Husband, whom she did disrespect, addes, that she prepares leaf-ointments, which were excellent for her Adulterer. Indeed these foliata were ointments made of Nard-leaf; so Martial, Tinge caput Nardi folio, cervical olebit; and such was that precious ointment, which Mary used on our Saviours feet, as Fortunatus Schaccus thinks, in his Myrothecium, lib. 1. cap. 22. And here to imi∣tate the zeal of our Satyrist, I may but necessarily condemn the painting of the Face: which is so common, that a witty Painter being asked, whether it were harder to paint by a pattern, or by the life, answer'd, He knew not; and being moved to shew his reason, replied, he thought he had scarce ever drawn any by the Life, because he never came time enough, but that some other Painter had been upon the face before he came at it. Yet were it but vain to send self-Painters to the Divine, his advice being more offensive, then their paint should be. But we may charitably present to them the more powerful motives from the Physitian: who will as∣sure them, that their paint is the Enemy of their Life; nay, of their Beauty. Sublimate makes black the teeth; Cerusse makes gray the hair. Plume-Alume burns the skin: Lemmon-juice disloves the hardest stones. Oile of Tartar takes stains out of cloth, and schorches flesh. Rock-Alume dissolves metals, shrivels the skin, loosens the teeth. Salnitrum mortifies the natural moisture; spoils the hearing, the complexion, and the stomach. Camphire vehemently sealds the face, and stupifies the brain, who then will choose to be so stupid, as to bestow Life and Soul upon a Face? But to proceed with our Author, one doubt may here arise; that seeing these Poppaeana were used by an Empress, how may we conveniently suppose, that they were not excellent? In which point we may believe, at least guess from the in∣gredients mention'd, that they had not in them the mineral danger of new inventions; yet were effectual for the beautifying and smoothing of the face, though of a less pleasant smell; which was no great inconvenience in Poppaea's use of them; she cleansing her face from the grossness of them, before she went unto the Emperour: but the leud Dames here intended by our Poet, let them dis∣courteously stick on (as preparatives) at home, and wash'd them off only when they went to their paramours. Where we may farther observe, that Poppea had 50. she-Asses, for such purpose, as Pliny relates (lib. 2. cap. 4.) and carried so many with her, when she was banish'd; and the same Pliny (lib. 28.) reports that some kept 700. for the like use. Yet says the Poet, Tandem aperit vultum, & tectoria prima repo••it, incipit agnosci, at que illo lacte fovetur, &c. which, methinks, is a passage of some difficulty; especially as it is expounded by Lubin; who alone insists upon it; saying, quod tandem, post quam multum diuque faciem illeverunt, vultum ape∣rias, fucum removet, agnosci incipit, quod prior vetula sit deformis. But to what season of her behaviour shall this tandem be applied? For if she appear'd with her own face, that is with her wrinkled face, after that she was wash'd; why does he then say, or how with reason can he say, that she went to her Adulterer, lot a cute, after that she was multum diu{que} very much or thoroughly wash'd? for that had been to go to him with her deformity discover'd. Or if it be not meant, at least in part of the washing of her face, then must it follow, that she went to her Adulterer, with her plastrings not wash'd off, and so as coursely to Him, as to her Husband. Again, whereas, he says, upon the word Tecloria, ubi prima operimenta & incructationes panis & lactis asinini à fa∣cie removet, after that she has taken off the Plaister∣ing of steeped bread and Asses milk; how can it agree with the Poet, who says, Tectoria prima repo∣nit, incipit agnosci, atque illo lacte fovetur, &c. That after she had laid afide her daubings, and that a∣gain her own face appear'd, she yet us'd Asses milk? These things then seeming inconsistent, I think the place may with best convenience, be order'd thus. First he says, that she us'd bread steep'd in Asses milk, or else poppaean ointments, which she suffer'd to stick rudely upon her face, till she went abroad to her Adulterer; but that then wash'd off all the

undecency of them, that is, all but what necessa∣rily fill'd the wrinkles; yet that she singularly sup∣plied all defects with advantage, by her leaf oint∣ments. Then, sayes he, Tandem aperit, &c. After she is return'd, and has been a little while at home, she wears again her own face, layes aside her pain∣tings, and appears aged. Yet, that she may not be stark ugly, though she uses not her plaisterings, she uses Asses milk; and this is the best face, which she bestows upon her Husband, though rather for shame, then Love; but at her times of preparing for out-a-dores visits, he is glad to be content again with her plaister'd face.

53. Wo to the Wool-weigh-maide. Periit libra∣ria. Here the Poet enters on the description of a cruel mistress; in which arises a doubt first from the sense of the word Libraria, which does some∣times (from Liber) signifie a woman-amanuenfis, or writer out of Books. For, that anciently they had persons of either sex for such employment, it is ma∣nifest by Vespasian, who had Antonia a freed-woman, who usually writ for him, and whom he extreamly loved, as Sueton relates of him, cap. 3. Eusebius like∣wise (in his Hist. lib. 6. cap. 17.) makes mention of Origen in this kind, saying, that he had not only men for the writing out of Books, but also maids, which writ very nearly: Upon which proof, Pigno∣rius, de Servis, pag. 120. disesteems the exposition of Libraria here for a Spinster, or literally a weigher of what was to be spun, as vain. Yet it is as known, that the word may intimately and conveniently be taken in this latter sense; and is by the Scholiaft expounded so, by Lani-pendia (a wool-weigher); which was the cheif Maid-servant, that weigh'd out the several ta••ks to others; and peradventure thus more properly. For though, I grant, the Poet did before describe a learned Dame, one studious of ancient Books; yet now he is upon the description of another, and as I conceive of another temper, namely one imployed in Cruelty and Lust. And though she were indeed wastful and destructive, as the Poet says afterwards; yet we may observe in her some pretended and dissembled house-wifery, not only in this particular of punishing her spinning Maid, but afterwards in viewing of embroydered works, and the accounts of the day, transacta diei, or as some have it, transversa; implying that the accounts were so long, that they were written even thwart the Paper (as for want of room) or on the other side, which was upon extremity. Where∣fore, though I deny not the use of the word Libra∣ria in Pignorius his sense; yet upon these conveni∣ent inducements (though not touch'd by the Scho∣liast) [incline to the Scholiasts opinion, and accor∣dingly render it. The Poet Proceeds, Ponunt cos∣metae tunicas, her tiring-Maids, (those that dress her) are fain to undress themselves to receive pu∣nishment; in the liberty of interpretation I ex∣press it, The Chamber-maid is stripp'd. So, Tardè venisse Liburnus Dicitur — (Her Liburnian is accus'd to her of laziness in not coming speedily) I render, Her Litter man too long has stay'd. The Poet names him from his Country, Liburnia, whence they had tall and lusty slaves, whom they imployed like our Sedan men, in carrying of them in their Litters: but the more strict expression being insolent to an English ear, I choose to render it, by implying his office, Her Litter-man, &c. The Poet then jeers at her cruelty, saying, that at last with a pretended dislike, she loudly bids the Tormentor Be gon; but not till she has been as cruel, as the Sicilian Pha∣laris, or the Dionysii. Whereby we may observe the severity of that age, wherein they used Lor arit, which were sometimes of the number of their Ser∣vants, sometimes hired occasionally for the punish∣ing of them; the whips they used for such purpo∣ses, being usually sold in the Suburra, as Martial implies; Tonstrix Suburrae fancibus sedet primis, Cra∣entae pendent qua flagra tortorum.

54. The haunted Brothel shrine of Isis. Aut apud Isiacae potiùs sacraria lenae; A strange, and yet a com∣mon place for opportunity of Adulterers. But a larger accusation is that, Sat. 9. —In quo non prostat faemina templo? Yet such impurity was amongst the Graecians too, as Rhodigin observes, (lib. 13. Antiq. Lection. cap. 24. out of Pausanias in his Achaica). Near the Temple of Isis were also publick Gardens, which occasions the Scholiast to say, In hortis tem∣plorum adulteria committuntur upon the precedent words of the Poet, —jamque expectatur in hortis. I may lightly touch a story in Josephus (Antiquit. lib. 18. cap. 4.) of Mundus a young Roman (and whom Britannicus thinks to be here intended; for he alledges the story to this purpose) who ex∣treamly loving one Paulina a matron of especial birth and modesty, corrupted the Priests of Isis; who under a pretence of Religion called the woman into the Temple, telling her, that Osyris had by night talk'd with them, and perswaded her that their God was in love with her; by which means Mundus, even in the Temple, had his desire; for which fact the Priests were crucified and Mundus banish'd; Tiberius (in whose raign it was) using Him so gently, because forsooth it was done in the impatience of Love! A gentle name, and a false one, for Adultery!

55. Why stands this Curle so high? With thong she's paid straight—. Altior hic quare cincinnus? taurea punit Continuc—. The first are the words of the curious Mistress reprehending her poor Cham∣ber-maid Psecas, ironically here so called; it being a name in Ovid, given to an attendant of Diana. The Poet adds, that she was punish'd with the taurea, which Britannicus mistakes for the name of a Matron, so called (if we may thence frame a harsh Epithet) from her taurine fierceness. Johannes Baptista Pius, (in his Annotat. Posterior. cap. 124.) erroneously thinks it to be Vincula, a kind of fetters. Indeed they are names sometimes found together, as par∣ticularly in Eutropius, but signifying different things, and invented by Tarquin the proud; and therefore by Curio and others, it is rather taken for a thong of a Bulls hide (to silence a less seemly expression of some) wherewith condemn'd persons were punish'd. So it is used 2 Macchab. 7.1. where the Author de∣scribes the seven brethren, and the Mother to have been flagris & taureis cruciatos; where the word for taureis is in the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whips, as the English modestly choses to render it, rather according to the Latin, then the strict sense of the Greek.

56. Yet once cunning at the Crisping pin. Eme∣rita quae cessat acu. Some understand this of one past needle-work, through an aged and weak sight; but the Scholiast, of one that had formerly been expert at the curling of the hair with the crisping pin; for so he upon the word emerita; Quae non ornatrix eft, sed jam quasi emerita cessat; her Hand being past the work, but not her Judgment.

57. Like tall Andromache. The Poet expresses the height of this proud dame, by her dress, and by comparison. It was anciently the custome of Matrons to form their hair into a high rowle to∣wards the crown of the head; which rowles were call'd tutuli, as Varrs says, whether it were tuendi

capilli causa, or that they call'd that tutissimum, which in a City is altissimum, that is, Arx, as Janus Parrhasius questions it, Epist. 58. Statius has an ex∣pression of such a dress, in those words, —Celsae procul aspice frontis Suggestumque comae—. The height of this dame is next set-out by comparing her with Andromache Hector's wise, whom Dares Phrygius and Ovid relate to have been very tall: Wherefore I marvall, that so eminent a mark in her stature is omitted in her description by Isaacus Porphyrogeni∣tus in his Characters of the Greeks and Romans which were at Troy. In which, (publish'd by Rutgersius in his Var. Lect. lib. 5. cap. 20.) he calls Androma∣che, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, long visag'd, but says nothing of her stature; only he says, she was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, slender; but so she might be, and yet not tall. Besides, in his character of Polyxena, though he call her 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, slender-faced, yet when he describes her to be tall, he calls her not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. As for the latter part of the Poet's expression of this dame, he says, that behind she was shorter then a Fygmie, speaking so according to the receiv'd fable (of which see more conveniently, Sat. 13. Illust. 10. on those words, Pymaeus bellator) but implies that her true stature was more easily and rightly discern'd behind, then before: her hair before seeming a continuation of stature, but behind rather a distinct superaddition.

58. —Whom th' admire As less obscene—. —Ob∣scoeno facies reverenda minori. I choose to vary a little from the strict sense of these words, in which he expresses the Eunuch-priest with his inferior attendants, Eunuches also (who therefore are here called, rauca cohors) beating their drummes according to their custome, their chief Priest at∣tir'd with a Phrygian tiara, which was a silken cap, much like a calot, but fasten'd behind with broad ribbands coming down by the jawes, and so tied under the chin; and therfore he says, —Et phrygia u••stitur bucca tiara. See the fashion of it in picture, Sat. 3. Illust. 8. see also Sat. 10. Illustrat. 38.

59. —And then Give him their old cloathes brown like vine-leaves when Th' are dried—. Et xerampelinas veteres donaverit ipsi. In the farther description of these Priests the Poet shews their cunning and superstition; partly in this, that a∣gainst September these artists would threaten silly superstitious women, that they should be struck in that month by the Southern winds (which usu∣ally then blow) with Agues and other diseases, unless they purified themselves according to Their prescription, which was with brimstone, eggs, and a lighted taper or torch made of the unctuous Pine-tree; as Britannicus shews partly out of Ovid, fully out of Apuleius (lib. 11. de Asin. aur.) which lustration the Greeks call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. See Coel. Rhodigin. and Sat. 2. Illustrat. 30. Besides, the cun∣ning Priests told such Women, that they must give unto Them their old cloathes; which were to be hang'd-up, till the lustration were ended: per∣swading them then that all misfortunes went into the coats, and that thereby they themselves were for that year safe. They hung-up also at their Compitalia (which were feasts celebrated in crosse∣ways unto the Lares, who were viarum prasides, or, as some, viales Dii) woollen Images of men and Women, that the Manes might be satisfied by Them, and spare the persons, as Lubin in part ob∣serves. But the effect of this direction was, that the purification being ended, the Priests should have the benefit of the garments; which here the Poet calls xerampelinas, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, aridus, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a vine, they being of the colour of a dried vine-leaf, that is, of a sad-russet; which, as the Scholiast informs us, was the usual colour of Ma∣trons garments. Britannicus adds, that in may be read Xylampelinas, from Xylon, cotton, and so signifie russet cotten garments; but also beyond the force of the word, which can but signifie a garment of cotton like a vine-leaf; which without 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 must be understood according do propertic, and to green, not russet. Now to affirm that green was the colour of the Matrons garments is not only with∣out proof, but also probabilitic: and though I believe, he intended not this, yet it would follow from his assertion; to omit one inconvenience more, which he himself conceals not, namely that the first syllable of Xylampelinas is short, and so not agreeable here to the nature of the verse. It may be here farther observ'd, that some read vestes for veteres; but that is implyed in this, and this is the more expressive, as s••gnifying, that at once they conveniently parted with their old cloathes and their old faults, being thus quitted from the punish∣ment due unto them.

60. And from hot Meroë shee'll water fetch to sprinkle Isis Temple—. A Meroë portabit ap••as, at spargat in Aede Isidis—. After a clear recial of di∣vers severe follies, which superstitious da••es un∣dertook on the direction of the Priest, he menti∣ons their more irkesome voyages even to the ut∣most confines of Aegypt, to setch water to sprinkle in Isis Temple, which stood by the old Sheepfold. Which things that they may be more sensibly lay'd together, it may be observed that Tiber was on the West-side of Campus Martius, the place wherein the Martial exercises were perform'd. Besides. there was the Temple of Isis and the old sheep-fold; a place so call'd, says Britannicus, because T••••quins flocks were kept there; or as the Sch••liest says, because Romulus and the old sheep-herds kept their flocks there. Yet Servius on Virgil (Eclog. 1.) taking it for the septa, a place inclos'd in the Cam∣pus Martius, in which the Roman people stood and gave their voices, adds, —sed quoniam hac septa si∣milia sunt ovilibus, duo hac invicem prose pou••••••••••: so that he thinks it to be call'd a sheepfold, from the figure and similitude of it. But the chief diffi∣culty here is, that these superstitious dames should make such strange voyages, as beyond the utmost parts of Aegypt, if commanded by Iö, worshipp'd as a Deity by the name of Isis. Brit••••••icus there∣fore to help the matter, says that he speaks here hyperbolically, the water of Nilus being said to be sprinkled, quamvis simulata foret. Nam quae exhiberi non poterant simulabantur, & habebantur pro veris; unde Virgil. Sparserat & latices simulatos fo••tis Aver∣ni, Erodaus (in his Miscellan. lib. 4. cap. 2.) shews the same out of Servius, and that they form'd such living creatures, as were hard to be gotten, in dough or wax. Fortunius Licetus, and Italian Cri∣tick, does likewise shew the same at large (in his Encyclopaedia ad Aram Nonarii Terrigena, cap. 9. pag. 100. &c.) partly from Gyraldus, in his De••••••ut Syntagus. 17. and partly from his own observations; and more particularly this custome, or ordinary supplie of the water of Nilus thus offer'd to Isis. The generalitie of which custome, to offer a feigned sa∣crifice for a true one, is by him made clear by sun∣dry instances, amongst others by that of the Cyzi∣cens, who by custome were to offer yearly a black Cow: but being once at the set time of the sacri∣fice besieg'd, and so not able to provide one, they

made one in dough, and with that perform'd the sacrifice. Farther he relates (p. 102. out of Ju∣lius Pollux his Onomasticon, cap. 1.) that about Baeotia they offer'd unto Hercules 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not sheep but ap∣ples (for the word signifies both) on this occa∣sion. The custome was to offer a ramme, and the time of the solemnitie of the sacrifice being come, they that were to bring it were against their wills delay'd, the river Asotus having sodainly over-flow'd its banks, so that they could not pass. Whereupon, the young men, that were at the place of the sa∣crifice, did by way of sport perform it, by taking a ripe apple, undersetting it with four sticks insteed of feet, and adding a couple more insteed of horns. Which fictitious ramme was then offer'd, and be∣ing not an unacceptable sacrifice, afterwards this Rite continued amongst them. Yet Brodaeus (in the fore-cited place) though he touches upon another kind of exposition (as I shew'd) thinks that this water was by Merchants brought in ships to Rome, and so sould to superstitious Women. Which last we may probably admit for a truth, though we have no proof alleged for it; but the first indeed is proved truth. Yet with leave of them all, I think it not the truth here intended; nay, that it cannot be here intended: first in re∣spect of the express testimonie of the Poet, who more especially says, Ibit and aquas portabit; so that he plainly says, that she her self did thus. And though he adds, si jusserit, If Iö bids, yet the form of the speech implies, that she did sometimes did so. Secondly and more pressingly, (as I think) because of the absurd consequence, if this were not the sense: for what great matter had it been wor∣thy to be inveighed against by a Satyrist, if their superstition had been so wise and Lazy, as either to offer a feigned sacrifice, or a true one so easily provided? And how had this been sutable to have been join'd with the other cruel follies before re∣cited, which their superstitious fear imposed upon themselves? Which necessarie considerations those learned Criticks might have used. Wherefore to speak clearly, I think, that, according to Brodaus (if his opinion be proved true) these worshippers might sometimes offer such water: secondly, that according to Servius, sometimes they did offer si∣mulata pro veris; and that sometimes they did, as our Poet here with indignation wonders-at, fetch it themselves from the confines of Aegypt; even from Meroë in Aethiopia, such Aegypto (as the Geographers call it) an Iland in Nilus (now called Gueguere) and in which was a City of the same name (Meroë); the most Northern part of which Iland being about 16. degrees of North-latitude, well might the Poet say, that the waters of it were hot.

61. That acts Anubis, &c. Qui—plangentis populi currit derisor Anubis. Anubis was the Son of Osyris and Isis: all which were by the Aegyptians, whom they taught such useful knowledge, worshipped as Deities; Osyris (under the name of Apis and Sera∣pis) in the form of an One with some special marks; but by custome drowning the beast after a certain number of years, in a sacred fountain (as the fable has it) they went howling about, till they found another, crying-out in their joy as mad as their sorrow, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to which the Poet alludes, Sat. 8. in those words, Excla∣mare libet populus quod clamat Osyri Invento—. Now at these fooleries the Priest did carry about the Image of Anubis, whom they worshipp'd in the form of a Dog, because as Diodorus Siculus says, he gave the Dog for his Arms: which Anubis, (as the Poet adds) or the Priest that carried him, did but jeer at the people, which went about with him. So that I take derisor Anubis, not as Autum∣nus does, saying derisor Antistes, quia irrider deum, so making Anubis the genitive case; as if the Priest did jeer at the God; but by an Apposition I take derisor Anubis for the same person. And this is clear from the other words, populi plangentis; so that the order is, Anubis derisor populi plangentis. Where likewise I cannot approve Britannicus ex∣pounding populi plangentis, thus, id est, reliquorum sacerdotum, as if the chief Priest floured at the in∣ferior priests; it being likely that they understood the profitable imposture, as well as himself. But the most easie sense, as I conceive it, is that the Priest, which carried the god (amongst the other shaved Priests in linnen-dress) jeer'd at the peo∣ple. And here I may mention Pignorius his con∣ceit, who (in his Mensae Isiacae exposit.) Thinks that it were far more happy, if the old Copies had it so, to read dersor, insteed of derisor; for so in another place he is call'd Latrator Anubis, allud∣ing to the form in which he was worshipped. Which for a phansie (being without copie) seems very pretty; though if admitted without the cour∣tesie of a figure, and that he were indeed, popul•• derosor, the people might well howle, but rather for themselves, then for Osyris. But to check this phansie in earnest, Anubis was not represented as a dog for any qualitie of biting the people, but from his supposed vigilance; more particularly in guard∣ing the bodies of Osyris and Isis. Retaining then the copies, which have derisor, amongst the causes of such derision, that which follows, is by some reckon'd for one; that the Priests perswaded these dames, they had need of a pardon, if during the feast of Isis, which lasted nine days (as Britannicus notes out of Propertius) they abstain'd not even from the Marriage-Right.

62. When th' injur'd bed. Violato Cadarco. Some copies have Caduceo, and so understand it of Mer∣cury, the same with Anubis and here supposed to be offended; thus (with others) Isacius Pontanus on Macrobius his Saturn. lib. 1. cap. 20. upon this pas∣sage of Juvenal. Yet this reading is against the generalitie of Copies, and the nature of the word Caduceus, the first syllable whereof is long; and so not sutable in this place, as Britannicus heretofore observ'd. Besides, the word cadurcus is not only in this place used by Juvenal, but also in the next Satyre, in that verse, Institor hibernae tegetis nivei∣que cadurci; and (to omit some unclean interpre∣tations) signifies a tent, and as some have it, a bedsteed, as others the covering, in effect the bed, but figuratively the persons, that are said pro∣phane it, and which therefore fear'd punishment; and therefore does most aptly in this sense follow the precedent verse. The word it self, cadurcus, is thought to come from Cadurci, a people in France, where Cahors now is, and where anciently they made the finest and whitest bed-ticks.

63. Gently the silver-Sernent seems to nod. Et movisse caput visa est argentea serpens. In the Temple of Isis there was placed a silver-Serpent, as Pignorius (in his Mensae Isiacae Expos. fol. 14.) and others observe. Concerning which point of Aegyptian Theologie, Macrohius (Saturn. lib. 1. cap. 20.) says, that in the Temple of Serapis there was an Image with three heads, the middlemost like a Lion, the right side head like a fawning dog, and the left-side head like a ravenous Wolf, about all which a Serpent wrapt himself, bringing his head

under the right hand of the god. By which three heads, says he, Time was signified; by the Middle∣most like a Lion Time Present, as being full of vigour and business; by the left-side head, the devouring wolf, Time Past, in which the re∣membrance of things is swallow'd-up; by the right-side head like a fawning Dog Time to come, which flatters us with Hope. To which pleasing exposition unhappily he adds nothing concerning the Serpent, though mention'd by himself; only in general he says, Tempora au∣tem cui nisi proprio famularentur anctori? Which may be appliable to the Serpent, which by his incompassing of all times, may signifie Eternity, compared with which, Time is but as a short parenthesis in a long line. Or we may not un∣fitly understand Providence by it, which with a quick and strong eye beholds all times, past, present and to come; which is but sutable to the proverbial excellency of the Serpent's sight; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉(the Serpents eye) being a receiv'd expression of a Man of clear understanding. Lastly the Serpent's Laying of his head under the right hand of the god may not unfitly im∣plie the sublimitie and truth of its guid. Con∣cerning movisse caput, some expound it, as if it implyed the Anger of the god, as that he shook his head at their offences, in a sense not unlike that in the second Satyre, where it is said to Mars, Nec galeam quassas? But me∣thinks there needs no such fierceness here in the word movisse; only it shews the power in the successe of the Priest: who for offences, though great, according to their belief, did notwithstanding procure the deity to give a sign of reconciliation. So that the brief con∣texture is, Ille petit veniam, Et movisse caput visa est serpens; He asks pardon, and the deity sig∣nifies it granted. The Cause of which successe he presses farther in the verses following, say∣ing Illius lachrymae meditataque murmura prastant, &c. that the Priests tears with the goose and cake, bribe Osyris (as the Poet flouts) ut ve∣niam culpae non abnuat, to nod a pardon; which does in part expound and confirm the exposi∣tion of movisse caput.

64. —Leaving elsewhere Her hay and basket, &c. —Cophino foenoque relicto, Arcanam Judaea tremens mendicat in aurem. The Scholiast says here, speaking of their cophini, or baskets, His pulmentaria sua & calidam aquam die Sabbati ser∣vare consuêrunt: and Britannicus adds, Judaei ergo ut mendici & pauperes cophinum gestabant, quo sti∣pem reliquaque Corrogata exciperent, eodem modo & foenum, ubi cubitarent. But about Cophinus and foenum, see at large, Sat. 3. Illustrat. 3. The Poet here farther implies, that the needly Jews, who had poor and hired habitations in groves and such solitary places, repair'd to the City; but leaving their ensigns, we may say, their hay and basket, at home, that they might not be known (as seems most probable) be∣ing expell'd Rome by Domitian, begg'd not as others publickly, but softly and in the ear of such Women, as they suspected to be (super∣stitiously) devout, and if opportunitie served them, instilled their religion into them. For many Roman Women and Men did secretly im∣brace the Jewish religion, by which means the Jews began to grow rich: yet such guifts were secret for fear of punishment; the Jews being ge∣nerally hated by the Romans, as Parrhasius notes, Epist. 18.

65. Is in some Grove Cheif. Priest—. —Magna Sacerdos Arboris—. For this Heathenish Custome the Jews are often taxed by the Prophets, as some of the Manuscripts note in the Margin; and the Poet more particularly here intends the Grove of Oaks by Dodona in Chaonia, which was consecrated to Jupiter, and in which he had a Temple. That arbor may signifie nemus, see Sat. 1. Illustrat. 52. And thus in a jeer the Poet calls such a Woman, though a Jew, the Priest of Ju∣piter, then adding, Implet & illa manum, that the superstitious Dame gives somewhat to the Shee-Jew also, though of a different Religion. For, with some, to interpret, & illa of the Jewesse, seems not so agreeable to the word Parcius, which rather expresses the quality of a distri∣buter, then of a receiver. So that the parts of the sentence, methinks, thus answer one the o∣ther; Judaea mendicat—. Et illa, Romana, implet manum; the Jewesse begs, and the Roman Dame gives, though sparingly.

66. His crimes then on another thrust. Facies quod deferat ipse, He speaks here historically, inten∣ding one Egnatius, a Philosopher (as the Scholiast tells us) who first perswaded the daughter of one Bareas Silanus to the practice of Magick, and then accused her for it unto Nero; by whose command both the Father and the Daughter were put to Death. He touched upon this ar∣gument before, Sat. 3. in that verse, Stoicus occidit Baream—.

67. By whose kind Scheme worth all price, a high-stiled Citizen fell—. Cujus amicitia conducen∣daque tabella magnus civis obit — Here also a story is intimated (and to be briefly touch'd) of one Seleucus a famous Astrologer, by whose in∣stigation and prediction Otho (with whom he was intimate) failing to be adopted by Galba (Piso being preferred) caused Galba to be kil∣led. The time of which Fact sooner intended was by the special appointment of this man de∣ferred: In which expression there is nothing of any difficulty, but conducenda tabella, which briefly, was the Table or Scheme of the Hea∣vens, which the Astrologer drew by his art, and which the Poet ironically says, was well worth the hiring or procuring; implying ra∣ther that it was to be condemn'd; and that the pernicious fellow had been often banish'd. Where by the way we may observe, that Juvenal calls Galba, magnus Civis; dealing more respectfully with him, then the souldier did, who, finding his dead body, cut-off the head, which being bald, and so not yielding the advantage of hair to carry it by, thrust his thumb into the mouth of it, and so contemptuously carried it to Otho; as Sueton in his Galba, cap. 20.

68. When their Armes sound with chains. —Sonuit si dextera ferro Laevaque—. Such dange∣rous and cunning men (as they call them) which foretold things in a time of War, they carried as Prisoners with them in the Camp, in expectation of the event: in which condi∣tion they had a Souldier to keep them, and for more furety they were tied together with a chain of some length for conveniency; the one end whereof was fast'ned to the Souldiers left arm, the other to the Prisoners right arm. But if such a Prisoner were thought to be over-dan∣gerous, then (as Seneca shews, de Tranquillitate, lib. 1. cap. 10.) he was double guarded and chain'd; as we read of St. Paul, Act. 12. who

slept between two Souldiers, bound with two chains. The Prisoner chain'd was usually call'd, Custodia; So Seneca speaks, Epist. 5. So Opera is taken for opera∣rius. See Lipsius on Tacit. Annal. lib. 3. The Poet then says, that such Artists were of no account, whiles they were esteem'd worthy of pardon, by being call'd back from Banishment, or whiles they were but condemned into Banishment (into the Cyclades) as if now one should say, that a cunning man has no skill, till he is ready to be hang'd. But such men of Art, says the Poet to his friend Ʋrsidius, thy Tanaquil [jeeringly] that is, thy modest and chast Wife, such a one as Tanaquil the Wife of Tarquin the proud was, does consult with concerning thy death. So Britannicus; and indeed her honesty and house∣wisery are much praised by the Ancient. Yet the Scholiast says, that she was very cunning in the Astrological Art, and that she foretold her Hus∣band, that he should be King; as Livy relates, Decad. 1. lib. 1. But this difference I think may be easily composed, by observing that the Poet picks out such a comparison for Ʋrsidius his Wife, that should be artificially applyable both for the truth and the jeer, for her skill in Houswifery and the Stars.

69. With what Star, &c. Que lata Venus se proserat astro. If Venus were in Conjunction with the Moon at the birth of a Child, they held that the Child should be singularly belov'd; as Tully notes, lib. 1. de Divinatione.

70. When she is carried but a Mile, &c. Ad pri∣mum lapidem vectari cum pla••et, &c. C. Gracchus (as Plutarch sayes in his life) did in the publick ways from Rome, at every miles end erect a pillar of Stone for the direction of Travellers, and like∣wise many other on the sides of the way at less di∣stance, serving for steps for the help of Horsemen; the use of stirrops being then unknown, as Sal∣muth notes on Pancirollus, lib. 2. Tit. 16. pag. 276. The Poet here points out the singular superstition of these Dames: who if they went but to take the aire, or for so triffing a cause, consulted with some great Artist, such as was Thrasyllus in the time of Tiberius; or as Petosyris a famous Aegyptian Astrolo∣ger mention'd by Pliny, lib. 7. and so if but her eye did itch, she would not use the help of Physick, without the view of the Scheme of her Nativity.

71. She'l at the Race-bounds stand, &c. Spa∣tium lustrabit utrinque Metarum, &c. It will be useful here to express divers obscurities concer∣ning the Circus Maximus, which is in this place intended, there being many others. It was then a large plat of ground, about three furlongs in length, and one in breadth, according to Pliny, lib. 36. capable of many thousands of persons; some mention 1500000, some 2600000, who might there behold Races perform'd with Horses and Chariots, as also other stately Shows. The whole Plot of ground being in a vally, and ne'er a River between the Palatine and Aventine Mounts, was incompass'd with high buildings, and on the two larger sides, and on one of the less, was an Euripus, a Moar or Trench for the receit of water, ten foot deep, and as many in bredth, for the oc∣casional presenting of a Naumachia, or Sea-fight, the protectress of which water was Magna Mater, (that is, Cybele) as Tertullian says, De Spectaculis, which Euripus in the ordinary descriptions of the Circus being not mention'd, may from Marlian's accurate description be thus presented. *

[illustration] plan of the Circus Maximus

Juven. Sat. VI. Ill••st. 53.

In the high buildings the people sate to view the shews: and through them, as Pancirollus shews, there were twelve Gates. Under these buildings were Cells, where Harlots sound imployments. One eminent part of which structures was called Phal••, à pha∣lando, sayes Festus; the word in the Hetrurian tongue signifying Heaven. These, sayes Nonius, were wooden Towers for the Spectators, and from their height call'd Phalae: their form was Oval (whence they were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) in honour of Castor and Pollux, as Parrhasius notes, Epist. 28. They were erected not only for the Spectators, but also for the better direction of the Chariotiers in making their turn about the Meta, with least error; to prevent also any mistake (as Lubin notes) in peragendis Missilibus, in distribu∣ting or scattering of guists, which by way of bounty and honour the Consuls, and afterwards the Emperours bestow'd upon the people; and like∣wise to know how often one had perform'd the course about the Circus, by compassing the Meta. Here were also stately pillars, upon which were express'd Dolphins in statue: whence they were usually call'd the Dolphins pillars, erected for or∣nament by Agrippa. Some finding in the twelfth region of the City mention of Signum Delphini, note it on this place: but I think it not here appliable; because the Circus Maximus, where these are said to have been erected, was in the eleventh Re∣gion. Britannicus places those Dolphins pillars in Circo Flaminii, where indeed were the warry Dei∣ties, as Neptane, Thetis, and the Nereides placed on Dolphins in statue: but Circus Flaminii was in the ninth Region; these erected by Agrippa be∣ing in the Circus Maximus, and so in the eleventh Region, and were placed here in honour of Nep∣tune, who according to some had here an Altar. Here were also the Carceres (or Barriers) a place of stately arch'd work, whence they begun the course, call'd so, as Varro says, (de ling. Lat. hib. 4.) a currendo; because the horses were stay'd there, till the Magistrate gave the signe of leave to run: which at the first was by the voice of a Crier, as Dempster notes on Rosinus (l. 5. e. 5.) but afterwards by the sound of a Trumpet; as the Scholiast observes. The Carceres are by the Greeks call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; the Meta (mark) or place whither they did run, the end of the course, they call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The custome was to run seaven Courses, but reduced by Domitian to five, fetching a compass about the Meta. Near the Circus, says Dionysius Halicarnasseus, was an Al∣tar under ground, dedicated to Consus, the God of Counsel, whom some make the same with Neptune: but Tertullian (de Spectaculis) does with a little difference place this Altar within the Circus (under ground) at the Meta, saying, Consus apud metas sub terra delitescit. About the Meta was carried at shews the Pompa Circensis, which was the Images of their Gods, and of Noble persons. The Circus was in some respect intended as a representation of Heaven; the 12 Gates being conveniently an∣swerable to the twelve Signes of the Zodiack; a huge Obelisk rising in the middle of the Circus, in honour of the Sun; and, towards the ends, fix radii, as some term them, intimating the number of the other Planets. Now to the Circus, as to places of such concourse, there did resort Astro∣logers, Cheaters, Fortune-tellers, and such fel∣lows; which there before the Phala and the Dol∣phins pillars, as the Poet says, did practise their Arts. There likewise the People drew their lots; the manner being for the Mountcbanks to put into

some vessel, or between his hands closed, either writings, or stones, or straws; and to let the people draw them thence. Britannicus instances in one way more, out of Plautus: which was to cast wooden lots into a Pitcher fill'd with water, and to account him to win, whose lot sunk to the bottome. The Fortune-tellers likewise undertook to satisfy all demands of the people: as whether such a petty Dame (for in such a one the Poet iro∣nically instances) should be divorced from her pre∣sent Husband, an Inne-keeper, and marry a cloak seller (properly one that sold Souldiers cloaks) whom she more affected. The Sagum was the cloak or garment, which occasionally the Souldiers wore upon their armour. Moreover, when such couzeners told the poorer sort of superstitious Women their fortune, they used to crave of them (as the Poet speaks) crebrum poppysma; which needs not be interpreted, as by some it is, in an unclean sense (by the abuse of the women) the word being form'd only from the sound of the acti∣on, which it signifyed, namely a hollow clap with the hand. For so it express'd the noise or clap, which at Baths the Aliptes (he that anointed them that were bath'd) made with the palm of the hand, wherewith he clap'd the shoulder or other part of the person, whom he anointed. Thus like∣wise I think it here to signifie, that when the For∣tune-teller was to look upon the Womans brow or hand, he would often view them; and craving a review of the hand, under a pretence of giving a surer judgment, wantonly please to clap it with his hand. No worse a construction needs be made of it: and so Britannicus expounds 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by manu pertractare, yet not beyond the wantonnesse mention'd. The Poet then says, that the wealthy Dame has her special Artist, who comes to her house; but the poor House-wife is fain to go to the Circus to a poor knave: where, says he, Spatium lustrabit utrinque Metarum, which words the Scho∣liast understands of such circulatores, as chose two places, as he says, which they did lustrare, that is, circuire, compass about, and so purisie, casting lots there, and thence telling the people their fortune. But this seeming doubtful; it may more easily be understood, not of a cheater, but of a woman; since he says in a continued speech (as of the same per∣son) si mediocris erit (if she be a mean Dame) spa∣tium lustrabit utrinque Metarum—. Wherefore I think lustrare does here signifie to view, as it does Sat. 2. in that passage, Lustravitque fugâ mediam gladiator arenam; he ran about the Amphitheater (to save his life) he took a reasonable view of it. Thus may it likewise here signify, that a poor Dame gads about the circus, viewing it from the one end to the other, and at the Meta, or radii, which were towards the ends (though strictly that was ter∣med Meta, which was farthest from the barriers) she deals with Astrologers. For that such persons haunted the Circus, Hieronymus Columna notes on that of Ennius (in his Fragments, pag. 350.) Non de Circo Astrologos; Pignorius also on the same words, in his Symbol. Epist. 31. According to which sense, the Poet adds, Plebeium in Circo positum est, & in Aggere fatum; the Rout must be content to have their fortunes told them, in the Circus, and at the Agger, or Mount. In which publick places, says the Poet, she askes her fortune, Quae nudis longum oftendit cervicibus aurum, as the common Copies have it, expounding it by such a one, as being poor, yet impudent and proud, dresses her self beyond her ability with jewels, though borrow'd, or gotten by some worse practice, as by adultory; then with as shameless vanity, wears them upon her naked neck and shoulders. But some, as the learn∣ed Salmasius (in his Plinian Exercitations) more happily reads, Quae nullis longum, &c. meaning a poor one, that wears no jewels about her neck, (as indeed having none) In which passage to take longum aurum, as some do, for a chain of gold, seems but an odd expression; and may more reasonably imply some broach, or the like ornament. But if we shall go by guess, I would read, Quae nullum oftendit longis cervicibus aurum; and so imply, that though she had a long and slender neck, which gave advantage to the displaying of rich dress, yet she had nothing to adorn it with; And this helps the manner of the expression. For, that he means here some poor Dame, it appears from the following words, Consulit ante Phalas; which was the place at the Circus for such poor ones. And here I choose to expound Consulit, by she Askes advice, rather then by she Gives advice, [though Lubin takes it otherwise] because the Poet does not here make the Fortune-tellers to be the Women, but says, that they were haun∣ted by the women. Besides, whereas Lubin ex∣pounds Quae nudis longum, &c. by meretrix, I think, he mistakes; the Poet seeming to speak not of Harlots [if we take the word for single persons, though unchast] but of Dames or Wives [though peradventure Adulteresses] because straight-ways he adds, Hae tamen & partus subeunt discrimen: shewing plainly, that though he reprehends them for superstition and pride, yet he acknowledges, that they did usually with more honesty then the rich ones, indure the pains of Child-birth, with∣out seeking any leud means to hinder it. Which degree of commendations is not appliable to com∣mon Harlots, whose continual excess does usually without drenches disable, and so disappoint nature of the trouble of Child-birth: but the wealthy ones (as our Poet says) wanted not their Shee-Druggist; artes hujus:—Quae steriles facit [her skill that makes barren] atque homines in vemre necando•• conducit— [and undertakes, for a reward, so grand a villany] speaking in the like manner here, at in that passage of Satyre 3. Conducunt foricas—; or if they used not execrable prevention, the births they had, were like their Servants, of an ominous Visage, Aethiopians or Black-Moors; whom they abhorr'd, as ill luck, to see in a morning. One thing more here mention'd by the Poet concerning the Circus, as some would have it, is the Agger on Mount, concerning which Lubin uses these words, —Quo se Plebeiae ad divinatores suos se conferunt, far∣ther adding, Qui erat ad Circum, ubi prostabant mere∣trices, quae responsa dabant. The parts of which ex∣position are inconsistent; for whereas he says, that this Mount was at the place in the Circus, where the meaner sort consulted with Diviners, it should follow that it was at the Phalae; for there were the Diviners, as the Poet himself says, ante Phalas, and so in the publick view: but Lubin adds, Ʋbi pro∣stabant meretrices; which was (as it is generally acknowledg'd) under ground (in Vaults). Besides, what he adds of the meretrices, saying, quae responsa dabant, it is without warrant of the Poet: who makes not the Harlots, but the Astrologers to give the Answers. But Britannicus understands here by Agger, Agger Tarquinii, of which see Sat. 5. Illust. 17. and so implies that thither also resorted For∣tune-tellers and other base people: which expo∣sition seems agreeable to Juvenal's expression,

In Circa — & in aggere, as if he spake of distinct places; though this resort was chiefly at the Circus; which he therefore prosecutes in the words following, Consulit ante Phalas. A description of Agger Tarquinii, see in Juvenal, Sat. 5. Illust. 17. according to Marlian; and behold here the forth of the Circus, both outside and inside, as it is expressed by Gabriel Simeoni a Florentine, in his Illu∣stratione de gli Epitaffi Antichi, p. 148. as also in Claude Guichard de Funera∣illes (lib. 1. cap. 14. p. 199. and 200.) in which much of the former description may be seen presented. *

[illustration] depiction of the exterior of a circus

the Outside

Juv. Sat. VI. Illust. 71. b.

[illustration] depiction of the interior of a circus

The Inside

See also other obser∣vations concerning the Circus, upon farther oc∣casion, Sat. 11. Illust. 16.

72. Whose Art does publick lightnings expi∣ate. Qui publica fulgura condit. Amongst the Ro∣mans, if any place or per∣son were struck with Lightning, they were pre∣sently expiated by a Priest in this manner; If a place were struck, the Priest was said, dispersos ignes in unum colligere & condere: which was, as may be conjectur'd, to gather what was scorch'd by the lightning, and with a low voice praying, to bury it in the Earth. If a Man were struck, omitting the custome of burning the body, he was buried in the same place: then was the place mounded in, an Altar also was erected in it, and expiatory sacrifi∣ces offered by a Priest. Yet some persons so struck were not buried, but only covered with a White garment, both be∣cause they might be gaz'd at by the People (yet at distance, none being to come within the bounds but the Priest) and be∣cause they beleiv'd, that such bodies did not putri∣fie; and as foolishly thought such persons to be honour'd by Jupiter. And these fulgura or Light∣nings, they did, according to the Masters in that Discipline, distinguish into Publick and Private: vvhich division, I suppose, vvas taken from the things vvhich vvere struck; some Places and Per∣sons being Publick, as Temple••, Magistrates, and the like; other Private. Concerning the parts of vvhich distinction they had different rules; hold∣ing that private lightnings did fore-bode things but for ten years to come, except they happen'd on one's Birth-day or Marriage-day; but publick lightnings for 30 years, and no more, unless they fell at the rendring up of a Tovvn. See for the sundry parcels of these Antiquities, Sen. Nat. Quaest. lib. 2. cap. 48. &c. Plin. lib. 2. cap 54. Plutarch. Sympos. Probl. 2. lib. 4. Artemidorus, lib. 2. cap. 8. Britannicus also on this place; Alexand. ab Alexan∣dro, Gen. Die. lib. 5. cap. 13. at large, vvith Tira∣quel; and Theodorus Marcilius on that of Persius, triste bidental; Sat. 2. and vvhat I have noted there. Illust. 2.

73. —And at the Bastard's pooles, vain pray'rs. — Votaque saepe Adspurios (al. spurcos) decepta lacus. The Poet here vehemently flours at the Great ones in his times; shewing that their true parentage was but uncertain; it being very likely, that even the best of them were but of unknown parents. This he endeavours to make probable from the inhuman custome, which they had in Rome: it being an usu∣al practice of lend Women, as also of Parents if poor, or if their Children were born deform'd, to carry them secretly (by night) to Lakes or pooles, (of which there was a very great number in the City, as may be seen in the description of the several regions of it) and there by the banks inhumanly leave the Infants. This was called the Exposing of Infants: after which manner Romulus and Remus are said to have been expos'd by the banks of Tiber, and thus in part, if we look upon

the action, not the cause, Moses in the sacred sto∣ry. Which custome was so frequent amongst the Romans, though it were barbarous, that exponere in the Civil Law is taken for necare. See Dempster on Rosinus, lib. 1. cap. 1. Yet it was sometimes for∣bidden by a Law, though such Children so exposed were sometimes reliev'd by mercy or subtilty: whiles some leud and wealthy dames to escape by wicked means the pains of Childbirth and notwith∣standing preserve their Husbands affections, would pretend a birth, and present false ones unto them, as their own, being indeed but unknown births, and sometimes bastards exposed at such Lakes. Which babes afterwards, according to the Degree of their supposed parents, the Great ones that brought them up, injoyed the names and estates of great families, such as the Sc••••ti and the like: and so sometimes were preferred to the High-Priest∣hood, or to be Mars his Priests, who were always of the Nobilitie. The Poet then says, that the de∣sires and prayers of Husbands for Issue, are often made vain and mocked ad spurios, or as some with∣out any great difference, ad spurcos lacus, by occa∣sion of the Counterfeits at the filthy Lakes. Upon which words says Britannicus ingenuously, Locum esse oftendit poeta in urbe, ubi pueri incertis nati paren∣tibus exponerentur. Ʋbi autem fuerint, & quare spur∣cì lacus appellarentur, nusquàm meminimus nos legisse. Parrhasius in his 28. Epist. says, In urbe lacus erant ad excipiendas undique sordes: but Lubin more par∣ticularly, though he urges no authoritie for it, says that it was the Velabrian Lake; and after him Autumnus likewise, adding, that it was nere the Aventine Mount; which particular the description of Rome easily shews. This interpretation, I grant, may be a part of truth, though I think it may be more probably expounded, if more generally, the Poet speaking in the plural number, and it seeming more consonant to the sense intended. For it can∣not be conceiv'd without inconvenience, and the danger of the night, (as is implyed in the third Satyre) that all such infants should be carried to one place, sometimes perchance from the most re∣more part of the City: but that rather they made use of any such ab••••es; though peradventure (yet without proof) we may admit the Velabrian to have been most haunted.

74. Descend to Heaven. —Descendere jussit In coelum—. Here is set forth the tyrannie and wick∣ed practices of wives over their Husbands by the example of Caesomia the wife of Caligula, Nero's un∣kle (Agrippina Nero's Mother being Sister to Cali∣gula) whom she drench'd with the Love-cup made of the Hippomanes, a tender peice of flesh taken from the brow of a young foal, which is said to have driven him even to a madness of Love; like the outragious love of Jupiter to Juno, effected by the caestus, or girdle of Venus, as it is in Homer. Iliad. 18. Besides, Caesonia by Caligula's madness did far more mischief in the destruction of many, then Agrippina by poisning Claudius, who perish'd alone; or as the Poet ironically says, whose shaking head descended to Heaven; though some misapplie this infirmity and story to Caligula, who is not here in∣tended in the latter part of this speech, which con∣cerns Agrippina. But Hieronymus Groslotius on this passage (in an Epistle to Jacobus Lectius, the 88th. of the Philological Epistles publish'd by Golda∣stus) though he confesses, that all Manuscripts and printed Copies have descendere, yet avouches that it should be escendere (a word anciently used for ascendere) and laughs at other interpreters as absurd; saying that the Libra••ius (or transcriber of the Copie) was afraid to write escendere, for the insolency of the word; and likewise that be∣ing ignorant of the Caesura, thought that the verse would have been false, had it been —tremulumque caput escendere jussit. But these exceptions are but weak; for though we grant the word escendere to be ancient, as finding it (to omit other proofs) in the ancient Critick Agellius (according to Ste∣phanus his edition of him) citing it, lib. 2. cap. 7. out of an Oration (but now not extant) of Tully (contra concionem Q. Metelli) Escendi in conci••nem, concursus est populi factus: yet to argue, that because it may be so, therefore it must be so, is no right Logick: and to oppose all Manuscripts, is rather to make, then expound books. Likewise, to sup∣pose the Librarius to be afraid to write the word escendere, is no more just an exception here, then to suppose it in the transcription of other books, wherein the word is still remaining; seeing that, by the like reason (the fear of the transcriber) it should have been left-out of all books, and so there should be no testimonie left of such a word. Again, to imagine the Librarius ignorant of a caesura, were to suppose others as ignorant of it in other places; and so, where possibly they might be avoided, we should have no example of them. Besides, why should the Poet use the word escendere, rather in this place, then in Sat. 1. v. 82. where speaking of Deucalion, he says, Navigio montem ascendit? so that a laughter at others interpretations, for no better reason, may deserve a laughter. But lastly and chiefly his reading, Escendere in caelum, were without all Satyrical wit: whereas descendere in caelum, is sutable not only to the like expressions in Juvenal, as to that in Sat. 2. Socraticos cinaedos, and that in Statius his Sylv. Nondum stelligerum senior de∣missus in axem: but also to the supposed fable of Claudius; before Juvenal's time. For Seneca in his merriment of the death of Claudius, s••igns him first to ascend to Heaven, and afterwards to be thrust down to hell: both which are wittily included in our Poet's expression. And here it will not be un∣pleasant to say somewhat about Love-cups (phil∣tra) which were frequently used by the Thessa∣lians, amongst which the Hippomanes was an espe∣cial one. It is describ'd (to omit some unclean opinions) to have been a peice of flesh, or, as some, a little skin like a cap, taken from the fore∣head of a colt new foal'd (Juvenal afterwards calls it partus equae) said to be of strange power in this kind. But to say that this or any other can procure Love, is a mere vanity. The old saying was plain and true, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Love is begotten by Sight; neither is affection won by Physick. True it is that potions may inflame the body, and so consequently the mind, to outragi∣ous Lusts, but cannot Determine the Affections to a particular person; though it may be granted, that the person, which would be Loved, may by the continual importunitie of wanton conversation accidentally so determine them; when the person wrought-upon is violently and sometimes madly inflam'd. Which may be seen in the story of Cae∣sonia and Caligula, who was sometimes so mad in Love with her (who was luxuriae ac lasciviae perditae) that as Sueton says (in his Calig. cap. 25.) he would sometimes shew her to his Souldiers dressed like a Souldier, —amicis v••r è etiam nudam; like the Ly∣dian wittol, King Candaules. And that this is the judgment of the wisest Physitians, I refer the rea∣der to the testimonie only of Sennertus; who in his

Institut. Medicin. (lib. 2. part. 3. Sect. 2. cap. 4.) judiciously adds, that the devil is sometimes far∣ther permitted in such leud persons to immix him∣self in such actions, by corrupting their impure imaginations and in firing their desires. And here likewise we may take notice of one inference, which the Poet uses in those words, Tanti partus equae! Quanti una verefica constat? For that is the best pointing of them, and yeilds the best sense (to avoid farther dispute) implying, that if one drench could do so much harm; how much more could a Sorceress do, which both unhappily Taught This and had store of as bad.

75. Thy Guid's trembling lip. —Timidus prae∣gustet pocula papas. Eunuchus Paedogogus. Isidor. Pa∣pas, paedagogus qui sequitur studentes; as Pignorius, de Servis, p. 188. observes. Sometimes it is taken for a Father, as Cerda shews, Adversar. cap. 146. num. 7. which is indeed the true Signification of it, as he likewise shews, cap. 72. num. 5. where he adds, that it was at first a name given to all Clergy-men; af∣terwards to Bishops only, and at last only to the Pope, in the time of Gregory the 7th. who forbad any other to be call'd by that name. Amongst the Bythinians it was the surname of Jupiter, who was call'd Jupi∣ter Papas, that is, pater. The word is from the Hebrew, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and thence came the word Abbas, an Abbat; a title sometime given to Hugh Capet afterwards King of France: nay the Nobles of France (as Paradinus testifies of his own view, in his An∣ual. Burgund. lib. 2. sub anno. 1103.) are in many ancient writings frequently call'd, Dux & Abbas, Comes & Abbas; either from the Honourable sense of the word, or peradventure because many of them were maintain'd with the revenues of Abbies. But some would here understand by timidus Papas, the Child; so that he should tast of it, but with fear and wariness. But this seems not so well to agree with the word praegustet: which being here applied to Papas, cannot yield any just sense, un∣less papas be taken for the guide, who should tast first. But Britannicus, though he rightly expounds the word Pappas (as he reads it) for the Over∣seer; yet he adds, that it may be taken also for the meat, which the child shall eat: and so thinks, that pocula pappas may signifie his drink and meat. But if he would here take it for pappe, the food of babes, (as by his proof from those words of Persi∣us, pappare minutum, he implies) he must grant, that the Poet writes these monitions to babes inca∣pable of them. For of such tender young ones Persius speaks, whiles he flouts at one of riper age, —pappare minutum poscis, & iratus mammae lallare recuso••? and so Britannicus himself expounds that place of Persius, saying —ut fit papare minutum, id est, cibum minutum & confractum, qualem pueri pos∣cunt. Besides, what he there adds, makes it more forcible against himself, whiles he says, Nec illis assen∣tio, qui minutal hoc loco pro minutum legunt. Nam is cibus infantibus haudquaquam convenit; and the reason was good, because such meat requir'd chewing. Wherefore upon examination, such uncertainty and licence of Interpretation is not to be admitted.

76. —But Pontia cries Guilty—. —Sed pontia cla∣mat Feci—. Some understand this of Pontia the daughter of Publius Petronius and wife (as they say) of Vectius Bolanus mention'd by Tacitus in the life of Agricola: which Pontia is said, for the love of an adulterer, to have poisned two Sons, which she had by Bolanus, and to have been punish'd for it. See Statius in his Sylv. lib. 5. in his Protrepticon ad Crispinum. Parrhasius, Epist. 8. seems to make it but an intent in her; and Lubin says —suos duos fi∣lios veneno absumere voluisse confitetur, yet streight he adds, Quae itidem, quod defuncto marito filios duos, ut adultero nuberes & obsequeretur, veneno Necarit, & convicta, cum largis se epulls onerasset, sumpto veneno & venis incisis saltans expiravit; he speaks in part out of the Old Scholiast. Yet afterwards upon the words, facinus peregi, he says, ad Voluntatem refer; which is, methinks, a strange expression of peregi. Besides, the place of the Scholiast is not well recit∣ed by him; it being not so likely, that she did both, namely drink poison and cut her veins. Pi∣thaeus here out of Valla reads it thus, —Cum largis se epulis onerasset, & vino (the ordinary copies of the Scholiast have & veneno, yet not as Lubin, sumpto ve∣neno, which is farther from being mended) venis incifis saltans, quo maxime studio oblectabatur, extincta est. But Pithaeus, in his Notes on the Scholiast, re∣cites this most apposite Inscription on an ancient Roman stone, PONTIA TITI PONTII FILIA HIC SITA SUM QUAE DUOBUS NATIS A ME VENENO CONSUMPTIS AVARITIAE OPUS MISERAE. MORTEM. MIHI CONSCIVI. TU QUISQUIS ES QUI HAC TRANSIS, SI PIUS ES, QUAESO A ME OCULOS AVERTE.

This instance of Pontia the daughter of Titus Pon∣tius, not of Publius Petronius, Pithaeus prefers for the illustration of this place; and surely it is the more certain story, and singularly here appliable. Yet because he gives no reason of his choice, and that the other example has been generally re∣ceiv'd, as the story here intended, and that I also notwithstanding prefer his instance, I think it ne∣cessary to shew mine own reason, for the confir∣mation of his and mine own choice. The Poet then speaking of Pontia aggravates her crime beyond those of Medea and Progne; theirs being facts of revengeful passions, but not of coveteousness; for so the Poet expresses it, —Sed non propter nummos. According to which diversitie of cause, if we exa∣mine this instance, we shall find, that Pontia (the Daughter of Petronius and wife of Bolanus) men∣tion'd by the Scholiast, offended as he says, ut adultero nuberet, and so in a Lustful passion: but the offence of this Pontia (the daughter of Pon∣tius) in the Inscription, is term'd Avaritiae opus; and therefore I judge this to be the Person here intended, and farther describ'd by the Poet (as one offending rather in the sobriety of coveteous∣ness, then in the rage of Lust) whiles afterwards he says of her, —quae computat & Scelus ingens Sana facit; the judgment being to be made not from the similitude of their facts, but from the dissimi∣litude of the motives. And here the ordinary rea∣der may note, that after the words here spoken by Pontia, the Poet speaks the next, Worst viper! at one supper didst kill Two? Pontia then again adding the next, —Yea Seav'n, if th' had been Seav'n, had seem'd Few.

77. Like stones cleft from a rock, &c.

— Feruntur Praecipites, ut saxa jugis abrupta, quibus mons Subtrahitur, clivoque latus pendente recedit.

This passage, if consider'd, has a little difficul∣tie; some taking clivus for pars radicis montis: but that cannot agree with clivo pendente; seeing that it will appear to be, not the bottome, but rather the top of the Mountain. Lubin well expounds mons substrahitur, by inferior, cui saxa incumbebant; not the lowest or bottome-part of the hill, (for that could not fall a way) yet a low part, a part toward the

bottome; low, and so a basis to upper parts; yet not so low, but that it self might fall. To make all then a little clearer, Juga must here signifie the v rockie Mountain with a long ridge and a promon∣tory: Mons must express a Lower part, not the lowest, toward the outside (whose falling-away causes the rest of the ruin); Latus is the upper-part (yet not the uppermost) of the main-side; which rested upon the lower, Mons: saxa abrupta are a part of the latus, some parcels of stones usu∣ally breaking from the main lump that falls; and clivus must signifie the uppermost part of all, or the over-hanging peak, the under-parts being gone. Thus then the Poet says that Lustful Women are as furiously head-long, as loose stones that fall from a Rock whose out-side underpart (Mons) being sunk away (subtrahitur) the main side (latus) falls af∣ter; leaving only an overshooting peak (clivus) ready also to fall. According to which examination I render it, as nearly as the sense and words seem to admit.

Like stones cleft from a rock; when th' under-part Sinks, and the side from th' hanging brow does start.

78. Which the thrice-conquer'd Pontick King did make. —Si praegustaret Atrides Pontica ter victi cautus medicamina regis. The Poet here declares, that Wo∣men had good patterns presented to them often∣times upon the stage; such as was the example of Alceste; who when the Oracle had answer'd, that her sick Husband Admetus (King of Thessalie) should presently die, if he was not redeem'd, by the death of some of his friends, when all others refused, vo∣luntarily (as the fable has it) died in his steed: yet the Poet avouches that Women were not a∣mended by such brave example. Nay, says he, one may every where find amongst them, such as were the Belides (the neices of Belus) the Daughters of Danaus; who being fifty in all, and all married to so many Sons of their Unkle Aegystus, did all except two (Hypermnestra and Bebryce) murder their hus∣bands, by their Fathers appointment, upon the Mar∣riage-night. Or we may find, says the Poet, such as was Eriphyle, who for a bracelet of gold betray'd her husband Amphiaraus, causing him against His will to go to the Theban war, where he fore-knew that he should die, as, according to the story, he did. The Scholiast mentions such another kind story of ano∣ther Eriphyle; both which may be here aim'd-at by the Poet, for he speaks in the plural number, Occur∣rent multae tibi Belides atque Eriphylae. Then goes he on saying, that one may meet betimes with a Tyn∣daris, a Clitemnestra (the daughter of Tyndarus) who by the help of her paramour Aegystus, slew her hus∣band Atrides (Agamemnon, the Son of Atreus) at a feast, after his return from Troy: though, says he, they are now indeed grown more cunning, performing such deeds with more art, by poison. Yet he adds, that they would fall to rude work and the very axe, that is, more grossely and surely dispatch them, if their husbands should against their poisons use but the Antidote of Mithridates the Pontick King, who was thrice overthrown, namely by Sylla, Lucullus and Pompey. For he indeed had an admirable receipt against all poisons; of which Pliny (lib. 23. cap. 9.) says, that when Pompey overthrew him, he found in his cabinet, the composition of this Antidote, writ∣ten with his own hand; the Ingredients whereof were Two dried nuts, as many figs, and twenty leaves of rue bruised all together with one grain of salt; which if taken fasting, was a protection from all poison. Yet Lenaeas Pompey's freed-man (as Agellius tells us, lib. 17. cap. 16.) says, that Mithridates mix'd with other medicines against poison the blood [ana∣tis ponticae) of a Pontick duck which fed upon poison, as some tell us; imò. & ejusdem remedio [says Britan∣nicus after the recital of these things] nomen dedit, ut appelletur Mithridaticum. Upon which words Caelius Secundus Curio by way of correction adds, Antidotum Mithridatis quid sit & quomodo conficiatur, praestat Ga∣lenum & Cornelium Celsum consulere, qui aliquanto me∣lius rem totam explicant, & aliter quam hîc fiat. Yet if we follow his advice and see Galen, who writes of it, in his first book, de Antidotis, cap. 1. & 2. [it is in the fist Classis of his works] as also Celsus, lib. 5. cap. 23. We shall find them to differ not a little; as is observed by the learned Physitian, Baldvinus Rons∣seus in his Enarrations, on the book and chapter of Celsus now cited; where he says, Multum differt haec Mithridatis antidotus, ab ea quam descripsit Galenus li∣bro de Antidotis: cujus descriptionem si quis desideret, aut Galenum (citato loco) aut Scribonium Largum. §. 170. consulat. By the way we may note, that as some men∣tion among the ingredients, the Pontick Duck, [as was said before] so in Celsus there is also mention'd, radix pontica. But some acknowledge a singular pow∣er in the more plain receipt mention'd by Pliny••; although, I grant, that the knowledge of that inqui∣sitive King Mithridates, was of a larger circuit, then to be bounded within so narrow a search. For, be∣ing a man singularly skill'd in Nature, he gather'd his Antipharmaca from the varietie of flowers, seeds, herbs, roots, gummes and other things, whence arose his great Composition call'd Mithridatium. This in after-time was corrected and amended, and one ingredient more, namely Vipers, added by an ex∣quisite Greek Physitian Andromachus the Elder, (for he had a Son, famous also in the same profession) Physitian unto Nero; to whom he made a descrip∣tion of his Composition, in Greek verse, extant in the force-cited book of Galen. cap. 6. as in the 7. chap∣ter there is extant the younger Andromachus his Theriaca descriptio, in Prose. The Father's composi∣tion was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Tranquilla (because it brought ease unto the Patient) not Galeni; Galen not being the Inventer of it, though afterwards he in part did alter and perfect it. Yet it is still cal∣led Theriaca magna Andromachi, and by that name is Commented-on, and the several Ingredients (which are above threescore) that have any difficulty, ex∣pounded in a set tract by the Learned Rondeletius, and revised by the accurate Lobelius: wherein are set down also all the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Succedanea, to be used insteed of such ingredients, as are either not at all, or hardly in these parts to be procured; to which treatise I refer the more inquisitive rea∣der.

SATYRE. VII.

ARGUMENT.

Caesar on Poets much bestows: Caesar to Poets his Fame Owes. From other Rich ones comes no Guift: Poets by Wit, not Bounty, shift. Historians too, that take great Pains, No Story tell of their small Gains. Lawyers, that vaunt most, much do get: Yet some by vaunting run in debt. Your Rhetoricians Tongues more Free, Then ever his Reward will be. Vain Parents think no Cost a wast, But what is Best, on Tutors, plac'd. Grammarians Pay is made so Vile, 'Tis the worst Plague in all their Toile. Wonder, how Wit in Rome could flourish, When Rome brave Wits no more did nourish!

THe Hope and Motive now of Studies rest Only in (1) Caesar, who the late distress'd Muses releiv'd, when some brave Poets sought To rent (2) at Gabii a small Bath, or thought To take at Rome some Bake-house; nay, not base They held it, to turn Criers; since no Grace From Aganippe's Vallies came, but poor (3) Clio crept for releif to a Rich door. For if there's not in thy Pierian Chest One farthing, thou maist well, methinks, digest (4) Machaera's Name and Trade, and to the Rout Sell what th' Intrusted (5) publick sale sets out, Pots, Trivets, Presses, Chests, Bacchus his true Halcyon, Faustus his Thebes, and Tereus too. 'Tis better, then to Swear, I saw't, when no Such thing thou saw'st. Let Asian Knights do so; Your Cappadocian and Bythinian Knight, From (6) poor Galatia brought in bare-foot plight. But no man shall hereafter he compell'd To servile task, if that he e're excell'd For smooth composure of sweet-Number'd Layes, And bit Apollo's Verse-infusing bayes.

Ply it brave Sparks, th' Imperial bounty sits Looking about t' Invite and Crown your Wits. But if from any else for help thou'dst look, And therefore fill'st thy (7) Saffron-Vellumn-Book; Get fuel quickly, and the work th' hast writ, To Vulcan, Telesinus, straight commit: Else clos'd lay't up, and to the Moath allow't; Break thy vain Quil, thy labour'd lines blot-out; VVho wouldst in thy small Cell by lofty strain An Ivy-Crown and a lean Image gain. That's all thy Hope: Rich Niggards have learn'd how Only t' Admire and Praise brave Poets now, As Boys the Peacock. But thus fails thy strength Fit for Seas, Helmet, Plow; till tir'd at length Thy Eloquent and Naked Age does see And Hate it self and its Terpsicore. Know now thy Patton's Arts to save his Coine: Leaving the Muses and Apollo's shrine, Verses He writes, and would sleight Homers Art, But that a Thousand years have got the start. But, for sweet Fame, if Verse and Voice thou'dst spend, Rich Maculonus then his house will lend; His strong-barr'd House on thy Command shall wait, Whose Door is like a City's watchful Gate. He'l place his Freed-men in the farthest part, And rank his loud-voic'd Clients with much art. No Patron does (8) the Seats or Stairs bestow, That hang at the hir'd Scaffold-beam; or know What the Orchestra cost, rais'd for chief friends, And Chairs recarried when the Reading ends. Yet this we do, though vainly do no more, Then Furrow-up the Dust, and Plow the Shoar. For, though thou leav'st, yet this ambitious Ill, By Custome now grown strong halters thee still. The desp'rate Scribling Sickness fast does hold Many, and does in their Sick breast grow old. But an Egregious Poet, whose rare vein Scornes to bring forth an obvious vulgar strain, Whose Verse bears not one trivial stamp like coin, One, whom I cannot shew, but do Designe In purer Fansie, He must have a mind Not vext, or by sow'r thoughts of Thrift confin'd; Your Groves he Loves, Drinks of th' Aonian springs, For in Pierian Caves He never sings, Nor with an Ivy-dart divinely raves, Whose sober poverty night and day craves For mony, which the Bodies wants supplies: Horace (9) is full, when once he Obe cries. VVho displays Wit, whom ought but verse perplexes? When Bacchus Cyrrha's Lord our full breasts vexes;

When Nysa's Lord Apollo drives our VVit, VVhich never can at once two Cares admit. 'Tis for an Ample Mind, not one half-dead VVith Care to get a blanket to his bed, To fancy Chariots, Horses, the Gods faire Shapes, and the dire Erynnis, that did stare On the amaz'd Rutilian King. For grant That Virgil does a needful Servant want, And a convenient Lodging, quickly all The Snakes from his Alecto's Curles would fall: Dull would his Trumpet sound without all State Of Greif. VVe'd have (10) Rubrenus Lappa's Fate Be like his Muse; The Ancient Buskin he Shall match; though his small dishes and Cloak be At pawn to Atreus. Numitor the wretch For's Friend has nothing: but a Guift hee'l fetch For his Quintilla; and without all need Bought a tam'd Lion, which on Flesh does feed. The Beast's kept Cheaper, sure: I, that's it; Pie on's! A Poets guts will hold more then a Lyons! Lucan may in his Marble Gardens lie Content with Fame: but how will this supplio Sarranus and Saleius's wants? what's Fame? VVhat's Glory, if 'tis but an Emptie Name? They run with joy to the sweet voice and verse Of Thebais, when Statius does rehearse, And sets a Day; they're caught with such delight; The People hear with such an Appetite. But (11) when his verse has crack'd the Seats, he may Be starv'd, if Paris buy not his new Play, Agave. Military Honours He Gives: He (12) Knights Poets, whom adorn'd we see VVith their Gold-half-years-rings for witness; So VVhat Lords give not, a Player does bestow. Yet dost still after Camerinus run, And Bareas? Dost not your Lords Porches shun? A Pelopea 'tis can Praefects make: Some Tribunes are for Philomela's sake. Yet Envy not the Poet, that (13) is fed By his Stage Labours. For, should'st thou want bread, VVho's a Metaenas Now; A Fabius, A Proculeius, Cotta, Lentulus? VVit then had just reward: Now some must pine, Look pale, and all December know no wine.

But now, Historians, your more fruitful task A great deal more of Time and Oile does ask. For, beyond mean, the Thousandth Page does rise; It grows with loss of Paper: yet such size Numbers of Facts, and Laws of Story yield. VVhat's yet the Crop. the Fruits of this Plow'd field?

Does not a Notary gain more by's trade? They're Sluggs, you'll say, and love the Roof and shade.

Shew then, that Lawyers Pleadings be less vain, And what the bundled Books they bring, do gain. They Mouth it much: but chiefly when they see The Creditor they Plead for; or when He, VVhom fear makes fiercer, jogs them, so (14) to get By proof from his Great Book a doubtful Debt. Their hollow bellows then vast Lies do blow: Their breasts bespaul'd! But if their Crop you'd know, An Hundred Lawyers equal scarce by weight The (15) Red-coat Chariotier Lacerta's state. The Leaders sit: pale Ajax thou dost rise To save one's Question'd state: Thy (16) Judge is wise Bubulcus. Fool, thy entrals crack, that Tird, Green (17) Palmes may make thy stairs, and thee admir'd. What's thy Tongues Hire? Some shrunk Gammon, a Dish Of Tunnies, or your (18) Moor's state Monthly-Fish; Or Wine brought down by Tiber: Thou shalt have Five Flaggons for four Pleadings; and that's Brave. But if some Gold thou get'sts for some hard Cause, By compact hee'l have part, that shew'd the Laws. They'l give Aemilius what he'l aske; yet we Plead better: but in his large Porch they see A brazen Chariot, four brave Horses, and Himself on a fierce Warlike Steed, his hand With bended Spear threatning aloft doth fright: His one eyed Statue Meditates a Fight. Thus (19) Pedo breaks, Matho, Tongillus too; That makes with his great Oil-horn much a do, Vexing the Baths with his dagg'd rout: and oft His long-pol'd Litter Maesian slaves aloft Bear through the Forum. You would think he'd buy Boys, Plate, Myrrhe-vessels, Farmes: The Purple die Of his broad-studded Coat and Tyrian thread Promise no less. Yet many a crafty head Gains thus. Your Purple and Violet be Colours of Art: They Mount your Lawyers Fee. Yet, they must Ruffle't, and more wealth pretend: But Rome to such expence Now sets no End. Liv'd th' Ancients Now, Cicero (20) ne're should see Two hundred Sesterces for his best Fee, Wore he not a huge glist'ring Ring. Who will Go Now to Law, makes This his first Note still; If thou hast eight Litter-men, half a score Foll'wers, a Chair behind, (21) Gown'd Friends before. Paulus did therefore still plead with a hir'd Sardonix: got more, 'cause thus admir'd, Then Cossus could, or Basilus. 'Tis Rare, If Eloquence be found in Gown thread-bare. When brings in Basilus a weeping Mother? VVho'll hear him plead, though well? Seek then some other

Law-Courts, in France, or Africa the Nurse Of Lawyers; Tongue-work there may fill thy purse. Thou, Iron-breasted Vectius, teachest Boys How to Declame: (22) though their full Forms with noise Have kill'd fierce Tyrants. For, what on his Seat He read ev'n now, standing he does repeat, Tuning the same things in the same words still: Such oft-dress'd (23) Colewort does poor Masters kill. The Reasons of a Cause, the kind, the main Point, and what Darts may be return'd again, All fain would learn; Reward none does bestow: Reward? says one; why, pray y', what do I know? The Masters blam'd, when in a heart unfit Th' Arcadian block-head has no spark of wit. Each (24) Sixt day his dire Hannibal my pate Does fill, in doubt from Cannae to march straight To Rome, or after storms and thunder stay, And lead his well-wash'd Troops some other way. Ile give straight what thou'lt ask, if thou canst make A Father hear his Son so oft. Some take A better course yet: for, some six or more Sophisters in the Courts with like throat roar; They plead True Causes, and leave-off to speak Of Poisons, Feign'd Rapes, Husbands that break Their Vow, and Mortars, that strange Med'cines hold Temper'd by Art to Cure the Blind, though old. The Rod of Freedome then he should bestow Upon Himself, could I prevaile, and go In a New way of Life, who should descend From Rhet'rick Shade to Law-fight; least he spend His little Coine, which must get him a small Corn-mark; That's his Best pay. Learn, what is All Chrysogonus and Pollio get, t'impart To Great mens sons near Theodorus's Art Their (25) Baths shall cost six Hundred; their walks more: Where they may ride when't rains: should they indure Till the Skie's fair, or soil their Mules so fine? Heer rather: here their neat Mule's hoof may Shine. Yonder (26) a Feasting-room shall mount on high Numidian Pillars, breasting th' Eastern Skie. VVhats'ere This costs, a Carver shall beside Order each Dish; a Cook rare sauce provide. Amidst which wasts, Quintilian they'll allow Hardly two Sesterces. A Son is now His Fathers least Expence. How (27) then abounds Quintilian with such Forrests and large grounds? Examples here of such New Fates omit: He that has Luck is Fair, and of sharp wit. He that has Luck is wise and High-born too; And wears (28) the bright Half-moon on his black Shoe. He that has Luck Figures and Reasons flings, And, though with cold he's Hoarse, right sweetly sings.

Oh, there's strange difference, what Stars guard thy head, VVhen first thou criest, and from fresh birth look'st Red. Poor Rhetoricians Fortune can make strange Consuls; or These to Rhetoricians change! VVhat was Ventidius, what was Tullies State But Stars, and the strange Pow'r of hidden Fate? The Fates Crown Slaves; on Captives Triumphs throw. He's Lucky, yet more Rare, then a white Crow. Many for Greif have left the barren Chair: Thrasymachus prov'd This by his Despair. Poor Secundus Carinas Athens taught; VVhich ne're durst give, save a cold Hemlock-draught. May the Ancients Ghosts under soft Earth find rest: VVith flow'rs and Endless Spring be their Urnes blest. A Tutor, as a Parent, They esteem'd: The Rod t' Achilles grown-big Awe-full seem'd, VVhiles on his Country Hills he sung; Although (29) His Masters Tail might make one Laugh, ye know. Ruffus his Boys now beat; Ruffus; who oft At Tullie's Allobrogian Rhet'rick scoft.

VVho brings t' Enceladus his Lap, or learn'd Palaemons, what their Grammer-toil has earn'd? Of This yet (less then Rhetoricians pay) Acoenitus the Lad's Guide Bites-away Part, part the Steward breaks off too: Yet 'bate Palaemon, somewhat of the utmost rate; As they that thick Blankets and white Ticks sell: So that thy Mid-night-rising, to teach well, Thou loose not quite. VVhat Smith then toils so hard? Or who, that wool with snag-tooth'd wire does card! So some gain comes from th' Oile, whose stink annoys, Of so many rank Lamps, as there stood boys; VVhen all their Horace was quite soil'd; when thick, VVhen fat smoak did to their daub'd Virgil stick. Yet, (30) without suit before the Tribune, pay They seldom do; but see, dire Laws ye lay Upon the Master. He each Rule must shew, Each word; read stories, and all Authors know, As his own Nails and Fingers. As (31) he goes To the Hot Baths or Phoebus his, propose your doubts; who was Anchises's Nurse; The Name And Country of Archemorus's step-dame; How long Acestes lived; with what store Of wine the Phrygians left Sicilia's shoar; He straight must tell. Make him with thumb, that lacks No skill, shape soft youths like a face in wax. Make him the Father of his School, and sure To watch, least they be mutually impure. Not easie 'tis to note so many hands And leudly trembling eies. Tend these commands, Says he. At (32) th' years end, so much gold thoult have, As for a Conquerer at the Shews, They crave.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Seventh Satyre.

A Doubt about the Emperour here prais'd as the Patrone of Learning, discuss'd. Con∣ducere furnos, not us'd in This place Proverbially; against Curio. Turnebus his Exposition of Migrate in atria not admitted. Machaerophori. Auctio. The Reading and Exposition of traducit Gallica talo, examin'd. Auditors anciently in∣vited to hear Poems. Coena diserta, and Comites; why so call'd. Ferratius his Exposition of Ohe, not here appliable. Autumnus his interpretation of Hydri and Atreus; likewise Britannicus and Pulmannus his Exposition of pignotat Atreus. Fregit subsellia, how expounded by Scaliger, the Scholiast, Lubin, and some others; best by Britannicus. Aurum Semestre, differen••ly expounded from the Scholiast. Autumnus his Exposition of vinum nescire Decembri. Plays anciently sold, for the use of the Stage. The Price of Terence's Eunuchus at the second presenting. Prag∣maticus. Dubium Nomen. Codex, expounded against Beroaldus. Britannicus his Exposition and others, of Russati pone Lacertae, not admitted; the Scholiasts and Marcellus Donatus his, approved. Different acceptions of Bubulco Judice. Sca∣larum palmae, ill expounded by Britannicus and Lubin; rightly by Brodaeus, Ca∣saubon and Dempster. The Custome of fixing Palm-boughs to the doors of Lawyers, which obtain'd the Victory in a Cause. Epimenia, Bulbi. The mistakes of some about Vinum Tiberi devectum Conturbate. The low rate of Lawyers Fees. Antepedes and Circumpedes how distinguish'd by Agraetius. Mothers and Kinsfolk brought weeping before the Judges, by Lawyers, to move compassion towards their offending Children and Kinsfolk. Crambe; the fancies of Scoppa, Pulmannus, Ponticus Virunnius, the Scholiast, and partly of Pithaeus and some others about it, propos'd; Politian's approv'd. Balnea sexcentis, rightly interpreted by Britannicus; ill, by Lubin. The vast expence on Baths; Their Magnificence and Form shew'd from Du Choul; with the Furnace and distinct vessels for variety of waters. Popma's errour about Caenatio. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Outward Darkness; according to Maldonate and Pig∣norius. The Antiquity of Forrests. Quintilians wealth and supposed Honor. Palaemon the Grammarians yearly Revenue. The Figure of the Moon worn on the shooe of the Roman Nobility; and by some amongst the Jews. The Reason of the Roman Custome best express'd by Isidore. Some differences about the Place and Matter of it; whether it be rightly termed fibula by Rhodigin. Britannicus his errour about the Office of Tribuni Plebis, learnedly observed by Alexander ab Alexandro. Tribuni aerarii; their inferior form of Indicature. Thermae; Phaebi Balnea; Daphnes. Balineum Daphnidis; the great price of it. Bayes usually planted at the Baths. The Reward of the Conquerer at the Shew.

1. ONly in Caesar. In Caesare tantum. It is a great doubt here amongst the Inter∣preters, which of the Caesars is here in∣tended. The Scholiast takes it for Nero; but without proof or probability, as may appear from the confirmation of a better opinion. Some understand it of Nerva; some of Trajan; who, as Britannicus shews out of Pliny, and Autumnus out of Tacitus, was a favourer of Learning. But there being in this Satyre, mention of Statius Contempo∣rary with our Poet, as of a person then flourishing, and likewise of Paris the Pantomime potent at the

time, wherein our Poet writ this Satyre, and who was also put to death by Domitian, these praises cannot extend to Trajan's time. Lubin therefore understands it of Domitian; saying, that though he were a cruel Tyrant, yet in the beginning of his raign he had some shew of Vertue, particularly of bounty, alleadging Sueton for it, but chiefly that of Quintilian (in Prolog. lib. 4.) saying of Domitian, —quo nec praesentius aliquid, nec studiis magis propitium numen est. Yet Lubin observing Juvenal to inveigh here against the avarice of Great men neglecting the wretched estate of learned men in those times, confesses him to be in this Satyre very inconstant: and some have thought this written only to move Domitian to be such a Patron, as he is here descri∣bed to be, rather then to Testify, that he was such a one. Others suppose, that seeing he writ so fiercely against Domitian in the fourth Satyre, he writes here only Ironically: which reason I think not sufficient, though there be some truth in it; it being evident to the observing Reader, that Juve∣nals Satyres were not written according to the or∣der, in which they now are placed; this seventh Satyre (for instance) being written in the life time of Domitian, but the fourth after his death, which is mention'd in the end of that Satyre. Where∣fore amongst these diversities, I think these praises to be here ascribed to Domitian, not for a general patronage shew'd towards learned men, as may plainly appear from the whole course of this Satyre (except in the beginning) in the misery of learn'd men of diverse professions; yet for the special fa∣vour towards some eminent wits in his Raign, as Valerius Flaccus, Statius, Martial, and Quintilian, who egregiously magnified even Domitian. Here then may be observ'd Juvenals reasons, both for the praise and dispraise of the same person; likewise his Satyrical wit, implying the sorry condition, which some of these might have fallen into, had they not been sustain'd by special favour; and last∣ly our Poets ingenuity, that conceal'd not the Beft of a Bad man.

2. To rent at Gabii a small Bath, or thought to take at Rome some Bake-house. Balneolum Gabiis, Romae conducere furnos Tentarent—. Caelius Secundus Curio on this place thinks that it was an ancient proverb against poor men, which quak'd with cold, that they must think of taking upon a rent a Bath or a Bake-house, alleadging that of Horace, Qui fri∣gus collegit, furnos & balnea laudat. Which witty conjecture, I grant, may be admitted by way of al∣lusion: but to speak in the strict fidelity of an In∣terpreter, I think the Poet to speak here rather hi∣storically: which is the more probable, because he adds such things, as were not sutable with that pro∣verb, as that some Poets became Criers: in which imployment, according to the season of the year, whiles in open places they waited for Chapmen, they might quake through cold, as well by their Office, as by their Poverty. I retain therefore the ordinary exposition of Britannicus and others.

3. —But poor Clio crept for releif to a Rich door. Esuriens migraret in atria Clio. Some expound this of some Poets, who, as they think, became Por∣ters to Great men; others more tolerably think, that they went as mean Clients to Rich mens doors for the Sportula, or Basket-doal. The learned Tur∣nebus thinks, because there is immediately before, mention of praecones, that therefore by atria are here understood atria Licinia (and such like) in which large and publick places, publick sales of goods were usually made. That there were such places, I acknowledge for a truth, yet I think them not to be here intended by the Poet: who being to give a reason, why some Poets turn'd Criers, says, Cum∣esuriens migraret in atria, Cli•• that is, as I think, turn Parasites to Great men. Which exposition I may strengthen from these two reasons, the one drawn from a like expression in another place of this same Satyre, where he says, — tu Nobilium magna atria curas? when as thou art neglected by the great ones, wilt thou yet be so base, as to haunt their Porches, and continue their Parasite? The other from the coherence of this place; where the Poet says, that some thought it not vile to become Criers, when as they saw others become Parasites; this con∣dition being simply base, but that, though mean, being yet honest. But if it were expounded accor∣ding to Turnebus, that some turn'd Criers, when they saw others do so, that is, when they saw others go in∣to the places of publick sales, it were, methinks, a very weak expression; whereas the other is very Saty∣rical, and sutable to what immediately follows, Nam si, &c. for well might they, says he, turn Criers, like Machaera, when they had not a farthing in purse. Thus then Praecones fieri and migrare in atria, is not the same; the latter signifying, to turn Parasite. Where by the way the Poets Satyrical wit may be observed, who in the recital of the wares set to publick sale, claps in amongst Cup-boards, Chests, and such trumpery, the Poems of some silly Artists in his time, such as were Bacchus (or as others read it, Paccius) and Faustus; whose fabulous composi∣tions he names and flouts at.

4. Machaera's name and trade. Some think that Machaera here signifies a foot-man with a weapon by his side, (meaning that needy Poets might become such) many such usually in travail attending their Lord. But, to call such a one by the name Machaera, is harsh, they being commonly and rightly called Machaerophori; see Tully ad Q. Fratrem, lib. 2. epist. 8. This exposition then savouring of affectation, I take Machaera, as most Interpreters do, for a proper name.

5. Sell what the intrusted publick sale sets-our. Et vendas potius commissa quod auctio vendit. I render Auclio, by a publick Sale committed to the criers di∣ligence and art; though strictly the word auclio might be rend'red, the Raise-price, it being an in∣creasing of the price according to the offers of se∣veral Chapmen.

6. From poor Galatia brought in bare-foot plight. Altera quos nudo traduxit Gallia talo. I might litterally have render'd altera Gallia, the other France; but commonly it is call'd Gallo-graecia or Galatia, a Country in Asia the less: divers of which Country coming poor, and even bare-footed to Rome, were started up to Knight-hood. And here, whiles the Poet says, — quos traduxit, brought over Sea from Asia to Rome, some understand a scoff in the word traduxit, as if he said, whom it traduc'd or jeer'd-over hither, because they came barefooted: which sense, I grant, the word bears, and may be here so understood; yet only in a second place, not necessarily, the word often signifying in a more simple sense, Rigaltius reads, — traducit gallica talo, adding, Gl••••e veteres Gallicula, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I suppose his learned diligence rather cites it, then approves it for an Exposition. Gallicula, (which some make the same with Caligula) was the Gaulish shooe worn by Souldiers, and so it should signifie, according to this Exposition, they came rude to Rome with their Gaulish shooes; which sense, that they came with their galliculae, and yet nude talo, seems a little in∣congruous;

the gallicula being though a patten, a soal without an upper leather, yet so much shoot as came above the talus or ankle. See Sat. 16. Illust. 3. Besides, in what sense altera shall be here ap∣plied to Gallicula, I discern not.

7. Saffron-Vellume-Book. Croceae membrana tabellae. The Poet calls it so from the colour of it, which was yellow, or like Saffron. Persius, Sat. 3. calls it bicolor membrana; the hairy side being of one co∣lour, the other side of another.

8.

No Patrone does the Seats or Stairs bestow, That hang at the hir'd Scaffold-beam; or know What the Orchestra cost, rais'd for chief friends, And Chairs recarried, when the Reading-ends. Nemo dabit regum, quanti subsellia constent, Et quae conduclo pendent anabathra tigillo, Quaeque reportandis posita est Orchestra cathedris.

The Poet here expresses the custome of the Roman Poets, who, when for glory they would read their compositions, usually horrow'd some Great Mans house; erected about the room (subsellia) Seats for the Spectators [that is, Scaffolds for the meaner Auditors] at the supporting Timbers, or Beam (tigillum) of which seats, hung (anabathra) stairs. They prepar'd one special place, the Orchestra, which they furnished with hir'd Chairs, and there placed their cheifest friends. Besides, some most wretchedly hir'd applauders, whom they cunningly dispersed amongst the other auditors, to raise the rest to applause by their applause; and the rich man, who lent his house, would sometimes place his own freed-men to the like purpose; thus affor∣ding praise, but no mony. See Marcellus Donatus on Sueton's Nero, cap. 17. pag. 706. to which we may adde that of the Author de Claris Oratoribus (vul∣garly taken to be Tacitus) spoken of Poets; Nam & domum mutuatur, & auditorium extruit, & subsellia conducit, & libellot dispergit. See also Sat. 1. Illust. 5. Moreover the manner was to invite their auditors and applauders sometimes a day, sometimes a month before; sometimes by going in person to every one's house, sometimes by messenger, sometimes by letter. These Libelli or Condicilli, Ferrarius, lib. 3. cap. 3. de Acclam. Vet. thinks to have been vel argumenta vel exemplaria, either the arguments or copies of their Poems. Pliny, lib. 3. Epist. 18. mentions them; a way more troublesome then the pasting up of bills. Nay, they intreated men to hear them, as Arrian tells us in the Commentary on Epictetus, l. 3. c. 23. and some of more wealth Poetically given, bribed them with Suppers, or mony [sportula] in stead of it. So Horate lib. 1. Ep. 19. Non ego ventosae plebis suffragia venor Impensis Caenarum—; and Persius, Sat. 1. Calidum scis ponere sumen; and Juvenal touches the other, Sat. 13. in those words, Fessidium laudat vocalis agentem sportula; according to which sense it is call'd by Martial, lib. 6. epig. 48. diserta caena. Sometimes they gave their poorer auditors a cast cloak, as Persius says, Sat. 1. Scis comitem horridulum tritâ donare lacernct; or for∣gave them a debt, or gave their words for them. Some kept men in their houses for this purpose, and had them to attend upon them to the Reading-place; for which they were call'd Comites. See Ferrarius, lib. 3. cap. 5.6, 7, 8. and of the bringing of seats to such places, see cap. 9.

9. Horace is full, when once he Ohe cries. Satur est cum dicit Horatius, Ohe. Ferrarus (de Acclam. Vet. lib. 3. cap. 18.) says, that Ohe is a note of satiety or weariness in hearing; an assertion in this place not appliable: Juvenal not speaking here of a Poet fill'd with applause at the recitation of his Poëms, but rather with Wine and plenty before he writ. Some with a little variation read Euhoë; It seems to be an allusion to that of Horace. Carm. lib. 2. Od. 19. upon Bacchus,

Euae, recenti mens trepidat meta, Plenoque Bacchi pectore turbidum Laetatur. Euoe, parce Liber, Parce gravi meruende Thyrso.

10.—We'd have Ru••••enus Lappa's Fate Be like his Muse; The Ancient Buskin he Should march; though his small dishes and cloak be At pawn to Atreus.

—poscimus, ut sit Non minor antiquo Rubrenus Lappa corhurno, Cujus & alveolos & lanam pignorat Atreus.

The Poet shews, that singular Poverty and singular Poëtry are commonly inconsistent; and that there∣fore when Horace call'd upon Bacchus, (as 2 Curm. Od. 19.) he was full of him; and that on the con∣trary, had Virgil been extream poor, he could not have made his stately descriptions of Furies, such as Electo with her Curles of Snakes about her ears, insteed of hair, as the Poets usually feign. Then he instances in Rubrenus Lappa, an excellent Poet at that time, who had he had a Patron to have in∣couraged him, would have equall'd Sophocles, and some few such like: but his wit was obscur'd by his poverty, which made him pawn hisplatters, though small ones, and his cloak to Atrens the Usurer. And here I may note two passages of Autumnus; who upon those words spoken of Virgil, Caderent omnes à crinibus hydri, understands figuratively by hydri, his Bucoliques, in quibus, says he, agit de hydris Ser∣pentibus, noxiis herbis, & anlmalibus nocentibus frugi∣bus: so that according to Him, the meaning should be, that had Virgil been poor, he could never have written his Bucolicks; when as the Interpreters commonly understand it rather (and, I think, ber∣ter) of his Aeneads; in which lib. 7. he himself says, —tor Erynnis sibilat hydris, which is apparently more sutable to the meaning of Juvenal; that in extream poverty Virgil himself could never have written his lofty Aeneads. Again, Autumnus takes Atrens here not for a Ʋsurer, as most Interpreters do, but for a poor Tragick Poet; who as he says, alveolos and la∣nam (for so he reads, not ••••nam) pignorat, lays to pawn, not as the most here take it, takes to pawn. But the construction of this place does not conve∣niently admit this exposition: for, to omit the petty vanities of reading, albi••los, as some, (taking it for the Poets Table-book; a sorry pawn for a Usurer) or alveolos, as the most (and understanding it of the Poets poor housholdstuff, his small plat∣ters, as Turnebus takes it, and as it is used in the fift Satyre, in those words, illud enim vestris datur alveo∣lis) Atrens cannot here signify one that lays these things to pawn, seeing that it is the poverty of Lappa, which is here described; and the things, which are said to be pawn'd being His, as is clear by the relative cujus, it stands with reason, to con∣ceive Him, to be the person, that pawns the Goods. Yet Britannicus thinking it neither sense, nor Latin, to expound pignorare to take to pawn, takes Atreus here, not as Autumnus, for the name of a Tragick Poet, but of a Tragedy written by Lappa. Which ex∣position pleases Pulmannus also on this place: and so the sense, which they conceive, must be this, that Lappa's Tragedy of Atreus made him pawn his small goods: they mean, by neglecting his time, whiles he intended his Play. But methinks, this is but a weak exposition: for, having imploy'd him∣self always in such studies, he would probubly have

been busied, if not thus, as unprofitably. Besides, if his wit were so good, as Juvenal implies, his Poem would rather have been some help unto him, as Agáve was to statius, as is testified in this Satyre. Lastly the Latin acception of pignorari and pignorare to take, as well as to give a pledge, is sufficiently known; as from that of Tully, Mars ipse ex acie fortissimum quemque pignorari solet; where it signi∣fies clearly, to take to himself.

11. But when his verse has crack'd the seats, he may Be starv'd; if Paris buy not his new Play

Agave. —Sed, cumfregit subsellia versu, Esurit, &c. Joseph Scaliger (in his Ausonian Lections, lib. 1. cap. 10.) discoursing of this passage of our Au∣thor, thinks that here is an intended reference to the Agones Capitolini, which were games first insti∣tuted by Domitian in imitation of the Olympick Games, in which, amongst other Artists, Poets also contended for the Victory; and that in such trials, Statius, after the incredible expectation of the whole City, did recite his Thebais, but pleas'd not, whereby others obtain'd the garland against him. Of this, says Scaliger, he complains in his Sylvae, especially in the Epicede on his Father: for which cause Scaliger reprehends the ordinary exposition of this place, saying, that fregit subsellia is as much as recitans non stetit, sed excidit, hoc est, non placuit; in brief, that he was overcome. Which Censure of Scaliger is recited by Rosinus, lib. 5. cap. 18. and by Salmuth on Panciroll. lib 1. Tit. 42. and Scaliger himself falling upon the same agrument again in his Emendation of Times (p. 483, 484.) shews from Statius himself, how that he greiv'd, that he could not add the Capitolian Oaken garland to the Alban Olive garland, but that he was overcome by anci∣ent Poets, who had formerly overcome. But the ancient and common exposition of this place is, that Statius in the reciting of his Thebais did singu∣larly please: and therefore some expound fregit subsellia, of the loud and wonderful applause, which was bestow'd upon him. In this vast distance of Opinions, there is roome to stand between them: and therefore to interpose mine own opinion, I think thus; first, with Scaliger, that Statius had the worst in reciting his Thebais at the Capitolian Agones; as is unanswerable clear from Scaligers alle∣gations; Secondly and differently from Scaliger, that in this place our Poet intends not that overthrow of Statius in these famous games; but only his reci∣tal of some part of his Thebais, in some Great man's house (according to the fashion mention'd in the 8th. Illustration of this Satyre); and that in such recital (probably after his overthrow) he reco∣ver'd his credit, admirably pleas'd, and thereby was incourag'd to publish his Poëme. For, that he thus pleas'd, it is invincibly evident from the whole scope of this place: wherein our Poet ex∣presses, that though he so singularly pleas'd, yet if he had not sold a new play of Agave to Paris the famous Actour, he might have been starved; Thirdly, that fregit subsellia, as it cannot be here expounded, with Scaliger, of his Overthrow, so neither, with the Scholiast and some others, be un∣derstood of the Applause; though I acknowledge that custome and the marvailous excess of it. But I think that it ought to be more plainly under∣stood of his own laborious and exalted recital, or pronunciation; and therefore Britannicus expounds versu by recitatione versuum; according to his ex∣position of that in the first Satyre —assiduo ruptae le∣ctore columnae; where he likewise adds, assiduo lecto∣ris & recitatoris clamore; and columnae ruptae he ex∣presses by this fregis subsellia; but first by that of Virgils Et cantu querulae rumpunt arbusta cicada: where rumpunt cannot be applied to any return'd applause, but to the insensive noise of the grasle-hoppers themselves. And in a like, but a worse sense, the Poet in the beginning of the first Satyre calls Codrus for his tedious recitation, raucus. Lubin does not mention Scaliger's opinion, perchance to conceal his dislike: but understands fregit subsellia of the wondrous multitude of Auditors, which by occa∣sion of Statius his Reading, flocking thither break the seats. Yet he presently adds, vel potius est by∣perbolica locutio de ipso Statio recitante, who with the vehemency of his recitation might be said to break the seats. It may by the way be farther observed, that Juvenal in speaking of the great concourse to hear Statius, says, tantaque libidine vulgi; where he may seem to discover some frailty of emulation; li∣bido implying an excess to what it is applied, and vulgus diminishing the glory of the Poet, by the mean qualitie of the Auditory. In which point, it being not necessary for me to undertake an abso∣lute defence of our Poet, I may considerably al∣lege; first that our Poet generally in his first Sa∣tyre does in some degree jeer at all Heroical Poems, as at unprofitable fictions: Secondly, that Statius his work, by the swelling of proper names of Persons and places, is somewhat unhappily darken'd; though it cannot be denied to be a Composition full of delight, and for height of wit Admirable.

12. —He Knights Poets, whom adorn'd we see With their gold-half year's Rings—. Ille & militiae muhis largitur honorem, Semestri vatum digitos cir∣cumligat auro. The Poet speaking, here against the undeserv'd favour of Paris a Player, says that he was so potent with the Emperor, that he bestow'd Knighthood, military honours and the like, upon Poets: which he expresses by saying, that he adorn'd their singers auto semestri, that is, with the gold ring. But why Semestre should make aurum signifie a ring, different reasons are given. The Scholiaest on these words, Semestri vatum digitos, says, Id est, in modum lunaeplenae, equitum de numero, id est, annulo Semestri aut luna dicitur, cum mensis me∣dium permensa est spatium, aut Xymam dicit, hoc est, cui ut plena sit, parum admodum deest; cum velut anu∣lus in orbem collecta est. In which passage we may correct those words, ant Xymam dicit, at Rutgersius aptly does (in his Var. Lection. lib. 6. cap. 18.) and read aut Xvtam, (that is, decimam quintam) dicit. The meaning then will be, that the Moon at a fortnight old, (or, at the 15th day) is at the full, and may be call'd Semestris Luna (as it is by Apuleius in his Asin.) an half-month Moon; at which age she being round like a ring, aurum seme∣stre may fignifie circular gold, or like the Moon at the full, and so a ring; but this methinks seems far ferch'd. Others without such affectation take the word semestre not for the space of half a month, but of six months (for the word will bear either sense) and so they conveniently think, that the Poet here speaks of such rings, as he does in the first Satyre, where he speaks of their six-months rings, namely heavy winter-rings, and lighter summer-rings: so that the Poet means, that even Paris, though a a Player, did if he pleas'd, so inrich Poets, that like Knights and other wealthy ones, they could at pleasure wear their variety of gold-rings. And this exposition is very warrantable; only in a far∣ther and more especial sense this may be added, that he at his pleasure gave them military honours,

making whom he pleas'd, Frefects, and Military Tribunes, Officers that continued for six months: whence Pliny in an Epistle pro Calvisio calls it Seme∣stris Tribunatus, and by their place woar gold-rings, as Appian. Alexandrinus testifies, lib. de Bello Lybico, cap. 11. and Pliny, lib. 33. Which sense is very su∣table both to the precedent verse, Ille & militiae multis largitur honorem, and to the third verse fol∣lowing, Praefectos Pelopaea facit, Philomela Tribunos; meaning that Tragedies of such Persons and Argu∣ments, as Pelopaea and Philomela, caused Poets to be advanced to Military honours. And this jeer∣ing verse, as the Scholiast tells us, cost Juvenal a banishment.

13. —That is fed By his Stage labours. —Quem pulpita pascunt. Autumnus expounds it of his recita∣tions of his Poëms: but it is apparent, that by that means he could get nothing, except praise; but by providing stage-ware he got indifferent mainte∣nance; whereas commonly Poets were so poor, that they were fain to want wine even all December (as the Poet speaks) though that were a time, which might most require it, both for the extrea∣mity of the weather, and the common jollity of the season, being the Month in which were kept their Saturnals, wherein even Servants triumph'd in wine and licentiousness. Autumnus on the word Decem∣bri, gives here this note, Quo mense solet lugubrari & abstineri a commessationibus & compotationibus: but how can this sense be agreeable to this of our Author! for then, what greater misery had this been to Poets, then to others? Of the custome of Poets selling their Playes for the use of the Stage, see Brodaus in his Miscellan. lib. 9. cap. 17. shewing it out of Terence: who had for his Eunuchus, when it was presented the second time, octo millia sester∣tiûm (he speaks of Sestertii) that is 8 sestertia; which reduced make 62 l. 10••. Donatus tells us the same; that he sold it octo millibus sestertiûm.

14. —So to get By proof from his great book a Doubtful Debt. Qui venit ad dubium grandi cum co∣dice nomen. The Poet speaking here of the vehe∣mency of Lawyers in their pleadings, says that they plead hard, when the Creditor hears them, but es∣pecially when they are jogg'd by one more eager, then an ordinary Creditor, acrior illo: which more fierce plaintife he farther describes by saying, Qui venit, &c. Who comes with his great book ad du∣bium nomen, to prove a doubtful debt. But some understand by —acrior illo, Qui venit— the Deb∣ter's Proctour, or else his Pragmaticus, he that, ac∣cording to the custome of these times, turned the books for him; and by Codice, the book of the Laws, or as others, the book of the Debter's Re∣ceipts and Expences; or, as some, the book or bundle of papers containing the whole proceedings of the cause; and so they expound ad dubium no∣men, that he came on the debter's behalf to disprove the debt, by shewing it to be Doubtful. Yet these expositions, if consider'd, will not stand. For, (to refute it by parts) to understand it of the Debter's Proctor striving to denie and disprove the debt, is not so congruous; since the Poet might then more clearly have expressed it, by saying In dubium nomen, rather then ad dubium; the first sig∣nifying rather to disprove, the latter to prove the debt. Besides, to take Codex as Philip Beroald does (in his Annotat. p. 208.) for the Debter's book of reckonings is most improbable; for of what force should that be, to avoid the Creditor? Wherefore it is most probable, that by acrior here is understood the Creditor himself, as most solici∣tous in his own business; yet not every Creditor, but such a one, as in some especial case, wanting unhappily so full a proof of his debt, as he could wish, strives to make-up the sufficiency of his wit∣ness, by his book of reckonings and the Clamour of his Lawier. And so Codex may be understood of the Creditor's Debt book alleg'd happily ad dubium nomen, for the proof of a question'd debt, accord∣ing to which sense and choise I render it.

15. The Red-coat Chariotier Lacerta's state. —Russati pone Lacertae. I may not omit, for the sin∣gularitie, the various readings of this place. Phi∣lip Beroald reads, Sisapone Lacertae (as some in the like sense, Satipone) Sisapone being a Town in Spain mention'd by Pliny lib. 33. where the Ro∣mans had their miniaria, mines of red lead; and thus the Poet should mean, that a little land though a great way off, and so the less worth, was yet more then the estate of a hundred Lawiers; rus Lacertae signifying a little land, according to that of the Poet before, unius sese dominum fecisse lacertae, to be master of as much land, as a Lizard can turn him∣self in; though to speak strictly, this were rather false, then witty. Others read, rus Sati lacertae, making Satus Lacerta a rich Roman, whose One estate exceeded the estates of a hundred Lawiers. Marcellus Donatus on Julius Capitolinus (in Clodio Albino) upon occasion of this place says, Apud Pli∣nium mentio est Russae, sen Russatae aurigae. De quo forte Juvenalis, Sat. 7. & non de milite, ur alii credidêre: forte aliae solum Russati pone Lacertae: wherein he re∣jects (and rightly) the exposition of Britannicus, who interprets it of some Souldier, the colour of whose garments, as he alleges, was reddish, to dissemble the colour of his blood, when shed. But M. Donatus his exposition is better, being in effect the most receiv'd, and indeed the most probable opinion; Lacerta (or as some read, Lacerna) be∣ing a Chariotier in the time of Domitian, as the Scholiast tells us; on those words, Pone Lacernae.] Nomen auriga abjecti, ex colore Russatus. Lacerna sub Domitian•• auriga fuit. Thus, there being diverse factions of Chariotiers distinguish'd by the colours of their garments, and one called the Reddish fa∣ction (as more largely may be seen, Sat. 11. Illu-Illustrat. 16. the Poet to shew the singular vanity of the Emperor, says that one such vain fellow, as Lacerta, was by the favour of the Emperor, richer then an hundred Lawiers. Briefly then, the Poet says, Put the estates of an hundred Lawiers in one scale, and solum rus only the land of one Chario∣tier, Lacerta, of the Reddish faction in the other scale, and this one shall out-weigh them all.

16. Thy judge is wise Bubulcus—. Bubulco Judice. The Poet here ironically describes their solemn and fruitless pleadings, borrowing that piece of Ovid, Consedere Duces—. The Judges, says he, take their places, then thou a Lawier rifest-up pale like Ajax, when with fear he pleaded for Achilles his armour: even pale with fear, says he, art thou, being to plead before the Judge Bubulcus, in de∣fence of one's Liberty, or Free state of Birth, which some call in question. For so it was put to the question, whether he were to be accounted a free man, whose mother was free at the time of his birth, but a Servant at the time of her concep∣tion; or one whose mother being with child was set free, yet was afterwards made a Servant again before her childbirth. Such causes, as the Poet implies, Lawiers did use to plead with much care and small profit. In which passage some take Bu∣bulcus for the proper name of some Judge, others

for some ignorant Judge purposely describ'd by such a name. It may be taken, I grant, either way; for we find, says Brittanncus, Bubulcus to have been the name of one, that was twice Consul, A. V. 508. and 518. namely C. Atilius Bubulcus; and so it may be plainly here used, as the name of Gallicus the City-Judge, Sat. 13. But the best Copies of the Fasti Consulares have it now in each place, C. Atti∣lius Bulbus. Yet I denie it not to be probable, that our Poet according to his Satyrical way, might choose here such a name, as might in a second sense implie a jeer also against the Judge, alluding more particularly, as Britannicus thinks, to the practice of Caesar, who admitted diverse Gaules to the num∣ber and honour of Senators; a thing afterwards amended by Augustus, as Sueton reports: yet if the like fault had not been continued in the times of our Poet, to what purpose had he touch'd upon it? A like jeer is used by the witty Cervantes, who calls his Knight errant, Don Quixote, or Don Knee∣armour; and his Squire, Sancho Panca, or Sancho Gorbelly.

17. Green Palmes may make thy Stairs and Thee admir'd. Figantur virides scalarum gloria palmae. The Poet says, that all that which the Lawiers commonly got, was either a little vain glory, or a little profit. Some understand by Scalarum gloria, the scalae Gemoniae, saying, that then the Lawier was honour'd, when he caused the person, against whom he pleaded, to be condemn'd to that execu∣tion; so Britannicus. But we may lay aside this remote exposition, as of a thing, which happen'd but sometimes, this passage intending something more frequent. Lubin says, that he, which con∣quer'd in Pleading, had a Palme-branch fix'd-up in his House (in Domo ejus) which was, says he, scala∣rum vel pulpiti gloria, ex quibus dixisset; the honour of the Pew or advanc'd Seat, to which by stairs he went-up, and from whence he pleaded. More na∣tural is Brodaeus his exposition (in his Miscellan. lib. 9. cap. 1.) who understands it of Palme-bran∣ches usually fixt at such mens doors, to which they ascended by steps; expounding scalarum by domus tuae graduum, vestibuli ac januae, adding that of Clau∣dian. 2. de Rapt. Proserpt.—alii praetexere ramis Li∣mina—. And here we may remember that of Lucian (in Rhet. Praecept.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But the best expression of this place is (as I think) that of Isaac Casaubon (cited by Autum∣nus) who by Scalae understands the many stairs by which Poets, Lawiers and other such poor men ascended to their houses or rather chambers being indeed but the cock-lofts of other men's houses; adding, that the manner was for those that had the better in their Court-Pleadings to fix-up a Palme-branch before their poor door in a vaunt of their success, alleging that of Lucan in his Panegyr. ad Pisonem, —licet exercere togatae Munera militae—; and afterwards, Hinc quoque servati contingit gloria civis, Altaque victrices intexunt limina palmae. And thus our Poet, by the description of such professors habitations, does not without a jeer implie their neediness, as if he should say, that all the glory of such cock-loft-men is but to adorn their stairs with a palme-bough: to which we may only add this lit∣tle difference, that their Clients fastned them up at their Lawiers doors, as Dempster says on Rosinus, lib. 5. cap. 28. p. 514. col. 2.

18. —Or your Moore's stale Monthly fish; Or wine brought down by Tiber—. —aut veteres Afrorum epimenia bulbi; Aut vinum Tiberi devectum. Amongst the poor rewards here said to be brought to the Lawiers, are reckon'd the bulbi, which some take for onions or such coated roots; Others for a kind of fish, brought Monthly from Africa. The word indeed signifies both, yet of the two I rather choose the last, the Poet having immediately before men∣tion'd in like manner another kind of fish, namely the Pelamides, or Tunnies. Besides, to suppose that Italy needed to be supplied with Onions from Africa (though thence, I grant, it had the choisest mushromes) seems improbable, though Lubin in∣timates some to have been of that opinion. Be∣sides, the word veteres by way of disgrace, is more appliable to fish, then to onions, especially if those be but of one months keeping: which short time does not usually make these the worse, but the other without the better ordering, odious; yet such stale bulbi, were the monthly provisions of the Africans, or which the Moors sent to Rome. We may here take notice likewise of the wine sutable to such fish, bestow'd upon them, namely not the rich and forraign wines of Greece, nor the good ones of their own Italy, but such as came down by Tiber. The Scholiast speaks a part of this truth, whiles he says, Non transmarinum, id est, cibarium, that is, not beyond-Sea wine, but ordinary, or good enough at meals. But Britannicus on this place says, quasi dicat Transmarinum, non Romanum aut Campanum, quod optimum erat; that it was Forraign wine, not brave wine, such as the Roman or Campanian. The last and negative part of which speech is true; the first and affirmative being false, in which he says, it was forraign wine. Nor is Lubin free from the like mixture of truth and error, who expounds it thus, vile & ingratum vinum de Campano agro per Ti∣berim Romam deorsum vectum, non transmarinum; in which whiles he says it was vile wine, and yet Cam∣panian, he couples contraries, the Campanian be∣ing excellent wine. Again whiles he says, that it was Campanian and yet brought down by Tiber, he speaks clean contrarie to the way of conveighance; Campania being the Country now call'd Terra di La∣voro, lying from Rome towards the South East; the main body of the Country call'd the Territorie of Rome (now Campagna di Roma in the North-West part whereof Rome it self is seated) lying between the City of Rome and Campania: whereas the Poet says, that the wine was devectum, brought down he Tiber; and therefore from the North South∣ward, to Rome. To amend therefore such errors, we may take notice of Brodaeus his exposition of this passage: who in his Miscellanies, lib. 9. cap. 17. calls the wine here understood, Vinum Vejentanum, and adds, Tiberis autem Vejentem agrum a Crustumino dividit; vile omnino ac tenue, non exoticum, aut trans∣marinum, utpote Chium, &c. So that he understands here Vejentane wine. Which though I believe to be a truth, yet it is necessary to quit one difficul∣tie, before we may admit it; and that is, to shew the Country of this wine, that so it might be de∣vectum, such as might be brought down the Tiber: which point, though it be intimated by Brodaeus, yet it may seem contrary to the learned Ortelius, who in his Thesaurus Geograph. places Vejentum in Campania, as he notes out of Acron upon Horace, 2. Serm. which peradventure was the reason of Lubin's assertion and mistake, that this wine was de Agro Campano: but according to Brodaeus his intimation, it grew North-ward from Rome, and so sutably to the Poets description. The solution of which doubt may breifly be obtain'd, if we observe the varietie of Places in names oft times not much va∣rious.

Though then we grant with Ortelius a Town in Campania call'd Vejentum, yet we must also grant another called Veii in Hetruria, where the wine call'd the Vejentan wine grew, as Lubin himself on Persius, Sat. 5. on those words, Vejentanumque rubellum, observes; though unhappily in this place, he thought not on it. And this acknowledgment agrees both with Brodaeus his exposition and the sense of this place; which implies that this wine grew not far from Tiber, and Northward from Rome, which is agreeable to a part of Hetruria, whence by opportunitie of the River, it was con∣veniently brought to the City. And such Vejentan wine of a dark-red colour, being neither very good, nor far fetch'd, was made the sorry reward for a poor Lawier, and such, according to Persius, as the niggardly Seaman afforded himself.

19.

Thus Pedo breaks, Matho, Tongillus too, That makes with his great Oil-horn much ado. Sic Pedo conturbat, Matho deficit, exitus hic est Tongilli, magno cum Rhinocerote lavari Qui solet—.

The Poet here sodainly turns his speech, expres∣sing that though some crafty and vaunting Lawier got more then the meaner and simpler sort of that profession, by a pretence of wealth, yet it was but facie majoris vivere census, pretence of riches, and that at last they did by such means break, as is implied in the word sic and conturbat; conturbare fortunas, being to turn bank-rupt. I need not here refute Lubin's first opinion, who once did read, Matho dejicit, that he supplanted poorer Lawiers, he himself being rich, and having his new Litter, as is expressed in the first Satyre in those words, Causidici nova cum veniat Lectica Mathonis; both because Lubin did rerract his opinion, and that in∣deed it was but a pretence of wealth, as Martial intimates in that passage, Non tu propterea, sed Ma∣tho pauper crit. But here in the description of Ton∣gillus his vanitie, we may observe, that the Poet mentioning his bringing to the Bath on Oile-horn not of the ordinary sort, of a Bull's horn, but in pride the horn of a Rhinoceros (by Britannicus here called, Alicornus) does, by a figure, put the beast for the horn.

20. Cicero ne're should see Two hundred Sester∣ces for his best see. —Ciceroni nemo ducentos Nunc dederit nummos. Some would have nummus the same with drachma, which in ordinary acception (and the lowest of diverse) being in value, 4 d. 200. would amount unto 3 l. 6 s. 8 d. But the num∣mus being by the general consent of the learned the same with Sestertius, and so but 1 d. ob. qa. q. if it be multiplied by 200. comes but to 1 l. 11 s. 3 d. which is the summe here intended. See more large∣ly of this, (Nummus) Sat. 11. Illust. 2.

21. Gown'd friends before. —Togati Ante pedes—. The Poet describes the Pomp of the thriving, at least of the pretending Lawiers, who had their eight Servants to carry them in their Litter, half a score Attendants, with a Chair brought after them for their change at pleasure, and other Citi∣zens their friends, who went before them in their gowns to grace such their Patrons: antepedes being as much as anteambulones; and as Agraetius the old Grammarian (in his book de proprietate & differentia sermonis) tells us, Circumpedes sunt obsequia servo∣rum, antepedes amicorum. To which sense Martial says, Sum comes ipse tuns, tumidique anteambulo regis. Thus only the rich and vaunting Lawiers were im∣ploy'd, especially in the weightiest causes, how small so ever their skill was: whiles the poor ones, though able and eloquent, such as Basilus, were neglected, especially if the cause were of mo∣ment; as, by pleading, to preserve the life of an offending Son, in danger of death by the Law. In which case the Lawiers did use to bring-in a weeping Mother, brothers and kindred, to move compassion by tears; in which case, says the Poet, they never imploy a poor, though eloquent Basilus; but your ruffling pretenders.

22. —Though their full forms with noise Have kill'd fierce Tyrants—. Cum perimit savos classis numerosa tyrannot. Some make the sense to be, Thou O iron-breasted Vectius teachest Shool-boys, by thy art of Rhetorick, to declame; who in their Declamations kill fierce Tyrants, that is, perswade others to kill them. But this exposition Lubin justly rejects, thinking it an allusion to Dionysius the Sicilian Tyrant; who was fain to teach a School at Corinth, and, as the Poet by an aggravation says, was even killed with the continual hearing of Shool-boy's repetitions: for so he adds, Occidit miseros, &c. so that he speaks not of a fictitious killing of Ty∣rants in declamations; but the very killing of the wretched Rhetoricians, that continually taught and heard such declamations.

23. Such oft-dress'd Colewort does poor Ma∣sters kill. Occidit miseros Crambe repetita magistros. The reading and interpretation which here I use, as it was long since preserr'd by Politian, so is it now the most receiv'd, and as I think, the most natural, and so the best, being an allusion to the Greek proverb, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: so that as Colewort twice or more often serv'd-up was esteem'd so loathsome, that it was account∣ed as a deadly dish; so loathsome likewise, so deadly were such declamations. This were e∣nough for the exposition of this place, but that for delight I may add the fancies of others. Scoppa then in his Collect. lib. 2. cap. 2. reads Cambre, and alleges a book concerning the mirabilia Puteolorum, wherein it is said that Cambre was a Town destroy'd by the Cumani; in remembrance whereof a story was written & called Cambre, which as the author says, was read in Schools and under∣stood in this verse by Juvenal, & this story upon no other hear-say Scoppa likes; and it is alleg'd also by Pulmannus, but from Scoppa. Ponticus Virunnius (cited by Ortelius in his Thesaur. Geograph. in the words, Bri∣taniae Insulae) thinks that by Cambre (for so he also reads) Juvenal in this Satyre means Wales, Cambria. If I may guess at the occasion of his mistake and appetite so to expound it, I should think it was to please the Bodoërian familie fa∣mous in His time (about the year 1490) in Venice, but of British race, in favour of whom (to shew the British Antiquities) he did epi∣tomize the first six books of Jeffry of Mon∣mouth's ten books: but I leave it to the rea∣der to judge, if his opinion here be not as wide from the truth, as Wales from Venice? One fancie more I may allege, and that is of the old Scholiast, who upon Crambe repetita says, Proverbium de Cramba & Anatho omnibus tritum, cum nihil sibi tam fuisse cognitum significare volue∣rint. Tractum à nimis frequenti relatione historiae sive fabulae ab aliquo tum scripiae. Whereby he would seem to implie, that there was some known fable or story of that name grown irk∣some by the familiaritie. Which exposition I had not alleg'd, as being derided by Politian, but that the learned Pithaeus gives this note here on the old Scholiast, Scio haec à Politiano derisa quondam, nec tamen contemnenda putavi. But if I

should use the like licence of fancie as others do, I might say, that some ignorant ••••••nuen∣sis finding in the Scholiast the Greek proverb written in Latin Letters, did insteed of prover∣bium, dis crambe thanatos, omnibus tritum, read, to make it seem more easie, Proverbium de Cram∣ba & Anatho, omnibus tritum; and that the rest which follows in the Scholiast is but the addi∣tion and fancie of some such like reader. Or if we would make sense of the rest which follows in the Scholiast, we may fancie that some known book commonly read to children in the Schools was by a jeer for the frequency of it, ironi∣cally term'd Crambe, or Colewort. Or if we shall farther venture upon conjecture and some∣what like Scoppa read Cambra, we may suppose it to have been some doleful Poem compos'd of Cambra, who is said to have been the unhap∣py Mother of unhappy Priamus; but unlikely to have been so old, as to have seen the death of her old Son. Whefore he that will be content with easie and sober sense, may rest in the interpretation of Politian.

24. Each sixt day his dire Hannibal my pate Does fill—. Cujus mihi sextâ Quaque die miserum dirus caput Hannibal implet. The Poet here ac∣cuses the Parents for accusing the Schoolmaster that their Son did not profit, whom the Poet merrily calls an Arcadian sad, and Ass; the Asses of Arcadia being proverbially notorious. He expresses then the Master's pains, who to irkesomness hears his declamation of Hannibal every sixt day repeated, and that so whiles he strives to perfect the boy, he starke tires himself.

25. Their Baths shall cost six Hundred; Their Walks more. Balnea sexcentis, & pluris porticus. The Poet here comparing the expen∣ces of parents in the instruction of their chil∣dren with their expences upon their Pleasure, shews that even the chiefest masters of Rhe∣torick, such as Pollio and Chrysogonus, which taught Great Mens Sons that Art out of the Books of Theodorus the Gadaraean, got but a small reward: whereas rich parents cared not how much they spent upon their Baths, their Arch'd walks, and such other delights. In which pas∣sage, in exposition of the words Balnea sexcen∣tis, (which some pass-over in a hudling man∣ner) the Scholiast and Britannicus think the Poet to speak of the Building of costly Baths: but Lubin takes it to be understood of their yearly expences in the Bath-fees and other such appur∣tenances. In which diversitie of Opinions, though none of them give any reasons for the proof of their own, yet I think the first opinion to be true, and Lubins not to be admitted, as may appear by the summe here mention'd, if ex∣amin'd. For the Poet speaking before of an ordinary Lawier's fee, nay, even of Cicero's, said it would not rise to 200. Sestertii, or 1 l. 11 s. 3 d. unless he made a great shew of wealth; and speaking afterwards of Quintilian's pay, he makes it but two Sestertia, that is, 15 l. 12 s. 6 d. but the expence on either Pleasure must vastly surmount these unwilling charges. According to which sure ground and the clear intention of the Poet in this place, the examination of the summes shall quit the doubt. If then we understand Sexcentis (their expence on their Baths) to be spoken here, as Lubin does, of the nummus or Sestertius 1 d. ob. qa. q. it arises being multiplied by 600: to 4 l. 13 s. 9 d. and so is far less, then the reward of Quintilian, though but a Rhetorician. But if Sexcentis be under∣stood of the Sestertium (which was 7 l. 16 s. 3 d.) it arises being multiplied by 600; to no less then 4687 l. 10 s. a summe proudly surmounting the triflle of a Schoolmasters reward, or the yearly expences in Bathing. Yet as the Poet says thus vast was their charge of Building for their Glory or Pleasure in their Baths, which though stately, were of a less extent then their Porticus or Arch'd walks (like Cloisters). Yet because the Summe of 600. Sestertia, or 4687 l. 10 s. is very great, which their less expence, that is of their Baths, amounted to, (for, the charge of their Walks was greater, as the Poet says) it will not be either unnecessary or un∣pleasant, to see the fashion of one of them (and in that the probable expence) according to the magnificence of that Age and Empire. See then this magnificent Bath, as it is expressed by Du Choul, a learned French Antiquarie, in his work Des Bains & Antiques Exerc. pag. 5. *

[illustration] depiction of part of a Roman bath

Jvu. Sat: VII: Illust. 25

Wherein for the better understanding of this point of Antiquitie and diverse passages of this and other Authors, may be observ'd the seve∣ral vessels or places, and conveyances for the di∣versities of their waters. The inward roof of the Edifice does much resemble the inward roof of a stately Church if view'd to advantage of stateliness, as commonly from the West door upward. Within it was the Hypocaust, which was the place, where the fire was kept to heat the vessels in the Bath, which were made after the fashion of furnaces. O∣ver which Hypocaust were set three brasen vessels one above another, as Vitruvius has it, lib. 5. cap. 10. the Lowest of which (signified by the letter. C.) was Caldarium, in which was Hot water: the Mid∣dlemost (expressed by the letter. B.) was called Tepidarium, in which was warm water: the upper∣most (at the Letter. A.) was called Frigidarium, in which was Cold water; under all which, the Fire was kept: the Mouth of which Fire-place was called Praefurnium (at the Letter D.) The water in which brasen vessels was so order'd, that cold water being conveyed into the Frigidarium des∣cended thence into the Tepidarium, and thence consequently into the Caldarium: (the upper ves∣sel still supplying the under-vessel, as the under∣vessel emptied.) So that the nearest above the Fire was the Hot water; the next remov'd was the Warm water, and the most remov'd or upper∣most was the Cold water. Briefly to prove their wonderful cost on their Baths, I may only refer the reader to Seneca. Epist. 86.

26. Yonder a Feasting Room shall mount on high Numidian pillars, breasting th' Eastern skie. Parte alia longis Numidarum fulta columnis Surgat, & algentem rapiat Caenatio solem. Surgat, literally, Let there arise, as if it were spoken by some Rich one appointing in the proud vanitie of his wealth, some new and stately Edifice? Caenatio is the same with Caenaculum, which was the room, wherein they supp'd, in the upper part of the house, as is com∣monly noted, more particularly here by Britanni∣cus, and likewise by Dempster on Rosinus, lib. 5. cap. 28. where he expounds Caenaculum by Caenatio, al∣leging that of Sidon. Apollinar. Carm. 22. v. 207. Alia volubilibus patet hinc Caenatio valvis. And as for the situation of the Caenaculum, Varro, 4. de Ling. Lat. says, —superioris domus universa caenacula dicta; that at last all upper rooms were call'd caenacula. Which I the rather note, because Ausonius Popma in his learned and curious labour de Differentiis verborum,

lib. 1. in the word caenaculum, though he makes caenaculum to be a room in superiore parte aedium (and rightly) in which they supp'd, makes Caenatio (by way of difference) to be a supper-room in imo do∣mus; in the lower part of the house. Wherein I believe he is mistaken, as may appear, both from the judgment of others, taking them for the same thing, and the invalidity of his own allegations, as also from Sidonius his epither alia, and this ex∣pression of Juvenal, longis fulta columnis; which seems to be understood of the whole room, not of the roof only: and lastly from the convenient use of such height, which purposely was for the taking of the fresh aire. Some would understand here, by algen∣tem solem, solem hybernum; the sunne in winter: but would not such a room entertain it also in Sum∣mer? and then prove as inconvenient, as conve∣nient in winter? Some would have this room of pleasure here intended to open to the North, be∣cause the Poet says, algentem solem: by as much reason we may say, it cannot intend the North, the North being not at all the Sun's quarter; and for the South and West they are rather places of heat, even the West toward night, to a Room supposed by any to lie open towards the West, especially near the evening, which was the season of supper & feasting, with the Romans. I rather therefore under∣stand this, as the most considerate interpreters do,

(though they mention not these motives) of the Eastern quarter, which being left by the Sun in the morning yeilds a cool-air in the Evening unto a high room opening towards it. And here the better to express the state of such Feasting rooms (which is the thing here implied by the Poet) I may add, that some according to this custome, think that our Saviour figuratively used those words, Enter into thy Master's Joy, Mat. 25. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as if it had been into a Roome, aptly called the Joy. Indeed the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is used concerning a feast, Esther, 9. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: and it was one kind of Manumission, for the Master to invite the Servant to sit down with him. Caius, Instirut. l. 1. c. 1. According to which supposed custome Maldonate also expounds the casting-out of the men into outward darkness, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the man being disgracefully put-out of the Feasting room adorn'd with stately lights (their feasts being usually extended into a part of the night) into the street, where was dark∣ness and cold. See Pignorius de Servis, p. 242.

27. —How then abounds Quintilian with such fo∣rests and large grounds▪ Ʋnde igitur tot Quintilianus habet saltus?—It may justly seem strange (if Juvenal here speaks properly) that a Schoolmaster, such as Quintilian was (brought out of Spain by Galba) should attain to such an estate, that he should be said to be the owner of Forests: ••••ich are, as some call them, Penetralia regum (the retiring places of Princes) as our learned Manwood notes in his Treatise of Forest Laws. In which work (fol. 32.) for the more choice instruction of the reader, in such an argument, he cites for their Antiquitie, Budaus both de Philolog. lib. 2. and his French Treatise Of Hunting; he mentions also the Forests of Philip of Macedonia, and of Canu∣tus, whose Forest-Laws he prefixes before his trea∣tise; and ascending higher (chap. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 .9.) shews the Antiquitie of them in King Davids time, from that of the 131. Psalm, v. 6. Lo, we heard of it at Euphrates, and found it in the fields of the Forests. For in those words he alleages the place, though not without a mistake justly to be obser••'d; the place there spoken of being not Euphrates (a river, a branch whereof passed through Babylon) but Ephrata, the Country of Ephraim [in the Holy land] mention'd, Judg. 18, 1. the passage indeed, which he mentions, is Psalm. 132. v. 6. and is thus rendred, We heard of it at Ephrata; we found it in the fields of the wood: where the prophet speaks [as it appears, v. 10.] concerning the Ark, which, as David had heard, was placed by Joshua at Shiloh, a City in Ephrata; but he found it in the fields of the wood, that is, at Kiriath-jearim, or, the City of the woods, where it had continued for the space of 20 years, after it had been brought home by the Philistines, 1 Sam. 7, 2. But this only by the way, yet necessarily for the rectifying of the allega∣tion. Yet this prosperitie of Quintilian though but a Rhetorician, may in part seem less strange, if we con∣sider the long time of his profession, above 20. years; as likewise, that he had a publick maintenance from two Emperos, Galba and Domitian. Though, as Britan∣nicus notes, this was but one example, and seems to be attributed rather to Fortune, then to the worth of the man [though very worthy]: which he thinks to be secretly intimated in the word felix used thrice in this passage. Indeed the Poet plainly artri∣butes it to the Constellation at ones birth, the Stars, as he speaks, which entertain one new come into the world, —& adhuc à matre rubentem; for so they counted Jupiter and Venus Luckie, and Saturn unluc∣kie. Yet I may here observe farther, that Remmius Palaemon, a Grammarian mention'd by Sueton, de Illu∣strib. Grammaticis, cap. 23. was very rich: for the Au∣thor speaking there of his Luxurie, says that his estate should not equal his expences; nee sufficeret sumptibus, quanquam ex scholâ quadragena annua cape∣ret, ac non multo minus ex re familiaris cujus diligentissi∣mus erat: cum & officinas promer calium vestium exerce∣ret: & agros adeo coleret, ut vitem manu ejus institutam satis constet trecenta sexaginta quinque vasa edidisse. Where to omit the value of his vintage, which alone yeilded him 363. vessels of wine, and to estimate his estate the nearest way, he says, that by his School he had quadragena annua, fortie Sestertia, that is, if redu∣ced, 312 l. 10 s. and but little less from his estate [his trading, as a sale's man, and his husbandrie]; so that if we double it, it being not less, then 625 l. we may by an indifferent estimate, judge that he had about 600 l. of yearly revenue, though but a School∣master. But some think that Juvenal here by Si fortu∣na volet, &c. implies, that Quintilian was Consul; as Autumnus here notes on those words; alleaging also that passage of Ausonius to Gratian, Quintilianus con∣sularia per Clementem ornamenia sortitus honestamenta nominis, potius videtur, quam insignia potestatis habuisse. Elias Vinetus thinks he was not consul ordinarius, but suffectus, for a part of a year upon occasion of the death of some Consul, or the like accident; and that Quintilian obtain'd such honour by the favour pro∣bably of one Clemens an unhappy favourite of Domi∣tian; of whom see Sueton, in his Domitian, cap. 11.

28. And wears the bright Half Moon on his black shooe. Apposit am nigrae Lunam subtexit alutae. The black shooe was proper to the Roman Nobilitie, as some affirm others think, black was the ordinary colour of Men's shooes; of which see Demister on Rosinus, l. 6. c. 36. & concerning the custome of wearing the figure of the Moon upon it, some make the Authors of it to be E∣vander and the Arcadians that came with him into Italie; who boasted that their Original was more an∣cient then the Moon, as Eustathius mentions, & there∣fore figur'd it on their shooes: & so affirm, that from them the fashion descended to the Noble Romans, who deriv'd themselves from Evander. The Hebrew women also used it; but, it seems, only in wantonness; see Isay. 3. v. 18. as Arias has it. On which place Lyra∣nus says, that Women Sotularibus curiosis vtebantur, [that is, subtalaribus] woar curious ornaments below the ankle; and farther says, Incisiones ad modum Lunae fact a in sotularibus, ut dicunt aliqui: but adds, that some take these Moons for parva bullae aureae dependentes circa collum. Some say, they anciently woar the Moon below the shooe, to shew that after death they should dwell above the Moon. But these & some other phi∣losophical and conceited reasons alleged by Plu∣tarch, Jacobus Nicolaus Loënsis (in his Miscellan. Epi∣phyll. l. 4. c. 25.) rejects, as too fine for the Romans at their first rudeness: and therefore alleges and ra∣ther approves Isidore's reason, l. 20, speaking de Calce∣amentorum generibus; who says, that the Moon on the shooe did not intend the fashion of the Moon, but of the letter C, which signifies an hundred, and so the first and ancient number of the Roman Senators: and this Loënsis thinks Isidore had out of some ancient & approved Author. For the Matter, & place in wear∣ing of it, there is a little difference; Johannes Brodaeus (Miscell. l. 8. c. 16.) saying, Calcem verò infernè plerun∣que muniehat ferrum lunat a figura, whereby he affirms it to have been of Iron, & worn, as he seems to speak, about the heel of the soal. But Loënsis (in his Miscell. Epiphyll. l. 5. c. 2.) out of Philostratus, de vitis Sophista∣rum, in the life of Herodes Atticus, shews this Moon was of Ivory; Herod there calling it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 though with more peaceable probabilitie it may be allow'd to have been of either matter. As for the form, Coelius Rhodiginus calls it fibulam corni∣culantem;

but Loënsis says, he sees not, why he should call it so: for, says he, Fibula id calceamenti non suit, sed extrinsecus ad malleum utrius{que} pedis ornamenti gratiâ & velut patritiae nobilitatis insigne appositum: that it was not a tie, nor clasp of the shooe, but worn on the out∣sides of both the ankles. But peradventure the learned Rhodigine call'd it so from the similitude of fibula Co∣moedi, which, was the straight-lin'd side being taken a∣way, like an Half Moon. See before, Sat. 6. Illustrat. 11.

29. —Although His Master's tail might make one laugh, ye know. —Et cui non tunc Eliceret risum citha∣raeds causa magistri. The Poet shewing here the miserie of some Rhetwick. Professors, as of Thrasymachus a Car∣thaginian, that through the smalness of the reward left the Profession, & of Secundus Carinas, that was banish∣ed by Caligula, (as Dion relates) for making by way of exercise an Oration against Tyrants, affirms the former times to have been better; and that in Old time Achilles, though grown great, stood in awe of his Master, though his tail might have made him more ri∣diculous, then dreadful. In which expression he secret∣ly jeers at the fiction of his supposed Musick-Master Chiron the Centaure, whose upper part was like a man, the lower part like a Horse; & therefore he is called by him, Candatus magister: though by the way, I may remember for the singularitie of it, that Bartholinus in his Anatomie (l. 4. c. 15.) relates such a story of a Da∣nish child, making it only an extraordinary excrescen∣cy of bones below the os coccygis, the rump bone (cal∣led so from the resemblance of the cuckoe's bill, as he describes it) saying, majorem vero ossium & cartilaginum numerum adfuisse puto in puero illo Danico, cui cauda ex∣creverat. But, says our Poet proceeding in his expressi∣on of His times, Now-adays even boys will strike their masters, though such as Satrius Ruffus a proud & stout one; Ruffus, that sleighted Tully himself, as but a fellow of an Allobrogian (Gaulish) or grosser eloquence; or ra∣ther, as some think, that accused Tully (as Salust like∣wise does] of complying secretly with the Allobrogians.

30. —Yet, without suit before the Tribune, pay They seldome do—.Rara tamen merces, quae cognitione Tribuni Non egeat—.The Poet here shews the misery of Gram∣marians, such as were Enceladus and Palamon (though this latter were unhappy chiefly by his intempe∣rance) telling them that they must deal like other trades-men, that is, abate somewhat of their first set price; though seldome they got their pay without complaint to the Tribune, so to compel the parents to the payment of their stipend;for, says Lubin, Hoc inter alia Tribunorum munus erat. He speaks warily and aloof off:but Britannicus is more particular in his last anno∣tation on this Satyre, saying, Sed finito anno pramium tuum promeritum non accipies nisi per litem, & quod popu∣lus, id est, ipse Tribunus magistratus populi jusserit tibi vi∣ctori dari, ut sic refer as ad illud, Rara tamen merces quae cognitione Tribuni Non egeat—;so that by Tribunus he, as some others since him, understands the Tribune of the People. Unto which interpretation Coelius Secundus Cu∣rio adds another, and shewing first his dislike of Bri∣tannicus his exposition, he uses these words, —suam tae∣men illi interpretationem reliquimus, & nostram in fine, scholi•• vice, subjunximus hot modo, &c. The substance of his addition is this, that to say that Tribunus plebis did decide such controversies, as whether a Schoolmaster should have his Pay which was agreed-for, is a vain untruth, and against all Antiquitie; such causes belong∣ing to the Tribuni eararii, whom he calls leves & num∣marios judices, who did distribute justice with far less solemnitie: for, as he says, In subselliis, non pro Tribunali jus dicehans; so that they sate not in state on the Tribu∣nal, as the Praetor did. Which reprehension is accurate, yet deserves a reprehension, seing he sets it down as his own observation, which he first publish'd but in anno 1551. whereas indeed it is the correction of Alex∣and. ab Alexandro, about threescore years before, in his Gen. Die. l. 2. c. 24. out of which place Curio transcribes hither above twentie lines verbatim, without acknow∣ledging either here or in his preface, that he tenderd but Collections, which yet might have yielded him credit enough for his own understanding, Censure & Disposal; but expressely he calls it his own interpre∣tation. See more of these Tribuni aerarii, in Alexand. ab Alexandro. l. 5. c. 2. who shews, that they sate in Fortiae Basilica, a place built by Cato, & more particularly to our present purpose says of them, —quorum cognitio in pecuniariis & minoribus causis plerunque fuit.

31. —As he goes To the Hot Baths, or Phoebus his, propose your doubts-.-Ʋt forte rogatus Dum petit aut Thermas, aut Phoebi balnea, dicat, &c. The Poet shews here the small reward bestow'd by parents on a Schoolmaster, and yet the great, the rare skill, which they require in him, as that he be able to answer to all questions propos'd, nay, and that on the sodain, as he is occasionally going to the Baths, or about other business: for, this I think to be the true scope of this place, though some things are necessarily to be exa∣min'd for the just proof and clearing of it. Some then understand by rogatus, the Son or lad examin'd thus by his Father; by pe••it [inte••rogat] and apply it to the Fa∣ther asking his Son this question, what are Thermea or Balnea Phoebi? and by dicat understand again the Son making answer. But this methinks, is very incongruous; because then the Father should make the question concerning one thing (Phoebi balnea) and the Son should answer concerning another (nutricem Anchisae, &c.) where we may take notice, that whereas some tell us, that the nurse to Anchises is not nam'd by any Author, if they had but consulted with the Scholiast, they might have found her: to be call'd Tisiphone. Some understand petit [de profectione] of the Fathers going to the Baths, and so, in his jouroy, of his proposing of di∣verse and curious questions. But the exact purpose of the place seems to be concerning the Schoolmaster & the exquisite abilitie they expect in him, in Grammar, in Histories, in Authors: namely, us forte rogatus, that if he be ask'd, though but by Chance, and on the By, as he is going to the Baths or as otherwise imploy'd, di∣cat, he resolve instantly any the most curious, & frivo∣lons questions: so that the person implied both in ro∣gatus, petit, & dicat, it the same, the Schoolmaster. Only it remains, that we expound in this passage, [Dum petit out Thermas out Phoebi balnea], why the Poet says, aut Thermas, aut balnea, by way of division; and secondly, what Phoebi balnea are? Concerning the first, the Inter∣preters say nothing; except Britan••icus, who says on Thermae, that they are loca ca••ida (from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, calidum) Hot-houses to sweat-in: and, in reciting an opinion of some others, Lubin confounds them with Balnea, say∣ing, dum quarit—quanam sint balnea & Thermae Apollinis, apud p••••scos Historicos & poetas. But this were but to make the Poet speak absurdly, in saying aut Thermae aut Balnea. Difference then there was, all Thermae being balnea; but all balnea being not Therma. Balnea were baths in general; & properly at the first, only of cold wa∣ter: Thermae were baths of hot water, and the first of them in Rome, was built by Mecaenas, as Dion testifies in his Augustus. See Alex. ab Alexand. Gen. Die. l. 4. c. 20. and though I think this distinction was not perpetu∣ally observ'd, yet this is sufficient to clear our Poet's manner of speech from absurditie and confusion, in saying aut Thermas aut Balnea. Besides, Thermae were the more stately works of Emperors or Great per∣sons; balnea (though a general name) being more usu∣ally the term for inferior places. Many and most mag∣nificent were the Thermae built by diverse of the Em∣perors, as Alexand ab Alexand. shews in the place be∣fore

cited; and it was a part of the Aedile's Office to take care, that they were kept cleanly, and that they were not too hot; as the same Alexand. ab Alexand. shews, l. 4. c. 4. Concerning the doubt, what were Phoebi balnea and where they were, Lubin seems to make them Hot baths, and place them out of the City; for he says, dum pater in itinere est, & Phoebi calida balnea petit; though he adds, that some hold, that these Baths were at Rome. The Scholiaft upon Phoebi balnea says, Privata balnea qua Daphnes appellantur. There were indeed Publick & private baths: of the first sort P. victor writes, that there were in Rome, 856. The cause of which multitude Pan∣cirollus (lib. 1. Tit. 27.] ascribes to the Dustiness of the ways, and their Custome of not wearing tibialia, [stock∣ings] For their private Baths, there is in the 4th. Re∣gion of the City, this note, Balnea privata LXXV. be∣fore which in order is mention, as of a distinct thing, of Balineum Daphnidis; the one shewing the number of the private Baths in that One Region, the other by way of some difference from the Scholiast, that Balineum Daphnidis was not a Private bath: which truth may preserve us from the mistakes of some Interpreters; But for what cause the Bath was call'd so, neither Vi∣ctor nor the Scholiast shew. Some take Phoebus for the Bath-keeper; which seems not so probable, that a pub∣lick bath (as this seems to have been) should be deno∣minated from such a person, either in respect of his mean Condition, or his not-long Continuance. Where∣fore we may here prefer Dempster's learned diligence (on Rosinus, l. 1. c. 13. in Region. 4.) who by way of quae∣re, guesses, if it were not call'd so from Daphnis a wealthy servant, who may be suppos'd to have built it; —cujus ingens pretium Cn. Pisaurensi vendente, & M. Scauro licitante refertur fuisse trium millium septingento∣rum sestertium (as Pliny relates, l. 7. c. 39.) a great summe to be offer'd, 3700. Sesterria! which if reduced, (the Sestertium being 7 l. 16 s. 3 d.) arise to no less then, 28906 l. 5 s. Which edisice Martial is thought to men∣tion, l. 3. epig. 5. Protenus bune adeas, primi{que} in limine tecti, Quos tenuit Daphnis, nunc tenet ille Lares. Dempster thinks at a second guess (if his first please not) that it might be call'd Phoebi balnea, because sacred to Apollo, in whose protection the Bath was; Bays, says he, fre∣quently growing circa balnea, aut in ipsis balneis, the Bay being call'd Daphne: to which he adds that of Mart. l. 12. epig. 50. Daphnonos, platanos, ac aëreos Cyparissos, E•• non unius balnea solus habes. Which last containing but a description agreeable to Baths in general, seems not sufficiently pregnant for the explication of this place, some particular and eminent place seeming probably to be here pointed-out. Besides, by this con∣jecture it might be inferr'd from the particle of divi∣sion aut. that the Bays grew at the Balnea and not at the Thermae, which were too weak and uncertain a fancie. Wherefore his first guess may be the more rea∣sonably admitted, if we like the congruity of Daph••is and Phoebus; and so in defect of other evidence from antiquitie, understand it of Balineum Daphnidi••: & thus make the difference between Thermae and This, not as between Publick and private Baths, not only the Thermae, but This also, seeming to be publick Baths; but rather as between Royal Baths & others (though such as these also were sometimes sufficiently magni∣ficent) the first Thermae being properly us'd for Sweat∣ing, the other Balnea for washing; though in These there was in alteration of time and custome, not only Cold, but also Hot water, as is before express'd on this Satyre, Illustrat. 25.

32. —At th' year's end so much gold thou 'lt have, As for a Conquerer at the Shews They crave. —Et cum se verterit annus, Accipe victori populus quod postulat aurum. Britannicus here thinks the sense to be, that a School-master at the year's end shall be fain to complain for his wages, and be glad to get what the Tribune, (the protector) of the Feople, and the People should allow him. This exposition mu••h esteem'd by some is by C. Secundus Curio as much dislik'd. For though it be said before, Rara tamen merces, quae cog∣nitione Tribuni non egeat—, yet he affirms it to be against all antiquitie to say that petty and pecuniary business between man and man belong'd to the Tri∣bune of the People, such things being below his cog∣nizance, and proper to lesser Magistrates, who were call'd Tribuni ararii, whereas the Tribune of the peo∣ple was their protector in a more noble way, that is, against the Greater Magistrates and the Nobilitie; as in part is shew'd before, on this Satyre, Illustrat. 30. besides this grievance being mention'd before by the Poet, the repetition may seem an overplus. To view then other opinions, Alex. ab Alexandro (Gen. Die. l. 2. c. 24.) interprets this of the Custome of those, which set-forth Shews, as he speaks, in the Theater (not strictly understood) bestowing on them, which got the better, rewards, though small ones: according to which sense he afterwards adds,—vilem assem, & nimis tenuem mercedem, qualis est stips exigua, quae a populo in ludis postulatur, cum are exiguo victor à plebe donatur, consequeris. The Scholiast more particularly expounds aurum here by quinque aureos, saying, Ʋt in Theatro so∣lem petere quinque aureos. Nam non licebat amplius dare. According to which summe, if any would understand it, the aureus must be reduced, which was twofold, the more ancient call'd Consularis, the other Impera∣torius: yet before the translation of the Empire to Bizantium the first is by some valew'd at 17 s. 1 d. ob∣qa. the last at 15 s. But some make this to have been a (golden) coin valewing 25. denarios, sive centum sestertios nummos; and so make it a little more, name∣ly, 15 s. 7 d. ob. Which being the valew of the aureus imperatorius, and so in probable congruitie with Juve∣nal's time, the aureus here intended; quinque aure•• will be in valew, 3 l. 18 s. 1 d. ob. If any would see more largely, concerning the rewards, which accord∣ing to the custome, the People call'd for in the Cir∣cus, for the Chariotier that got the better, he may see Bulenger de Circo, cap. 54. and according to this last acception, the place may yield us this quick sense, as the Poet's meaning, that a Schoolmaster shall have as much for a year's labour, as a vain Chariotier for a few Hours work.

SATYRE. VIII.

ARGUMENT.

What is't to boast of Ancient Blood? He only's Truly Great, that's Good. If Vice shoots-up with Noble Rate, High Birth proves but Advanc'd Disgrace. If Nature's Law thou wilt not keep; But Gam'st by Night; by Day dost Sleep: Draw thy proud birth from Heav'nly wights Thou dost yet but Eclipse their Lights. Our Poet thus does Plancus chide, Whom High Blood feaver'd into Pride. Then, Ponticus, he Rules does set, If thou a Prefecture dost get: But if what's forg'd thy Signet signe, The Armes and Cosenage too are Thine. Next, Damasippus does appear, A Consul and a Chariotier! Who, when his Lust his State had crack'd, Hir'd to the Common Stage does Act: In Others parts he may excell, His Own part sure he Acts not well. The Sword-fight does not Gracchus shame: Who, though he scapes, yet wounds his Fame. Nero is good to Kill and Sing; The Poet then to view does bring Catiline and Cethegus's Plot: Fair was their Birth, their Fact a Blot; Whiles Tully, Marius, and the brave Decii by worth made Fame their Grave. What is't to boast of Ancient Blood? He only's Truly Great, that's Good.

WHat avail Pedegrees? what is't to owe Fame, Ponticus, to Ancient Blood? and shew Ancestors Painted; How th' Aemilii stand In Chariots; The Now half-fall'n Curii, and Corvinus his diminish'd Nose, or Old Galba without Nose or Ear? Times so Bold! In a large Genealogy what good Is it to boast of Great Corvinus Blood? Then branch-out (1) smoak'd Progenitours, though true, Some Generalls of the Horse, Dictators too; If now the Lepidi live ill? we sleight Their Warlike Statues, if Thou Dice all night,

Before thy portray'd valiant Numantines, And ••oes•• to sleep, when Venus's Star first shines, When they ••ov'd Camp and Ensigns? Shall Hig•• Race, Shall (2) th' Allobrogians and Great Altar grace Herculean Fabius, Greedy, Vain, of Ham VVeak, and more soft then an Euganean Lamb? If that a Catanaean Pumice-stone Smooth his leud loins, that now a shame he's grown To's rough-hair'd Grandsires? If he poison buys, For which (3) his Statue's broke, and's Kindred crys? Though in thy Hall wax-Images we see, Vertue's the only true Nobilitie. Live like good Paulus, Cossus, Drusus; and Before thy Statues let these VVorthies stand. Let These before thy Consul's Rods still go: To me the Riches of the Mind first owe. Deserv'st to be held pure, and Just tow'rds Men In word and Deed? I'le grant thee Noble then. Hail Great Getulian, or Silanus: be Noble, whats'ere thou art by Pedegree. Th' art a Rare Cittizen: with a full voice Of Fame thy Country does for Thee Rejoice. I'le cry aloud what the AEgyptian Rout, VVhen they had found Osyr••••, bellow'd-out. VVill any call him Noble, that defames His Stock, and only brags of Noble Names? So we some Great Mens Dwarf an Atlas call: A Black-Moor so a Swan: a wench that's small And crooked, an Europa: Hounds, not quick, Grown bare with an old Scurf, and that still lick The sides of wasted Lamps, the names do bear Of Libard, Tiger, Lion, or whats'ere Earth knows more fierce. Take heed then least thou grow A Creticus or Camerinus So.

VVhom warn I thus? Rubellius Plaulus, Thee, That swell'st with thy high Drusian Pedegree. As if Thou somewhat had'st perform'd, which might Deserve a Noble Mother of the bright High Julian Race; (4) not one that for hire sits In the bleak wind, and some poor Loom-work fits. You under-men, say'st Thou, are our base rout, VVhose Parents Country no man can find-out; But I from Cecrops sprung. Live then, and much Joy take in This thy Birth: yet know, that such A Gown'd rout often to the Law-Courts sends An Eloquent Quiritian, who defends A Noble Block-head; Opens all his Cause Solving the knots and Riddles of the Laws. The youthfull Rout has at Euphrates warr'd, And tam'd Batavia, which our Eagles guard.

They toil'd in Armes. Thou only mak'sh thy boast, Th' art a Cecropian. Th' art (5) a Hermes-Post; Only this odds to thee His Statue gives; That has a Matble Head; Thy Image Lives. Tell me, Great Trojan, who did ever hold Beasts of good race, unless they're strong and bold? A race-horse so we praise, whose fiery pace And Conquest the hoarse Circus oft does grace. He's Right, wheresoe're bred, who clearly best In flight, raises the dust before the rest. Hirpinus and Corytha's breed we sell If on their Neck Triumph does seldome dwell. There's no respect of Sires and Ghosts: They're scorc'd. Away at Low rates, to new Masters: Forc'd In waggons with gaul'd necks they draw, when slow, VVhen fit to turn Nepos his Mill, they grow. That then we may not Titles praise, but Thee, Do somewhat, which may on Thy Statue be Inscrib'd, beside those Honours, which, thou know'st, VVere Theirs, to whom, what yet thou hast, thou ow'st.

Thus much be spoken to the Youth, whom Fame Says, Nero's kindred does too much inflame. For, almost common sense is hardly found In such Great State. But be not Thou renown'd, Ponticus, by thy Titles. Get a Name Thy self; 'Tis poor to build on others Fame: Least, when the Pillars fail, the roof does fall; Weak Vines to Widdow-Elmes for Help do call. Be a good Souldier, Gardian, Umpire; and When in a doubtfull Cause thou needs must stand A Witness, should Phalaris bid thee be False, shew his Bull, and Dictate Perjury; Life before Vertue count it leud to choose; Do not, to Save Life, th' Ends we live for, loose. He that deserves death dies Alive: although His Lust an hundred Gaurane Oysters throw Down his vast throat, and in choise Ointments swim In Cosmus's Brass-Bath swelling to the brim. VVhen Thou some Province dost at last obtain, Bridle thy Wrath, thy Avarice restrain Pitty our poor Associates heavy groans; Some have left Kings no Marrow in their bones. Mark what the Laws admonish, what the State: What good rewards upon the Good do wait; And with how just a thunder Capito And Tutor fell, who spoil'd Cilicia; though The Senate's sentence saves not from such theft, VVhen Pansa robs thee of what Natta left. Sell thy Cloaths straight, Chaerippus, by some Cryer: Complain (6) not: Loose not too the Ship-mans Hire;

'Twere Madness. Gentler sighs and wounds insu'd From loss to our Associates, when subdu'd At First; when yet they flourish'd. Then appear'd Plenty in ev'ry house: Mony stood rear'd In heaps, with Spartan cloaks, Purples from Co, Parrbasian peeces, Myro's Statues. Loe, Phidias his Ivory did Live: no place, But borrow'd from Polyclete's Art some grace: Few tables without Mentor's bowls. These drew Antonie, Dolobella, Verres too, To Sacriledge. Their deep Ships close Increase Of Spoils did bring; more Triumphs from a Peace! The Oxen now and Mares, though few, they'l take; The Bull and little Field a Prey they'l make: The House-Gods next, if Statue worth their theft They find; if some small shrine has one God left. These now are All; sure, These are Cheif. Thou'lt slight Perchance weak Rhodes, and 'nointed Corinth's might Justly, what (7) dares Their gumm'd youth Interprize Like War? what dares that Nation of smooth thighs? But shun rough Spain, the Gaulish Chariots, and Th' Illyrian Coast, and keep thy bolder hand From th' Africk Mowers, who our plenty send, Whiles we the Circus, and the Stage, intend. What yet shall such Crime gain, (8) when ev'n to th' shirt Marius of late has th' Africans ungirt? Look, thou no gross wrong do to such as are Valiant and poor: for make them ne're so bare Of gold and Silver, shield and Sword they'l get, Helmet and Darts: The Spoil'd have weapons yet. Nor speak I now (9) Opinion: but deterr'd Beleive, one of Sibylla's leaves you've heard. Are thy Men pure? Sells not (10) some long-lock'd Boy Justice? Is thy wife clear? Is't not her joy At Towns and Meetings with bow'd claws to watch And there Celaeno-like All Monies snatch? From Picus then be branch'd: or if High Name Please thee, place all the Titans Fight and Fame Amongst thy Ancestours, Prometheus too; Take thy Great Grandsire from what Book's least New. But if Ambition does thee headlong draw, And if thou mak'st thy willful Lust thy Law, Breaking thy Rods on our Associats backs, Tiring the Lictor, and mak'st dull his Axe: Thy Noble Parentage does straight disclaime Thy Acts, and holds a Torch before thy shame. Vice still is more conspicuous, as he That's Guilty, is advanc'd in High Degree.

VVhy brag'st thou, who (11) forg'd Deeds seal'st at the Shrines Thy Grandsire built, and where in Statue shines

Thy Fathers Triumph? when by Night thy head VVears (12) a Santonian hood to a false bed. By his Fore-fathers Dust and Bones, with free Chariot, fat Damasippus hurries; He, He, even the Consul triggs the wheel: by Night It is: but the Moon sees: the Stars so bright Dart their pure eies. But when his Consul-ship Is done, at Noon-day he will take the whip: Nor will he fear though some grave friend comes by; Nay, jerk his whip for notice: Heel untie Bottles, the Hay and Provender He'l throw Unto his weary horses. A brave show! Then when as, Numa-like, a Sheep he will, Or stubborne Bullock at Jove's Altar kill, Only (13) by Epona he swears, whose face, With more such, does the stinking Stables grace. But when to watchful Taverns he does get Again, straight (14) some Syrophaenician wet With daily Ointments, one of those that dwell At th' Idumaean Gate, greets him right well, Host-like saluting him, my Lord, my King: Tuck'd Cyane the wine and price does bring. Some Patron of his fault will tell me, We Did so, when young: Be't so: Th' hast left; tho' art free From hugging Vice. Be breif, when boldly Vile. Some faults there are, which must not long defile; But (15) be cut-off with the First beard. Admit Pardon to youth. But can such things be fit In Damasippus? He ev'n Now to those (16) Large Hot-Bath-Draughts, and Titled Curtains goes, More fit for the Armenian Warlike ranks; For the Rhene, Ister and the Syrian banks; To keep great Nero's careful breast secure. To Ostia (17) Caesar, send, send: but be sure In some large Tipling-house thou seek thy High Deputy; There 'tis, thou shalt find him lie With Cut-throats, Sailers, Fugitives, Purse-takers, With Executioners, and base Biere-makers; (18) Amongst Great Cybel's silent Drums, which lack Their Phrygian Priest, who lies drunk on his back. VVhere there is equal freedome, the same cup: Where all at the same Couch and Table sup. Had'st such Slaves, Ponticus, were not their Fate Some Tuscan or Lucanian VVork-house straight? Trojans, you'l scape! Thus what's i'th' Cobler Base, Shall the Great Volusi and Bruti Grace!

Oh, that we cannot Acts of such foul stain Rehearse, but that there will still worse remain! Crack'd Damasippus, to the Scene th' art Hir'd; There, bauling-out Catullus's Vision, tir'd.

Lentulus Velox play'd Laureolus VVell; He deserv'd, I think, a True Cross thus. The people's guilty too, of brow more bold, That Sits, and Dares (19) Thrice-scurrile Lords behold. They hear the bare-foot Fabii Act, and jeer At the Mamerci clapp'd. Their Lives how dear They sell, who cares? No Nero does compel 'em: Yet at the high-plac'd Praetor's shows they sell 'em. Suppose yet (20) There were Swords, and the Stage here, VVhich would'st thou? who so base, Death so to fear, That he would be Thymeles jealous mate, Or dull Corinthus his Collegue? In State 'Tis yet not strange, if Lords be Mimicks, when The Prince turns Harper: All will turn Play Then. One City-shame more, Gracchus does afford, Not close-Arm'd, without shield or crooked Sword He fights; (such Dress he does dislike, nay hate) No Helmet vails his brow. A Trident straight He shakes: but when his aiming hand at last Has with his waving Net err'd in his cast, He lifts up his bare face to all with moan; About the Sand he flies glad to be known. 'Tis He, though coated: A Gold-ribband ties His high Cap, from his throat then loosely flies: That the Pursuer, which with Gracchus fought, Endures what's worse then any wound, a Flout.

VVhat wretch but would be, might he speak his mind, To Seneca, then to Nero, more inclin'd? VVhose dismal Deeds deserv'd some Fate as black, More then one Ape (21), one Serpent, and one Sack. Orestes kill'd his Mother too, with odds Yet, in the Cause: for he was by the Gods Made the Revenger of his Father slain Amid'st free Cups: but knife he ne're did stain In his Sister Electra's throat; nor spilt The blood of his dear Spartan wife: no guilt Of pois'ning Kinsmen touch'd him: His Mad wit Ne're sung on Stage, nor Trojan Poem writ. VVhat could Virginius, Vindex, Galba's hand Revenge more justly? View the fierce command, The bloody rage of Nero, what rare parts Find we? Loe, These are a Great Princes Arts, Upon a Forraign Stage for false renown To sing, and win (22) the Grecian Parsly-Crown. Thy Grandsires Statues with Song-Ensigns grace: Before Domitius's feet the long robe place, In which thou didst Antigone express, Thyestes too; or Menalippe's Dress: And on a high Marble Colossus claim Renown, by hanging up a Harp to Fame.

VVhat, Catiline, is found of Nobler Height Then Thy Birth or Cethegus his? By night

Armes yet you took: to ashes you'd have turn'd Houses and Temples, as when Rome was burn'd By short-slop'd Gauls and the Senoni••n brood; For which in fiery coat you should have stood. But Loe, the Consul watches, and checks straight Your Troops: This New, Ignoble Arpinate, This Country-Knight-upstart at Rome does guard Astonish'd Rome, and (23) toils in ev'ry Ward. And thus within our walls the Civil Gown And Peace bestow'd upon him more renown The e're Octavius's bloody Sword could yield From th' Actian Sea-fight, or Thessaltan field. But Cicero, Rome, Rome did, when sav'd from spoil, Her Founder, and his Country's Father, stile.

Another Arpinate on Volscan hill Other mens land, for hire, half-tir'd did Till. His (24) pate did next the knotty Vine oft crack, If in the Camp and Trench his Axe were slack. He yet receiv'd the Cimbrians and the doom They threatned: He alone sav'd trembling Rome. And when the Crows to the slain Cimbrians fl••d, Having on larger Carcasses ne're fed, His (25) Nobly-born Collegue of equal sway VVas yet adorn'd but with the second Bay. Vulgar the Decii's Souls were, their Names too: For All our Legions yet, the Aides we drew From Others, and our Latine youth, (26) suffice They did th' Infernal Gods: A Sacrifice T' our Mother Earth they were, all that she crav'd; More worth the Decii were, then All they sav'd. The Robe, Rods, Diadem, Desert did fling On a poor Hand-maids Son, our (27) last Good King. The Consuls Sons our Gates thought to unbar To banish'd Tyrants; when they should in VVar Have done for our then doubtful State and Right, Some (28) brave Act, which Cocles and Mutius might Have wonder'd at, and that Maid so renown'd, That swom o're Tiber then our Empire's Bound. To th' Fathers (29) with these News a Servant runs, A sad one to the Mothers of those Sons: From whom disloyal blood the Rod first draws, And then the first Axe of the Consul's Laws. Better thy Father some Thersites were, So thou wert an Achilles, and could'st bear Vulcanian Armes, then that thou be the Sot Thersites, though Achilles thee begot. But, grant thou dost from far derive thy Line, All yet is drawn from the infamous Shrine. Thy First great Grandsire, whenceso'ere he came, Some Shepherd was, or (30) what I'le spare to name.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Eight Satyre.

Atria; the Reason of the Name, and the Ʋse of them. Ara Maxima. Euganei. Pu∣mices; their abuse. The Breaking of the Statues of Noble Ossendors upon their Con∣demnation. The Atria not open at the top; against Ptolemaeus Flavius. Mercurie's Statues; their Fashion and Frequency at Athens. Hirpinus and Corytha. Nau∣lum; the various interpretations of it. Resina; the abuse of it anciently. Discin∣xerit Afros, expounded by Marcellus Donatus; better by Britannicus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉and Discinctus. Zona. Sententia; the acception of it here, against the Opinions of some Interpreters. Sibyllae folium. Acersecomes. Tabellae Testamentariae; the usual Place and Time of their Sealing. Witnesses, sworn Fasting. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, why so call'd; shew'd from Balsamon. Cucullus Santonicus. Sufflamen, Epona; her Name and Dress. Manna foeni. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Spartan Curse. Potta Idumaea. Ther∣marum calices and Inscripta lintea; the various interpretations of them discussed. Lintea Cabsaricia. Linum Catagraphon. Mitte Ostia; d••versly expounded, San∣dapilae. Triscurria retained, against the varietie of Reading tender'd by some. The Manner, Degrees and Reason of the strange Punishment of Parricides, shew'd from Modestinus, Dositheus, Hieronymus Magius and Alexander ab Alexandro. Culeus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; the matter of it diversly expressed by Juvenal and Isidore: the Capacitie of it reduced. Coronets of Parsly used at the Nemaean Games; the Cause of the Custome. The various Reading of that passage, In omni parte laborat. The Militarie punishment with the Vine-rod. Laurus Secunda, diversly expound∣ed. Devovere se. Trabea. Diadema, described by Pancirol from St. Jerom; otherwise by Britannicus, and probably with such difference by Marcellinus. Regum ultimus. unwarily here expounded by Autumnus. That Passage, Quod mitaretur cum Coclite Mutius, too remotely expounded by Lubin; aptly by Britannicus. Ser∣vus Matronis lugendus, differently interpreted. The Rodds and Axe carried before the Consuls; the form of them expressed from Antoine le Pois: why they were bound∣up together. Autumnus his curiositie about, Illud quod dicere nolo, not admitted. Asyla, the Antiquitie of them.

1.

Then branch-out smoak'd Progenitors though true, Some Gen'rals of the Horse; Dictators too; If now the Lepidi live ill?

—Et posthac multa deducere virga Fumosos Equitum cum Dictatore Magistros Si coram Lepidis male vivitur?

THE Poet shewing ••he vanitie of old Ge∣nealogies. & decayed statues of one's An∣cestors speaks in the figurative descrip∣tion of a tree and branches, and so uses the words, stemmata and multa virga; af∣ter which fashion Genealogies use to be describ'd. In which passage some expound multa virga by fas∣ces virgarum, the Bundles of Rods, which by way of Terror were usually carryed before the Dicta∣tors, the Consuls, and the Magistri Equitum (to omit some others): which exposition though some choose not, they shew no reason, why they refuse it. In which point I think, that though the word be used in such a sense a little after in Juvenal him∣self, in that verse, Praecedant ipsas illite Consule vir∣gas, yet such an acception seems not to be here; the Poet speaking here of such great Officers, only as they were in statue. Again, some Copies have famosos, which though it be most commonly used in the worse part, and so could not be intended here, he applying it to their vertuous Ancestors; yet if it were taken here in better part, it were no∣thing so sutable to the Poets present intent, as fu∣mosos: which is aptly spoken, as according to the custome of placing of waxen statues of their Ance∣stors in atriis, in the Hall of the Palaces, and

according to that of Seneca, de Benesic. lib. 3. Qui imagines in atrio exponunt, and afterwards, in primâ parte adium collocant. Now in their Atria they made fire, as Britannicus notes, citing St. Luke for it; and alludes, I suppose, to his 22. cap. v. 55. where it is said, they made a fire in the High Priest's Hall, it being in the Original, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the vulgar, in medio atrii; according to which use, some (amongst other Opinions) think them to have been call'd Atria (as Britannicus farther ob∣serves) quod atra essent ex fumo. In their atria they also supped, as Pancirollus notes, lib. 1. Tit. 51. that so the Censors, as they passed-by, might see whether any exceeded the Laws of expence in diet. There is also a little difference here about the exposition of the word coram, which join'd with Lepidis, as some will have it, signifies, If thou livest ill before the Images of thy Noble pre∣decessors the Lepidi, as presently it follows in the like sense, Ante Numantinos; but expounded alone, as it is by Lubin, signifies Now, or at this present; and then Lepidis vivitur is by him taken for à Lepidis vivitur; as if the Poet should say, If Now the Lepidi live ill, what is it to shew the sta∣tues of Ancestors which did well? Either of which expositions may be without inconvenience admitted; but Lubins yields more varietie and aptness of sense. I may add what Britannieus notes, that it is said, Equitum cum Dictatore Magistros; because always, when they made a Dictator, there was likewise made a Magister Equitum, who in the absence of the Dictator had absolute authoritie. One less doubt I may not omit, in defence of my ren∣dring Dimidios Curios, by the Half-fal'n Curii: for whereas some take it in opposition to Whole sta∣tues, for statues form'd to the Wast it cannot be here so understood; in respect that such half-sta∣tues are so made on purpose, and by Art: but these Dimidii Curii were such as were made so by Decay; and so, though half-statues, yet not the half from the head to the wast, but rather from the wast to the foot; the upper part, as more expos'd to injury, being first decay'd, as the Poet here expresses by the perishing of the nose and ears of the statues he here speaks-of; implying likewise as much, whiles he says, Et Curios Jam dimidios; that Now they were become half-statues.

2.

Shall th' Allobrogians and Great Altar grace Hercule an Fabius? — Soster then th' Euganean lambe? Cur Allobrogicis & Magna gaudeat ara Natus in Herculeo Fabius Lare— Euganea quamtumvis mollior agna?

The familie of the Fabii was very famous, and derived it self from Hercules, whose Rites, and so his Altar (which was call'd Ara Maxima, as Soli∣nus says, and here for the verse sake Magnâ, as Bri∣tannicus notes, and placed in Foro Boario, in the Beast-market) was counted hereditary to that fa∣milie, which also was made famous by Q. Fabius Maximus, who was called Allobrogicus for his victoric over the Allobrogians. Yet even the Son of that Conquerer was most effeminate, or, as the Poet speaks, softer then an Euganean Lamb. But here in some Interpreters is some variety and much mistake. Lubin on this place say••, Euganea] Ahina, vel Patavina, vel ut alii, Tarentina, Calabra & Veneta, (Illi enim Populi Euganei dicebantur) His autem ••vibus nihil erat mollius, & lanae valde lauda∣bantur. Plin. lib. 3. cap. 20. Scribit Euganeorum op∣pidum esse Veronam, & quae quidem urbs distat Patavio millibus Passuum. Lubin's annotation has led others into error: into which he also partly fell, by not carefully observing what he read. I guess the occasion of his mistake to have been from the Old Scholiast, who here on the word Euganea gives this note, Calabra, Tarentina au•• Veneta, which in it self bad, is in the recital made worse by Lubin, whiles he turns it into & Veneta, the Scholiast, at the best, implying it to be one of the three, but Lubin making Euganea to contain those three; but with great error, the two first being in the South-East of Italie, the last in the North-East. The oc∣casion of which affertion was as I think a mistaken truth; to wit, that of Martial, writing of the finest fleeces of Italie, Velleribus primis Apulia, Par∣ma secundis Nobilis, Altinum tertia laudat ovis; which some seem to have mistaken, thinking them to have been as near in situation, as in condition of the fleece; when as Tarentine and Calabrian were to the South, the rest to the North. Livins dicit (says Autumnus on this place) Enganeos esse inter Alpes & Mare. to determine it more nearly, the Euganean Hills are by Ortelius placed in the Territory of Ve∣nice, particularly in Marca Travisana, adjoining to that place, (as he guesses) which is now called, with small difference, Vallis Sugana. The Poet adds, that degenerate Fabius did ignobly Smooth his skin with pumice stones, such as the wanton Sicilians us'd, who had plenty of them, at their Catana, thrown-up by their ill neighbour Aetna, and abus'd by them to such purposes.

3. For which his statue's broke. What is it, says the Poet, for great persons, but leud ones, to brag of the Images of their Ancestors, such as the Aemi∣lii, Curii, Corvini, Lepidi, Numantini (or, Scipio's) and the like, when as by their own ignoble actions they traduce, that is, digrace their Ancestors, and deserve to have their own statues broken, as was Sejanus his. See Sat. 10. and here may be re∣membred that of Tacitus, Annal. 2. Tune Cotta Mes∣salinus, ne imago Libonis exquias posterorum comita∣retur, censuit; it is spoken of Libo, that slew him∣self being accused of treason against Tiberius, On which, see Lipsius.

4. —Not one that for hire fits In the bleak Wind, and some poor Loom-work fits. Non quae ventose conducta sub nëre texit. The Poet having shew'd, that he first requires in a man bona animi, vertues, upon which terms he will allow him to be a Getulicus, such as Cossus was that conquer'd the Getulians; or a Silanus, that slew Mago the Car∣thaginian General, and took Hanno another of their Generals Prisoner; that he will crie-out for joy, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the Aegyptians at the finding of Apis: warns him that he be not called by a great name, such as Creticus or Camerinus by contraries, he being neither like Metellus, that over came the Cretians, nor like the latter, that fetch'd the Laws of Solon from Athens. Which speech on the by, he confesses he directs to Rubellius Plautus, of as great Pride as Nobilitie; though, says he, thou no more deserv'st such a mother, then to have a poor wo∣man, that for small wages works all day in the open air. In which passage some copies have, sub aggere, understanding it of a rampire or mount rais'd by Tarquin, where they say, Women did use to sit at work; so Lubin: and the Scholiast says, in castris; but they allege not any authoritie. The common copies have, sub a••re, and expound it by, sub dio; which is the most casie and natural exposition; and so the most receiv'd. But Ptolemans Flavins in his Conjectan. cap. 14. expounds it by, in atrio: which though it were true (that Women wrought there) yet it could not be the exposition of sub aëre; the atrium being roofed-over, as may ap∣pear

from the uses of it. Illustrat. 1. namely, their supping in it; their making Fire in it, and their placing of Waxen Images in it; which uses cannot agree to a place subject to rain.

5. —Th' art a Hermes-Post. He alludes to the Statues of Mercury, which were commonly at Athens placed by way of Religion over the Gates of their houses, to one of which the Poet here compares this boaster; telling him, that he will allow him to be a Cecropian, that is, an Athenian, yet not sprung from Cecrops, the Athenian King. Now the Statue of Mercury at Athens, was a Marble Head set upon a shape-less Post; whereupon the Poet says, Thou art like a Mercury's Head, only His is of Mar∣ble, and thine Lives; or rather, says he, thou art like the Post, on which it stands; for that is not only without life, but also without lively form. Next he presses him with a witty reason, and jeer drawn from very Beasts; saying, that there is no more reason why unprofitable men should be este∣m'd, then why unprofitable Cattle: but, says he, the breed even of Hirpinus and Corytha, (the most famous Horse and Mare for breed, as being com∣monly excellent at the Race) if it prove bad, (if their Colts prove but jades) is usually turn'd-off to the Cart or Mill. The name Hirpinus (used also by Martial) was drawn from the place of his breed, it being a Hill in the Country of the Sabines, sayes the Scholiast; but Pithaeus sets a doubtful mark up∣on the word Sabinis, and Ortelius more expresly censures it, saying, sides sit penes Grammaticum. Corytha or (Corife) as the Scholiast has it, is by the Scholiast likewise brought from an excellent race of that name in Achaia, but Autumnus says, Corythus est oppidum Tusciae. Indeed Coritus (not Corythus) as Ortelius notes out of Servius, was a City and Hill in Tuscia: who tells us also, out of Blondus, of Hirpinum a Town in Italy; from which, place thus described by Ortelius, it is probable, that Hirpinus here mentioned did come: but I think it not pro∣bable to guess with Autumnus, that Corytha came from Coritus; this City of Hetruria being by Virg. Aen. 9. made short in the two first syllables, in that verse, Nec satis extremas Coriti penetravit ad urbes, whereas Juvenal makes here the two first syllables long; sed venale pecus Corithae posteritas & Hirpini—.

6. Complain not; loose not too the Ship-man's hire. 'Twere Madness—. Jamque race. Furor est post omnia perdere naulum. Some take naulum here for the triens (the third part of the As) a farthing, due to Charon for wasting over the Soul departed: but this seems a little to our-run the just sense of the place. The M S. Commentary makes the party here wrong'd to be a young Merchant, and takes naulum for the Ship it self; and so this Speech for an Admonishment to him, that he trouble not himself to come to Rome with his Complaint, least having nothing left but his Ship his only means to live, by carriage of people and wares over Sea, he be utterly undone. But this acception of naulum being without warrant, this exposition, as too weak, is not to be admitted. According to others then, the sense of this place, if we collect it, will stand thus; The Poet having said, that it is no true life to abound in wanton diet, and costly oint∣ments, instructs one, if happily he should get the government of some Province, to deal justly with the poor Subjects; and not by oppression to undoe subdued Princes (as Plutarch relates of M. Antonie) that is, as our Poet speaks, to leave no marrow in their bones. Unto this course he moves him by two reasons, the first is drawn from the Law and the injunction of the Curia, the Senate, which re∣quire this of him at his departure to his charge: the second is from the punishment of such as in this kind have offended; such as were Capito and Tutor [mention'd by Tacitus] who instead of ruling, robbed the Cilicians [though these whom they rob∣bed were very pirates) but by the sentence of the Senate, as by a thunder, were justly struck. Yet the Poet bewailes it as a soul fault in the Senate, that, though they punish the former Governour, suffer the Succeslour to be as bad: in which case says the Poet to any such poor Provincial, Thy way is, O injur'd Chaerippus, even to seek out a Cryer to set thy cloaths to sale, and other such small goods, which perchance are yet left, before the successor does come with a new hunger, and de∣vour the little that is left unto the: intending that if thus he turn'd his small goods into mony, he might happily the better conceal the remainder. For, says he, never complain, never hire thy passage by Ship from the Province of Cilicia (for of that he speaks) unto Rome, least thou spend, the little thou hast, in vain upon thy wastage, and so be as desti∣tute of mony, as of remedy. This, as the most re∣ceiv'd, I think the best interpretation deriv'd from the Scholiast, and inlarg'd by Lubin. The Poet adds by way of a jeer against such Oppressors, that if honesly cannot keep them from Oppression, yet now necessity must, there being little or nothing left in the Greek and Asiatick Cities, specially if compar'd with the spoils they yielded, when first conquer'd.

7. —What dares their gumm'd youth enter∣prize like War? —Quid enim resinata juventus, &c. There was a wanton custome in those times [espe∣cially amongst the Corinthians] complain'd of by Pliny lib. 14. which was to dissolve gum in Oile, and therewith keep their skin smooth from hair. In which passage Lubin notes that enim should be left our, the two first syllables in resina being long; which is observ'd before him by Joan. Baptista Pius, in his Annot. Prior. where accordingly he mends that of Martial, as some copies have it, Cessatis pueri nihilque nostis, Veterno resinaque pigriores, reading the last verse thus, Veterno remoraque pigriores; shewing that Martial not much after, says, Quid faciant un∣gues? nam certe non potes illos Resina veneto nec rese∣rare luto. And though some late copies have enim, yet I find it not in four the best MSS. which I use. The Poet here, prosecuting his just invective, tells the Romans, that though they dare unjust acts a∣gainst some wanton People, such as Rhodians and Corinthians, yet must beware of slout Nations, such as the Spanish, the Gaulish, the Illyrian; and the African also, which bring Provisions to Rome, whiles the Romans idly spend their time in the shews at the Circus, and at Stage-Plays: where some unwa∣rily say, in the Circus at Stage-Plays; when as the Circus was for Races with Chariots, and fighting with wild Beasts, and the like. See Rosinus lib. 5. c. 5. But the place for Stage-Plays was the Theater, properly so called; as I have shew'd, Sat. 4. Illust. 16.

8. —When ev'n to the shirt Marius of late has the Africans ungirt? Cum tenues nuper Marius discinxerit Afros? He speaks of Marius Prisens mention'd in the first Satyre in those words, Exul ab octava Ma∣rius bibit.—.Discinxerit Afros, that is, subegerit, says Marcellus Donatus, pag. 311. on Suetons Augustus, cap. 24. whence, sayes he, the Greeks also called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not one that had a good girdle, but a good courage, that was valiant or well girt: and so it was a disgrace for a souldier to be ungirt [discinctus]

This I grant to be a good observation, yet the com∣mon opinion I think to be more full, which renders it by spoliaverit; so that he did not only overcome them, but also make a prey of them, which is but agreeable to Juvenals own words, which a little after follow, Spoliatis arma supersunt. Yet Lubin more nearly expounds it by, Ʋsque ad zonam deprae∣datus sit. Quasi etiam cingulum illis abstulerit: but be∣fore him Britannicus, and as I think, best interprets it by spoliaverit, with this addition, Tractum ab his qui veftimenta alicui ablaturi zonam dissolvunt. Which opinion, though I grant to be the best, and accor∣dingly render it, that he stript them to their shirt, and so took away not only the Girdle, but also the cloaths; yet the Criticks might have thought on one sense more, to which the word discinxerit might have prompred them; namely, that he did not on∣ly overcome them, and take away the main of their Estate, but ev'n their girdle, that is, their purse, which usually they wore in their girdles; and thus make the Poet point out the rigour of their Avarice.

9. Nor speak I now Opinion? but deterr'd Beleive, one of the Sybylla's Leaves you've heard. Quod modo proposui non est sententia: verùm Credite me vobis foli∣um recitare Sibylla. Many are the Interpretations of this passage occasion'd by the ambiguity of the word Sententia; which some think here to signifie propositum, as if the Poet should acknowledge this, which he spoke last, to be a digression from his pur∣pose, his intended description of a Noble-man, yet that it was a truth. But this is not the acception of the word in any other place of Juvenal, though he often uses it: besides that here seems no digres∣sion at all. For, the Poet shewing first, that Birth without Vertue is no true Honour, does in the freedom of a Satyrist reprehend Rubellius Plautus for his vain pride conceiv'd from his high-birth; then instructs Ponticus how he should behave him∣self, if he got the Government of a Province, aptly shewing the disservice he would do unto his Coun∣try by Oppression, in raising Rebellion: then de∣horts him from forgery; from luxury also and other vices by the vile examples of Damasippus, Gracchus, Nero, Catiline: lastly, shewing the worth of men meanly born, as of Tully, Marius, and the Decii, he draws to a conclusion; so that, how the Poet should have here need to excuse himself for a digression, I see not. Lubin thinks the word here fignifies vo∣luntas; as if the Poet should say, What I have said, I wish not: but this acception is not agreeable to the proper use of the word, which has reference rather to thè understanding, then to the will; besides that it were a superfluous simplicity of Love, for a man to say, that he did not wish a Rebellion, it being his duty to detest it. Some take it for a Decree; as if the Poet should [vainly] say, he did not indeed decree this evil against his Country, whereas it neither could be in his loy∣alty, neither was it in his power. The Scholiast takes it for nuda verba, saying, that in a sentence there may be somewhat that is false: which last clause, though we grant to be a truth, yet why sen∣rentia should therefore be rendered by nuda verba, I see no reason. Pithaeus on those words of the Scho∣liast, non sunt nuda verba, notes here from Petronius, those words, Sententiarum vani••••••mus strepitus, and Audirem sententios, id est, vitream fractam, & somnio∣rum interpretamenta, and fabulosum sententiarum com∣mentum; by which he may seem to imply, that sen∣tentia signifies here a witty saying, according to which sense the Poet should imply, that he speaks not here a quaint sentence, but a very Oracle, mean∣ing it by those words, as I guess, Spoliatis arma su∣persunt. But this methinks, were some levity in the Poet, to tell us, that what he says, might be taken for a witty speech; besides that such a sense were indeed an untruth, the words which he spoke, be∣ing an Apt saying. Britannicus renders the place thos, Non est quod tantummodo e••o ita sentiam: but this would confess it to be an opinion, though not only His; and so the Poet might rather have said, Quod modò proposui Mea non sententia verum, &c. but he says more absolutely,—Non est sententia; as if he should say, you may think this to be but opinion, but it is not opinion at all; it is nor opinion, but (a Oracle, or) a Leaf of Sibyl. And therefore I render it not, nor speak I my opinion, (for that might have been an absolute truth in it self, though he had modestly call'd it but Opinion) but according to the purpose of the Poet, Nor speak I now Opinion; which is clear∣ly the sense of the word, sententia, frequently used by our own Poet, as Sat. 4. concerning Montanus his Opinion of the Fish, Vicit digna viro sententia, vers. 136. and Sat. 6. vers. 498. concerning the Matron's Opinion about the Lady's Dress, —sententia prima hu∣jus erit—; Her Opinion must first be given. And as he thus denies it to be Opinion, which includes only Probability, and so but incertainty; so he says, in op∣position to it, that it is a leaf of Sibyl, implying that it was Divine testimony, or the testimony of the Gods speaking in her by instinct of a Prophetess; and calls it a leaf, because she writ her Answers (before the invention of Paper) in Palm-leaves, as some tell us, out of Pliny (lib. 13. cap. 11.) See Sat. 1. Illust. 28. But we may not omit, that Guilan∣dinus (de Papyro) says, that Pliny's text is corrupr, and that instead of Palmarum, it should be Malva∣rum; the Palme-leaf being too rough for such use, but the Mallow-leaf being soft, and so, very fit. See Salmuth on Pancirol. lib. 2. Tit. 45.

10. —Sells not some long-lock'd boy Justice? —Si nemo tribunal Vendit Acersecomes—. Acersecomes is one of the names of Apollo, and here applied to the Favourite of some Prefect of a Province. Aure∣lius Haurechus, de Cognominibus Deorum, lib. 1. cap. 4. p. 114. calls him, according to Pindarus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (intonsus) from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and so with a little difference from this writing: but Philostratus Junior, in Heroicis, cited by Hieronymus Columna on Ennius his Fragments, p. 436. calls him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Juvenal does Here. The sense is, if thou hast no Favourite, nor a Wife, that like Celeno one of the Harpies, goes about with thee through the Province taking bribes, then call thy self as Noble as thou wilt; draw thy line from Picus the first King of the Aborigines, the son of Saturn; or from the Titans, that gave buttle to the Gods; or from Prometheus (the Father of Deucalion) that is seigned to have made man of moistned Clay.

11. —That forg'd Deeds seal'st at the shrine Thy Grandsire built—. —falsus signare tabellas, in tem∣plis quae fecit a••us. It was usual, as Britannicus notes, to dispatch the sealing of mens last Wills (which required fideliry in the witnesses) in the Temples; so to put men in mind, that Religion bound them to be faithful. And this they perform'd only in the morning, as Georgius Longus, de Annulis Signatoriis, pag. 98. observes out of Martial, lib. 10. Epig. 70. Nune ad Luciferam signat mea gemma Dianam. The like care (in after times) is observ'd in the Canon Law. C. Honestum. 22. q. 5. where it is ordered, —Ʋt qui in Sanctis auder jurate, baec jejunus faciat cum omni honestate & timore Dei; that he which is receiv'd for a witness ought to be fasting; to make

the business, it seems, the more solemn, and so the person the more honest. The like caution is in the Decretals. lib. 2. de Testibus. C. placuit. —nullus resti∣monium dicat nisi jejunus. The Oath which the wit∣ness took (as we may a little farther observe with Dempster (de juramento lib. 3. cap. 1.) Balsamon calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Corporal Oath, because the hand in the taking of it, touch'd the Gospels, the Altars, or according to the Ceremonies of those times, the Reliques of the Saints. Cap. ult. Jur. Calum.

12. Wears a Santonian hood—. This was a hood worn usually by Souldiers, of a course wool and a dark colour, call'd here by the Poet, a Santonian-hood, because it was usually worn, as Lubin sayes, or, other made, as the Scholiast tells us, by the San∣tones, the People of that Country, which is now cal∣led Xantoigne. This hood is thought to be call'd by Martial, Bardocucullus; such a hood as the French Bards wore, who as Strabo lib. 3. notes, were addi∣cted to Peotry. And such a hood the Poet here implies, some leud Great-ones did usually put on, going thus disguised to leud places for their foul purposes, according to that in the like kind, Sat. 6. vers. 327. —dormitat adulter? Illa jubet sumpto juve∣nem properare cucullo. See Savaro, on Sidonius Apol∣linaris his Epist. 16. Lib. 7.

13. Only by Epona he swears—. —Jurat Solam Eponam—. The Poet having here shew'd the odi∣ous behaviour of some Great one, under the feign∣ed name of Damasippus, (or as Pithaeus his copy has it, Lateranus) who being Consul, sham'd not to play the Chariotier, he himself applying the trigger to the Chariot. by which instrument it is saved from running dangerously in steep places; shews next, that he did swear only by Epona, the Goddess of Stables; a supposed Deity, which the lamentable Devotion of the Heathen raised to it self. Which Goddess is by some called Hippona (the middle syl∣lable being long) by some Hippo, and in some of the MSS, which I use, Ypona (the middle syllable being short): but Lubin, or rather before him Turnebus lib. 24. cap. 4. has clearly shew'd, that it is Epona, both from Plutarch in his Parallels, and also from that of Prudentius [in Apotheost] Ne•••• Cl••acinae aut Eponae super astra Deabus; and so, though some co∣pies have here —Jurat Hipponam & facies olida ad praesepia pictas, yet four of the best MSS. which I use, have —Jurat Yponam, & facies olida, &c. clearly agreeing, excepting but the difference of a letter, with Turnebus his Observation. To which I may adde, that Pithaeus also in his Notes on the Scholiast, confirms Epona from an ancient Inscription of a stone, which testimony I the rather note, because it has occasion'd such discourse amongst the Interpreters. Apuleius in his Metamorphosis, (lib. 3. towards the end; where also, according to the best editions, it in read, Epona,) describes the Image of this Deity, as placed in the middle of the upper part of the Stable, and curiously bedeck'd with Coronets of fresh Roses, [as Juvenal here implies] with the Images of other Deities also. The Poet aggravates the unseemliness of this Stable-Consul, in that he swears by this rank Shee-deity, as by that which he most esteem'd, like him that swore by Juno; as you may see, Sat. 2. Illustrat. 19. The Poet adds, that this Damasippus play'd the groom of his own Stable, he himself giv∣ing his horses their meat, breaking the bottles unto them, as these words imply, —maniplos Solvet—; that is, sayes the Scholiast, mannas faeni, meaning handfulls of bottles of Hay. Which I note for the singularity of the acception of the word manna us'd here by the Scholiast; and leave it to the Readers fancy, whether he will derive it from the Hebrew, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 praepara, and so may be taken for any thing that is food; or rather, as I think, in this place by a barbarous derivation from manipulus. And thus this Damasippus was sick of that disease, which by the Spartans was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or horse-seeding; and us'd for a Curse; as if one should say, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 take thee; they accounting a man sufficiently pla∣gued, that was infected with that humour, it being a chargeable and sure confusion. See Alexand. ab Alexand. Gen. Die. lib. 3. cap. 22.

14. — Some Syrophaenician— One of those that dwell at the Idum••a•• Gate—. Idumae•• Syrophaenix in∣cola portae— The Poet shews another leudness of Damasippus, who falls from one humour to another, as to the haunting of Tipling-houses, such as were at the Idumaean Gate, so call'd because Vespasian and Titus entred it at their return from the conquest of Juda•• and Idumaea (the Country of Edom) at which kind of houses there was wine, good cheat, a flat∣tering host (that call'd his guests according to the fawning custome of those times, His Lord and King) choisest Ointments (such as are brought from Syro∣phaenicia, the Hosts own Country) and a Wench tuck'd or girt ready for attendance with her Wine∣pots. But here Britannicus vainly seems to make Portae Idumaea to be the Country it self; for so he expounds Incola portae Idumaea, hac est, says he, Qui domi suae incolit portas Syrias. Nam Idumaea pars est Syriae. The Scholiast likewise speaks from the pur∣pose, when he tells us, that Idume is a City in the East, adding, ide•• currit, or rather (as Eutgersius mends it, Var. Lect. lib. 6. cap. 18.) inde occurri•• Da∣masippo taber••arius, qui prope portam manet, tabernam volenti i••trare. Iduma indeed is said by Philargyrus, (on the 3. of Virgils Georg.) to the a Town in Lydia (which ••yet Ortelius in his Thesaurus doubts of): but the Poet here speaks of some Vintner in Rome. And whereas he would have him call'd incola portae, for his suppos'd standing at the City-Gate to take up guests, it seems but vain: seeing that by the like reason, others of the same condition might do the like, and so consequently to small purpose. Be∣sides, it is likely that such customers needed not to be prompted whether to go for their pleasure. See Alexand•• ab Alex. lib. 4. cap. 16. and Tiraquel in the description of Porta Triumphalis, which was the an∣cient name of it, and Godeleraeus on Livie, on the same title, Lib. 2. though they take not notice of this name, Idumaea. Where we may farther note, that the diligent Tiraquel in the place above cited, has in effect the liek also concerning Porta Vaticana, which he mentions the next save one after this, saying Vaticana, Trans Tiberim, nun•• Porta Ripae, vel Vinaria, quòd extrae cam vina externae, maximè tamen Campana & Tusca, vendantur.

15. But be cut-off with the first beard—Quaedam cum prima resecentur crimina barba. Of this Rite, and the Season of it, see at large, Sat. 6. Illust. 25.

16. —He even Now to those large Hot-Bath-draughts, and Titled Curtains goes, &c. —Dama∣sippus ad illos Therma•••••• colices inscriptaque lintea va∣dit, &c. This passage does much trouble the Inter∣preters; Britannious saying of this Damasippus, Non erubescit se in popinas, & therm••s ad potandum demit∣tere, ubi homines ta••••um stagi••iesi vilis••••••mique versaban∣tur; whcih exposition, if he had left out & thermas, had been tolerable: the popinae being usually places of riot, but not the thermae. Next he expounds in∣scripta lintea, by sudaria thermarum. which will pro∣bably apppear to be a mistake. Lubin expounds ther∣marum calices, by quibus in thermis bibunt. Indeed in

the Baths Plutarch says in his Sympofiac. lib. 8. cap. 9. they did in ancient time sleep, eat, and drink, without overheating their bodies, but complains, that in his time the Baths were kept so excessively hot [though, as I shew'd before, Sat. 7. Illustrat. 31. the Aedile's office was to prevent such inconveni∣ence] that they were almost intolerable, and that through the vehemency of the heat men seem'd to draw-in as well fire as air; in which extremitie we may conceive some desire of large draughts. This I add to shew the qualitie of the Thermae, but not to approve his exposition; the Thermae being here not properly intended. Next he expounds inscripta lintea by sudaria thermarum, the figur'd or wrought-work-towels at the Baths, wherewith they wiped away the sweat, according to that of Catullus, Sudariumque Setabum Catagraphonque linum; and so he agrees with Britannicus: but he likewise ex∣pounds it by picta popinae vela, and so partly agrees with the Scholiast, who upon inscripta lintea says, hoc est, pictis velis popinae succedit, aut linteis cabsari∣ciis ••ergit, vel ubi esculenta publicè venduntur; taking lintea either for the hangings or curtains used in the Taverns probably for the distinction of rooms and companies, or for the towels they used there against sweat, or for the supposed inscriptions there, shewing what aprovisions were there to be had. In which passage for linteis carbsariciis per∣chance it should be carbaseis, or Carbasineis [the first of which is used by Virgil, the last by Varro] signifying a more special kind of fine linnen called so from the Carians mention'd by Pliny, lib. 19. cap. 1. Lastly some say, that popinae, thermae and lupanaria are often taken promiscuously: and so by inscripta lintea they here understand the Inscriptions in the Stews over the Cells of harlots, or perchance wrought upon Curtains before their cells; but in this expression they say nothing of thermarum cali∣ces. Wherefore to collect the sense and contex∣ture of this place, I think thus; That Thermae do not here signifie properly, the Hot Baths, but figu∣ratively, the popinae; as I collect from the word illos, implying that what is here spoken of, was touch'd before: now he spake before of Damasippus his haunting the Taverns, pervigiles popinos; and here he aptly calls his tipplings and those his excessive draughts there, though in popinis, by the name of Thermarum calices; meaning they were as large, thouth many, as the Hot-Bath-draughts, which by unreasonable heat were oft unreasonable. Secondly by inscripta lintea, I think according to the last Opinion, that they may most fitly here signifie the Inscriptions over the Cells of Harlots, yet not as They think, in the Stews, but in Popinis: where though they were not by a publick allowance, yet by secret and corrupt practice they were fre∣quent; and this exposition I the rather make, as being more agreeable to a Satyrical sharpness and aggravation. For, to make it a fault to go to the Thermae, is improper, it being the Pulick, the Ci∣vil Custome: Secondly, to make it a fault in him to go to the inscripta lintea, if we take it for the Bath-linnen, is as absur'd, this also being conse∣quently lawful: or if we take it for linnen (as towels) used in popinis, it is but a faint expressi∣on; so likewise to take it for the hangings of a Tavern-room; or for the inscriptions of the pro∣visions, the victuals, to be sold there. But to take it for the inscription of an impure Curtain or Cell, is sutable to a Satyrist, first accusing him of Drunkenness, and then of Lust. I therefore ren∣der inscripta lintea, by Titled Curtains, the last word being probably most fit to express lintea; and the first being agreeable to that in the sixt Satyre, —titulum mentita Lyciscae. In the rendring Therma∣rum calices, though it be meant de popinis, yet I render it, Hot-Bath draughts, so to retain the fi∣gure and so the expression of the Poet, his strict meaning being not calices Thermarum, but quasi ther∣marum, or like unto them; as if he should say, Da∣masippus goes to such Tavern-draughts, or rather Hot-bath-draughts and his harlots, being now past a Youth; being now grown as much beyond Ex∣cuse, as beyond Measure.

17. To Ostia, Caesar, send, send: but be sure In some large tippling-house thou seek thy High De∣puty—. —Mitte Ostia, Caesar, Mitte; sed in magnâ Legatum quaere popinâ. There are four several ex∣positions of this place, the two first of which take the word, Mitte, for Omitte, and the first of them takes Ostia for the Nobleman's Gate; whence they would make this apt sense (if the words would as aptly bear it) If thou would'st send a Noble-man O Caesar, on an Employment, pass-by his own Gate, and seek him in a Tavern. The second takes Ostia for the Haven in the Mouth of Tiber, where the shi••s lay; and then they would make this apt sense (if some inconvenience did not withstand it) If thou would'st send some Noble Deputy, Cae∣sar, send not to Ostia for him, where men of Spi∣rit and Employment are; but seek him in a Ta∣vern. The Third opinion takes Mitte properly, but Ostia for Ostia Istri out Rheni, or the like: whence the sense would be (if some inconvenience did not attend this also) send, Caesar, send a Noble∣man in warlike employment to the Mouth of Danu∣bius or of the Rhene; but seek him in a Tavern. The fourth and last takes Mitte properly, but Ostia as in second Opinion, for the Mouth of Tiber: according to which acception the sense is, as I have chosen to render it. The reasons of my choice are from the exceptions against the other three, though they all seem apt. In the two first opinions, where Mitte is taken for Omitte, the expression and cohe∣rence is too obscure; for I have readred them ra∣ther according to the Desire of the Authors, then the efficacy of the words; rather as they would have them import, then as they do import. For, according to either of these expositions it is disor∣derly expressed, that Caesar should take care where to find a Deputy to Employ, before we are told, that he means to employ any. Secondly, to take Ostia for the Noblemans Gate, as in the first opini∣on, is silly; as in the third, for ostia Rheni or the like, and yet to say only Ostia, is ridiculous. But the last and most receiv'd exposition first moves Caesar to the resolution or purpose of employing some Nobleman, and Then to the Search for him, for the performance of his purpose.

18. —And base Biere-makers. — Et fabros San∣dapilarum. He reckons-up here the wretched companions, with whom Noblemen sham'd not to associate themselves. Amongst others, which are mention'd by him, are fabri sandapilarum, though the Scholiast mentions other Readings, as fabros Sandaliorum•• taking them for Shooe-makers; like∣wise Sardanafalli (as he has it) and lastly San∣dapilarum, which is most receiv'd, and expounds it by the carpenters, that made biers (not coffins) on which they carried forth of the Amphitheater the bodies of the Gladiatores, when they were kill'd. Some more generally (as Britannicus out of Fulgen∣tius) take it for the biers on which they carried to their funeral, not only the bodies of the sword-players

that were kill'd and of persons condemn'd, but also of any of the meaner sort; which accep∣tions of it may be confirm'd, from that also of Sueton, speaking of Domitian slain, Cadaver ejus popu∣lari sandapila per vespillones exportatum. Some de∣rive the word from Sandalium, the pall or cover∣ing cast upon the dead body. The Poet adds here a just indignation against such ignoble Nobles, say∣ing unto them, If your slaves were thus leud, you would punish them with the sorest Restraint and Task: but vainly boasting your selves to be des∣cended from the Noble Trojans, you would make your Greatness the protection of your vileness; and whiles you are indeed nothing but Vice and Ti∣tle, you would have that which even in the basest people is accounted a Shame, to be in your selves esteem'd a Grace.

19. And dares thrice scurrile Lords behold. —Et spectat triscurria Patriciorum. The Poet describes another vileness of Noble Damasippus, who having spent his estate upon Horses, Taverns, and harlots, was saign to turn player, hiring himself to the stage, to the Siparium (properly the hangings, which conceal the Actors from the stage till their entrance) and acting in Catullus his play, called Phasma, or, The vision. Then he mentions another Lord, one Lentulus Velox, who acted Laureolus a servant, who for a Crime was Crucified: which part this Lentulus perform'd very skilfully! These performances the Poet honestly protests to be odi∣ous, and that the very people are impudent, which dare sit and behold these most scurrile behaviours of Lords (triscurria Patriciorum) and to hear also (Planipedes Fabios) the Noble Fabii act bare-footed, as the Players used to do in one sort of Comedie, which from the meanness of the per∣sons was the vilest of all, as Diomedes the Gramma∣rian tells us; as also to see the Noble Mamerci (deriv'd from Mamercus one of Numa's Sons, as Alexand. ab Alexand. lib. 1. cap. 9. notes) basely box'd about the ears, in such plays, according to the nature of the servile part, which they under∣took. In which passage there is no great difficul∣tie; only about triscurria, Joseph Scaliger (de E∣mendatione Temporum) makes a doubt; and would have it transcurria, because the Nobles did transire ad Orchestram: but his friend Lubin does not so much as mention it; it being indeed without co∣pie or good composition. Rigaltius takes notice of it, and adds another conjecture of some, which think it should be triscuria, as much as ingens cura digna Patriciis. But we may better keep our selves to the ancient copies, which have triscurria made from tris and scurra expressing [in sense] a super∣lative; as Britannicus sufficiently shews by trisurci∣ser and trivenefice, in Plautus: with which Anti∣quities and the unchanged consent of Interpreters we may without farther fancie rest satisfied.

20. Suppose yet There were Swords, and the Stage Here; Which would'st thou? — Finge tamen gladios inde, atque hinc pulpit a ponas: Quid satius? — Having shew'd that the Nobles did unworthily act on the common stage, he farther disdains that they became Gladiators, and without any compul∣sion from a Nero, and at the Shews which were set-forth by the Praetor, one far inferiour in honour unto Them: who yet sate there advanced in state∣ly manner beholding Them ventring their Lives like Rascals. Yet of the two, says the Poet, the stage is a worse shame to them, then the Sword-fight: for who, says he, would not detest to act the cuokold Latinus, Thymele's jealous husband? or to be a fellow-actour with the logger-head Corin∣thus? Then shewing Caesar's vile example in a like kind to be the cause, he says, that though the sword-fight is of the two the Less shameful, yet these Nobles choose the worst degree of leudness in that leud practice. For whereas one sort of the Gladiators, the Myrmillo, fights so arm'd that he cannot be known, the Noble Gracchus performs the part of the Retiarius, who with his net acted bare∣faced, as one quite shameless, hating the close dress, which might come near but to the lest mo∣destie. Neither doubt it, says the Poet, that it is Gracchus; Credamus tunicae: for though he wore not a Nobleman's habit, but basely after the man∣ner of the Retiarius, wore a short coat for the more activitie, yet believe it, it is he. For, being put to the worst, as he flies about for his life, he shews his face, so to move the Spectators to save him. See Sat. 3. Illustrat. 5. Besides, you may observe his golden ribband, which might be occasion of some guess, that he is no common person. Indeed, says the Poet, when it is generally known what he is, the Myrmillo that fights with him, is floured-at, as having shew'd no such skill, as he thought he had against some practic'd gladiator. Thus much was necessary to rectifie the diverse contextures of this passage: but for the many Antiquities here imploy'd, see them largely discussed. Sat. 2. Illu∣strat. 26. Some read here, Cedanus tunicae, let us give way to a Noble person; shewing out of Hero∣dian, that Commodus the Emperor in like manner most shamefully acting the Gladiator, had favour (if one may call it so) shew'd him by those he fought-with, they respecting him not as a Gladia∣tor, but as Emperor. But such favour could not with such ease and confidence be hoped-for by a Nobleman: for by his fight it appears, that he sought time to be throughly known, so to be res∣cued by the People's judgment, who in case of fa∣vour used a sign for deliverance: and therefore I think credamus to be, as it is the most receiv'd, so also the safer Reading.

21. More then One Ape, One Serpent, and One Sack. Cujus supplicio non debuit una parari Simia, non serpens unus, nec culeus unus. He speaks this, be∣cause Nero was guilty of many unnatural murders. The kinds and degrees of punishments for parrici∣des, such as kill'd their Father, or others very near of blood, differ'd in diverse places and Ages; but amongst the Romans, a Parricide being con∣demn'd was presently hooded to deprive him of the sight of the Sun and Heaven: then whipp'd with rods, virgis sanguineis, says Modestinus, Dige∣stor. lib. 48. Tit. 9. L. 9. which some seem to inter∣pret, by saying that he was whipped till he was bloody: which, though probably true, I think not to be the meaning of the Law; virgae sanguineae sig∣nifying rods of the Sanguen-tree called so from the blood-red colour of it, as Gothofredus notes on that Law; and Io. Isacius on Macrobius his Saturn. lib. 2. cap. 16. The Parricide was afterwards sow'd-up in a sack or bag; and in after-times there was sow'd-in with him, an Ape, a Cock, a Serpent (or, as some more particularly, a viper) and a dog. Last∣ly, he was thrown into the Sea, or, in in-land pla∣ces, into the next lake or river. But Dositheus the old Grammarian adds more especially, that the Cu∣leus being sow'd-up was put into a cart, and drawn to the Sea, or Lake, or River, by a yoak of black Oxen. Hieronymus Magius in his Miscellan. lib. 4. cap. 8. probably conjectures, that at the first there was nothing sow'd up with the parricide, but that

afterwards such companie was added; as likewise that there was more then one Serpent sow'd-up ordinarily, from those words of Constantine the Emperor, Serpentum contuberniis misceatur; unless as he says, the plural number be put for the singu∣lar. Yet he thinks that Conftantine reviving the Law fallen to disuse might peradventure increase it. Indeed Quintilian in his Declàmations, did long before speak so, Culeo & serpentibus expianda feritas: yet we must add, that Juvenal and Quintilian lived at the same time; and that it were ridiculous to think that either of them could write ignorantly or would write falsly of his own time. Wherefore seeing that Juvenal implies the many crimes of Nero, even of this kind, by the many deserved pu∣nishments for such crimes; It appears that in Juve∣nal's time there was but one serpent sow'd-up with the parricide; for otherwise he must have said, that he deserv'd more then two serpents, (even four) or else he had not express'd what he in∣tended, which also would have spoil'd the unifor∣mitie of his speech, If he had said, More then One Ape, Two serpents, and one sack, if Magius his Conjecture took place. Wherefore I believe that Quintilian used the plural number for the singular. But whether Constantine also did so in the Reviving of the Law, it concerns not this doubt, being in after-times, and so no way contrary to what Juve∣nal implies of his own times. The reason why these creatures were added to the parricide, is by some said to have been, because they likewise, as we may say, are parricides: which reason I con∣fess I understand not, excepting only of the viper; for as concerning the Ape, it is rather expressely against Juvenal: who in this very argument, speak∣ing again, Sat. 13. says, —cum quo Clauditur adver∣sis innoxia simia fatis, implying, the Ape to be of a less guilty disposition. Oliverius Arzeganensis (an Interpreter of Valerius maximus, and cited by G••∣throfredus in the place before alleged) makes the reason, why these creatures were added to the parricide, to be this; quòd Gallus serpentem, ser∣pens simiam, simia hominem insequatur: which, if consider'd, seems to make less the combat (and so the punishment) of the Parricide, by dividing the combt••ants, the serpent being imploy'd in his own defence against the Cock, and the Parricide being left properly, according to Him, only to the fierceness of the Ape. But Alexander ab Alex. (Gen. Lier. lib. 3. cap. 5.) does-well express the reason of this addition, in these words, —ut in rixa infen∣sorum animalium, & foedâ laceratione corporis, ob tan∣ti sceleris immanitatem diro cruciatus vulnere interima∣tur: utque ab omni elemento repudiatum cadaver, irre∣quieto labore & perpetuis fluctibus agitetur, implying the parts of the punishments, that they might be tormented with such troublesome creatures, and that their carcasses might want both burial and rest. See also Rhodigine. Yet Isidorus Hispalensis (in Glossis) said as much before them both, speaking of a Parricide, mittebatur in mare, & contendentibus inter se animantibus homo majoribus poenis afficiebatur. As for the Culeus (called by Dositheus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by Suidas, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) which in the most usual and vul∣gar expression we render, a Sack, Isidore in the place before cited, says, it was tunica ex sparto in modum crumenae facta, a coat made of broom in fashi∣on of a purse, which the executioner daubed on the inside with pitch and bitumen. Of which ba∣sket-stuffe though some perchance might in some latter time be made, yet Juvenal describes it to be exocori b••vis, Sat. 13. and so it is commonly ta∣ken, to have been properly of leather, made of a Bull's or Oxe's hide, or rather of more, sow'd to∣gether; if we consider the capacitie of it: which we may reduce (to omit diversitie of opinions) upon this ground, that the Sexiarius contains ac∣cording to our last Interpreters of the Bible, about a pint and a half; which being granted (of wine-measure) the Culeus containing 20. Amphoras, and the Amphora containing 48. Sextarios, it follows, that the Culeus contains 180. gallons. To conceive this by our English measures, the Hogs-head being 63. gallons, the Pipe 126, and the Tunne, 252. gallons; it is plain, that the Culeus (the greatest vessel for Liquors, amongst the Romans) was as much as a Pipe and a Hogs-head, that is ¾ of a Tun, wanting only one Amphora, or, nine gallons: where∣by may be understood the capacitie of the vessel for the Parricide and his Companie. I may here add, what Alexander ab Alexand. in the place be∣fore cited notes, that the first which suffer'd the punishment of the Culeus (but without the addi∣tion of those creatures) was one P. Maleolus (for the murder of his mother) mention'd by Florus, the Epitomiser of Livie, lib. 68. and by Orosius, lib. 5. cap. 16.

22. —And winne the Graecian Parslie-Crown. —Graiaeque apium incruisse coronae. Apium is usually taken for Parsly; though some take it for Smallage, or Marsh parsly (in Latin, Palud-apium) otherwise by some, [as by Mr. Guillim in his Display of He∣raldrie, sect. 4. cap. 16.] called Merche, which is an hearb, as Theophrastus notes, that is always green: of which a coronet or chaplet was made for the Conqueror at the Nemaean Games [as Pliny tells us, lib. 19.] celebrated to the Memorie of Archemorus, the young Son of Lycurgus, but indeed for the comfort of his Father, by overcomming his sorrow with a perpetual honour. But why the Garland was of Parsly, the Interpreters tell us not: in which point the diligence of Alexander ab Alexand. may help; who tells us [in his Gen. Dier. lib. 5. cap. 18.] that it was because the child Ar∣chemorus was unhappily kill'd by a Serpent as he was playing upon a Parsly-bed; though some say [which by the way we may note] that the mis∣chance came by a river-side, where his nurse laid him, which would not so well sort with the reason of the Nemaean Custome, unless peradventure it might possibly be a little helped, by being under∣stood of Marsh parsly. And here it were but an overplus to fill the Reader with the base and sce∣nical behaviour of Nero [here enveigh'd-at] both in Italie and Greece; the dishonour being as known, as the Empire, which he dishonour'd. Wherefore I leave him to the jeere of our Satyrist, who tells him, that he may do well to place the Rewards, the Ensigns of his Arts, at the feet of the statues of his Ancestors, his Father, or Great Grand-father, each of which was called by the name, Domitius.

23. —And toils in ev'ry ward. — Et in omniparte laborat. Having shew'd that Cataline and Cethegus, though Noble, behav'd themselves most ignobly against their Country (like the fierce French, that inhabited about Narbon and Lions) for which they deserv'd to have burn'd by night in the trouble∣some Coat, as he calls it (of which see Sat. 1. Illustrat. 47.) he shews next, that on the contra∣ry, Tully, though slighted as a Country-Knight, brought-up but in some Municipium, some City or Town priviledg'd, or made capable of Roman Offices, (and so a fellow but of a disdain'd size, compar'd with your Native Roman) did yet save Rome, toil∣ing,

as he says, in omni parte, as the most copies have it, in every Ward, or Part of the City. Some Copies have —in ommi Monte: so Rigaltius reads, expounding it of the Hills, on which Rome was built; and some Copies have (as the Scholiast says) —in omni Ponte, alluding to the Mulvian, where some of Catiline's Confederates and the Allobroges were ap∣prehended. Both which last seem pretty varieties; but the first (in omni parte) is, methinks, the more plain and full expression, implying his gene∣ral care, which imployed it self not only on the Hills and Bridges of Rome, but in every part; though figuratively, I grant, the other Readings may be admitted. And here we may take notice that the Poet says, that Rome when freed from the danger of Catiline, call'd Cicero Parentem and patrem patria; which may seem at the first an overplus; if it implied no more, then to call Rome the child, and Cicero the Father: but it more largely shews his merits, not only in respect of the City of Rome; but of all his Country: whiles he is equall'd to Romulus; of whom Livie says in the same word, Pa∣rens Ʋrbis, Romulus; which I therefore here ren∣der, Her Founder, as patrem patria his Country's fa∣ther, ascribing thus unto him both the Original and Preservation of the City and the Dominions belong∣ing to it.

24. His pate did next the kno••••y Vine oft crack. Nodosam post hac frangebat vertice vitem. Describ∣ing Marius another Arpinate (as Tully was) he shews how famous he became, saving Rome from the Cim∣brians (the Holsatians) and winning in a manner all the glory of a Trumph from his Nobly-born College Q. Luctatius Catulus [in Marius his fourth Consulship:] though this Marius at the first did but plow other mens land for wages, and after∣wards was but a Common Souldier, and had many a vine-rod broken upon his pate, in case at any time he loyter'd at his Military task. Wherein he implies the manner of punishing some defaults of Souldiers, the Centurion correcting such as offend∣ed, with a knotty vine-branch or cudgel, as Pliny shews, lib. 14. cap. 1. Guillaume du Choul observes [in his Discours sur la Castrametation des Romains. fol. 34. a. treating of the punishment of Souldiers] that if a Souldier being punish'd staid the Centurion's hand, or the Vine-Branches, les sermens [I think, in exacter writing it should be sarmens; this signi∣fying vine-rods, the Other, Oaths] he was cassè, casseer'd, or put-out of Office, if he had any; or, if by force he defended himself, he was punish'd, as for a capital crime. And for this use of the vine-rod grew that jeere mention'd by Tacitus, [Annal. lib. 1.] upon one Lucilius a Centurion, who be∣ing very severe, and upon a time breaking a vine∣rod upon a Souldier, he cried Cedo alteram, Give me another, and after that again, Cedo alteram: whereupon the Souldiers in a flout call'd him, Cedo alteram.

25. His Nobly-born College of equal Sway, Was yet adorn'd but with the second Bay. Nobilis or∣natur lauro collega secunda. There are diverse In∣terpretations of this place; three of which make Nobilis to be the Genitive Case, and so Nobilis Col∣lega to implie, that Marius, though of mean birth, was yet a Nobleman's College. But on lauro secun∣da, the Scholiast says, Secundo, per Marium familia nova. Nam primo per Ciceronem nobilitati, hoc est ut triumpharet; I suppose it should be nobilitata; meaning that a new or upstart familie from amongst the people was first ennobled with a triumphant fame in the person of Cicero, and a Second time in Marius. Which is some mistake in respect of th•• order of their times: for, whereas he makes Cice∣ro's glory to have been the former of the two, it was the latter by almost forty years. Some under∣stand it only by Marius; that though he were but of mean birth, yet he obtain'd two triumphs, one over Jugurth, another over the Cimbrians. A third sort expounding it of Marius and his College, say, that he obtain'd to triumph at least in the Second place, post collegam suum, as the Scholiast speaks, who recites also this third exposition. A fourth sort taking Nobilis for the Nominative case, under∣stand by Nobilis Collega, Q. Luctatius Catulus, who was put to flight by the Cimbrians, who afterwards by Marius and Catulus were overthrown with a mighty slaughter. Yet the victory was ascribed generally in a manner only to Marius, which made the Poet say of him —Et solus trepidantem protegit urbem: which was not litterally true, Catulus be∣ing join'd with him; but in the main of the business it was true, his Prowess being such, that by the common consent, if he would, he might have tri∣umph'd alone; but to decline envie, he was con∣tent, that his College should triumph with him. The most apt sense therefore is this which I choose; that his College, though Nobly-born, was yet adorn'd but with the Second bay; or, as it may be varied, had not at all triumph'd but for the valour of his mean-born Collegue Marius.

26. —Suffice They did th' Infernal Gods: A Sacrifice T' our Mother Earth were—. Sufficiunt Diis Infernis Terraeque Parenti. Amongst other wretched perswasions of the Old Romans in their mistaken Religion, one was that it was most accep∣table to their Dii Inferi and Tellus in case of great danger foretold to the Commonwealth by their Aruspices, for one by way of atonement or pacifi∣cation, devovere se, to vow, promise or solemnly bequeath himself, as a sacrifice for all the rest; as is commonly known by the example of the Decii. See the form of such devoting of themselves set down by Rosinus (lib. 10. cap. 15.) out of Livie. lib. 8.

27. —Our last good King. —Regum ultimus ille bonorum. The Poet describing Servius Tullius, whose Mother was but a hand-maid, says, that his Merit bestow'd upon him the Trabea, the Fasces, and the Diademe. The Trabea was a Royal roab of purple woven upon white; or to speak neerer to the Etymologie, beam'd with white; or, as some des∣cribe it, having gold woven upon it like glistring beams. Of the Fasces, see Illustrat. 29. of this Sa∣tyre. The Diademe, as Pancirellus tells us, (lib. 1. Tit. 47.) was a little cap, like half a foot-ball, bound about with a white fascia, or wreath, as he describes it from St. Jerom to Fabiola. It is the 128. Epist. De vestitu Sacerdotum; where he speaks of rotundum pileolum, such a one, says he, as Ʋlysses was presented-in, in an Arch'd walk call'd by His name. He says it was by the Graecians called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by some Galerus. This pileolum, as he afterwards says, Ita in occipitio vittâ constrictum est, ut non facilè labatur ex capite. Yet it should seem, that rather the fascia (or, vitta) it self, then the bonnet, was properly the Diademe, if we consider the story of Pompey (as Marcellinus describes it, lib. 17.) who was suspected of treason for wearing the fasciola candida about his legge to hide a soare; that be∣ing generally interpreted for a Diademe, and he accordingly suspected for aiming at the Empire; it being, as was said, not material on what part of the body it was worn. (See Alexander ab Alex.

Gen. Dier. lib. 1. cap. 28.) And this may appear from the name fram'd from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, circumligo; it be∣ing a band of white cloth (as some describe it) round about the head. Rightly therefore does Britannicus note, that it was not Corona, but fuscia. But here I marvail, that Autumnus rightly expound∣ing the words ancillâ natus, of Servius Tullius, does notwithstanding on the words, Regum ultimus, say Tarquinius Superbus: which though it were a truth of Regum ultimus absolutely taken, he indeed being the last Roman King; yet it being here expressely said with an addition, regum ultimus ille bonorum, it does apparently exclude Tarquinius Superbus.

28. Some brave act, which Mutius and Cocles might have wonder'd-at—. Quos Magnum aliquid du∣biâ pro libertate deceret, Quod miratetur cum Coclite Mutius, &c. The Poet here expressing, that the Consuls Sons sought to betray the Libertie of their Country, by seeking to bring back Tarquinius Su∣perbus, adds, Quos magnum aliquid, &c. Quod mira∣retur, &c: which last word Lubin applies to their Act, which here the Poet enveigh••-against; im∣plying that honest persons, which loved the liber∣tie of their Country, wonder at those that would betray it; especially their own Father being of another mind. Which though it may be admitted, yet not with any great Grammatical convenience in the construction, if we consider the remoteness of the Relative from the thing, to which he would thus applie it. But Britannicus, methinks, far ber∣ter applies quod miraretur, to that famous act, which, as he says, had more beseem'd them, such a one, says the Poet, Quod miraretur cum Coclite Mutius, &c. that is, says Britannicus, quod posset mirari & imitari: which singularly advances the sense of the place, implying that they should ra∣ther, being the Sons of such a Father, have done some famous act, which even the most famous Co∣cles, Scevala and Cloelia (who immediately grew famous after Them) might have wonder'd at, though themselves did things, that were justly won∣der'd-at; according to which sense I choose to render it.

29.

To th' Fathers with these News a Servant runs, A Sad one to the Mothers of those Sons. Occulta ad Patres produxit Crimina Servus Matronis lugendus —

This passage is expounded with a little varietie. The story is, that Vindex, or, as some call him, Vindicius, a Servant of the Aquilii, did derect the conspiracy of the Consuls Sons unto the Fathers; for which he was first manumitted, as a preserver of his Country, as afterwards crucified, as a be∣trayer of his Master: therefore as some say, lugen∣gendus matronis, in regard he was put to death, though he had kept-out a domineering ravisher; and so as a friend of the Matrons, might be justly bewayl'd by them. This sense we denie not to be congruous; but it is somewhat far ferch'd; and the rather, methinks, to be disliked, because it makes the Mothers more compassionate for the loss of a good Servant, then of a bad Son: whereas in a case of so rear a sorrow, we must give them leave to shew more tenderness, then wisdome. Where∣fore I implie, and according to the more receiv'd exposition, that their sorrow was, though occa∣sion'd by their Servant, yet for their Sons; who as the Poet presently infers, were whipped and put to death, suffring so both the Rods and Axe, which were carried before the New Consuls. And here we may note with Britannicus, that the Poet says, legum prima securis, because the government under their Kings, that is, before the time of their Consuls, was arbitrary or, without set Laws. Here also, because the Fasces and the Securis are so frequently mention'd in this and other Authors, it will not be unpleasant to behold them in picture, as they are bound-up toge∣ther and represented by Antoine le Pois (a French An∣tiquary) in his Discours sur les Medalles Antiques, at the end of his work, on p. L. figure 3. *

[illustration] a fasces, rods bound together with an axe

The reason of which binding of them up, as Plu∣tarch guesses (in Rom. Quast. 82.) was to shew a slowness in the magistrate in the use of them, implyed by the ne∣ceslarie delay in the untying of them. The binding-up the axe with them (not in them, as some have mistaken, but cross them) did likewise shew, that what the ••ods could not suffici∣ently correct, the axe must: as also that he, who was to suffer death by the Axe, was before such execution punish'd with the Rods. The use of which among the Romans was brought in by Tullus Hostilius, King of the Ro∣mans, being anciently carried so be∣fore the Etrutian Kings, and by some the Fasces were adorn'd with Bays, as Lipsius notes on Tacitus. Annal. 2.

30.—Or what Ile spare to name. Aut illud quod di∣cere nolo. The Poet concludes, that it were better to be the Son of an unworthy Thesires, so that one's self were an Achilles (the nephew of Aeacus) bravely be∣having himself in the armour, which Vulcan made for him, then to be a Toersites, though one were the Son of an Achilles. But, says he, by way of jeer, to the No∣blest Roman, thou canst not properly derive thy self, better, then from the Companie, which assembled at Romulus his Asylum, his Sanctuary or place of refuge (so called from and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, d••ripio, because no man might be drawn thence); and then thou wilt prove but a shepheard, like such as he gather'd together; or what is worse, such as those desperate persons (as he intimates) which in desperate fortunes & consci∣ences fled unto him. Thus the common exposition takes illud, quod dicere nolo, for latro, or the like; mak∣ing all, whom Romulus entertain'd there, either Shepheards, or Cut-throats, either Mean or Leud Persons. But Au••umnus somewhat acutely excepts against this last part; saying, that the Poet in the former verses understood all these, when he menti∣on'd Asylum (the infamous shrine), and therefore would not presently again implie the same thing: wherefore he thinks this to be an allusion to the next story of Romulus and his Companie, about their particular exploit in Ravishing the Saline virgins. Thus he would briefly have Rastores and Latrones to be understood before; and here, by Illud quod dicere nolo, only Rap••••es virgi••••••; implying that the best of their Ancestors were either such as were glad to take Sanctuary, or but Ravishes. This, I grant, is wit∣ty, if it prove as sound: but I think this last verse to contain but the parts by way of explication, of what was said before in general; that is, they all came from the Asylum, and so were either Shepheards or worse; for these Ravishers must be in the parts of that division, All being derived from the Asylum. Concerning the Asylum or place of refuge it self, I need only intimate, that this fact of Romulus in the erecting of it, was but an imitation of many ancient examples, as of Cadmus at the building of Thebes; of the Posteritie of Hercules at Athens, and diverse o∣thers; for which see at large, Alexand. ab Alex. Gen. Dier. l. 3. c. 20.

SATYRE. IX. A DIALOGUE BETWEEN Iuvenal and Naevolus.

ARGUMENT.

Lust and Poverty ill joyn'd In Monstrous Naevolus we find: But here strange Virro Great and Vile Both Lust and Avarice defile. Dark Crimes, though hid, scape not our sight: By Night we see not, yet see Night. Over their Lords from guilt not clear Base Servants Tongues do Domineer.

JUV: VVhy, Naevolus, so oft meet I thy brow All Cloud, like Marsyas quite put down? why now Look'st thou like Ravola caught with his sweet Rhodope? With just blows indeed we greet Our sweet-mouth'd Servants. A more wretched Face Does Crepereius Pollio ne're disgrace, When he goes Offering Treble Use, and lights Upon no Fools, What sodain care thus frights Thy brow to wrinkles? Sure, thou liv'dst of late, A Slave? rather meer Knight, though small in stare. A Guest thou wast, that bad'st thy quips most witty, Veh'mently tart, pure Natives of the City. Now all's inverted: A sad Face, dry Hair Like a shagg'd Copp'ce: Thy Skin knows no neat care: A hot glew'd-swath did once smooth thee with art; Now every where rough hairs, like sprigs, do start. What means thy meager shape, like one half-tir'd, VVhom a Domestick Quartane long has fir'd? Thou may'st discern the Sick man's mind's Distress, Or Sound man's Joys: The Face does both express. Methinks then thou seem'st chang'd, and hast begun In a new diverse Course of life to run. For I remember thou did'st haunt of late Isis shrine, (1) Peace's Ganymede, and wait

On Cybel's Palace-Rites which hither came, And Ceres (For, what Shrine don't women shame?) Th' Adulteter Aufidius was less known: I could say, Didst thou please the VVives alone:

Naev. Yet that's a thriving way to some: but small Gain I have thence: A greasie Cloak is all, (To save my Gown) course, of some gross die, w^ch some French weaver drove but ill, with a sleight comb; Or some small Silver of the second vein. The Fates Rule men: Fate does in those parts reign, VVhich the Lap hides. For, if thy Stars thee fail, Thy strength of Lust shall nothing then avail, For all rich Virro's tank desire. And yet No Monster's like Avarice and Lust met! I gave you This, then That, then More: He Counts, And leudly Moves! Lets see to what it mounts: Ho, (2) bring the Counting-board. Suppose your Gains VVere Five Sestertia: Reckon then your Pains. Dost sleight my Toile? Shall he find less vile Fates, That tends thy Plow, then He that on Thee waits? But sure thou thoughts thy self soft, young, fair, fit, VVhom Jove might to his Cup and Heav'n admit. To a poor Client will you bounty show, VVho Nothing on your sweet Disease bestow? Lo, may's•• not Thou fitly to such a Friend Large Amber-bowls, and a green Shadow send Upon Her Birth-day, or when the fresh spring Does (3) gentle showers and the Shee-Calends bring? Nay when to Thee plac'd in a stately Chair, Virro, some thus with secret guifts repair? Sparrow! For whom keep'st thou such Hills, vast Grounds, Apulian Farmes, Kites tit'd within thy bounds? Trifoline fields, the dread Cumaean knowl And hollow Gaurus's Vintage fill thy bowl. VVhose Pitch more Vessels keeps? More lasting wines? VVhat wert to help then a spent Clients loins VVith a few Acres? wilt thou to some other Rather bequeath a Country-house, a Mother VVith Babe and whelp his Play-fellow? to some (4) Slack Priest of Cybel, that can vainly drum? Begger, (5) you're Bold, says he. But Rent does cry Beg: So does my own man, like the broad eie Of Polyphemus, for all which, the wise Vlysles scap'd. But one does not suffice: Another must be bought; both fed. And when December blows, what course shall I take then? To their cold Heels and Shoulders wilt be some Releif, to say, The Grass-hoppers will come. But, though thou wilt not my Desert set forth, To omit other things, was't nothing worth,

That I thy most addicted and devout Client in thy behalf all means sought out? VVhen as thy VVife the Marriage-bonds had broke, And now was sealing new, back to thy yoke I won her, and did always make her stay, VVho, but for me, had often gone away? VVhether can'st turn? what can'st say first or last? Deserve I nothing for my Labours past, Thankless, false wretch? Is't nothing, that th'art now Upon Record a Man? The Laurel-bough May now adorn thy Gates: A Father's Name Thou hast: thou hast, what to oppose to shame. A Father's Rights thou hast: now thou may'st be An Heir, (6) now receive any Legacy; Sweet wind-falls too. More Priviledges add, If once three Children make thy heart right glad.

Juv. Sure, Naevolus, thy sorrow's just, as I By this should judge: yet, what does he reply?

Naev. VVhy, he neglects me, and now seeks some other Two-footed, sturdy Asse. But these things smother Reveal'd thus only to your self; and rest VVith my Complaints hid in your secret breast. For, whom the Pumice smooths, He's a dire foe! VVho shews a Secret, Burns and Hates, as though All that I knew, I had betray'd. He'l take A Sword, or Clubb my brains out; or else make His candle fire my doors: nor think him vain; These (7) Rich ones ne're count Poison a dear grain. This then, like Mars his Court at Athens, hide.

Juv. Dull Corydon, think'st Rich men undiscried VVhen Vile in private? what their Servants spare To speak, Beasts, Dogs, Posts, Marbles will declare. Shut doors and windows, stop the chinks; Defie All light, let Neighbours bawl, let none lie nigh: VVhat yet he acts (8) at the Cocks second Crow, E're break of day the next Vintner shall know; Nay, hear (9) whats'ere his Scribe and cheif Cooks fain, His Carvers too. For, what care they to stain Their Lords? when by such lies, revenge they take, For the shrew'd Belts they've felt? Nay, some will make Search for thee in the ways, and thou must hear: They're drunk, and they'l make drunk thy wretched ear. Pray them then, as thou did'st pray me, to say Nothing: but secrets sooner they'l betray, Then drink as much Falerne, though got by stealth, As did Laufella for the People's Health. As Duty binds us not to live amiss, And many Causes more, so chiefly this: That Conscious Servants Tongues make us not start; For, a vile Servant's Tongue is his worst part.

VVho yet will not live free from Crimes, He's worse Then They, that live upon his Bread and Purse.

Naev. How to despise a Servants Tongue, if leud, Good Counsel, yet but Common, thou hast shew'd. But now what's thy Advise after lost Time And Hope? For Lo, how swiftly hasts the Prime Flow'r of our Age? Lo, how the fatal Knife Hasts to cut off our short and wretched Life? Amid'st (10) Cups, Flow'rs, Ointments and Lovers toys, Old Age does unperceiv'd arrest our Joys.

Juv. Fear not; I warrant thee, whiles these Hills stand, Thou can'st not want a Pathick ne're at hand: They're brought by Ship and VVagon; Here th'are sped: They, they, (11) that with one finger scratch their head. Besides, thy Hope and Gain may yet Increase; Only eat Rocket hard, and hold thy peace.

Naev. These Rules are for your lucky ones; but my Clotho and Lachesis are glad, when I By lust my Hunger stanch. But, (12) Oh my small House-Gods, on whom with some incense I call, Or with a Cake and Garland: when (13) some Vow Shall I so fix, that old I may know how To scape a Crutch and Cabbin. Nay, (14) that I May twenty thousand have for use, with tie Of Pledges for the Payment? Besides such (15) Plate, that Fabricius might judge it too much? And two strong (16) Maesians, whose hir'd necks might grace me To the loud Circus, and there safely place me? Then a stooping Ingraver, and (17) a speedy Painter? These would suffice; seeing that Needy I still shall be! Yet Vain's my wish! nor may I hope This! For, when I to Fortune pray, Her ears she stops with wax, from that Ship brought, On whose deaf Row'rs the Sirens Songs ne're wrought.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Nineth Satyre.

Marsyas his overthrow by Apollo, How and where Memoriz'd. Crustula. Verna-Eques. Psilothrum and Dropax. Bruscus. Brucia. Ptolemaeus Flavius his opi∣nion about Ganymedem Pacis, not approv'd. Diptycae. Amanuenses, and their Overseer, probably shew'd from some of the Manuscripts. Calculi and Abacus, the ancient form of it presented. Faemineae Calendae. Juno Calendaris. Matronalia. Saturnalia. New-years Guifts, their Antiquity, first Matter, and Abuse. Arbores felices. Strenia. Cymbala, the fashion of them expressed. Gallantes. Sundry ex∣positions of that passage, —sed appellat puer unicus, ut Polyphaemi Lata acies, per quam solers evasit Ulysses. Register-books of the Birth of all persons, used an∣ciently amongst the Romans. When Children receiv'd their Name. Caducum. Jus trium liberorum; the strictness and Licence about it, in several ages of the Romans. Annona. Areopagus; the secrecy of that Court. Lubin's Errour about Galli cantus secundus, shew'd from Censorinus Gallicinium; the different Seasons of it. Libra∣rius. Carptores. Serta and Unguenta; their ancient Abuse derived, according to some, from the Hebrews. Unguentarius. Several sorts of Ointments for several parts of the Body. Oleum Susinum. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉& 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Eruca, where usually sow'd. The Lares adorn'd with Chaplets of Flowers. Lemures and Larvae. The Custome of fixing Vows with wax to the knees of their Gods. Argentum purum; the diffe∣rent acceptions of it, shew'd from Marcellus Donatus, and Franciscus Luisinus. Cervix locata, expounded somewhat differently from Lubin. Pithaeus and Scaliger's conjecture about Maltha, propos'd.

1.PEace's Ganymede.—Et Ganyme∣dem Facis—. The Poet in this Satyre discovering in a dange∣rous Zeal the execrable impu∣rities of some Roman sinners; sets out one Naevolus, as a Mon∣ster; telling, that for all his leudness he did not thrive, but look'd as wretchedly as Mar∣syas, Ravala or Creprereius Pollio. The first of which the Scholiast says, was either some Lawyer in Juve∣nals time, or more probably (that being but an ob∣scure supposition) that bold Mufitian, who daring to contend with Apollo, was overcome and flayed; hi•• skin being hang'd up for a Monument, not in the forum of Celaenae, (a City of Phrygia) as Alex∣ander ab Alexand. says, Gen. Dier. lib. 2. cap. 12. but in a Cave, at the Head or Springs of the River (named since from Him) Marsyas, but formerly, Midae fons, which ran indeed through Celaenae, where the contention was: but the Monument was placed at the Head of the River, as Tiraquel proves, on that place of Alexander ab Alex. The Second, to whom he likens him, was one Ravola an impure Villan, who being taken with his Rhodope, was con∣founded with a just shame at the discovery, deser∣ving (as the Poet flouts) many a clap for his Liquo∣rishness, like an unmannerly servant over-bold with sweet-meats, crustula, properly frusta panis benè cocti, leviter melliti (some render them, wasers) which were sometimes by mens last Wills appointed to be yearly distributed on their Birth-days; as Lipsius shews on Seneca, Epist. 56. from an ancient Inscription: The last he compares him to, was one Pollio, mention'd elsewhere by our Author, and noted for a mad spend-thrift, who though he desperately offer'd for mony three times as much, as the ordinary Interest, could yet find no such foolish Creditour. The Poet then gauls Naevolus with the remembrance of his former prosperity, telling him, that he once lived like Verna-Eques, literally a Knight-slave, that is, one by birth a Ser∣vant, born of a Hand-maid, yer so gently brought up in his Masters house, that he was admitted to great Liberty, living more like a Knight then a Ser∣vant: which sort of persons were commonly call'd by way of jeer Vernae-Equites, as particularly by Martial. Next he tells him, that his hair was now drie, (without ointment) and stubbed, whereas formerly he was wont to wear afascia, a fillet spred

with a composition of hot glew, gumme and wa••, as Pliny (lib. 24.) observes; which they call'd Psilo∣thrum and dropax; the first from making naked the skinne from hair, the last in the like sense from fetching off the hair: which art of smoothing the skinne was practis'd amongst the leudest Romans. Lastly he tells him, that he haunted the most no∣torious places for Adulterers, such as were the pro∣phan'd Temples of Isis, of Peace (wherein was the Statue of Ganymede) of Cybel (on Mount Palatine) and of chast Ceres. What other Impurities he im∣plies, I purposely silence, both here and in some other dark passages of this Satyre, leaving them in that darkness, which they deserve, without either Illustration or Translation; and choosing, if offence must be given, rather to displease my Reader, then my Conscience. The few passages, which I have layd-together, I enlightned cheifly for the advan∣tage of the less accurate Reader, only two difficul∣ties I may point-out, as occasioning difference be∣tween some. The one is concerning that verse; Prastabat calidi circumlita fascia visci; for so it is commonly read; but Pithaus, in his Var. Lection. on this place alleadges a Copie wherein it is, Brus∣cida, as in another, Brustia praestabat calidi tibi fascia visci; where he thinks it should be written either Bruccia, or Bruscia: of the first of which he gives no exposition; but the latter he thinks may come from Bruscus (call'd by some ruscus from the ruddly, colour of it) a prickled shrub, a kind of Broome (mention'd by Pliny. lib. 16. cap. 16. because, as he guesses, the fascia might be ex brusco; but this he does not affirm. Some read Bruttia, the Bruttian pitch, being anciently used for the fetching-off the hair; and so indeed (with a small varietie in the Reading) Brucia signifies in Columella a kind of pitch, and so probably was, if not alone, yet, an ingredient of the psilothrum; and so the word may be used here, according to such Copies, either Ad∣jectively, or by way of Apposition with fascia. Yet this being without the farther warrant of Copies, I accept the common Reading and exposition. The other, and the chief doubt is, concerning the sta∣tue of Ganymede in the Temple of Peace, one of Na∣volus his haunts. The general exposition is, that Vespasian built a Temple to Peace, and as others more particularly affirm, erected a Statue there to Ganymede: part of which assertion the Scholiast has, saying on the words, Fanum Isidis & Ganimedem] sta∣tuae ad quas conveniebant cin••di. Britannicus more largely says, Templum pacis Vespasianus extruxit juxta forum, in quo aut pictam imaginem, aut statuam Gany∣medis fuisse ostendit poeta. See also Marlian. p. 39.6. But Prolemaeus Flavius in his Conjectan. cap. 1••. re∣jects this as incongruous, that Ganymede should have a Statue in the Temple of Peace; and there∣fore takes Ganymedem simply for some Statue of him somewhere else, without reference to Pacis. But this exception being but fansie, may methinks by the same way be answer'd, if we say it is congruous; that when Jupiter gave Them Peace, which is the delight of Men, They should, to express their Gratitude and the Occasion of it, in the Temple of Peace place Ganymede, the Delight of Jupiter.

2. Hoe, bring the Counting-board. Suppose your gains were five Sestertia.—panatur calculus, adsint cum tabula pueri, numera sestertia quinque Omnibus in rebus—, Poor & vile Naevolus reciting here his base gains, mentions first pingues lacernas, which may be render'd either course or greasie (as through fre∣quent wearing); in which last sense I express it, though it does as well signifie the first, according to that of Martial, —me pinguis Gallia vestit, the French garments at that time being of a course mak∣ing. But because the Courseness is express'd in those words also which follow, —textoris pectine Galli, I thought it convenient thus to prevent, by a lawful varietie, a sodain tautologie. Next he mentions tenue argentum venaeque secundae a small peice of base silver; for both these are here im∣plied; vena secunda having reference to the me∣tal, implying that it was of a meaner sort, or drossy: the other, tenue, necessarily being referered to the quantitie, and signifying, that it was a small, thin or light pelce of coin; for coin it was which Naevolus receiv'd; and so another tautologie is avoided in making them expressions of several things. Thirdly he says, that such leud Great-Ones, as Virro bere spoken-of, are strangely covetous in the expence that concerns their own pleasures; nay, pleasures, says he, which they eargerly pro∣sequute, as may appear by their frequent and solli∣citing letters, which are here, by the Poet, called densae tabellae. Which words the Scholiast expound∣ing says, quamvis in blandis ••e epistolis & clypticis sollicitet: in which passage Rutgersius (in his Var. Lection. lib. 6. cap. 18.) says, that it should be diptychis; but before him Pithaeus observ'd it in his Notes on the Scholiast; only Rutgersius does illu∣strate it a little from that of Isidore in his Glosse, Dip∣tycha, tabellae quas ferimus. We may add, that such pugillares or writing-tables were sometimes of Ivo∣ry; for so Symmachus (in Auctorio Epist. cap. 7.) says, Offero igitur vobis eburneum diptychum—; and sometimes they were adorned with gold, as the same Symmachus says, Lib. 2. Epist. 81. auro circum∣datum diptychum misi. More particularly and nearest to the present purpose, Dipticae in some old Glossa∣ries are said to be tabellae, quibus corruptores puellis suis inscribunt amorem. And here not to infist upon the Ecclesiastical acception of the word diptycha (well known to the learned) signifying two ta∣bles containing the names of especial persons, some alive and some dead, some famous for their ver∣tues, and some (as some note) notorious for their vices, and read publickly in the Ancient Church, in the time of Divine Service, for the ex∣citing of the Good and deterring of the Bad; I may only add that acception of the word diptychum in St. Ambrose, in his Hexamer. lib. 5. cap. 8. where it signifies claustrum ostreorum, an oister's shell; it seems, from the apt closing of them, like two leaves. But Navolus using it here for love-letters of the worst sort, adds what I omit in the tranflation — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as some Reading has it; or as the most recev'd, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉(understanding 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, expedit) which in two of the Manuscripts (namely, Corpus Christi and Ben. Jonson's) is thus corruptly written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which I thus express in their Ignorance and Characters, there being on this pas∣sage this note in both of them, unus pes deest versui Graeco, que•••• Magister Heinricus scire non potnit. Which I point-out to note the Custome and Endeavour of those times here implied; that is, that the Ama∣nuenses in their transcription of Manuscripts had some Overseer to compare and correct the Co∣pies, with whom the Amanuenses or Scribes did consult in doubtful passages. For so here, it seems, the Scribe consulting with Magister Heinricus the Overseer, for the rectifying of this peice of a Greek verse, finding it unperfect, and not receiving sa∣tisfaction, added of himself, this note in the Mar∣gin: for, though it had been truly written, yet 〈◊〉〈◊〉

was left-out, which particle was notwithstanding in some MSS. particularly in the Manuscript Com∣mentary. Lastly Naevolus makes his foul Patron Virro to reckon-up the parcels of his false bounty, and grudgingly to suppose them to amount to Five Sestertia, that is, 39 l. 1 s. 3 d. In which passage (to blot-out the impurities which follow) we may observe that he calls to his Servants for the calculi and tabula: which last is, by Persius, Sat. 1. call'd Abacus; the form and some description whereof I have here presented as a less obvious point of Antiquitie from the curious Pignorius, in his book de Servis, p. 172. and 173. *

[illustration] depiction of an abacus or calculating table

Juv. Sat. IX Illustrat. 2.

Upon which he says, usum ejus indicant calculi ductiles & reductiles capitati, undeviginti, oblongis alveolis inserti. Calculi quatuor inferiores, unitatis vim singuli obtinent, appliciti ta∣men numero intercaelato. Superior ille singularis & uni∣cus, item admotus quinque unitates notat. Alveoli un∣ciarii extra ordinem, sex calculos continent, quinque infra, unum supra, qui omnes xi colligunt pro recepta uncia divisione in xii solennes partes. Semuncia, sici∣licus, & semisicilicus seorsim comparent. In hac ta∣bella novenarius eminet, cujus ca laus est, authore Marciano (lib. 7.) ut primi versus finem teneat. Which explication before we farther consider, it may be observed, that the Mathematical Table was by the Ancients called the Delphick Table, as Bri∣tannicus notes on Juvenal, Sat. 3. in the exposition of those words, Ornamenta abaci. It was likewise called by way of honour, Pythagoras his Table, as C. Secund. Curio notes on Persius, Sat. 1. (though the Invention of Arithmetick it self be attributed to the Phoenicians) and he tells us that it was sprink∣led-over with hyaline (or glass-colour'd) dust, as he urges from Marcianus Capella, to the end that in their multiplications, partitions and podismes, (as he speaks) or, measuring-out of ground by the feet, they might easily amend an error. And this Geometrical dust, says he, is by Cicero called by the learned title of The Philosopher's dust. Asceae∣sius on Persius, Sat. 1. towards the end, understands by—qui abaco numeros—scit risisse vafer—, one by whom the Arithmetical calculi were derided, which calculi he calls denarios projectiles, coines or coun∣ters to be placed or removed; and by metas risisse, (as it is in Persius) he understands one that flouted at Geometricians figures, taking meta for termini (as Nebrissensis notes on that place) that is, for the bounds of their figures or descriptions, which they made, says he, with a radius (or rod) moved in the dust, that if the measure were not true, it might be blotted-out. Johan. Baptista Plautius (on Persius, Sat. 1.) calls this Table palimpseston, i. e. deletilem, saying, quâ nunc passim calculatores utuntur. Which two expressions cannot yet exactly consider'd stand together, unless we take calculatores in a general sense for accountants, but not for those, that did account by the calculi; because on the Table, which they sprinkled with dust, there was no use of them: Nebrissensis there∣fore more warily understands by metas the schemes of the Geometricians, which they made with the ra∣dius in the Dust. Theodorus Marcilius on Persius, Sat. 1. on the words, Abaco, —& secto in pulvere me∣tas, says, Abacus communi usu & numerarits & Geo∣metris: ut pulvis & radius proprius Geometrarum; making the Abacus common to Arithmiticians and Geometricians; but the radius and pulvis proper to Geometricians. The first part of which assertion is a Truth; the last an Error: as in the same annotation, towards the end of it, plainly appears from his own words. For afterwards he says, At illud Mar∣ciano communiter dictum, abaci circumfusum pulverem movere. Contra, pulverem solvere. (The one was, as I conceive, to make the figures in the dust, the other to put them out.) Seneca. Epist. 24. Which allegations are good, and what he adds is accurate, whiles he says, Neque non tamen etiam numerarii pul∣vere

interdum usi. Itaque Tertullianus, c. ult. de Pallio dixit, numerorum arenarios. Geometrae semper pulvere: Numerarii aliqui sine pulvere, ut calculatores. This well expresses the ancient differences: which may with some other remembrances clear this point. The Calculi then were not at all us'd by Geometri∣cians in Their work, that is in the drawing of schemes (though They also, but as Arithmeticians, might use them in Arithmetical Operations) but only the radius and pulvis belong'd to Them, (yet not only to Them); yet were they not always used properly upon an Abacus; but sometimes the radius was used on the Ground: as appears by the story of Aristippus (mention'd by Baptista Plautius, on Per∣sius, Sat. 1.) who having escaped from a Tempest and got to the Rhodian shoar, and perceived some making Geometrical schemes on the Sand; bid his fellows be of good courage, telling them, that they had found Men (meaning Mathematicians) and therefore probably Civilitie of Entertainment. They did sometimes likwise draw their schemes in the Dust, as is known from the story of Archimedes, and the multitude of Geometrians, who by such practice made the Court of Dionysius Dusty, as Plu∣tarch relates. Sometimes likewise they used the Abacus, sprinkling it with fine dust, such as pinne-dust, or the like (and which by some is called Green dust) which they divided into figures with a radius, or stylus, with one end of which they might write, with the other put-out. But such a Table or Abacus we must suppose to have been plain and level, and used not only by Geometricians, but also Arithmeticians; yet on such a one the Calculi were not used at all; the Arithmetician also per∣forming his work with the stylus in the fine Dust. But besides this plain Table, there was an Abacus, such a one as Juvenal here intends, and Pignorius presents, which was not to be sprinkled with dust, nor requir'd the radius, but only the calculi. Which Table, as I guess at the meaning of Pignorius, who seems somewhat obscure, was of this manner. There were carved in it certain alveoli, depths or chanels, as we may call them, in which the calculi were placed; which calculi appear in the Table like so many black, round spots, which are but the upper parts of them above the plain of the Ta∣ble, by which they were placed and displaced in those hollow rowes at pleasure. These expressed on the Table are 44, and were of a like use as with us, Counters. The alveoli are expressed by the spaces inclosed between two lines, and closed at each end; in which the calculi, as is said, were placed. These alveoli or depths in the Table (in number 19.) were made that the calculi might lie the furer, for the preventing any occasional distur∣bance of the work. Of these alveoli, as appears in the Table, there are two rowes divided, or sepa∣rated, by a row of Figures, in each of the lower alveoli are placed 4 calculi, in each of the upper∣most, one; each calculus in the lower row being in value once so much as the figure above it signifies; each in the upper row being five times as much as the figure under it signifies. A third thing consi∣derable in the Table is, the Numbers, which are disposed into eleven places; And if we place them according to the modern manner of Arithmetical Operation, that is, the Least in value toward the Right hand, and so proceed toward the Left; we may most readily expound them by our lat∣ter kind of (Barbarous) Figures set against those that are whole Numbers or Pounds in the seven last places, that is, towards the left hand thus;

IXI.	CCCIƆƆƆ.	CCIƆƆ.	CIƆ.	C.	X.	I.
1000000.	100000.	10000.	1000.	100.	10.	1.

The next in the Table, towards the Right hand, I take to be but the parts of the first of these; this Figure Θ standing for Ʋncia, or the place of Ounces, as this, I, for Libra, or the pound, which contain'd 12. ounces. The other Three towards the right hand, do likewise express the chief & most convenient parts in the di∣vision of the ounce; namely, Semuncia (or, the Half-ounce) express'd, I think, by the figure, 2. implying it to be ½ or one part of two in the division, as 6. to 12. The second expressed by the figure, 3, I take to sig∣nifie the ourth part of the uncia, f and so, 3. of 12. [though some divide it into more parts] which quar∣ter of the uncia, was by the Romans called, Sicilicus, from Sicilie, the place, as some think, where it was invented, or first brought into use. The last was called Semisicilicus, or half-quarter of the uncia, thus expressed in figure, C. in value as much as one 12. part and an half of the pound. The exposi∣tion of which three last figures, as parts of the uncia, I do not assert, but only for want of an In∣terpreter, propose: making in yet in this obscure and conjectural argument at least so useful, that from these cheif parts of the ounce, [the half-ounce, the quarter and the half-quarter] here sup∣posed to be express'd the other parts also of the ounce may be conveniently expressed. To express now the use of the Calculi, though they be set-out in the Table, as if upon occasion they were alrea∣dy placed, we must notwithstanding suppose the Table free from them all, only the Figures and the Alveoli constantly to remain. If then we would express One Pound, we must place one calculus in the alveolus under the Figure, I. If two pounds, Two calculi,; and so to 4. If we would express 5 l. we must place One calculus in the upper alveolus, and none in the lower. If we would express 6 l. we must place one in the upper, and one in the lower; and so to 9. as is expressed in the Table. If we would set-down Ten pounds, we must place One calculus in the alveolus Under X. and so forward in like manner, as in the first; and thus may we number on this Table unto a Thousand Thousand. If we would express Ounces unto a Pound, we must place one calculus in the alveolus under the Figure, Θ, and so to 4. If we would set-down five ounces, we must place only One in the upper alveolus. If we would express 9. we must place One in the upper and 4 in the lower; if Ten, Two in the up∣per, but none in the lower; if Eleven, Two in the upper and One also in the Lower. But, one ounce more making the pound, the Pound must be ex∣pressed by One Calculus placed in the next lower alveolus under the Figure, I. If the Half-ounce, Quarter or Half-quarter [Semuncia, Sicilicus, or Semisicilicus] is to be expressed, the calculus is to be placed in the alveoli at the Right hand, accord∣ing to the figure adjoin'd to them. And having thus expressed the Table according to the best sense and use, that I can collect from it, it is con∣venient that I shew how far I agree with Pignorius his difficult explication, and in what I differ from it. He tells us then, that there are two examples of the ancient Abacus extant, one publish'd by the excellent Antiquarie, M. Velserus of Auspurg; and another, which he calls the Roman [and, the Ita∣lian] sometime in the custodie of the learned F. Ʋisinus, and mentioned by the two excellently learned Spaniards, P. Ciacconius, [in explicatione Inscriptionis Duillianae, & in libro de Nummis] and by Ant. Augustinus [Numism. Dial. 9.] He farther

tells us, that he publish'd this latter form of the Abacus, both because the former was not then at hand, and likewise because the Numeral Notes in this latter came nearer to the Ancient, and were more elegantly form'd; adding, Quod ut ut verum sit, illud utique certum est, publicè interesse, vulgari & hunc nostrum Italicum, ut insigne antiquitatis monumen∣tum, hac iteratâ editione, in oculos hominum incurrat, ut eruditorum manibus teratur. Now for his expli∣cation of this Table, I have before, in this Illu∣stration, recited his own words which may by parts be farther consider'd. For, whereas first he says, usus sanè is est, quem satis superque indicant cal∣culi ductiles & reductiles, capitati, undeviginti, ob∣longis alveolis inserti; the comma between undevi∣ginti and oblongis, must needs be struck-out, else it corrupts the whole passage: in which, as it is now pointed, undeviginti must relate to calculi, which word goes before; and so it would implie, that the whole number of the calculi used up∣on the Table, were but 19. whereas there are 44. expressed upon it: but taking away this comma, it must relate to alveolis, that follows; and be read, undeviginti oblongis alveolis inserti, clearly agreeing with the Table, in which the whole number of the alveoli is 19. Another part of his description he sets-down in these words, Alveoli unciarii extra ordinem sex calculos continent, quinque infra, unum supra, qui omnes XI colligunt, pro recepta unciae divisione in XII solennes partes; adding, that the other three alveoli towards the right hand ex∣press the chief parts of the Ounce. But what con∣gruitie there is in this expression, I confess, I ap∣prehend not. For whiles he says Alveoli unciarii, he seems to speak of the two alveoli, the one of which is above, the other below this figure Θ ex∣pressing the place of the whole Ounces; there be∣ing, besides this, no other place, on the Table, left for the Numbring of them. But why he calls them, extra ordinem, is not, as I suppose, for any extraordinary Local position of them, they being placed in the like manner, as the calculi librales, as I may term them; which follow towards the Left hand; but for their extraordinary or different manner of numbring; the other whole Numbers being reckon'd unto 9. but the Ounces being reck∣on'd to XI. Again, in the Numbring of these, why he should say of these alveoli, sex calculos continent, quinque infra, unum supra, qui omnes XI colligunt, and, pro receptâ Ʋncia divisione in XII solennes par∣tes, I perceive not. As I guess, in this Obscuri∣tie, at the sense and use of the Table, it might ra∣ther have been said, either Septem calculos conti∣nent, sex infra, unum supra [for, those, by the value of their places, would have made XI; the lower standing for six, the One in the upper place stand∣ing for 5.] but then the calculi had without neces∣sitie been increas'd to 46; Or rather, to avoid such inconvenience, it might have been said, Tres calculos continent, unum infra, duos supra, which by their places would have made XI. the lowermost standing for One, and the Two, in the uppermost, for Tenne; and then it should have been said, pro receptâ Librae divisione in XII sollennes partes, seu un∣cias. For, whereas by his description, this figure Θ and the two alveoli above and below it, express the Division [as he says] of the Ounce, it seems to me not to agree with what he himself says, whiles he adds presently after, that the other three alveoli toward the right hand contain the Parts [and so the Division] of the Ounce. This place there∣fore must express not the Division of the Ounce; but the Numeration of Ounces unto XI. inclusively, the addition of one more making the Libra con∣taining XII. Ounces, and expressed in the next place at the figure, I. According to which sense the Arithmetical operations will be fitly perform'd and orderly; The Parts [or division] of the Ounce as the first and least being expressed in the three alveoli to the Right hand; then the whole Ounces or Parts of the Pound being expressed in the next place toward the Left hand; and lastly the Libra in the last 7. places and figures toward the left hand also: without which contrivance, I see no place for the setting-down of the whole Ounces. And whereas Marcianus Capella (lib. 7.) cited by Pignorius, says, that in this Table Novenarius nume∣rus eminet, cujus ea laus est, ut primi versus finem te∣neat, that the number of 9. is eminent or upper∣most in the upper alveolus (for so, I suppose, he means by Versus, which anciently signified a line, order or row from the turning at the end of it to∣wards the next place, as here having numbred un∣to 9.) it is to be understood of the last 7. places of Numbers in the Table, that is, in the Numbring of whole pounds; it being not appliable to the rest; this of the Ounces containing a Numbring unto XI. and the three first containing ten parts and an half (or, 10/12 and 1/34 part) of the Ounce. Pignorius adds somewhat concerning the Calculi Ath∣letici, or the White stones given to the Conquerers among the Ancient Heathen, alluded-to Revel. 2.17. (in those words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) and touch'd by Aretas on that place, and more fully written of by the learned Faber in his Agonistic. lib. 2. cap. 9. and 33. but being not to the explication of this place, I omit; leaving my conjecture and en∣deavour in these obscurities to the judgment and ingenuity of the Reader.

3. —Or when the fresh spring does gentle showers, and the shee. Calends bring? Divers things are here said by the Interpreters, some of which being con∣fused, uncertain, or false, that they may be the more clearly discern'd, it will be convenient to set down this whole passage, which is this;

En cui tu viridem umbellam, cui succina mitt as Grandia, Natalis quoties redit, aut madidum ver Incipit, & strata positus longaque cathedra Muner a foemineis tractas secreta Calendis.

From which words, Naevolus having in the former express'd the baseness of Virro even towards the servants of his Lust, arises a double doubt: one concerning the Persons by whom, and to whom they are spoken; the other concerning the Time here in∣tended. For the first, Lubin expounds these words as spoken by Naevolus unto himself, but against Virro in derision; as if by way of expostulation with himself he should say, O Naevolus, is not this nig∣gardly wretch a trim creature, whom thou may'st complement with guifts at the usual time of the Womens Calends? En tibi formosulum illum—Virronem cui tanquam amicae mittas munera—festis Matronalibus! and thus by Tu understands Naevolus speaking to himself. But by this interpretation of this diffi∣cult passage (which some pass-by) there were no congruity in the word tractas, which follows: see∣ing that they cannot be applied to Naevolus bring∣ing or sending the presents, but to Virro, who de∣generately receives them, as is here said, after the solemn manner and Ceremonie of Women. Which last though Lubin rightly applies to Virro, yet in∣congruously by Tu understands Naevolus speaking to himself: Britannicus thinks that these words may be spoken either by Naevolus or the Poet unto Virro,

and instead of tractas thinks that it should be tractas, expounding it thus, Et ipse positus in cathedra tractas munera. But to attribute these words to the Poet, is without necessity or congruity; both the prece∣dent and subsequent words, and these as conveniently, being the continued speech of Naevolus to Virro: as like∣wise to read tractas is both unnecessary and incon∣gruous with the precedent Tu. Naevolus then speaks this, with indignation to Virro, as if he would make even Him judge of his words, and using the word Tu by way of comparison, should say, Loe, art not Thou (meaning, were not such a one as Thou, that art nigardly towards the instruments of thy plea∣sure, and by whom a man gains nothing) a trimme creature, to whom thou might'st send guists for∣sooth, such as at the she-Calends they send to wo∣men, (and such as thou thy self also dost unseem∣lily receive at the same times) a veil or bon-grace against the Sun, (which veil or shadow the Poet says was green, to express the person that wore it, to be affected to the Green faction or party of the Charioters; as Lipsius thinks. De Amphitheatro c. 18.) or send grandia succina (gemmata dextrocheria, brace∣lets, says the Scholiast, or as others) large bowls of Amber? Thus then briefly it is Naevolus that speaks, and in the continuance of the Speech does in the words Vos, Tu, and tractas intend Virro. For the second doubt, which concerns the Time, when these guists were usually sent, it is describ'd in those words —natalis quoties redit, aut madidum ver Incipit— and Foemineis Calendis: all which, as some think ex∣press but the same time; understanding by Natalis, natalis Veneris; which was, say they, at the begin∣ning of the Spring, on the Calends or First of March. Indeed Famineae Calendae were the first of March, as the Scholiast rightly notes; Calendis Martii quibus Junonis Sacra celebrantur a Romanis: quia & tum Ilia compressa est à Marie. Tum nam Matronalia sunt. But the same Scholiast on the words Madidum ver incipit, saith, Matronalibus scilicet, quae sunt Calendis Aprili∣but, quibus est natalis Veneris; which though they thwart the former, and so shew this last clause to be but a corrupt addition to the true copy of the Scholiast (though Autumnus alleadges this without taking notice of the error) yet they clearly make these two reasons different, and come one point nearer to the Roman Kalendar, in which indeed is a Feast appointed to be celebrated to Venus on the Calends of April. Besides, the Poet does not here say, natalis quoties redit & madidum ver incipit, but aut madidum ver, by way of distinction, as making them two several seasons. Not then the Birth-day of Venus seems here intended by natalis; but the Birth-day of the woman [here, Satyrically, of Virro] to whom guifts were then by custome sent: and so it is rightly understood by Britannicus, and after him by Lubin; but that Lubin does also place the birth-day of Venus on the Calends of March, though without alleadging any authority. Again, on the words —aut madidum ver, Lubin says, nam tempore veris, quod plerunque madidum est, Calenda Martiae sunt, and this he says truly and warily enough, that the Calends of March are in the Spring: but on the next word Incipit, he says, Nam principium veris incipiebat Calendis Martiis. Where (to pass by the casual im∣propriety in saying, Principium incipiebat, the Poet speaking exactly, ver incipit) he affirms the begin∣ning of the Spring to be on the first of March; which though I grant Juvenal here says speaking in the li∣berty and latitude of a Poet, yet Lubin should have spoken according to the Roman Calendar: in which this note, veris initium, is placed on the fift of the Ides (that is, the 9. day) of February. But with an equal license to our Author we will grant, that the beginning of the Spring, and the first of March de∣sign here the same Time and the Season of sending guists to women, and to be call'd Faemineae Calendae. Yet the reason of the name was not as some have thought, because the Calends of every month were sacred to Juno; though this was true, as Ovid sayes [Fast. lib. 1.] vendicat Aasonias Junonis cura Calendas; for which cause she was called by the Laurentes, Ca∣lendaris, as Macrobius says▪ But the Calends of March [which now we call St. Davids day] more particu∣larly were call'd Faemineae Calendae, being the day whereon anciently the Sabine Dames decided the Battle between their Parents and Husbands; and the time of their Feast called Matronalia; and the day whereon the more stately and dainty women did yearly sit at home in great Solemnity, longâ Ca∣thedrâ (the Scholiast renders it by scamnum; on a bench or form, or rather) in a high and large chair richly adorned, receiving guists of those that honour'd them which being proper to women, Naevo∣lus here imputes disgracefully to Virro, as his secret and degenerate practice. And here we may take notice that the Romans had by ancient custome o∣ther seasons also of sending guists besides on Birth-days and the womens Calends, namely New-years-day; and also the Saturnals, which were in Decem∣ber, and proper to Men; and from which Martial pleasantly calls the Calends of March the Womens Saturnals. For writing to one Galla, lib. 5. epig. 84. (though Autumnus by mistake cites these verses fol∣lowing, out of Horace his Carm. lib. 5.) he says,

Saturnalia transiere tota Nec munuscula parva, nec minora Misisti mihi Galla, quae solebas. Sane sic abeat meus December. Scis certe puto vestra jam venire Saturnalia Martias Calendas, Tunc reddam tibi Galla quod dedisti.

In English thus,

Our Saturnals are now quite gone; Yet guists from Galla see I none: She us'd to send some of small cost. Be thus then my December lost. E're long your Saturnals [a thing, I think, you know] March Calends bring. My thankful mind you shall not lack: What you have sent, I'le then send back.

And as for their New years-day we may take no∣tice, to prev•••••• the error of some, that it was on the Calends of January by Numa's appointment. In∣deed in Romulus his time the year began on the first of March, there being then but ten months, of which this was the first: but Numa adding January and February, appointed the first of these two for the first of the year. On which day for the custome of sending guists, Symmachus says, [lib. 10. epist. 28.] that it began almost as soon as Rome, by the autho∣rity of King Tatius, qui verbenas felicis arboris ex luco streniae, anni novi auspices, primus accepit. Of which felix arbor, see Festus; Pliny lib. 16. cap. 26. and Ma∣crobius his Saturnals, lib. 2. cap. 16. who shews out of Veranius and Tarquinius Priscus, that according to the Roman Theology, some Trees were counted lucky, as the Oak, the Hasle, the Apple-tree, the Pear-tree, the Vine, and others; some unlucky, which were in the protection of the Dii Inferi, as the San∣guen-tree, of which they made rods for Parricides, as is noted Sat. 8. Illust. 21. Thorn also, Fearn, and others there mentioned. Some derive strena from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Luxus; implying the wish of them that gave

it; to wit, that they to whom they gave it, might the rather live plentifully, and in delight. St. Austin. de Civit. Dei, lib. 4. cap. 11. and cap. 16. mentions strenua, [or strena, as some] a Goddess, quae faceret strenuum; the Goddess of Industry, as Vives notes on the last cited chapter of St. Austin. Marcellus Donatus on Suetons Tiberius, cap. 34. shews that Augustus and Tiberius were far from Covetousness in the receipt of New-years-guifts, but that Caligula was basely impudent, he himself using to stand ready, whiles all sort of persons brought their guifts to him; as particularly Sueton relat••••, in his Caligula, cap. 42. At this season they had anciently feasts and dancing and filthy Songs, as Antonius Augustinus shews, lib. poster. de Emendat. Gratiani. Dialog. 1. Sueton calls this, strenarum commercium; for the mutual sending of guifts. [In Tiberio, cap. 34.] Diverse of the Fathers of the Christian Church and also Councels have dis∣liked the Custome of sending New-years-guifts; as particularly Tertullian. lib. de Idololatria. And St. Jerom [apud Gratianum can. 5.37. d.] complains that what anciently the Virgin or Widow, or the poor gave to the Corband [the holy Treasury] was now bestow'd up∣on a New-years-guift, aut sportulam Saturna∣litiam; as Laurentias Pignorius notes in his Symbol. Epist. 47. By all which we may dis∣cern the condition of this Custome anci∣ently; that it was infected with superstition, covetousness, impurity, flattery and super∣fluity: amongst Christians it is to be hoped, that it is purified into a renewing testimony of Love or Thanks. These many customes then being thus taken notice of without varying from the letter of my Au∣thor, more then for the enlightning of his sense, I render the whole passage thus, as the scoff of Naevolus to Virro, Loe, mayst not Thou fitly to such a friend Large Amber-bowls and a green Shadow send Ʋpon her Birth-day, or when the fresh Spring Does gentle showers and She-Calends bring? Nay, when to Thee plac'd in a starely Chair, Virro, some thus with secret guifts repair? Wherein it is not properly intended that Virro should be praised as fair, or a she-friend, being rather foul, yet execrably effeminate: and therefore when I render it, upon Her Birth-day, it is but to continue the Sa∣tyrical expression, meaning his Birth-day; which was to be spoken covertly, that the intimation might be, not unlike his practice, da••••.

4. —To some slack Priest of Cybel, that can only drum? Tympana pulsantis legatum fiet amici? Naevolus continuing his Speech to Virro, says unto him, Thou lustful Sparrow; who art nevertheless so niggardly; for whom dost thou keep such vast possessions, and so many Kites tir'd within the circuit of them? The fruitful Trifoline field in Campania, the huge pro∣montory over Cumae, looking as if it would fall upon the City, as likewise the Gauran hill full of Caverns, provide Thee wine, which thou pitchest up (of which custome see, Sat. 5. Illust. 6.) Now were it such a matter for thee to bestow upon me, after all my service, one of thy Country-farms and thy wo∣man servant, which looks to thy house there, with her child and the dog his play-fellow, for a releif to my old age? Or wilt thou rather bequeath these to one of Cybels leud Priests, that vainly drum? In which last passage (to reject the incongruous ex∣position of rusticus infans made by the Scholiast and Britannicus) some read not tympana, but cymbala, as Pithaeus his copy and the Scholiaft have it. But Bri∣tannicus on that of the eight Satyre (vers. 176) Er resupinati cessantia tympana galli, makes both kinds, the Cymbal and the Drum to have been by custome used by the Priests of Cybel; and that rightly. The Indians likewise used them both, when they went to War, being taught so by Bacchus, as Tiraquel thinks; see him on Alex. ab Alex. lib. 4. cap. 2. The last kind of which instruments, the Cymbal (which was of Brass) has its name from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, cavus recessus; from the hollow form of it; and so Lucretius lib. 2. expresses it; Tympana tenta tonant palmis, & cymbala circum Concava —. To which agrees that of Turnebus in his Adversar. lib. 26. cap. 33. where, out of Scri∣bonius Largus, he describes the Cymbal to be like the leaves of the herb Cotyledon (penny-wort, as some; as others Venus Navel) the form of whose leaf is hollow like a Cup. Pignorius, de Servis, pag. 91. thus presents it, *

[illustration] depiction of three forms of cymbal

Juv. Sat: IX Illust. 4.

and from Amalarius Fortunatus, lib. 3. cap. 3. in these words, cymbala invicem tan∣guntur ut sonent: ideo, à quibusdam, labiis comparata sunt. In which expression we see that some had handles; which things I lay together, because some describe them as if they were to be play'd on, or struck with a. radius or rod of metal; for so speaks the Scholiast here, Archigalli cymbala percutientis; which is not a just expression of the striking of one against the other; but according to Amalarius his description, he might rather have said, concutientis. More agreeable is that of Ausonius, Ep. 2. Cymbala dant flictu sonitum; and that of Virgil with a little difference (Georg. lib. 4. ver. 64) matris quate cym∣bala circum. Which descriptions I the rather alleage, because if anciently the Musick on the Cymbal were only by hitting the two parts of it together, and that their handles did in their use imploy both hands, cymbala pulsantis here offer'd by some copies, were peradventure a less proper expression, and so not the Right Reading; and the ordinary copies, which I choose to follow, have here tympana pulsan∣tis. The reason of the different sounds of Drums and Cymbals is expressed by Seneca, Natural. Quast. lib. 2. cap. 29. in these words, Ita tympana & Cymbala so∣nant,

quiailla repugnantem ex ulteriore parte spiritum pulsant, haec ad ipsum aërem acta, nisi concavo non tin∣niunt. And here we may note, that some make the difference between Loud [or as some render it, the well-sounding] cymbals, and the high sounding cym∣bals mentioned, Psalm. 105. v. 5. to be this, that the first were composed according to Musical Art; the other were those, which, if struck, retain'd the sound longer (si diutius tunsa sonum retineant) as Mer∣sennus notes on Genes. cap. 4. q. 56. col. 1520. (out of Turnebus). We may only add, that the Cory∣bants, the Priests of Cybel the Phrygian Goddess were call'd Galli (as it is commonly deliver'd, and shew'd by Britannicus on Sat. 8. v. 176. on those words tympana Galli) from the river Gallus in Phrygia, whose waters are said to have made those mad, that drank of them. These Priests are mention'd also by Varro [apud Nonium, in Castum] in these words, Nam quae venustas hic adest Gallantibus. Quae casta ve∣stis? On which words says Dempster on Rosinus, lib. 2. cap. 4. Gallantes sunt insani, à Gallis matris Deûm: from which Galli the word Gallant is most probably for the like sense derived into ours and other languages, though by use improved to a better acception.

5.

Improbus es cum poseis, ait. Sed pensio clamar Posce: Sed appellat puer unicus, ut Polyphemi Lata acies, per quam sollers evasit Ʋlysses.

This passage which I have here set-down, does in the exposition of the latter part of it, much di∣sturbe the Interpreters, the ordinary exposition, according to Britannicus, being this; Virro tells Naevolus that he is a bold begger; but he replies, that h•••• rent which he is to pay, and such other ex∣pences (call'd here pensio, because they anciently weigh'd their mony) calls upon him, or urges him to such bold importunitie: nor only such expen∣ces, but also his one servant. For, he has but one servant, as Polyphemus had but One eie, a broad one, by which subtle Ʋlysses scap'd; and therefore adds, Alier emendus erit, &c. he must needs provide himself another, and both of them must be fed and cloath'd. In which speech, the comparing of his One servant to Polyphemus his One eie, seems to many but affected, if not very absur'd and sortish; and likewise to say, that he scap'd by his eie. Lubin therefore, who thinks thus of this passage, labours to salve it by these two ways; First, by making the sense to be this; That as one eie did not serve Polyphemus his turn, but that by the loss of that only, having not another to help, he was quite blind; so he having but one servant, had need of another to supplie the possible loss of him which he had, so to prevent the misery, into which he might otherwise fall: Secondly by saying, that the Poet purposely here makes Naevolus speak thus sot∣tishly, that he might shew him to be not only cor∣rupted desperately in his Moralls, but as much pe∣rish'd in his Intellectuals. The learned Rigaltius (de Satyra Juvenalis) says on this passage, dixit —adeo latam fuisse illius oculi aciem, ut per eam Ʋlys∣ses evaserit: whereby, it seems, he means that Nae∣volus says, Polyphemus his eie was so broad, that Ʋlysses scap'd through it, as through a passage. For he makes the breadth of the eie the means of the escape: and then wittily thinks, that the Poet here flouts at Virgil's wild hyperbole (Aeneid. 3.) in his description of Polyphemus his eie; which he there says was Argolici clypei &c Phaebaeae lampadis instar, large as an Argolick shield, nay, as the Sun. In∣deed Juvenal flours so at Homer's hyperbole, in mak∣ing Mars crie as loud as ten thousand men: for if by That, he intended to express him to be a God, why did he in another place make him a frail man; as when wounded by Diomades? But the learned Heinsius (de Satyrâ Horatiana. p. 106. and 107.) having diligently shew'd against the Interpreters, that unicus ought here to signifie as much as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, his dear, only or beloved servant, presses this passage as an absur'd, nay an intolerable expression, upon our Author. For, who says he would say, that Ʋlysses scaped per Cyclopis oculum? especially when his eie was put-out, and that his blindness was the occasion of the escape? yet to speak in an in∣genuous libertie, though it be granted, that unicus is to be allow'd that sense, which he proves it to be used in; yet I likewise think that in this place it ought also to signifie in that sense, in which the Interpreters here take it, both his belov'd servant and his one servant; but literally and chiefly this: as is manifest by the word alter which follows, and answers to it. Alter emendus erit, supposing unus (though in the word unicus) spoken of before. And for the other exceptions, I think them to be very acute and rigorous: for, to confine a Poet to a Logical, exactness of expression, is to take away not only Poëtical Licence, but also Libertie. Nay, even Logick it self, the severe Art of Reason per∣mits aequivocal expressions, and so an eie, though put-out, to be term'd an eie. Besides, may it not relish of a Satyrical jeere, to call that an eie, which but lately had its sight, and was by a subtilty so soon depriv'd of it? But what if in a conjectural libertie, per be in this place taken as in that pas∣sage of Persius, Per me sint omnia protenus alba? that is, me permittente or non obstante, and so per quam interpreted by quâ tamen lata acie non impediente (intimating the scoffe, that it was put-out) sol∣lers evasit Ʋlysses? The drift of the speech, though not in express terms, yet implied in the sense, will be in the comparison of lata and sollers: the meaning being, that though his One, his only and dear eie were very great, yet Ʋlysses his wit was as great, yea greater, that could notwithstand∣ing, or for all that, escape so broad an instrument of circumspection. For the word improbus I take it here to signifie not dishonest (though that were true applied to Naevolus) but as in that saying, la∣bor improbus omnia vincit; where it signifies not wick∣ed labour, but persevering, importunate, that will prevail.

6. —Now receive any Legacie; Sweet windfals too—. Legatum omne capis, nec non & dulce cadu∣cum—. Naevolus here upbraiding Virro with the ma∣ny services, which he had done for him, [to silence the impurities of this passage] says, that he recon∣cil'd his wife unto him, when according to the Ro∣man libertie of divorce, she had broken the marri∣age-bonds, and was scaling new, making some other heir to the estate she had. Secondly he says, that Virro, as a Father, was upon the publick Re∣cords; according to that Custome mention'd by Capitolinus [in vitâ Marci Aurelii Philosop —apud praefectos aerarii in Aede Saturni unumquemque civium natos profiteri, intra diem tertium nomine imposito, &c. as Marcellus Donatus notes on Sueton's Tiberius, cap. 5. But Ph. Rubenius in his Elect. lib. 1. cap. 5. for ter∣tium reads tricesimum [in Capitolinus] for so, says he, it seems that Marcus Aurelius Antoninus chang'd the ancient custome. So the Father was to give notice of the birth of his child, and the child re∣ceiv'd his name within thirty days after the birth. For before this Emperor's time, the dies lustricus [for the purifying of the infant, and for imposing

of the Name] was the ninth for the Male, the eight for the Famale; as appears from Tertullian, de Ido∣lolatria; Macrobius. 1. Saturn. 16. and likewise from Festus in voce, Lustrici Dies; for the causes of which custome see Plutarch•• in Quaestion. Rom. quaest. 102. The suppos'd Goddess for this day was call'd Nun∣dina, and the day it self, Nominalia. Till the 7th. day was past, they held that the child was in dan∣ger. But Torrentius on Sueton observes our of Sui∣dus, that names were not impos'd till the tenth day. But that was properly the Gracian, more particu∣larly the Athenian, custome, as Rubenius notes from the Scholiast upon Aristophanes de Avibus, and from Euripides in Electra. Thirdly to proceed the Poet bids Virro adorn his door, according to the custome and joy of childbirth, with garlands. Fourthly he recites his priviledges, as of a Father; for whereas in the estates of those that were married, but died childless, the tenth part of that which the one be∣queath'd unto the other, did by the Papian Law fall to the Exchequer; Virro was capable of the whole legacie; omne being here taken for integram; which in the Law they call'd Solidum; as Jacobus Nico∣laus Loensis notes in his Miscell. Epiphyll. lib. 9. cap. 9. whereas also diverse Testaments ran condicionally, as that such things should descend (or fall) to such a one, if he had children, Virro was capable of such caduca, such fallings, or as the use and metaphore in our language allows it, such wind-falls: which because unexpected, and so more grateful, makes Navolus say, Dulce caducum. Lastly he adds his Be∣nefit in Hope, that if he should have three children, then he should have many more priviledges, as freedome from the trouble of being a Guardian, priority in bearing offices, and a treble proportion of corn. Concerning Caduca, see the Code. lib. 6. Tit. 50. and of the jus trium liberorum, see the Code. lib. 8. Tit. 59. and Gothofreds notes on it; and that it priviledged from Guardianship, see Institut. lib. 1. Tit. 25. De excusationibus Tutorum & Curatorum; where the first excuse is polypaedia; as the argument of the Title shews. And more particularly con∣cerning Jus trium liberorum may be observ'd, first that the priviledge was not granted to any, unless the Parents dwelt in Rome: but if they dwelt in any other part of Italie, they were to have five children; and if in the Roman Provinces, Seven; otherwise, they injoy'd not the priviledge: Se∣condly, that contrarie to this ancient strictness, the Right was by some of the Emperors granted to some (as Britannicus here notes) not only that had not three children, but that had neither wife nor child.

7. The rich ones nere count poison a dear grain. His opibus nunquam cara est annona veneni. Naevolus here shews, that such as leudly use the smoothing Pumice-stone, are as monstrous in their Revenge, as in their lust; and withall, that being rich, they never count poison (the instrument of their re∣venge) dear, by the Poet call'd here annona ve∣neni: or, annona being the yearly provision of a family, we may render it, They never count the provision, or yearly provision of poison, dear: as if he would implie their leud care in providing yearly poison for their wicked purposes, as other men did Corn, or other necessaries, for their families. Wherefore he desires Juvenal not to discover, what he has discover'd to him; but to be as secret, as the Athenian Court of the Areopagites, wherein the Judges gave their suffrages by night and in silence, by Characters, The place where the Court was kept, was call'd Areopagus, or Mars-hill; because Mars being ac∣cused of a Murder by Neptune, was there by six of the twelve Gods, by whom he was tried, acquit∣ted; as the Fable assures us.

8. —At the Cock's second Crow. Quod tamen ad cantum galli facit ille secundi. The Poet here earn∣estly flouts at Naevolus, as at a rude and ignorant Corydon (like Him in Virgil) who fondly thinks, that a Great Man's crimes can be conceal'd: no, says he; what he does in the dark, in the night, ad cantum galli secundi, is made known before day by his own servants. Where, by ad cantum galli secundi, he means ad secundū cantū galli, as Britannicus expounds it; or as Lubin, ubi gallus secundo canere incipit. Which exposition, though it be very short, is ve∣ry necessary: for, the cock naturally crowing at several seasons of the night, and at every season one answering another, it must not be undestood of the crowing of the second cock, which is quickly after the first, and so in effect at the same season. But concerning the second Cock-crowing, or season here intended, Lubin expounds it, by adding to what he said before, sub medium noctem. The other In∣terpreters express it not at all; and he but ill; it containing more difficulty, then he took notice of, if examin'd. The Romans then who began their natural day. (of 24. hours) at Midnight, did thus name and distinguish the first parts of it; The first of all was call'd Media nox (which was indeed principium & postremum diet Romani, as Cersorinus calls it); the second, De medi••••nocte; the third, Gallicinium (when the Cocks began to Crow); the fourth, Contici∣nium (when they ceas'd); the fist, ante lucem; the fixt, diluculum (for this must be distinguish'd from the former, as it is by Censorinus in these words, tune ante••lucem: & sic Diluculum, cum sole nondum or to jam lucet) when it was light, but the Sun not ri∣sen; the seventh, Mane, when the Sun was up; as Censorinus (de Die Narali. cap. ult.) reckons them up; for, I need nor recite more for the discussing of this point. But by this little it presently ap∣pears (against Lubin) that the Roman Gallicinium was nor the same season with media nox; no, nor the next after it. Besides, by the Roman reck'ning it self how can we know what time is spoken of there being in it but one Cock-crowing in all mention'd, and by Censorinus call'd Gallicinium; (the Contici∣nium being the season when they ceas'd) but Ju∣venal mentions different seasons of the Cock-crow∣ing. Wherefore this difficulty may be examin'd by a more absolute way; not that of the Romans, but of Nature: which teaches us, that the Cocks naturally crow at three especial seasons in the night; as they are distinguish'd and pointed-out unto us, by our English Varro (for Rural knowledge) our Authenck Tusser in his Poetical Husbandry (p. 123. in his note of Cock-crowing where he thus delivers it,

Cock croweth at Midnight, times few above six, With pause to his fellow to answer betwixt; At three a clock thicker, and then as you know, Like all into Mattins, nere day they do crow. At Midnight, at three, and an hour yer day They utter their language, as well as they may.

By which natural way of trial, the first season of the Cock-crowing being at Midnight, and the third an hour before day, the second must be at Three in the Morning, the season here intended, sutable to Juvenal's expression, admitting a supposal of suffi∣cient time between Virro's fact and his servants dis∣covery. A like expression of this season is that in St. Mark (Chap. 14. v. 13.) before the Cock crow twise; a speech without the ambiguity of the Roman Galli∣cinium, and according to Nature.

9. What fe're his Scribe & Cheif-Cooks faign, His Carvers too. Et quae sinxerunt pariter Librarius, Ar∣chimagiri, Carptores. In the exposition of the servants, which discover their Lord's guilt, there is some difficulty; Librarius not only signifying one that weighs-out the task to under-servants in great fa∣milies, in the nature of an overseer, but also a Scribe, or amanuensis, imploy'd in his Lords Library: both which senses Lubin notes, but leaves us at ran∣dome for our choice. Britannicus more definitively takes it in the latter sense, for a Scribe; and so in this place I choose to rake it: though, I grant, that in Sat. 6. I take Libraria in the first sense, for a woman-servant, that weigh'd out and oversaw others work. For though there were shee-Scribes also, as I shew, Sat. 6. Illustrat. 53. yet there the person spoken-of had relation to a Woman, a Lady more imploy'd in housewifery, then in study: but here it being the ex∣pression of a servant to wealthy Virro, it seems more convenient to render it in the latter sense. So like∣wise Carptores signifies carvers; but also, as Lubin says, carminatores. i. e. carptores lanarum carders of wooll. But it seems somewhat incongruous to take it here for such work-folks, if we consider the more proud con∣dition of wealthy Virro's familie. But for the inward conditions of Virro's servants the Poet says, that they were more eager to discover secrets, even of their Lord, then to drink wine, nay though stolne wine (which seems sweetest) and though as Much, as Lau∣fella, (or, as some copies have it, Saufeia) did use to drink, pro populo faciens, when shee sacrificed to Bona Dea for the safety of the people: at which Rites ce∣lebrated in the house of the summus pontifex the wo∣men did familiarly drink themselves drunk; as the Poet in his 6. Satyre shews with just indignation.

10. Amidst Cups, Flou'rs, Ointments & Lovers toys. —Dum bibimus, dum serta, unguenta, puellas poscimus.— The luxury of the Ancients was marvailous in their manner and excess of drinking; as is often implied both in this and other Authors: the use being Then to adorn their heads with chaplets of flowers, to anoint themselves with fragant ointments, and so sit and frolick it at the wine. Which use of such flou∣ry crowns some think to have come from the He∣brews; and conjecture so from Ezechiel, chap. 23. where Samaria and Jerusalem are describ'd under the metaphore of whores; incense and oil are mentioned, v. 41; and so it is said, v. 42. that their lovers put beau∣tiful ointments upon their heads; which Fortunatus Schacchus in his Myrothecium, l. 1. c. 26. understands in this sense. Who also in the same book, cap. 20. makes a difference (though neitheir receiv'd nor acknow∣ledg'd) between Ʋnguentarius and ungentarius; this being (according to him) he that composes the oint∣ments, the Other he that sells them: and shews that the composers were men of better qualitie, then the Other; which last though we may admit, yet the di∣stinction of the names remains to be prov'd. But for the ointments themselves, we may know, that the excess of them anciently was marvailous, even to Curiositie: for as Abaenaus shews, l. 15. c. 11. out of an old Poet, to the accurate anointing of a man, they us'd variety of ointments; namely, Aegyptian for the feet and thighs; Phaenician for the cheeks and Breast; Sisymbrian for the Arms; Amaracine, for the eie-brow and hair; and Serpylline for the neck and knees. But above all we may here take notice of one kind of Oil among the Ancients of singular excellency, cal∣led Oleum-Susinum, made of Lillies, but more particu∣larly of that sort, which was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and to which, it seems, is that allusion, Cant. 5.13. where the Church says of Christ, His lips like Lillies: which might seem a strange comparison in the common ap∣prehension, if any should there understand the white lillie, the beauty of the lip consisting rathes in red; according to which clear congruity Our Saviour describes his spouse the Church, Cant. 4.3. saying, Thy lips are like a thread of searlet; which was most proper and comely. Wherefore we must take no∣tice, that there were diverse sorts of Lillies; of which that which is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was of areddish colour, as Pliny describes it, l. 21. c. 5. Est & rubens lilium, quod Graeci 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉vocant: and this, as Athenaus says, l 12. c. 2. was the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (called so as is conjectur'd, from the Hebrew, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lilium) of which was made that admirable cleum susinum, mention'd by Pli∣ny, l. 13. c. 1. And this is that, as Schacchus thinks (in the fore-cited book, c. 27.) which the Prophet calls, the Oil of Gladness, he had better have call'd it the figure of This, and which signifies, as he says, the high grace of the hypostatical union. I may only note by the way, that this Oil is not mention'd by the learn∣ed Cordus in his Dispensatorium, though he describes Oleum Lilinum (p. 301.) but his is the Oil only of the white Lilly.

11. They, they, that with one singer scratch their head. Qui digito scalpunt caput uno—. The Poet here in the description of the Roman Leud-Ones, makes this a part of his expression, that they scratch the head with one finger, meaning thereby persons filthily effeminate: because, says the Scholiast, they behave themselves like women, who in the ordering of their hair, scratch their head with one finger, to prevent the disturbing of it. But with more probability Bri∣tannicus and other Interpreters generally take it for an allusion to a most known jere express'd in a peice of a verst, by Calvus a Poet, written upon Pompey; who in his time was noted for such a leud one, and likewise for scratching his head in an affected man∣ner with one finger; and so he was taxed by Clodius, as Plutarch relates in his Pompey, and Ammianus Mar∣cellinus in his 17. book. And here the Poet by way of Ironie, bids Naevolus not despair of thriving yet, say∣ing to him, —altera major Spes superest—, that there may yet be hope of new gain, seeing that for ever there will be new sinners; and therefore bids him only to eat enough Rocket, an herb in the Roman Climate anciently in great request, as may appear by Columella, who tells us, that they did use to sow it near their Garden-God. It was an impure diligence, that took care for their lust.

12. —But O My-small House-Gods on whom with Some incense I call, or with a cake and garland—. O parvi nostrique Lares, quos thure minuto, aut farre — tenui soleo exorare coronâ. The Scholiast here on the last words exorare corona, says, id est, coronatus floribus precari: but the construction in the Poet yields it not; and the things he uses are to be applied not to the Sacrificer, but to the Lares; and therefore the chaplet or Garland of Flowers, did as well as the frank-incense and cake, concern Them. So does our Poet himself also express it, Sat. 12. in those words (which I marvail the Interpreters did not here al∣leadge, seing that they so much illustrate this pas∣sage concerning the sacrifice to the Lares.)

Inde domum repetam, graciles ubi parva coronas Accipiunt frugili simulachra nitentia cera. Hic nostrum placabo Jovem, Laribusque paternis Thura dabo, at que omnes violae jactabo colores.

On which passage Britannicus shews, that the Lares were adorn'd with chaplets of flowers; and more particularly out of Pliny (lib. 21.) that when in winter there were no flowers, they supplied the defect by making coronets exramento è cornibustincto,

of the shavings of horn died with colouring (such as are sometimes now-a-days used for the dressing of windows) and these, as he says, were called winter-chaplets and therefore by the Poet, as he thinks, graciles coronas. But this his last guess I think nor to be right, because they were there us∣ed by Juvenal for his friends escape from a thunder∣storme at Sea, and so most probably in Summer, both in respect of the thunder and the Season of sail∣ing; and therefore very flowers might then have been had: wherefore I think they might there be call'd graciles coronae, in the like sense, as there also he says, simulachra parva Some copies have here, soleo exornare corona; which though, I grant, it aptly agrees with corona, yet it does not so agree with thure and farre: unless we should take Lares in part of the construction plainly, and in part figuratively, which were too harsh, if not absur'd. For, adornare Lares corona, must signifie the Lares properly, that is, themselves, or statues; but adornare Lares thure and farre, must not fignifie properly, the Lares them∣selves, but figuratively, that is, their Altars. Where∣fore I retain the more receiv'd Reading, exorare, as better agreeing to all the things here mention'd, and used by his Devotion. And here we may observe concerning the Lares themselves, that according to the doctrine of the Heathen (particularly of Pla∣to) they were taken to be the Souls of their prede∣cessors, who at the first were usually buried in their houses, and so there worshipp'd. But they were thought to be the Souls only of such as lived well, with a worthy providence for their posteritie: but on the contrary those that lived ill, were thought to wander after death in a wretched banishment, and that they were the Goblings, which frightned People; and these were call'd Lemures and Larvae; as Tiraquel on Alex. ab Alex. in his Genial. Dier. lib. 6. cap. 4. shews out of Apuleius and Others. Lastly, whereas the Poet here elegantly says, O parvi nostri∣que Lares, making His and Small (or, poor) to be all one, I knew not how more concisely and effectu∣ally to render it, then by an apposition, My-small; that as they concerned but one thing, so they might be express'd by One word.

13. Quando ego figam aliquid, quo sit mibi tuta sene∣nectus A tegete & baculo? Some Copies have here (as Pithaeus notes in his Var. Lection. on this place) Quando ego fiam aliquid, quo sit, &c. When shall I be∣come some body, or be made of some moment, that I may be secure in my old age? But the most and the best Copies have figam; by reason of the ambi∣guity of which word, there are two expositions of this place The one according to the use of the word, according to which it signifies as much as constitu∣am, or componam, to get, or settle; and then the sense would be, When shall I get some sure stay, to shield me in my old age from uncomfortable beggery? The other is according to the use of the word, whereby it signifies to six, and so implies a relation to an anci∣ent custome of fixing their vowes with wax to the knees of the Gods, which the Poet in the 10th. Sa∣tyre calls, genua incerare Deorum; and then the sense will be, when shall I so fasten a vow to the knees of the Gods, that I may obtain in my old age Plenty and conveniency? And thus Rutgersius (Var. Le∣ction. lib. 5. cap. 5.) expounds these words, Quan∣do ego figam aliquid, &c. & then adds, quem locum vul∣go tidiculè explicant. Yet this exposition which he gives, is before set-down by the learned Scholi∣ast, who on the words figam aliquid, says, Constituam, Componam, aut cerre quià in ceris vota figuntur apud templa: aut habeam ubi maneam, aut supra quod in∣cumbam senex. Wherein though he proposes both opinions, and mentions the other both first and last, yet he mentions this with a certè so that though he implies some doubt in his judgment, yet he in∣timates his inclination to be more towards this, which includes the custome. And to this exposition, I confess, I incline, not that I think because figam may so signifie, therefore it must: but (to express mine own reason) because all that which follows will better agree with figam taken in this sense, then in the other. For Naevolus making here this figam aliquid quo sit &c. the cause of the many and great benefits which he desires, should then pray some∣what incongruously: for if figam aliquid signified but some small stay (as in that sense it must) it could not though he obtain'd it, afford him those parcels of plenty, which he mentions, as the conse∣quence of this desire obtain'd. But if by figam ali∣quid we understand a vow; we then must grant, that all the plenty which follows here, may safely and properly flow from it. For this reason (which I leave to the judgment of the Reader) I choose the latter exposition, and accordingly render it,

—When some Vow Shall I so six, that old I may know how To scape a Crutch and cabbin?—

14. —Nay, that I may twenty thousand have for use—. —Viginti millia foenus; that is (by an appo∣sition) that I may have Ʋse, Twenty thousand, or twenty thousand for use. But here it is necessary to observe the construction; the many parcels of Nae∣volus his desire depending upon the first words, Quando ego figam aliquid. When, says he, shall I so happily six a vow, Quo sit mihi tuta senectus, &c. Which quo sit must in effect (because only with the allowance of a little Grammatical variety) be often repeated; as [quo sint mi viginti millia foenus; and [quo sint mi argenti vascula puri; and duo for∣tes, &c. and [quo] sit mihi-calator & alter Qui-cito pingat: for, thus he discontentedly asks, when he shall be so happy by fixing a vow, as [therby] to be able not only to escape starke beggery, but also to attain some good sufficiency. For when he has ex∣pressed these his desires, he confesses that these things would serve his turn; especially seeing it is His Lot (as he repiningly speaks] to be always but poor. Yet again he condemns this his desire, confessing it to be but votum mise∣rabile, a vain desire [or to be pittied) and therefore that it is but a folly to entertain the hope and expectation but of this much. For, says he, when I pray to Fortune, she stops her ears with some of the wax, with which Ʋlysses (taught so by Circe) stopped the ears of his Ma∣riners (he himself by his own appointment being bound fast to the mast of his ship) whiles they pass-by the Sirens, which dwelt nere Sicily, that so they might not be enchanted with their alluring songs, as it is in Homer. Odyss. 12. So that when as some point part of this passage thus, Sufficiunt haec. Quando ego pauper ero? It will yield no congruous sense: wherefore it may better thus be pointed, Sufficiunt haec; Quando ego pauper ero. Votum misera∣bile, nec spes His saltem—. Thus taking quando for quoniam (as some do) seeing that I must be poor. The construction of which place being thus observ∣ed, we may take notice of the Ʋse here mentioned, Viginti millia, that is, Sestertiorum, as it comes from Sestertius, and so is the same with viginti sestertia; which make (multiplying 7l. 16s. 3d. by 20.) 156l. 5s. the summe, which this leud and foolish Naevolus does here wish for the Monthly Interest of

Mony; the Ancients renting it out not by the year, but by the Month, according to that of Horace, E∣pod. Od. 2. Omnem relegit Idibus pecuniam, Quarit Calen∣dis ponere. See Gothofred on the Code. lib. 4. Tit. 32.

15. —Besides such Plate, that Fabricius might judge it Too much. —Argenti vascula puri, Sed quae Fabricius Censor notet—: The story here intimated is, that Cajus Fabricius being Censor adjudged Corne∣lius Ruffinus a Senator, who had been twice Consul, unworthy of the place of a Serator, because he had gotten silver vessels, which weigh'd ten pounds a peice, and so were in value 31l. a peice; esteeming this as a notorious example of luxury. And here we may take notice, that though the most, particularly Gellius [lib. 6. cap. 5.] likewise Marcellus Donatus on Sueton's Nero, cap. 44. and Budaus on the Pandects, expound argentum purum by defaecatum, purified sil∣ver; yet Franciscus Luisinus [in his Parergus. lib. 1. cap. 26.] shews out of Tully [Act. 6. in Verrem] that argentum purum is oppos'd to caelatum. So likewise Festus takes it, for plain plate, without any ••m∣blems or work, and therefore without addition I ren∣der it, Plate; which the reader may only take no∣tice of [both here and Sat. 10. v. 19. where these words, argenti vascula puri are repeated) as of a more refin'd exposition.

16. And two strong Maesians, whose hir'd necks might grace me To the loud Circus, and there safe∣ly place me.

— Et duo fortes De grege Maesorum, qui me cervice locata Securum jubeant clamoso insistere Circo?

Naevolus in reckoning-up the parts of his desire, mentions slaves from Maesia, which as Pliny des∣cribes it (lib 3.) runs along the Danubius unto Pontus•• Euxinus from which country came strong slaves, which were accordingly imployed as por∣ters. A couple of such, Naevolus wishes for, who, as he says might carry him to the Circus. Upon their shoulders, in lecticâ says the Scholiast; but Britanni∣cus reprehends him: because the lectica requir'd six or sometimes eight to carry it, being thence call'd Hexaphorum and Octophorum. See Sat. 3. Illu∣strat. 37. Here then we may understand the sella or chair, which a Couple might carry. But whereas Lubin on the words —Et duo fortes—Qui me cervice locata, &c. expounds locata by sub me locata, vel ac∣commodata; I rather think it should be expounded by elocata, meaning their hir'd necks; or, which he could buy for his mony; were he but as rich, as he wishes to be: in which his desire and the em∣ployment of it, if fulfill'd, the Poet jeers at the rich and poor in doting on the pleasures of the Circus.

17. —And a speedy Painter—.—Et alter Qui mul∣tas facies pingat cito—. Pithaeus in his Var. Lection. on this place says, that the best copie which he used, had here Qui multa facies—, not multas; and there∣fore says, that one may supect it should be maltha; and so, says he, Scaliger thought. Whereby, it seems, that here should be understood, the matter or co∣louring which Painters used. But if we consider the Ingredients of it, as it is commonly describ'd, which were as is shew'd (Sat. 5. Illustrat. 6.) a kind of lime morter, sand, water, pitch and wax; we may probably suspect, that they would be loath to have their Conjecture thought to be as unseemly.

SATYRE. X.

ARGUMENT.

Loe here mens Prayers turn'd to Curse, The most being always vain, or worse! Some Wealth desire, by which they are. But the more fill'd with Vice or Care. Some on the Gods for Honour call: Though thus they but Renown their Fall. One has sought Eloquence, and sped: Yet has the Tongue, chopp'd off the Head. By War another would win Fame: Much some have won, and won more shame. Some desire Length of Life, though vain; But length of Torments too they Gain. Some Beauty wish, on which oft wait Sweet Admiration, and sow'r Fate! Loe, the wrong Prayers of Men too blind! To Pray Right, Pray for a Right Mind.

IN all the World, which between Cadiz lies And Eastern Ganges, few there are so wise To know true Good from feign'd without all mist Of Error. For, by Reasons Rule what is't We fear or wish? what is't (1) we e're begun With foot so right, but we dislik'd it done? Whole houses th' Easie Gods have overthrown At their fond Pray'rs, that did the Houses own. VVhat hurts in Peace, in VVar what hurts we crave: By flood of Speech, by Eloquence some have Procur'd their Ruine. One was spoil'd at length By trusting to his wondrous Armes tried strength. But more are choak'd by Gold with too much speed And care stor'd up, which does as much exceed All Patrimonies, as the British whale The Dolphin. VVhiles then Nero did prevail, His whole dire Band of Souldiers did beset Longinus, and the Rich Seneca's great Gardens, and the brave Lateran's delight, Rare Structures. Seldome did they Cock-lofts fright. If thou dost carry but a little Plare By night, the Sword and long-staff thou fear'st straight.

A wagg'd Reeds shade by Moon-light terror brings: Before a Theif, who travails Empty, sings. Our first desire 'tis to most shrines most known, That our full wealth and store increase, that none (2) In the whole Forum have so large a Chest. VVho's Poisned yet from Earthen Cups? But Best It is, to fear That, when thy hand does hold Gemm'd bowls, and Setine sparkling in large Gold. Dost thou not praise (3) that wise man then, which still Laugh'd, if he had put his foot but o're his Sill? And th' other too, that wept? Yet at the Rout Easie it is to Laugh-out a stern•• Flour. But strange, methinks, it is, th' other should Crie Allways, (4) and still find tears to fill his Eye! Splenetical Democritus did make His Lungs with a perpetual Laughter shake; Though his rude Thracians never saw such things, As Litters, Rods, Chairs, (5) Robes for Lords and Kings. But had he seen a Praetor in a high Chariot, i'th' dusty Circus, to ev'ry eye Strut in (6) Jove's Coat, and from his shoulders down To trail a spreading rich-imbroyder'd Gown, Large as Sarranian Tapestry! Or e're Seen th' Orbe of Crown, which no one neck can bear••! A (7) Publick Servant sweats for't; who does ride I'th' Consul's Chariot to abate his Pride. Adde (8) th' Eagle rais'd on Ivory Seepter; There The Cornet-winders, Troops of Servants Here Marching before; At's (9) bridle white-gown'd friends, Whose Hope on's Doal, y••t in His Chest attends. Ev'n Then at ev••ry turn just cause, to flout He found: whose Wisdom puts it beyond doubt, That brave Men, great Examples, may sometimes Be born 'mongst sheepish Dolts, and in gross Climes. He jeer'd the People's Cares, and Joys, and Tears Sometimes; At Fortune's threats he felt no Fears; He sent (10) a halter to her, and held out The middle Finger. Wherefore the dull rout Craves what is Vain or Deadly: and thus bows, Fixing with (11) wax to the Gods knees such Vows!

Pow'r Subject to great Envy headlong throws Some: Their (12) branch'd Pages and extended rows Of Honours, like a flood, their states quire swallow; Down come (13) their Statues and the Halter follow. Then th' Axe their Chariot-wheels with banging stroak Splits out, and their poor horses Legs are broke. Hark, the Fires snap: the Rout's ador'd Head lacks Nor Blast, nor Furnace: Huge S••janus cracks! Of the (14) worlds second Faceare form'd strange matters. Water-pots, Basons, Frying-pans and Platers!

Crown'd (15) be the doors with Bays! A Bull chalk-white And large, led to Jove's Capitol! O sight! (16) Sejanus Dragg'd! O joy! His Lips, his wan Face saw 〈◊〉〈◊〉? Beleive't I never Lov'd the Man. But, under what Crime fell he? who detected? What signes? what witness was there? Quite neglected These Questions are. A tedious Letter came From Capreae. Oh, I aske no more of Fame. But now on whom does Remus his Rout waite? Fortune Leads them still: the condemn'd they Hate. For, the same People, (17) had but Nurtia blest Her Tuscan, and the Prince's Age oppress'd VVhiles then secure, had with rare change of Fate, Proclaim'd Sejanus their Augustus straight. For, since we sold no Suffrages, All live Neglecting Cares, and They, which once did give Th' Empire, Rods, Legions, all things, now contain Themselves, and but two things strive to obtain, Bread (18) and the Circus. Many, I hear, must die! 'Tis sure: (19) our small Furnace breaths Flames! And my Brutidius look'd half-pale, as me be met At Mars his Altar! I'me afraid (20) our Great Ajax o'recome Revenge will take, as ill Guarded! Lets run then straight, and with some skill, Whiles on the bank he lies, on Caesars foe Trample. But let our Servants eyes too know As much, least they deny't; and by the neck tie us, Hale us before the Judge, and for life try us. These were the Speeches, which then pass'd about Sejanus; These the whisp'rings of the Rout. VVould'st thou be now saluted like the Great Sejanus? Have his wealth? Give one the Seat Of Justice, or an Army? Be th' Admir'd Guardian to th' Prince (21) with's Chaldy-Heard retir'd To Capreae, his Court-Rock? Sure, your Band Of Foot, your Darts, you would have; Nay command The Horse-troops (22) and Praetorian Camp! why, still VVish this. They would have Pow'r, that would not kill. But what is of so rare and rich account, VVhose Evil does not still the Good surmount? VVouldst choose the dragg'd Sejanus's robe to wear, Or (23) Rule, at Gabis and Fidenae, bear? And at empty Vlubrae freely speak, Though a course Aedile, and false measures break? VVhat then he should have wish'd, thou dost confess Sejanus knew not. For, whiles he did press After too great Honours and wealth, his Fate Rais'd but more stories in his Tow'r of State, VVhence to a greater Ruine after all VVith a huge Pitch-pole he was forc'd to fall.

The Crassi, the Pompeii, what o'rethrew? Or Caesar, who the tam'd Quiritians drew To's scourge? wast not High Place sought by the worst Arts, and Great Vowes obtain'd of Heav'n and Curs'd? To Ceres's Son-in-Law (24) few Kings descend Unslain; few Tyrants with a Dry death End.

Demosthenes or Tullie's Tongue and Fame He (25) craves all Pallas's Feast-days without Shame, VVhose young three-farthings wit can yet scarce prate, On whom a Keeper and small Satchel wait: Yet both these Oratours fell by their Tongue; From their exundant wit their Ruine sprung, VVit chop'd off Tullie's Hand and Head: but ne're Did Silly Lawyers blood the Pew besmear. O (26) Rome redeem'd, deem'd lost, yet Happy born, VVhen as thy Consul's Robes by me were worn. He might have scorn'd Antonie's Sword, if still He' had writ no better. I'de write lines as ill, Rather then Thee, Divine Philippick, Bold Though fam'd, which art, after the First, unroul'd. He perish'd too, whose tongue Athens admir'd: At (27) whose Curb the full Theater r••tir'd. Yet was he born with adverse Gods and Fate, VVhom his course blear-ey'd Father, that did wait On glowing It'n and smoak sent from his trade, From Coal, (28) Tongs, Anvil, upon which are made Good Swords; from all his black Vulcanian tools, Unto the Rhetoricians fatal Schools.

The spoils of VVar, (29) a Coat of Maile fix'd high On Trophie's Snags, a Beaver hanging by One joint from a cleft Helmet, a Beam maim'd Chariot, a Gallie's Flag by conquest sham'd, And on High Arch a drooping Captive, vain Opinion counts a bliss more then Humane! The Roman, Grecian, and Barbarian raise Themselves to Toile and Danger for this Praise. The thirst of Fame does so much more Infire The Breast, then Vertue: which who does desire VVithout Reward? Yet former times can show Kingdoms lost by the glory of a few, VVhose Aime was Titles, that should never die, Fix'd on proud Tombs, wherein their ashes lie: Which the wild Fig-tree yet, for all their State, Shrewdly casts down; For, Tombs too have their Fate. Weigh Hannibal: of's Dust how many pounds Find ye? To Him yet Africk yields not bounds: On whose West-shoar th' Atlantick waves do beat The Eastern stretching-out to Nilus's Heat; To Ethiopia's Inhabitants It runs too, and (30) to th' other Elephants.

He adds Spain; Next, the Pyrenaeans show Him way: Nature opposes th' Alpes and Snow. He digs through Rocks; with Vinegar he eats Through Mountains. Now in Italy he seats Himself; and yet ev'n There more must be won: Nothing, alas, says he, as yet is done, Unless our Punick Pow'r forcing Rome's Gates In their Suburra on our Ensigne waits. O goodly Face and Picture! A one-Eyed Gen'ral does a Getulian Beast bestride! Well, what's his End? O Glory! A Defeat He has! Flies into Exile! There this Great Strange Client waits at Court his Moan to make, When the Bythinian Tyrant's pleas'd to wake. Yet, neither Swords, nor Stones, nor Arrows can Drive this tumultuous Soul from this Wild Man: But That, which just revenge at last did bring, For so much blood at Cannae shed, That Ring. Go Mad-man; Pass the dire Alpes; to please fools! To be a Declamation for the Schools! To the Pellaean youth one worlds small Ground; Poor wretch, he Sweats in the worlds narrow bound; As if Gyarian Rocks inclos'd him, or small Seriphus. Yet when Babylons brick-wall He enters, a Tomb serves him. 'Tis made known, VVhat Dwarfs our Bodies are, by Death alone. Men once beleiv'd, Athos was sail'd about, And all that lying Greece dares story-out; That those Ships pav'd the firm Sea, which did beat Chariot-wheels. We believe deep Rivers were Drunk up and dried, whiles the Mede din'd; Nay, things Which (31) Sostratus does chaunt with moistned wings. How yet left the Barbarian Salamine, VVhose whips once made Corus and Eurus whine? Such in th' Aeolian Dungeon they ne're found; Earth-shaking Neptune too his Shackels bound. 'Twas well he Stigmatiz'd him not. What God VVould be at such a frantick Masters Nod? But how return'd he? Ev'n in one small boat Through shoals of Carcasses, which still did float In waves of blood; His Prow was almost tir'd. Loe, the Reward of Glory so desir'd!

Give length of Life, O Jove, give many years; VVith (32) face direct, This only, pale with fears, Thou begg'st. Yet what continual Ills, how strange, Greive Age? Chiefly a Face, by deform'd change, Unlike it self! No Skin, but a foul Hide Behold! Bagg'd cheeks, with wrinkles deep and wide! In (33) Tabracha's large Shades a Gran'ame-Ape Just such in her old mumping cheek does scrape.

Young men do differ much: Some are more Fair Then others; Some then some far stronger are. There's but one Face of Age! Limb and Voice g••ows Feeble; Th' Head's bald: Moist is the Baby-Nose. With Gums disarm'd, alas, their bread they press; VVife, Children, and themselves they do distress: They'd tire the Soother Cossus. VVine and Meat Yield not the Palate th' old delight and heat. Lust they long since forgot: which would'st thou know Now, yet a broken belly would say, No. No Art or Time repairs thee. When the true Moisture of Life is gone, can'st hope for new, Now Sick and Old? we justly do suspect Such as do pleasure without strength affect. Behold the loss now of another part; For what delight is there from Voice and Art Of rare Musitian, (34) though Selencus 'twere, Or such as use th' Imbroider'd Cloak to wear. In the large Theater he needs no choice Of Sear: he scarce hears Cornets, or the voice Of Trumpets. Loud they bawl, to make him know, VVho's at his door, or how the hours do go. In his cold Veins the little blood's ne're hot VVithout a Feaver. All Diseases got Into one band do dance about him: though, If you inquire their names, I'le sooner show, How many Adult'rers Hippia had; how many (35) Sick in one Autumne Themison did bane ye: How many Associates Basilus disseated: How many woeful VVards rich Iru cheated: How many Towns He Owns, who went snip, snip, As his quick Sizzers my young beard did clip. One's Shoulders weak; another's Loins: One Cries-Out on his Hip. He has lost both his Eies, And Envies those, that have one lest: This lingers, And his pale lips take food from others fingers. At sight of Meat, one with mouth drawn awry, Like the young Swallow yawnes, to whom does fly The hungry dam with food in mouth. Yet, then All loss of limb, fan worse is Dotage; when One does forget his Servants Names, A known Friends Face, that Supp'd with him last••night; his own Children, whom he has long brought up. For by A Cruel VVill, These he does quire deny To be his Heirs: his State is all conveigh'd To Phiale, so far he's oversway'd By th' Art of her Rank Tongue. She long did use To serve in the fit Prison of the Stews. But though the sense and wit be still intire, Yet must they Bury Children; see the Fire

Of their Lov'd VVife and Brother; (36) view they must Urnes fill'd with their dear Sister's Bones and Dust. Thus are they punish'd, that live long! Still New Slaughter does in their House the Old insue. 'Midst Plaints and daily greif this they behold; And thus still in Fresh Mourning weeds grow old! The Pylian King (may Homers Great word go) VVas for long life next Pattern to the Crow. Happy, no doubt, that could so long withstand Death, and now (37) count his years on his Right hand! That drunk so oft new wine! Yet hear his strain A little, how of Fate he does complain, And his Life's Threed too long, when he saw stout Antilochus his Beard burn! He cries-out To's friends, why Live I still? And askes in rage, VVhat Crime condemn'd him to so long an Age? Peleus his dead Achilles thus bewails: And He that Mourns, whiles his Vlysses Sails. Had Troy stood, Priamus with happy fate Had come to Assaracus his Ghost in State, Hector and's Brothers clad in sad attire Bearing the Body to its fun'ral fire, 'Midst th' Ilians Tears; Cassandra first had lent Cries, then Polyxena her Robe had rent: Had he but died, e're Paris had begun To build bold Ships, by which Troy was undone! VVhat Good then brought his Age? His Age saw All O'return'd by Fire and Sword, Great Asia's Fall! The (38) Crown lay'd by, his Age more Arm'd then Bold, Before Jove's Altar falls, like Oxe grown old; VVhich to his Masters knife, his weak neck now Holds out, now scorn'd by the ungrateful Plough! Yet died he like a Man: but his wife, which Out-liv'd him, grin'd and bark'd like a grim bitch. I hast unto our Own, and here omit The Pontick King, and Croesus taught just wit By Sweet-tongu'd Solon, who said, still attend In long Life not the Glory, but the End. The Exile, Poison, and Minturnian Moor, The Bread at Conquer'd Carthage begg'd by poor Marius, drew hence their Cause. VVhat thing more blest Had Nature e're produc'd, or Rome at best, Then that brave Man, if having led about In all the Pomp of VVar his Captive-Rout, H' had breath'd-out his rich Soul, when he intended From his Teutonick Chariot to have descended? Campania's Providence on Pompey threw A happy Feaver: but the Fates withdrew, Great Venus so wrought; till Rome's and his own Dread Fortune chop'd-off his Sav'd and Conquer'd Head.

Lentulus and Cethegus such divorce Ne're knew; (39) Catiline ••lay an intire coarse.

At Venus's shrine a careful Mother's proud Hope begs, for Sons softly, for Girles aloud, Choice Shape. O choice Desires! Ne're blame my Pray'r, Says she, Latona's Glad Diana's Fair. Lucretia yet forbids to wish a Face Like Hers. Virginia would exchange her grace Of shape for Rutila's bunch-back. A lad Too fair still makes his fearful Parents sad. Beauty with Chastity so rarely goes! Though a Course House such holy manners shows, As once did grace the Sabine Dames! Nay, though Kind Nature with a Bounteous hand bestow Chast Disposition and a modest Face VVarm with a Blush; (For, what more Noble grace Can Nature's greatest Pow'r to Youth impart, Nature above all Guardians Care and Art?) They are not suffer'd to be Men! Rich Lust Dares bribe the Parents! Guifts they so much trust! A shape-less Lad no Tyrant e're did make His dear Court-Eunuch: Nero did not take A Noble Club-foot-stripling; ne're contract VVith one throat-swoln, gor-bellied, or Crump-back'd. Go now, rejoice in thy fair Son, on whom VVorse dangers wait. E're long he shall become A Publick Stallion, and such vengeance fear As th' Husbands rage exacts. For, He shall ne're More scape the Net then Mars, by Luck or VVit: That Greif sometimes Acts more, then Law thinks fit. This the Sword kills: on bloody whips that venters: And some (40) Adult'rers the quick Mullet enters. But thy Endymion shall love only some Choice Dame; But when Sercilia's guist does come, He'l Please whom he Loves Not. Then Jewels go; On such moist Youth what will they not bestow? A Hippia or Catulla let her be: In this point yet the worst of them is Free. Does shape yet hurt the Chast? Good it did none T' Hippolitus and grave Bellerophon. The repuls'd Cretian Phaedra's blood straight flow'd To' a Blush; and Sthenobaea no less glow'd. Both shook themselves to wrath. Then womans spight Is worst, when Shame too does their Hate excite. Choose what thou would'st advise Him, whom the Great Empress resolves to Marry. This so Neat, Good, Noble Youth is hal'd, poor wretch, to Fate, By Messalina's Eies. She Drefs'd does wait In Crimson veil. The Tyrian Marriage-Bed Is in the open ••ardens richly spread.

Ten (41) hundred thousand Sesterces, as due Portion by Ancient Rite, she'l make good too. The South-sayer, with those that Seal, attends. This thou thought'st known but to some trusty friends. She'l Marry in all Form. Now advise right: Unless he yields, he dies e're Candle-light. If thou committ'st the Crime, the Delay's small: 'Till the Facts known to Rome, Rout, Prince and all. The shame of's House He shall know last: mean-while Obey; unless a few-days-life seems vile. Choose yet the best, thy judgment can afford, This fair, white Neck must feel the sharp-edg'd Sword.

Shall men then Ask for Nothing? If thou'lt Sway Thy thoughts by mine, leave't to the Gods to weigh VVhat to us for our Good they may commit: They'l give, not things that Please, but things most Fit. To them Man's dearer, then to Himself. By strong Passions and blind Desires we led along Ask VVife and Children: But before we crave, They know what VVife and Children we shall have. Yet that thou may'st ask somewhat, and so bow At their dread Shrines, and (42) choicest entrals vow VVith a white Hoggs pure Sasages, still crave In a sound Body, a sound Mind, so Brave, That Death ne're daunt it; that does Death account 'Mongst Natures Favours, and all Greif surmount; That knows no Anger, nor Desire; And more Esteems of Hercules his Cures and Soar Task, then of Love-sports, Feasts and the down Sardanapalus Laz'd on. This renown Thy self may'st give thy self without more strife. Vertue's the only Path to a Quiet Life. The Gods are All Ours, if we're wise: but we, O Fortune, 'mongst the Pow'rs Divine place Thee!

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Tenth Satyre.

Dextro pede. Auspicia dextera and sinistra, why so called. Right-side parts of the body Strongest, proved from Experience, Authority, Reason. The Cause of Ambidexters. Pub∣lick places of safety for the laying-up of Treasure. Opes; different acceptions of it. Gelasi∣nus. The Nature of Tears. Toga Picta; the several names of it. Praetor; the an∣cient use of the word. Tunica Jovis; whether it were the same with toga palmata. Servus Publicus. The Roman Eagle; the Fashion and Matter of it; sometimes taken for a Legion. The Colour of the Toga. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Digitus Infamis. Medius unguis. Genua incerare D••orum. Tabula Patronatus. Scalae Gemoniae. Gemonidae. Nurtia. Panem & Circenses; approved as the best Reading of that passage. Tesserae Frumentariae. Magna Fornacula. Castra Do∣mestica. Potestas. Quinquatria. Minerval. That verse of Tully, O fortuna∣nam natam me Consule Romam, diversly censur'd. Fraena Theatri, expoanded by Heraldus. Aplustre; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Fashion of a Trophie. Triumphal Arches. Barbarus, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Alii Elephantes. Xerxes and Caligula's Bridges. Ennosigaeus. Madidae Alae. Recto vultu. Tabracha. Aurata lacerna. Funeral Urnes; Their Capacitie and Matter. The Various Names of the Fingers; their Gesture in Adoration. Aetas; what number of years it signifies. The manner of Numbring with the Fingers, according to Astabasdas. The Latin Translation of his work rectified. The expression of the Number of Thirty, according to St. Jerom and Lilius Gyraldus, examin'd by a passage in Apuleius. Masters expressed their Commands by the Gesticulations of the Hand. A Table of the Ancient Finger-Arith∣metick. Tiara; the Matter, Colour and Different Fashions of it, shew'd from St. Je∣rom, Sidonius Apollinaris, and Antoine le Pois. Juvenal excused about that pas∣sage, —Jacuit Catilina cadavere toto. The Punishment of Adultery, with a Muller. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Habitations for Pleasure anciently in Gardens. The usual Portion of the Daughters of the Nobility. A Southsayer and Witnesses present at Marriage-Contracts. Divina tomacula. A white Hog, a Sacrifice at Weddings. Toma∣cinae. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

1. WHat is 't, we e're begun with foot so right? Quid tam dextro pede concipis —? The Poet in this excellent Satyre shews, that there is no man in the World, or, as he describes it, between Cadiz in the West (by mariners now called commonly Calis-Malis, as Or∣relius notes in his Thesaurus) and Ganges at the East-Indies, so wise, that he can preserve himself from mistake in his desires; but that, if he begins any thing (which the Poet expresses by the word concipis proper to Vota the subject of this Satyre, not by concupis, as some less properly would have it) he repents of it, though begun never so hap∣pily, or as the Poet says, with so Right a foot. Which expression Lubin here thinks to be an allu∣sion to their Auspicia, for so he speaks, de dextero aut prospero auspicio; making those on the right hand to be lucky, and consequently those on the left, unlucky: whereas he might rather have said the Contrary, speaking as he ought, according to the Roman Custome. For though the Graecians and Persians were of another opinion, yet amongst the Romans, In auspiciis quae sinistra sunt, bene eventura

putantur; as Alexander ab Alexandro in his Gen. Dier. lib. 5. cap. 13. and Tiraquel on that place largly prove, not omitting the reason; which was, be∣cause in taking their auspicia ex caelo, which was the chief kind of them, the Thunder or Lightning that came from Heaven, was supposed to come from the right hand of the God, when it was on the lest side of the Auspex; as, when it was on his right side, to come from the left hand of the God; whose face they supposed to be turn'd towards the Auspex. To the like purpose Donatus writes on that of Virgil. Aeneid. a. Intonuit laevum—, saying, Quod dixit laevum, debet prosperum intelligi: cujus ra∣tio haec est, laeva in aliis contraria significant. In sacris autem signis idcirco prospera accipiuntur quae sunt lava: quia sacrificantis, vel precantis latus laevum dexterum est ejus, qui postulata largitur. So likewise in the Singing of Birds, the Rule was, as Alex. ab Alexandro shews in the forecited place, Semper cantus Oscinis quum sinister est, secundissimus fuit. He omits not some exceptions in the doctrine; but thus delivers it for the general; and therefore less warily did Lubin in general call auspicium prosperum, dexierum. Indeed, that which he adds is true; Dexira cum erant numina favere credebantur, laeva contra; but this helps it not; because not dexira but laeva aus∣picia answer'd to dexita namina, and contrarywise Dextra auspicia to Laeva numina. Which I thought fit to be taken notice-of, to prevent otherwise an easie mistake in this argument. Britannicus before Him, expressed himself in these words, Pede dextro id dicimur facere, quod nobis prospere cedit, contra sini∣stro. Ʋnde Apuleius in Asino aureo; Sinistro pede pro∣fectum me spes compendii frustrata est. In which ex∣pression there being no mention of Auspicia, it may seem, that he thought them not to be here intended. And surely the speech may-seem to be founded ra∣ther upon the practice of Nature, then upon Phan∣sie: and so because the right-side parts are natu∣rally more strong, they in a superstitious expression called them more luckie. But all having not the same opinion of this opinion, that the Right-side parts are the stronger, it will be necessary, with ingenuous libertie, to consider the Opposition and Proof of this truth: to which, as I have hereto∣fore publickly upon occasion expressed my self to incline; so after new examination I find my self to remain in my old Tenent. For, though it may be said, that such difference is not found between the eies and such smaller parts of the body; it may as fairly be reolied, that this comes to pass, not from any defect in Nature, but in Experience; not that there is no such difference, but that it is not found; a due examination sureable to the subtile offices of those smaller and more curious parts, be∣ing not yet made; whereby the difference, though less sensible, might be attained unto. Or if for the subtilty it could not be discover'd, yet if the te∣nent shall be shew'd to be in the general a truth, all such particular instances, howsoever obscure, must consequently he concluded under the same doctrine. Yet even in the former subtile in∣stance of the eies, experience teaches us, that when we imploy only one of them, the left eie in most men usually shuts it self, leaving the work or view to the Right, as to the more happily Active: Again, I see not how the general use of the right hand can be attributed only to Custome; but ra∣ther think it should be ascrib'd to God in Nature: which, had it given unto Man two hands, that they should be both used indifferently (if need requir'd) then should all men as naturally, not use the Right till the Left hand fail'd, or use them both with a constant indifferency. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Plato indeed would have his Citrizens Ambidext••••s: but a City of that frame would have been long in setting-up; and (to call an Old Phansie by a new name) this was but one of his Ʋtopianismea. Nor can some hundreds of such pointed-out in Story prove a generalitie: rather the many millions otherwise disposed de∣clare the first to be but an exception from the ge∣neral rule of the Creatour; and by this argue in him a Libertie, not a Custome. And whereas it may be added, that if any prioritie were to be gi∣ven to either hand, it were rather to be given to that hand, which is nearest the heart, the foun∣tain of Life and Activitie: it may be replied, that the foundation of this reason, namely the Opinion concerning the situation of the Heart on the Left side (implied in this reason) is noted amongst vulgar Errors, by some of the latest and most curious Ana∣tomists. For so Bartholinus a man of brief expres∣sions, but of accurate judgment, in his Anatomical Institution. lib. 2. cap. 6. observes in his Margin say∣ing, Error vulgi cor esse in sinistro latere; and in his text says, Est autem Cor quead basin (the upper part, so term'd by Anatomists) exacte in medio. In which place he also adds the occasion of the error, that is, the motion of the heart, more sensibly discern'd on the Left side: for which he alleadges two reasons; whereof one is because in the Left ventricle of the heart is contain'd the vital spirit, & à sinistris est arteria magna: hinc vulgus putal, says he, cor in si∣nistro residere latere: the other is, because the mu∣cro cordis, the point of the heart enclines a little towards the left hand, that it may give place to the midriffe: ad dextram vero (as he adds) de∣clinare non potuis, ob venam cavam, ibi per medium thoracem ascendentem. And if any should farther urge (though I know none that have done so) that yet there were no more reason, why the Right side should have any priority, but only an equalitie of imparted strength, the heart being placed in the middie; or if there were any difference, the left side should rather have it, because of the left ven∣tricle, the seat of the vital Spirit; (which is the most that can be urg'd from hence): I answer, that there is greater reason to oversway this reason. For the fore-cited Anatomist, lib. 4. cap. 1. writing de manu, says, that the Right hand is the more prompt to motion for two causes; the first where∣of is, because in the right side a man has a vein sine pari (without a fellow answering to it on the left side, and so and advantage to the right side) que forte in ambidextris gemina est, says he, which peradventure is doubled (or, has a fellow) in those that use both hands equally: the second, as he says, is because the bones on the right side are more weighty, as some by experience have found; [quia ossa graviora in scapulis, humero, & tota manu dextra esse aliqui habent pro certo & comperto] which, as he says, might be from the impression of the more plentiful heat in the Mother's womb, cujus pars dextra calidior. Where he farther adds the authority of Aristotle preferring the right hand be∣fore the left, affirming the first hint of motion to be in the right fide, and saying, that accordingly a man when he begins to go, naturally moves his right foot first, and so, that a bird taking his flight does likewise first move the right wing. And whereas he alleadg'd the experience of some con∣cerning the weight of right-side bones, though he

names none, he may peradventure intend the Au∣thor of the Commentary upon Melancthon's learned book de Anima: which exposition was begun by Magirus and finish'd by Caufungerus, both Philoso∣phers and Doctors of Physick; one of which at the end of th 4th. chapter of the second Tract, handles this rare probleme (for so he calls it) De Brachio & Manu. Where he auouches, that the point cannot be unfolded by Philosophical reasons, but by an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉(or, ocular inspection) anatomical se∣ction, as he speaks; urging, that if we weigh the bone of the right arm (the bone between the el∣bow and the shoulder) in one scale, and the bone of the left arm in another, we shall find the Right to be the weightier. Which natural gravitie, says he, is increas'd by frequent exercise, and conse∣quently has the advantage of larger nourishment. This he proves also from the example of the Ama∣zons, who searing-off their Right breast, had all the strength, which nature would have sent thi∣ther, conveighed into their right Arm; urging for it the authority of Hippocrates (lib. de Aëre, aquis, & locis.) He shews a reason likewise of Ambidex∣ters; saying, that such singularity of example comes to pass, when the bone of the left arm is as heavy as the other; as, we may add, that in whom it is heavier, such persons become left-handed. And for the generalitie of the tenent concerning the strength of the right-side parts, he farther urges the authority of the same Hippocrates (lib. 3. de Morbis): who surely was a man, as also Aristotle, which would not be easily cheated with a Tradition. And for mine own part I think that the Opinion of the Ancients was not deliver'd from hand to hand as a bare tradition; but that the more curious and Inquisitive Men took with them also the Morives of the Assertion. Which I think may be made good from the learned Macrobius; who in his Saturnals (lib. 7. cap. 4.). handling this Argument delight∣fully ascends to the reason of this Assertion; attri∣buring it unto the Liver, which as he says, is con∣cretus sanguis, and caloris domicilium: from which Habitation of Heat seated on the Right side of the body, quoad majorem partem in dextro hypochondrio, as Bartholinus says, in his Anat. lib. 1. cap. 14. is the advantage of the Right-side parts, the colder part of the nourishment being conveigh'd (to the left-side) to the Spleen; nam ideo omnes dextrae partes, says he, calidiores sunt, & debiliores sinistra, quia has regit calor visceris sui, illae contagione frigoris sinistra obtinentis hebetantur. Which passage though it be read thus even in the latest Editions, yet the in∣tent of the Author shows plainly, it should be a little mended; as indeed it rightly is by my wor∣thy friend John Price, Dr. of the Law, in his learn∣ed Observations on Apulcius his Apologie. p. 125. where occasionally he observes and corrects the transposition of the pronouns in this passage of Macrobius; and for has reads illas, and hae for illa; without which emendation, though seeming small, the Author should speak contrary, to what he had spoken before. Thus then the Right-side parts have an advantage from the Liver, the Left a dis∣advantage from the Spleen: yet I think not, as some, that the Spleen is but the receptacle of ex∣crementitious blood; but that it it Sanguificationis organum, preparing blood, though a grosser, ad nu∣trienda viscera infimi ventris: whereas the Liver prepares a better blood, and for all the other parts of the body; as Anatomie teaches us. The preëmi∣nence then of the Right-side parts being an ac∣knowledged truth amongst the Ancients, was easily corrupted into a superstition; which made them think, That progression only to be in hope successe∣full, which took its beginning from the Right foot.

2. — That none In the whole Forum have so large a Chest. — Ʋt mazima toto Nostra sit atca foro—. The Prayers of many men implying as their desires, so their delights; have been their destruction, says the Poet; some having perish'd thus by Eloquence; some by strength; nay, though they had the ex∣perience of it, as Milo (intended here); who in his younger-days doing strange acts, was in his af∣ter-age, as he passed alone through a wood mista∣ken in an oak; which being half cleft, whiles he ventur'd into the rift thinking to rent it through, his strength fail'd him, the parts return'd together, and he was detain'd a prey for wolves, finding to his cost, that old Milo was not young Milo. But more, says the Poet, are destroy'd by Riches, which some so hoard-up, that their wealth as much exceeds all patrimonies, that is, the Sufficient though moderate, Inheritances, which their ho∣nest and contenred Ancestors left them, as the Bri∣tish whale (noted by Pliny. lib. 9. to be of a vast size) does exceed the Dolphin. On which pas∣sage the Scholiast says, Metaphora in Tiberium & Di∣vites; by which expression not very clear, I guess he means, that their Treasures exceed their anci∣cient Inheritances, as much as Emperors and Great Ones exceed mean men. Yet, as the Poet shews, Riches have but made the Owhers the more subject to the evil eie of Tyrants; whereas the Caenacula or cocklosis, where the poor dwell, are neglected by the Officers sent-our for booty. For such by-respects was Longinus destroy'd by Nero; so likewise the Laterani, so the rich Seneca: who in the 4th year of Nero, as Tacitus (lib. 13.) re∣ports, had Sestertium millies (that is, millies cen∣tena millia Sestertiorum, as it comes from Sestertius, or a hundred thousand Sestertia) which reduced to our mony, amount to 781250 l. and yet he enjoy'd and increas'd this estate about four years longer in the favour of his Prince. Of his wonderful riches see Budaeus de Asse. lib. 5 and for his avarice and monstrous summes for the Interest of mony amongst the Iceni here in Britain (the Inhabitants of North∣folk, Suffolk, Cambridge-shire and Huntington shire); see our learned Mr. Cambden in his description of them; attributing to Him no small part of the Cause of that war, which Boodicia the wise of Pra∣sutagus so famously maintain'd against the Romans. But, says the Poet, though the poor man drinks safer in his earthen pot, then the rich, who drinks his sparkling Setine wine in his golden bowles adorn∣ed with precious stones, but not without a fear of being poisned; yet every one defires to have the largest Chest in the Forum. Wherein he im∣plies a custome amongst the Romans concerning the disposing of their wealth; the Publick Trea∣sure being kept in their Aedes Saturni (as Macro∣bius tells us in his Saturnals. lib. 1. cap. 8.) a steep place for safety by the Capitol; as Alex. ab. Alex. (Gen. Dier. lib. 2. cap. 2.) well notes. The weal∣thy Senators did store up their Treasure in Iron∣chests placing them at Mars his Temple in Foro Au∣gusti; till that place was robbed, as Juvenal mer∣tions, Sat. 14. and then they placed them at the Temple of Castor and Pollux, which was in Foro Romano. They thought their Mony the safer be∣ing committed to the tuition of their Gods; as Brodaeus observes, lib. 4. cap. 17. The Scholiast here

says, that for a time, the Sen••tors did store-up their mony in Chests in Fore Traj••ni; and that the place it self, where their Chests were, was thence call'd Opes. Upon which passage the diligent Pithaus, cites a place de arca Senatus from a letter of Aure∣lian to the Senate mention'd in Vopiscus, Est praeterea vestrae authoritatis arca publica, quam magis refert•••• esse reperi••, quam cupio. Her••dian in the first book of his History tells also, that in the burning of the Temple of Peace, a great mass of mony, lay'd-up there, was lost. See more of this argument in Ge∣orgius Longus, de Anaulis Signatoriis, cap. ult. and Marcellus Donatus on Sueton's Domitian, cap. 7. And here we may note, that the Poet makes a difference between Divitia and Opes: between which, as Lu∣bin notes, Cicero distinguishes in his Laelius, saying, Expetuntur Divitiae us utaris, Opes ut C••laris, Hon••res ut lauderis; so that Opes is an Overplus or Stor'd Wealth; according to which difference I render that of our Poet, Divitiae ut crescant, ut Opes.—That our full wealth and store increase. I may here add, that Servius on Virgil makes Opes only in the plural number to signifie Riches; in the sin∣gular, Help; and likewise that Cornelius Fronto, de Differentiis vocum, tells us, that Locuples is cal∣led so à copia l••corum, dives quia dividendi sacultatem habet, and Opulentus ab Opibus.

3. —That Wise man then which still Laught—. —Quod de Sapientibus alter Ridebat—. For this cause Democritus was call'd Gelasinus, or the Laugher. So Gelasini are taken for the sore-teeth, because they are shew'd in laughter; and Ge∣lasinus is, as Suidas tells us, that Wrinkle or Line in the face, which is made in Laughter; accord∣ing to that of Martial, lib. 7. Nec grata est facies out Gelasinus abest.

4. —And still find tears to fill his eye! Mi∣randum est unde ille oculis suffecerit humor. To be∣lieve that Heraclitus did continually weep, may, as I think, well deserve to be laugh'd-at. Yet whither the cies can be commonly prepar'd with such store of moisture, though the Interpreters here pass-by the doubt, Philsophie may resolve it. Which teaches us, that a Tear is but the moi∣ster part (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) of our food (meat and drink): which moisture is in all creatures the necessarie vebiculum of the more solid and drier part of the food. And this moisture being with the blood alter'd in the Liver is conveigh'd into the veins: a great part thereof passing into urine, some more attenuated vapouring through the pores, and some turning into Sweat, the rest is con∣veigh'd unto the brain; so that the matter of tears is not from the cies, but only deriv'd unto them from other parts. Thus then as there is con∣tinual food, so a continual humour, which waits but for the compression of the heart; unto which when the blood and spiries, as in sorrow, retire, the brain being forsaken of that heat, grows cold, and the over-plus moisture being left without a guid, of its own accord flows-out. And thus tears in respect of their matter are not only in men, but also in beasts; which notwithstanding never weep, the compression of the heart (the efficient cause of ordinary tears) depending upon the in∣tention of the will: whereby in persons of a tender constitution, as in Women and Children, they are more plentiful and casie; as in persons hot and drie they are more scarce. Yet we must take notice, that some tears, which in respect of their efficient cause, we may call extraordinary, are not from the compression, but contrarily from the dilatation of the heart, as in excessive Joy: in which the heart opening it self, as if it would en∣tertain what it delights-in, sends-forth such heat and spirits to the brain, that the moisture there dissolves into tears. There are also prolicient causes of tears, as violent strokes, diseases of the head, the use of mustard, onions, great colds, large draughts, and the like: which may perad∣venture not unfitly distinguish tears into voluntary and involuntary; which last are tears rather ma∣terially, then formally; and in such cases we use to say, that the eie waters, not that it weeps.

5. —Robes for Lords and Kings. Pratexta & Trabea—. In defect of peculiar words for the expression of these Antick properties, we render them by some of their most eminent acceptions. The pratexta was a white gown with a Purple bor∣der about it, the Wear of different persons ac∣cording to the different ages of the Roman state. For, Lampridius (in Alex. Sever.) says, Pra∣textam & togam pictam nunquam nisi Consul accepit: yet it was worn also by such as had born some eminent offices; also by Noble-mens Sons; nay afterwards permitted to other mens Sons also; but the purple of this last was but a false one made of the juice of herbs; as Salmuth notes on Pancirol. lib. 1. Tit. 43. The Trabea was a gar∣ment of three sorts, One only of Purple con∣secrated to the Gods; the second of Purple on White worn by Kings; the third of Purple and Scarlet (a Scarlet on a Purple, as some express it) worn by the Augurs. Where we may note, that the trabea was afterwards, as Ausonius des∣cribes it (in ex••••ema Gratiarum actione) adorn∣ed with gold: but this addition was not till Gratian's time, neither is mention'd by Sueton, as Aldus Manutius thinks, de quaesitis per epist. lib. 3. Epist. 3. Tribunal, which the Poet adds here, and which is commonly render'd a judg∣meat-seat was properly the upper end of the place of judgment, and rounding, in the fashion of a Semi-circle of a Stately Capacity, wherein was placed the sella curulis, in which the Praetor sate in judgment. And therefore I render it Chaires; the fashion of which sella curulis, or rather of a double-one, from some ancient expression is set∣forth by A••toine le Pois, as I remember.

6. —In Jove's Coat— In tunica Jovis. O how would Democritus have Laughed, says our Poet, at the vanity of the world, if he had seen but the pomp of the Praetor at the Circensian Games strut∣ting in Jove's coat, and but beheld his aulaea Sat∣rana toga pictae, the Purple or Tyrian tapestrie (as the Poet flours at it) of his embroyder'd gown, and the huge crown of Gold; which yet was not so great, as that an Atlas could scarce sup∣port it, as some tell; for how could it then have been held-up by a publick servant, behind the Consul, as he rode in Triumph! Where Lubin notes, that the Prator and the Consul is here the same; proving out of Pedianus, that the Consul and whosoever had anciently the Government of the Armie, was called Prator. In which re∣cited passage of J••u••nal, the Scholiast expounds tunicam Jovis by togam palmatam; and Lubin says; in tunicâ Jovis, i. e. in palmata trabea, and after∣wards, i. e. in picta & triumphali togâ. But con∣cerning the toga picta, we may take notice, that it had diverse appellations according to different

reasons; as first it was call'd purpurea, because the ground of it was purple, but it was called so, when as yet it was not picta, as Festus tells us; besides this name was less proper, ••s agree∣ing also to the paludamentum, or garment, which the Lord General did wear, as also to the trabea, which was proper to the Gods; which the Rea∣der may take notice of to prevent easie mistakes. Secondly, it was call'd toga picta, because it was embroyder'd. Thirdly, palmata, from the form of the embroydery; though some have thought it called so, because it was worn by them, who for victory over the enemie had deserv'd the palme: but to speak more strictly, it was embroyder'd with palme-branches, or a part of the victory in the work of it, like to those garments of Helena in Homer, which Pliny, lib. 8. cap. 48. takes notice of, and to This pur∣pose, saying, pictas vestes jam apud Homerum fuisse, unde triumphales nata. Fourthly it was call'd toga triumphalis, being the garment which he woar, that road in Triumph; and, which ad∣ded to the honour of it, it was fetch'd from the Temple of Jupiter. Which diversity of names the Reader may likewise observe to prevent mistake. And this garment was al∣low'd not only to the Consuls, but also to the Praetor setting-out the Circensian shews: nay, sometimes to private persons at the same shews, as to L. Aemilius, who had o∣vercome Perses the Macedonian King, as Pliny notes de Viris Illustribus. But here we must consider the Scholiast's and Lu∣bin's exposition, who take tunica Jovis for toga palmata; as Dempster also on Ro∣sinus, lib. 10. cap. 29. takes tunica picta and toga palmata for the same; which, though none here take notice-of, yet methinks it seems insolent, that the Po∣et should speak so negligently and con∣fusedly, as to call toga, tunica. Besides here were then a sodain and unseemly tautologie; for he has no sooner said, In tunica Jovis, but he presently adds; & picta—aulaa togae: but This, I think, implies them rather to be different things. Wherefore to express mine own opinion, I think that he intends here two several garments, toga and tunica; the use being general to wear both; the tunica as a less and shorter under the toga, which was a large garment somewhat like a mantle, or for this stately use here intended, like a peice of hangings, as the Poet jeeringly am∣plifies it. For thus the plain toga (for assemblies) being white, the tunica also was of like cloth, and thus to the toga picta there belong'd also tunica palmata. So speaks Livy, lib. 10. Decad. 3. Ma••••inissam primum regam appellatum—toga picta & tunica palmata donat. So Florus, lib. 1. cap. 5. Toga pictae tunicaque palmata: omnia denique dec••ra & insignia quibus imperii dignitas eminet. And that the tunica also might challenge the addi∣tion of Jovis, I think there is as good rea∣son, as for the Toga. Julius Capitolinus is clear in this argument (in Gordiano) palmatam tu∣nicam & togam pictam primus Romanorum pri∣vatus suam habuit. Whereby he implies, that both the toga and the tunica were before fetch∣ed from the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus; which I think to be intimated in that also of Servius on Virgil, Eclog. 10. Triumphantes om∣nia habent Jovis insignia. The form of which dresse of Jupiter, his coat, we may under∣stand from the form of the latus clavus, or tunica laticlavia, the Senator's Coat, which was worn also by Lord-presidents in their provinces, and had the name from broad nails heads figur'd on it, which, as the gown also that was answerable to it, was call'd picta, pal∣mata and triumphalis: according to the degrees of Honour, for which it was allow'd. Lazius thus presents the Latus clavus.*

[illustration] depiction of a man wearing a senatorial coat, or figured dress armour

Juv. Sat. X. Illust. 6.

7. A Publick Servant sweats for't, &c. Quippe tenet sudans hanc publicus, &c. In the same Chariot behind him that triumph'd was a Servant carried, who held up a weighty corwn, to imply the deserts of him that triumph'd: yet by such a course com∣panion they did temper the glory of the business. Where it may be observ'd, that the servant is cal∣led servus publicus (as by Julian in an Epist. is men∣tion of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉): for so the servants of the Magistrates were called, or of the State; being bought, as Catanaus notes, in the name of the Com∣mon-wealth, and imploy'd in publick Services, as in mending High-ways, cleansing the City-Vaults, or the like.

8. Adde the Eagle rais'd on Ivory Scepter— Da nunc & volucrem Sceptro qui surgit eburno. He that rode in Triumph held in his hand a Staff or Scepter of Ivory, on which was expressed an Eagle, the Ensign of the Roman Empire, not expressed in a Flag or Banner, but in Statue, upon the top of the Scepter. It was carried in the War upon an half∣pike, adorned with Silver (as Arrian tells us) the ground end of it being somewhat sharp, that it might be the more easily pitch'd into the ground. The Eagle it self was of Gold, as the same Arrian shews (in Dissertat. Epiclet.) and sometimes of Sil∣ver, as Portius Latro testifies (in declamatione contra Catilinam) and in the more ancient times rather of Silver, then of Gold; because, as Pliny says, Silver may be seen farther off. For the more lively ex∣pression, thou may'st see them, as they are thus presented by Guillaume du Choul de Castrametution des Romaines, the one is (fol. 14. pag. b.) as it was carried by the Foot; the other (fol. 30. pag. b.)

as it was carried by the Horse; wherein, with a little advantage may also be observed the formes of their Military dress. *

[illustration] depiction of Roman standard-bearer on foot

Juv. Sat. X. Illust: 8

[illustration] depiction of Roman standard-bearer on horseback

Juv. Sat. X. Illust. 8.

They had in War other Ensigns also, as the Wolf, the Horse, the Mino∣taure, the Boar, as Pliny notes, lib. 10. cap. 4. but the Eagle was the cheif; and in every Legion there was one Eagle; for which cause Aquila is some∣times taken for a Legion. Marius in his second Con∣sulship abolish'd all the other Ensignes, retaining only the Eagle.

9. —At's bridle White-gown'd friends. —Niveos{que} ad fraena Quirites. He speaks according to the fashion of the Triumph: at which the Clients of him that Triumph'd went for his greater honour by the sides of his Horses, as he road in his gilded Chariot drawn by four white horses; though the Spectators in the Theater also woar white gowns, as Robertus Titius notes in his Commentary on Calphurnius his Bucolicks, Eclog. 7. A bright white is noted to have been the colour of the ordinary toga, for the better sort; so Aldus Manutius de quaefitis per epistol. Yet the observation should go along with it (to prevent mistake) that it was the ordinary colour at publick meetings: but that at other Seasons, and in pri∣vate,

they woar what mean colours they pleas'd; as I have shew'd out of Pancirol. See Sat. 3. Illust. 25. Besides in latter times the meaner sort at pub∣lick Meetings woar the toga pulla, a black gown; though at the first that colour was worn properly by Mourners. And here we may take notice, that the Poet in the close of this description, intimates the baseness of the Romans attending on their great Patrons not for Love, but for the Sportula, which was safe enough in their Patrons Chests, till they were brought home by their Clients.

10. He sent a halter to her and held-out the middle finger—. —Cum fortuna ipse minaci Mandaret laqueum mediumque oftenderet unguem. He expresses how the wise, the resolute Democritus scorn'd For∣tune, though so honour'd by others; particularly that he sent her a halter, as if he would bid her dispatch her self; and held out in disgrace the middle finger, the rest of the hand being clinch'd, as Diogenes shew'd Demosthenes unto some strangers, which inquir'd for him, as Diogenes Laertius relates, lib. 6. So also Caligula form'd his hand, when he held it out for Cassius Chaerea (Tribune of the Praeto∣rian Cohort) to kiss; who afterwards, in revenge was one of them, that slew him; as Sueton in his Caligula, cap. 58. The Greeks call'd this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being properly prae∣tentare — an gallinae ova conceperint, as Alex. ab Alex. speaks, Gen. Dier. lib. 4. cap. 26. and hence the middle finger is by Persius called infamis, and by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Another way of Disgrace was that which now the Italians call far le fiche: which gesture if it were here understood, medius unguis would not signifie the middle finger, but the nail of the thumb placed between the middlemost and the forefinger. See Ferrarius de Veter. Acclamatio∣nibus, lib. 2. cap. 22. After which last form they made the Fascinus; the picture whereof see, as it is presented by Pignorius, in his Mens. Isiac. fol. 17. Thus *

[illustration] depiction of an impolite Roman hand gesture

11. Fixing with wax to the Gods knees such Vowes. Propter qua fas est genua incerare Deorum. It was the manner of the Ancients, when they made their Vows to the Gods, to write them in paper, (and some in waxen tables) seal them up, and with wax fasten them to the knees of the Gods; (or to the thighs of them; for so Apuleius speaks) the Ancients counting That the seat of Mercy. Unto which sense Rutgersius draws the Greek Proverb, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; implying when they would sig∣nifie the uncertain event of any thing, that it lay in the knees of the Gods. When their desires were granted, the manner was to take away the paper, tear it, and bring unto the Gods what they had promised. Hence are the Phrases, Vota concipere, tabellis inscribere, signare, assignare & figere, genua incerare deorum, insignare and vota solvere. See Rut∣gersius diligently handling this argument, yet inti∣mated by the Scholiast, both on that of the 9th Sat. Quando ego figam aliquid, and here also; and like∣wise by Lubin, (see Sat. 9. Illust. 13.) and before them by Marcellus Donatus in his Dilucidations of Livy, lib. 4. pag. 15. See also Turnchus, lib. 1. c. 21.

12. —Their branch'd pages and extended rowes of Honour—. —Longa at que insiguis honorum Pagina—. The Poet next shews, how that some are undone by too great Honours, which here are call'd Hono∣rum pagina; which might be generally understood of a Genealogie: but that the Scholiast teaches us more particularly, that before the Statues of emi∣nent persons there was placed a Plate or Table of Brass, containing all the Honours of him, whose Statue it was; and therefore might aptly be call'd pagina: but in the time of the Scholiast it was called Tabula patronatus. To which we may adde, what the diligent Pithoeus notes here on the Scholiast, that there are divers such inscriptions of Great mens honours at this day to be seen upon ancient stones, some of which are presented by Onuphrius in Comment. Fastorum.

13. Down come their Statues and the halter fol∣low. —Descendunt statuae restemque sequuntur. Thus were used the Statues of Sejanus, to whom many were erected in the time of his Prosperity; but upon his fall pull'd down, dragg'd about, broken and melted, together with the Chariot and hor∣ses, which, with his image, were in statue erect∣ed to his glory. In which description the Poet speaks in a bitter jeer, as if the horses had not been statues, but sensible of the execution. This custome was in part intimated before, Sat. 8. Illust. 3.

14. Of the Worlds Second Face—. —Ex sacie toto orbe secunda, thus from the most eminent part, he calls the statue of Sejanus; he being the Col∣legue of Tiberius (in his fift Consulship) the Em∣peror of the Roman World. And by way of ho∣nour they did use to swear by Sejanus his Fortune, and sometimes jointly by Tiberius and Sejanus his Fortune. Rutilius Gallicus is in the like manner by Statius called proxima cervix in relation to the Em∣peror, in that passage — stat proxima cervix Fonder is immensi—, as being the second neck to Caesar, that helped to bear up the weight of Government. And here by the way we may gently observe a slip in the Scholiast, concerning the melting of this sta∣tue: for on the words Jam strident ignes, he says, constatur statua, ut pecunia inde fiat; whereas in the Poet himself the intent in the melting of it is saty∣rically express'd to be, for the making of water∣pots, basons, frying-pans and platters.

15. Crown'd be the dores with bayes—. Pone domi lauros—. The Poet speaks here in the person of the People applauding the Emperors happiness in the destruction of an enemie; and so, as in a restimonie of Joy, they bid one another crown their dores with bayes, according to the custome, which has been mention'd before; and thus Eritannicus takes it, and, as I think, rightly. But Lubin would have it be spoken by the people to the Em∣peror, bidding him to be crown'd with bayes, after the manner, says he, of one that triumph'd, and so also sacrifice a white bull to Jupiter Capitolinus, the Colour and Figure being acceptable to him, as re∣presenting the shape, under which he consorted with Europa. Which last passage about the sacri∣fice we may admit as true and proper; but not so the former: concerning which we may take no∣tice, that the General, he that triumph'd, did at the first wear a garland of Mirtle; as Pliny says, lib. 5. cap. 30. in after-times one of bayes, and at the last he had a golden Crown (as Agellius notes, lib. 5. cap. 6.) which, being of great weight was by a Publick Servant held over, or above, the head of the General, supra illius verticem, as Alexander ab Alex. expresses it, (Genial. Dier. lib. 6. cap. 6.)

saying also, that according to some, he had in one hand a scepter, and in the other a Bay; wearing on his head, as others add, a lighter coronet, not solid or of Gold, but gilded, inaurata: which was of Bayes immixt with gilded labels, as Dempster on Rosinus, lib. 10. cap. 29. describes it, in those words of Tertullian, lib. de coronâ milit. cap. 12. Triumphi laurea foliis struitur, hac adumbratur lemni∣scis, inauratur laminulis. When he came to the Capitol, he layd down his Laurel, and in after∣times the weighty crown of Gold also in the bo∣some of Jupiter, (as acknowledging his victory unto Him) or else it was hang'd-up in some Tem∣ple, as a sacred Thing. Which things being con∣sider'd, the word domi here used, does suffici∣ently implie, that the bayes here mention'd were to be imploy'd at their houses; and so, though a bay garland was the wear of him that triumph'd, such a custome seems not here intended; but ra∣ther, according to Britannicus, the use of Laurel in adorning their dores. The people then speak here, both as exciting Themselves to this duty of Joy, and the Emperor to his duty of Thanks, in the accustomed sacrifice of a white bull. And, because the massy crown was not worn by the General, when as the Poet says, Quid si vidisset praetorem—fe∣rentem —aulaa toga, magnaque coronae orbem, it must be observ'd that ferentem is to be applied only to aulaa toga; for he that did wear the robe, did not sustain the crown: wherefore only those words Quid si vidisset must be repeated and applied to mag∣naque coronae orbem; for otherwise the Poet should contradict himself, saying, that the Triumpher did wear the crown, and yet that he was not able, but another was necessary, though not without swear, to carry it for him. According to which distin∣ction, though not taken notice-of here by the In∣terpreters, I have by equal points divided the sen∣tence; and so made the difference clear: without which this passage were obscure and absur'd.

16. —O sight! Sejanus dragg'd! —Sejanus duci∣tur unco Spectandus—! The manner was in the dis∣graceful execution of some great offenders to draw them to the place of execution. Where the Rea∣der may observe, that the Poet spake before of the drawing of Sejanus in statue with a halter; but that here he speaks of the drawing of Sejanus him∣self unco, as he speaks, with a hook. Which pu∣nishment some farther describe to have been thus perform'd; The offenders were first drawn to Mount Aventine on the South part of Rome on the (East) side of Tiber, where near the Temple of Juno Regina, as Alex ab Alex. (Gen. Lier. lib. 3. cap. 3.) says, was a place called Scalae Gemoniae, which had their name, as some think, from one Gemonius, who as they say first suffer'd there, or as others from gemendo. According to which latter reason (and probably the better) we may render them, The groaning stairs: women with child by reason of their pains being in somewhat a like man∣ner called by the Romans, Gemonida. To which stairs say some, (for, diverse in this argument speak less diligently) the offenders being drag∣ged, were cast headlong into the River; implying the place to have been on some steep of the Aven∣tine, from whence the body might be so cast down. But Rosinus makes the casting of the body into Ti∣ber and to the Gemonies distinct punishments pro∣ceeding commonly from distinct condemnations: for so he speaks by way of division (lib. 9 cap 31. Aliquando etiam contumelia causa cadavera in Tibe∣rim, aut in Scalas Gemonias projecta. Which though he barely mentions, yet it may be proved clearly from that of Sucton concerning Tiberius being dead (cap. 74.) who was so dreadful alive and so odi∣ous being dead; that the People, as the Historian there speaks, —ad primum nuncium discurrentes, part Tiberium in Tiberim clamitarent; pars terr••••; matrem deosque Manes orarent, ne m••rtuo sedem ullam nisi in∣ter impios da••ent: alii uncum & Gemonias cadaveri minarentur. Yet it must likewise be acknowledg'd, that on some both punishments (and therefore it is most likely) by one condemnation, were executed; as Britannicus here notes saying, Damnati unco trahebantur in Scalas Gemonias, interdum & Tiberim. For proof whereof he urges that of Lampridius in the lise of Commodus, Corpus ejus ut unco traheretur, & in Tiberim mitteretur, Senatus & Poputus postulavit. Which if it does not reach home to the proof of what he in∣tends, I may add the authority and description of Sucton concerning the death of Vitellius (cap. 17.) where he says, that his hands being bound behind him, and injecto cervicibus laqueo (a halter being cast about his neck) he was in forum tractus; and after other expressions adds, tandem apud Gemonias minutissimis ictibus excarnificatus atque confeclus est; that he was drawn with a halter, and at the Gemo∣nies dispatch'd; (not by being so hew'd in small peices as commonly the most render the word ex∣carnificatus, especially with the addition of mi••••∣tissimts ictibus in the Author; for how could he then be afterwards unco tractus if he were hew'd so small? (for so it presently follows in the Histo∣rian, & inde unco tractus in Tiberim); but, as the learned English Interpreter of Sueton does aptly expound it, with many a small stroke all to mangled he was and killed in the end, and so from thence drawn with a dragge into the river Tiber. Whence we may observe somewhat differently from Britannicus, who said, Damnati unco trahebantur in Scal•••• Gemonias, that when he was drawn into the Forum, it was laqueo; but that uncus is not mention'd to have been used, till he was a carcass; and that the Sca∣la Gemonia were not such a precipice, whence the body was thrown headlong into the River; but that there was so much distance, that from the Gemonies the bodie was afterwards dragg'd with the hook into Tiber: whereas had the place afforded an instant fall for the carcass into the river, the uncus had been rather a Delay, then a Dispatch. The Map of Rome (either Old, or New) pre∣sented by Bertellius a Paduan in his Theatrum urbium Italicarum, may clear this doubt by the view of the Aventine Mount, on which now stands the Temple of St. Sabina, as is shew'd by Andres Palladio in his brief, but pithy treatise in Spanish call'd Las Anti∣guedades de Roma, p. 113.

17. —Had but Nurtia bless'd Her T••scan—. —Si Nurtia Tusco Favisset—. Sejanus was a Tuscan, more particularly a Volsinian, as Tacitus testifies, Annal. 4. and Nurtia was the Goddess of the Volsinians, as Livy testifies, (Dccad. 1. lib. 7.) and others. By which Nurtia, the Scholiast says, Fortune is under∣stood: which is agreeable to Martianus Capella (de Nuptiis Philologiae) who also says, that Fortune was signified by Nurtia: both which might be true, and both here aptly intended: the Poet meaning that if Fortune, especially the Volsinian's Fortune had favour'd her own Country-man; turba Remi (for so the best copies have it, though some read turba tremens, and some fremens) the base Romans, that judge of things by the event, would, of the same materials, have made of a Traitor an Em∣peror.

18. Bread and the Circus—. Panem & Cireenses. The Poet says, that whiles the degenerating Romans had left one kind of baseness, the Selling of their Suffrages, which was their custome before the Li∣bertic of the Commonwealth was quite oppress'd by the Monarchie of the Caesars, they were fallen to another, a servile sloth: caring for no publick affairs, or the glory of their Country; but, so they might have but victuals and Pleasure, the plea∣sure of the Cireensian Shews, too basely they reck∣on'd themselves in a happy case. Where we may observe (what the Interpreters take not notice of] the Poet's Satyrical expression of the People; who, as he says, effugis curas, and yet presently adds, anxius optat; jeering them indeed, as having lest-off Cares, but for worse cares, and more vain. But some, as the Author of the Manuscript Com∣mentary, would have Pana & Circenses, expound∣ing it by the Lupercalia dedicated to Pan, which sports indeed were filthy, and so might please corrupt minds: but these pleasures were too short and cursorie, to give satisfaction to a whole Peo∣ple; and far from the general warrant of Copies. Some others would have Pannam & Circenses, be∣cause at the Circensian Games the Factions of the Chariotiers were distinguish'd by the Colour of their Cloth: but of this there will be occasion to speak towards the end of the 11th Satyre; yet, for the Present, as Britannicus rightly nores, Pannus and Circenses were in effect but the same thing, and so would be but a tautologie; besides the Poet ex∣pressely says —Duas tantum res anxius optat. The most receiv'd Reading is Panem, and illustrated from that of Tacitus, vulgus, cui una ex Rep. annona cura: and so the tessera frumentariae are here thought to be understood; which were certain tokens, which being brought to the Overseer or Prafectus frumenti dividendi, the poorer sort did monthly re∣ceive an allowance of corn, as Sucton also implies in his Augustus, cap. 40. They were called tessera from their fashion, they being little square peices of wood; though afterwards there were some round, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Dio (in Tito) shews; the forms of which Pignorius de Servis expresses in Sculpture. They had certain marks on them, as Turnebus notes, Advers. lib. 19. cap. 26. Theodorus Marcilius on that of Persius [Sat. 5.] Tesserula pos∣sidet, makes the difference between the round ones and the square ones, Illae rotunda ut spargerentur in capita: he quadratae quia distribuebantur: so that the square ones were deliver'd to every one, and were their set or ordinary resserae; but the round ones were missilium tesserae, [though improperly call'd tesserae] such as upon a more especial and Princely bounty were scatter'd among the People.

19. Magna est fornacula. The Poet here menti∣tions the speeches, which passed about the fall of Sejanus, implying that many more were likely to suffer death, because, as the report went, Magna est fornacula! Which some understand plainly of a great surnace prepar'd, with horror to destroy Sejanus his associates, and that by the Poet in a Satyrical jeer it is by way of contraries called Magna fornacula. Indeed the Scholiast seems to take notice of this opposition, saying, Multes habet for∣nax quos exurat; seeming to avoid the inconveni∣ence of the speech, by making it, though but for∣nacula, yet to be called Magna; not in respect of the propet capacity, but in regard of the effect: seeing that what a great one could do at once, this to as full purpose should do in continuance. But this, methinks, were to slow for the rage of a Caesar; and Britannicus not liking, it seems, that exposition, says, Magnum est incandium, hoc est, res maxhmi excidii & furoris moventur: yet others, I think, speak a little nearer to the truth, who take fornacula for the Emperor's flaming revenge. From which last exposition we may select a perfect sense, if with the Poet we retain the litteral exposition by an Oven or Furnace; but according to these last Au∣thors; understand the figurative sense. Yet thus far I will differ from them; that whereas They would have fornacula to signifie the rage it self; I rather think it to signifie, the breast, the Seat of the rage or revenge: for otherwise the rage must be called, as suteable to the fornacula, a little rage; which is both false and absurd; because against the principal intent of the Poet: but being applied to the breast, by saying That was but small, is truly Satyrical, expressing the narrow size even of an Emperor's breast, but the vast Rage and sury Flam∣ing thence: according to which sense, as if he had said, Magna est fornacula nostra, I render it, Tis sure, our small Furnace breaths lilames; that is, our Em∣peror's breast, though but of the size of another man's, is outragiously hot. I may add here, that whereas the Person speaking here adds a farther reason of his Fear, to wit, that his friend Bruti∣dius look'd pale, as he met him at Mars his Altar, Lubin notes upon the words, ad Martis] Vlteris scilicet; as if he would intimate That to be (a far∣ther Cause of his fear; which, methinks, is too nice; for, no doubt, he looked pale, before he met him there.

20. I'me afraid, our great Ajax o'recome re∣venge will take, as ill Guarded—! Quam times, victus ne poenas exigat Ajax Vi male defensus—! Bri∣tannicus understands this as spoken of Brutidius; that is, I fear loast my friend Brutidius like Ajax when he was overcome, will kill himself, and so escape worse torture, as some in the raign of Tibe∣rixs did. But the Scholiast, and so the most, un∣derstand it of Jiberius, who, as he that speaks here fears, will become as outragous upon occasion of this impudent treason of ignoble Sejanus; pretend∣ing also that he has been no better defended by his subjects in this his danger, then Ajax was in his cause, wherein he fail'd; and that therefore he will fall upon man and beast, like disdainful and raging Ajax. And this exposition I the rather choose, first, because the other exposition does not in part agree to Ajax; for though Brutidius might, as he did, kill himself, yet Ajux did it not to scape a worse torment: Secondly, because I conceive it more natural, in a great and sodain fear, for a man to forget the danger of Others, and provide for himself; and so the person here speaking should seem, for a time, more sollicitous for Himself, then for Brutidius. And indeed thus congruously and presently it follows, Curramus Pracipites &—calce∣mus Caesaris hostem; let us with all speed do some act, whereby we Our selves may be beyond all sus∣picion of confederacy: and one most eminent act of this kind he thinks to be, to trample on the car∣cass of Sejanus, whiles he yet lies on the banke of Tiber, Dum jacet in ripa. Where we may observe, as we did before on this Satyre, Illustrat. 16. that there was some space between the Scale Gemonia and the River; a high praecipice over a River be∣ing not properly called ripa: which is, as it is commonly thought, so called from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ictus; and therefore low, that the water may beat against it. Lubin therefore speaks distinctly, whiles he says, in ripa] Sub scalis Gemoniis insepultus; making the

banke a distinct and lower place, then the Scalea Gemoniae.

21. —With 's Chaldie-Heard retir'd To Caprea his Court. Rock-? —Augusta Caprearum in rupe se∣dentis Cum grege Chaldao—? The Poet here sport∣ingly askes a Roman, if he would now choose such a Lot as the Best of Sejanus, to have also the worst of him; and so whether he would, at Sejanus his price, be as it were Protector to the Aged Empe∣ror; who ignominiously retir'd with a rout of Chaldaans, that is, Diviners, and such leud Impo∣stors (to whom he was mainly addicted) unto the obscure lland Caprea, called, at this day, by Mariners, Capri, and here by the Poet, Augusta ru∣pes; lying in the Tyrrhene Sea, near Surrenium, on the South East side of the Entrance of the Bay be∣fore Naples. But here we must take notice, that some read angusta rupe; which though it were true, it being but a small or narrow rock, yet augusta is the more Satyrical; his Imperial, or Court-Rock; the Poet so terming it, because Tiberius had re∣mov'd his Court thither, where he did live in all impuritie. Concerning grex Chaldam, see Drusius his Notes, p. 89. on Sulpitius Severus, lib. 1. and also his Observations, which he there cites, lib. 8. cap. 12.

22. —And Prat••rian Campe. —Et castra dome∣stica—. The Prat••rian Guard, appointed for the safety of the Prince's person; over which Sejanus had the Command, and was the first, as the Scho∣liast says, that placed them juxia aggerem, id est, Diocletianas, he means Thermas. The Castra Prae∣toria are by Rosinus, lib. 1. cap. 13. placed extra ve∣tus pomaerium, at the North-East part of Rome be∣yound the wall of the City; and so presented by Bertellius in his map of Old Rome. Britamicus makes these souldiers and egregios equites here men∣tion'd to be the same; adding that the Romans call'd these more especially Stratiot••••; or the men of war.

23. Or Rule, at Gabii and Fidenea, bear? An Fidenarum Gabiorumque esse potestas? Were it not better, says he, to be a poor Magistrate, at some obscure Town, or but a Market-Clark, where one might have freedome and safery, then to dwell in Honour and Danger? where it may be observ'd, that the word Potestas, properly signifying Magi∣stracy, is here used for the Magistrare himself; as likewise by Pliny, lib. 9. cap. 8. Injuria potestatum inhospitales.

24. To Ceres Son-in-Law, &c. Ad generum Ce∣reris, &c. Few Princes there are, says the Poet (he means unjust ones, as he expounds it, by ad∣ding tyranni) who attain to Kingdomes by fraud or blood, that without blood descend to the grave, or Lower, to Pluto, who married Proserpina the daughter of Ceres, as it is in the fable. Many such passages the high-spirited Romans did oft let fall in their writings, even in the times of the Empire, having still a remembrance of their old Libertie, and a quick sense of the encroachment made upon them by the power of their own Citizens now be∣come their Emperors.

25. He craves all Pallas Feast days without shame, Whose young three farthings wit can yet scarce prate On whom a keeper and small satchel waite.

—Totis Quinquatribus optat Quisquis adhuc vno partam colit asse Minervam, Quem sequitur custos angusta vernula capsa.

He shews, how that old and young have vain and dangerous desires; and that even boyes but newly put to School, and attended on by other boys, which carry their satchels for them, though they have scarce gotten more then three-farthings-worth of learning; will yet at the Quinquatria, a Five∣days-feast instituted to the honour of Minerva, the Patroness of wit, earnestly pray to be as famous for Eloquence, as Tully, or Demosthenes, In which point some things are needful to be clear'd. The name Quinquatria some think to come from quinque and ater, this seast being kept for five, days after the Ides of March; the next day after which, was accounted dies ater, or an unlucky day: yet this feast strictly began neither on the Ides, not on the day immediately following; the Ides of that Month being on the 15th. day, and the dies ater conse∣quently on the 16th. But the Quinquatria begun on the 19th of that Month, and ended on the 23d. day; as appears from the Roman Calendar, in which the first day of this feast is noted with the letter N. implying it to be dies nofastus; which oftentimes; signifies unluckie, and so might be taken for dies ater, which would quite cross this exposition: but in the Calendar, nefastus was such a day, as the Pra∣tor sare not in Court, and so was, as we say, not a-Law-day: Yet others admitting quinque to imply the number of the days of the Feast, more easily account atria but a terminative addition to quinque; as Agellius in effect implies, lib. 21 cap. 21. and like∣wise the Scholiast seems to intimate: whose Copie, though it be here corrupt, yet sensibly yeilds these words, Atria abundat. It may be next observ'd, that on the first day of the Quinquatria was Mi∣nerva's Birth-day; and that on That day School∣masters receiv'd their Minerval or Pay, as is noted in the Roman Calendar. But whereas the words which follow, namely, colit asse Minervam, are com∣monly understood of the School-boy; Jacobus Ni∣colaus Loensis in his Miscell. Epiphyll. lib. 2. cap. 13. expounds it of the School-master himself, thinking it unfit; that such desires (as, to prove equal to Tully or Demosthenes) should be attributed to Chil∣dren, He shews then that School masters did offer their first Gain from their Scholar unto Minerva, whose Image was in their School, citing for proof, that of Tertuslian (Lib. de Idololatria) Quis Ludi∣magister sine tabula septem Idolorum; Quinquatria ta∣men frequentabit? but Junius has it better thus, Quis Ludimagister si non tabularia Idolorum, Quinqua∣tria tamen non frequentabit? Ipsam primam novi disci∣puli stipem, Minerva & nomini & honori consecrat. Loënsis then adds, that such was the ambition even of a Schoolmaster, though he had but a boy, to car∣ry a satchel of books for him; and therefore he reprehends Politian among others for embracing the common opinion. But though we should grant, that in the School there was the Image of Minerva, and that the School master might invite her fa∣vour, with the first gains, which he had of every new Scholar; yet he proves not that thi•• is in∣tended in this place: and some things seem to prove the contrary, if we consider the latter part of the expression of the person. For if it be thus expounded, of the Schoolmaster, it were ridicu∣lous to say, that he had one to carry his satchel af∣ter him. Besides, that Capsarius was a servant at∣tending children to School, is most known, as Bri∣tannicas rightly notes upon Vlpian, titule, de manu∣missis vindicta, and he is here called vernula, im∣plying, that he was the Son of a maid-servant; and so being born in a rich man's house, attended upon his young master to the School. Which par∣ticulars do not so sort with the ordinary condition of Schoolmasters in those days. Likewise it was not then a likely way of advancement for School∣masters

to aim at Tallie's honours: neither do I think, that the singularitie of Quintilian's example could be a sufficient temptation to move any wise man to such a mounting appetite. We may ob∣serve also the words angusta capsa; which to applie to the Schoolmaster, were probably to make him have as little store of learning, as of books, if a small sarchel could contain his provision, which yet was convenient for a boy. But I may not omit, that the Scholiast here by uno partam—asse Miner∣vam, does in a first exposition understand some earthen statue of Minerva (fictilis Minerva signum) bought at that vile price; and so does Lubin on the words Eloquium & faman••] say, —Minervam, qua minimo unius asses precio comparari potest, colit & veneratur: by which last words it is clear, that he speaks of the statue of the goddess, and the price of that statue. Yet afterwards on the words, uno asse, he expounds it not of the statue, but diffe∣rently from himself (though truly in respect of the sense) by mercede, the Schoolmasters pay; referring us for that purpose to Sat. 7. and adding, Parum enim praeceptoribus dabatur. But the Scholiast better weighing the matter, adds —aut qui tenue adhue eloquium buber, taking Minerva: here not for the Goddess or her statue, but for her Guift, Wit and Eloquence: and so does Britannicus rightly ex∣pound it by —qui adbuc primis elementis inbaeret, ••or to express it in the Poet's phrase, that had yet no more learning, then he had purchas'd with three farthings. The reason of the former uncertain∣ties and mistakes in the Interpreters was, as I con∣ceive, occasion'd by the meer mention of Quinqua∣tria and colit: for, they seeing a sacred feast men∣tioned, wherein they especially worshipped Mi∣nerva, and farther hearing the. Poet say, colit Mi∣nervam, took colit for veneratur, and so Minerva for the Goddess, or her statue. Whereas Minerva signi∣fying here Wit and Eloquence, colit fignifies only the dressing or rrimming of it by Study, not a Worshipping of the Goddess's Statue. And whereas at the Feast they did pray to Minerva, that is implied, though not here, as they probably mistook; but in the precedent verse, in the words optare and optat, suf∣ficiently expressing, by the repetition, the servour of their devotion, According to which examin'd sense I render it, whose young three-farthings-wit can yet scarce prate, that is, who has yet no more Eloquence, then he could purchase uno asse.

26. O fortunatam natam, me Consule Romam. Quin∣tilian (lib. 9. cap. 4.) gives a rule against this manner of like sounds; though the like be found again, as Rigaltius notes, in Tullie's Epistles; Res mihi invisa, visa sunt Brute. This as a fault the Scholiast calls cacemphaton; and Tullie's adversaries jeer'd him for this: which fashion of figure was, it seems, quite our of request in Juvenal's time also; for I suppose he speaks but according to common opinion. Yet Turnebus (Advers. lib. 7. cap. 19.) dislikes this dislike both in Quintilian and Juvenal, shewing that it was an acceptable ele∣gancy with the Ancients, as in that of Virgil. 3. AEneid. —Tales casus Cassandra canebat. But if a Musitian shall judge this Controversie, I may in de∣sence of our Poet referre it to Pedro Cerone a Spa∣niard, in his ample work, de la Musica, lib. 12. cap. 6. where he reprehends this verse for the doubling of the parts, natam, natam, and for the termination of the verse in the syllable am; this sound am be∣ing pronounced three times in this one verse. The like fault he finds with the beginning of that Epistle of Cicero to Lentulus Proconsul, Ego omni officio; in which three words the vowel O is sounded four times; and delivers it as a rule in Musick, that the frequency of Vnisons is less acceptable to the car, See him, p. 674. The Poet here adds, that he would indeed rather be the Author of such a filly verse of Tully, then of the best Oration, that e're he made, namely his second Philippick (against Antonie); for this unhappily cost him his life: though (I may add) Juvenal himself ventur'd far enough (in his libertie of Satyre) against this Rule of his own Wisdome.

27. At whose curbe the full Theater retir'd. —Es pleni moder artem fraena Theatrum. Theatrum has been here commonly taken for an Assembly of Au∣ditors: but the Learned Heraldus in his Adversar. lib. 2. cap. 16. accurately and largely endeavours to shew, that it ought to be taken properly for the Theater it self, that being the place among the Grerks where usually the People met and heard their Oratours concerning the weighty affairs of the Commonwealth. To this purpose he alleges Diodorus Siculus, Plutarch, Isocrates, Heliodorus, and that of St. Luke, Act. 19. vers. 29. where, in the tumult, it is said, that the People rushed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, into the Theater. This exposi∣tion is follow'd by Lubin and Autumnus (which last proves it farther our of Tacitus and Justin) but without any mention of Heraldus; to whose observation I may only add this, that both these Opinions put together do indeed make∣up a perfect exposition. For, to take the Theater properly, will not admit a right sense, it being unfit to say, the Theater retir'd: a∣gain, to take the word only for an Assembly, without reference to the Theater, is to neglect that point of Antiquitie, which necessarily here presents it self. But to take it figuratively for the Assemblie in the Theater; does both reconcile the Interpreters, and fully clear the place.

28. From Coal, tongs, anvile, upon which he made Good swords—. A carbone & foreipibus gladiosque parante Incude—. That Demosthenes his Father was a Cutler or one that made Swords, Juvenal here affirms; and by way of disgrace De∣mosthenes was therefore called, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by AEschines: yet Theopompus in Plutarch as Brodoeus notes in his Miscellan. lib. 4. cap. 26. acknowledges that he was both an honest and a wealthy man. And Demosthenes himself in his Oration 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉says, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; over which great number of Servants, some of his freed-men, or his atriensis had the oversight and charge, as Brodaeus thinks. Which I note to shew both what warrant Juvenal had for his speech, that he might not be thought to speak enviously of so brave a man, as also in what sense it is to be understood. And this Orator also the Poet here makes another example of humane misery: who after all his glo∣ry of Eloquence, when the Macedonian had over∣come the Athenians, and, to spare the City, re∣quir'd Demosthenes to be deliver'd to him, that he might be punish'd, was glad, so to escape crueltie, to poison himself.

29. —A coat of mail fixt high On Trophie's snagges—. —Truncis affixa tropheis Lorica—. The manner in war was, where the Conquerer in battle put the enimie to flight, to erect a Trophie in me∣morie of it: which they did by cutting down a tree, lopping-off the branches, fixing it in the ground, and then hanging upon it the spoils wonne from the enemie; among which he reckons aplustra,

or amplustra, which is taken for the ornaments of a ship, as the flag and the like; being deriv'd, as Festus has it, from amplius, quia amplius erant quam necessaria, (which I note only because the word is less obvious) some in a like sense, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, being things not absolutely necessarie in the ship, that is, such things as belong'd to the ship, yet without which they might sail. Scaliger brings it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quod non facile contundatur; others by an antiphrasis from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. An ancient expression of a trophie thou may'st here see. *

[illustration] medal commemorating the Roman victory over Judaea depicting trimphant Roman and subjugated Judaean soldiers

IUDAEA

Almost the like is in a silver coin of Vespasian for the overthrow of Jerusalem. Du Choul. p. 10. de la Relig. des Ancien. Rom. The name Trophie was from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a turning back. In the like manner (that we may here explain it) they did use to raise triumphant Arches of marble in the form of three huge gates, like a stately Palace, (as Pancirol speaks) upon occasion of winning some new Country or City to the Roman State: on which Arches were Inscriptions sometimes in brass with the Triumphant Conquerer and the sad Captive ex∣pressed, according to the Poet, —Et summo tristis captivus in arcu. In like manner also there was be∣stow'd on him that won in a Sea fight, a Naval Co∣rone; as on him that first scal'd a fort, a Mural Co∣ronet, which Antiquity thus presents to us. *

[illustration] two triumphal crowns or coronets, the first celebrating the capture of a town, the second a naval victory

Juv. Sat. X. Illust 29.

Now, says, the Poet, after these vanitles it is, that the Graeciun & Roman and the Batharian General labour so much; where by barbarus induperator is understood the Persian; and in this Satyre afterwards by Barba∣rus is simply meant Xerxes, though Eritannicus ex∣pounds it by Vesanus. But in ancient times, as in the Age of Demosthenes and somewhat before him, the use was, when they said absolutely 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to understand the Persian King; as Lalius Bis∣ciola, Hor. Subseciv. lib. 1. cap. 21. copiously and learnedly shews, discoursing on this word.

30. —And to th' Other Elephants. —aliosque Ele∣phantes. The Poets next instance is in Hannibal, who, as he says, was not content with all Africa, though reaching from the Atlantick Ocean, wherewith it is wash'd, (percussa, says Pithaeus his copie, not perfu∣sa, as the common ones have it) even to Nilus, and compassing in the South the AEthiopians and Their Elephants: but he would needs ferch another com∣pass Northward, in respect of Carthage and the Mediterranean, through Spain, the Pyrenaean Hills, and the Alpes; nay, and aim to place his Ensign in the very Suburra, a chief street of Rome. Whereas then some here tell us, that he pass'd from France over the Fyrenaean Mountains into Spain, it is with∣out proof. For, as Livie relates it, he came first to Spain, won Canieia (now Cartagena) and, after ma∣ny famous actions, passed the Pyrenaean Mountains into France: otherwise he had passed those Hills twice, without necessity, which had not sorted with Hannibal's wit or Speed. But alas, says the Poet what was the end of this fierce Man? He was put to flight, and of a Conquerer became a Client to Pru∣sios the Bithynian King, at whose Praetorium, or Court, he was glad to wait for a hearing, till as he says, the tyrant pleas'd to awake: and when at last the Ro∣mans sent to this his great Patron for their enemie Hannibal, this frerce and unhappy man, to escape shame, dispatch'd himself with poison, which he catried always about him in a Ring, as the Port im∣plies. In which relation some things may be a little consider'd; as first that expression, alies Elephantes; by which he understands the Elephants of AEbio∣pia, which is in the South of Africa, there being another according to an ancient and less exa∣min'd opinion, in Asia: though the oppofition here implied is not between the diverse AEthie∣pios, but the Elephants of most note, that is be∣tween the East Indian and the African. Some read here atrosque elephantes; but this is too obvious an epithet; whereas, according to the other reading, Statius (lib. 10. Thebaid.) speaks of the AEthiopians themselves, as Juvenal here of their Elephants, AEthiopesque alios—. Secondly we may consider the manner of Hannibals pas∣sage over the Alpes, the Poet saying, that he made his way through mountains with vineger which has relation to Livie, who (Decad. 3. lib. 1.) says, that when Hannibal's forces were to make a passage through a rock, they cut-down huge trees, made a great pile of them, set them on fire, using the advantage of the wind, ardentiaque saxa infuso aceto putrefaciurt; and that with vine∣ger pour'd upon the fire they did rot the slones. Which passage I mention not for the probability of it (it being more warily o∣mitted by Polybius, as fabulous) but to save the Reader from vexing his phansie at the guess of the devise. Laftly we may nore, that the poet calls Hannibal Luscum, which is be∣cause in that dangerous passage, he is said to have lost an eie: and thus indeed ac∣cording

to this jeer, he is presented in picture by Opmeer in his Chronologie. p. 140. *

[illustration] portrait of Hannibal of Carthage

HANNIBAL Carthaginensis

Juven. Sat. X. Ill. 30.

yet I think not as the Scholiast relates it, that the loss of his eie came by Lightning; but rather as Livie thinks, who better ascribes it to his distemper through heats and colds, moist air and night-watchings.

31. Which Sostratus does chaunt with moistned wings—madidis cantat quae Sostratus ulis. The Poet having touched upon the vanity of Alexander the Great born at Pella in Macedonia, and his death (by poison) at Babylon in the height of his Conquests, adds the Lot and folly of Xerxes, who, as he says, sail'd about Mount Athos, as the old world thought, and digg'd a chanel through it (as some have it) of a mile and an half in length, and so broad, that two ships might meet and safely pass by one ano∣ther. Besides, the Poet Sostratus relates, that he did other strange things; namely, that he scourg∣ed the Winds (Corus, the North-West, and Eurus the East-wind) for throwing-down his ship-bridge almost a mile in length, on which he drove cha∣riots over the Sea between Europe and Asia. Yet this was inferiour to Caligula's bridge of ships be∣tween Baiae and the piles at Pute••li, above three miles and an half in length, as Sueton relates in his life, cap. 19. See Satyre 3. Illust. 1. The said Sostra∣tus adds, that Xerxes ridiculously cast fetters into the Sea, and so shackled Neptune-Ennosigaeus, so called, because his waves beat-upon and shaked the Land, or as Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. 17. gives the reason out of Anaximander, because of the Earth∣quakes attributed to Neptune, the waters or great showers getting into the rifts of the parch'd Earth together with the Air. likewise there inclosed, causing terible vapours; as he describes it. The same mad Xerxes commanded them to give the Sea 300. Strokes with a scourge, and to box it, not without a frantick execration. And whereas our Poet says, it was well that he did not Stigmalize it, as they used fugitive servants, when they were brought back again, that is, burn them with a mark, that so they might be known and shamed, Herodo∣tus (lib. 7.) says, that he caus∣ed this also to be done. In which expression those words concern∣ing the Poet Sostratus, madidis alis, are somewhat differently un∣derstood, Rigaltius expounding them by sudanribus axillis; and so anciently the Scholiast saying, Ma∣didis—ideo, quia omnes qui cum sollicitudine recitant, necesse est ut a∣lae cis Sudent. Sic Horatius, —su∣dor ad imos Manabat talos—. But this acception of alae for axillae here does not prevail; and it seems somewhat affected and remote to take it so: for though Sostratus might take pains in his poetical descriptions of Xerxes his Expe∣dition; yet to express his study or supposed recitation, by his sweating under the arm pits, seems an overplus. Others, though they give no reason of their refu∣sing that exposition, understand 〈◊〉〈◊〉 better, I think, whiles figura∣•••••••••••• of his poetical wings, that is, his wit moistned with wine, by which he chaunted-out lofty phansies.

32. Hoc recto vuliu solum hoc & pallidus optas. The Scholiast and Lubin understand by recto vuliu] laeto & tristi, and omni vitae tempore; I rather think it expresses a coun∣tenance directed to the God, to whom they pray'd; and so signifies, that when they pray'd for long life, they did it confidently; that is, without blush∣ing, thinking That to be bot afair request, as being but their desire to worship the Gods here on earth, as long as they might; according to which sense I render it, with face direct—.

33. In Tabracha's large shades—. Tabraca is a Ci∣ty in Africa propria, as Ortelius describes it, now call'd the Kingdome of Tunis, on the Mediterranean; near which was a Wood, wherein was great store of Apes, as Strabo notes, lib. 17. Posidonius (says he) relates, that as he sail'd from Cadiz towards Italie, He touch'd on the Lybian shoar, at a place full of Apes: some whereof were in trees, some sitting; some with their young ones by them, and long dugges hanging-down; some bald, some bro∣ken-bellied; as he pleasantly describes it out of Posidonius. Surely we may add 't was cither Ta∣bracha, or another Tabracha.

34. —Though Seleucus 't were, Or such as use th' embroyder'd cloak to wear.—Sitve Seleucus, Aut quibus aurata mos est fulgere lacerna. In the de∣scription here of old men, the Poet says, that whereas in young men there is great variety of fa∣ces, in old men there seems none; probably he means by reason of their wrinkles, in which res∣pect they seem all alike; alike indeed in feeble∣ness, and some alike in the unseemliness of too moist, or childish, a nose, aptly here call'd, madidi infantia nasi; alike in many other irksome infirmi∣ties, which even Cossus could not, by any wit of Coveteousness, command himself to endure, though he would almost endure any thing, cogging with the rich and childless, in hope of an estate. Be∣sides, says the Poet, an old man is in a manner

deaf, not hearing Musick, though never so sweet or loud; no not Seleucus a prime Musitian, or such, as according to the fashion of those times, did use being clothed, for the delight of the Spectatours in a rich embroydered garment, to walk and sing upon the Stage. For in the Theater they did use the Lacerna, call'd by Britannicus, palla aurata, and by some, tunica talaris. This custome is expressed by Tully, or whosoe're is the author ad Herennium, lib. 4. saying, ut cither aedus, cum prodierit optime ve∣stitus, palla inaurata indutus, cum chlamyde purpurea coloribus variis intertexta, & cum corona magnis ful∣gentibus gemmis illuminata, cytharam tenens exornaetissi∣mam auro & ebore distinctam, &c. Horace also (de Arte Poetica) implies it in these words, sic priscae motumque & luxuriam addidit arti Tibicen, traxitque vagus per pulpita vestem—. Where we must take notice, that the garments, which these Musitians used, were not all of the same fashion or length; for some were short, as the chlamys is described to be; some moderate, as the palla; some longer, as sometimes the lacerna; some trailing on the ground, as that describ'd by Horace. Whence we must most probably conclude, that such variety of expression could not proceed from a carelesness in such excellent authors, but from a true variety and libertie in the fashions of the garments.

35. —How many Sick in one Autumn Themison did bane ye. Quot Themison agros autumno occiderit uno. The Poet accusing old age of innumerable maladies, expresses it with the wit of an unex∣pected comparison, saying that a man may as ea∣sily number Hippia's paramours; or tell how ma∣ny patients the Physitian Themison (commended by Pliny and Celsus, though here jeer'd-at) kills ye familiarly in one Autumn; or how many wealthy Provincials Basilus an unjust governour has undone in his province, by turning them out of their e∣states to enrich himself; or how many innocent Wards Irus a known Guardian has cosen'd; and (to omit some impurities) how many Towns Li∣cinius (or, as by some he is called, Cinnamus) is now Lord of, who, when my beard (says the Poet) was first cut, was but a barber, and now of a bar∣ber is become a Senator, says the Scholiast. In which description the Poet repeats the words, which he used, of this Licinius, in the first Satyre, fixing them on him, as a constant jeer. Which singularly witty and unexpected comparison in this passage justly applauded, is a little severely enter∣tain'd by some offended with the number of the instances; whereas the number of them, which here are jeer'd-at, is compriz'd in so few lines, that it may justly invite commendations, for the delightful art. The Poet adds one more, and the worst infirmitie, Dotage: which makes a man, by an unnatural Testament, disinherit, his own chil∣dren, giving all to a Phiale, a leud housewife (for some impure offices) though such a one, as the Poet fitly speaks, that has lived always in the jail of the Stews.

36. —View they must Urnes fill'd with their dear sister's bones and dust. —Plenaeque sororibus ur∣nae. The usual manner of the Romans was to burn the bodies of the dead, then gather the ashes and the bones, and put them in pitchers or pots (which were called urnae, vessels containing 4 gallons and a half a peice) sometimes of earth and sometimes or brass, as Pancirol (lib. 1. Tit. 62.) more par∣ticularly observes; and so place the better sort in stately vaults belonging to great families, I omit here the recital of any other Rites concerning their funerals, it being an argument purposely and largely handled by many. I may only mention the device, which they used, as some teach us, in burning the body to preserve notwithstanding the ashes and bones from mixing with the ashes of the wood, with which it was burnt. Which, some say, was perform'd by wrapping the body in a sheet made of a kind of flax, call'd asbestinum, and asbe∣ston, inextinguishable (and mention'd by Pliny, lib. 29. cap. 1.) it being of that nature, that it is not consum'd, but only cleans'd, by the fire.

37. —And now count his years on his Right hand. —Atque suos jam dextra computat annos. The Poet shewing that old age is oftentimes the occa∣sion of much misery, instances in Nestor King of Py∣los (in Arcadia, as Strabo says) who, though he lived, as some say, almost 300. years, and conse∣quently for age was the nearest to the long-liv'd crow, which some report to live 900. years; and that so according to the custome he reckon'd his age upon his Right hand; yet when in his Old age he saw his dear Son Antilochus, who was now grown a man and bearded, unhappily slain, and his beard burn (as the Poet says) in his funeral fire, then he bewail'd and accused his Old age. The like, says he, did also Peleus in his Old age, who liv'd to mourn for his Son Achilles treacherously slain with darts by Paris and Deiphobus in Apollo's Tem∣ple, when he thought to have been married to Polyxena; the like also did Old Laërtes, who mourn∣ed for his Son Ʋlysses wandring at Sea for ten years space. In which passage the Poet intimates a point of Antiquitie, concerning the art of numbring up∣on the hands: but the Interpreters telling us only that there was such a custome, but not searching out the manner (excepting only that they say, that they reckon'd on the Lest had unto 100. and afterwards on the Right unto 1000.) it will be neither unpleasant nor unprofitable to clear this ob∣scurity; diverse passages in ancient Authors both Greek and Latin intimating it, and some places in St. Jerom being not to be understood without it. He indeed in His time mentions it, and Cassiodorus (in Variis); the learned Beda also discourses of it, and in latter times some more searching men have touch'd upon it, as Rhodigine, Lylius Gyraldus, and Christophorus Scobar (in an Epistle to Matthaeus Barresius; it is the 24th. in the Century of Philo∣logical Epistles publish'd by Goldastus) and of late Johannes Wowerius in his Polymatheia, c. 7. but above all and anciently Nicolaus Smyrnaeus Astabasdas, who has written a little Treatise in Greek publish'd by Morellus, to wit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, some chapters whereof are set-down by the learned Caussinus, de Eloquentia, lib. 9. cap. 8. where he ex∣presses, Vermiculatos digitorum flexus, as Martianus speaks, and as Caussinus terms it, rationem nume∣randi putidiusculam. In the description whereof I shall need only to examine what Astabasdas and Gyraldus say; these two being the most diligent in this argument: but of those I take the first for the truth, as writing both anciently and purpose∣ly; though some things in the last also I shall ob∣serve. But first it will be necessarie to set-down the names of the fingers, by which they have been anciently called. The Thumb then is called Pollex, pollux, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Fore-finger, is cal∣led 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Index, and Salutaris (as by Capella); because with that stretch'd-forth the Ancients did use to express themselves in Salutation. It was likewise call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (to lick); though some expound this by the Middle-finger. It is by

some called prior digitus (as by us usually, the Fore finger): so Apuleius (in Asino) expressing the manner of Adoration says, Admoventes oribus suis dexteram priore digito in erectum pollicem residente; holding their thumb upright and the end of the fore-finger resting upon the top of it, they moved it to their lipps. The Middle-finger was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, medius, medius unguis (as some say, but see in this Satyre, Illustrat. 10.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, infamis, famosus, verpus, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Ring-finger (next to the Little-finger) was anciently called annularis; though strictly that finger only on the left hand should be so called, because of a vein commonly supposed to come to that finger on the left hand, from the heart: for which cause anci∣ently it had the ring put on it in marriage. But, by the way, the learned Bartholinus (in his Ana∣tomie, lib. 4. cap. 1. notes this opinion concerning such a supposed vein as false and contrarie to Ana∣tomie. (See Satyre, 6. Illust. 3.) This finger was term'd also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, medicus and medicinalis, because Physitians common∣ly stirr'd their compositions with that finger. The Little-finger was called, minimus, minusculus, ultimus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and auricularis or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. As for the Order of them, Astabasdas reckons the Little-finger first, the Ring-finger as Second, and so forward; and for the Custome it self, he says that they reck∣on'd Ʋunites and Decades on the Lest hand; as on the Right, Hundreds and Thousands. By which rule we may presently judge of their Opinion, who in this passage attribute 90. years to the life of Nestor; making an Age to signifie but 30. years; and so allowing him but three ages, all can arise but to 90. years: whereas the receiv'd Opinion makes him almost 300. years old, counting to every Age, 100. years, which must needs be the true Opinion. For, had he been but 90. years of Age, how could he be said to reckon his years on his Right hand, on which they did not reckon till they were an hundred? To omit, besides the great dispropor∣tion between 90. and 900. and so between His Age, and the Age of the Crow according to the vulgar opinion: for I know that some Naturalists allow to the Age of the Crow not much above 100. years. Again we may by this judge of Lubin's words, who says, if we stand to this exposition of three by thirtie years to an Age, that then this verse, which we now expound, must be thus understood; to wit, that they reckon'd Decads unto fifty on the Left hand per dextram (with the Right, I think he means) and then the other four from sixty to ninety on the fingers of the Right hand per sinistram (with the Left.) In which expression, though he does not allow of that exposition concerning 90. years, yet what a supposition does he make, in the man∣ner of reckoning, without warrant? And how ex∣presses he the fashion of the reckoning, as if it had been made on the one hand with the other? when as there was no such matter, the expressions being made on each hand single, and after This manner which follows. The Little-finger being contract∣ed, or a little bended, the other four being ex∣tended and erect, did on the Left hand signifie One, and on the Right. One thousand. The Little-finger and the Ring-finger being bended and the other three being erect, did on the Left hand sig∣nifie Two, on the Right, Two thousand. The Little-finger, the Ring-finger and the Middle-finger be∣ing bended, the Fore-finger and the Thumb being erect, signified on the Left hand Three, on the Right Three Thousand. The Ring-finger and Middle-finger being bended, the other three being erect, signified on the Left hand, Four, on the Right, Four Thousand. The Middle-finger only being bended, and the Other four erect, signified on the Left hand, Five; on the Right, Five Thousand. The next number, six, in the Latin Translation of Asta∣basdas (as it is printed in Caussinus) is expressed thus, Incurvatis infami & annulari, reliquis expor∣rectis; but this is the expression of the number Four, mention'd before; and so would be a confu∣sion of the descriptions. The Greek copie has it thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. In which expression, if rightly consider'd, there is mention but of one finger, the particle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being there only exegetical (or, explicative) and so but a farther expression of the former name. And thus Astabasdas uses it in the very precedent ex∣pression of the number Five. where the Latin In∣terpreter rightly render'd it, tertio medióve con∣tracto; the Greek being there, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the third and middlemost, for the third or middlemost. Thus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are here the same; and so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies in the Greek copie in the former expression of the number Four, where it is thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. where apparently 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉is the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and therefore the same also with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and the Ring-finger is ac∣cording to Astabasdas the Second in order. The Latin Interpreter therefore insteed of saying, In∣curvatis infami & annulari, should have render'd it, Annulari rursus, sive secundo incurvato, &c. Accord∣ing to which truth of the Greek Copie, the Ring-finger being bended, and the other four being ex∣tended, signified on the Left hand, six; but on the Right, Six Thousand. And though I believe that Gyraldus had not seen Astabasdas his copie, because of the many differences that are between them, if compar'd: yet he agrees with him in this truth, saying that Six is expressed Complicato solo annulari, etsi medium ut puto perperam quidam existimant: in which last also he said rightly, the bending of the middle-finger alone being not the expression of Six, but of Five, as is before shew'd. The three next expressions differ but a little from the three first, being made with the same fingers; but whereas in the first three they were but a little bended to∣wards the palme of the hand, in the three next they are bended lower towards the wrist. Gyraldus expresses it worse; saying, that in the three first the fingers are inclin'd ad manus volam; but in the three last, digito palmae affixo. But to proceed; The Little-finger being bended towards the Wrist, the rest being erect, signified on the Left hand, Seven; on the Right Seven Thousand. The Little-finger and the Ring finger being so bended (towards the wrist) signified on the Left hand Eight; on the Right, Eight Thousand. The Little-finger, Ring-finger and Middle-finger bended to the wrist, signi∣fied on the Left hand, Nine; on the Right, Nine Thousand. The next expressions are of Tenns and Hundreds, and I confess, exceeding difficult to be understood, yet not doubting of pardon from the ingenuous Reader, if my guess mistake the descrip∣tions, in so abstruse a point of Antiquitie, we may thus proceed. The Thumb being stretch'd forth, yet not erect but obliquè utique (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) and the Fore-finger being bended till it came to the first article or joint of the Thumb, both making the figure of a σ (sigma) the other fingers being stretch'd forth and join'd together, did on the

Left hand signifie Ten, but on the Right, and Hun∣dred. The Fourth, or Fore-finger being stretch'd-forth straight, The Three Other fingers bending a little towards the palme of the hand, and the Thumb both resting upon those bended-fingers and also placed close to the Fore-finger, did on the Left hand signifie, Twenty: but on the Right, Two Hun∣dred. The Fore-finger and Thumb [in porrectum subinclinatis] being stretch'd forwards with a little bending downward (& insummo apice sibi appro∣pinquanttbus) and almost touching, the other three being stretch'd-forth and join'd, signified on the Left hand, Thirtie, but on the Right, Three Hun∣dred. Yet St. Jerom's description of this number differs from this, he making the Fore-finger and the Thumb to Join; whereas according to Astabas∣das they should not quite touch one another at their tops, to express Thirty; but they should only al∣most touch. But St. Jerom expressing Marriage by the number of Thirty, says to Jovinian, Ipsa digi∣torum Conjunctio, quasi molli osculo se complexans & foederans, maritum pingit & uxorem. Yet, though I justly honour the learning of St. Jerom, in this point I had rather adhere to Astabasdas making it his bus'ness to search this argument. And though I see Gyraldus agreeing with St. Jerom, swaid, as I guess, by his Authority, and so describing it by summo indicis, pollicis summum exosculante, yet I be∣lieve, that the expression used by Astabasdas may be confirm'd also by ancient authority, and more ancient then St. Jerom, by above 200. years; namely from Apuleius, in his Apologie, and indeed by the business it self mention'd there by him. For, endeavouring there to clear himself from the slan∣der of his Adversarie, who had accused him of pro∣curing by evil means the affection of rich Pudentilla (whom he got for his wife); urging that he had wrought upon her dotage, she being, as he said, Threescore years of age; Apuleius tells him, that he, belies her by Twenty years, and that he might at least have made a more handsome lie. For, says he, Si triginta annos pro decem dixisses, posses videri pro computationis gestu errasse: quos circulare debueras digitos, aperuisse. Cum vero quadraginta, quae faci∣lius ••aeteris porrecta palma significantur, ea quadra∣ginta tu dimidio auges, non potes dignorum gestu er∣rasse, nisi forte triginta annorum Pudentillam ratus, binos cujusque anni Consules numerasti. Which very obscure passage in that Author, this doctrine right∣ly consider'd may clearly enlighten. If, says he, thou had'st said, Thirty years for Ten, thou mightest have been thought to have erred in the hand-ge∣sture of the account, or number; leaving the fin∣gers open, which should have made a Circle, that is, which should have Met (or, clos'd). But see∣ing that fortie, which are expressed more easily with an open hand, are by thee encreas'd by half as much more; this could not be an error in the gesture of thy fingers: unless perchance thou thinking Pudentilla to be but Thirty years old, did'st reckon every year for two, according to the number of the Consuls. Wherein he clearly suppo∣ses the number intended to be expressed, to be Ten, and the number mistaken for it to be Thirty; and consequent Ten to have been expressed with the fingers (the Thumb and Fore-finger) closed, and Thirty to be expressed with the fingers (the Thumb and Fore-finger (not meeting, or) Open. Thus, says Apuleius, had That been thy Lie, it might have been a mistake by the small difference in ge∣sture on the fingers, between Ten and Thirty: but the Lie being between the number of Fourty, which is expressed with an open hand, and Sixtie, which is expressed with a closed hand (as will appear in the description of it) is so gross, that it is inexcu∣sable: which justifies Astabasdas his expression of Thirty, by the fingers not closed into a perfect Cir∣cle. Besides it may be observed, that St. Jerom's description of Thirty is in a manner the same with Astabasdas his description of Seventy. Of which dif∣ferences in the computations of St. Jerom and Apu∣leius, the learned Bishop, Marianus Victorius takes notice, in his Scholia, upon St. Jerom, lib. 1. Adver∣sus Jovinianum. num. 7. whence we must admit that there were varieties, though but voluntarie diver∣sities, of computations in this kind of Hand-Arith∣metick. Yet we may observe, for the more clear understanding of this difference, that Beda expres∣ses 10. by making the top of the fore-finger touch the upper joint of the Thumb; and expresses 30. by making the topps of those two fingers to touch. But to proceed with my Author (Astabasdas) as the observer of the more ancient way, the four fin∣gers being stretch'd forth, and (pollice superinducto indici) the Thumb being form'd above the fore-finger like the γ (gamma) and looking towards the upper and back part of the hand, signified on the left hand, Fourty; but on the Right, Four Hun∣dred. The four fingers being stretch'd-out and the Thumb form'd like a γ and inclin'd toward the inward part 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ad pectus sive ar∣tum indicis, signified on the Left hand, Fifty; but on the Right, Five Hundred. The Little-finger, Ring-finger and Middle-finger being stretch'd-out, and the Fore finger so incompassing the Thumb (us index contingat media junctura primum & secun∣dum articulum) that with the middle joint of it (on the inside part of it) it touch the first and second joint of the Thumb, that is, as I conceive, lying between them, and so that the frons indicis, the inside part of the top of the fore-finger touch the mons pollicis, the inside and lower part of the Thumb, signified on the Left hand Sixtie, on the Right, Six Hundred. The three foresaid fingers being extended as before, and the Thumb join'd (in a circular fashion) with the uppermost part of the nail of the Fore-finger, signified on the Left hand, Seventy; on the Right, Seven Hundred. In which expression of Seventy, the Fore-finger and the thumb circularly touching, shew, that in the expressi∣on of Thirty the same fingers do not meet, but only almost join. The foresaid fingers being join'd and e∣rect, yet so that the upper parts of them looking to the palme make fashion of an angle in them, the thumb lying upon the radix or inside bottome of the Middle-finger, and so fitted to the palme, and the Fore finger winding about the first joint of the thumb, till the end of it rests upon the mount of the thumb, signified on the Left-hand, Eighty; and on the Right, Eight Hundred. The Thumb being erect, the Fore-finger bending downwards, and the other three being extended, signified on the Left hand, Ninty; on the Right, Nine Hundred. In which last ex∣pression he begins the description saying, manu palmi instar contracta; which gesture of the hand, how it should stand with the rest of the description, I do not well perceive; unless he means either the com∣pression of the hand, by bringing the mount of the thumb and of the little finger to encline toward one another, or else that the three outward fingers should, though erect, bend in the middle-joint in form of a right angle, & then the uppermost parts of them from the angle be extended. But I thought it better to express it without such a difference, as

seem'd hardly consistent with all the rest. In many of which descriptions Gyraldus differs much; among other things saying, that one expressed on the Left hand, is on the Right, a Hundred, and so forth: and though he takes notice, that some and the more An∣cient writers (though he names them not) say that on the Right hand it signified a Thousand, does not∣withstanding choose the other opinion. Petrus Col∣vius also in Apul. Apol. 11. Not. p. 267. says that they reckon'd on the Left hand until they came to 100. and then reckning on the right hand till they came to 200. they return'd again to reckon on the left hand. Beda in handling the way of Computation up∣on the Hand [but not this of Astabasdas] is very large and diligent. But this to the less curious will per∣chance be too much; though by this we may see the devises of the Ancients, that would make use of Cu∣riositie to Expedition and Thrift. Yet we may not omit, that in proceeding farther in this art [of which I have seen no more of Astabasdas his Copie] it is implyed in an Epigramme, in the Greek Anthologie [lib. 2.] that the Ancients after they had reckon'd Nine Thousand, began again to number on the Left hand; as Lubin here notes, and Rutgersius, in his Var. Lection. lib. 4. cap. 9. referring his Reader to Brodaeus on this last point. And as the Ancients did thus number upon their hands, so by the hands gesticula∣tion they did express their commands unto their Servants; and hither some draw that of the Psalm, 1••3. v. 2. As the cies of servants look unto the hand of her mistress; &c. as particularly Pignorius notes, de Servis. p. 71. For the quicker apprehension and delight of the ingenuous Reader, I have expressed here in picture the summe of this Art, A Table of the Ancient Hand-Arithmetick, so far as I have described it [Astabasdas his way] doing it without pattern; yet by the precedent descriptions, as well as in such an obscuritie my Guess could direct me to give di∣rections for the performance, only the reader may take notice, that for brevity sake I have in the third column of the Arithmetick-Table omitted the form of the fingers, they being the same as in the second column, excepting only, that they are on the right hand, as in the second on the Left. *

38. The Crown laid-by—.—posita—tiara. The Po∣et's next instance is in Priamus, who might have been brought to the Sepulchers of his Ancestors, so to Assaracus [his great uncle] his Grandfarther's brother with honour, his Sons carrying the hearse, and his Daughter Polyxena renting her garment, ac∣cording to the manner of mourning; if he had died whiles Troy flourish'd. But alas, says he, living long he saw the confusion of his Kingdome, and in the hurry of the destruction he was fain to lay-by his Crown, and putting on arms, though not able to use them, was slain before the Altar of Jupiter, even like an old Oxe past Service; ut vetulus bos: where vetu∣lus was rightly added by the Poet; for otherwise he had spoken improperly, there being a Law both a∣mongst the Graecians and Romans, de non mactando bove aratore. See Casaub. Athen. Animadvers. lib. 1. cap. 8. yet, says the Poet, the Lot of Hecuba, the wife of Priamus, was far worse; for [as the fable has] she was turn'd into a bitch; the fiction being oc∣casion'd by her bitter speeches against the Greeks. In which passage Priamus his Crown is by the Poet called, tiara; which was a Persian ornament for the head, yet it belong'd also to the Trojans, as Tiraquel observes on Alex. ab. Alex. [lib. 1. cap. 28.] from this of Juvenal. In which place Alexander says of it, tiara, pilens crat, ex quâ ridimi••ula, quibus maxillae velan∣tur, deflucbant, qua Phryges in solennibus utebantur saepe; agreeing thus with the description of the Phrygian Mitra, as Juvenal speaks, Sat. 6. where I describ'd it, Illustrat. 58. likening it there to a round capp. For, such St. Jerom says it was [Epist. ad Fabiolam] rotun∣dum pileolum, quasi sphaera media sit divisa, & pars al∣tera ponatur in capite. By the Scholiast on that passage, Sat. 6. v. 514. it is called galea sacerdotis; but the Priest's tiara was not acuminate. It was of Silk [bys∣sinum; some say, of several peices of cloth] and the colour of it was purple, according to that of Ovid. Med. 11. fab. 5. Tempora purpureis tentat velare tiaris. The King's tiara was for state adorn'd with preci∣ous stones, according to that of Valerius Flaccus, lib. 1. Argonaut.

Ad viridem gemmis & Eoa stamina sylva Subligat extrema patriam cervice tiaram.

There were indeed two sorts of it, as Johannes Har∣••ungus notes [in his Locorum Memorabilium, Decuria 3. cap. 8. num. 21.] the one depressed and somewhat pro∣minent over the brow, in token of subjection; the other upright and acuminate, worn only by Kings, [as Seneca says, de Beneficiis, l. 6. c. 31. Xenophon. Anab. 2. and Suidas] the Priest's being not acuminate, as Sa∣varo also notes on Sidonius Apollinaris, lib. 8. Epist. 3. yet whereas Savaro there, on the word myrrhatos, says that mitra and tiara is the same, he had spoken more warily, if he had said, that they are sometimes so taken. Dempster on Rosinus, l. 6. c. 35. describes it to have been of the fashion of a half-moon, according to that of Sidonius Apollinaris, Flectit Achemenius Lunatam Persa tiaram; and farther shews that in war they used to adorn it with peacock's feathers. Justin. l. 1. seems to make this wear an invention of Semiramis, who dressing her head with this orna∣ment, did to avoid suspition of some farther intend∣ed novelty by this novelty, command others to wear the like, observing always the foresaid difference. See also concerning this ornament, Cerda, on that of Vir∣gil, Aeneid. 7. Hoc Priami gestamen erat. I will here only add, that Antoine le Pois in his Discours sur les Medalles Antiques, at the end of his work, on pag. H. figur. 6. presents this ensuing expression for a form of the tiara. *

[illustration] depiction of a Trojan mitre of office

39. -Catiline lay an Entire coarse.-Jacuit Catilina cadave∣re toto. Juvenal in a manner passing-by the misery of long life in Mithridates King of Pon∣tus, who after 69. years of age (of which he was 57. years a King, and of these for 40. years a warriour against the Ro∣mans) was utterly over∣thrown, and, to scape shame, glad to be kill'd by one of his souldiers; passing by also the example of Crasus the Iydi∣an King, who had like to have been burn'd alive by his con∣queror Cy••us, passes to the examples of some-Romans, as of Marius and Pompey. The first of which by living long was fain to flie for his life, and in the Minturnian senns hid himself; which fens are not, as some tell us, in Switzerland, but in Latium (now call'd Campagnia di Roma) by the River Lyris, as Plutarch informs us in the Life of Marius; and Strabo, lib. 5. yet he was taken; and though he got out of prison and fled into Africa, again he was in danger of his life, and in such di∣stress that at the remaining ruins of Carthage he begg'd bread: whereas if he had breath'd-out his

triumphant Soul, or his Soul enrich'd with victory [animam opimam; so call'd from spolia opima, which were properly those spoils, which the General him∣self won from the General of the Enemies] as soon as he ended his triumph, that is, after his glorious riding with his multitude of captive Teutons passing before his chariot to the Capitol; in the very in∣stant of his descending from his Triumph; he had been as happy, as ever was Roman. The second [Pompey] after a long glory was overthrown, and at last had his head cut-off; concerning whose death the Poet saying, that even Lentulus, Cethegus and Catiline were in that respect less unhappy, is repre∣hended by some learned Criticks; Pompey, as they say, dying for his Country, but some of those trai∣tours being justly strangled in the jail. Besides, to count him the more unhappy, because His head was cut-off, and Theirs were not, seems to Them but weak; for, according to That reason, say they, even they that dy Crucified, should be accounted more happy. But, to speak gently, let us not crucifie an Author, extending him otherwise then he would. Is Juvenal the only man that calls Pompey unhappy? Or, does he call him so for fighting in defence of his Country? or rather because his Cause and Merit was not attended with better success? Or does he here otherwise call Pompey, though innocent, unhap∣py, then before he did Nestor? whom he proposed indeed as an example of unhappiness in old age; yet not because he came against Troy in behalf of Greece; but because comming thither, he was fain to see the sad funeral of his flourishing Son, who was slain. In like manner the Poet does not compare those con∣spirators with Pompey in respect of their cause, but only of the manner and consequence of their destru∣ctions: in which respect he thinks it more unhappi∣ness (setting aside other respects) to die with a di∣vided carcass, then with a whole one. Nor is this speech without sufficient reason, the whole body being not usually so trivially exposed to scorn, as the head, when divided from the body, has often and wretchedly been, as is well known in the death of Tully; as likewise of Galba (as I have shew'd, Sat. 6. Illustrat. 67.) and what degree of this contempt Pom∣pey's head escap'd, was rather by the humanitie of the Conqueror, then of the Executioner. So that in this respect even he that died as an ordinary male∣factour might be term'd less unhappy, whiles he fear'd not any thing beyond the execution; and though he endur'd death, yet not a jeer too. But whereas some here tell us, that Catiline, who in∣tended a funeral fire for Rome, came to his own in∣tire; it is not without a mistake: the bodies of Trai∣tours being not burnt; as I have observ'd, Sat. 1. Illust. 51. they holding it profane to burn them; or the bo∣dy of a vestal, if she became dishonest. See Sat. 4. Illust. 3.

40. And some Adulterers the quick Mullet en∣ters — quosdam moechos & mugilis intrat. Our Author speaking here against the vain desire of beauty shews, that though a doating mother wish beauty for her children, alleadging that even Latona was glad, that her Daughter Diana was fair, yet the known example of Lucretia might make one wish otherwise; as also of Virginia, who might indeed have wish'd to have been rather a Rutila; who was, as Pli∣ny says (lib. 7.) deform'd, crook-back'd, and above 97. years of age. In like manner says the Poet, beau∣tiful Sons are but the more obnoxious to Great ones; and as they are often entertain'd by wanton Ladies, so sometimes have their predecessor Mars his luck, they are taken, but more dearly pay for their pleasure; being by force, according to the na∣ture of Jealousie, clyster'd with a Mullet (to express the terrible punishment no farther); the outrage of which revenge may easily be understood from the form of the fish here presented. *

[illustration] depiction of a red mullet

Juv. Sat. X. Illust. 40.

The Athenians by their Law punish'd adulterers after the like manner with a raddish, as Casaubon notes in his Ani∣madversions on Athenaeus, lib. 1. cap. 5. though some∣times by expilation of the Seat-part, as Alexand. ab Alex observes in his Gen. Dier. lib. 4. cap. 1. which pu∣nishment was therefore called, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Even beasts hate adultery, and punish it: as Bisciola notes, p. 1110. The Poet here adds farther a Mother's an∣swer, to wit, that Her fair Son shall not be liable to such danger, as applying himself only to some choice and secret ones: but, says the Poet, when guifts come he will be a servant to a course and deform'd Servi∣lia also. For in this case, says he, Coveteousness work∣ing upon him and Lust upon them, they shew the ut∣most of their behaviour, their freest carriage, not sparing their alluring presents, whether she be a prodigal Hippia, or a covetous Catulla. For, where∣as some by these names understand, whether she be rich or poor, it does not agree either with the per∣sons, or the fault here spoken-of: both Hippia and Ca∣tulla being names used in this our Poet for persons as well of wealth, as Wantonness; and the poorer sort being not equal to the means of such desires.

41. Ten hundred thousand Sesterces, as due Portion by Ancient Rite—. —Et ritu decies centena dabuntur Antiquo—. The Poet shews next that beauty in a man may sometimes be his destruction, though he be

innocent, as it was to chast Hippolitus by refusing the soul desires of his Mother-in-Law Phadra the daughter of Minos King of Creet; and also almost the destruction of chast Bellerophen, who likewise re∣jected the temptations of Sthenobaea the wise of Proe∣tus King of the Archives. But in a nearer (a Roman) instance, it was the unavoidable confusion of the comely and Noble Caius Silius, who was designed to be Consul: whom the enslam'd and impudent Empress Messalina so doated-on, that having seperated him from his wise Julia Syllana, she would needs be mar∣ried to him. And Claudius the Emperor her husband being gone but to Ostia, she in all formalitie put-on the flame-colour'd marriage-vail; and the marriage-bed (which was called also lectus adversus) was in honour of the Genius (as Festus gives the reason of it) richly adorned with Purple and prepar'd in the Lucullian Gardens. Of which custome of the Ancients habitation in Gardens for their pleasure, see Brissonii Select. ex Jur. Civil. Antiquit. lib. 3. cap. 13. Besides, she made good the Portion, which by ancient rite she Ought to bring; which was decies centena millia sester∣tium (as it comes from sestertius) that is, a thou∣sand-Sestertia, or 7812l. 10s. as I have reduced it, Sat. 6. Illustrat. 17. But some think not that this was the usual portion in ancient times, but that the Poet only notes-out the invidious wealth of that age, which so exceeded the honest slenderness of former ages and estates, that now they thought this summe a Legal, solemn and necessary portion, according to that of Seneca, Pantomima decies sestertio ••ubaut. Yet the Interpreters generally take it according to the first exposition, which seems to be the intent of the place, only with this caution, that it was the usual portion for Women of the Senatorian blood, as Bri∣tannicus observes. Besides this, says the Poet, the South sayer and Those that Seal were present: for before marriage they writ-down in Tables, by way of record, the form of the Contract, unto which Wit∣nesses did always set their Seals, and are accord∣ingly here called Signatores. The South sayer also was there according to the Custome of their Superstiti∣ous enterprizing nothing, nisi auspicio prius sampto: & the most luckie sign in such observation was a crow (as Alexan. ab Alex. notes, lib. 2. cap. 5.) because when one of them dies, the other remains perpetu∣ally without a mate. But what was the conclusion of this solemn adultery? for they made Adultery a Wedding; pleasing themselves in all solemnity that day and night; till by a command from the Empe∣ror they were in the same Gardens seaz'd-on and both slain; but sair and wretched Silius first, and be∣fore Messalian's cies. Some report that Clandius him∣self seal'd the Contract (which may seem incredi∣ble) upon pretence of avoiding by that means some dangers, which were said to be portended. See Sue∣ton, in Claudius, cap. 29. Thus, had Silius not done this, Messalina had been his death; and for doing of it, Claudius was. But whereas some say, that if he de∣stroy'd Messalina, Hymen's burning tapers from her bed should light him to his urne; the Poet makes her rage more swift, saying he should have died be∣fore the lightning of the tapers, pereundum erit ante lucernes. Besides, if he had not obey'd her, there had been no preparation of wedding tapers.

42. —And choicest Entrails vow with a white hogge's pure sausages—Voveas{que} macellis Exta & candiduli divina tomacula porci. The word tomacula comes from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because the ingredients of them were cut, or minc'd, and are call'd divina, sacred or pure, because used in re divina, in Sacrifice. And this offring was of a white hogge; Swine seeming to have been the first kind of Sacrifice, as Varro conjectures, lib. 2. de re rustica, cap. 4. who according∣ly says, that by the Graecians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is derived from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, immolare. Thus a hogge was a Sacrifice unto Ceres, and at the concluding of a league of Peace (as with a little difference Sueton says of Claudins, cap. 25. Cum regibus foedus in fore icit, porca caesa) as also at the ce∣lebration of Weddings, Kings and eminent persons, particularly in Hetruria, as likewise the new Bride and Bride-groome, sacrificed a hogge. Such also, says he, was the custome of the Ancient Latines, and the Greeks in Italie. The reason whereof, as we may guess, was for the plentifulness of Swine; for so Xenophon, de Rep Laced. tells, how that of every litter of piggs, there was one due to the Priest; that when so ever he pleas'd to offer to the Gods, he might not want a Sacrifice; and for the like reason probably, That offring might figure-out the fruitfulness of marriage. These tomacula are by Var∣ro in the fore-cited place, called tomacinae; but Sca∣liger there thinks it to be but a mistake of the tran∣scribers, and that it should be written tomaculae. The Greeks, says he, call them; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Sca∣lig. Annot. P. 220. The Poet concluding this Satyre says, that if men would be wise, that is, aske for inward blessings, the Gods would be all for us: but we, says he, are all for outward things, and so make Fortune the Governess of our affairs; implying that Man's Folly had advanced Fortune to the estima∣tion of a Deity. Which peradventure the Poet speaks in reference to story; the first Temple that was erected to Fortune being built by Ancus Mar∣tius. But though the Romans were such early wor∣shippers of her, the Graecians did not so esteem her. For, as Pacuvius says (in that verse cited in the Author to Herennius, lib. 1. Fortunam insanam esse & cacam, & brutam perhibent Philosophi. And although Virgil indeed in the Roman devotion says, Aencid. 8. Fortuna omnipotens & ineluctabile fatum, yet Homer never mentions her. For though he names 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which he takes for Fate, yet in no part of his large work does he once mention 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; as the accurate Macrobius observes, Saturnal. lib. 5. cap. 16.

SATYRE. XI.

ARGUMENT.

In thy Expence, not by thy Mind, But by thy Purse be still confin'd. Our Poet here does thus well fit His Feast and Friend with Thrift and wit: Which Country-Bliss he so rehearses We have the Feast too in his Verses. The Earthen Dish Vertue of Old And Fame so Sav'd, it still does hold: Whiles Ivory, Marble, Carver's Skill, Trimme Waiters, Musick, nay the fill Of Lust, like Dainties which the Tast Receives, do rather Please, then Last. Yet as from Riot, so from Care At Feast be Free. That's Wisdomes Fare.

IF Atticus sup pompously, 't is State: If Rutilus, 't is Madness. For, what's straight More Jeer'd, then Poor Apicius? [a] Ev'ry walk, Ev'ry Feast, Bath and Theater does talke Of Rutilus. For whiles his Strength Intire Might wear a Helmet, whiles his blood's yet fire; (The Tribune nor Compels, nor yet withstands) He (1) writes the Fencers Laws and high Commands. More maist thou see, whom Creditors to catch At last, at th' Entrie of the Shambles watch. These Live but for their Palate, and Hee's set On Riot most, that still is most in debt, And soon must fall; you may see through the rent. Mean-while for Cates they search each Element. No Price deterrs him: nay, if you look near, Those dainties please him Most, that are most dear. Not hard 't is then to Pawn, for Coin to wast, Chargers, or 's Mother's Image (b) first defac'd; And spend four hundred Sesterces on some Rare Dish: To th' Fencer's (2) Mixt fare thus they come. There's Diff'rence in Like Charge; In Rutilus What's VVast, is Bounty in Ventidius; And from his VVealth draws Fame. But him I'le slight That knows how much Atlas exceeds in hight

The Other Libyan Hills: yet ne're descries That an Ir'n Chest and a small bag, in size Differ. That Rule, know thy self, Heav'n did send For Man to fix in Mind, and still attend; VVhether thou 'dst Married Live, or be a grave Senator. For, Thersites ne're did crave Achilles's Armour: which not without stain Vlysses sought; Or, if thou would'st maintain A shrew'd Cause, trie if thy speech strongly flow, Or th' art some Curtius or a Matho. Know The measure of thy Cheek; [c] and this still trie In all things, though but when a fish thou 'dst buy: Nor for a Barbel wish, when in thy Chest Th' hast but a Gudgeon. For, thy Purse once press't With want, and Thou with Riot, what's th' Event, Thy State and Goods being on thy Belly spent, Which swallows th' use, Principal, [d] Heards and Land? Their Ring Such part-with Last; Then Pollio's Hand VVith naked finger beggs. Such Riot ne're Should count Death Quick and Sow'r: Age These should Fear Thus they proceed: Mony they Hire at Rome; Wast it before the Owners: Then whiles some Scrap's Left, and th' usurer looks Pale, who shunne Rome, straight to Ostia or Baiae runne. To Leave the Burse [e] is now as to decline Suburra's hear for the cool Esquiline. Only this greif such fugitives does daunt, They must (3) the Circus, for a whole year, want. Not the least Blush These have: So few do stay Jeer'd Modesty, which fain would flie away.

This day, my Persicus, thy self shalt see, If these fair Rules don't with my Life agree; If a close Glutton [f] Husks I praise, and Crie, Make Gruel, Cook; but whisper, Sweet-meats buy. For since by promise th' art my Guest, Ile be Evander, Thou Tirynthius to Me; Or that Less Guest; yet Venus was his Mother: Water sent One to Heav'n, and Fire the Other. Hear now my Dishes in no shambles sought: From mine own field at Tibur shall be brought A main-fat, tender kid, that ne're durst croppe A leaf of Grass or th' humble willow's toppe; More Milk then Blood he has. Wild Sperage too We 'il have; My Plow-man's VVife her spindle threw Aside, to gather it. The nest of hay Yeilds large, warm Egs, and th' Hens, that did them lay. Then (4) Grapes long-kept, yet fresh as on the vine: The Sigaian and the Syrian pear shall join In the same baskets: Apples too, of smell So fresh, the Picene they would fain excel.

Thou need'st not fear them: VVinter's cold has dried Their Autumn: Their raw juice they've laid side. This Cheer our Senate once thought Riot; and Hearbs from his small Plot Curius his own hand Gather'd, and Dress'd o're his small fire; Now such Fare a foul shackel'd Ditcher (4) scorns to touch; Of a Sow's Daintles he has learn'd the smack From Cooks's shops. Flitches hang'd on a thin rack Men kept for High Days once. To Kinsfolk met On Birth-days they did Goodly Bacon set, And fresh meat, what their Sacrifice could spare. Some Kinsman three times Consul, or some rare Gen'ral, that once had the Dictator's pow'r, Went to These (5) Feasts before the Common hour, Home from some well-tam'd Hill shouldring his spade. O, when the Fabii and rough Cato made All quake; when the Fabricii and Scauri were Rome's Awe; when a remiss Censor [h] did fear His stern Collegue: No man did care to know What Pearls in th' Ocean in the Tortoise grow, VVith which our Trojans could brave Pillars dress, For (6) Supper-beds, once without backs and Less: VVhose Brass-Front shew'd an Asse's vile head Crown'd, At which, good sport, the Country hoyes oft found. As was their House and Stuffe, so was their Food. Our Souldier in the Arts of Greece Then rude, VVhen in some Cittie's spoils he found rich Plate, The work of some rare hand, did break it straight, To glad his steed with trappings, and (7) on Crest, Ingrav'd, shew'd the tam'd wolf by Rome's fate blest; Our Twins too, as under the Cliffe they were, And naked Mars with glist'ring Sheile and Spear Hov'ring aloft, unto his foe design'd To Death; Their Silver in their Armour shind [i] Their frumenty they serv'd in Tuscan dish: VVhich Bliss Brave Envie, though but small, might wish. In Temples too Majestie more appear'd, And Rome a voice almost ar Mid-night heard From the VVest-Shore, (8) when the Gauls came. For thus The Gods turn'd Prophets and admonish'd us. Then Earthen Jove so car'd for Latian state, Jove, whom as then no Gold did violate. Those Times did tables of our Own tree know, VVhich did at home and for the same use grow, If an Old Nut-tree some fierce East-winds spight O're-turn'd. Now Rich Ones sup without delight, The Turbet, the Buck rellish not, nay, rare Ointments and Roses stink, unless their fair Orbs on tall, yawning, Ivory-Libards stand, VVhich are [9] those Teeth Syenes Gate sends, and

The Swift Moores, th' Indian too more black, and those Th' Arabian Peast breaks-off, when a tooth grows Too weighty for his head. Fierce appetite This Gives. For, they a Silver-foot do slight As on the finger an Ir'n-Ring. VVith Care I shun a proud Guest then, that does Compare Me with himself, and scorns small means; (10) so free Am I, from but an Inch of Ivory, In Chess-board or Chess-man. Of simple bone Are my knives-handles. Yet my meat's ne're known To stink: A Hen ne're cuts the worse. No rare Carver I have, (11) Chief of the School of Fare Train'd-up by Trypherus the Learned, who Carves large Sow-teats, th' Hare, Boar, the VVhite-Breech too, The Scythian Phesant, the huge Crimson-wing, And the Getulian Goat. The Goodly Thing, A woodden Feast carv'd with dull knife does sound Through the Suburra. My raw Lad ne're found Art to carve Goat or Turky; still he's rude: To steal a mouthful he's with skill indued. Plain glasses of mean Price a homely lad Shall bring: yet against cold he's safely clad Phrygian he's none, nor Lycian, nor bought dear Of Huckster. Call in Latin y' have his ear. My youths are dress'd alike with cut, plain hair; Yet 'gainst this feast-day comb'd with some small care. One's a course Shepheard's Son, a neat-heard's th' other, That sighs, so long 'tis since he saw his mother. Their Cottage and known kids he longs to see; One of such Face and Ingenuitie, As might grace those, whom the bright Purple-coat Adorns. Lust has not yet made hoarse his throat: He smooths not yet his skin, nor, with fear, pale Makes at the Baths his Oil-horn a Chast veil. VVine he shall fill thee upon those hills made, From which he came; under whose top he plaid. He is the Grape's Own Country-man. Perchance Thou'lt look some Gaditanian wench should dance Leading a Chaunting Round of Girls, whose Art Once prais'd makes them descend to some worse part: VVhich Brides do by their Husbands side behold, Though shameful before Them to be but Told! Th' Excitement of faint Lust! The Rich man's quick Nettle! This makes the Other Sex more sich Of Passion; which inlarg'd does in a trice By th' Eat and Eie admit in feebling vice. An humble house knows not these Sports: (12) the Rich Shall hear Shell-Musick and the Lend words, which A Hireling's ear in the rank stews annoy: Let Him such words and th' Art of Lust injoy,

VVhose (13) Pavement of round Spartan Marbles grows Slipp'ry with drunken Spaulings. VVhere wrath flows, Vice Scapes! Dice and Adult'ry mean men shame: The Rich, for These, Pleasant and Trimme we name.

Other delights to day attend my cheer: The Founder of the Iliads thou shalt hear, And lofty Maro's Lines, for whose rare skill VVe doubt, who's Best. VVhat though they're read but Ill? But turn-back Bus'ness Now; Cares from thy breast Expel; and give thy self a grateful rest. Since this day thou 'lt be free, talk not of rent For Mony; If at day-break thy wife went Abroad, and not till night return, nere let Thy breast for more suspicious tokens fret: Though thou wert mov'd at her Hair, Face, Ear, Gown, All sorrow at My threshold straight lay-down. House, Servants, what they've broke or lost, what tends To Grief, forget; chiefly ungrateful Friends.

But Now (14) the Towel and Great Cybel's shows Grace her Ideaan Feast. In Pomp at Those Our Horse-spoiler [15] the Praetor sits. Offence Bee't none, I'le say, to Our People grown immense, The Circus holds all Rome to day. (16) A shout Methinks, I hear: The Green-Coat wins, no doubt. Should That fail, sad thou 'dst see This City, just Astonish'd, as at Cannae's fatal Dust, Our Consuls being O'recome. Youths There may sit, VVhom Noise, bold wagers, and such Joys be fit. Our wrinkled skin must drink-in the Spring-Sun, And [17] scape the busy Gown. Thy Age has won Leave, without blush to th' Bath to go Thus soon; Though a full hour [18] as yet it wants to Noon. In five Such days thou 'dst Tire. Loathing attends Ev'n Such a Life! Delights Rare use commends.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Eleventh Satyre.

Statio. Regia verba lanistae. Gulosum fictile. Nummus; the value of it mistaken by Calderine and Merula; likewise by Britannicus and Caelius Secundus Gurio. Miscellanea ludi. Ludi Miscelli. Hordearii. Bulga. The art of keeping grapes fresh a long time after their gathering, shew'd from Varro, Apicius, and later Experience; also of keeping them long upon the Tree, yet fresh, according to Palladius. The Flesh of Sacrifices sold. The superstitious persuasion of the Ancients about an Asses Head. Barthius his conjecture concerning Rupes Quirini. Deus perdens. Aius Locutius. Porta Syenes. Chesse-play; the Antiquity of it. Check-mate; the derivation of the word, according to Gregorius Tholosanus. Pergula. Testarum crepitus. Diverse kinds of Applause, per Testas, Bombos and Imbrices. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Crotalum. Pitysma. Orbis Lacedaemonius. Laconicum. Megalèsia. Spectacula Mappae. Praedo Caballorum Praetor. The Circensian Factions. Color Venetus. Effu∣gere togam. The hour of Bathing. Convivia tempestiva.

1.HE writes the Fencers Lawes and high commands. Scriptu∣rus leges & regia verba lanista: The Poet speaking here against the Luxury of his Times (that we may here together clear some lesser doubts) says, that the same thing, is not the same thing, being not done by the same person, as it was anciently said: for thus Ex∣pence in Rich Atticus is Fit; as most unfit in poor, though Noble, Rutilus, and Apicius. Of whom, says the Poet, every publick Meeting talks; amongst which he reckons Stationes, publick places; for though the word properly signifies the Act of stand∣ing, yet it has passed also into other significations, being sometimes taken for an harbour or safe road for Ships, or for the place where Souldiers for a time make their abode; likewise for the place of Judicature, where many met, as Onuphrius Panvinius notes, in his book De stationibus Ʋrbis Romae, where he cites his passage of Juvenal; and farther shews, that in the times and use of the Christians, it signi∣fied their standing at Prayer on the Lords Day, and between Easter and Whitsontide; it being not lawful at that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to pray kneeling; whence those Pray∣ers were called Stationes; as also their solemn Pro∣cessions in after-times, and meetings to that pur∣pose, at certain Churches. But, to omit other par∣ticulars concerning this acception, we may farther take notice, that Britannicus reckons amongst the old Roman stations, their Porticus; which acception being here very appliable, I choose to render it, Every Walk; this most probably expressing mens most usual behaviour there. The Poet adds con∣cerning Rutilus, that whiles his Limbs were young and strong, being fallen to poverty, he unworthyly turns Fencer. In which passage the common copies, and so Lubin also, have,—dum valida ac juvenilia membrasofficiu•••• galeae, dumque ardens sanguine fertur, &c. Scripturus leges—: which, as Rigaltius rightly says, is senseless; and therefore mends it by read∣ing, —dumque ardens sunguine (meaning juvenilia ••••embra) and referring fertur to that which follows, namely Scripturus lege••; that is, he is carried, or with a fierce defire becomes a Scholar to Fencers, or gladiators. Which place is in the like manner corrected by Rutgersius, in his Var. Lect. l. 2. c. 17. The Poet here farther expresses, that the noble, or rather ignoble Rutilus was not by any Nero (nullo cogente Nerone, as he speaks in the 8th Satyre) or, as here, by the Tribune (who at the Consuls choice of Souldiers, made the Romans present their names) compelled to such a practise or rudiments of such false Souldery: yet, says he, as he compels him not, so he forbids him not: implying, that it was a foul default in the Roman Government, that no Law forbad such persons such behaviour. But in the ex∣pression of the behaviour it self, the Poet says, that he did write, that is, write-out and study leges & regia verba lanistae: which the Scholiast expounds by superba & delicata; such as were, attolle, declina, percute, caede, urge; implying the several points of art for offence or defence. The master or instru∣cter of the Gladiators was called Lanista (see Sat. 3. Illustrat. 21.) who taught others the art of Fencing, and hired out such for mony to perform their skill, though with extremest danger, when such shews upon occasion were set forth by the Great ones. Britannicus more particularly thinks, that Juvenal does here allude to P. Rutilus mention'd by Valerius lib 2. who taught Souldiers the use of Armes, and

by conference and practice with the chief Masters of the Gladiators train'd-up in the School of C. Au∣relius Scaurus, brought the Art of Fencing to Rules of a singular subtilty.

2.—To th' Fencers mixt-fare thus they come. —Sic veniunt ad Miscellanea ludi. The Poet farther expressing the luxury of his times, shews that some, though deeply in debt, would notwithstanding watch in the Markets for the choicest provisions, and that therefore their Creditors did there watch for them's nay, says he, though one might be said to look through their estate, as through a will that were cleft, yet will they search every clement for rarities. In which last expression, some by elementa understand elementa literarum, the letters of the Al∣phaber, alluding to the story, which Spartianus de∣livers of Geta, who had his dishes serv'd up accor∣ding to the first letters of their names, as ••••s••••, aprugna and anas together; so pullus, perdix, pavus, porcellus, piscis, perna, together; so fasianus; farta, ficus, and the like, together. Which vanity though in after-time it was a truth, yet here such accep∣tion of the word elementa were very remote, and more usually it is taken properly for the Elements. Yet whereas the Poet says omnia, Britannicus by way of correction says, that they could not search all the four elements, because not the fire, and therefore only the other three, for fowl, fish, and beasts: which though absolutely and in exactness it be a truth, yet the reprehension was unnecessary, the nature of the speech intending by all, not simply all, but all such (and therefore only such) as did at all yield food. And such gluttons, says the Poer, though they pawn their silver dishes, nay and most ignobly in their extremity deface their Mothers Image, with the more secresie to pawn it, yet will they for a gluttonous dish (gulosum fictile) be at the expence of 400 sesterces. For, so I render quadringentis num∣mis; taking a Sesterce as it comes from sestertius; nummus and sestertius being the same: which 400 sestertii (if we reduce them to our coin) the sester∣tius being 1d. ob. qa. q. amount being multiplied by 400. to 3 l. 2 s. 6 d. the price of one wanton-dish of meat. Which size of expence though mad enough, is yet by some, though not without error, made far worse: Calderine taking nummus for denarius, which is four times as much; and so the sum would arise to 12 l. 10 s. But both he and Merula are reprehen∣ded, for the misinterpretation of nummus, by Bu∣daens, de Asse, lib. 2. who in a folio Edition, p. 40. sayes clearly in the Margin, Idem numinus & sester∣tius. Which I the rather note, because in the same Excellent Author, pag. 45. by some mischance at the present, (I doubt nor) it is said in the Margin contrary to his Text, Nummus & sestertium idem Romanis: which does both thwart his own learned proofs, and also the clear testimony of Seneca, Epist. 95.—adeoque falleris, ut quae maxima babeniur, divitiae, gratia, potentia, sestertio nummo aestimanda sint. In which place he uses sestertius and nummus by way of apposition, the one being the explication of the other. But Britannicus vastly multiplies this error, expounding here in Juvenal, quadringentis nummis, by integro censu equestri, that is, 3125 l. immanely mistaking nummus for sestertium, that is, 1d. ob. q. q. for 7 l. 16 s. 3 d. and Caelius Secundus Curio spares not to say, Continet ea summa ad decem millia coronatorum. As for Calderines error confounding nummus, that is, sestertius with denarius, I may sufficiently shew it, by presenting the two coins themselves (agreeing in∣deed in metal, being both silver, but differing in value, as in fashion) as they are set-out by Gabriel Simeoni an Italian Antiquary, in his Illustratione. de gl•• Epitaffi Antichi. See Sat. 1. Illust. 33. But to goe on with our Poet, by such mad expences says he, they come at last ad misaellan••a lud••. which word miscellanea some expound-by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 confusion of their e∣states, making it the same with con••••rpare, deficere, solvendo non ess••, ••omniabus ••iscere; to which, opi∣nion the learned Rigallius ••••oms to inoline with the best advantage expounding it thus. Sic 〈…〉〈…〉 conturbatore pereunt, ••t in miscellâ consumma••joy••, gla∣diatorea; that is, as I conceive it. Thus these Spend thrifts come to their destruction by luxury, as the Gladiators probibly do, when they come to a combar•••• This 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gra••t to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but if seri∣onsly consider 〈◊〉〈◊〉 neither very agreeable to the use of the word Miscallanea, nor to the Grammatical sway of this place! For, the Poet having said, im∣mediately) before, that it is no hard ma•••••••• for such prodigals, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, pown their, b••st goods (and waste, the Mony in good Gheen, it were no clear inference, to say, Thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 come to, he ••••••hat••, but to say, that by to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 much good ••hoe••, they come at, lash to sorry cho•••• is lapily Satyrical. Yet Joseph Scaliger (de Emendat, Temp. lib. 5••. p. ••479. De primo Agone Capitolino & aliis Agonibus) in a more special ac∣ception make Miscellanea the same with Ludi Mis∣celll, Games instituted by Coligula (see Suerpn in his Life, cap. 20. in Gollia Lugdunensi ad aram Cae∣saris: and so makes the sense to be this; f••u••t 〈◊〉〈◊〉 se∣natoribus mimi, sine ludi. Which exposition was heretofore brought by Marcellys Danatus, on Sue∣ton's Caligula, cap. 20. where he expounds —ad Miscellanea ludi, by saying, ad-ludos miscellos ex ••••a∣riis ludor•••• generibus confectos Lug du••j praebitor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ca∣ligula. Acentding to which ••••••ception the sense will be, that such bank rupt Nobles; did at such shows ignobly at last become, fencers, Ludi (truly written with the long, or double I, for Ludii.) or, gladiatores. This interpretation as it may be ad∣mitted without inconvenience, so without neceffi∣ty, because without proof. For that Miscellanea and Ludi Miscelli were the same, it is said in∣deed, but not proved. The Ludi Miscelli accord∣ing to some are said to be such shews, qui ad nul∣lum certum genus ludorum scenicorum referri possunt, whereby they are acknowledg'd to be an uncertain kind of ludi scenici, and so Lozius, lib. 11. De Rep. Rom. makes them to confist ex variis multi formibus∣que ludicris. By which expression they cannot ex∣tend to Gladiatores here intended: besides, that this exposition of Scaliger is not so much as taken notice-of by Lubin, who takes Miscellanea here for the hotch-patch or course diet of the Gladiatores, which upon diverse motives, I think to be the beft exposition. First, for the probability, for, as the wrastlers had their colyphia, as is mention'd, Sat. 2. Illustrat. 10. for the advantage of them in their exercise, so it is very likely, that the Gladia∣tores had some course diet to practice them to hard∣ness. Which may probably appear from the name Hordearii, (mention'd in Pliny, lib. 18. cap. 7.) given to the Gladiatores, and, it seems, from their feeding upon barly-bread. Secondly this exposi∣sition is the rather to be entertain'd for the autho∣rity of the Scholiast before Lubin, expounding it so, by cibus gladiatorius; and giving the reason of the name; quia omnia quae apponuntur eis, miscent, & sic manducant. And lastly it may be preserr'd, for the singular congruity of this acception; for, the Poet having before spoken of Rutilus his Curiositie in diet, shews how by That he comes at last to a baseness in diet; and so, Satyrically oppose,

(as I think) gulosum fictile and miscellanea. In the for∣mer exposition Ludii must be the nominative plu∣ral; in This, the Genitive singular: according to That, it must be, Ludii veniunt ad miscellanea, they come to act as Gladiators at the Ludi Miscelli; ac∣cording to This, Veniunt ad miscellanea Ludii,— To th' Fencers mixt fare thus they come.

3. They must the Circus for a whole year want,— Caruisse ••nno Circensibus uno. The Poet shew'd the same expence not to be the same in the different persons of poor Rutilus, and rich Ventidius, and that therefore every one should remember the great Rule, Nosce teipsum. Thus Thersices must not speak for Achilles armour; nor must a vain, swelling Pleader, a Curtius or a Math••, one of more Tongue than Law, undertake dangerous causes. Bacca noscen∣da est mensura tua; sayes the Poet; where Lubin thinks it should be peradventure, bulga (which sig∣nifies a purse) and so he refers it to that which fol∣lows 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but this is without warrant of copy, and but needless; because, presendy after, he sayes, in lo∣culis, which were but superfluously to say the same thing twice. But, to go on with the Poer, thus must expence be likewise measur'd; else Pollio, though a Knight, and so one who, by Law, may wear a Gold-ring, must be content to beg with a naked finger, and be afraid of long life (which others commonly desire) as being but the continu∣ance of such bankrupts misery. But, sayes he, such spendthrifts usually fly from Rome to Baia, or Ostia, Sea towns; whence, if pursued, they may, by ship, fly their Countrey also, having, with their estate, lost likewise all shame; Modesty being as ready to forsake Rome (no body striving to retain her) as ever Justice and Chastity were to forsake the Earth (of which, see Sat. 6. in the beginning.) Only, saies he, one vexation attends these wanton fugitives; that they must, alas, for a whole year, lose the pleasure of the Circensian Games. By which last pas∣sage, though it may seem ambiguous, the Poet in∣tends not, that when they fled for their terrifying debts, they should return after one year, their danger being perpetually the sames but, by way of jeer, im∣plies their daintiness, which was not able, forsooth, without great trouble of mind, to indure an absence from such pleasure, though but for a year; and how much less then, an unwilling and perpetual banish∣ment. Which doubt I thought very necessary to point our, and a little dear, it being omitted by the Interpreters. And here we may take notice, that some copies have, not Ostia, but ostrea, as if the spendthrift went to a new and greater gluttony: but this seems less probable, both in respect of the plenty of Rome that could have yielded that provi∣sion, as also in respect of their urgent want. The most receiv'd reading then is Ostia: but whereas some tell us, that it was a Town near Baiae, we may, to preserve our selves from such mistake, take no∣tice, that Ostia is at the mouth of the Tiber, about 12 miles from Rome, (not as Lubin says, 3 miles;) but the Baiae is in Campania about 10 miles from Na∣ples, towards Rome; which two Cities Rome and Naples being 125 miles asunder, though we would allow the distance from Naples to Puzzolo, which is 6 miles, and from Puzzolo to Baiae, which is but the length of Caligulas bridge, not full 4 miles, and all the distance from Rome to Ostia (which yet cannot be requir'd) we must needs grant the distance be∣tween Ostia and Baiae to be above an hundred miles. See Cherubinus Stella in his Poste per diverse parti del mundo. fol. 9. under the title, Poste da Roma a Na∣poli.

4. Then grapes long kept, yet fresh as on the Vine. —Et servatae Parte anni, quales fuerant in viti∣bu•• ••v••••. Juvenal inviting his friend Persicus to a Countrey entertainment, tells him (in Allusion to Virgil, Aeneid. 8.) that he will welcome him with plain cheer, as Evander did Hercules (who was brought up at Tiryniha a City of the Argives) or as he entertained Aeneas, who, though he was less re∣nown'd than Hereules, yet was high-born, contingens v••••tice ••••lum, being the son of a Goddess, Venus: though at last he was drown'd, as the other (Her∣cules) was burn'd. Nor will I deal hypocritically, s••••es our Poet; for I use not in my private life to hid my Cook, if any body by chance be present (cor••••n aliis) to provide course victuals (as, pul∣tes ex••s••rina, gruel, or the like) sed in aure placen∣tas, but in his ear (or, secretly) bid him buy me dainties. In which passage some would have it, sed in are placentas; which, me-thinks, were to lose the just opposition between coram aliis and in aure; though, for a phanfie, that Reading is pretry. Un∣feignedly, saies the Poet, thou shalt have plain cheer, such as mine own field yields me at Tibur (now called Tivoli,) 150 stadia, that is, almost 19 miles from Rome, North and by East. Thy dishes, saies he, shall be did and a hen, besides a salad, which shall be gathered by my Villica, or Baily's wife, which orders my Countrey affairs (whereby he implies himself to have had a convenient estate.) Some fruit also, saies he, thou shalt have, as apples, pears and grapes long kept, and yet fresh: which implied device of keeping grapes was ef∣fected, as Varro teacheth us (de Re Rustica, lib. 1. cap. 58.) concerning the Aminean and Apician grape, most conveniently by putting them in pots, and likewise by keeping them in new wine. Some sort of grapes they likewise kept by hanging of them up: such was the duracine, or hard-skinn'd grape, like∣wise the Scantian, and some again add the Apician also; according to which several waies of keeping them, they called some ••v••s ••llares, others pensiles, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it annicus notes. Apicius in his Epimeles (his first book) in the Chapter intituled, Ʋva us diu fer∣ventur, teaches us to take river-water, and boyl it to a third part; then having put the water and grapes into a Pot, to pitch it close up, and set it in some cool place out of the Sun; whereby, when one would use them, one may take them out green. There likewise he tells us, that they may be kept without hurt, if they be cover'd in barley. Nor is our age ignorant of some such devices; as may be seen by H. Platt, in his ingenious and delightful ex∣periments of the Art of Preserving: where, Number, 64. he saies thus; Clusters of grapes barging upon lines within a close press, will last till Easter. If they shrink, you may plump them up with a little warm water before you eat them. Some use to dip the ends of the stalks first in pitch: some cut a branch off the line with every cluster, placing an apple at each end of the branch, now and then renewing those apples, as they rot; and after, hanging them within a Press or Cupboard, which would stand in such a place (as I suppose) where the grapes might not freeze: for otherwise you must be forced now and then to make a gentle fire in the room, or else the grapes will rot and perish. The same Author in the same work, number, 62. shews how to have grapes growing all the year, saying, Put a Vine-stalk through a basket of Earth in December, which is likely to bear grapes that year, and when the grapes are ripe, cut off the stalk under the basket (for by this time it has taken root) keep the basket in a warm place, and the grapes will continue fresh and fair a long time upon the Vine.

Palladius likewise [De Re Rustica, lib. 12. Tit. 12.] shews how to keep them upon the Vine till the Spring. Now, if the Reader would know how long the grapes here mentioned in our Author, at his supposed feast, had been kept [though not after this last manner upon the vine, yet fresh, as if upon the vine] it is apparent, that they had been kept a quarter of a year: for, as Lubin notes, this invita∣tion of Persicus was Ʋt ex sequentibus liquet in hyeme, vel eriam post, sub initium veris. Which, as I conceive, he speaks from that which presently follows con∣cerning the apples, which he tells him he should have, and which, as he saies, he needed not to fear, their raw or Autumn-juice being dried up by the Winter's cold; implying that they had been kept from the time of the Vintage, [which was, as Varro saies, De Re Rustica, lib. 1. cap. 34. in the latter part of September.] till the midst of December. But, per∣adventure by some other circumstances, I think we may conjecture, that they were kept twice as long: for the Poet saies, that his husbandman's wife should lay aside her spindle to gather Sperage [or, as it is brokenly called from the Latin's Sparagus;] clearly implying, that the Spring was then so forward, as to yield it. Besides, neer the end of the Satyre he tells his friend, that he thought he heard the shouts at the Megalesian Games [in the Circus:] which, though he speaks not without an hyperbole in respect of the place, he being then at Tybur many miles from Rome, as may appear by the cheer, and rural waiters at his Table, yet we may not, without incongruity, suppose him to speak so in respect of Time; but that it was then the season of those Games, which being admitted, it will aptly agree with the for∣mer reason: those Shews being celebrated on April the 4th. and some daies after; according to which it will follow, that these grapes were kept six moneths. Which I the rather thus strictly ex∣amine, to understand more perfectly the honest and pleasant skill of the Ancients, and particularly of our vertuous Author, wherewith they employed their innocent privacy. Juvenal's delight may be a little farther understood, by Tybur [now Tivoli] the place of his delight, as it is thus presented by Ber∣tellius, in his Theater of the Italian Cities, p. 89.

This Tybur was famous anciently for the resort thi∣ther of the noble Romans in summer-time; and for one of the Sibyls which it claims, as also for the strange cataract of the river Anio.

[illustration] depiction of Tivoli

Juv. Sat. XI. Illust. 4.

5. Went to these Feasts before the common hour.—Ad has epulas solito maturius ibat. The Poet shews that even such moderate fare as he invites his friend unto, was accounted riot in the time of Curius Dentatus, the good Dictator [mentioned, Sat. 3. Illustrat. 23.] whom the Embassadors of the Sam∣nites found by his fire with his poor diet; such as now a-daies even He scorns, that is but a slave wearing a fetter [as the manner was in their erga∣stula, that they might not run away] and but em∣ploy'd in ditching, or the like vile work. Yet now, saies the Poet, even such are acquainted with your City-wantonness, your dainties made of a Sow's belly; though the time was when bacon was a choice dish even on one's Birth-day: and, as for fresh meat, they had a bit peradventure, if they kill'd a Sacrifice. Where Britannicus notes out of Valerius [de Institutis Antiquis] that the flesh of Sa∣crifices was sold [and commonly at a double rate;] and yet to such homely fare, as bacon and the like,

even the Greatest men would resort, saies the Poet; such as had been Consuls, Generals and Dictators, and that, [as if to dainties] before the common hour, which was the 9th, or our three of the clock in the afternoon: which haste was accounted luxury, ex∣cept on festival daies; on which they were per∣mitted to prevent the ordinary hour. See Sat. 1. Illustrat. 23.

6.—Supper-beds, once without backs and Less; whose brass-front shew'd an Asse's vile head crown'd. Sed nudo latere & parvis frons area lectis, Vile coronati caput oftendebat aselli. In the ancient and innocent times, saies the Poet, they did not a∣dorn their supper-couches with pearls and curious shells; but they were nudo latere, either with plain and ordinary sides, or sides which had no backs ri∣sing from them, whereunto to lean for ease (as Lu∣bin probably thinks:) besides, that they were not of that stately amplitude to which they are now grown. Moreover, in ancient times the bed had usually a brasen front, whereon was expressed an Asse's head adorn'd with a garland; about which the plain Countrey children used to dance. In which last passage Scoppa (in his Collectan, lib. 1. cap. 27.) reads coronatae-asellae; which very aptly and justly may be admitted, the literal difference also being so small, and consequently, so easie to be mi∣staken: for whereas the scull of this creature, ac∣cording to the Hetrurian superstition, was thought to have power to preserve the fields (ab incommo∣dis) from ill luck, or blites, it was more particularly the scull of the she-asse, as Palladius shews, lib. 1. For, shewing the means how to protect the field, or garden, he saies, Item equae calvaria, sed non vir∣ginis intra hortum ponenda est, vel potius asina. Cre∣duntur enim sua praesentia foecundare, quae spectant: whereby it seems to have been done for fruitful∣ness, which belongs chiefly to the female.

7.—And on crest Engrav'd, shew'd the tam'd wolf, &c. Our souldier, saies the Poet, was hereto∣fore wont in the spoil of a Town, to break what Plate he got, and adorn his horse and helmet with it: on which (helmet,) saies he, he did in engra∣ven work express three things; the Wolf, which by the fate of the Romane Empire being happily tam'd, gave the Twins Romulus and Remus suck; secondly, the Twins themselves sucking the Wolf; and lastly, their great father, Mars, naked, as he was a Lover, yet arm'd with shield and spear, as he was a Warrier. Which, though it be briefly (as I conceive) the sense of this place, yet it will be necessary to see the entire passage of our Poet, which is this;

Magnorum artificum frangebat pocula miles, Ʋt phaleris gauderet equus, coelata{que} cassis Romuleae simulachra ferae mansuescere jussae Imperii fato, & Geminos sub rupe Quirinos, Ac nudam effigiem clypeo fulgentis & hasta Pendentis{que} Dei perituro oftenderet hosti.

The order and construction of which words (very necessary to be here taken notice of,) Britannicus makes to be this; Miles frangebat pocula, ut equus gauderet phaleris, & cassis coelata oftenderet hosti peri∣turo simulachra ferae Romuleae jussae mansuescere fato imperii, & Geminos Quirinos sub rupe, & nudam effigi∣em Dei fulgentis clypeo & hasta pendentis. In which passage there are some varieties to be observed; Barthius (in his Ablegmata, p. 55.) instead of sub rupe, thinking it should be sub rume, that is, sub ubere Lupa; rumis (in Varro, de Re Rustica, lib. 2. cap. 11.) signifying a teat, and so aptly implying the Twins sucking the Wolf: yet this is but conjecture; and according to the common Copies, rupes is taken for rupes Quirinalis, and so the Twins are said to have suck'd sub rupe Montis Quirinalis. Yet Bar∣thius, in his Conjectures, saies, diù quaesivimus, quae illa rupes digna simulachro Quirinorum adfingi. Nulla repertae est: whereas, if he had observ'd it, Juvenal himself says, Sat 2. in valle Quirini; which seems to be an expression of the same place; rupes and vallis being but as the top and bottom of the same thing. Yet it does not hence follow, that all the story of Romulus and Remus fell out in this place; as may appear both from Sat. 1. Illustrat. 4. as also from the many Monuments in Rome dedicated unto Romulus in several places; and more particularly from some statues expressing this intended story of the Wolf giving the Twins suck; whereof we may find one expression in the 8th. region of the City (according to Onuphrius Panvinius his description,) and another in the 10th. region; sufficiently shew∣ing (as I conceive) that such testimonials were rather to disperse, his same through many places, than to fix it in some one. And so, to come nearer to the place here intended, it is most probable, that it was in the sixt region of the City; in which was Mons, Vicus, Templum, Sacellum, Porticus, and Statua Quirini (for this, was his name given him at his Deifying, after his death:) and in this Temple there might be as probably an expression of the Wolf and the Twins, as there was in that Temple, which was in the 10th. region; though there was also in the sixt region a statue of Romulus of an ex∣alted stature. 20 foot in height. And here, if con∣jecture might take place, I should think it should be, not geminos sub rupe Quirinos; Quirinos being properly the name only of Romulus, as Britannicus notes; but Geminos sub rupe Quirini, the place by way of eminency being so called from Romulus. A∣gain, some instead of Ac nudam effigiem clypeo fulgen∣tis & hasta Pendentis{que} Dei,—read, Ac nudam effigiem clypeo venientis & hasta Perdentis{que} Dei, making Deus perdens the title of Mars, namely, Mars the Destroyer. But this wants the approbation of Copie; though some, which rightly retain pendentis, expound it but inconveniently, and differently from them∣selves. So Lubin; who, when he has rightly said upon, Ac nudam effigiem,] i. e. Ʋt oftenderet hosti in casside sua effigiem Martis Dei, says a little after, on the words pendentis{que} Dei,] i. e. in clypeo sculpti, qui de sinistro humero dependet; so that first he said the sculpture was in casside, and then again speaking of the same effigies, he says that it is in clypeo. But Britannicus well expresses it, saying on pendentis]— in vertice cassidis, and therefore adds, that it might aptly be called, effigies pensilis, according to which sense I render it, Hov'ring aloft. For, the more that one with such a sculpture on his helmet strikes at his enemie, the more does the arm'd shape seem to hover over the enemies head. But, with Lubin to apply venientis to clypeo, as if the effigies had been in the shield, would occasion an inconvenience: for then in the like manner it should be applyed also to hasta, as if on that also had been the like ex∣pression. The sense therefore cannot be, that Mars came engraven on a shield and spear, but that he came arm'd with shield and spear, his shape and warlike furniture being engraven on the Souldier's helmet. Lastly, whereas Lubin expounds, Ac nudam effigiem clypeo venientis & hasta, by saying, Qui nu∣dus ad Iliam veniebat, &c. Qui alias clypeo & hasta armatus venit: it is not the Poet's division, who ex∣presly applies both these descriptions to him at the time; namely, that he was nudus, and yet clypeo &

galea fulgens (glistering with shield and spear in the bright metal of the Souldier's helmet) and thus appear'd (as was said) both as a Lover and a Warriour.

8. From the West Shoar. Littore ab Oceani. Our innocent Ancestors, says the Poet, had homely cheer in as homely dishes, yet with so much feli∣city, that if thou art touched but with the least de∣gree of envy, thou canst not but envy them; and then did the Gods, says he, more apparently in our Temples afford their presence and assistance, though there their statues were not of gold, but earth. Yet then were they indeed our best aras∣pices; Liis, sacerdotum more fugientibus, says the Scholiast, according to his corrupted copy, but aptly mended by Rutgersius, Var. Lection. lib. 2. cap. 16. reading for fugientibus, sagientibus, divin∣ing, or fortelling our danger, by a strange voice heard at Mid-night, from the Sea-ward, when the Gauls intended our destruction. For, says he, his monnit nos, speaking of Jupiter mention'd in the verses following; who thus (that is, by a voice) admonish'd us: for which cause they erected an altar dedicating it to the God Aius, as Tully says (de Divinatione, lib. 2.) or as Livy has it (lib. 5.) to Aius Locutius; so called from his advertising them of their approaching danger. In which pas∣sage in the description of the way of the voice, some Copies have, Littore ab Oceani; or as Scheg∣gius in his Praemessa, Fpist. 5. reads it by way of ap∣position, Littore ab Oceano, meaning the Tyrrhene Sea: but Pulmannus more aptly Littore ab Occiduo, from the West-Shoar. Which, though it intends the same thing, is yet a clearer expression, and more particular, pointing-out not only the way of the Voice, but partly also the enemy; the Senones be∣ing by some placed in Gallia Lugdunensi, North-West from Rome. See Sat. 8. Illustrat. 23.

9. Which are these teeth Syëne's gate sends—. Dentibus ex illis quos mittis porta Syënes. The Poet shews the moderation of their Ancestors, who were content with tables made of their own wood, which grew for such uses; yet not as some say less agreeable to our Author, for that same purpose fell'd, but of some old nut-tree, which by chance the wind had blown down (for so the Poet speaks,—hos lignum Stabat in usus: Annosam si Forte nucem dejecerat Eu∣rus) The casualty of the provision implying their neglect of choice. Then he expresses the place from which Ivory was brought; namely Syëne, Mauri∣tania, India and Arabia: the first of which is by Ziegler and Ortelius taken for Asna, as now it is cal∣led [anciently Sena, as Leo Africanus says] a City of Aegypt, a little North from the Tropick of Cancer, and on the East of Nilus; though some have taken it for Gueguere, a place far more Southerly. But this Asna is here called porta Syënes, because it was a through fare or passage from Aethiopia to Aegypt; being as for the like cause, Cumae, Sat. 3. is called Janua Baiarum. Syëne then in this place implies that Ivory was brought usually from Aethiopia. We may farther note, that the Poet in his description of the Arabian Elephant, says, that when his teeth are grown too big, he breaks them off: which he does, as some relate, by striking them into the ground or a tree, [and as some add] to lighten himself so in his fight, when he is pursued in Saltu Nabathaeo; ••tabl•• being here called Nabathaeo [the cheif City whereof is Fetra] near Syria; accord∣ing to Britannicus, from Nabath [or more truly, Neba••oth] the eldest Son of Ismael.

10. —So free Am I from but an inch of Ivory In Chess-board or Chess-man—. —Adeo nulla uncia ••••b∣bis Est eboris, hec tessellae nec calculus ex hac Mare∣ria—. Great was the Pride of the Romans in our Poet's age, scorning a Table-foot of Silver, as much as an Iron-ring, says the Poet; yet an Iron-ring, as Britannicus notes, was worn by him that tri∣umph'd, and brides more usually betroth'd with such, though afterwards luxury alter'd the busi∣ness. But the Roman humour did in a table-foot more affect Ivory; which notwithstanding our Po∣ets simplicity so despised, that he had not, as he says, a Chess-board or Chess-man of that matter; nec tessellae, nec calculus; calculus, though it have other acceptions, signifying here most conveni∣ently, a Chest-man, as tessellae the Chess-board, from the small squares, of which the surface of it is composed; the one half whereof is often of Ivory. As for the Antiquity of the Chess-play it is usually referred to Palamedes, as the Inventer of it at the siege of Troy; being a game, which did greatly de∣light the Ancients, as appears from their intentive care at it; and their shame to be beaten at it; more especially from that story mention'd by Se∣neca [de Tranquill. animi, cap. 14.] of that famous Roman. Canius Julius; who being appointed to death by that fatal Caligula, when the Centurion who was haling others to the slaughter called also for Him, without the least fear being at Chess-play, fell to the telling of his Chess-men, and bid him that played with him, not to brag after his death, that he had beaten him; and then nodding to the Centurion, said, Bear you witness that I have the better of him by one man. The name of the Game, Check∣mate, is derived according to Gregorie Tolosanus, in his Syntagm. lib. 39. cap. 4. from the Hebrew [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉sepi••it or vallavit, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉i. e. morraus est] signifying a blocking up of the dead: and accordingly he thinks this Game to have been an Hebrew Inven∣tion. This sport is anciently in part described by the Author of the Poem to Piso; but diligently by Hieronymus Vida, in his Scacchia-ludus. And where∣as some have thought the Ancient game to have been much different from that which is now in use; the learned Dempster thinks otherwise, on Rosinus, lib. 5. cap. 1.

11. —Chief of the School of Fare. —Cui cedere de∣beat omnis Pergula—. In Rome there were many, and in our Poet's time more especially one Tryphe∣rus eminent for his skill in Carving, who kept a publick School [for that Art] called here pergula [à pergendo] either because it was of a gallery-fashion for men to walk-in [as some have or because it was properly a balcone, and so the build∣ing it self did jetty out. For, such Masters did pur∣posely choose such places, thereby to be the more taken notice of; and so to get custome. In which Schools they had all kind of provision for a feast, made in wood, call'd by the Poet Coena Ʋlmea, li∣terally an Elmen supper: but the intent of the Po∣et being only to imply, that it was a woodden feast, as being materials for the conveniency of the teach∣er, I so render it only in the general. And this practice being so exposed to the street, and the employment of a whose School, yielded no doubt no small noise. But, says the Poet, my simple lad has only the skill to cut a small rasher of bacon; being none of your Asian youths, that are sold dear by your hucksters, (mangones) which brought-up such choiser servants, and sold them at high rates. But mine, says he, is no such peice of Temptation at the Baths (to omit some less clean expression in this place of our Poet) not is he there sain to

veil nature with his oil-vessel, [gutto] which was sometimes of horn, sometimes of wood or other matter. See the form of it. Sat. 3. Illust. 41.

12. —The Rich shall hear Shell-Musick —, — A••∣dias ille Testarum crepitus—. The Poet tells his friend, that peradventure he will expect at His feast some wanton lass brought from Cadiz in Spain: which in those times afforded many impudent and notorious harlots, with whom the rich wantons at Rome did use filthily to entertain their guests: as more particularly Joan Baptista Suarez de Salaz ar their own Country man. [an Inhabitant of that place] shews at large, in his Antiguedades [lib. 4. cap. 3. p. 279.] Which filthiness was used whiles the guests were at the table, the wives as the Poet complains, beholding it as lendly as their husbands. But, says he, let the rich have such filthy mirth, and enjoy their Shell-Musick, testarum crepisus: which Brodans in his Miscellanies, lib. 9. cap. 17. thinks to allude unto a practice of placing earthen vessels or shells, by the skill of workmen, in the sides of the walls of Theaters, that so when the Spectators gave an applause, it might with a cer∣tain harmony be return'd. Which applause was called per testas; though some describe it to have been perform'd by striking such shells with a stick, and sometimes one against another, and sometimes potsheards one against another. The name is mention'd by Sueton in his Nero, cap. 20. where he mentions also two other kinds of applause; the one per bombos, by making a noise like the humming of bees; the other imbrices, which by some are described to have been crooked and long tiles (probably like ridge-tiles) which were struck as the testa were: unless, as some think, such applause was a noise like the fall of rain upon slats or tiles, and so by similitude was so call'd. See Franciscus Bernardinus Ferrarius, de veter. Acclamationibus & plausu, lib. 1. cap. 11. yet whereas he makes the applause per bombum to be the noise of the hands struck together, it is not so easily to be conceiv'd; rather one might suppose it to have been perform'd with the Voice, according to that of Persius, Sat. 1. Torva Mimalloneis implerunt cornna bombis. The Scholiast on this place of Juvenal says, Testis nam antea percutiebant saltantibus pantomimis quidam * buc non erat ut mesocori percuterent manibus. But some as Rutgersius, mend it thus, Testas nam antea percu∣tiebant saltantibus pantomimis quidam. Hie noverit, ut Mesochori percutereat manibus; (see his Var. Le∣ction. lib. 2. cap. 16.) others mend it thus, Testas antea percutiebant saltantibus pantomimis, quia tunc non erat, ut mesochori percuterent manibus. Mesochorus was one, that in the Auditorie gave the sign, when they should begin to applaude; he is term'd pra∣centor, by the same Bernardinus, lib. 1. cap. 18. The invention of this applause per testas is attributed to Diocles an Athenian, as Suidas shews in the words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Some expound this for the Musick on the drumme and cymbal; indeed they which deseribe the Musick made by the Mesochorus, think it to have been made by forming the hand in a hollow, the fingers being closed together, and so by striking one hand against the other like the two parts of halves of a cymbal, to have made a found. This we may admit to have been a fashion in the Scholiast's time, but not to be an exposition of Juvenal, who calls it Testarum crepitus, and there∣fore a sound either of shells or potsheards, and ra∣ther of the first of the two; the use of the latter seeming inconvenient, if not absurd: and so some, that would have it-to be the Musick of the crotalum or rattle, say it was made of earth (though not so conveniently) or of shells, restis & concbyliis; inti∣mated in that of Aristophanes, in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. See Sealiger, Poet. lib. 1. cap. 18. and Athenaus, lib. 14. And as some telate, the Indian Women use such in their dances. I may add, that with some to understand this of the Castannuelas, as the Spaniards call them (their knackers, which I have seen them in Spain use in their dances) I think it may not be admitted as the Musick here intended: this Spanish Musick being but ordinary, and rather a trisle (the snapping of the fingers) then a filthiness, and so below the vehemency of this Invective; this therefore probably was some wilder Musick (though not less understood) and so some looser motive unto Loosness. But I leave every man to the Ability and Pleasure of his Own Judgment.

13. Qui Lacedamenium pytismate lubricat orbem, We will with what brevity we can examine this Riddle, for variety of Readings and Interpreta∣tions not easily to be paralell'd in any Author. Fla∣vius then would here have it to be, poppysinate; Lipsius, pygisnate: according to which aim they in∣terpret Lubricat and Orbem; or, as Susius would have it, orbum; but all with such impurity, that Ig∣norance is here a better Commentary, Muter would have it, petteumate, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a die; and so tak∣ing Lacedamonium orbem for a table of Lacedamonian marble, would have such a one here to be under∣stood, as did make his rich tables shppery with dicing. Which sense might happily be admitted, if it were warranted by Copy: but, when the com∣mon Reading yields a just sense, to entertain con∣jecture against it, is not to expound, but violate, an Author. And though the Poet says presently af∣ter it — alea turpis, Turpe & adulterium mediocribus, hac tamen illi Omnia cum faciant, bilares nitidique vo∣cantur; yet can it by no Logick follow, that be∣cause in these words there is mention of the die, therefore there was also in the former. Besides, why the practice of artificial and strange Lusts should so especially be attributed to a great Dicer, seems to proceed from no great reason. Some would have it here, pyreysmate; agreeably to which conjecture, La∣cedamonius orbis is taken for a Sudatory; there being many such in Rome, built in a circular form, & from the Spartan Marble-Materials, called Laconica: ac∣cording to which, the sense should be, Let him enjoy the Art of Lust, who with his continual oint∣ments makes slippery the Sudatories; but this opi∣nion is but Conjecture. Some would have it, though with little reason, pitteumase, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 bto over∣lay with pitch; some again pedemate; so Brit annicus; taking it for a dance amongst the Spartans, in which the Musitian sate in the midst and the company danced about him. Some would have it Pitylismate, taking it more particularly for a certain gesticulation in dancing; and others would have it pede nudo, as Scheghius, in his Observat. praemiss. Epist. 5. [yet he in somewhat doubtful alleadging that of Tully, in L. Pisonem; cum College sui domus cantu & cymbalis personaret, cumque ipse nudus in convivio saltaret, in quo ne tum quidem, cum illum suum versares saltatorium or∣bem, fortune rotam pertimescebat: and so he takes Lacedamonius orbis (according to the former expo∣sition) for a Dance in fashion of a Round. Which interpretation, if it were warranted by copie, were beyond comparison; the sense accordingly being this, Let such enjoy the art of Lust, as at their im∣pure feasts dance naked, a whole round of them, about their filthy musitian. But the common and

ancient Reading is pytismate, which likewise is vext with strange variety of expositions by the varions acceptions of Lacedamonius orbis; some taking it for a Ring, which, say they, was a Lacedamonian inven∣tion: and so would here understand Senators and Roman Knights, to whom belong'd the use of the ring; who, say they, did use wanponly with spit∣tle [pytismate] to make their rings slip off and on their singers, according to that of Martial, Per en∣jus digitos currit levis annulus. But Politian opposes this exposition, denying the ring to be a Lacedam∣nian invention, and avouching that it cannot be war∣ranted by Authors. Some others reading, pitysmate, take it for a ropp made of the Pine- tree [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] But, alas, what a silliness it were to conceive that they did spit either on the topp or on the ground to make it slippery? Besides, what a filly thing were it to say, Let him enjoy the art of Lust, that usually delights to drive a topp? Yet Georgius Valla and others have, without consideration of these incon∣veniences, taken Lacedaemonius orbi•• in this sense. But (to mention the last exposition] it is taken by Joseph Sealiger and Lubin for a pavement or floor made of round Spartan Marbles, and pytisma either for often spirting, as in men that bibb often, [in which sense the learned Rigaltius also expounds or for the Snuff, which in some deseriptions of the chita∣bus, they threw on the ground, and so made it slip∣pery. Which last expositions, as little different, I the rather approve, because they seem to me to be without affectation; as also because this is the Reading and Exposition of the old Scholiast, saying, Qui expuit supra marmor Latedamonium, quo stratum est pavimentum. Besides, methinks it is agreeable to that of Horace, [Carm. 2. Od. 14.] Et mero Tinguet pavimentum superbum; or that in the Si•••• Satyre of our Poet; which is spoken of the large draught of the wanton Dame, Dum redu & terrans lots ferit in∣restino, Marmoribus rivi properant, v. 429, 430. Ac∣cording to which, the sense will briesly be this. Let such enjoy the Art of Lust, as have wanton plenty in stately houses: for, such, saies he, are excus'd even in great faults, as in dicing, adultery, and the like: nay, such vices are in such commonly accoun∣ted but gallant recreations. In which Satyrical passage, peradventure, he intends the rich and foul Virro; whom, in his Fift Satyre, he formerly de∣scrib'd by his Variety of Wines; to which he may pro∣bably here make allusion by pytismate; and in the 9th. Satyre by his Lust; to which he may likewise here allude by Libidinis arte: but I leave my ghess to the Readers judgement; and thought it Justice and Delight to give this account of my choice.

14. But now the Towell and Great Cybels shews grace her Idaean Feast. — Interea Megalesiaca specta∣cula mappae Idaeum solenne colunt.— The Poet having expressed what delights his friend Persicus should expect at his Table, as namely, Homer and Virgil read unto him, of which two it is still a doubt, which is the better; (yet see them diligently com∣par'd by Macrobius, and since by Julius Scaliger, and partly here, Sat. 6. Illustrat. 45.) bids him to lay aside all trouble of mind, though his wife gave him occasion of jealousie by unseemly tokens, (which therefore I but lightly mention;) and then, in a sudden and satyrical capture, says to him, But whiles we here intend these our delights, Others (the vulgar Romans) intend the Megalesian shews celebrated at the Feast of Cybele; which Goddesse being worshipped at Ida in Phrygia (for there was another Ida in Creete) was, at the time that Han∣nibal wasted Italy, brought from Phrygia to Rome, upon occasion of a passage in the books of the Si∣bylls: in which it was written, that when a forreign enemy made war in Italy, he should be driven thence, if they fetch'd the Image of Cybel, (called the mother of the Gods,) from Pessinus (a City in Phrygia, where Cybele had a Temple) to Rome. Whereupon Ambassador; were sent to Pergamus unto Attalus the King; and they receiv'd an Image of stone, which the people said, was the mother of the Gods; who being brought to Rome, had a Feast ordain'd to her honour; and because she was cal∣led the Great Mother of the Gods, the shews were accordingly nam'd Megalesia (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) and began to be celebrated on the 4th. of April. With which delighta the Romans were in∣credibly taken; and when these-Shews were to be performed, notice was given by a towell hang'd out for a sign, at the Praetor's seat. The occasion whereof was this, as Cassiodorus (lib. 3. epist: 51.) relates it; Nero on a time sitting alone at dinner, when these Shews were eagerly expected, caused his towell, with which he wiped his hands, to be presently cast out at the window (jussit abjici) for a sign of his speedy coming: whereupon it was in after-times the usual sign at those shews. The or∣der of the Latin text is, as Lubin sets it, Interea, that is, dum nos convivamur — Spectacula mappa Megalesiaca colunt Idaeum solenne: which, for the clearer expres∣sion in the English, I render thus in effect, Cybel's Shews, and the towel at them, do encrease the bonour of her Idaean solemnity, or Feast. And this sign was made by the Magistrate, as the Consul, the Dictator, and the Praetor; as Martial testifies of the last, lib. 12. Cretatam Prator cum vellet mittere mappam, Praetwi mappam surripit Hermogenes. Before the mappa came in use, the sign was classicum, the found of a trumpet, or the like, but alter'd on the foresaid occasion, as Hieronymus Columna notes on Ennius his Fragments, p. 66.

15. Praedo caballorum Praetor sedet. — This is the common Reading in this place, Prado caballorum, though doubtfully expounded; some thinking the Praetor so called, because at those Shews he ob∣serv'd, say they, the best horses, and then took them from the owners at a small, or no price: O∣thers, because he did unjustly oftentimes adjudge the victory to such horses, as indeed did not win. The first of these reasons Lubin approves; which yet may seem unlikely, implying too gross an in∣jury, and therefore the more probably such as might have been redressed. The latter reason is given by Britannicus; the judgement, and so the diversity of is, being in the power of the Praetor, so that he might cunningly use injustice to his great advantage, and so be aptly called, not the Stealer of horses, but the Cheater; as being He, that some∣times deprived the best horses of their deserv'd re∣ward; and so it might be rendred, — In pomp at these our horse-cheater the Praetor sirs. — A like quip indeed does the Poet give to the Praetor's usual par∣tiality, in that passage in the 13th. Satyre, in the be∣ginning, — Nemo nocens absolvitur, improba qua••vis Gratia fallacis Pratoris vicerit urnam. But some read, Praeda caballorum, the sense of which will ill sort with the former interpretation: and this Read∣ing is the rather entertain'd, because it is in the Scholiast; who gives a reason also for it, saying, quia hordeum pro illo die auriga tollunt equorum; which may seem to imply, that the Chariotiers had that daies provision for their horses at the Prz••or's charge; and so, that the Praetor, that is, his Estate was made but a spoile, as being wasted by horses.

Indeed Boëtbius (Libr. 3. Pros. 4.) complains, that in His time the Praetorship was but inane namen & senatorii census gravis sarcina; of which argument see more, in Bulenger, de Circo, cap. 42. But, though this Reading yields a good sense, and has also the authority of the Scholiast, yet others read, Perda caballorum, confirming it likewise from the autho∣rity of the Scholiast, who, they say, is in that place corrupted, and that it should be in Him, Perda ca∣ballorum. The use of the word they prove by the like in the Latin, as by Seriba (from Scriba) advena (from advenia) haredipeta, parricida, and more neer∣ly from officiperda in Cato's Distichs, and in Isidore's Glosse. Nay, it is proved by another reason, which is here brought by the Scholiast himself, who says, out ideo (praeda, as the former copies of the Scho∣liast have it; but, as the more corrected) perda dixit, quoniam muhi equi strangebantur iisdem Circensi∣bus, so what because many horses provided by the Praetor were spoiled at these shews, therefore the Poet calls Perda caballorum. Which reason pre∣vailing with the best Interprecers, I chose accor∣dingly to render it, — In pomp at these Our horse∣spoiler the Praetor sits.

16. — A shout, methinks, I hear: The Green coat wins no doubt. — Fragor aurem Percutit, eventum vi∣ridis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 colligo panni. Amongst other pleasures of the Giraus, one was the running of races with hor∣ses, in Chariots, which occasioned the diversities of Chariotiers, of whom there were four distinct fa∣ctions; whose parts the Romans most sactiously and soolishly took sometimes even to great dissention. The first whereof [to reckon them according to the seasons of the year, to which they were likened] was saclio prasina, or the Green faction; the Cha∣riotiers of that company wearing green coats; and the name was drawn from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a leek; their coat being of a leck-green colour; and this was an∣swerable to the Spring. The second was Russea, rus∣sata, or as some have it, rosea, the red, or near a red, and was likened to the Summer, and implied the fiery heat of the Sun. The third was Alba; which some altribute to Autumn, for its hoariness: but Tertullian (de Spectac. cap. 9.) likens the White to Winter, ob nives candidas. The fourth was Veneta, commonly rendred, a Blue [or Skie-coloured] and by some attributed to the clowdy Winter; but by Tertullian [in the same place] unto Autumn. Con∣cerning which last, the Venes colour [called so from the Veneti, a people of Italy, chiefly addicted to the wear of that colour, as I have shew'd, Sat. 3. Il∣instrat. 24.] through it be commonly expounded by a Blue, yet Egnatius thinks it to have been a Tellow. But Marcellus Donatus on Sueton's Tiberius, cap. 37. terms it Caruleus [according to the first expositi∣on] Skie colour, or Sea-colour; proving it from Vegetius, lib. 4. de re Militari, where he says, that Ships, which are sent out as spies, should have their sails of the Venet colour, that they may not be discerhed by the enemies. The occasion then of E••∣natius his mistake, might peradventure be the co∣lour of the Sea, as it is near the shoar, where it is usually troubled and foul; but more remote it is of a clear skie colour. New unto the four colours already mentioned. Domitian (according to Sueton in his Life, cap. 7.) added two more, the Golden and the Purple factions. But of the first four, some∣times one, sometimes another, according to the se∣veral ages and humours of the Emperors, did flou∣rish: but in Juvenal's time here intimated, the Ve∣net and Green, chiefly the Green thriv'd, as is implied here; more particularly in Caligula's and * Nero's times; as Britannicus nores on that of the third Sa∣tyre, Si potes avelli Ciroensibus; the other two, the white and red, did not so take, yet thrive they did, and came to wealth, as seems to be implied, Sat. 7. in that passage, solum Russati pone Lacerta. The Poct adds (that which may raise admiration at their folly) that if these Shews should have ceas'd, the City would have been confounded, as at the Romans slaughter at the dust of Cannae: where they were overthrown by Hannibal, the wind mainly distres∣sing them by driving the dust in their saces; as Li∣vy writes, lib. 22. A strange expression of a strange vanity, that a like sorrow should affect a People for so unlike a cause!

17. Effugiat{que} togam. — Although the younger sort, says the Poet, may haunt the Circus; such making it their delight to lay wagers, and sit by the side of their Mistresses; yet, my Persicus, it is not for us to attend such delights: but let our age lie in the Sun for warmth, effugiat{que} togam; that is, says Britannicus, Let us put off our gowns, and in the Sun anoint our selves with oile, to refresh our age; the manner being, before meat, to exercise themselves, and then by the fire, or in the Sun, to anoint themselves with oile. Where Britannicus adds, that the Gown which at the first was the ge∣neral wear, descended after wards only to the mean∣er sort; necessarily implying, that for that cause also they should avoid the Gown. But neither of these aftertions can be free, methinks, from just re∣prehension: for, as for the first, the custome of an∣ointing themselves with oi••c being general, what peculiar expression could this be of Old age? And, as for the second, it cannot be a truth, Martial ex∣presly mentioning, that Juvenal himself wore the Gown: for he says (lib. 11.) to our Poet, Dum per limina-te potentiorum Sudatrix toga ventilat. — Bri∣tannicus indeed mentions another exposition, accor∣ding to which, toga is taken figuratively for labores comitum togaterum; and so the sense will be, we must shun Business now in our old age. Which sense, though. Britannicus refuse it, Lubin thinks to be the best. though he alledges not any reason against the first. But because, for the reasons which I have urged, I think his opinion the better, I choose ac∣cordingly to render it, Our wrinkled skin must drink in the Spring sun, And scape the busie Gown. Nor does this thwart the testimony of Martial, who most pro∣bably writ so to our Poet concerning such employ∣ment of the Gown, before Juvenal was grown into old age.

18. Though a full hour as yet it wants to noon.— Quanquam solida hora supersit Ad sextam. The cu∣stome was in the latter times of the Roman Empire, to attend their business till Noon, that is, till the sixt hour, or our Twelve of the clock, [though Law∣yers were employed far later;] and then untill the ninth hour, that is, our Three of the clock in the after∣noon, to exercise and bath themselves. But to do thus before Noon, was only usual on Feast-daies, un∣less in Old folks: both which exceptions the Poet seems here to imply; saying, that even in five [that is, a few) such daies (or feastival daies) a man would easily be weary. And yet, though Ju∣venal tells his friend Persicus thus, I remember, that Sueton, in his Augustus, cap. 71. shews Au∣gustas to have been of another mind; for that Emperor writing to Tiberius concerning the Quin∣quatria (a continued feast of five daies) saies, Nos, mi Tiberi, quinquatriis satis jucunde egimus. Lu∣simus enim per Omnes dies, scrumque aleatorium calfe∣cimus; we must therefore understand our Poet to

use here a certain number for an uncertain. And here it may be observ'd from Lipsius on Tacitus [An∣nal. lib. 14. near the beginnin] that Feasts earlies then the common hour, were called convivia tempe∣stiva; and those which were extended into night, in noctem intempestam, were called convivia intem∣pestiva; that is, unseasonable, or unfit for the dis∣patch of business; nox intempesta being commonly taken for the time of night, in which men were usu∣ally in bed. Concerning the several Seasons of Eat∣ing and Bathing, I have written largly, Sat. 1. Illu∣strat. 38. yet it is needful to prevent mistake, to take notice of this one particular; that the time intended here in these words of our Poet, quanquam solida hora supersit ad Sextam, signifies our Eleven of the Clock, the Romans intending by the name of an hour the time of the end (or expiration) of, that hour. So when they said at the Sixt hour, they meant at our twelve of the clock, when the shadow was upon the Meridional line of the dial. So when the shadow was upon the fift line of the dial, as is here implied, it was eleven of the clok. Accord∣ing to which use Persius also speaks, Sat. 3. saying to the sluggish youth, that he slept, quinta dum li∣nea tangitur umbra; by an hypallage, till the Shadow touch'd the fift line (that is, till eleven a clock.) So implies Secundus Curio in his Scholia (on that of Persius) saying Cum••ad sexiam ••ineam umbre venerat Meridre•• erat; So•••• likewise Theidorus. Marcilius (sometime Regius Professor of Rhetorick at Paris) on the same words of Persius; Linea sive not a quin∣ta, que Meridiei proxima. Meridies enim hora sexia. Ergo & Persius hoc lineae quiniae tempus quasi panè me∣ridiem depingit, Pecus omne sub uhro est. Lastly, Cla∣verius, a learned French Advocate, in his Annotati∣ons on Persius, alleadges upon the same passage, that of Martial, In quintam varies extendit Roma labores; Sexta quies lassis, septima sinis erit. So that, business lasting amongst the Romans till the end of the fift hour, Persius says that the young sluggard slept so long, that he would be sure to escape the business of study; thus implying that he would loyter till noon, in dressing and preparing for the Bath. Our Poet then here invites old Persicus to bath at their fift hour, the end of their fift hour, that is at our eleven of the clock, and so eat at their sixt hour, or our twelve of the clock; which haft was a wanton∣ness among the Romans, unless on Feast-days (as was said) and in Old folks.

SATYRE. XII.

ARGUMENT.

A Storm, that did Catullus Fright, By Calme and Wit is made Delight. His Ship does in safe Harbour rest; He in our Poets faithful Breast: Who Sacrifice brings with so true A Joy, you'd think he had scap'd too. Flow'rs deck his Turves: The flames appear: Th' Affection was more Sweet and Clear. Some on your Childless Rich Ones spend; Such Love the Booty, not the Friend.

MY Birth-day I far less, Corvinus, prize, Then this: wherein my promis'd Sacrifice Th' Altar of Turves expects: A snow-white Lamb I kill to Juno: a like fleece I am Bringing to Pallas, that does bear on Sheild The Mauritanian Gorgon. But I yield To Great Tarpeian Jove (1) a Beast, which now Shakes his long Rope, and threatens with his brow. A Bullock fierce he is, ripe for the Shrine And Altar, to be sprinkled now with Wine. He shames to suck: his budding horn does smite The Oak. But had I ample means, that might Equal my Love, I'de have a Bull drawn straight, Fatter then large Hispulla, slow with weight; Not bred in Neighbour-grass; his blood should flow Rank with Clitumnian Pastures; A huge blow His Neck should aske. My Friend's return'd! The thunder Makes him quake yet! His Safety is his wonder! For besides Rocks and Lightning scap'd, a dire Night of one Cloud obscur'd Heav'n; Instant Fire Dash'd on the Sail-yards. Ev'ry one straight thought Himself struck. Then Astonishment so wrought, No Ship-wrack seem'd like flaming sails: Their Eies Are maz'd, as when (2) Poetick tempests rise! One Danger more hear: once more Pitty: though A like fate; Greivous! Yet This many know: Witness our Shrines in Tables vow'd at need In Tempests. Does not Isis Painters feed? Such Lot on our Catullus too was thrown; When now the Hold was wave, and a high-grown

Sea half-o're-set the rowling stern unsure Of plank; when now no help he could procure From th' hoary Pilot's skill, he did cast part To th' Winds, and imitate the Beavers Art, Which makes himself an Eunuch; so bef•••• He'd scape: He knows, his Med'cine 'tis they'd get. Cast, cast out all that's mine, Catullus cried, Ready to cast but Robes in Purple died, Fit for a soft Mecaenas; He'd have fain Thrown more, (3) made of such fleece as took its grain From the brave Grass, and from a Spring of rare And secret pow'r, and from the Baetiok Aire. Parthenian Silver-chargers he did turn O're board, and a large bowl that held an Urne; For thirsty Pholus or Fuscus his wife 'Twas a good draught. He threw-out, to save life, Your British baskets, with a thousand dishes Much Ingrav'd Plate too, once His, who to his wishes Bought, by his Craft, Olynthus. But so Bold Who else, to (4) prefer Life before his Gold? Their stock some do increase, not to Live better: But blinded Live to make their stock the Greater. Most of his useful Goods away are cast, Yet help not: The Storm presses; till at last His Mast he fell'd, and quit himself. Distress Is desp'rate, when the Help makes the Ship less. Go now, commit thy Life unto the Wind: Trust a dress'd plank: Thy self remov'd thou'l•• find From Death, four of five fingers breadth, although The Pine be of the Thickest. Furnish'd go VVith Nets, their Bisked, and large Flaggons: Thou Must take an Axe too 'gainst a storm: But now When as the Sea lay smooth, the Heav'ns grew kind, The Ship-mans Fate conqu'ring the Sea and Wind: When the pleas'd Farce with mild hand begun A better task, and (5) now a white thread spun: A wind, then greatle airc, ••scarce stronger, blows; The wretched Ship by art as wretched goes, With a fore-sprit-saile left, and garments spred. The South wind ceases: Sun and Life half-fled Return: they see Iulus his lov'd Seat; His Step-mothers Lavinum seem'd less near; A knowl (6) nam'd from the matchless Sow so white; VVith thirty tears, to Phrygians a glad sight. At last he comes within the Mounts, that close The Sea, the Tytheae Phands too, and those Armes, which now reach the Mid-Sea; far behind Italy's left; less wonder thou wilt find In Nature's Havens. But the main'd Ship gets To th' Harbour's inmost Lake, where the Calme lets

A Bajan bark lie safe. VVith (7) shaven pale The Sea-men there of their scap'd dangers prate.

Hast, hast, my youths: Assist (8) with Tongue and Zeal: VVith Garlands dress the Shrines; the knives with Meal. See, the soft flames and th' Altar's turf be drest: I'le follow, and those Rites done which are best; Home I'le repair, where (9) slender Crowns shall twine 'Bout my small waxen Gods, which, though frail, shine. Here I appease our Jove; our Lares too VVith Incense: speckled Violets I'le strew. All's Trim: Our (10) Gate branch'd-high with bays invites To Joy, and is adorn'd with early Lights. These things suspect not yet, (11) Corvinus. Dear Catullus, for whose safe Return I rear These Altars, has three little Heirs. I'de see One more to such a hopeless friend so free, To spend but a sick hen, that shuts the eies, Nay, a small Quail ne're for a Father dies. But let a Feaver rich Gallita boile, Or childless Paccius, (12) straight the Temple's Ile Is cloath'd with Votive Tables: there they bow, And fix them. Some a Hecatombe will vow; Since th' Elephant's no Latian ware. Indeed That Beast under our Stars does no where feed: But brought from swarthy Nations they are rear'd In the Rutilian Forest. Caesars Heard Sleights Subjects: Tyrian Hannibal they obey'd; Our Gen'rals and great Pyrrhus they did aid. Their Sires did on their backs carry a Pow'r Of Souldiers, and a Warlike Marching Tow'r. Novius then and Ister Pacuvius! would Bring th' Ivory to the Altars, if they could; A Sacrifice for sick Gallita due; Fit for her Lares and such Fawners too. For, one of these, give him but leave; shall vow His large, his goodllest flaves, and dress the brow Of's youths and Hand-maids with his Garlands; Nay, A ripe Iphigenia he would slay, Though he ne're hop'd some happy Theft to find, And (13) Expiation from some Tragick Hind. My Citizen has Brain! what is a Fleet, To a Rich will! If the sick scapes, (14) 'tis meet He cancel his first Act, the weel of merit Imprisons him. Pacuvius may inherit Perchance All shortly; Then may tred with State, His Rivals All o'recome. Loe, his shew'd Pate, That his Mycenian girle in kindness slays! Long may Pacuvius live, ev'n Nestor's days: Let him have Nero's Prey; Hills unconfin'd Of Gold. Love let him neither Show, nor Find.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Tvvelfth Satyre.

The Dress of the Victimarii, and of the Beasts to be sacrificed. Tabellae Votivae. La∣cerna Boetica. Navem minorem facere, Staminis albi Lanificae, Scrofa, Several causes of the Custome of shaving the Head. Favere linguis. Mola; the Matter and Use of it. The private statues of the Lares probably shew'd to have been of wax. Gates at Feastival times adorn'd with Bayes and Lights. Quails dis-esteem'd by the Ro∣mans. Ebut taken for Elephas. Nassa; the Ordinary Reading and Interpretation of it, approved.

1.A Beast which now shakes his long rope.— Sed procul exten∣sum petulans quatit hostia fu∣nem. The Poet expressing here, to his friend Corvinus, the singular joy which he took at the preservation of his dear Catullus, from a Sea-Tempest, says, that this day is dearer to him than his Birth-day, in effect, that Catullus his life was dearer to him than his own. Next, he shews the intended expressions of his joy, saying, that an al∣tar of turves (raised suddenly upon such occasions) expected his promised sacrifice; yea, that he rais'd many to that purpose, as he enlarges it afterwards in that verse, Pro cujus reditu tot pono altaria. Then he recites the Deities to whom he will sacrifice, namely, Juno and Pallas: which last, as Hyginus says, (though some say, Perseus) slew Medusa one of the three Gorgons (so called for their fierceness, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in killing men only by by their looks) neer un∣to Mount Atlas in Mauritania; and in sign of victory wore on her shield the expression of the Gorgon's head, the hairs whereof were said to be turned into Serpents. He farther adds, that he would sacrifice to Jupiter, who had a Temple on Mount Capitol, otherwise called the Tarpeian Hill (from the Vir∣gin Tarpeia overwhelm'd there with the shields of the Sabines) and that his sacrifice should be a lusty beast, whose strong head should shake his long rope; one that used wantonly to strike his horns against trees, and which indeed was fit to have wine (ac∣cording to the custome) poured on his head be∣tween his horns, when he should be ready to be sacrificed. In which expression he intimates the manner of leading the beast to be sacrificed, that is, with a long rope, that he might seem to go willing∣ly, if not run before; unwillingness in the beast be∣ing counted ominous, as Lubin notes: yet he might have observed, that Juvenal a little after, says, Pin∣guior Hispulla Traberetur taurus: which therefore (as I guess) Lubin is fain to expound more gently by duceretur. Which custome of leading the sacri∣fice is aptly described, in explication of this verse of Juvenal, by Du Choul de la Religion des Anciens Ro∣mains, p. 276, 277. Where the Victimarii are ex∣pressed from an ancient Marble at Rome, oftentimes half-clothed with the skins of beasts, which they had sacrificed: and the beast to be sacrificed (be∣ing a large one) with the forehead and horns guil∣ded and adorn'd with chaplets and guilded beads hanging down from the horns of the beast on each side after this manner, as he delightfully re∣presents it, *

[illustration] depiction of an ox being led to sacrifice

Juv. 12. Ill. 1

The Poet adds, that if he were rich, he would sa∣crifice a beast as fat as Hispulla, a dame, it seems, in those times of full dimensions, and one whose humour was, as the Poet intimated before (Sa∣tyre. 6.) to delight in your Tragick Actors, ac∣cording to that, Hispulla Tragado Gander—. Yet some Manuscripts have it by way of division, his pul∣la, expounding his by agna and vitulus mention'd before in this Satyre, and pulla by nigro sune. The Author of the Manuscript Commentary likewise takes notice of this Reading, and expounding pulla by vitt a congruente nigredini tempestatis, yet rejects it, taking Hispulla, as most do, for a proper name. And such a fat one, says our Poet, my sacrifice should have been, had I been rich; a beast nou∣rish'd in the Pastures near Clitumnus, a river, which according to Philargyrius, parts Tuscanie and Ʋm∣bria; and of which all the cattle that drank, brought forth their young of a white colour: and therefore from thence were chosen all those Sa∣crifices, which were offerd to Jupiter Capitolinus, as Pliny relates, lib. 2. cap. 7. and Virgil, in that of his Georgicks, Hinc albi Clitumne Greges, & max∣ima taurus Victima—. In which passage our Poet says, that if he were rich, he would bring for a sacrifice a great beast, —à grandi cervix feri∣enda ministro, some understand, as Lubin notes, by grandi ministro the Pontifex maximus; but he justly rejects the interpretation, expounding it of the strength of the victimarius, that was to give the blow. Besides, I may add, that it were unseem∣ly to make that the business of the Pontifex maxi∣mus, that was the office of an inferiour person; and thus grandi implies, as I render it, not the dig∣nity, but the size or strength of the person.

2. —As when Poetick tempests rise. —si quando poëticasurgit Tempestas—. Some here read, Pontica, and so understand such horrible Tempests, as arise in the Euxine Sea: which Reading yeilds a good sense, yet Poëtica is the most received, as being both ancient, approved and expounded by the Scho∣liast; besides, it is singularly Satyrical; for which considerable motives I retain it. The Poet further implies the manner of men in danger of Shipwrack: who were wont in their extremity to vow a Table or Picture, expressing their danger, unto the Tem∣ple of Neptune; though afterwards, in imitation of the Aegyptian superstition, unto Isis; who, as Pig∣norius notes in his Mens. Isiac. Expos. f. 5. was held to be the Patroness of Seamen and Commandress of the Winds: and such Pictures are here called Ta∣bellae votiva. Now even in such distress, says our Poet, was dear Catullus; the lower, yet capacious, part of the ship, the Hold, or Howle, (as the Sea∣men call it) being fill'd with water, and Alternum puppis latus evertentibus undis Arboris incertae—, the waves throwing the ship sometimes on the one side, sometimes on the other (to speak vulgarly) or rather being ready to overset the ship (puppis, pro∣perly the sterne, or sterage) arboris incertae, made but of unsure or dangerous pla••ks. In which de∣scription I render puppis rather by the sterne, then by the ship, the first acception being more agree∣able to the description here intended; as may ap∣pear from the two kinds of troublesome motion of a ship. The one whereof is in respect of her Length; according to which, sometimes the one end, as the fore-castle, sometimes the other, as the Sterne, is mounted-up by the waves, and this is cal∣led the Heaving and Setting of a Ship: the other is in respect of her breadth (that is, from side to side) the Sea sometimes laying the Ship almost on the one side, and sometimes on the other; and this is called (as a long continuance at Sea, many years since, taught me) the Rowling of the Ship. Which last motion being here intended, as is plain from the words —latus evertentibus undis, and also being more notoriously discerned in the stern (by reason

of the height I therefore render puppis by the stern: which being built (highest) for pleasure and di∣rection (containing in it commonly, above the Captain's cabbin, cabbins for the Master and his mates) is in the rowling of the ship most troubled; and therefore well might it be suspected to be, as the Poet speaks, arboris incerta, of plank scarce sure enough against greatest danger.

3. —Made of such fleece as took its grain From the brave grass—. —Quarum generosi graminis ipsum Infecit natura pecus—. In the description of Catullus his deliverance, the Poet says, that he dealt with the Sea, as the Beaver (according to the vulgar be∣lief) deals with those that hunt him; that is, he did decidere jactu, decide the quarrel with his loss; the Beaver, as the sable has it, making himself an Eunuch, and so leaving behind him to his pursuers, that part which some esteem as singular in Physick, there being made of it an Oil call'd Castoreum. See Persius. Sat. 5. v. 135. The form of this subtle beast is this. *

[illustration] depiction of a beaver

Juv. Sat. XII. Illust. 3.

Thus also Catullus dealt with the winds, casting-out his goods, even precious purple garments, and such quarum ipsum pecus, the very sheep of which garments, that is, of whose wooll those garmens were made, receiv'd their colour not from art but nature, the nature of the grass and water and air, wherewith they lived. He intends the Country in the South-West of Spain, called An∣daluzia, and in that the river Baetis commonly called Guadalquivir (or the Great River) upon which stands Corduba and Sevil; where the sheep, as the Poet says, were naturally of a reddish colour. Where it may be observed, that the Poet does not say, ipsa natura, but ipsum pecus: for properly even in the art of Dying the colours are originally natural, though order'd by art; but by saying that nature dyed ipsum pecus, was to imply, that whereas wooll is usually dyed, when it is separated from the sheep, this had the colour on the sheep's back; accord∣ing to that, which the Lacerna Batica, in Martial, says of it self, —me mea tinxit ovis. In the farther recital of his friend's goods the Poet says, that he cast-out also good plate, the work of the curious Parthenius; as also a boul that held an urne (that is, four gallons and an half) a pretty draught for Pholus the Centaure, that entertain'd Hercules; or, as the Poet Satyrically adds, a convenient draught for Fuscus his wife, a dame, it seems, in those times of a large throat, and probably, as I think, the wife of that judge Fuscus mention'd in the last Satyre, and so of a temper not unlike his wife; only she is described by her drinking, and he by his leaking, in that passage, Sat. 16. v. 46. Fusco jam micturiente parati Digredimur. To these losses the Poet adds such engraven plate cast-over board, as formerly had been the Goods of the crasty Macedonian King Philip: who bribed Lasthenës to betray unto him Olynthus a City of Thrace, his own Country; for thus we must expound escaria, dishes, and multum calati, that is, argenti, much engraven plate, accord∣ing to the receiv'd interpretation; not referring caelati to Olynthi, as some, not observing the Latin elegancy, have done.

4. —But so hold who else, to prefer Life before his Gold? —Quis audet Argento praferre caput? Some think rather the contrary of this speech to be truth: but methinks it may with a gentle interpre∣tation stand easily free from exception; the Poet intending only an aggravation of the Coveteousness of men in His times. And is it not usual with ma∣ny in their sickness by an unwarrantable hope of escape without the Charge of Physick, basely to cast themselves away? And do not many likewise in Sea∣storms in hope to save both life and goods, loose both? And though it be farther urged, that this howsoever could be no cause of Commendation to Ca∣tullus, because he did but that, which even a beast, the Beaver, does without reason, as the Poet acknowledges: yet it must be granted, that things in some respect a like, may in another respect, as of their motive, mainly differ. For so, that which is meerly natural in a beast, as to drink no more then enough, is in man a vertue, as done by the wisdome of reason. Besides, whereas again a little after some reprehend our Poet for saying, navem mindrem facere for exonerare, as they expound it; the Poet speaks it not of casting out the goods, but of cutting-down the mast (ut malum ferro submitte∣ret—.) 0 Which is but more remotely to be expound∣ed by exonerare; that being properly a burden or weight, not which is a part of the ship, but of the carriage. Though in a remote sense, as I said, the mast may accidentally be called so, when by the violence of wind and wave it is too much driven on either side.

5. —And now a white thread spun. —Et staminis albi lanificae. The Poet after his expression of a storm, says Let any he now so hardy as to go yet to Sea, committing his life to a few dressed planks of pine-tree (that is, a ship) and so be but a few fingers breadth (the thickness of the planks) re∣mov'd from the wave, and consequently from death: let him lay in his penurious provision, his bag or net for his bread, with his gorbellied flaggon; but let him be sure to take an axe with him too, to cut-down his mast upon occasion. But at last, says the Poet proceeding in his relation, the wea∣ther grew calme, and the fatal sisters began to spin a white thread: wherein he implies the Opinion of the Ancients, who thought that when the Parcae intended long life unto a man, they spun him a white thread; as when they intended his death, a black; according to that of Martial, (lib. 6. epig. 58.) Si mibi lanificae ducunt non pulla sorores Stamina—. In this passage there is yet some farther

doubt, about these words,—tempora postquam Pro∣spera vectoris, some understanding by vector, Catullus our Poet's friend, but it may seem more congruous to take it for the Ship-man, or Pilot, that brings the Ship into harbour, and that in the close of this passage, is called magister, in these words,—sed trun∣ca puppe magister interiora petit Baiana pervia, Cymba Tuti stagna sinus.

6. A knowl nam'd from the matchless Sow so white, with thirty teats.— Conspicitur sublimis apex: cui candida nomen Scrofa dedit.—The Poet here shews how Catullus his Ship, the weather being grown gentler, came safe into the haven at Ostia in the mouth of the River Tiber: which description in∣cluding many varieties, it will for the younger Reader be somewhat necessary to clear it in the several parts of it. He says then, that at last they discovered the high Mount, neer which was built Alba Longa by Julus Ascanius; who having before dwelt at Lavinum (built by Aeneas, and called so from his second wife Lavinia the daughter of Lati∣nus, his first wife, the mother of Ascanius, being cal∣led Creusa) increasing in people, departed thence after his father's death, leaving Lavinum to his mo∣ther in Law, and built Alba commonly called Longa from the long form of it; but Alba upon this occa∣sion. The Oracle having told the Phrygians, as it is in Virgil, Aeneid. 3. that when they should find by a river side an huge sow, that should bring forth thirty pigs at one litter, they should build a City in that place: they finding this rare or matchless beast, like unto which never any had been seen (be∣fore,) and accordingly building a City, called it from the colour of the Sow, Alba; a glad fight, as the Poet calls it, to the Phrygians, who till now ex∣pected a resting place. And here that of Messala Corvinus may be observed, Troia vulgò Italice latine{que} Scrofa vel sus dicitur, that Troy was in Latin the same with sus. But to proceed, this place the terrified Sea-men first discovering, got afterwards into the entrance of the Ostian haven: which two sides, ar∣tificial or forced Mounts or ridges like two arms, ran so far into the Tyrrbene Sea, that they seem'd in their compass almost to enclose it, and as it were, to leave Italy behind them. In which haven there was also a Pharos, or Watch-tower built in imita∣tion of that famous one in Aegypt, and for the like use, to give notice to Sea-men in the night, by a lanthorn hang'd up, of the nearness of the shoar. The works of which haven [whose art exceeded the works of natural havens] were perform'd at several times by three Emperors, Augustus, Claudius, and Trajan. And into the innermost part of this haven, says our Poet, these Sea-men got at last; a place so calm, that it is as safe as a quiet lake; so calm, that even a Baian boat [which is used com∣monly to quiet waters, such as are those in the Lu∣crine lake, in Campania, neer Baiae, as says Britanni∣cus] may lie there without danger.

7.—With shaven pate,—Vertice raso. Anciently they accounted it ominous to cut their bair when they were to go to Sea; that being their last vow in a tempest. To which (according to some) St. Paul seems to allude, Act. 27.34. There shall not an hair of your head perish, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉cadet (fall;) as if he should have said, They should not need to vow their hair (according to the custome in great extremity;) for without such a vow, and so with∣out the performance of it, they should all escape. Hence likewise it was, that they which were made free, were shaved before they did put on the cap of Liberty, because they had escaped the tempest of servitude; as Nonius Marcellus relates it. See also to this effect, Jac. Dur. Casellius, in his Varior. lib. 2. cap. 9. Thus Sea-men likewise acknowledged themselves preserv'd to Liberty, which, by the tempest they accounted themselves to have lost: and for the like reason such also were shaven, as, being accused, were yet upon trial acquitted.

8.—Assist with Tongue and Zeal.—Linguis ani∣mis{que} faventes. He quickens his servants to make ready for his performance of thanks, the altars of the Deities; more particularly, he bids them assist with tongue and mind; favete linguis being not to speak, but a form used by way of preparative at Sacrifices; that at the time of performance, all that were present with the Sacrificer might be silent: Hence therefore is that of Virgil, Aeneid, 7. Hinc fida silentia sacris; according to which, Horace likewise uses the words, Carm. lib. 3. Od. 1. Favete linguis, carmina non prius Audits, Musarum sacerdos Virginibus pueris{que} canto; in which case, Silence in the assistants was a necessary favour. See Alexan∣der ab Alex. lib. 4. cap. 17. and Tiraquell; on which last, Colerus says, Favere linguis est cum silentio au∣dire, audientiam dare. Ʋnde apud Comicos Favorem po∣pull, interpretatur silentium & audientiam populi. Wherefore this former used here by our Author, may not be understood of Prayer by word, but of Silence and Devotion.

9.—Where slender crowns shall twine 'Bout my small waxen Gods, which, though frail, shine,—Graciles uhi parva coronas Accipiunt fragili simulachra nitentia cera. Amongst other preparations Juvenal bids his servants (according to the custome) to a∣dorn the gates of the Temples with chaplets of flowers, and to besprinkle the knives, wherewith the beast was to be dressed, with meal, farre, anci∣ently called mola; which some call a cake, making it ex tosto farre mixt with water and salt, as Britan∣nicus expresses it. According to which description we must then suppose, that it being a cake, it was afterwards broken again into crums; the manner being to sprinkle with it the Fire, the knives, and the head of the Sacrifice Festus Pompcius, lib. 11. describes it only by farre and sale; and it is con∣venient enough to conceive it to have been only meal, water, and salt: and so the word mola seems only to imply, that it was grownd, or had passed the mill. The Poet next bids his servants dress the soft flames, that is, made with incense, says the Scho∣liast, or recentes and teneros, as Bri••••••nious thinks; because the fire was raised on an Altar of turves, whose grass was tender; though the first exposition seems more intimate, and so neerer to the truth. The Poet then adds, that He will follow, and when he has perform'd his best, that is, his publick sacri∣fice (quod prastat; for, this Reading yields a better sense than the other, restat, which some offer) he says, that he will then go home to offer incense, and strew violets by way of joy and honour unto his Lares, which he describes by terming them —fragili simulachra, nitentia cera. By which it is usually understood, that they were stames of wax: but Rutgersius, in his Var. Lection. lib. 5. cap. 5. would here take cera, as in that former passage, Sat. 10. Genua incerare Deorum; and says, that the Scholiast indeed is in this place ambiguous. But it may seem inconvenient to understand here that custome; since probably such scraps of wax, by which they were fastned, could afford but little decency, and less lustre. And whereas he adds, that he never read, that the Lares were made of wax; I think the exception not sufficient, there being no

need to express that particularity of the Lares; it being usual to make statues of wax, especially such as were not exposed to the injury of weather, of which sort the Lares here mentioned, were. For, though they were worshipped also publickly in compitis; yet these were at his own house, as he im∣plies in those words, Inde domum repetam, graciles ubi, &c. Besides, it is very convenient to suppose them to have been of wax, specially if we consider the manner of trimming of them, according to that of Persius [Sat. 5.] Artificem{que} tuo ducis sub pollice vul∣tum; and that also of Juvenal, [Sat. 7.] Exigite ut mores teneros ceu pollice ducat, Ʋt si quis cera vultum facit.— Which implies, that they did, in the forming of their waxen statues, smooth them with the thumb: so that both in respect of the matter and the art, the Poet might aptly here call them, Simu∣lachra nitentia cera. Concerning graciles coronas, see Sat. 9. Illustrat. 12.

10. Our Gate branch'd high with bayes, envites To joy, and is adorn'd with early Lights.—Longos erexit janua lauros, Et matutinis operitur festa lucernis. The Poet here expresses his joy by two circum∣stances, the adorning his Gate with Bayes, and also with Lights. The first of which customes is men∣tioned before by our Poet; as in that of the 10th. Satyre. Pone domi lauros: on which, see Sat. 10. Illustrat. 15. as also in that of the sixt Satyre, v. 80. Orentur postes & grandi janua lauro. Upon occasion of which last words I may remember, to prevent mistake, that difference between Scaliger and Hiero∣nymus Columna, about that fragment in Ennius, De∣sine Roma tuos hostes,.... where Scaliger reads postes, supplying the rest of the verse thus, — ornare trophaeis; which Columna on that place dislikes, say∣ing, that neither in publick nor private joy amongst the Romans, the Posts of their gates were adorned with trophies, but with bayes, alledging this of Juve∣nal, and methinks rightly. He alledges also Lipsius, Elect. lib. 1. cap. 3. for that custome: others in∣deed supply that verse of Ennius thus, —hostes hor∣rere superbos. As for the other custome, some take no notice of it in this place, reading Et matutinis operantur festa lucernis; so the Scholiast, expounding it by Sacrificant, and alledging that of Virgil, —la∣tis operatur in herbis. But Lipsius reads operitur (which is most receiv'd) understanding it of janua festa, the festival, or joyful gate: which was the custome, according to some, amongst the Jews up∣on their Sabbaths, to which they apply that of Per∣sius, Sat. 5.—Ʋncta{que} fenestra Dispositae pinguem ne∣bulam vomuêre lucernae. But that it was the custome amongst the Romans on their Festivals, is implyed in that of Tertullian, in his Apologet. cap. 35. Claris∣simis lucernis vestibula enubilare; and de Idololatria, cap. 15. Lucernae pro foribus & laurus in postibus. And such lights are, by the Poet, called here matutinae, to imply the alacrity and early diligence of their devotion and joy.

11. These things suspect not yet, Corvinus. Ne suspecta tibi sint haec, Corvine. Some here again re∣prehend our Poet for this application; it being not made till after ninety verses: yet I suspect, that even artificial Horace may be found as liable to the like reprehension, and even in that most elegant Ode, which begins with Beatus ille, qui procul nego∣tiis: of which Ode consisting of seventy verses, sixty six verses are spent before he tells his Reader, that what was said before, was spoken by Alpheus the Usurer; whereas in this Satyre consisting of 130 verses, there are about two third parts spent before the application. But, for my own part, I think those contrivances rather Art, than Negligence, iⁿ both these admirable Authors.

12.—Straight the Temple's Ile is cloth'd with votive tables; there they bow, And fix them. —Legitimè fixis vestitur tota tabellis Porticus.— The Poet says, that Gifts are commonly bestow'd but in hope of gain; and that accordingly for a father, [that is, one that has children to enjoy what he leaves] no man will offer for the recovery of his health, if he be sick, so much as a hen, though scarce able to live any longer; nay, not so much as a quail, though of mean account [with the Romans] The reason whereof might be, because it is said to be of hard digestion, affording but excremental nourishment, and disposing to fevers, and more especially to the falling-sickness, and to be subject to it, as Pliny says, which ill disposition is caused from their delighting in Hellebore, as Galen menti∣ons, 6 Epid. Com. 5.••.35. But that food being not found by them every where, some attribute it to a malignity in their nature: yet this then, if not hin∣dered, should alwaies produce such malignant ef∣fects; which, by common experience, being found untrue, it is though more reasonably, that they dispose into such diseases, by breeding phlegma∣tick, gross, and tough humours, when they are usu∣ally, that is, too much fed on. See the learned Sen∣nertus, Institut. Medicin. [lib. 4. part 1. cap. 3. p. 846.] And such disesteem may probably, me-thinks, be conjectur'd from the great Roman kitchin-Artist, Apicius: seeing that, in his Trophetes, his sixt book, wherein he purposely handles the cookery of birds, according to the Romane palate, he yet makes no mention of the Quail. This point being not touch'd by the Interpreters, yet very necessary to the un∣derstanding of the Poet's speech, the quail being vulgarly esteem'd as a Dainty, yet in the judgement of the best Physitians thus disesteem'd, I thought fit to discusse it, and according to the truth. And now to go on with our Poet, if, says he, your child∣less Rich ones lie sick, such as are Gallita, or Pac∣cius, you shall have flatterers, which will Legitimè figere tabellas votivas, solemnly with bowing, ac∣cording to the custome, fix up in the walks or Iles of the Temples, their votive tables, their vows writ∣ten in paper, and those no mean ones. On which passage, concerning the sickness of the rich one••, says Lubin, Ibi [in that case] tota illorum porticus in∣terius tegitur tabellis votivis suspensis ab baeredipetis captatoribus, quibus sese voti & sacrificii reos significant, si restituantur divites patroni. In which words, to whom the word illorum [porticus] does relate, is not casie to conceive: for having before made men∣tion only of the two rich childless persons Gallita and Paccius, and their Flatterers, to understand, by illorum porticus, Their own, though stately, walks, sustain'd by pillars, as if vows had been fix'd up there, were a thought too much remote from the solemnity of the Romane custome, which being a part of their religion and including a vow, which was to be legitimè, according to the Romane Rite fix'd up, we must needs think upon the Temples of the Gods; and therefore I choose Britannicus his exposition, who on this passage says, In porticibus templorum suspendebantur tabellae suscipientium vota. Where we may farther observe, that the Romane Temples, though some were round, yet for the most part were not much unlike ours (as Franciscus Pol∣letus, lib. 1. Historiae Fori Romani, cap. 3. observes,) having the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, answerable to the Quire, [unto which only Priests might come] 2dly. Basilica, the body of the Temple, with Iles (or, Porticus on

the sides) in which they fixt their vows and 3dly 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the porch of the Temple; to omit other particulars. The Poet speaking-on concerning flat∣terers, says that they would promise even a Heca∣tombe, a sacrifice of an hundred beasts, or such a huge one, seeing that we have no Elephants in these parts; except only some few kept in the Rutilian Forest at Lavinum. But, says he, if we had Ele∣phants, flatterers there are, which would bring the Ivory, that is, the beast (the tooth being taken for the beast) unto the Altar for a Sacrifice; though a beast, says he, which heretofore is said to have car∣ried a tower upon his back, and to have been the servant only of Kings, such as Pyrrhus the Molossian or such great Ones; and therefore a very fit sacri∣fice, no doubt (for he speaks ironically) for the Lares of Gallita and Faccius. In which passage some reprehend our Poet, for saying that they would promise a Hecatomb; it being not a Roman, but a Greek Sacrifice: likewise for saying, that the Elephant carried on his back a cohort, when as sometimes it consisted of 500. souldiers; Lastly for saying — ebur ducatur ad aros, as if they would sacri∣fice the Ivory, which was not a sacrifice, though an Offring. All which exceptions I grant to be learned and sharpe, yet I think all these passages may more gently be interpreted; for in the first, the Poet seems not to intend the property of the sa∣crifice, but the value; meaning that such flatterers would promise not properly, but as it were a He∣catombe, that is, a Sacrifice as costly as a Hecatombe. In the second likewise whiles he mentions the bur∣den of the Elephant, he does but Satyrically aggra∣vate it, as speaking but according to the people, and so jeering at the excess. And so to the third, he speaks not strictly, but figuratively, calling the Elephant Ivory, as being the Creature that yeilds it: which if it be a bolder expression the Judgment of the Author were a Defence. But if the bravest strains, in the rest of the Poet's, were all in like manner examin'd with this severity; the rigour of Logick would call that untruth, which the huma∣nity of Rhetorick terms an Elegancy. Let us then re∣member the moderation of the Learned Jo. Isacius Pontanus [in his Collectan. on Macrob. in somnium Scipionis, lib. 2. cap. 7.] saying on a like occasion, Certe juvanda in pluribus potius vatum sensa, quàm exi∣genda omnia ad rigidam normam.

13.—And expiation from some Tragick Hind. —Tragicae furtiva piacula cervae. As the Poet before did not intend to speak properly, when he menti∣on'd a Hecatombe, so in the like licence he proceeds in the aggravation, saying that these fawners, if they might, would in hope of vast gain, dress the brows of their Servants with garlands, that is pre∣pare to sacrifice Them, nay even a Daughter, though ripe for marriage, an Iphigenia: and, though he should know before hand, that she should not be saved by the substitution of some other sacrifice. Wherein he expresses the execrable coveteousness of those flatterers, and intimates the story of Iphi∣genia: which briefly, for the case of the ordinary reader, was this. The Graecians having kill'd a Hind consecrated to Diana, were by the offended Goddess a long time detain'd at the haven of Au∣lis with their Heer by a contrary wind Whereupon consulting the Oracle, and being told that, to paci∣fie the Goddess, they must sacrifice Agamemnon's daughter Iphigenia, (whom the Poet afterwards calls the Mycenian girle, from her Father's Coun∣try Mycana her parents, by the deceit or eloquence of Ʋlysses, were perswaded to consent that she should be sacrific'd. But when the time came, Dia∣na conveighed her away, as the fable certifies us, unto the Taurick Chersonese, to be her she-priest there; placing in her steed a Hind for a ready sa∣crifice; a tragick Hind, as the Poet Satyrically speaks: for though the damsel escaped, the Hind paid for it.

14. —Tis meet he cancel his first Act. The weell of merit Imprisons him—.Delebit tabulas, inclusus carcere nassa. The Poet here bitterly jeers at Pacuvins, saying that he was a fellow of a pro∣jecting brain; and that it is true, Agamemnon would have lost his daughter to have saved the Graecian fleet of a thousand ships: but alas, says he, what is such a fleet to the estate which Pacuvius gets by offring [his Iphigenia] His daughter? Surely ano∣ther manner of matter, even the wealth of Paccius. Who, if he escapes, must needs alter his Will, and for the Art of kindness, wherewith Pacuvius has ta∣ken him, as the weel does the fish, Pacuvius, is the man, that must be his sole heir: which being once come to pass, he may then walk with disdain slight∣ing his dull corrivals, whom his Master-brain finely surpassed. But, says the Poet [descending again to sober earnest] Let him out-last Nestor's years, and our-vie Nero's riches [who, to enrich himself, rob∣bed both the Gods and Men) yet like a very wretch, let him neither love Others, nor Others him. Yet in this passage, some take Nassa [or, as others have it, Natta] for the name of a Physitian, at whose house their phansie would have the sick lie for cure, and therefore to be inclusus carcere nassae. But this, methinks, it rather to be mention'd [because by others] then esteem'd, as seeming opposite to that which went before; and so yeild∣ing neither coherence nor good sense: which ac∣cording to their acception of Nassa, would be this [according to the Latin so expounded, Si Libiti∣nam evaserit ager, Delebit tabulas, inclusus carcere nassae] If he recovers, he will alter his will whiles he lies sick. For, if recover'd, how does sickness then imprison him at his Physitians? Or, if he lies im∣prison'd with sickness at his Physitian's, how is he then recover'd? Wherefore, though this Reading and accpetion of the word, be mention'd by Pul∣mannus without notice of the inconveniences, I choose to retain the Ancient Reading and Expo∣sition.

SATYRE. XIII.

ARGUMENT.

Calvinus a great summe did trust To one unkind, because unjust: But when a summe so Great, so Due He lost, he lost his Patience too. Our Poet shews him that his Rage Fits not his loss, nor his old Age: That, Gold which once did for a while Mens Lives express, does now Defile. Now Desp'rate wretches dare Forswear By what their Guilt ought most to Fear. Gold such may get, but never Rest: Jails they may scape, Ne're their own Breast.

AN Exemplary Sin always dislikes Th'Author. The Guilty this Revenge first strikes; He's never Quit: Conscience does still return, Though Favour Master the false Praetor's (1) Urn. What think'st, Calvinus, All think of th'unjust Fresh Crime, the Crime of Violated Trust? Yet thy wealth's not so slender, that the weight Of a small damage should straight sink thy state. Besides, Thine's one of our known Common losses Drawn from the mid'st of Fortune's Heap of Crosses. Groans must not be too deep: Greif Wise men Bound: It's Rage must not be Greater then the wound. Of light Ills the least part thou scarce can'st bear; VVrath boils thy Breast! Because thy friend did swear, Yet renders not thy Pledge. Alas! Appears This strange to Him, that has Pass'd Threescore years, Born in Fonteius's Consulship? Has such Age and Experience taught thee not Thus much? VVisdom, which does our Sacred Volumus fill VVith Precepts, conquers Fortune with rare skill. Yet those too we call Blest, which can Bear strife Nor toss the yoak, taught by meer use of Life. VVhat Day so Sacred, but reveals Thest, bold Perfidie, Cheats, Gain from All Crimes, and Gold

Got by the Sword or Poison'd Box? So Few Are Good! That, Thebes almost more Gates can shew, Or wealthy Nilus Months. These (2) our last Times, Our Age is worse then th' Ir'n one: for whose Crimes Nature's Invention has yet giv'n no name From any Metal. Yet, for wrong, exclaime We do, O Faith of Gods and Men! More loud The Doal makes not the Clients, that praise proud Fessidius, when he Pleads. Speak Grave Sire, right Fit for the Childs Boss, know'st not the delight Another's mony yields? VVhat sport th' art grown, (Silly Man!) to the Rout, when thou'dst have none Forswear, but at each Shrine and Altar red VVith Blood, think some God present! The Home-bred Latines liv'd thus, (3) e're Saturn forc'd to fly Did use the rustick Sith, his Crown laid-by; VVhen Juno was a girle, and Jove for fear VVas hid in Ida's Caves; when no Feasts were Above the Clouds; no Ilian boy, nor fair Hebe to fill Joves cup; Nectar then rare No Vulcan quaff'd, wiping his coarse armes grown Black from his Liparaean forge. Alone Ev'ry God din'd: Then was there no such rout Of Gods, as Now: A few did serve throughout The well-contented Skies, and so did press The wretched Atlas with a weight far less. The Seas by Lot had no dread Prince: nor sate Stern Pluto then with his Sicilian mate. No VVheel, Stone, Furies, vulture foul, they had: VVithout infernal Kings the Ghosts were glad. Villany then was wonder! 'Twas a size Of Crime worth Death, if young men did not rise To th' Old; a Boy to All with Beards; though He More Strawberies and huge Acorn-heaps might see At Home. Then, Four-years-more such awe did win! Sacred as Old Age was the Downy Chin.

Now if a friend does but make good his Trust: If he restores th' Old Pouch with all the Rust; 'Tis Prodigy by Tuscan Art to be Search'd, and Purg'd with a Crown'd Lamb! when I see A Holy man, this Monster I compare To a Child of double shape, or Fish that are Found by th' amaz'd Plow, or to a Mule with Foal. I fear, as when in showers stones down do rowl; Or (4) Bees like a long Grape-bunch settle-on Some temple's top; Or streams hast to be gone To th' Seas, with hurrying gulfs of Milk or Blood. Thou criest, Ten Sesterces a false friend shou'd Restore! VVhat if two hundred yet, Another Have lost thus? A third more, (though this he smother)

A summe his wide Chest's corner could scarce hold? To sleight Heav'ns witness, we 're so prone, so bold, If man knows not! How he denies! and tears Voice and set Face! By the Sun beams he swears; By the Tarpeian Lightnings, yet ne're starts; By Mars his Jav'lin, by Apollo's Darts; Diana's Shafts and Quiver, and thy Mace, Neptune, from whom Aegaeus drew his race. He adds Hercules's Bows, Minerva's Spear, And all wherewith Heav'ns Armory strikes fear. He cries (if he has Sons) Let me be sed VVith Pharian Vineger, (5) and my boil'd Son's head, If Guilty! Let me weep!

Some think All slides By Chance and Fortune, and that no Pow'r Guides The VVorld, Nature revolving Days and Years: All Altars these days touch. Another fears, Vengeance waits Guilt. Gods this beleives, and still Forswears. He thinks, Let Isis do her will On these Limmes, and (6) with angry Timbrel blast My sight, so I blind hold the mony fast. VVhat's a Consumption, rank soars, a half-thigh? Poor Ladas would a Rich Gout gladly trie, If's Brain needs not Anticyra, or great Archigenes. VVhat does the swift foot get? Or Pisa's hungry Olive-Crown? And, though The Anger of the Gods be Great, 'tis slow. If then to punish All faults, 'tis their mind, VVhen will they come to me? And I may find Favour perchance; some they forgive. Sometimes Contrary Fates attend too the like Crimes. One's Crucified for's Fact, another Crown'd. Thus they their Mind, which Guilt would else confound, Harden! Then call him to some Shrine, he's there First, nay, draws Thee, and makes thee make him Swear. For ev'n in a Bad cause great Boldness may Seem Innocence. The Mimick he does Play, Like neat Catullus his leud Fugitive. Thou, wretch, with out-cry then dost Stentor strive To exceed; or rather Homers Mars. Dost hear This, Jove? not mov'st thy Lips? when fit is were Thy Brass or Marble spoke? why else, vow-scrowles (7) Remov'd, falls our free Incense on thy Coals? Our Calfs slit Liver, and our Hog's white Caul? For ought I see, diff'rence there's none at all Between yours and Bathyllus's statue. Know, VVhat comfort yet his skill, though mean, can shew, VVhom Cynicks not yet Stoicks Rules e're ••••••'d, VVhose odds is but one Coat; nor e're admir'd Glad Epicurus his small Garden-fare, For Dang'rous Patients let great Artists care:

To rude Philippus's Scholar trust thy vein. If the Earth yields no fact of the like stain, I'am Mute; with thy Fist beat thy Breast apace, For me; and with thy Palme thy blubber'd Face. In loss we shut our Door: we groan, we baul, More for our Gold, then for a Funeral. In (8) this Case no man feigns; No man's content Only the Edge of his sad Gown to rent. No man his Eies with a forc'd Moisture blears: Lost Mony is Lamented with True tears. But if all Courts of such complaints have store; If, though both sides read writings ten times o're, Some call the wooden Hand-writ Tables Tricks, Convinc'd yet by their Hand and Sardonyx, Their rare Seal kept in Iv'ry-box: would'st Thou, Choice Sir, from common Lot stand Exempt now? Sure, (9) thou'rt the Chick of some white Hen unmatch'd; We from unlucky Egges a brood ill-hatch'd! Come, come, thou feel'st small loss; thou should'st vex less, If Greater Crimes thou look'st on. Thy distress Compare with a hir'd Cur-throat; Flames begun By Brimstone-plot, which on the door first run: With those, that from some old Shrine Huge Bowls steal, Of sacred rust, Guifts of some Common-weal, And Crowns giv'n by some ancient King. If these Be wanting, a less Shrine-robber will seize On a gilt Hercules his thigh; He'l catch Neptune's Gold-beard; one plate from Castor snatch. Fears He, that melts whole Joves, whose thunders rent The Aire? Adde those, that Poisons mix or vent, And whom in Oxe-hides into th' Sea we throw, With whom (hard fare!) a guiltless Ape we sow. What's this to what from Morn to Night the ear Of Gallicus our City-Judge does hear? The Crimes of Mankind if thou fain wouldst know, His own House shows: A few days there bestow, Then Dare call thyself wretch. In th' Alpes who cares For a swoln throat? In Meroe who stares At a dug larger then the large Babe? who A German's azure eies with wonder view, Or's yellow locke like horns with moist curles rowl'd; When the same Nature they in All behold? Against a rushing Cloud, a Thracian flight Of fowl, (10) the Pygmie-warriour runs to fight In his Dwarf-armour; but soon tam'd through th' aire The Crane's bow'd tallons snatch him. VVhich sight rare VVith us, would shake thee with a laughter. There Such daily Skirmish is not Sport, but Fear, VVhere the whole Band's bare one-foot high.

Yet shall On his false Perjur'd head no Vengeance fall?

Beleive't, he's straight hal'd hence with a huge chain By Conscience; (could thy wrath wish more?) he's slain As we'd desire. Yet thine's the loss: what's ow'd, He'l ne're Restore; But if some Blood now flow'd From's Headless Coarse, That beyond Envy might Content; Revenge, then Life, yields more Delight. Indeed thus think th' unlearn'd: Cause none at all Sometimes Inflame them: Sometimes very small; The least occasion serves. Chrysippus yet, And the Mild Thales ne're such Rules did set; Nor th' Old man, that by sweet Hymettus dwelt: VVho part o'th' Hemlock, which in Bonds he felt, VVould not have giv'n's Accuser. VVisdoms Art Drives by degrees most Vices from the heart, And ev'ry Error, shewing first what's Right. Revenge is still a weak, sick minds Delight. Collect it briefly thus, That we do see Women most joy'd with't. Yet think'st those scape free, VVhom Guilt astonishes, and dull stroaks urge, The Tort'ring Soul shaking the hidden scourge? O, 'tis a Plague, that does far worse torment, Then those, which dire Caeditius did invent, Or Rhadamanthus; Night and Day to bear A witness in his breast, of Guilt and Fear!

The Pythian Prophetess thus once did shape A Spartan a Reply; He should not scape Unpunish'd, since he doubted to detain A Pledge, and to Forswear't; The God's mind fain He'd know, and if Apollo would perswade it. Through fear then, not through Goodness, he repaid it. Yet (11) prov'd the Cave's word true, fit for that shrine; He was destroy'd with his whole House and Line, His kin too, far remov'd. Only the mind To have been Vile did such a Judgment find! VVho thinks a Crime is guilty of the Fact; VVhat then, if he reduce Intent to Act? His thoughts still urge him, ev'n whiles he does eat, As in a drie-mouth'd Feaver; half-chew'd meat Choaking the Jaw-teeth: wines the wretch casts-up; Th' old Alban's pretious Age seems Vile. A cup Of better shew him; Loe, he knits a frown, As if sow'r Falerne he had taken down. By night if some short sleep perchance his breast Admits, and, after tossing, finds some rest; Straight the God's Shrine and Injur'd Altars he Beholds, and, sweating mainly, he sees Thee. Thy dreadful Shape Greater then Mans does press His trembling Soul, and force him to confess! These quake at ev'ry Lightning; they're struck pale: VVhen Thunder first but murmurs, their hearts fail;

As if it ne're from Chance or fierce winds came But fell on Earth as a revenging flame. Did not that Tempest strike? They're worse afraid Of the next then, as but to day delay'd. If with a waking Feaver they begin To feel a Pleurisie, they think for Sin Heav'ns wrath is sent. These, Stones and Darts Divine They hold. They dare not promise to a Shrine A bleating Lamb; or (12) a Cocks Crest to their Lares. VVhat can the Guilty Hope through Fear, VVhen Sick? what Sacrifice deserves not more To Live? most leud Mens thoughts waver Before Their Crimes: which whiles they Act, they're Bold. VVhat's Good, VVhat's Vile, when the Fact's Past, is understood. Their Nature yet Returns, nor is it strange, To it's damn'd Course: 'Tis Fixt; It knows no change! For who e're left to Sin? who again came Unto a Blush, whose worn brow once lost Shame? VVho leaves after one Crime? This false wretch sure VVill snare his foot; some foul Jails gyves indure Or an Aegaean rock, where banish'd live Great ones good store. His loath'd Name's Plague shall give Thy wish content. Thou'lt then say with glad mind, No God is Deaf, or a Tiresias, Blind.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Thirteenth Satyre.

The Manner of the Roman Trials at Law. Lots; varieties in their Matter and Fashion. Nona aetas; the Opinion of Britannicus and Lubin concerning it, exa∣min'd. The Food in the Golden Age, whether Corn or Fruits; discussed from Verrius, Autumnus and Pithoeus. Juvenal's large description of the Saturnian Age, excused. Some places anciently counted Ominous for Swarms of Bees to settle-on; and the Reason partly shew'd. Framea, what weapon it was. Boil'd Meats, whether or not used in the Heroical Times; discussed from Servius, Eustathius, Athe∣naeus, Wowerius and Others. Sistrum; the Name, Matter, several Fashions, use and Mythologie of it, shew'd from Adrianus Junius, Antonius Augustinus, Pignorius, Bernartius, Bossius and Pierius; but cheisly from Apule••us and Plutarch. Nephthys, who she was. The Moon, why anciently represented by a Cat. The Olympick Games not called so from the famous Hill Olympus. Charta soluta, how commonly expounded; how more happily by Ru••gersius: Reasons added to confirme his Interpretation. Acerra and Lanx; the use and distinction of them in offring Incense. Diplois and Abolla. Gallinae filius albae; conjectures about the Original of the Proverb. Alba, used for Felicia; a probable reason for it. A Silver Goose, according to some, said to be hang'd-up in the Capitol. Pyg∣mies; the Name and Fable of them. Some extraordinary Dwarfs mention'd by Nicephorus and Platerus. The Temple of Apollo's Oracle, describ'd by Stra∣bo. The Picture of Apollo's Trivet, presented from Du Choul. A Cock, by the Ancient Heathen esteem'd as a most acceptable Sacrifice to their Deities.

1.THe false Praetor's urne.—Im∣proba quamvis Gratia fallacis Praetoris vicerit urnam. In this excellent Satyre the Poet comforts his friend Calvinus, who, having committed a good summe of mony to the trust of a supposed friend, was deceiv'd by him. Now amongst the contents, which he puts him in mind of, one and that an especial one is, that no such deceiver scapes the scourge of his own Conscience, though he may, sometimes prevail so far, as to avoid the Censure of Law by Mastering the Praetor's urne, that is, by corrupting the Praetor, or Judge of the Cause. Wherein he implies the manner of the Ro∣man Trials at Law; for the Ordering whereof there was a Praetor, unto whom, as assistants, were ap∣pointed many Judges, whose names being written on little balls, were by the Praetor cast into an urne, and being there shaken together, the Praetor drew out again, as in a Lottery, so many as were by Law, according to the nature of the Cause, account∣ted fit and necessary. After which the plaintife and desendant had power to reject, upon good ex∣ceptions, such as they thought would be but eni∣mies to the cause: in which case the number ap∣pointed was fill'd-up by a new drawing of other

names out of the urne. This being done the Judges appointed and which accepted of the trouble (for in some cases they were allowed their excuse) took an oath to judge according to the Law: but on diverse occasions others were often substituted for them by the Praetor. Likewise after the Plead∣ing of the Cause the Praetor gave to eac•••• of the Judges three waxen Tables, wherein were expres∣sed so many several opinions; in one being written the Letter, A, to signifie the acquittal or Absolu∣tion of the Defendant: ••n another the letter, C, to imply his Condemnation and in the third the let∣ters, NL. for Non tiquet, signifying-that the busi∣ness requir'd a farther hearing, as being as yet not clear enough; which delay of the cause was called Ampliation. Then did the Judges, being called-upon, express their Opinions by the Tables, which they chose to cast into the Urne; and, according to the consent of the major part of their Opinions, the Praetor pronounced Sentence. In which many turns of the business acted, by the Praetors there was room enough for a bribe to slip-in; as Lovy notes (Lib. 42.) in the case of Popilius, when Licinius was Praetor: who after a second hearing of the Cause, upon importunate solliciting, put it off to another day of hearing, on which, new Magistrates were to come-in, that so he himself might avoid the giving of Sentence. In which point of Anti∣quity, I may only add, that whereas it is often im∣plied that the names of the Judges were written upon balls, as the learned Dempster on Rosinus (lib. 9.) shews out of Propertius (lib. 4. Eleg. 12.) according to Passeratius his exposition, as also out of Asconius Paedianus: yet there were also upon occa∣sion other Lots used by the Praetor of different mat∣ter and form; as may appear from the Fragments of some old Laws publish'd and Entitled, Leges & Senatus Consulta, quae; in veteribus cum ex Eapide, tum ex. aere monumentis reperiuntur: in one of which are these words, — IS. PRAETOR. SORTICO∣LAM. UNAM. BUXEAM. LONGAM. DIGITOS. IIII LA— I omit the rest, this being suffici∣ent to point-out some variety. And here we may briefly take notice, that whereas, the Poet pre∣sently adds another comfort to his friend, by im∣plying that the People thought hainously of the Late or fresh wrong done unto him, —recenti de Scelere; Rutgersius (in his Var. Lection. lib. 2. cap. 17.) doubts, if it should not be written, —re∣tenti. de scelere, meaning, depositi abnegati ac non red∣diti. Which for the wit of the Conjecture I men∣tion, rather then approve, as being without copy, and also less expressive, the Poet setting out the kind of the offence both in the very next words —& fidei violatae crimine? and also sufficiently through∣out the Satyre: whereas in the word recenti, he speaks, methinks, more pertinently, as a Seasona∣ble comforter, that begins the cure, whiles the wound is fresh.

2. —These Our last Times, Our Age is worse then th' Ir'n one: —Nona atas agitur, pejoraque Se∣cula ferri Temporibus, &c.— The Poet comforting his friend remembers him of his old age, as that he is now threescore, being born in Fonteius his Con∣sulship. (implying that he himself writ this in the second year of Adrian) and that therefore he should be able by the meet use of Life (vita ma∣gistra) that is, by Experience without the pre∣cepts of Philosophie to appease his sorrow: con∣sidering that honest men were now as few, as the Gates of Thebes not that in Egypt, as here some mi∣stake, mention'd Sat. 15. v. 6. for that had a hun∣dred Gates; but that in Baeotia, which had but se∣ven gates, as Lubin notes. And this the Poet inti∣mater in what he suta••••y adds, character number was as small, as the Mouths of Nillis, which like∣wise were but Seven. Then does he declame a∣gainst his own Times, an Age, as he says, worse then that of Iron, and so could not by the name of any metal be called bad enough: and therefore he seems to call it, as many think, the Ninth Age; the common copies having it here, Nona aetas agitur. But it much troubles the Interpreters; Brilannic•••• by Phansie expounding it thus: that whereas by a traditional opinion-thor•• were usually reckon•• four Ages, named from Gold, Silver, Brass and Iron, this age was not only worse, but worse then twice so bad, as that of Iron. That of Iron then being the fourth Age, and one twice as bad, being by supposition the eight age, it must follow that one worse then twice so bad, must be called the Ninth Age: But methinks this is but phansie, be∣ing more then the Po••t••eilds, who only says, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 worse then. Iron, pejo••aque secula ferri Tem∣poribus: and therefore according to the sorce of these words, and the receiv'd opinion, he could properly call it but the Fift age. For though he adds, that it had a name from no metal, it will not follow, that though there were more then four metals, there were therefore eight. But Lubin expounds it more plainly, saying that the Poet reckons here the number of the Ages, not after the Roman but the Graecian manner; and so accord∣ingly reckons-up eight metals, namely Gold, Sil∣ver, Electrum. (a mixture of Gold and Silver) Brass, Copper; Lead, Tinne, Iron: and so by consequence the age worse then Iron, must be the Ninth age; which as he says, may be called Terrea or Lutea; besides, says he, of simple numbers the Ninth is the Last. In which reckoning he is fain to strain to make the metals reach to eight; ele∣ctrum being but taken upon courtesie, and Copper being but a kind of brass, as Cyprium. (and so cal∣led, Cuprum) a Brass which they have in Cyprus. Besides, methinks, it is a against the Poet himself, who in the beginning of the Sixt Satyre intimates the number of the ages, and after the ordinary Ro∣man manner: and therefore it is not likely, that he would now here imply it after another so different a manner. They then that shall dislike this Read∣ing, which is so liable to suspition, may take that of Pithoeus, Nunc aetas agitur; and avoid the fore∣said difficulty. For indeed though Lubin makes hard shift to make-up the number of the metals, yet I think it but a shift; as it may appear by his placing ferrum last of all, and by his telling us, that ferrum metallorum ultimum: which he but added to help his exposition, because the Poet said that it was worse then Iron, and the Ninth. But he might have remember'd, that in the fixt Satyre, where the Poet mentions the Ages by the metals, he does not make such a distance between the Silver and the Iron ages, saying Omne alind, crimen mox ferrea protulit aetas: where the word mox shews that it was not long after; whereas Lubin makes no less then five ages, according to the number of so many me∣tals, between the Silver and Iron ages. According therefore to Pithaeus his Reading, Naâ aetas agitur, I choose to render it, These our Times, Our age, is worse then th' Ir'n one—. And if the Plenty of the expression in the several words, aetas, secula, and tempora used here should seem an overplus, the sharper sight of the Critick may peradventure dis∣cern some difference between them, taking eatas for

the ordinary age of 60 or 70 years, and secula for 100 years, as often they are taken; and tempora for a larger and indefinite time, to shew the diffus'd corruption of times and manners. But I leave this moderate defence to the civility of the Reader's judgement.

3.— E're Saturn forc'd to flie, Did use the Ru∣stick sith, his crown laid by.—Priusquam sumeret agrestem posito diademate falcem. Juvenal shews here the vileness and vanity of his times, in that the greatest part being very bad, others that were bet∣ter, were yet so silly, as to wonder at lewd actions, nay, to cry out as loud, as the followers of one Fessidius a Lawyer, who, it seems, was an arrogant and crafty companion, ordering his business so, that his followers usually at his pleadings made an im∣pudent, loud, and flattering applause, in hope of the Sportuld to be bestowd by him. But then more tartly he quips Calvinus, telling him that he were very young (though threescore) and so worthy to wear the bosse, the mark of childhood, (of which see Persius, Sat. 5.) if he were so simple as to think, that when men offer'd at the Altars of the Gods, making them red with the blood of their sacrifice, some Deity were there present to take notice of their devotion. Which the Poet speaks not as his own belief, but by way of Satyre, to ex∣press the common Atheisme of those Times. In∣deed, thus innocent, thus simple they were once; but it was in the golden age, in Saturn's first daies, before he was glad to fly into Latium, being expel∣led from the Kingdom of Creet by his Son Jupiter: it was in the age when Jupiter was yet a babe, and hidden from his father in the Caves of Mount Ida, in Creet: it was when there was yet no Hebe, no Ganymede, no Nectar, Vulcan, Atlas; no Neptune, who, (as Homer has it, Iliad. 15.) was by Lot made ruler of the Sea, as Pluto was of Hell, and Jupiter of Heaven. In that innocent age, says he, age was respected before wealth; and even a poor man, if ancient, nay, if but bearded; had such reverence shewd him, that rich mens children did rise up un∣to him, though their fathers had at home greater heaps of acorns, and more strawbetries, than the poor man had. For in such provisions of food did their wealth then consist; the truest Reading here being fraga, not (as Britannicus has it) farra, as Pithaus notes, saying, that he marvels why the criticks did here so long read Plura demi farra. For when the Scholiast says on these words farruta catino, in the 11th. Satyre, ver. 109. qui cibus pri∣mus antiquorum fuit, Pithoeus expounds it by Latino∣rum & Romanorum, and then adds, Primus Hominum fraga & glandes. Yet Autumnus would not here read fraga, because, says he, fragorum acervos cusio∣diri non potest: which exception, though it seems pretty, yet I think it but like an heap of strawber∣ties, it will not last; First of all, because this is more than the Poet implies; who names, I grant, glandis acervos, not fragorum, saying only plura fraga, not heaps of strawberries, as Autumnus aggravates it, though plenty of them; which in great families, such as were in that multiplying age, needed not to be long kept. Secondly, because according to the opinion of the Greeks and Romanes, according to whose traditions we must here speak, the food in the golden age was such as grew wildly of it self, which will infer, that then they had not farra, ac∣cording to the instructions of after-times. For though Autumnus urges Verrius, saying, Antiqui tre∣centis annis farve vixêrunt, yet Antiqui there, as Pi∣thoeus notes, must not in general be meant of Ho∣mines, but fink to a latter time, and be understood of Latini and Romani. Lastly, because an incon∣venience would follow, if we read farra; for then to what purpose should he have added, glandis acer∣vos? the use of acorns being contemned upon the invention of fowing corn as, I remember, Jevenal himself witnesses in the 14th. Satyre; where ha∣ving in the person of the old Marfians, and of others, said panem quaramus dratro, he add; a little after, (vers. 184; and 185.) — grata post mun••s arista, Continguat ••••••••es ve••urii, ••aftidia quercus, Thus then, though farra, were the first food of the Le∣tines, yet strawberries and acorns, and such like (according to the Heathens Traditions.) were the first food of Mankind; and so, their food in the Sa∣turnian or Golden Age here described at large; yea, so largely, that some are large in the reprehension of it, counting it too excessive. And surely, I could not but approve, their Censure, as very accurate; if I conceiv'd the Poet to intend no more than they conceive he does, that is, a bare description of the golden age: but I guess the Poet's intent to be like the nature of his work, satyrical; according to which purpose he maked a large recital of the ma∣ny follies in he Roman Theologie, intending so the rather by their Multitude and Vanity, particularly to expose them to the secret derision of severer judge∣ments.

4. Or Bees like a long grape-bunch settle on some Temple's top.—Examenve apium longa consederit ava Culmine-delubri.— The Poet, in the reprehension of his Times, says, that it was a wonder, if one that was trusted with a purse of money, restor'd the purse, with all the coin now grown rusty. Nay, such honesty, says he, were a prodigie, which might require the Aruspices to search all the books of their Art (which they first learn'd of the Tascans) that so they might both know what it portended, as also how to take order to make due expiation for it, as by sacrificing a lamb adorned with a garland, as the manner was. He professes indeed, that he accoun∣ted an honest man as rare a wonder, as Fish unex∣pectedly turn'd up by some husband-man's won∣dring plow (miranti aratro;) or like a Mule, which naturally being barren, should yet become fruitful; or like a swarm of bees, which should settle in the form of a bunch of grapes, upon some Temple. For uva is not here to be taken properly, for a grape, but for borrus, or racemus, a cluster of grapes: since a swarm does not settle in the fashion of a grape, which is round; but in the fashion of a bunch of grapes, which is long, and smaller at one end. Yet this is not the thing which is here point∣ed out, this being the nature and custome of bees: but the wonder here intended, and therefore to be noted, to prevent mistake, is not in the form, but in the place of their setling; it being accounted omi∣nous, in the Roman superstition, for Bees to settle on the top of an House, or of a Temple; as Pliny tells us, lib. 11. cap. 7. or upon an Altar, or on the Ensign in an Army, as it happened to Pompey before the Pharsalian battel; or on Ships, as it happened to Dion, as Plutarch relates; or in a Camp, as it be∣fell Brutus. See Tiraquell on Alex. ab Alex. lib. 5. cap. 13. And though sometime these accidents were with good success, yet usually they were accounted dismal. Some reason of which superstitious opini∣on seems to be implied by Platarch in his Dion: who, as he relates, seeing bees about his Ship, made to his friends this pretry and sad interpreta∣tion, that he did fear his affairs would prove like bees, whose labour, though honest, did yet after a

little flourishing come quickly to an end, and to their own ruine. Since then, says the Poet to Cal∣vinus, that Honesty is so monstrous, why doest thou to cry out, specially thy loss being but ten sestertia, that is, 78l. 21. 6 d. whereas, peradventure, ano∣ther, says he, loses 200 sestertia, that is, 1562 l. 10 s. and a third, peradventure, conceals his loss of a far greater sum?

5.—And my boild son's head, — nati Sinciput clini.— To express the confident, and so the de∣testable perjury of those times, the Poet recites the various things, by which they would dare to swear: amongst which is reckon'd Mars his framea; which was a German weapon, by Isidore taken for a Sword; by others for a Spear, or the like. It is described by Tacitus, de Moribus Germanerum; of whom he says, Rari gladiis aut majoribus lanceis utuntur, hastas vel ipsorum vocabulo frameas gerunt, angasto & brevi ferro, sed ita acri & ad usum habili, ut codem telo, prout rutio poscit, vel cominus vel eminus pugnent. So that a Sword it was not, as Lipsius also notes on that place; but rather a javelin (spiesse, says Lip∣sins.) The Poet adds, how that such Perjurers, if they had children, did not fear to wish unto them∣selves, that if they were guilty, the miseries of Thyestes might happen to them; that is, that their dear sons might be murder'd, and insteed of food, be serv'd up to them with Pharian, that is, Aegypti∣an vinegar, which was noted for the special sharpness of it, as by Martial, and likewise by Athenans, lib. 2. cap. 26. and here added as an ironical aggravation. Where we may farther observe, (though the Com∣mentators take no notice of it) that the Poet says nati elixi, the head of his boil'd son: which may be the rather observ'd, because it was a great quarrel a∣mongst the ancient. Grammarians, whether or not in the Heroical times, they did eat boil'd meats as well as rosted. Servius on that of Virgil, Aeacid. lib. 1. Abena locant alii, holds that they did eat no boil'd meats: but Eustathius upon that of Homer, Odyss. K. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, concludes that they did eat both sorts. So likewise Athenans, Deipnosoph. lib. 1. and Johannes Wowerius in his Polymathia, cap. 10. wherein, being of the later opinion, and making this difference, the rosted meats were for the bet∣ter sort, and the boil'd for the poorer (which, without a suit, will be granted:) He gives this rea∣son; because boild meats commonly require sawce; and therefore, as a wantonness and delicacy, they were not fit for famour persons, who were to be content with more ready food. Which reason I leave to the judgement of the Reader's palate: but that in those times boild meats were in use, and at the tables of the poorer sort, he shews from Ovid. Metam. 8. at the poor supper of Baucis and Phile∣mon, Yet he observes, and acknowledges, that boild meats also were used by the great ones of those times, at their Tragical and cruel feasts; as by divers testimonies he there shews. Unto which this of Juvenal, omitted by him, may not unfitly be added, the Poet expresly saying, nati elixi; as also that of Persius, Sat. 5. — Si quibus olla Thyestae Fer∣vebit, as sufficiently also implying the same in the word, Olla.

6.—And with angry timbrell blast my sight.—Et irato feriat mea lumina fistro. Some, says the Poet, think there are no gods; Others believe there are, yet dare desperately forswear, vvhen they come to the temples, where, according to the custome, they touch the altars of the gods, while they swear, (which custome is touch'd by Alex. ab. Alex. Gen. Dier. lib. 5. cap. 10. neer the beginning; and there also noted by Tiraquell, out of Justin, lib. 24.) Nay, says he, some desperately say with themselves, Let Isis with her timbrel strike me blind (not properly with the sistrum it self, but with its invisible power, with a blite) for my perjury, or plague me with other diseases, what care I, so that I still keep the money, which I forswear? In which passage he im∣plies both the common belief at that time, that Isis could and did punish some for their offences (as Persius likewise intimates, Sat. 5.) and also the in∣strument used in the celebration of the Rites of Isis, the Sistrum: which, because Antiquaries have with some difference describ'd, it may be both instructive and delightful to consider it. It was then an In∣strument commonly used by men, yet sometimes al∣so by women, according to that of Virgil concerning Cleopatra, (Aeneid. lib. 8.) Regina in mediis patrio vocat agmina sistro; and that also of Lucan concern∣ing her. (lib. 10) Terruit illa suo, si fas, Capitolia si∣stro. It was sometimes also used in War, as now the trumpet: nor did only the Priests of Isis use it. but also Isis her self was described with it. The picture of Isis, with her sistrum, is by Hieronymus Bossius, de Sistro, p. 22. from some ancient coins of Adrian set forth unto us thus. *

[illustration] figurative representation of Egpyt: a woman reclining with one hand in a fruit basket, holding a sistrum in the other, with an isis bird

AEGYPTOS

On the one side the Empe∣ror was expressed; on the other, this here pre∣sented, which is Aegypt in form of a woman sitting, and leaning with her left hand and arm on a little basket full of divers fruits, holding in her right hand a sistrum of an Oval form, with an handle. At the foot of Aegypt is a square basis, on which stood the small bird Ibis; Aegyptos being written above, and SC (for Senatus Consulto) below. Which coin was made in memory of Adrian's passage through Judaea into Aegypt, as Dion witnesses in his life. Which expression being from an ancient coin, may sufficiently resute the opinion of Adrianus Junius, who in his Nomenclat. cap. de Musicis Instrumentis, num. 245. thinks that the sistrum was of a triangu∣lar form, with little rings upon each side, as Bossius expresses it, p. 32. which being struck with a small iron-rod, yielded a shrill sound. Indeed, the most examin'd and receiv'd etymologie of the word, ac∣cording to Turnebus and some others, is from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to shake (and, as some think, to strike) because, being shaken in the hand, it gave a shrill sound, be∣ing usually made of shrill metals, as brass, or iron, though sometimes of gold or silver. Yet, though Bossius dislikes the triangular form, he thinks not∣withstanding, that this also was some Aegyptian de∣vice; Aegypt being anciently, from the form of it, called (▵) and therefore figur'd out by the bird Ibis: from the end of whose bill, if one suppose a line drawn to her feet, she does express a triangle, and so by way of Hierogliphick, not unfitly Aegypt; as Pierius Valerianus shews, lib. 17. cap. de Aegypto; for which cause some have called that instrument, Deltoton. But the right and common fashion of the

Sistrum, is that before presented from Adrian's coin; being, for the outward compass of it, much like a racket, with three or four plates of metal passing like strings from the one side to the other. After which fashion it is described from ancient marbles by the learned Antonius Augustinus, lib. 3. Icon. and approved by De la Cerda upon Virgil. Aeneid. lib. 8. and a like expression of it in picture Pignorius has, de Servis, p. 88. yet, though this be a true ex∣pression of it, we may add, that there are some more full; as is that so delightfully presented in picture, from an Italian pattern, by my worthy friend Dr. Price, in his learned and diligent Notes upon Apuleius his Apologie, p. 30. In which expression the breadth of the compassing band is rightly describ∣ed, being like a souldiers belt; as also, upon the top of the sistrum, a cat is presented with the face of a Woman. But (to go a little farther) Bossius p. 44. most applauds another form, which he fi∣gures from old Roman Monuments; the compas∣sing plate or band whereof being shaken and so struck by the crooked ends of the rods of metal passing from side to side yeilded a shrill sound. And he does the rather approve of this form, be∣cause Johannnes Bernartius (whom he therefore highly praises) has thus described it in his Scho∣lia on the 9th. of Statius his Thebaid. in these words, Erat sistrum crepitaculum, cujus per angustam laminam in modum baltei recurvatam trajectae medio pauculae vir∣gulae, crispante brachio tergeminos ictus, reddunt argu∣tum sonum. Which description does so please Bos∣sius, that he adds this praise of it, Non profecto po∣terat paucioribus illud dici de virgis sistri, quod adhuc nemo, ut vidistis, observavit aut dixit. Which words if he had not added, the matter had been well enough: but to say, that no man observed it or said so before, is strange; and the rather, because Ecssius himself might have observed it in an author, which he read concerning this purpose. For, Apu∣leius, lib. 11. Metam. has these words, Dextera qui∣dem ferebat aereum crepitaculum, cujus per angustam laminam in modum baltei recurvatam, trajectae mediae paucae virgulae crispante brachio tergeminos jactus redde∣bant angustum sonorem. Thus the elogie is due to Apuleius, nothing being added, but the word sistrum. Besides, though ictus, as Bernartius has it, (and likewise Suarez Salazar, in his Antiguedades Gadi∣tanas) express a truth, in respect of the plates, that hit the sides of the sistrum; yet jactus does more fully agree with crispante, implying the swindge or circling motion of the arm in shaking the sistrum to make it musical. But as for the fi∣gure it self, I approve it as the most perfect, which I have seen; The upper part whereof is made into three angles, whereas that on Adrian's coin was more perfectly oval: which differences we may suppose to have been but voluntary, and so both expressions to be true. But in this last upon the uppermost angle is placed not only the head and ears of a cat with the face of a Woman, but close under it is an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or circle; then (according to Turnebus, Fierius and others) on the rightside an∣gle is expressed Isis, and on the left, Nephthys. Of which last, Pignorius makes some mention in his Mensa Isiaca. fol. 35. where he says, that the Meli∣lote, which grew by Nilus, and of which they made chaplets to adorn Osyris, was called the hearb of Osyris and Nephthys. Nephthys then was the sister of Isis, as Ludovicus Carrio shews in his Emendations, lib. 2. cap. 19. out of Julius Firmicus, de Errore pro∣fanarum Religionum, saying of Isis, adhibuit sibi Neph∣thuni sororem sociam; where Carrio reads it, Neph∣thym, and rightly proves it from Plutarch, de Iside & Osiride. This expression has also three plates pas∣sing from side to side. But now if these additions to the sistrum may seem too much different from that on the coin, Bossius his conjecture may serve for answer; who think that these particulars could not be discern'd on the coin, by reason of the great antiquity of it; so that, it seems, they were worn-out. In which darkness of Aegyptian Theologie, Pierius (lib. 28. cap. de rerum vicissitu∣dine) and before him Plutarch (lib. de Iside & Osyride) have wittily thus struck fire. The Cat in the highest part signifies the Moon, and the Cir∣cle under her implies this our sublunary world sub∣ject to the Moon, and so to continual alterations. And very aptly was the Moon represented by a Cat, it being a Creature, that does most exercise it self in the night; and also in respect of her fruitful∣ness; bringing forth (as some observers of nature teach; the truth of which I leave to their proof) in the whole time of her Life and Kitning, at the first one kitten, the next time two, and so till the seventh time, at which she brings seven, and then ceases; but Damascius (in Phorius) says, she brings seven the first time, six the next and so decreases: but so, that her young ones make in all, 28; as many as the days, in which the Moon finishes her course. The face of a Woman added to the Cat, signified that, though there were many Mutations in the world, they were yet order'd and temper'd not without Reason and Counsel. The figures of Isis and Nephthys signified the birth and death of Creatures, or the alterations and motions of them. The Rods, that passed through it, were sometimes three, to shew, that all things were done in Num∣ber, weight and Measure; sometimes four, to im∣ply the four Elements, of which the things in the lower world consist. And lastly the shaking or wheeling-about of the Sistrum did more apparently express the Motion and Agitation of humane af∣fairs.

7. —Why else, Vow—scrowles Remov'd, falls our free incense on thy coals? —Aut cur In carbone tuo charta pia thura soluta, Ponimus—? The Poet speaking-on in the language of the coveteous Athe∣ists of those times, says, what are all the plagues, which the Gods commonly in this life inflict, in comparison of mony? True it is, that Ladas was famous for his swiftness of foot, but the poor fellow would have been glad to have had the rich gout, or else for certain he wanted a sound brain, and ei∣ther was fit to have been sent to Anticyra, where he might have had Hellebore good store, to have purg'd his brain from madness, or to have been committed to the famous Archigenes, no meaner a Physitian being equal to such a Cure. For, alas, what was it to win the Race, and having a hungry belly, to be rewarded with Fame and a Garland of an Olive-branch? For, such was the manner near Pisa in Elis, where in a large field called Olympia, as Britannicus notes; the Olympick Games were ce∣lebrated, and called so from Jupiter Olympicus, who had a Temple near adjoining, where also say some was a hill call'd Olympus, but not the famous Hill Olympus, as some have mistaken, this being between Thessaly and Macedonia: but the Games were cele∣brated in Peloponesus, in the South of Greece. Our Poet goes on saying, that thus do your perjur'd persons please themselvs; nay, and are so bold in forswearing, that by their meer confidence they seem innocent; like the Mimick, who in Catullus his play called Phasma (or, the vision) represents a

run-away servant vexing his Master, nay provoking him, that the leud servant himself may be brought to quit himself by his Oath, chearfully purposing to be perjur'd. A pretty story to this purpose is that in Herodotus, and aptly here alleadged by Lu∣bin, of one Archetimus, who being on a journy and to travail farther, left with his host Cydi•••• a great summe of gold: which being called-for by him at his return, was denyed, the host offering to clear himself by Oath. Which when he was to take at the time appointed, he came into the Temple with a staff in his hand, pretending sickness; and whiles he was to swear, he praid Archetimus to hold his staff for him. Then, with his hands lifted up to heaven, he did confess, that he had receiv'd such a sum of gold, but swore that he had restored it. At which word, in a vehement passion, Archetimus, that saw himself thus sworn out of his money, hurl'd down the staff with such indignation and violence, that it brake, (being a cane) and the sum of gold, which was arti••cially contrived into it, did, by di∣vine providence, discover at once both it self and the fraud. Which story in effect, with a little va∣riation, is in the fable of Don Quixot; where the cu∣rious Author Michael Cervantes makes Sancho Panca, whom he presents for an Ideot, and upon a time, the decider of such a controversie, to command the staff to be broken, thus artributing the singularity of the discovery, not to that way of providence mentioned by the Historian, but to the strange illu∣minations of the soul, which are, as he purposes to conclude, bestowd at certain seasons even on mad∣men. The variety does a little help to excuse the borrowing without acknowledgment in such a work of professed invention: and indeed, his ad∣mirable and plentiful wit might have omitted it, but that his Ancestors, Virgil, and such others, hearten their posterity as well to borrow, as to imitate. But our Poet going on, says, that such perjuries make many men, who thus lose their mo∣ney, to lose almost their wits also: for this, says he, makes thee likewise, Calvinus, to cry out like Stentor, who could cry as loud as 50 men; or like Mars when wounded by Diomedes, as loud as ten thousand men (as even the Poet Homer tell us, Iliad. 5.) and it makes thee to say to Jupiter, Hold'st thou thy peace at these crimes, suffering us to be thus abused by Perjury? Is it for this, that we bring our Incense and Sacrifices to thee? For ought I see then, there is no difference between thy statue and the statue of Bathyllus. In the close of which passage there is one special doubt, in those words of our Poet,—aut cut In carbone two chartâ pia thura soluta Ponimus? Where, according to the exposition of the Interpreters, charta soluta, is ta∣ken for the paper, in which, say they, the frank∣incense was tied up, when it was brought for an offring to the Temple: according to which sense it might be rendred,—From paper-rowls why else falls our free incense on thy coals? But when I first read this Author, I was not satisfied with that exposition of charta soluta: but at last meeting with Ru••gersius his Var. Lection. I found, lib. 5. cap. 5. that his hap∣py wit guessed at another meaning, making it to be an allusion to that custome, which is before touch'd, Sat. 9. Illustrat. 13. of fixing with wax their vows written in paper, to the knees of their gods. Ac∣cording to which, the Poet would then here mean, why else do we, when we remove, or take away our fix'd scrowls of paper (wherein our vows are writ∣ten) from the knees of the Gods, bring, instead of them, the offrings themselves, which we have vow'd; as Incense, a Calf's liver, and an hog's cawl? Which exposition I believing to be the better, do accordingly render it, — Why else Vow-scrowls Re∣mov'd, falls our free incense on thy coals? But, because Rutgersius, though he largely shews the custom of fixing, removing, and performing vows, yet only affirms, that he believes it to be here alluded to, I think it necessary, since I choose his opinion, to shew what motives induced me to it. First then, the common exposition seems trivial and super∣fluous; for, had it not been enough to say, Why do we bring our incense, but to mention such a petty, yea, a ridiculous circumstance, saying, why do we open our papers, and thence pour our incense on your coals? But, secondly, to suppose that they brought their incense to the Altars in papers, and thence sprinkled in into the fire, is far below the state of sacred pro∣visions, such as were needful for all occasions, in the service of the Gods, who might not be served, even in the superstition of those times, with such mercenary and unhallowed appurtenances. Lastly, to speak from Antiquity, there was no such mat∣ter, as the bringing of their incense in papers to the altars; there being, for that purpose, an incense-pan, called acerra, mentioned by Persius, Sat. 2. which was commonly for the poorer sort; out of which they took a few grains, with three of their fingers, or sometimes with two: yet sometimes the rich also used the acerra, which then was fill'd; and so they poured the incense into the fire. But properly the Lanx (or, Charger) was for the use of the Rich: according to which size and plenty, Datis, one of the Governours under Darius, poured on the Altar of Apollo 300 pound weight of incense, as Herodotus relates it, lib. 6. But it is enough on∣ly to mention this point, it being largely proved by Theodorus Marcilius on Persius, Sat. 2. in expli∣cation of those words, tacita acerra. One doubt more there is yet in this passage of Juvenal, about Bathyllus, to whom the Gods are here jeeringly compar'd, and to whom, though he was but a fool, as the Scholiast says, (by whom the name is writ∣ten, Vagellus) or rather as some think, a young and dainty Musitian, there was a statue erected by Polycrates in the Island Samos, and placed even in the Temple of Juno. And this is the person more probably here intended; the purpose here being not to liken the Gods to the fool Vagellus, but more conveniently to a man vainly improved into the condition of a God, having, as well as the Deity, a statue in a Temple. Indeed, says this abused Cre∣ditor, there is little or no difference between them; there being no more help or justice in the occasions and necessities of life, to be expected from the one than from the other.

8. In this case no man feigns. — Nemo dolorem Fin∣git in hoc casu. — Thou hast need, I see, says the Poet to his friend, of some good advice to arm thee with patience against this present grief: and, it may be, mine may serve, though I am no Philoso∣pher either of the sort of the Cynicks or Stoicks, who differ rather in their clothes, than in their opinions, Both despising Riches, but the Cynicks wearing Two cloaks, as some say, the Stoicks but One; So Horace also says [concerning the Cynick, Epist. ad Scavam] quem duplici panno patientia velat. Which double cloak is by some thought to be the diplois and Aboll••, as others call it; the first use whereof is by D. Laertius attributed to Antisthenes. As for the opinions of the Interpreters of this pas∣sage, the Scholiast says, that the Cynick did not wear the [pallium, or] cloak. But Lubin says he wore

duplex pallium; by which he seems to mean, a thick one; for he adds, that the Stoick wore tenui, a thin one. Between which extremities the learned Sal∣masius says, that the Cloak [without a coat] was the wear of the Cynick; the Coat [or, tunica] the wear of the Stoick, as also of other Philosophers, and generally of the Grecians: so that the sense of the Poet briefly is, The Stoick differs from the Cynick but by the Coat [this being the wear of the Stoick, and not of the Cynick.] To which, if we add the par∣ticular kind of the Cynick's cloak, I think the expo∣sition will be clear and right. Now, though, says the Poet, I am none of Epicurus his sect, or such a rare Physitian, as to cure the affections of the mind, when grown desperate: yet thou being not so dan∣gerously distemper'd, not only a less Artist, but even a mean one, such a one as the unskilful Physi∣tian Philippus, nay, as his ruder Scholar, will serve to give order for the letting of thee blood: and so my poor skill, that pretends not to Philosophy, will serve to advise Thee. And surely, says he, if thy case be without example, then will I permit thy Grief to be without example; for the loss of mo∣ney, men weeping indeed; not as they do at Fune∣rals: but if thy case be Ordinary, then let thy Grief be Ordinary. In which expression, when the Poet says, concerning the weeping for lost mo∣ney, —majore tumultu Planguntur nummi, quam funera, adding, according to the common copies, — nemo dolorem fingit in hoc casu, referring it to the loss of money, [in which case no man feigns:] Jacobus Scegkius [in his Praemess. Epist. 5.] would have it, Nemo dolores Fundit in hoc casu, referring it to the last part, the loss of friends at funerals; at which, says he, no man pours out true sorrow, but is con∣tent only for fashion-sake, to rent the skirt of his rayment, as they do, who, before a Judge, shew also their naked bodies, and the skars of the wounds which they have received, when they would move compassion; and thus are they content at a fune∣ral with an hypocrisie of sorrow; but Money is lost not without true tears. Which exposition is very apt, if we consider the opposition of the parts of the speech; and may be a little helped by one Manuscript, which instead of in hoc casu has in occa∣su, and in another it is expounded by in occasu amici, in the fall, or death of a friend. Yet the common way setting forth both the pretended sorrow at funerals, and the true sorrow for loss of money, this exposition also of Scegkius being founded on Conjecture, rather than Copy, we may without loss or trouble retain the first.

9. Sure thou'rt the chick of some white Hen un∣match'd, &c. — Quia tu Gallinae silius albae, &c. If all Courts, says the Poet to his friend, he fill'd with like complaints; and, though at the sealing of bonds (or, tables of wood waxed over) the Creditor and witnesses have read them often to prevent mistake and falshood, men shall yet deny their hand-writing and Seal, men of such quality, that they have their seal cut in a rich Sardonix, and as choisly kept; would'st thou be exempt from such abuses? would'st thou be singular, like the chick of some white hen, and shall we forsooth be but as some brood hatch'd of crows eggs? And yet, alas, what are these wrongs to those which our Temple-robbers commit, steal∣ing away plates of gold from the statues of the Gods, or sometimes a Crown bestowd by some King? or sometimes a whole statue of gold, which they secretly melt? Or, what are those facts to those of parricides, or to the many crimes which are daily heard by Rutilius Gallicus, the City-Judge, (or, praefectus urbis, under Domitian) of whom Statius says, Quem penes intrepidae mitis custodta Ro∣mae. In which passage we need only touch that proverbial speech Gallinae filius albae; about the Original whereof Coelius secundut Curio notes out of Erasmus a double reason: the One, that by the La∣tines, Happy things were called white, as Dies-albi, and albo lapillo notati, and so, in Virgil, Daphnis, that is Deified, is, according to some, called by him, candidus: the other from the History of Galba, as it is in Sueton, in his Life, cap. 1. where he makes mention of an Eagle, which soaring over the head of Livia, a little after her marriage with Augustus, let fall into her lap a white hen with a Laurel∣branch in her bill: which hen being by her ap∣pointment kept, became so fruitful, that the place where this happen'd (in the Countrey) was called villa ad Gallinas. Yet he observes, that Columella de Re Rusticâ, lib. 8. cap. 2. says, that white hens are not fruitful, as being but faint and short-liv'd, and by their colour being more subject to be made a prey. Lubin thinks it to be perchance an allusion to Leda's eggs, which, the fable says, she laid after she was turn'd into a swan by Jupiter. For which last conjecture, it must ask leave to have gallina taken for a swan; and, as for the story of the white hen in Sueton, it is probable, that the proverb was more ancient; besides, not the fruitfulness, but the daintiness of the hen is here aim'd at. Wherefore, I think Erasmus his first reason to be most proba∣ble: which yet does shew rather That white things were usually counted happy, than why they were counted so; which probably may be thought to have been for the natural similitude between white∣ness and Light, which, by the secret power of na∣ture, so affects with cheerfulness both the body and mind. That which follows concerning nati infelici∣bus ovis, is on the contrary aptly understood of crows eggs, or the like. We may here a little farther take notice, that the Author of the Manu∣script Commentary, takes Custos Gallicus for a goose, saying, that a silver-goose was hung up in the Ca∣pitol, in remembrance, that it was once delivered from the Gaules by the warning of Geese; and moreover, that the daily complaints were brought to the Capitol, and so by consequence and a jeer, that they might be said to be heard by the Goose. Indeed, somewhat a like flout Juvenal uses, Sat. 1. in that passage, — Juris{que} peritus Apollo, jeeringly implying, that the statue of Apollo, which was at the Pleading place, could now plead a cause; but this mirth concerning Apollo's statue is raised upon a true statue. But the exposition of custos gallicus for a goose, is exploded as absur'd, by Britannicus, though he mentions not any silver-goose. Yet there was a silver statue of a goose kept in the Capitol, in remembrance of the deliverance of it by Geese, from Brennus, as appears by the description of the 8th. Region of the City. But, notwithstanding this truth, the Scholiast is less extravagant, saying, that Praefectus vigilum is here called Custos Gallicus, as being a Magistrate instituted after that the Gaules had taken the Capitol. But the first acception, of Rutilius Gallicus for the name of one that was prae∣fectus urbis, is the most sober exposition, as neither making nor deserving a jeast.

10. —The Pygmie-Warrier runs to fight in his dwarf-armour—. Pygmaeus parvis curris bellator in ar∣mis. Why, says the Poet to his friend, should'st thou wonder at things common, such as cousenage and perjury are? For, no man wonders in the Al∣pet at a swolne throat, it happening alike to all

(through the loathsome waters, which they drink, as Vitruvius says); or at Meroë in the confines of Aegypt, at a breast usually as big, as the child that suck's it (as Mela dares report); or in Germanie, at their azure eies and curl'd locks like horns; or at the Pygmies, who being but one foot high (as some size them) wage war with the Thracian fowls, the Cranes; against whom they make an expedi∣tion every spring, riding to the Sea-side, on the backs of goats and rams; and being arm'd with dates, spend three moneths in destroying their eggs, and young ones; to prevent their increase; unless we shall take Gellius and Solinus for Poets. But, thou wilt reply, says Juvenal to his friend, Shall I not then take revenge on such a villane, re∣venge that is so sweet! Why surely says the Poet again, the best Physitians of the mind, Philosophers, are of another mind; as was the mild Thales, and the patient and aged Socrates, who dwelt in Attica at Athens, and so dwelt near the hill Hymettus, fa∣mous for excellent hony: who being by his ene∣mies condemn'd to death, was so far from revenge, that he did constantly affirm him to be more wretched, who reveng'd a wrong, then him that offer'd it, as Laërtius reports. Indeed, says he, such is the vertue of Philosophie, that by degrees it purges the Ʋnderstanding from Errors, and the Will from Vices. In which passage the Poet makes mention, though but Satyrically, according to the ancient fictions, of the Pygmies, a nation, and in the mid'st of India, as Cresias the Indian would have us believe: but the experience of travailours now ac∣quainted with the world, and the more prudent writers explode it; as the Reverend and my learned friend Dr. Hakewell shews in his excellent and delightful Apologie, lib. 1. cap. 1. Sect. 5. and lib. 3. cap. 5 Sect. 4. And as for the wars between the supposed Pygmies and the Cranes, it is not only generally now denied, but more especially except∣ed against by Lubin on this place: who says, that he understands not how the Pygmie should be snatch'd-up by the Crane curvis unguibus (in his crooked talens) when as the Crane's talents are not crooked. Yet this exception seems contrary to that common and received relation of the Crane's standing centinel by night with a stone in his talent; which should argue the flexibleness of it. Indeed St. Basil an accurate observer of the ex∣cellencies of nature, speaking of the Crane, in his Hexamer. lib. 8. though he admires his vigilancie, yet mentions not the vulgar opinion. But the learn∣ed Aldrovandus by latter experience testifies, that the talons of the Crane are as long as a mans fin∣gers; and therefore probably flexible, else were they very inconvenient. Howsoever, that there have been extraordinary dwarfs (though not a nation of Pygmies) in several ages, is not denied: we may rather suspect the degree of reports; Ni∣cephorus, lib. 12. Eccesiast. Histor. cap. 37. telling of a dwarf in Aegypt in the time of Theodosius, about the bigness of a partridge, who, as he adds, lived about 20. years. Yet this relation is of a thing ancienter then Nicephorus his own knowledge or time, by 7. or 800. years, and so he could have it but at the second hand; though Platerus also re∣lates of a dwarfe arm'd with a spear in his hand, and with a sword girt to him, and so serv'd-up in a pie at the marriage of a Duke of Bavaria; and that when the pie was open'd, the terrible jeast leap'd-out. The Cookery was the Musick of the feast. But the Poet having shew'd the generality of wickedness. and supposing Calvinus to wish Re∣venge whiles he tells him that the ancient Philo∣sophers, especially old Socrates (the Athenian) was of milder affections, some tell us, that he was but forty nine years old, when he died; urging Cicero, in his Cato Major (or, De Senectute) to warrant the assertion; but his age is not there mention'd. If then we consult with Diogenes La∣ertiu••, he tells us in his Life, from the testimony of Apollodorus, in Chronicis, that Socrates was born in the fourth year of the 77th. Olympiad (the sixt of Thargelion, or April) and died the first year of the 95. Olympiad. being 70. years old. Demetrius Phalereus writes the same. But some say, he died at 60. Either of these will agree with what Juve∣nal implies; but the first of these two, best; that Socrates was an Old man. We may yet with Aldo∣brandious, Annotat. 97. (in the Roman Edition) on this passage note, that if we calculate right by these Dates of the Olympiads here mention'd, the years of Socrates Life amount but to 68. (which Age conveniently sorts with our Poets intent) though in stricter account it comes to as much more time, as from the sixt of April (Socrates his birth-day) till July the 23d. from which day the Olympick reckoning began; otherwise he had not liv'd to the 95. Olympiad.

11. Yet proved the Cave's word true, fit for that shrine. —Et tamen omnem Vocem adyti dignam templo veramque probabit. The Poet here to com∣fort his friend tells him, that he never needs to desire revenge; such a plague of conscience perpe∣tually tormenting such perjur'd wretches, more terribly then Caeditius (a cruel judge in Juvenal's time) or then Rhadamanthus, one of the infernal judges: besides, that heaven does sometimes bring them sodainly to destruction, as he proves by a story out of Herodotus. Who tells of one Glaucus a Spartan, with whom a Milesian in belief of his singular honesty, left a summe of mony in trust; and that when the Sons of the Milesian came a great while after to demand it, Glaucus staggering in his honesty, denied it and dismissed them. Yet going to the Oracle, to know whether he should constantly deny it or not, he receiv'd this answer; That if he did forswear the mony, he might scape for a time; but he was withal foretold, that for this leud Purpose of Deceit, he and all his kindred should e're long be confounded. Whereupon Glaucus called back the Milesians and paid them the mony; yet all that the Oracle foretold, did come to pass. In which relation whiles the Poet says —respondit Pythia vates, and Vocem adyti dignam tem∣plo veramque probavit, Aextinctus, &c. he implies some particulars concerning the Oracle of Apollo, who was called Pythius, for killing in his youth (as Ovid in his Fables has it) the Python, or Ser∣pent, so called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the putrefaction of the Earth, as sprung out of the filth after Deuca∣lion's flood. Now the person or Prophetess, that insteed of Apollo gave answer, was a maid, and the first that perform'd it, was Phemonoë, the daughter of Apollo. The place was a Temple, in the adytum, the most retir'd, secret, or strictly the inaccessible part whereof, as Strabo describes it, was a deep and crooked cave with a mouth or entrance but indiffe∣rently large, whence the message was thought to as∣cend and inspire the Prophetess. Over the mouth of which Cave did arise a high Trivet, upon which when the Prophetess did for the purpose ascend, she was transported with a spirit of Divination, and so gave answers sometimes in prose, sometimes in verse. But it will not be unpleasant to present

the form of the Trivet, it being a thing less obvious, on which was expressed a crow, as sacred to Apollo, with the Harp also and Bayes: which are thus pre∣sented by Du Choul, de la Religion des Ancien•• Ro∣mains, p. ••9••. *

[illustration] medal showing Apollo's attributes of a crow, harp and laurel tree

We may add, that in Constantine's Oration, Ad Sanctorum Coetum in Eus••bius, there is mention, cap. 18. of a Serpent also, wrapping him∣self about the Trivet; and of a Diadem wherewith the Prophetess was adorn'd.

12. — Or a Cock's Crest to their Lares. — Et la∣ribus cristam promittere galli Non audent. — This per∣jured cozener, that has abused thee, says the Poet to his friend, is tormented even in his dreams, whiles he thinks, that he sees Thee in a larger shape, that is, some fury representing thee, to ter∣rifie his conscience; it being the opinion of the Ancients, that the divine or infernal powers did use to appear in a form larger than man's to pro∣cure Reverence or Terror. So Sueton, in the Life of Claudius, says that Claudius his father, Drusus, in his Rhoetian, or German expedition, prosecuted his Victories against the enemies fiercely, even into their most secret deserts, till there appeared to him a Barbarian woman, as to him it seem'd, but of a large size, species barbarae mulieris humana amplior: which speaking to him in Latin, forbad him to pass any farther. Such wretches, says he, quake also at every thunder, as if it were not from natural causes, but purposely from divine judgement. Wherein our Author speaks but according to the general ignorance of the Heathen: for, though it proceeds from natural causes, yet is it often the special and illustrious instrument of the divine justice, and even in the natural man, that is, the guilty man, strikes terror; as in that wretch Ca∣ligula, who, at the fright of it, would run under his bed. The Poet expressed it highly, that said, — Et humanas motu••a tonitrua mentes; which does illustri∣ously appear in the divine story at the ••iving of the Law and in t•••• history of Samuel, ••••o pro∣cur'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 purposely 〈◊〉〈◊〉 express God's a••ger, 1 Sam. 12. v. ••8. wherefor••, though innocent men ought not to hear it with distrust, yet ought they to hear with sobriety of thought, as a most sensible argu∣ment of the divine power. Indeed, says the Poet, the guilty think, Thunder, Disease, and the like, to be the stones and darts of the Gods: wherein he speaks a truth of others, which he thinks (not without error) to be but the error of their fear. And this guilt of Conscience, says he, makes them, in their sickness, not dare to come unto the Gods, though with a sacrifies: they dare not offer the comb of a cock, through despair of the divine fa∣vour, being indeed more worthy of death, than their own sacrifice, than any sacrifice. Nor do such commonly, says he, escape one judgement or other; whether imprisonment or exile, or the like: so that in the conclusion, thou wilt confess that the Gods are not blind, like Tiresias the Theban (whose eyes Juno is said to have pluck'd out, for giving judgement against ha••;) but that the Gods are open eyed, and do with purity behold, and with justice punish, the foul Injustice here on earth. In which passage, the Poet mentions the sacrificing the comb or crest of a cock: where some note, that the cock was a sacrifice to Aesculapius after a reco∣very from sickness. Yet Alex. ab Alex. lib. 3. cap. 12. says, In Aesculapii sacris non nisi caprae & gallinae immolantur: but Tiraquel on that place notes, Addo & gadum quandoquidem So••rates moriens ipse Aescula∣pio ••a••••••o•• uo••it apiol Platon•••••• in Phaedone; yet the same Alexander acknowledges the cock to have been a sacrifice to the Lares; which is sutable to this of our Poet. Fliny also lib. 10. cap. 19. says, that the inwards of a cock are a most acceptable offering to the Gods: and before him Tully, lib. 2. de Divina∣tione, noted the same. But whereas the Poet here says, Cristam galli, the margin of one Manuscript has this note, Gallus mercuri•• immolatus est; & par∣tem pro toto posuit. To which exposition that it is spoken by a metonymie, we may add that it pro∣bably seems, that the Poet somewhat satyrically na∣med rather cyista, than any other part, to signifie that they durst not promise so small an offering, which they could so easily perform; aggravating thus, me-thinks, the greatness of their Despair, and consequently of their Guilt, by the smallness of their sacrifice.

SATYRE. XIV.

ARGUMENT.

Children the Parents Image are Somewhat by Nature, more by Care. The Hand but Draws, the mind gives shape: The Child is but the Parents Ape. Dice in the Sire, Rage, Riot, Lust, Are Vile; but in the Son seem Just: Since by the Cause th' Effect is Tainted, As by the Face the Glass seems Painted. The Sire that Builds, oft when h' has done, Though Stones he Raise, pulls down a Son. Old Superstition begets young: From one false Fear more fears have sprung. Though Avarice at first less pleases, It grows one of our Lov'd diseases. Base Fare, Spight, Toile by Sea and Land, Gain and a Father do Command; The Son then Loves, what he did hate; Instructions wonder becomes Fate! Yet were it such, Rome should love rather Great Juvenal, his Country's Father.

MAny vile acts, Fuscinus, now there are Which spot and wrinkle things, that once were fair: Yet such ev'n Parents teach their children! when The spend-thrift Die delights the Father, then The Heir yet in Boss'd Coat plays too, and shakes In his small box such tools. Nor more hope takes A kinsman in his Nephew, that can pare Your Mushromes, and for costly sauce ne're spare; Your (1) Fig-eaters half-drown'd swim in it; so His Leud Sire's Aged Throat the way did show. Let such a Child pass but seav'n years, e're yet All's teeth renew; though thou on each side set A thousand Bearded Masters, from such State Of Kitchin he will ne're degenerate. A mind tow'rds small faults mildly just does e're Rutilus teach, and think our Servants were Made of our Elements? Or rather fright His houshold, and more in loud whips delight, Then in a Siren, like Antiphates Or Polypheams? And his heart then please,

VVhen for two Napkins the Tormentors hand VVith glowing Ir'n does a poor Servant brand. VVhat learns his Son, who does harsh chains, slaves dire (2) Fire-marks, and Country-jails with joy admire? Can Larga's daughter think'st thou, win Chast fame, That can't so fast her Mothers sweet-hearts name, But she must take breath thrice ten times? when young, Her Mothers Arts she knew: Now from her tongue She fills small waxen tables, which she sends, By her known wantons, to her Lusts dear friends. Nature thus prompts it: by Domestical Patterns of Vice we do more swiftly fall; Great Authors undermining us. There may A Youth or two, whose hearts from purer clay Titan's kind Art has form'd, not thus be led: The rest doe in their Fathers leud paths tread. The long known track of old faults draw the Soul! Abstain from loss then: This cause should controul Vice, that our Children follow not our Crimes. So soon we intimate what's leud! All Climes And people yield a Catiline; But no Brutus or Cato Vtican we know. Let not a filthy word or sight defile The Threshold, where a Child lives. Hence the vile Queans; Hence the Parasites, that sing all night. All sacred Cares but due in a Childs sight. VVould'st thou be leud? Scorn not his years: Resist Thy Lust, and for thy Infants sake desist. For, if the Censor does him just disgrace, (Since he resembles Thee in limb and face, The Son too of thy Manners, nor does mend, But by thy foot-steps still does worse offend) Thou wilt, no doubt, rattle him for his ill Carriage, and more provok'd alter thy VVill. But how can'st Thou assume a Parents brow And Libertie, that grown Old dost worse Now! Thy brain-less pate lack'd, as long since distress'd, A windy Cupping-glass. If thou a Guest Expect'st, thy Servants must bestir 'em. Sweep The pavement, and the Pillars neatly keep; Make the drie Spider and the web come down; Plain Plate some, some th' Ingraven wipe; with frown And wand thy Anger hastens thus. Thus, vain VVretch, thou half-quak'st, least a foul hound should stain Thy Hall, and thy friends eie, that comes, displease; Or least thy walk be soil'd with durt: (3) though these Faults one half-peck of Dust and one Lad mend. To form a holy houshold dost not tend, For thy Son's Rule? Tis the best work one can Perform, to give one's Country a Good Man;

To fit him for one's Countrey's true renown, Unto the Plow, the Helmet or the Gown. 'Tis a great Matter, with what Arts and kind Of Manners thou inform'st his tender mind. With snakes and lizards from by-waies her brood The stork does feed; which fledg'd seek the like food. From Beasts, Dogs, Crosses, Vultures with swift wing Do, to their young, part of the Carrion bring: This is their food then, when grown big they feed Themselves, and now do in their Own tree breed. But Jove's own Eagle and the Falcon tries The Forrest, and at Hare or Goat he flies. Home the Prey's brought, till their young grown mature Rais'd by the wing and Hunger do inure Their strength to Flight, seeking such food, as first They tasted, coming from their Egge new burst. Centronius was a Builder; Houses store He mounted on Cajeta's winding shoar, At Tibur's Tow'r, Praeneste's Hills: with fine Greek Marbles, nay, far-sought, he Fortune's shrine And that of Hercules surpass'd; Our fam'd Capitol Thus th'Eunuch Posides sham'd. Whiles then Centronius dwells Thus, thus impair He does his wealth, and yet leaves no small share: All which his mad Son wastes, whiles he will have Of better Marble Houses far more brave. Some since their sires kept Sabbaths heretofore, Only (4) the Clowds and Heav'n's one Pow'r adore. Swine's flesh they count as man's: That their advis'd Father abhorr'd; next they are circumcis'd. Rome's Law they slight; they Learn, keep, Fear the Jews: What Moses his deep Volumes teach, they choose. To none but of such mind the way they'll tell: If circumcis'd, they'll lead one to a well. But 'twas their Father taught them This: He plaid Ev'ry sev'nth day, and did neglect his trade.

Yet other vices young men follow still Freely, but Avarice against their will. For vice deceives under fair vertue's shew, When in Grave shape and Dress it's pleas'd to go, The Niggard we, as Thrifty, boldly praise: He spares: He guards his wealth; At's task he staies Surer, than if there did on his estate Th' Hesperian or the Pontique Dragon wait. On such a Rev'rend Artist All men spend Their Gaze! These smiths their wealth do still extend; But by All waies: on Daily anvile Great It grows, in their still-burning forge's Heat. A Father then counts those fouls Blest, that Gold Admire, and This for a firm Truth do hold,

Never was poor man Happy; They direct That way, and bid them Plie That Sect. Vice has its Elements: These First they shew, Making them First some petty Baseness know; Then, a Desire of Gain beyond all size. His false peck does his servants guts chastize: His own feel hunger too; nor at once must His folks consume ev'ry blue hoary crust. In mid-September yesterday's minc'd meat He saves, and beans now boil'd next night he'll eat; They're seald-up, scraps of summer-fish soon stale He keeps, with half a stinking (5) Nimble-tall; Nay, a large Leek, whose strings he tells. If some Bridge-ghest were bid to This, he'd scorn to come. But why gather'st thou wealth with such vexation? When 'tis, past doubt, Phrensie of Perturbation, That thou maist Die Rich, to Live Poor. Yet glut Thy bag with Coin, till its cramm'd mouth does strut; The love of Gold increases with new store; Which he loves less, that has None. One farm more Thou get'st then: One does not thy mind suffice; Thy Bounds must stretch. Thy Neighbour's corn does rise More full and Fair: This and his Grove's delight Thou buy'st; his hill too, with thick Olives, white; Or, whom no rate wins, thy lean Oxen vex By night; thy hungry herds with weary necks; Which to the ears yet green thou driv'st: Not shall They back, till their fierce maws have eat up all His Crop. Thou'dst think Hooks made a spoil so main! Scarce can'st thou tell How Many Thus complain! What Fields such wrongs have made men sell! O shame! What Talk there's yet! VVhat Trumpet of foul Fame! Tush, says he, What hurt's That? A Pulse-shale more I value, than the whole Town's Praise: if Poor I am, and reap but a small crop. No doubt, Disease and weakness thou shalt scape: without Mourning and Care thou'lt Live: A longer date Of Time thou shalt enjoy with better fare: If thou of so much good ground be possess'd, As under Tatius [g] the whole People dress'd. Soon after, ev'n the Ag'd, whose youth did feel The Punique wars, or the Molossian steel Of dreadful Pyrrhus, scarce Two acres [h] got For many wounds. For Blood and Toil such lot None thought Less than Desert; Or This did call A Thankless Countrey's Curtal Love. A small Turf serv'd the Father and his House; where lay His wife with-child: four young ones there did play; One servile, three free-born: but then their great Brothers, that came from ditch or plow, had meat

More store: with Pulse Then smoak'd an Ample pot. Such ground Now serves not for a Garden-plot.

Thence flow most Crimes; No vice did e're afford More Poisons, or more fiercely use the sword, Then a dire Love of an untam'd Estate: For, He that will be Rich, will be rich straight. But then where's Fear of Laws? what shame can hold The wretch, that makes this Speed to heap up Gold? Sons, Live content with Cottage and low Hill; Th'old Marsian, Hernian and Vestinian still Taught Thus. Bread let's provide with our own plow; What's Needful: This the Rural Gods allow: By whose help since the gift of grateful Corn, The Palate does the Ancient Acorn scorn. He'll ne're offend the Laws, who with plain mind Wears the high shooe in Ice, and 'gainst th'East-wind Turn'd shins. This forreign unknown Purple spreads Its tincture, and to all lewd actions leads. Thus th' Ancients taught: but Now when Autumn's Done, A bawling father wakes his sleeping son At mid-night, crying, To your wax-leaves straight; Write Boy; wake; Plead: On th'old Law-Rubriques wait; Peruse them well: Or for a Vine-Rod sue: Away with bone-combs; Let Great Laelius view. Nostrils All-hair, and shoulders strangely vast. The Moorish Tents and Brigants Castles cast Thou down; that when th'art Threescore, thou maist gain A wealthy Eagle. Or if Wars and Pain Seem tedious, if the Horn and Trumpet make Thy Intrals loose with fear, (i) thy self betake To merchandise: Gain half; Loath No ware, though To th'Other side of Tiber fit to go. Between Ointments and Hides no diffrence think There is; whence e're 'tis, Gain does never stink. That Poet's Verse alwaies repeat, as fit Ev'n for the Gods Themselves, and Jove's Own wit: Coin How one Gets, None care: Coin one must have. Old trots [6] teach boys thus, that three farthings crave: Your Girls learn This before their Alphabet. A father pressing such Rules I could yet Urge Thus; Vain man! who bids thee make this speed? Thy son, I'll warrant, shall Thy Art exceed; Be sure: Ajax did Telamon out-go, And great Achilles surpass'd Peleus so. We must not force young minds: their native sin Has not full marrow yet. Let him begin To comb his beard, and the sharp rasor trie, He'll bear false witnesse, sell cheap Perjurie, And touch Pure Ceres Altar and Foot. Loe, VVith his VVife's Coarse, believe't, he Now does go,

If she a deadly dowry brought. VVhat slie Poison in sleep she suffers! For, what Thy Dull brain though Sea and Land should bring, Quick Guile Procures him straight. A Great Crime's no great Toile Thou'lt say, These Motives he had ne're from Me: The Cause yet of his Leud Mind sprung from Thee. For, he that Cryes, Love VVealth, and by advise Too vile, trains Children up in Avarice; Who gives them Leave to double their estate By fraud, the rains he to the Chariot straight Has giv'n: if thou'dst recal't, it cannot stand; It whirles beyond the bounds; slights thy Command. No man's content to sin but just as thou Permitt'st: More sins they to themselves allow. VVhen thou befool'st thy Son, that helps a friend, Or does a kind hand to a kinsman lend; Thou teachest him to spoil, deceive and get VVealth by All Crimes, on which thy heart is set, As was the Decu's on their Country: though, If Greece says true, Menoeceus lov'd Thebes So: VVhose furrows yield strange Legions, shields and all, From Dragons teeth; which straight to dire wars fall, As if a Trumpeter had risen too. Loe, The flame, whose sparks thou thy self first did'st blow, Spreads broad, devouring all! Such Lot Thou'lt have. The Tutour'd Lion with dread noise to 's Cave VVill bear the trembling Master. Thy Birth-scheme Your Cunning-men hve Cast. But 't were extreme Dulness to wait Fate's Distaffe. Thou must die, E're That thread's broke. Th' art Now a stop to thy Son's Hopes; vext at thy long Hart's-Age. Hence straight Unto Archigenes; buy Mithridate; If One Fig more, or One more Rose thou'dst gather, Get Antidote fit for a King, or Father, Before he feeds.

Sport I shew, that Out-goes All Theaters, and the brave Praetor's Shews: If thou wilt view, how ev'n their Life's distress'd For Gain, Much Treasure in a Brass-bound Chest, And Gold, which may (7) at watchful Castor's Shrine Be kept; Mars the Revenger they decline, Since that he lost his helmet, nor could Save VVhat was his Own. The Stage-Dress then of brave Flora, of Ceres and of Cybel slight; Humane Affairs do yield far more delight. Makes He more Sport, (8) that through the Air's free scope Is swing'd alost, or slides down a stretch'd rope?

Then Thou that in Corycian Ship confin'd Remain'st, toss'd with the North-west and South-wind, Base wretch, Merchant of rank wares, whose designs And Joy are, from old Creet to bring fat wines And Jove's own Country Flaggons? yet the bold Fellow, whose twining foot takes doubtful hold, Gets food: Winter and Famine by his Rope He scapes. A thousand Talents thy rash hope Aimes at! A hundred Farmes! See, all Ports swell! The Sea is choak'd with Timber! More now dwell On th' Ocean! Does Gain call? straight under-sail Y'ave Fleets. Your Lybian or Carpathian gale They slight; nay, Calpe too: the (9) Sun's loud sound They'l hear, as in th' Herculean Gulf he's drown'd. Doughty Attempt! That with stretch'd pouch one may Return, and of his swoln bags grown-proud say, H' has seen Sea-monsters and young Tritons! More Furies then one haunt men! one's not secure In's Sisters armes th' Eumenides and Lights Fright him. Another, when an Oxe he smites, Thinks Agamemnon and Vlysses roar. Thus He, though's Coat or Cloak he never toar, Wants yet a Guardian, that his Ship would have Stow'd full, though but a plank keeps out the wave. VVhat's now the Cause this danger he imbraces? Silver stampt into Titles and small Faces! Do Clouds resist? Do Lightnings? Weigh, weigh, cries This Badger, this Great Pepper-man. The Skies Face and black Swarth of Cloud threaten no Ill: 'Tis Summer-Thunder. When perchance Fate will That night his Vessel split, and him plunge deep: VVho with left hand or Teeth his Purse must keep. He then whose hopes slighted all Tagus gold, The glist'ring sands too in Pactolus rowl'd, Hides his cold thighs with Clouts, begs food, and three Farthings; A painted storm his help must be.

VVealth got with much care must be kept with more: To Guard great Treasure's worse then to be poor. By (10) night the Rich Licinus made a Guard Of Servants with their buckets watch and ward: His Amber, Statues, Phrygian Columns, rare Ivory and large shells, wrought such frightning care. The naked Cynicks Tub ne're burn'd: if broken (11) 'Twas leaded, or a New was straight bespoken. VVhen Alexander in that Cell did see That Great Inhabitant, more pleas'd was he, He thought, that nothing wish'd, then he that fain VVith worlds of dangers would the whole world gain.

The Gods are all ours, if we 're wise: but we Make Thee a Goddess, Fortune! yet if me One asks, what size of wealth is fit, I'le tell: As much as will Thirst, Hunger, Cold expell; VVhat serv'd Thee, Epicurus, Hearbs small store; VVhat Socrates his House-Gods ask'd before. Nature and VVisdome still the same injoyne. Or if their lives too strictly thee confine, Mix somewhat of our Times, and so high rise As Otho once his twice seaven Ranks did size. If yet thou frown'st, yet hang'st the lip, then be As rich as Two Knights; if thou wilt, as Three. If yet thy Lap's not Full, if spread for more, Croesus, the Persians, (12) nay Narcissus's store Thou'lt slight: whom Claudius Caesar yet did fill VVith Guifts: nay, bid by Him, did his wife kill.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Fourteenth Satyre.

Ficedula. Inscripta Ergastula; Ergastularius. Fossores Slaves anciently Brand∣ed; their vast Number, and Danger. Argentum laeve. Scobs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; ser∣rago. Strewing of Galleries with Gold-dust, and Sprinkling the Hair of the Head with it. Scobina. Crucifying; when first prohibited. A passage about Nubes and Coeli Numen, in the Jewish worship, clear'd. Minutal; Va••ium. Porrum sectivum. The custome of the Ancients, in their Swearing, to Touch the Altar and Foot of the God. The Hatt's Age. Assae; Terpsacae. Treasures, laid-up for safety, in Temples. Petaurus. The Old phansie concerning the Sunne's Noise at his Setting. Aluta. Zona. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Zonarius Sector. Hama. The vul∣gar Mistake about Diogenes his Tub. Testa and Later distinguish'd by Nannius against Erasmus; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Theocritus, expounded. The Art of Sodering broken vessels of Earth; Erasmus excused from the exception of Franciscus Floridus, about Divitiae Narcissi.

1.YOur Fig-eaters half-drown'd swimme in it—. —Et eodem jure natantes Mergere ficedulas didi∣cit—. In some manuscript Co∣pies (that we may by the way touch some smaller doubts) after the first verse, Plurima sunt Fuscine & fama digna sinistra, this follows [Et quod majorum vitio sequiturque minores]: but, as Lipsius heretofore noted, this was at the first the Inscription of this Satyre; and afterwards ignorantly inserted, disturb∣ing the sense of the place; and in one of the Ma∣nuscripts, which I use, it is almost scrap'd-out, which being therefore let pass, the Poet shews the traditional corruption of Children from their pa∣rents: for so, says he for instance, if the Father is a dicer, his heir likewise, though he yet wears but the child's boss (of which see Persius, Sat. 5.) practises at the fritillum, or box, out of which they cast their dice (of which also see Persius, Sat. 4.) In like manner from Old Gluttons they learn to be young gluttons; as in daintiest Cookery, nearly to scrape your mushromes, radere tuberae; though ac∣cording to some copies, as Lubin tells us, it is ro∣dere, to eat them fiercely; yet this Reading, me∣thinks, is less convenient; first because not so much Gourmandizing, as Daintiness, seems here to be intended, as may appear by the kinds of the meat here named, Mushromes and Fig-eaters; secondly, because it is agreeable to the Philosophy of the Master-cook Apicius, who in his Polyteles, or 7th. book, cap. Tubera, uses this same word, beginning the Chapter thus, Tubera, radis; Juvenal also, Sat. 5. using the same word, —post hunc raduntur tubera terrae. Besides, says he, in the broath with their mushromes they will serve ye up, in an over-variety, the dainty birds called the Fig-eaters, cal∣led so from their delight in figs (with eating of which they grew fat); though it seems they no less affected grapes, according to that of Martial speaking of the ficedula, Cum me ficus alat, cum pascar dulcibus ••vis, Cur potius nomen non dedit uva mihi? The serving-up of choice birds in dainty sauce or broath, was according to the wanton Cookery of those times, and prescribed by Apicius, in his Tro∣phetes, or 6. book, and they are noted for dainties by A Gellius, lib. 15. cap. 8. where from Favorinus we may learn this curiosity, that this was the only bird which was usually eaten All: it being accounted the

act of an ignorant palate to eat any more than the hinder parts of other birds; as he there satyrically implies; to which we may add the superfluity here noted in the luxurious mixtures of mushromes and fig-eaters in the same dish.

2. Slaves Dire Fire-marks and Countrey-jailes. —Inscripta ergastula, carcer Rusticus.— The Poet brings another instance, in Cruelty, saying, that the child learns it, when he sees his father, like another Antiphates (King of the Lestrigonians) or Polyphemus (the Cyclops) both Man eaters, delight in punishing poor offending servants, and that for small faults; as, for a couple of towels, or napkins, Sabana, as (from the Hebrew) the Scholiast calls them, where∣with they wiped themselves at the Bathes, quae forte, says Lubin, in balneo surripuit; which, peradventure, he had s••oln at the Bath. In which passage, the Poet intimates the custome and cruelty of his times concerning poor slaves, and the usage of them, in the words ergastula and carcer rusticus, implying La∣bour and Restraint; as also by the Fettering and the Branding of them. The Ergastula, as Beroaldus says, were places in the Countrey, where servants being settered, did work; Sabellicus more particu∣larly takes them for the places where they digg'd Stone or Metal: but Marcellus Donatus reprehends them both, saying, that they were places, where, after their work, they were kept all night from run∣ning away, and in part proves it from this of Juve∣nal, Carcer rusticus. But these differences may be easily composed, the use of the word extending both to the Places, the Mines and Quarries where they wrought, and to the places where at night for safety they were kept, and figuratively to the per∣sons of servants themselves, as appears by the word inscripta applied to ergastula; fifteen of vvhich ser∣vants usually made an ergastulum commonly so cal∣led; as Apuleius is thought to imply in his Apology, vvhere he speaks of Thalus. The name some derive from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, detineo, because they vvere in custody; others more rightly from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, operor; the over∣seer of which persons was called ergastularius. The poor wretches themselves were often, from their kind of labour, called fossores, their frequent em∣ployment being to dig in their Lords mines and quarries, of stone, chalk, metal, brimstone, and the like (wherein their wealth consisted:) and thus the poor Christians in the first times were lamen∣tably condemned to hard labour, sometimes 2000 at once tasked in the cutting of marble. Besides, they did anciently use to brand their servants with deep characters on their faces, being notes of their Masters, whereby to be known; that if they ran away, they might be taken and brought back again, as Andr. Alciat. notes, Parerg. Juris, lib. 1. cap. 26. And being brought back, the common Letter, where∣with they were branded, to express their fugacy, was Φ or F. Divers also had Iron-collars about their necks expressing their flight: which sometimes was engraven upon a label or plate of brass or iron fastened to their collar, as Pignorius de Servis ob∣serves, p. 22. And even such branding was used sometimes to others besides slaves; Zonaras Annal. Tom. 3. making relation of some, who, for more boldly admonishing the Emperor Theophilu••, had branded on their faces an Epigram of a dozen ver∣ses. The Christian Confessors also were often bran∣ded, as Pont. Diaconus, in vit•• Sancti Cypriani; as also Georgius Longus notes de Annulis Signatoriis, cap. 11. p. 114, 115. And here we may a little farther take notice of the wonderful number of servants amongst the wealthier of the Ancients; which is intimated in that of our Poet, Sat. 6: Ergastula tota whole g••ols or work houses of Slaves, and also in the same Satyre in those words, & castra ••••overi, spoken of the Great Lady, that went to the Bathes with her Camp of attendants, as he elegantly jeers at her. Yet this is but sutable to Story; Pliny, lib. 33. cap. 10. telling that Caecilius left in his Will 3••00 yoke of O••en; of other carrel, 250000, and 4000 servants, as Pignorius observes, de Servis, p. 25••. And that such ergastula dispersed up and down the Countrey contain'd a vast number of servants, may appear by the use of them, which Marius made; who le••••ing loose such servants, rais'd an army of them: for which consideration, the use of them in Contrey labours is warily disliked by Pliny, as a practice full of danger. The Poet going on, says, that thus it is in other vices also, to wit, that by the Parents bad example children are generally cor∣rupted, except some few made by Titan (strictly by Prometh••us the Nephew of Titan) of purer clay, alluding to the doctrine concerning man's Original, mentioned by Ovid. Met. 1. and of which see Sat. 6. Illustrat. 1. Wherefore, says he, fathers should ab∣stain from giving bad example, though it vvere on∣ly for fear of Loss (implied in those words, Absti∣neas igitur damnis) even for the grievous Loss in their own children. He adds, that all Climes and people yield a Catiline; of whom I may note this rarity, that even for Ca••iline, though he be so ge∣nerally and grievously cried down by the Roman Historians, we may find an Excuse at least, if not a Defence, in an Epistle written by Prosperus Fesula∣nus, and prefixed before the Fragments of E••ru∣rian Antiquities preserv'd by him, as he says, and of late years strangely found under ground, and published by the industry of a noble Italian, Curtius Inghiramius; in which the said Prosperus says, Lu∣cius Sergius Catilina quorundam Romanorum Senatorum injuria, aut iniquorum invidorum{que} hominum versutia, & callidate Roma discedere fuit coactus. To deliver the result of the story briefly, He says, that upon the command of Tully then consul, Catiline left the City; and coming into Tuscany, his enemies perse∣cured him; quare arma sum••re cogitur, ut se defen∣deret. The Etrurians, he says, took part with him, and particularly Prosperus his unkle Ancus, who died in the Action; their Town Fesula was plundered, and especially their own family; and only this Prosperus being yet a surviver, adds, — Romam Cice∣roni Consuli scripsi, me criminis patrui, si modo crimen est, quibus debemus obedire, participem non esse; nihil epistola mea operata est. This Prosperus was, as he tells us, of the royal blood, of the Old Etrurian Kings; and that the heat of the War fell after∣wards upon Him. I may add out of the Etrurian Antiquities themselves, lib. 2. p. 155. this Memorial; Lucius Sergius Catilina optima indolis adolescens, Ci∣vis{que} optimus a calumniatoribus pene oppressus fuit. Roma est repleta seditionibus, Thuscia armis, Italia omnis ti∣more, & .... Dii quid futurum fit norunt: homines, ne omnibus mala eveniant, timent. Ego Prosperus Ve∣sulius Augurum Soriba hane Breviarii partem scripsi. Which last, it seems, by this relation, was written in the time of the Action, before the event. Having a copy of these Historical Antiquities in my hands, I thought the imparting of thus much news in this story, though a little differing from our Poet's judgement, would not be unacceptable. But the Reader may take notice, that the whole work is by Leo Attatius a learned Jesuite, judg'd to be suppo∣sitious, as he indeavours to prove in his large Ani∣madversions upon it.

3. —Though these Faults one half-peck of Dust and one Lad mend, —& tamen uno Semodio scobis hac emendat Servulus unus. Diligent men are, says the Poet, in other things, though but small; yet neg∣ligent in the education of their children. Thus if a friend is to be entertain'd, and so expected, One must sweep-down the Cob-webs, another wipe∣clean the plate, both the plain plate (lave argen∣tum) and the rough, or engraven (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉): and if thy walk or gallerie be soul, thou art angry, though a boy, with a scuttle of dust strew'd over it, will easily mend it. Wherein he implies a cu∣stome of sprinkling dust upon a float to make it handsome. Semodio scobis are the Poet's words; Scobs signifying not only saw-dust, (the dust of wood) but also that which comes-off from metal, such as pin-dust. But the Scholiast here on the word Scobis says, Non 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉(some read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) the dust of wood, which is called common∣ly Serrago, as being most usually wrought-out with the Saw; seeming to mean, that saw-dust, or the dust of wood, is not here to be understood; and therefore rather the dust of metal: which indeed is more neat, though a troublesome curiosity in stately and wanton houses, and somewhat difficult to be understood, at least Beleiv'd, if the very practice were not reported in story. For thus Heliogabalus strew'd his porticus, his gallery, or walk, with the dust of Gold and Silver, as Britan∣nicus notes out of Lampridius: and Gallienus the Emperor, as Autumnus adds out of Trebellius Pollio, sprinkled his own hair thus with Gold-dust; which probably being wrought-off with the file, per∣chance the word Scobs is thence derived; Scobina being used by Tertullian, in Apologet. in that sense, for a file. But says the Poet, men are not thus careful of their children, but giving them bad ex∣ample, they are surely attended with as bad imi∣tation. And this they do, says he, as naturally, as the young vulturs learn of the old their kind of food and nest; fetching that, like the old ones, from Crosses (or in a less accurate, but proportional expression, from gibbets, Crucifying in Juvenal's time being in practice; though afterwards forbid∣den, as the Scholiast says; and as Pithaeus notes out of St. Austin, Quast. in vet. Testament. by an Edict made, as the Ecclesiastical Historians tells us, by Constantine.) They learn also, says he, when they are grown big, to rest themselves like the old ones, in their own trees. Yet here Caelius Secundus Curio observes out of Pliny, that the vultur nestes not in Trees, but on high Rocks; though he himself makes answer, that it may be on Trees growing on high Rocks, as we may see them, says he, often grow. Howsoever, the objection is but Pliny's assertion, and what is that more then Juvenal's, unless sometimes it be of the two the more Poe∣tical. But thus, says the Poet, the Son will imitate the Father, as the Son of Centronius imitated and exceeded his Father, that vain builder, who raised such stately houses at Tibur (called from the high situation of it, Arx Tiburis) exceeding the state even of sacred peices dedicated to the Gods: his buildings at Tibur surpassing the Temple of Hercules there, (for so some expound it; where was also a famous Library mention'd by Agellius, lib. 18. cap. 3.) and his other structures raised at Praneste, out-vy∣ing the Temple of Hercules there, (for so some ex∣pound this likewise, where was also a famous Ora∣cle, as Strabo relates, lib. 5.) yet here may very aptly be understood with less search, the Temple of Fortune at Rome, built of most precious marble, as Pliny notes, lib. 36. and likewise the Temple of Hercules at Rome built very stately by Domitian: which may, methinks, be here the more easily and sutably understood (though truly also the other) because he mentions presently afterwards the Capi∣tol likewise, a Roman structure, which, as he notes not without indignation, was exceeded by Posides an Eunuch, and but Claudius the Emperors freed∣man; whose vast buildings near the Baian shoar, mention'd by Pliny, were call'd the P••sidian Baths; not the Possidonian, as some mistake.

4. Only the Clouds ànd Heaven's One Pow'r adore. Nil praeter nubes & Coeli Numen adorant. He shews in another particular, that the Son vvill likewise imitate the Father if addicted to the Jew∣ish devotion: which he expresses by some speci∣alties, as Abstaining from Swine's flesh and Labour on the Sabbath day; also by Circumcision (calling the Jews, Verpos; the etymologie whereof I had rather you should learn from Alex. ab Alex. lib. 4. cap. 26. or from Scaliger, de lingua Latina, lib. 1. cap. 28. then from my Illustrations) also by their worshipping, as he says, only the Clouds and One God, and by their refusing of Commerce with any, but of their own Religion. In most of which par∣ticulars he speaks but according to the common misinformation, which the Romans had concerning the Jews; as that they would not shew the way, or a Fountain to a weary travailour, unless one of their own religion: though the Scholiast expounds, non monstrare vi••s, by non confiteri religion••s secreta, and so upon fontem, he says, ubi baptizantur; which were, methinks, to make the accusation of the Jews more slight; This being but to accuse them of Niceness in their Zeal, but that of Inhumanity. Besides, though the Poet seems not to acknowledge by the Light of Nature a Seventh day's worship of the Divine Power, yet a Set-worship, and that at Set-times is mention'd in him, and, though with some superstition, as he intimates, in the practice, particularly in the sixt Satyre; where he speaks of those Women, who held it a Crime to use the Li∣berty of the Marriage-bed upon their Sacred Days. But the chief doubt is about the Deity, which they were said to worship; which is here called, Nubes and Coeli Lumen, as some would have it. But the best Copies and Criticks have here Coeli Numen, aptly proving it from that of Tacitus speaking of the Jews (Histor. lib. 5.) Judaei mente sola unumque numen intelligunt. Profanos, qui Deorum imagines mor∣talibus materiis in species hominum effingant: and so Dion Cassius in his History, lib. 37. observes it, as a Singularity in the Temple of Jerusalem, that there were no Images in it. So that they are noted for two things, contrary to the Roman devotion, their Denying both a Plurality of Gods, and the Represen∣tation of their Own One God, in Statue. And whereas the Poet says, that they worshipp'd the Clouds, Britannicus thinks, that it alludes to Aristophanes in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. against Socrates, who was in effect accused as one that Ju∣daiz'd; and especially to the frequent Appearings of God in the form of a Cloud; as at the Red Sea, at Mount Sinai, and in the Temple; many of the Heathen being acquainted with the Holy story, as plainly enough appears (to omit farther proof) from this mention of Moses, by our Poet. In which exposition the Interpreters proceed upon this ground, that the true Copies have Numen; yet it had been more like Equity, if they had disprov∣ed such copies, as have Lumen: which, methinks, they might have done, because Lumen might imply

that, which concerning the Jews, was most false; namely, that they worshipped the Sun and Stars; for, what else could fitly be understood by Coeli Lumen? Or else, if at the best, it should be taken but for a larger explication of Nubes, that were but either an Impropriety, or a Tautologie, Clouds being usually not very light, especially compared with the body of the skie; or if they were, then Nubes and Coeli Lumen were but the same.

5. —Putri{que} Siluro, Those, says the Poet, that are addicted to money, are as diligent in watching of it, as in the Fables, the Dragon that kept the Gar∣den of the Hesperides (the daughters of Atlas) whence Hercules notwithstanding stole the Golden Apples; or, as the other supposed Dragon at Col∣chos in Pontus, whence Jason is said to have stollen the golden Fleece. And, as they are thus watchful in keeping, so, as base in getting; pinching the bel∣lies of their servants, in not affording them their due allowance, while they serve them, as he says, modio iniquo; a servant's ordinary allowance in bread-corn for a day, being about a Quart. Besides, says he, they have so much as a little minc'd meat, (minutal; divers kinds of petty ingredients mix'd together, and therefore by some called also Vari∣um) reliques not worth the keeping, specially in mid-September, when they are apt to corrupt. Yet then also, says he, they do, —differre in temp••ra ••an•• Alterius conchen, even a few beans already dressed, and, as he adds, signat••m, kept under lock and key, as we may say; but according to the suspicious art of those times, kept under Seal. Which cates, says he, they reserve—astivi cum parte lacerti, with the scraps of some summer-fish, and half a Silurus, which is now stinking-ripe, and at the best but vile, and with these even a large leek, and every string of it; porrum sectivum, non capitatum, says Lubin: that even a Bridge-ghest, or beggar waiting at a bridge for relief, would scorn to come, though in∣vited, to such cheer. In which passage, instead of conchen (a bean) some read concham [a shell-fish:] so Caeli••s Secundus Curio; but, me-thinks, conche be∣ing mentioned before, Sat. 3. in that passage, Cujus conche tumes? as a part of base diet, it does the more probably suit with this place. Likewise concerning the Silurus [not to pass it by unexpounded] though in the 4th. Satyre I render it only in general, fish, from those words, fracta de merce siluros, the place requiring no more special rendring: yet here it be∣ing mentioned with other fish, it seem'd convenient, our language wanting a name for it, to give it one for distinction, and from the etymologie answera∣ble to the Greek name, silurus, a nimble-tail. For, whereas some would have it to signifie a sturgeon, me-thinks, they do too incongruously forget the baseness of the diet here intended.

6. Old trots teach boys thus, that three farthings crave. Hoc monstrant vetula pueris poscentibus assem. They think, says the Poet ironically, that by such Thrift, and encrease of wealth, they shall scape sickness and Infirmity, and therefore bid their sons with uncessant industry imploy their time, either in the Law (whose Titles were written in Red Letters, and thence called, Rubriques, as Persius speaks, Sat. 5.) or in the Wars, that so they may get a Vine-rod (that is, a Centurion's place, who, by his Office, carried a Vine-r••d (or cudgel) where∣with to correct offending souldiers) and by more eminent service, as against the Moores, or Brigants, (of whom, see Mr. Cambden, who shews them to have inhabited York shire, and other places) obtain a wealthy Eagle (that is, the Office of a Standard-bearer) or in Merchandise, or other T••ading, though the basest, and from the most stinking wares, as hides of beasts, or the like, most fit to be ••••••∣ried to the other side of Tiber (where persons of such nostrils dwelt.) Such rules, says the Poet, (citing one of more note out of En••ius) your nurses teach children, when they can yet scup•••• smatter, or crave three farthings for their sp••rt, or fruit: which rules, says he, they will quickly out∣go, and when once come to age, stoutly ••or••wea••, even whiles, according to the custome, they touch the Altar and Foot of Ce••es her self (though so ce∣lebrated for her severe purity, Sat. 6. in those words, Paucae adeo C••reris vi••••••s contingere dig••••) But what, says he, will be the effect of these thy rules at last, who settest thy heart upon money, as the Decii and Menoeceus (the son of King Creon) did once set their hearts upon their Countreys, Rome and Thebe, for which they willingly lost their lives? Why surely in the conclusion, thy son will prove like the tame Lion (in the time of Domitian) that drew his keeper into his den, and killed him. For so he already grieves at thy long life, thinking thee like an Aged Hart, [which, some think, lives 900 years; but Story ••ess••fies that one has lived a∣bove an 100 years, being sound with a golden collar cau••'d to be put on by Alexander the Great, and in time quite covered with a deep sat, as Pliny relates; but some would here read C••rvina sonectus, and apt∣ly enough, if there were Copy for it.] Nay, says the Poet, going on in his speech, thy son has already east thy nativity [he has been with a cunning man;] so that thou must be glad to take, against his slie purposes, some of Mithridates his Antidote [such as indeed Kings and Fathers must in wisdome take, whose deaths are so commonly gaped after] if thou would'st but one year more gather a fig, or rose. In which passage there is some difference amongst the Interpreters about that place, —Pueris poscen∣tibus assem, divers reading, —Vetulae pueris repentibus assa, making the sense this, that Nurses thus teach children, which can yet scarce creep about; taking assae for nutrices, according to that of Nonius Marcel∣lus, in Assas, porro nutrices & nutricios Tatas & Mam∣mas appellabant, as appears from an ancient Inscrip∣tion, as Pignorius observes, de Servis, p. 193. The learned Rigaltius adds here, that in an old Glosse, it is said Asse dicuntur Adsestrices; but he prefers this, which I here use. One Manuscript, [that of Corpus-Christi Colledge] does in the margin expound assas, by siccas nutrices. i. e. Sine where; quas nunc terpsasas vo∣cant; dry nurses, now called terpsasae. It seems he takes the word from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so it shall be as much as oblectatrices, Pleasers of little ones; women that attend on them. But the most easie and approved Reading is, poscentibus assem, agreeable to that in Sat. 5. — assem{que} rogatum; implying the manner of little ones, that childishly crave for some small coin.

7. —At watchful Castor's shrine. —Et ad vigilem ponendi Castora nummi. The Ancients did use to lay up their great treasures in the Temples, as count∣ing them safe, being committed to the custody of the Gods: yet, as the Poet jeers, they were glad to change their Gods, carrying their wealth to Ca∣stor's Temple, whereas before it was committed to the custody of Mars, till his own helmer was stoln from him. Where Rigaltius wittily observes, that not only his Offensive arms, as his spear, were ta∣ken from him, but even his Head p••e••e, his Defence. Justly therefore did Tertullian (in his Apologet••) ••out at the Heathen Gods, saying, that Caesar's foul,

diers were sain to guard their Gods, speaking of the Temples wherein their treasures were laid up; giving that for the reason, why Juvenal here says; vigilem Castora; not that the God, but that the soul∣dier kept the true watch. And well might he say so, the Poet having before, Sat. 13. v. 152. told of a bolder thief, qui bracteolam de Castore ducat: so that Castor too was in no better case than his fel∣lows. See of this custome somewhat before, Sat. 10. Illustrat. 2.

8.—That through the Air's free scope Is swing'd aloft, or slides down a stretch'd rope. —Jactasa Pe∣tauro Corpora, qui{que} solet rectum descendere funem. No stage yields better mirth, says the Poet, than one vexing himself to grow rich: nay, 'tis better sport, says he than to see one swing'd in the Petaurus, called so, as is commonly known, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉& 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, flying in the air; as if the motion of the bo∣dy were as swift; as Evitannicus notes on this place. Dempster on Rosinus, lib. 5. cap. 1. take it for the sport of casting one's self through an hoop, without touching it. Circulus erat, says he of the Petaurus, quem intactum certantes transvolabant; but Lubin a little more warily says, tum magna solertia—transvo∣labant; it à tamen ut vix circulum corpore tangerent. But Hieron. Mercurialis, an excellent Italian Anti∣quarie, takes the sport here intended, to be of a far different fashion, presenting it from Anti∣quity, in this manner [in his work, de Arte Gym∣nasticâ.] *

[illustration] fanciful representation of a women's rope-sport

Juv. Sat. XIV. Ill. 8.

Concerning the other sport here added, expressed by rectum descenders funem, I find none of the Inter∣preters to make either exposition or doubt of the word descendere, though it may easily suggest some ambiguity to the phanfie, to conceive the manner of the practice; only in the margin of one Manu∣script,

is written conscendere; which seems the clearer, though the other also may be understood, of their cunning slips, and voluntary descents in their performance, more particularly, of their sliding down the rope; and so we may retain the common Reading, descendere.

9. —The Sun's loud sound They'll hear, as in th' Herculean gulf he's drown'd. Audies Herculeo stri∣dentem gurgite solem. The Poet describes the mad∣ness of mens coverous Desires and Projects: who, as he says, uncestantly seek to get even a thousand talents; whereof One being 187 l. 10 s. (as it is rightly summ'd, but falsly printed, by leaving out the 10 s. in the table of the Roman Sesterce, set before the learned Apology of my Honoured friend Dr. Hakewill) a thousand amount to 187500 l. See also, Sat. 3. Illustrat. 18. To effect which vain de∣sires, so many, says the Poet, venture to Sea, that there seem more to dwell on Sea, than on Land, (as Travellers report now of the Rivers and Inha∣bitants of China.) To make a voyage in the Medi∣terranean Sea, whither it be near the bottom of the Straights, in the Carpathian Sea, between Rhodes and Aegypt, or neerer either the Middle, or En∣trance of the Straights, as in the Lybian Sea, they esteem it as nothing, unless they pass Calpe, (so call'd, because it is like an Ʋrne, as the Scholiast notes; it being one of Hercules his pillars; to wit, that on the Spanish side of the Straights, call'd now according to some, Gibraltar, the other on the Afri∣can being called Abyla, and now according to some, Ceuta,) and unless they hear the noise of the Sun, when he sets in the Sea, [as vulgarly was thought;] nay, unless they may say, that they have seen Sea∣monsters [such as Mear-maids, and young Tritons, half men, half fish, such as was in fiction, Triton, the son of Neptune.] Nor are these humours to be wondred at in men, there being more kinds of mad∣ness than one. Orestes was mad after one fashion, thinking himself not safe, though in the custody of his own sister Electra: Ajax was mad after another fashion, imagining that when he struck Oxen, Aga∣memnon and Ʋlysses roar'd. And is not he as mad, though he rears not his clothes off his back, who for wealth, which he has not, will lose that which he has, and perchance in a tempest be put to swim for his life, and instead of 1000 talents which he madly hoped for, be glad to save his poor purse in his left hand, whiles he helps himself with his right, or, in necessity of stronger swimming, ridicu∣lously in his mouth, so to save himself by the ad∣vantage of both hands? And yet, says he, after his escape, though lamentable, he must be glad to see himself still in a painted tempest, it being the man∣ner after such calamity, to carry at their back the picture of their ship-wrack, so to procure compas∣sion and relief. In which expression, to lay some smaller observations together, we may a little more take notice of some things, and in the order they are touch'd by the Poet. First then concerning Calpe, we may hear Priscian [in His way of Obser∣vation] making a Grammar-wonder, that Juvenal makes the last syllable of that ablative short; it be∣ing of the nature of Penelope, Arachne, and the like, alwaies long. Yet Coelius Secundus Curio shews, that likewise Ruffus Festus the Interpreter of Aratus makes it short: besides, others think, that in this place this word is of the third declension; so that though there be ordinarily Calpe, Calpes, yet there is also Calpis, Calpas; from whence the word here used descends. But setting aside this somewhat necessary nicety, we may next take notice of that ancient phansie, which was greatly entertain'd, con∣cerning the Sun's noise at his setting; Antiquity thinking when it went down in the western Ocean, as they conceiv'd, that it made a noise like burning iron, when dipped in water. Nor was this a vanity only in the People, but also in the Poets; [as might be plentifully shew'd] nay, in Possidonius a Philo∣sopher [as Strabo testifies] and in Epicurus himself, as Rhodigine nores, lib. 24. cap. 13. Indeed, in the utmost west of Spain, the manner of the Sun set [rejecting the fiction of the noise] seems to be very admirable, both for the vastness of the Sun's body; Artemidorus, according to Strabo, lib. 3. anciently affirming it to seem an hundred times as big as or∣dinarily in other places [caused by the interposed vapours of the Sea] and also for the various shapes in which it appears, as Joan Baptisla Suarez de Sa∣lazar a Prebendary of the Church of Cadiz, learn∣edly and delightfully relates, in his Antiguedades Ga∣ditanas, lib. 1. cap. 6. p. 86 where he testifies, [and who could be a better witness?] that it is very ad∣mirable, por los hermosos y estrannos arreboles que le cercam; y por las sentellas, que parecem saltar de las aguas, haziendo el sol en ellas, ayudado con sus enriza∣das olas, mil tornas••les, y cambiantos. 1. For the beauti∣ful and strange red [or fiery] strakes, which incompass it, and for the sparkles which seem to leap from the waters, the Sun making in them being help'd by their rufled waves, a thousand alterations, like so many changeable silks. The which relation of Salazar, Philosophy may some∣times admit, as upon an occasional multitude of vapours; but that it is so but sometimes Experi∣ence also may teach. For in the year, 1622. my self being in those Seas, and sailing from Baiona in Gallicia an hundred leagues towards the West-Indies, to fetch a wind [as out Sea-men call to bring us home into the Sleeve [our English Channe we had not the felicity of such a view. And here it may be farther noted, that the Western [or At∣lantique Ocean] into which, Antiquity thought that the Sun did every night descend, is in the margine of one Manuscript, called Mare mortuum, as also by the Scholiast, who adds ultra quod navigare non conce∣ditur: which he might with pardon call so [by way of it seeming till late discoveries, to be as dead, whiles without that lively motion, at least, that im∣ployment, which in other Seas is beheld: but other∣wise, to take it for that which is usually called Maye mortuum [once the place vvhere the unhappy Cities were destroy'd by fire from Heaven] were a mistake, of extent more than the Mediterranean Sea. But from the Scholiast's addition, the learned Pigno∣rius probably collects (in his Symbol. Epist. 14.) that this Sea was not discovered by the Ancients, or, as he says, untill Columbus. Thirdly, we may observe, that when it is said, that the vain Merchant at his return tumida superbus aluta, proud of his swoln bags, (for so commonly, and, as I think, rightly it is ex∣pounded) Lubin offers another exposition also, tel∣ling us, that oluta may be taken for the sails of the ship, because the Galli are said by Caesar to have had sails of such taw'd leather. But this were, me-thinks, little to this purpose, our Poet speak∣ing here not of Gaules, but Romans: besides, what occasion of Pride were This; (for he says, superbus aluta) to come home with sails swoln with wet, whence he might have return'd so from any, though the shortest voyage? Lastly, it may be observ'd, that whereas the Poet uses zona for a purse, it is ac∣cording to the ancient custome, which was to wear their money in their girdles; as appears from that in St. Matthew, cap. 10. v. 9. Provide neither Gold

nor Silver, nor Brass in your purses; it being accord∣ing to the Greek, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in your girdles; and so Crumeniseca, or Crumenisen, a Cut-purse, called by Aristophanes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is by Plautus, in Tri∣nummo, called Zonarius Sector, a Cut-girdle.

10. By night the rich Licinus made a Guard of servants with their buckets watch and ward. Dispo∣suis pradives hamis vigilare Cohortem Servorum noctu Licinus jubet.— In this passage there is much diver∣sity amongst the Interpreters; Britannicus repre∣hending the common Copies (which have hamis) and Reading Armis: but the Scholiast reads hamis, saying, they did watch for the safety of the City, cum hamis & cum aquâ; some taking hamis for hooks, wherewith they pulled down houses in case of fire; though that may not be admitted, the first sylable of the word in that sense being long. But the most accurate Reading and Acception is hamis, as it comes from hama; which signifies a bucket, such as are used when houses are on fire; the first sylla∣ble whereof is also short: and this Reading is chosen by Turnebus, lib. 19. cap. 19. and cap. 23. and defen∣ded, as the best, by Paulus Leopardus, in his Emendat. lib. 9. cap. 23. And, me-thinks, this Reading may yet be farther confirm'd, and that of Britannicus also at once refuted, by that which follows in our Poet, saying, Dolia nudi Non ardent Cynici; where the word Ardent were meerly frivolous, were not the word hamis or the like in sense, implying quenching (by way of opposition) used before. And for the word hama, it is used by the younger Pliny, lib. 10. Epist. 42. where writing to Trajan about a vast fire that happened in Nicomedia, and laying the fault of the increase partly upon the la∣zinels of the people, which stood only looking on, he adds, & alioqui nullus uspiam in publico sipho, nulla hama, nullum deni{que} instrumentum ad incendia com∣pescenda; that howsoever (though they had used their diligence) yet there was no conduit-pipe, no bucket, briefly, no instrument for the slaking of fire.

11.—If broken, 'Twas leaded, or a new was straight be-spoken. —Si fregeris altera fiet Cras do∣mus, aut cadem plumbo commissa manebit. Diogenes his Tub is scarce more known, than mistaken, if we consider it by the vulgar name: which only, be∣cause it has prevail'd in speech, I retain, though the word in the use of speech implies, a vessel of wood; whereas that of Diogenes was of Earth. And this is manifest from this of our Poet, who both plainly denies it to be combustible, (and so not to have been of wood) saying, Dolia nudi Non ardent Cynici, and also calls it testa; adding, that if it were by mischance broken, it was sometimes leaded a∣gain. Which two last things are a little conside∣rable; the Matter, and the Repair of it. And for the first, the name testa does partly declare the matter, being usually drawn from tosta, as being hardened either by natural heat, as in shells, or by the heat of the fire, as in argilla, a clammy earth or clay, or in creta, a kind of chalk; and so as Ju∣venal says, not subject to the fire. Sometimes later is mistaken for it; as the accurate Petrus Nannius observes in his Miscellan. lib. 2. cap. 16. who shews that later does not signifie clay that is hardened in the fire, but only in the sun. For otherwise the Proverb Laterem lavas were without sense; since later, if it were the same with testa, could not by washing become the fouler, and so not signifie, ac∣cording to the intent of the Proverb, Labour in vain. Later then (so called from the broad fashion of it) being earth or clay hardened only in the Sun, is of the nature of a turf, which, the more it is wash'd, the fouler it becomes. For which cause Theocritus calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 1. Lutulentam: which Erasmus rendring by nigram silicem, is repre∣hended by Nannius, the flint being not the fouler for washing. Concerning the second thing here intimated, the repair of an earthen yessel when broken, to omit that which they call plaister of Pa∣ris, said to be made of chalk, throughly boil'd, and kneaded like dough, of which they make statues, that will bear working with the chizel; and to speak only of the ordinary testa, or clammy earth hardened with the fire, if it be cracked, experience teaches to close it again with soder, a lead and pewter tempered together; or with a cement made of rosin, bees wax, brimstone, butter and chalk throughly temper'd. Some with a small square drill (or steel bodkin) will bore holes in a cracked earthen vessel, and artificially sow up a crack with a small wier; then with a little cement so close up the holes, that it shall hold any liquors: which experiment, not vulgar, I have accidentally seen perform'd.

12. — Nay, Narcissus's store Thou'lt slight. —Suf∣ficient animo, nec divitiae Narcissi.— Though a little, says the Poet, be enough for Nature, and so for Wisdome, even such provision of garden-stuff, as served the temperate Epicurus (for he is taken for such an one, by some that think themselves not mistaken) or as, before His daies, served the wise Socrates: yet I will allow thee, according to the Desires of These times, and Otho's size, to seek to attain even a Knight's estate, that is, 3125 l. (which is to be understood of so much yearly revenue;) yea, says he, to get twise as much (6250 l.) or if thou wilt, thrise as much (sac tertia quadraginta, says he, that is, sestertia; 9375 l.) But, says he, if this will not satisfie thee, then will thy greedi∣ness not be content with the wealth of Croesus, or with the riches of Persia; no, nor with the trea∣sures of Narcissus himself. Which expression con∣tains a bitter jeer, Narcissus being but a freed-man, though of Claudius the Emperor; but of so vast an estate and power, that, as it is here implied, it ex∣ceeded example; [see Pliny, lib. 33. cap. 10.] and e∣ven commanded his Lord and Emperor, and that to the killing of the Empress her self, Messalina. Upon occasion of which passage concerning the wealth of Narcissus, Franciscus Floridus Sabinus, in his Lection. Subseciv. lib. 3. cap. 5. vvonders at Erasmus, that he made not this, Divitiae Narcissi, one of his Adagies: to vvhom I may ansvver in his behalf, as I conceive of his Excellent Labour, that his Wit did not con∣sider vvhat Might be, but his Judgement vvhat Was already dravvn into Proverb.

SATYRE. XV.

ARGUMENT.

Th' Aegyptian Gods seem Monsters rare: Th' Aegyptians yet worse Monsters are. Their Feasts they keep with such large Ease, They're not their Mirth, but their Disease. In Cruelty they're unconfin'd, Beyond all Cause; Below their Mind, All Beasts are to their own kind Mild: These Mankind men tow'rds men are Wild. In Aegypt Juvenal did see This Fact: Verse 'tis, Not Poetrie.

MAd (1) Aegypt's Gods all know: the Crocodile, Bythinian Volusius, some so stile. Some to the Snake-fed Ibis erect Shrines. A sacred Monkies golden Statue shines, VVhere (2) the Half-Memnon's Magick strings do sound, And old Thebes Hundred Gates be whelm'd i'th' ground. There (3) Sea-fish, here River-fish they adore: The (4) Dog whole Towns, Diana none implore. Bite but a Leek or Onion, you're Heaven's Foe! O holy Nations in whose Gardens grow These Gods! The woolly (5), Creature's no mans meat; Not the soft kid: but Man's flesh you may eat. When at a Feast Vlysses did intrance Alcinous with such a tale, perchance (6) Some at the Fabler vext; some jeer'd as fast. VVill none into the Sea this fellow cast, VVorthy a true Carybdis, who immane Cyclops and Laestrygonians thus does sain? I'le sooner think a Scylla one may find, Cyane's rocks that meet, and Bags of Wind; Or that Elpenor, upon Circe's fine Touch, grunted straight, and's Rowers all turn'd Swine. VVhat, thinks he we Phaeacians are so vain? From Corcyraean draughts thus one of Brain Yet Free, might have replied. No proof, he knew, Th' Ithacan had. VVe will tell wonders too; VVhen (7) Junius yet was Consul, lately done At Coptus, where they're scalded with the Sun;

The whole Rout's Crime, beyond all Buskin'd strains. For, fra•••••• from Pyrrha all your Tragick Trains, A whole Town's not an Actor. Hear, what Rag•• Has ••••ted then, in this out fiercer Age! Between two Towns, whose fields each other bound, Old grudge, immortal hate, a desp'rate wound Burns still: 'tween Ombos and Tentyra. Th'odds Is, that each place does hate the others Gods. None but their own, they hold, should be esteem'd Divine. At th' Ombians Feast-day then there seem'd To the cheif Tentyrites occasion fit. To spoil the Joy and Feast; whiles they admit Invasion; whiles their Tables were in pride Spread by their Temples and the High-ways side. VVhom lazing on their Feast-beds day and night, The (9) Sun found seav'n days after! A rough sight Aegypt's here; yet the Barb'rous Rout no less I found, then Leud Canopus, for Excess. Besides, they thought the Victory at hand, O're men in VVine, that scarce could speak or stand. They dance, whiles their black Minstrel plays; and now All ointments serve, whiles flow'rs do crown their brow. Hence (10) Hate gnaws these: Loud Quarrels first display Their minds inflam'd; the Trumper to the fray! VVith equal shout their fury meets; insteed Of Sword, their meer hand wounds: few jaws but bleed. The whole Rout scarce yields one whole Nose: but ye May in each Band of them half-faces see; Chang'd faces through torn checks in gastly wise, Bones yawning; fists all blood from wounded eies. Yet this they think but sport, like Armies led By boyes, till on some Carcasses they tred. Indeed, why do so many thousands fight, If all Live! They press then with fiercer might: And stooping down stones they begin to throw; In Home-Sedition These for VVeapons go: Not such as once Turnus and Ajax cast, Or great Tydides, who almost displac'd Aenaeay's hip: but such as our hands throw, Unlike to Theirs; such as our Age does know. From that size men in Homer's time did fall: Tke Earth now brings up men both Bad and small. VVhat Gods look'd-on, with Flout and Hate they view'd. But to bring-on our Fable. VVhen renew'd Th' Assailants are with Aide, their bolder hearts Restore the fight with Swords and gauling darts. The Om••ians turn their backs: The Tentyrites, That do injoy their neighb'ring Palmes delights, Pursue. VVhen one through fear flies headlong; but Falls, and is caught: Him into bits they cut:

That so the Conquering Rout might with this one Carcass rest pleas'd: They gnaw'd clean ev'ry bone! No pot, not spit they us'd: 'twas dull, they saw, To wait the Dressing: it pleas'd well, though raw. VVe may be glad, the Fire was not prophan'd: VVhich wise Prometheus, though by theft, regain'd From Heav'n to Earth. I'me glad for th' Elements sake; And think, Volusius, thou like joy dost take. But He, whose stomack suffer'd him to eat The Carcass, thought he ne'ré had sweeter meat. For doubt not, but that in a Crime so vast The Throat was first pleas'd. He then that came last, The flesh being gone, did drink the blood he found, Scooping it with his fingers from the ground.

The Vascons, Fame says, once fed thus, and were Glad so to live. The Case was Diff'rent: there VVas Fortune's spight, the worst of VVar; indeed A desp'rate state, long siege and gastly need. This Food then and Example might have claim'd Pity; this People, which I thus now nam'd, After all Hearbs, all Beasts, and what the rage Of Famine tempts to (which did half-asswage The Foe, that saw such pale limbs, skin and bone) Tore others flesh, ready to eat their own. VVhat Man then, or what God, could well deny Pardon to such brave Men, as first did try Th' immanest Plague? whom their ghosts might forgive, VVhose Carcasses they eat meerly to Live, Yet Zeno said, we may not for Life do All things. But (11) could a Vascon be a true Stoick in old Metellus's days? Now where Don't they a Greek and Latine Athens rear? Eloquent France does Britans teach to plead: Thule will Rhetoricians hire to Read. Brave yet the People was, I nam'd, no less Loyal, then stour. Sagantus, for distress Of Ruin Greater, a like fact excuses. Aegypt's rage the Maeotick shrine refuses. For though the Taurick Foundress with dire Rites (Not now to distrust Poets) strangers Frights, Nay, kills: yet when the Sacrifice his Life Has lost, he nothing fears beyond the knife, But what hard straight, famine, siege, warlike act, Made these dare such a Monster? By what fact Could they have more made their kind Nilus slow To Rise and their parch'd Memphian Land o're-flow? Ne're Cimbrians, Britons, Tartars, Scythians fought, Although immane, like this vile darstard-rout; Small Sails they hoise in Earthen boats near shoars, In painted vessels plying their short Oars.

What expiating torture can one find For such a Crime and People, in whose mind Dwell a like Rage and Famine!

Gentle hearts To Men, Nature professes she imparts: Which Courteous Tears, our Souls best part, does lend: It bids us then bewail a morning friend; A guilty Prisoners squalid state; a small Orphan, that does his cheating Guardian call T'account; when the Lads locks with tears so flow, That by the face the sex we cannot know. Nature commands a groan, when in the street A ripe-ag'd Virgin's Funeral we meet; Or when (12) a Babe's Interr'd, as, for the Fire, Too young. For, what good man, that would aspire To Ceres secret torch, but must confess, He subject is to All humane Distress? By This from Beasts we differ: Rev'rend wit Man only has, for Divine studies fit, To learn and practise Arts. The Sacred Pow'r VVhich grov'ling Creatures want. At first so kind Was the World's Builder, he gave us a mind: Them only Souls; That mutually we might Ask help and yield it: The disperss'd unite, Leave Groves, that did our Grandsires once confine; Build Houses; To our roof Another's joyn; By doubled trust to make sleep safe: Defend Our Souldiers fall'n, or that with vast wound bend: Give onset at one Trumpet; All arm'd stay In the same Tow'rs, shut up with the same key.

But Serpents now Love more. The wild Beast will (13) Spare one like-spotted. Did e're Lion kill A weaker Lion? In what Forest e're Did greater Boar a Boar in peices tear? The Indian Tigress though she furious be, A Tigress Loves. Fierce Bears with Bears agree. But man dire weapons on like anvile makes: 'Tis nothing Now; when weeding-hooks and rakes The first Smiths made: their tir'd skill did afford Mattocks and Plow-shares; The it knew no Sword. Loe here a Rout, whose Rage is not content To kill a man: The Breast, Armes, Face, are spent As Food! should now Pythagoras his Eie See This; what would he say? whether not flie? VVho did from Beast's Flesh, as from Man's, refrain: Nor (14) could his belly some course Pulse obtain.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Fifteenth Satyre.

Some ancient pretences for the Aegyptian Idolatry, shew'd from Tully, Nigidius Figulus and Porphyry. Sanconiathon, the Tyrian Historian, his Works Lost. The preten∣ces anciently for the Roman and Graecian Idolatry, shew'd from Julian the Apostata, and Maximus, the Tyrian Platonist. Crepitus Ventris, an Aegyptian Deity. Mem∣non's Musical statue. Caeruleus sometimes used for Aequoreus. Brodaeus his Con∣jecture about Aeluri. Mercury anciently worshipp'd by the Aegyptians in the form of Anubis. Juvenal excus'd concerning the worship of Diana in Aegypt. Why the Aegyp∣tians abstain'd from the use of Onions and Mutton. Aretalogus. The troublesome doubt about Consule Vinco, rectified from the best Manuscripts, and the Roman Fasti. The Number of Seven held Sacred by the Aegyptians; shew'd from Pignorius and Leo Afer. The Vascones and Saguntines distinguished; against the Scholiast. The Burying of Infants without Burning. Suggrundarium; the form of it presented. The Tradition concerning Pythagoras his Abstinence from Flesh and Beans, with the Reasons of it, examined from Jamblichus, Laertius, Pliny, Lucian, the Scholiast, Agellius, Hierocles, and Others.

1.MAD Aegypt's Gods All know. —Quis-nescit — qualia demens Aegyptus portenta colat? — That the Aegyptians were monstrous in their way of Religion, we have the testimony of Moses, Exod. 8. v. 26. in those words, Shall we sacrifice the abomina∣tion of the Aegyptians before their eyes, and will they not stone us? And such was the degree of their madness in this point, that in a great famine which once pressed Aegypt, they chose ra∣ther to eat man's flesh, than the flesh of other crea∣tures, which, by their mad superstition, were held to be sacred. Yet wanted they not pretences of reason for their defence: and even Tully Na∣tura Deorum, lib. 1.) could alledge, that there was not any creature worship'd amongst them, but for some special profit which they received by it. For so indeed, according to some, they ador'd the bird Ibis, for eating the eggs of Serpents, which infest their Countrey; and for destroying snakes, as some tell us, which are blown from the Lybian Sands to Aegypt by the East-wind; but I suppose they shoul have said, by the West wind, Lybia lying West from Aegypt. They worship also, which may seem more strange, even the Crocodile, though he devours men; because he kills the Robbers (Lybians and Arabians) which use to swim over the River Nilus, spoiling and murdring the Inhabitants. Nigidius Figulus, that famous Roman, anciently equalled, for his learning, with Varro, does in his Fragments (collected by Rutgersius, in his Var. Lection. lib. 3. cap. 16. p. 280.) in the title, Capricornus, give a fa∣bulous reason of the Aegyptian worship; saying, that the Gods coming down to destroy Typhon a Ty∣rant in Aegyas (whom afterwards Jupiter killed with a thunderbolt) did, whiles they were at consulta∣tion about his destruction, dissemble themselves for certain daies under the shapes of irrational crea∣tures: in remembrance whereof, the People did afterwards worship them under those shapes. But Porphyry [lib. 4. de abstinentia ab esu carnium] gives a more refin'd reason; telling us, that the Aegyp∣tians

did thus shadow their Theologie: because the Divinity passed not only through man, but also through all the Creatures. With which degree of guess at the chief grounds of the Aegyptian Religion, we must rest satisfied: though pity it was, that Posterity is deprived of the books of the Phoenitian and Aegyptian Theologie, written so long since by Sanconiathon, a Tyrian Philosopher and Historian [as Suidas tells us; though Porphyry makes him a Bery∣tian] who is said to have lived before the destructi∣on of Troy, in the time of Semiramis, and of whom mention is made by Eusebius in his Evangelical Pra∣parations [lib. 1. cap. 9. and 10. and lib. 10. cap. 9.] as also by Theodoret, Suidas, and Others: who tell us, that he writ the Phoenician story in that language; which afterwards was translated by Philo Biblius. Yet there wants not store of Others, that have en∣deavoured to supply such interpretation of their mysteries; as Jamblichus, Plutarch, Eusebius [De Prap. Evang. l. 2. c. 6.] Proclus, Porphyry, and of later time Caelius Calcagninus. But whatsoever were the Hieroglyphical reasons, it was aptly said by Josephus against Appion, [lib. 2.] that if the World should fol∣low the Aegyptians in their religion, it would quick∣ly be full of Beasts, and empty of Men. But here we may farther see in our Poet's Censure and De∣scription of the Aegyptian madness, the variety of Idolaters at enmity against themselves? And, alas, the Romans and Graecians did but Think Themselves safe in their way of worship, though they raised their defence to the daz'ling height of Reason: as may be seen in Julian's Fragment of an Epistle pub∣lished by Petavius [p. 534.] where he says, Our Ancestors made Images, and other signs, to be re∣presentations of the Gods, — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. Not that we believe them to be Gods, but that, by them, we may worship the Gods. To which we may add what the elegant Platonist, Maximus the Tyrian has in his Dissertation. 38. where purposely and largely he handles this argument; pleasantly also censuring the Aegyptian devotion, saying, that in Aegypt, The Gods die, and are mourn'd for: that There you may see their Temples and their Sepulchres; that there they offer to them Tears and Honours. And to shew the sure, though ill-grounded superstition of them in this belief, he tells a story of an Aegyp∣tian woman, which nourish'd a young crocodile: whereupon, the rest of the Aegyptians thought her a most happy woman, and the nurse of their God, and not a few sought to please both Her and her Darling. He adds, that this woman had a young son about the age of her God, whose play fellow he was; and that, whiles for tenderness of body the God crocodile seem'd rame, all was well: but that when strength came to him, his nature came to him, and [though he had spoil'd his own sport] he eat up his play-fellow: that the mother not∣withstanding, though indeed wrerched, rejoyced at the death of her child, as most happy, being so honoured as to be made the sacrifice of her house-God. Whether the mother her self also were af∣terwards so honoured or not by her Live Idol, the Author tells us not; but by this we may sufficient∣ly see their dreadful devotion! Which may make less our wonder at a story in Diodorus (a witness of the fact,) who relates, that when Ptolomy enter∣tain'd the Romans, and was declared their Friend, a Roman having but accidentally killed a Cat, was so assaulted by the bloody superstition of the peo∣ple, that neither the Kings Officers sent for his de∣fence, not the terrour of the Romans, though at that time so great, were able to rescue him. But at Pelusium, Crepitus Ventris was a Deity, for which they are jeered at by St. Jerom, in these words on Isaiah, cap. 46. Ʋt taceam de formidoloso & horribill Crepitu ventris inflati, quae Pelusiaca religis est!

2. Where the Half-Meu••non's magick strings do sound. Dimidio magice resonant ubi Me••••••••e cherda. The statue of Memnon at Thebes in Aegypt, (which once had an hundred gates, though in Juvenal's time it was become a ruinous heap) was very fa∣mous. The matter off it was brass, if we believe the Scholiast; but Tacitus in the second of his An∣nals, says it was Stone, the upper part whereof is said to have fallen down in an Earthquake, and that therefore it is here called Limidius Memnon. The Scholiast says, that it was formed holding an harp in its hands (which may be implyed in our Poet's description) and that at certain times it did use to sing. Suidas more particularly says, that it yielded a sound at the rising of the Sun, as soon as the beams of it struck upon the mouth of the statue. Some say, that with an Humane voice it usually sa∣luted the Sun and the King: till that Cambyses coming thither, and destroying the City, caused it, in a curiosity, to discover the suspected fraud of it, to be opened: after which time, though it con∣tinued to salute the Sun, it sullenly left off to sa∣lute the King. See Pliny, lib. 37. cap. 7. Strabe an accurate and inquisitive man, was at this statue with Aelius Gallus (as he tells us in his 7th. book) and heard the sound, but acknowledges, that he could not understand the cause. Conjectere did atrri∣bute it to Magick: and this Oypsie Devil continued this trick till the coming of our Saviour; as Euse∣bius notes, in Chronicis, speaking of Amenophis. But our Poet, if we take resonant strictly, implies that it continued longer even till Juvenal's old age. See concerning this statue, Rhodigine. lib. 22. cap. 5.

3. There Sea-fish, here River-fish they adore. Illic caruleos, hic piscem fluminis, &c. Brodaeus in his Miscell. lib. 7. cap. 2. believes that it should be Illic elures, i. e. feles; the Aegyptians, as is acknowledged, worshipping Cats. But Marquardus Frehevus in his Notes on Ausonius his Mosella, column. 38. Upon that of the Perch, Nec te delicios mensarum, Perca, silebis, Amnigenas inter pisces dignande marinis, says, that those which here Ansonius calls marinos, Juvenal, Sat. 15. in this verse, calls Caeruleos, and commends Scaliger for observing this (upon Tibullus:) but Turnebus also says as much, lib. 8. cap. 17. that cae∣rulei are marini. Which, though I grant to be true, yet not alwaies; as may appear from that passage of Virgil, a Master of the Latine language, in the 8th. of the Aeneads; vvhere he brings in Nilus calling unto him, vvith the vvaring or motion of his gar∣ment, those that vvere overcome and fled, accord∣ing to the Poet's vvords,

Contra autem magno maerentem corpore Nilum, Pandentem{que} sinus, & tota veste vocantem Caeruleum in gremium, latebrosa{que} flumina victos.

Where we may observe, that Caeruleus is applied to a River, particularly to Nilus. Wherefore I would not in this place take it as they do, by way of di∣stinction, for the Sea, as opposite to a River, were it not for these motives: first, because I grant that it does usually signifie as they observe; yet not alwaies, as appears from Virgil: secondly, be∣cause the generality of Copies has caeruleos, not aelu∣ros: thirdly, because otherwise fluminis would seem superfluous, it being enough to have said, Illic aelu∣ros, piscem; but fluminis being added, makes with cae∣ruleos, which goes before, a convenient opposition:

lastly, because, without caeruleos, to have said piscem fluminis, had been to imply, that they worshipped only River-fish; whereas it is acknowledged, that they worshipped both forts.

4. The Dog whole towns, Diana none implore. Oppida toca canem venerantur, nemo Dianam. Con∣cerning the first part of this assertion, Plutarch, de Islde & Osyride, says, that they ceased to worship the Dog, because a dog eat the carkass of Apis, which was cast out by Cambyses; whereas Herodo∣tus (lib. 5.) tells us, that Apis was buried without Cambyses his knowledge, whiles he lay sick, in the Temple, of his thigh which putrifted. Besides, Diodorus and Josephus (lib. 2. contra. Appion.) Wit∣ness that the Dog was worshipped by the Aegyptians; as Pignorius notes, Mens. Isiac. Exposit. fol. 42. Apu∣letus also, lib. ult. Metam. says,—Nuns aurea facie sublimis attollens canis cervices arduos Anubis; love caduceum gerens; implying in effect, that Mercury was worshipped in the shape of Anubis; Anubis be∣ing represented with the ensigns of Mercury. Which may be confirm'd by an expression of Mercury from an ancient statue thus presented in Ottavio Rossi (an Italian Antiquary his (Memorie Bresciane, p. 144. where he says, that (by way of Hieroglyphick) Lo fi∣guravano in un cane con la certra antica, & col caducto. *

[illustration] dog with caduceus

Juv. Sat. XV. Illust. 4.

But concerning the latter part of this verse, our Poet is thought to have erred as much, whiles he affirms, that in Aegypt no body worshipped Diana, it being noted from Herodotus, (lib. 2.) that she was worshipped in the City Bubastis, as Pignorius says, de Mens. Isiae. Expos. fol. 33. and by the name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a•• the Aegyptians term'd her, which in the Greek is the same with 'Asl••••••is (Diana) as Herodo∣tus says expresly in his Euterpe, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Asla••••••. Which worshipping of her under another name, might easily cause our Poet to think her not to be worshipped there at all. Ac∣cording to which concealment of her worship, we may in a like kind farther observe, that when Hygi∣nus, in Capricorne, says Dianam Aelaro simulatam, Pro∣lemaus Flavius, in his Conjectan. lib. 2. cap. 78. cor∣rects it into Aeluro, quae vox, says he, Graecis significat felem, and that so it agrees with the known sable, which tells us that. Diana was turned into a Cat; according to that of the Poet, Fele foror Phabilatuit; and that thus, also she was by consequence wor∣shipped by, the Aegyptians. But Franciscus Floridus Sabinus, in his Lection. Subseciv. lib. 3. cap. 1. would clear Juvenal from his supposed error in this place, by saying, that in particular parts of Aegypt they had particular Deities (as appears by the Ombians and Tentyrites in this Satyre) and so, that he did not deny that she was worshipped there at all, but rather not by all; because by none in those parts where He was. If these helps will not give satis∣faction, we may think, that though she was wor∣shipped there in Herodotus his time, yet in a time so long after, as in Juvenal's, her worship might be out of request, especially where they had such store of Deities. Or what if it be supposed, that Juvenal peradventure was ignoram, coming to Aegypt, but like Canis ad Nilum, to have a lap and away; and so was not so cunning in all the Aegyptian Deities; Varro himself testifying, that even all the learned were not acquainted with all the ancient Deities. Lastly, it may be said, that if in our Author this be an error, he is yet, being a Poet, as excusable as Plutarch, a Philosopher. And here Britannicus aptly notes, that the Poet wittily jeers, whiles he says, that the mad Aegyptians worshipped Dogs, and yet not Diana her self, though the Hunting-Goddess, that employed them.

5.— The woolly Creature's No man's meat.—La∣natis animalibus abstinet omnis Mensa.— The Poet Proceeds here to mention other things, which the Aegyptians did forbear to eat, as Leeks, Onions, and Murtons the two first being, as some write, contrary to the nature of the Moon, decreasing when she in∣creases, increasing when she decreases: thelast being the flesh of the most lazy creature, the Sheep. For which cause also they hated Wooll, as an excre∣ment

of that creature, as Pign. notes in Mens. Isiac. Exposit. fol. 11. which is proportionally agreeable to Apuleins [in his Apologie] who tells us, that amongst o∣ther rules of Orpheus and Pythagoras, one was, that a garment of wooll was to be accounted Prophane.

6. Perchance some at the Fabler vex'd, some jeer'd as fast. Bilem, aut risum fortasse quibusdam Moverit, ut mendax aretalogus—. When Ʋlysses, says the Poet, making relation of his travels to Alcinous King of Phaeacia (otherwise Corcyra, now the Iland Corsu) by whom he was entertain'd, did recite the monstrous fables concerning the Cyclopes and Lastrigonians, some Corcyraean as yet sober might well have replied, that He would rather believe the report concerning Scylla and Carybdis, the Cyanean rocks at the Thracian Bosphorus, the Bags, that Aeolus kept the Winds in; and that Elpenor (the compa∣nion of Ʋlysses) was with his Sea-men turn'd to hogs by Circe's enchantments; then that there were any Men-eaters: and that he might therefore like∣wise well have said, Is there no body that will throw into the Sea this lying Imposter Ʋlysses, this Aretalogus, seeking to please us by abusing us? Which name, Aretalogus, is here by some taken for a description of Crispinus the Aegyptian; who is set∣out also, Sat. 4. not without scorn. The word is by some drawn from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉(gratus) pleasing, signifying such as speak pleasing things, delighting guests and moving to laughter; so Marcellus Dona∣tus: who in his Dilucidations, on Sueson's Augustus, cap. 74. says it may come likewise from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so takes it for such as talk of vertue, but do not practice it, (like those touch'd in the Second Sa∣tyre, in which sense or near it, as Casaubon, on that of Sueton, takes it for a Parasitical Philosopher) and for this reason Donatus thinks that mendax is added. But the first interpretation is the most received; as by Turnebus (Adversar. lib. 10. cap. 12.) and Others; and so Aretalogi are by Pignorius (de Ser∣vis, 79.) rendred by Narratores, Fablers.

7. When Junius yet was Consul: lately done. —Sed nuper Consule Junio Gesta—. Some would have it here, Consule Junco, some Vinco, though without proof and congruity: but the best Copies [the Poetry being helped by a Synaeresis] have Junio, as Pithaeus reads, according to two Manuscripts which he used, and accordingly he expounds it of Appius Junius Sabinus, who as he says, was Colleague with Domitian, A. V. C. DCCCXXXVII. Which read∣ing I likewise choose both for the like warrant of Copie and agreement of time: for though that Ta∣citus tells us of T. Vinius, who was Collegue with Galba, and so it might by conjecture be Consule Vi∣nio, yet both the word Nuper must here somewhat guide us, and the probable time of this fact, which being at Juvenal's abode in Aegypt, cannot be better placed, then in the raign of Domitian. And this Read∣ing, Junio, is confirm'd by two of the Copies, which I use (Corpus-Christi & Ben. Jonson's Manuscripts.) Onely we a little rectifie the time of this Junius his Consulship, it being one year before that which Pi∣thaeus assigns; namely, in the year of Rome, DCCCXXXVI. in the fourth [or, as some, in the third] year of Domitian, at which time Juvenal was in Aegypt, as is shew'd in his Life. The Poet adds, that what He himself will here relate, exceeds all Tragedies, figuratively meaning so by syrmata, which are the stately long roabs worn by great per∣sons presented in Tragedies. But whereas such facts are usually of some One, or but of Few per∣sons, as an Orestes, a Medaea, a Thyestes, or the like; This was the Fact and Monster of a People.

8. Ombos and Tentyra. The common Copies have here, Combos: but the accurate Ortelius following Antoninus has Ombos, aptly supposing the mistake to have been committed by the Amanuensis, who, when the Copie was read unto him, hearing adhuc Ombos, writ the last letter of the first word twice, and so writ adhuc Combos. As for the quarrels here des∣cribed by our Author, amongst the Aegyptians, they are by Diodorus Siculus, lib. 1. said to have been nourish'd by some of the Aegyptian Kings in policy; so to keep the People, whiles ridiculously divided, from the danger of Conspiracies: though there were other reasons also of such worship, as Francis∣cus Floridus Sabinus shews in his Lection. Subseciv. lib. 3. cap. 1. And from these Aegyptian frensies in irreligion, arose afterwards amongst the Christians [according to some] the wretched fancies of the Manichies, Gnosticks and Marcionites. But concern∣ing the Combatants here spoken-of, some, as the learned Salmasius, deny the Ombians and the Tenty∣rites to have been neighbours. Indeed if we look into the Geogr. Vet. publish'd by the accurate Ber∣tius, we shall find Ombi [as he has to be seated about 24. degrees in North-Latitude, and on the East of Nilus; and Tentyra about 26. degrees, and on the West of Nilus; and so about 2 degrees, or 120. miles, asunder. Yet if by these names we understand the People, as the chief of those parts in Juvenal's time, they may easily be admitted to have been neighbours, and in zeal to their own su∣perstition to have been also enemies; the Tenti∣rites destroying Crocodiles, and the Ombians adoring them. But one cannot reasonably imagine, that Juvenal should tell so strange a story, & though he were then in Aegypt, mistake the names of the peo∣ple, that were the Actours.

9. The Sun found Seven days after—! Septimus interdum sol invenit—. The Aegyptians (as also Pytha∣goras) held the number of Seven to be Sacred; and more especially they believ'd, that whiles their feast of seven days lasted, the Crocodiles lost their inbred Cruelty. See Pignorius, in Mens. Isiac. Ex∣pos. fol. 18. Leo Afer also (in his description of Africa, lib. 8.) says that even in His time (who lived but in the time of Pope Leo the tenth, who gave him his own name in Baptisme, upon his con∣version from Mahometanisme) the custome of feast∣ing seven days and so many nights was still used for the happy overflowing of Nilus. The Poet adds, that though the Aegyptians in that part where he was, were but barbarous, they were as luxurious as the Canopians: under which name he aims at Cris∣pinus, who in the beginning of these Satyres is cal∣led Verna Canopi, and so base, even amongst the Aegyptians; their Priests being Free-men, their Crafts-men Servile, as the learned Cunaeus notes on this Crispinus; de Repub. Hebr. lib. 1. cap. 5.

10. Hence Hate gnaws These. Hinc jejunum odi∣um! He speaks of the envious Tentyrites, who griev∣ed at the Ombians jollity, passed from Spight to a Fight, and for want of weapons, to throwing of stones, though not very great, but suteable to the size of men now-adays, says the Poet, according to the common complaint about the supposed decay of Man's stature; Pliny in his 7th. book, denying an increase, whiles he says, that few men are tal∣ler than their parents; of which kind of com∣plaint and mistake, see largely and learnedly, in Dr. Hakewill his excellen Apologie. But, says the Poet; A diverticulo repetatur fabula (that is, to return to our relation) the Tentyrites, who de∣light in their stately palme-trees, put the Onbians

to slight, and press them sore, Terga fugae celeri prae∣stantibus omnibus instant: in which place one manu∣script has it thus, Terga fugae celeri praestant instanti∣bus orbes; by which seem to be meant Ombiorum or∣bes saltatorii, that the Ombians dancing in Rounds, being put to the worst, fled: but the contexture following is more agreeable to the common copies, which have—Terga—praestantibus omnibus, instat Qui vicina colunt.—Some read—praestant instantibus Ombis: but then the next verse—Qui vicina, &c. would imply, that the Ombians conquer'd them that dwelt at Tentyra (the Seat of their enemies,) Vicina Ombo∣sae Palmae, for which some read Pampae, making it the name of a Town; but this change is of small use. Where we may farther note, that Lubin far∣ther expounds terga fugae praestare, by exhibere terga fugae, which I believe to be right, yet not all; the word praestare seeming to imply a scoff at their cowardly flight, as if, me-thinks, he said, they stoutly ran away, they made good, or maintain'd their backs to their enemies: meaning that they would never turn their faces again to fight like men. But in the flight, says the Poet, one of the Ombians fell; who was presently by his enemies slain, and eaten raw: and well it was, says he, that they did not dress him; for by this means the Fire was not pro∣fan'd. For which, says the Poet, as some Interpret it, I conceive a joy; and I think it self does so, whereby they would attribute figuratively the like joy to the Fire also: but the Poet says,—Elemento graetulor, & te Exultare reor,—which last words he speaks to his friend Volusius, to whom he writes this Satyre, I believe Thou also art glad, that the Fire was not prophan'd: implying, as some note, that Volusius was a Pythagoraean, and so held the Fire to be sacred: and accordingly I render it,—I'm glad for th' Element's sake; And think, Volusius, Thou like joy dost take. But he that came, says our Historian, when the flesh was eaten, scoop'd up the blood with his hand, so to have a draught. In which passage, it being according to the ordinary copies,—Ʋltimus autem Qui stetit absuinpt•• jam corpore, Lubin offers a pretty conjecture, namely, for stetit, sitit: implying, that he which came last, and so was yet thirsty, scoop'd up his draught vvith his hollovv'd hand; for a guess is plausible.

11.—But could a Vascon be a true Stoick, in old Metellus's daies—?—Sed Cantaber unde Stoicus, anti∣qui praesertim aetate Metelli? The Vascons, says our Author, did once, as Fame tells us, eat Man's flesh, but it was in extream necessity, in a doleful siege: and though Philosophy teaches, that a man should not do All things to preserve life, yet how could a rude Vascon in the daies of Metellus, be a Philoso∣pher? But now indeed there are Schools of learn∣ing every where: the Britans being thus taught by the French, and the Inhabitants even of Thule (Island, as Mercator, but Tile-mark a part of Norway, as Ortelius thinks) now entertaining Professors of Rhetorick. The Saguntines likewise are said to have eaten Man's flesh, but it was in a like dreadful di∣stress: but the rage of these Aegyptians is such, that the like is loath'd at the Taurick shrine of Diana; where, though men are slain for sacrifices to the Goddesse, yet they are not eaten afterwards! But thus barbarously do these wretches provoke their kind Nilus to deny the enriching of their Countrey henceforth with his floods; they being more fierce than the Cimbrians, Britons, and such like, though indeed but very dastards, fearing to put to Sea, un∣less in their petty vessels, their tile-ships, and in Them but creeping by the shoar. In which pas∣sage though the Scholiast, and, as it seems, Lubin takes liere the Vascons and the Saguntines for one people, and so take it but as one instance, other In∣terpreters do rightly distinguish them: the Vascons being a part of the Ancient Cantabrians in the North-East of Spain (their Countrey being by Ortelius now taken for Navarre] and their City, wherein they suffered the distress here mentioned, being Cae∣laguris, now Calahorra, by the river Iberus: but the Saguntines being a people in Hispania Tar∣raconensi, as Ortelius has it, and so in the South-East of Spain, and their City Saguntum being now Morvedre. Besides, our Author does here clearly distinguish them; shewing that the Vascons were equal for their fidelity to the Romans, but the Sa∣guntines exceeded them for calamity; Nobili•• ille tamen populus, quem diximus, & par Virtute at{que} ••••ae, sed major clade Saguntus. Story will clear this; the Saguntines besieg'd by Hannibal, being destroyed; but the Vascons though distressed, whiles besieged by Metellus, being notwithstanding at last delivered by Sertorius, who was besieged with them, as Flo∣rus (not the elegant Historian) relates in his Epi∣tome of Livy, lib. 92. For the did not only by many sallies out of the City exceedingly damnifie the be∣siegers (Metellus and Cn. Pompelus sent by the Ro∣mans) but by brave valour and art raise the siege, making Metellus glad to betake himself to the far∣ther parts of Spain, and Pompey to France, as Florus also relates in his Epitome of Livie, lib. 93. Yet be∣fore this deliverance, the City Calaguris did indeed suffer extremest famine, as the Elegant Florus says in his History, lib. 3. cap. 22. where speaking of the Cities which were recovered after the death of Ser∣torius, he says, Ipsae quo{que} in Romanam fidem venere Ʋrbes, Osca, Terme; Tutia; Valentia, Aunima, & in fame nibil non experta Calaguris. But here to me does appear a doubt not taken notice of by the In∣terpreters or Others, yet necessary to be consider∣ed and resolved; and that is; with what congruity Juvenal can here praise the Vascons for their loyal∣tie to the Romans even in this their siege, equalling them with the Saguntines (saying, that they were Populus par fide but minor clade) whereas it is ap∣parent, that they took part with Sertorius, who was a declared Rebell against the Romans? In the di∣stress of this difficulty (which peradventure was the cause of error both to the Scholiast and Lubin) to deliver mine own guess, I conceive thus. Juve∣nal, as it appears from divers passages of his work, was a Lover of the Liberty of his Countrey, the Roman Common wealth; and in effect, thought the Caesars themselves but Intruders upon the ancient and Roman Liberties, having but by force and fraud mastered their own Countrey; of which originally and rightly they were but private parts. Accord∣ing to which perswasion we may find him, Sat. 5. magnifying Thraseas, Helvidrus, the Bruti and Cas∣sius; and on the contrary, Sat. 1. and 2. speaking by name against Sylla, and jeering at his three disci∣ples, as he calls them. Next we may observe, that the Sertorian war, in which the Vascons were thus distressed, was in the time of the Syllan faction, though after Sylla's death; as is clear from Florus in liis Epitome of Livy; mentioning Sylla's death, lib. 90. and the siege of Calagur••••m (as he there calls it) lib. 92. and the raising of it, lib. 93. But Sylla's Faction was continued after his death, and having prevail'd in the City of Rome, carried the name of the Common-wealth; Marius and his partakers being some slain, some fled. In which war though Marius was overthrown, yet as the more innocent,

at least the less guilty (if compared with admirable, yet monstrous Sylla) he is for his wealth, highly magnified by Juvenal, Sat. 8. Besides, though the two factions of Sylla and Marius went not under the names of the Nobility and the People, yet we may remember, that Sylla was of the ancient family of the Scipio's, and Marius of very mean birth: so that Sylla's actions might in Juvenal's guess seem to aim at Tyranny, as the actions of Marius at Liberty. Next, we may take notice, that Sertorius was of the Ma∣rian, party; and so Juvenal, as one giving his judge∣ment of actions, though of ancient time, seems to account Marius and His friends to have been, of the two sides, the truer Romans, and accordingly these Vascons, which took part with Sertorius. When as then Florus in the words above cited says, that Ca∣laguris and the other Cities were reduced in Roma∣nam sidem, to the Roman allegiance, he speaks after the common manner of Historians: it being to the allegiance of the Roman City in title; but in effect, and in Juvenal's judgement, to the Syllan Faction. As for some smaller doubts in this passage, we may take notice, that one Manuscript has here, antiqui ••tate metalli: but this will not bear a trial; since antiquim metallum, as it must imply a better metal, so a better age, than that wherein these Vascons were thus distressed; which must be acknowledged to have been but a part of the Iron-Age. Secondly, by the plenty of Learning, and the French Instru∣ction of the Britans, our Author seems, amongst other things, to intimate the exercises perform'd at Lions, and mentioned, Sat. 1. Thirdly, we must with him distinguish between the Britans and the Britons: the first being the people of our own Countrey, Britany; the last, the Britons, being the Inhabitants of Bretaigne in the North west of France. Lastly, we may take notice of their earthen ships [if we may so call them] which in those times of less experience the Aegyptians did use: the possibility of which we may proportionally understand by a less experience, whiles we see earthen vessels, either empty, or full, swim in a little water, and that fresh also, which is of less strength. They had also anciently boats made of twigs, covered with lead. See Dr. Hackwit's learned Apol. lib. 3. cap. 9. Sect. 4.

12. Or when a Babe's interr'd, as for the fire Top young.—Vel terr•• clauditur infans, Et minor igue regi.—The Poet here implies the custome of the Ancients in burying, not burning, the bodies of Infants, which died before they had Teeth, as Pliny notes, lib. 7. and that is, as he adds, not till the 7th. moneth; and the graves of such infants they called Suggrundiaria, as I have noted before, Sat. 1. Illustrat. 51. Which Roman Custome, it seems, did extend sometimes as far as the Roman Empire, as may appear from Joan Baptista Suarez de Salazar, in his Antiguedades. Gaditanas, lib. 1. cap. 4. p. 294. &c. Where describing Cadiz, he tells us, that there are vaults wrought in stone under ground 14 foot in length; in bredth and depth 7 foot; and that within in the sides, there are open pots, and at the bottom or floor of the vaults, there are coals and bones of a large stature, and round about there are some small vessels with inscriptions. And in some of the pots, he says, there are small bones, without any sign of ashes or coals; and then presents a de∣scription of the Suggrundarium. See also of this point Pedro de Medina, in his vvork, De Grandez as de Espana, cap. 30. in the description of Cadiz.

13.—The vvild beast vvill spare one like spot∣ted—Parcit Cognatis maculis fera.—There is no good man, says the Poet, but must acknovvledge himself subject to the calamities of life, and there∣fore should compassionate others in their distress, if he vvill be truly a good man, such an one as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vvorthy of Ceres her secret torch, that is, such an one as vvill presume to be present at her sacred Rites, all leud persons being by the voice of a Cri∣er forbidden to approach unto her Sacra: vvhich vvere by Matrons perform'd in the Night vvith Lights, in remembrance that Ceres did in like ••••••∣ner seek after Proserpina. Indeed, says he, that vve should be tender hearted, nature has fram'd us, making us to exceed beasts by giving to Them a soul (as Philosophy calls it) but to us a Mind: the margin of one Manuscript (Corpus-Christi) aptly having this note, Anima est quâ vivimus, animou, qu•• sapimus: superior scilicet pars animae; Ausonius P•••••••• also shews the same from other Authorities. Yet even beasts, says he, do now exceed us in these in∣structions of nature; Men being unnatural one to∣wards another, as these Tentyrites were; but even a wild beast being tender towards another wild beast. Yet Brodaeus in his Miscell. lib. 3.28. reckons up divers creatures, that prey upon their own kind, as the hippopotamus (a beast that lives in Ni••••••) Sows, She cats, the Swan, the spawning Tun••ie-fish, the Polypus (a fish of many feet,) and the wild asse. This he does in refutation of Juvenal, and that pas∣sage in Horace, Ne{que}; hic lupis mos, nec fuit le••••••••••, nunquam nisi in dispar seris. Yet Brodaens adds, H••∣rum tamen fides sit penes authores: but what needed he then to have troubled himself with a seeming refutation?

14. Nor could his belly some course Pulse ob∣tain.—Et ventri indulsit non omne legumen. That Py∣thagoras abstain'd from Flesh and Beans, has been a general and receiv'd tradition: the reason of the first proceeding, as is thought, from his fond be∣lief of a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or passage of the soul of man in death into other creatures, and consequently from a fear of cruelty in feeding on them: the rea∣son of the last, his abstaining from beans, passing as a secret amongst his followers; as may appear by a story in the life of Pythagoras, written by Jam∣blichus (cap. 31.) Vitio there relates, that Dim••••si•••• the Tyrant (the younger) having a great appetite to know this secret, caused a couple of this Sect to be brought before him, one Myllias a Cr••t••nian, and his wife Timycha a Lacedamonian: but the man being asked the reason, made answer, that the Py∣thagoraeans indeed did choose to die, rather than to eat beans; and I, said he, will rather dye, than re∣veal the reason. Whereupon, says the Author, he being with indignation sent away, the woman now destitute of the company and encouragement of her husband, threatned also with tortures, to declare the reason, was tried with the same question: but being, it seems, more Pythagoraean, than Woman, she bit out her tongue, and spit it in the face of the Tyrant I Howsoever after-times are not alto∣gether ignorant of the mysterie: the same Jam∣blichus, cap. 24. in general tells us, that it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; for many sacred and natural causes concerning the soul. But Diogenes Laertius, in the life of Py∣thagoras, descends to particulars, alledging Aristotle, and saying, that such abstinence from beans, as he conjectured, was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. sive quod pudendis similes sint, sive quod in∣ferni fanuis, (sunt enim insoecundae solae) sive quod cor∣rumpant, sive quod naturae universi similes sint, sive quod

Paucorum dominatu gaudent: nam his in suffragiis ute∣bantur. Lucian (in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Casaubon alleadges him on that passage of Laertius) gives the reason thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. To omit for civility the rendring of which passage, I may farther observe what he adds, that is, that if beans be boild and let lie a few nights, they will yield a blood-like moisture. And as for those words of Laertius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Casaubon adds that of Porphyry, de Antro Homerico, T 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Pliny says, that Beans dull the senses and disturbe the mind with Dreams. Two of the Manuscripts (Corpus C••risti and Ben-Jonson's) alleadge partly the like reason; as, that they are a meat which dulls the sense and puffs-up the belly: besides, that in the Bean there is a se∣cret worm. The Scholiast, not without obscurity, here says, Aversatus & fabam, quae ex sanguine humano orta esset. Nam flores in sanguinem v••rtuntur, si sic pona∣tur. Upon which words Pithoeus adds,—quod Jequi∣tur de store fabae, alibi me legisse non memint: we apud Porphyrium quidem, qui banc haeresim doctissimis & ele∣gantissimis libris defendere conatus est. Clemens Alexan∣drinus, Strom. lib. 3. says, that the Pythagoraeans hav∣ing wives, (as Pythagoras himself had, Theano men∣tion'd by Jamblicus, in Vit. Pithag. cap. 27.) did abstain from Beans, because they cause barrenness in men and women. Indeed Theoph••astus, de ••arsis plantarum, says that if the husks of beans be set near the roots of trees newly planted, they will make them dry and barren. But Galen and other Physiti∣ans tell us, that beans, used as diet, are rather a cause of fruitfulness, then of barrenness. Yet against this receiv'd tradition concerning. Pythagoras there is one thwart testimony in Agellius, lib. 4. cap. 11, where he says, that Aristoxenus a Musitian, the Scho∣lar of Aristotle and a diligent searcher into ancient learning relates in a book, which he writ of Pytha∣goras, that he used to eat beans, because they keep the body soluble; and that he likewise did eat pig and kid. Which relation, says Agellius, this Aristox∣enus, it seems, heard from a friend, one Xenophilus a Pythagoraean, and from some others more ancient, who lived not long after Pythagoras his own times. The like also concerning his eating of flesh, Ag••llius writes from the authority of one Alexis a Poet, in a Comedy called the Life of Pythagoras: adding also his own conjecture about the original of this supposed errour and tradition, whiles he thinks it to have first come-up, by mistaking that verse, writ∣ten by Empedocles [who was a Pythagorean.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 where some ex∣pound 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by a bean, whiles others, says he, think it signifies testiculos; the Pythagoraeans after their manner of instruction calling them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quia sint 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and thus that it was only a mystical precept againg Lust. But by his leave, though this were granted to be the my∣stery of the precept, it does neither deny nor weak∣en the common tradition. And whereas Agellius farmer says, ••••••t Ph••ta•••••• in his first book de ••o∣mato, says that Aristotle writes of the Pythagoraeans, that they did not abstain from flesh; I think ••ot that part of the tradition so much (though enough) confirm'd, as the other concerning Beans. Nor does the Hear-say of Aristoxenes seem equall to the ge∣neral traditon confirm'd by Pythagoras his chiefest followers, and more particularly by that story of Dionysus before related. Wherefore I think the opinion of Rhodigine, lib. 27. cap. 17. to be more cu∣rious, then sound; who says, that the Pythagoraeans by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 meant only an egge; quod in eo sit anima∣lium 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. saetura; and thus would make void the common tradition. Against which novelty may be added the Authority of Hierocles the Alexandrian Philosopher, a great Pythagoraean: who in his Com∣mentaries on Pythagoras his Aurea carmina, p. 303. mentioning his Abstinence from Beans and Flesh, makes it the rule and way of his Temperance, for the Purifying; of the Mind. Besides, he does more particularly and intimately reconcile some seeming inconveniences, concerning some precepts in this argument: for, says he, whereas there may be thought to be some absurdity in these rules, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Abstain from living creatures, and Abstain from the heart of creatures; as if the last were superfluous, being forbidden in the first; he answers, that those precepts are distinct, according to the progress of disciples; the one (not to eat of the heart) being taught as a part of Abstinence to Novices, the other afterwards [to abstain from feed∣ing on Living creatures] as a rule of Perfection to Proficients. And easily may we beleive his practice of such rules, they being partly drawn from the Aegyptian Priests, who likewise did abstain from Beans; which it was not lawful for them to eat or sow, or look upon, as Herodorus relates in his Euterpe. Pliny indeed [upon the Authority of Varro] lib. 18. cap. 12. says in part the like of the Fl••••en; as, that he might not eat the Bean, quoniam in store ejus lugu∣bres litera reperiantur that is, saith the Interpreter Dr. Ph. Hilland, Letters that shew Heaviness and signs of death. Indeed the flower of the ordinary bean is, as the Herbalists tell us, [though there is more variety in their colours] white with black spots, or of a darkish purple Pliny there gives also another reason of abstaining from the bean, saying,—ut alii tradidere, quoniam mort••orum animae sint in eâ quâ de causâ parentando utique assumtitur. The like rea∣sons and precepts then, it is most probable, that Pythagoras learned at his being in Aegypt: for thi∣ther he travail'd, us Laertius tells us; learn'd the Language, and was intimate in their Mysteries. Jamblichus, also not only relates the like, but adds [lib. 1. cap. 4.] that he continued in Aegypt, two and twenty years. See also Malchus, his Life of Py∣thagoras; and the learned Rivershusius his annota∣tions on it.

SATYRE. XVI.

ARGUMENT.

Souldiers and their Camp-Freedome here Our Poets Wit does Praise and Jeer. Yet of his Guifts the Gen'ral shou'd Be Free, as they are of their Blood.

WHo, Gallus, can a Bless'd VVars Gains recite? For, if into a Prosp'rous Camp I light, Let my young fear with lucky Star its Gate Enter. More worths one hour of courteous Fate, Then (1) if to Mars kind Venus for me writes, Or Juno, in Sandy Samos that delights. Common Advantages we first may see: Of which, that's not the least, that to strike thee No Gown'd-man dares; if struck, he hides his woe; Nor dares his Teeth dash'd-out to th' Praetor show; Nor his knob'd face all black and blew, with Eies To which All Art promise of Help denies. Seeks he redress? (2) His Judge a Cassock cloaths: VVhose shoes and large boots his High Seat ne're loaths. Camillus's course we take; by th' old Camp-Laws Beyond the Trench no Souldier pleads his Cause, Far from his Ensigne. The Centurion sure VVill gainst a Souldier Right me. I'le procure Recompence too; Suppose the complaint Right. The Regiment and Companies shall yet, with might Conjoyn'd, Oppose. Shall the Revenge, say they, Exceed the wrong? Thus then such causes may Vagellius the Mutinian Lawyer plead. Wilt thou having but two things, yet not dread (3) So many thousand nail'd Boots? Art from Rome So fled? Or, who's thy Pylades, to come VVithin the Bulwark? Tears no more abuse, Nor trouble Friends; who will themselves excuse. Produce, whoso'ere 'tis, whom the Judge thinks meet, That saw the stroak, and that dares say, I see't; And I'le beleive him worthy of the Beard And Hair of our Fore-fathers. Less is fear'd Perjury 'gainst a Clown, then Truth to swear Against a Souldiers State and Fame. Lets heat

More Favours (4) which to these Sworn-Men belong. If a leud neighbour keeps from me by wrong Some field or vally of my ancient ground, Or does dig-up my sacred stone, my Bound; To which (5) my yearly Pulse and Cake I brought: Or if my Debtor says, my claim is nought, Denies his Hand-writing, or pretends Flaws; A year (6) we wait, till ev'ry body's Cause Thinks the Time's come. Thousand delays then lead Us on: Only the Seats so oft they spread. Fair-tongu'd Caeditius lays his Cloak aside: Fuscus leaks ost. When the Cause should be tried, VVe part. Thus fight We in the Law's slow Sand. They, whom Arms clad, and the Belt Girds, command A Hearing straight. Their means ne're, without fruit, Are Gaul'd with the long Trigger of a Suit. Besides, None but your Souldier makes a Will His Father Living. For, what He gets still By War, That's no part of his Father's state. Coranus then, that does o'th' Standard wait, And still earns Pay, is by his Father, Old And Trembling Sooth'd. His worth may make him bold; To his brave Acts He his Rewards does owe. Indeed the Gen'ral should his Guists place so, That the most Valiant, Happy like their Pains, Should ride with Trappings all, all with Gold-Chains. Trin-Uni Deo Gloria.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Sixteenth Satyre.

The Sixteenth Satyre most probably shew'd to be Juvenal's, both from Ancient Autho∣rity, and divers passages in it self; against the Scholiast. Praetor, the use of the word. Bardiacus judex. Caligatus. Caliga: the Name, Matter, Fashion and use of it; shew'd from Nigronus, Antonius Augustinus, Petrus Faber, St. Jerom and Others. Fulmentae; Suppacta. Donativum clavarium. Clavi militares; their various Matter. Caliga, opposed to the City-Shooe, and so strictly the same with Calceus Castrensis. Sacramentum, taken for a Souldier. Meer-stones accounted Sacred; Sacrifice used at their placing. Comes Signorum. Annus Litium, ex∣pounded by Servius, better by Pithaeus.

1.THen if to Mars kind Venus for me writes, Or Juno, in Sandy Samos that delights. Quam si nos Veneris commendet epistola Marti, Et Samiâ genetrix quae delectatur arenâ. To omit the useless doubt about the or∣der of this Satyre, as whe∣ther it be the last, as in some copies it is, or the last save one, as in others; we may more material∣ly consider, whether or not, this Satyre be Juve∣nal's: it being left out of the most ancient Manu∣scripts, as Lubin says; according to which the Scho∣liast, I grant, says; Ista a pleris{que} exploditur, & di∣citur non esse Juvenalis; Rutgersius also, lib. 4. cap. 4. saying that it is—ignoti poetae, nibil enim minus quam Juvenalis. Yet Lubin acknowledges, that Jo∣seph Scaliger thought it to be Juvenal's; and so in∣deed long before him did Priscian and Servius. Which opinion I the rather choose, because to me it seems to contain some quick passages, as exqui∣sitely satyrical, as any thing in him. Witness, for instance, that in the beginning,—plus etenim fati va∣let hora benigni, Quam si nos Veneris commendet epi∣stola Marti, & Samia genetrix, quae delectatur arena; that is, One hour of Right Luck shall more steed a Souldier, than a commendatory letter from Ve∣nus, or Juno [so honoured and delighted with the I••iand Samos) unto Mars the god of War in his be∣half. Than which, what could be spoken with more sharpness, the One being his Sweet-heart, the Other Mr Mother? who is here said to delight in Samiâ arena: by which some understand the Shews cele∣brated to the honour of Juno, in the arena, or Shew∣place, which was sprinkled with sand, to suck up the blood of the Gladiators or combatants; though in this place it would seem a little inconvenience, in a sandy Countrey to sprinkle sand upon sand. The more receiv'd reason is, that Samos was gene∣rally and extremely sandy, yet beloved of Juno, not only because she had a Temple there, but also and especially, because it was the place of her birth. Where we may farther note, to prevent mistake, that the Samos here intended, there being more places of the same name, is that which lies off at Sea over against Ephesus; being about 55 degrees of Longitude, and about 38 in Latitude, as Merca∣tor places it. But whereas on this passage concern∣ing the Fortune of Souldiers Britannicus thinks, that the Poet implies the greater efficacy of the stars, according to the scheme of the heavens, at a Souldiers first entrance, into the Camp, ac∣cording to the Aegyptian Superstition: I rather think, since he jeers at such vanity of opinion, Sat. 6. that he does here thus preser Fate, by which the severer sort of the Heathen seem'd to under∣stand a Deity indeed, before the supposed power of their fictitious Gods. Witness again, in defence of this Satyre, as Juvenal's, that expression of the vio∣lating the Meere-stones of one's Inheritance,—Con∣vallem ruris aviti Improbus, aut campum mibi si vici∣nus ademit, Et sacrum effodit medio de limite sa••••••, Quod mea cum vetulo coluit puls annua lib••; than which, what more sweetly poetical? Witness That

also,—toties subsellia tantum sternuntur, jam facundo ponente lacernas Caditio, & Fusco jam micturiente pa∣rati Digredimur, lenta{que} fori pagnamus arena; then which, what more pleasantly satyrical? Witness that also, Necres atteritur longe sufflamine litis; as also that,—ergo Coranum Quamvis jam tremulus cap∣tat pater,—expressing a greedy father gaping after the estate of his own son. Lastly, witness that in the conclusion of the Satyre, Ʋt laeit phaleris omnes & torquibus omnes; not only implying the duty of a General in the reward of brave Souldlers, but also, with a jeer, the neglect of such duty, in the manner of the expression; whiles he says, that they should have a jolly reward, and swagger it out bravely in their trappings and chains of gold, intimating, al••••, that there was neither such encouragement to the Souldier, nor consequently, such justice in the Ge∣neral. Yet this I grant, that in this Satyre there is not such rowling eloquence, as generally flows in the rest: which yet I will not attribute to his old age [though it is clear that he writ it in his old age] because at that season of his lise, he writ also the 15th. Satyre: which does not yield to any for an admirable expression of natural compassion. Wherefore I think most conveniently, that it was some first draught or design of a Satyre intended by our Author, and so a True one, not a Perfect one. The occasion of this Satyre is thought to have been our Poet's employment into Aegypt, whither, it is said, he was sent under the pretence and honour of some Military service, but indeed, by way of re∣venge, for jeering at Paris, though but a Player, yet Domitian's favourite: who, as it is said, Sat. 8. was able to bestow Offices, as Praefectures and the like. But whereas Lubin thinks that our Poet writ this, when he was fourscore years of age, I belive he much mistakes, or else he must assign unto him a very long life. For though we should suppose that he writ not, at least, not publish'd this, to a∣void danger, till Domitlan's death [which was eleven years after this Service, and Junius his Consulshi and not till then reckon our Poet to be 80 years of age, it would follow, that he lived an 100 years [which I know none that offer to affirm] since he himself mentions threescore years from Fonteius his Consulship (Anno urbis Conditae, 811.) which num∣ber reaches from thence to the Third year of Adrian, A.V.C. 871. between which and Domitian's death are above 20 years, namely, the reign both of Nerva and Trajan; which should by that account be ad∣ded to the former 80. Some tell us, in explication of the beginning of the 13th. Satyre, that Juvenal writ in the 21th. year of Trajan: but we may re∣member, that Trajan reigned not full twenty years. Britanicus somewhat more warily, thinks that Ju∣venal writ all his work in Trajan's time; but if he had said, that he publish'd it not till then, he had, I think, spoken neerer the truth: since it must be granted, that some of his Satyres, at least some part of them were written, and, though not di∣vulg'd, yet discovered before: for else, how could he have been thus sent into Aegypt, for writing a∣gainst Paris?

2.—His Judge a Cassock clothes, Bardiacus ju∣dex datur hac punire volenti. The Poet here under pretence of setting out the Priviledges of Souldi∣ers, satyrically laies open their Licentiousness, saying, that if one, who is not a Souldier, have by a Souldier his teeth beaten out, and his face made almost incurably black and blue; yet dares he not shew his wrong to the Prator (for that was the name for the City judge; but anciently for the Consul also, and generally for him, that had anci∣ently the government of the Army, as I have no∣ted, Sat. 10. Illustrat. 6.) the Judge being a Soul∣dier, and the Cause, by the old Law of Camillus, being to he heard within the Camp, that so the Souldier might not be drawn from his service. In which expression, the Military judge (the Centurion, says the Scholiast) is by the Poet called Bardiacus judex, or, as some copier have it, with little differ∣ence in the sense, Bardaicus, that is, Gaulish, or rude and barbarous, as Turnebus with some ex∣pounds it; or as others, a Centurion wearing the Gaulish Souldier's cloak, or Cassock: whom he far∣ther describes by his seat of Judicature, at which, as he coursely sets it out, hung his boots and such ensigns. Now all causes against a Souldier, being to be heard within the trench (fossa) or strictly the rampire or bullwork (vallum) which encom∣passed the Camp; no man, says the Poet, in so fool∣hardy, as to come thither to plead against a Soul∣dier, unless it be Vagellius, the Mutinian Lawyer; who, as it seems, was one in those daies, that would venture upon desperate Causes.

3.—Yet not dread so many thousand nail'd-boots? Offendere tot caligatos Millia clavorum? Art not a∣fraid, says the Poer, to he kicked or trampled on by so many rude Souldiers that wear nails in their boots? Or, art thou so dull, so unacquainted with City-wit, as not to understand such danger? Can any be so fled from Rome? Quis tam procul absit ab urbe? Where, though Ʋrbs signifies the Roman or City-wit, yet more aptly may the Poet here say, procul ab Ʋrbe, though the Interpreters note it not, if with them we will suppose, that he was now in Aegypt; meaning, that though any were a great way from home, yet they could not lack so much old wit. For, as he says, will any be such a Pyla∣des, as to venture to plead for his friend amongst so many souldiers? Or if there were any so hardy, as that with such danger he durst witness a truth, surely he deserv'd to be rank'd amongst our brave and vertuous Ancestors, which lived in the age wherein they wore long hair, and shagged beards. See concerning this custome, Sat. 4. Illustrat. 17. and Sat. 5. Illustrat. 6. and chiefly, Sat. 6. Illustrat. 25. but in this place we may especially take notice of his description of Souldiers by their nail'd boots. The common copies have here, Cum duo crura habe∣as, offendere tot caligatos Millia clavorum?—But Dempster (on Rosinus, lib. 10. cap. 29.) reads better from his Manuscript, though to the same sense,— offendere tot caligas, tot Millia clavorum? Art not afraid to offend so many boots, so many thousand nails? Caligatus is in use of speech a Souldier, and so used by Ʋmbritius in the close of the third Satyre, where he says he will come caligatus, a booted, or military aid, that is, Souldier-like, to help Juvenal. The word comes from Caliga, which has usually been taken for leg harness: but it properly signifies the Souldiers shooe; as Julius Nigronus shews in his learned Dissertation, de Caliga: from which word arose the cognomen, Caligula, a diminutive from the former. So Tacitus says, that the Emperor Caligula was so called, because eo tegmine Pedum induebatur; Antonius Augustinus also I. de Numism. Dial. 7. saying, Caligula vix pedem tegi. Isidor. lib. 19. Originum, cap. 34. would derive it a callo pedum, and some a ligan∣do calce, i. e. into pede, quasi calciliga; so Salmeron. Tom. 12. Tract. 35. in Acta, cap. 12. Some would have it the same with Gallica, a Military shooe used by the Gaules, and thence draw Caligula, Galicula, and Galoches: thus Petr. Faber (in his Agenistic.

lib. 2. cap. 34. so making Gallica the first name, & the next from thence Caliga, both used by Tully. It was a thick foal without an upper Leather; having strings only to tie upon the upper part of the foot, some∣what like wooden pattens; the foal of the foot be∣ing thus saved from the ground, but the upper part being in a manner naked. In after-times the word Caliga seems to have been commonly used for a shooe, according to that of St. Jerom. epist. 47. cap. 3. speaking of an immodest maid, that went in creak∣ing shooes, Caliga quoque ambulantis nigella ac ni∣tens, stridore ad se juvenes vocat. It came at last to be used by Country-men and Citizens; nay, by Religious persons; though most properly by Souldiers of the Mednest sort: by which Dress and Art Caligula thought to get into the favour of the Souldiery, The matter of the Caliga was wood and Leather fastned together with many nails underneath, that they might last in long journies, and both in stony and durty ways. The Souldiers diligence did for the surer service [as Nigronus notes, p. 64. &c.] set peices on them, which Plantus in Trinummo, calls Fulmentas [quasi fulcimenta] Others, Suppacta, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Italians, tacconi. But the nails being but small, and therefore many, the Emperours to help the Souldiers did sometimes bestow on them a Largess of Nails, which was called Donativum Clavarium, as Dion. Gothofredus, in his Notes on Fe∣stus. Lit. C. And such nails were commonly of iron, sometimes of brass: but Antiochus his Souldiers, as Valerius Maximus says, had nails of gold; and, as Justin has it, lib. 38. concerning the same souldi∣ers, they had shooe-nails of Silver and Gold; tread∣ing that underfoot, as he says, for which men fight with iron. Whence we may see, that the Spanish Golden horse-shooes, in the first American Con∣quests, was but an Imitation with Improvement. The Author of the Notes on Festus tells us, that all the shooes which the Romans wore, reached to the Mid-leg. In the ancient expressions of the Roman Souldiers they are described with their shooes tied cancellatim, crosse-wise or lattice wise, twice above the ankle about a part of the leg and Nigronus thinks it probable, that the Caliga came above the ankle to the leg, after the fashion of the Italian shooes, Borzacchini; [see Lorinus on the Acts. 12.] yet he would not have them called tibialia, or cruralia, but calceamenta, their chief use being for the foot. More∣over [p. 25. &c.] whiles he opposes the City-shooe and the Caliga, he mentions Tully comparing him∣self with Antonie, and urging it as a disgrace to re∣turn into the City, cum caligis & lacerna; making caliga to be meerly calceus castrensis, and that it did portend war. Yet in Juvenal's time, it must be acknowledg'd, that though the Caliga were not worn by the Citizens, yet it was worn in the City, wherein there were not a few souldiers, as Juvenal implies, Sat. 3. saying, planta calcor, —clavus mihi militis haeret. See also concerning the Caliga, Mar∣cellus, Donatus, p. 313. on Sueton's Augustus, cap. 25.

4.—Which to these Sworn-Men belong.—Atque alia emolumenta notemus Sacramentorum—. The Poet here calls the Souldiers figuratively Sacramenta, from their taking the Oath of Fidelity to their Ge∣neral: before the taking of which Oath, if they kill'd an Enemy, it was accounted Murder, as Demp∣ster shews, lib. 2. de Sacramento Militari.

5. To which my yearly Pulse & Cake I brought. Quod mea cum patulo coluit puls annua libo. The Anci∣ents accounting their Meer-stone Sacred, used at the placing of it to bring a Sacrifice, more particularly, as Britannicus notes, a Lamb, and as a God, they adorned the stone with chaplets, and as Juvenal says here offer'd pulse and a cake made (as Athe∣naus says, lib. 3.) of Milk, Sesamum and Hony. But whereas, when the Poet says in the person of one not a souldier, If some leud fellow (improbus) offer to wrong my Meerstone, the Scholiast would by improbus understand a Souldier, I think that he mistakes; the Poet intending only to compare the disparch of Souldiers Law-suits and Other mens, and accordingly saying, that City-Law-suits were most tedious, but that Souldiers Law-suits were in the Campe quickly dispatched. Thus improbus shall here signifie one that is not a souldier yet one that does another man wrong. Besides, otherwise the Poet should speak against his own intent: for, if any man had a cause against a souldier, though it had been for taking away one's Inheritance, Expe∣dition he should have had for the souldier's sake; and though he had not had Justice with safery e∣nough, in respect of the danger from the Souldiers afterwards, yet the Centurion judg'd rightly, ac∣cording to that, —justissima Centurionum Cogniti•• est igitur de milite. Besides, the Gown'd-Man here im∣plies, that the Judges of his cause were City Judges, Caeditius and Fuscus; not the Centurion. The com∣parison then is briefly between a Gownd-man and a souldier's condition in respect of expedition: the Souldier having it always; but the gownd-man only in the Campe and for the Souldier's sake, as only to dispatch a trouble; but that in City-trials with other gownd-men, delay was an overthrow before sentence.

6. A year we wait, till ev'ry body's Cause Thinks the Time's come—. Expectandus erit, qui lites in∣choet, annus Totius populi—. We, says the Poet, speak∣ing in the Persons of such as are not souldiers, may wait a whole year, er'c we can get an appointed time for the Hearing of our Cause, and when such time is come there are a thousand delays; One Judge laying-down his Lacerna; another going-out to leak. In brief, says he, rather the Seats are pre∣par'd, then the Judges, we being straight dismissed, the Cause being unheard: so that we are worse wasted in the slow Law-court by Delay, then are the Sword-players in the Sand of the Amphitheater. The Souldier on the contrary, says he, has not his estate worn-out with such delay, like a waggon-wheell with the trigger that stops it. Besides, says he, there are other priviledges, which attend the Souldier, Signorum Comitem (as Dempster more gene∣nerally, and I think, suteably enough expounds it, on Rosinus, lib. 10. paralip. ult. the priviledge here mention'd belonging to all Souldiers) though Pi∣thaus, from an interlinear gloss more especially un∣derstands by it, Vexillarium, a Standard-bearer a souldier, much more an eminent one, having pow∣er, whiles his Father yet lives, to make a Will; what he gets in the war being meerly his own: which makes the Father of worthy Coranus basely flatter his Son, in an unnatural hope, that if he dies in war, he shall become his Son's Heir! Indeed, says he, worthy Coranus owes his rewards to his own worth; and fit it is that worth should be reward∣ed; and so, that brave souldiers should be bravely adorned, as deserving troopers, all with their trap∣pings and their gold-chains. In which passage there is one troublesome doubt amongst the Interpreters about—Qui lites inchoet annus Totius populi—Servius upon that of Virgil. Aeneid. 2. Quidve moror? si om∣nes uno ordine habetis Achivos, says, uno ordine, uno rea∣tu, & est de antiquo tractum scientia: quia in ordine dicebantur cause, propter multitudinem vel tummultum

festinantium, cum erat annus litium. Juvenalis, Ex∣pect andus erit, &c. But these last words Petrus Pi∣thaus (in his Adversar. Subseciv. lib. 2. cap. 20.) thinks to have been added to Servius, by some lat∣ter Grammarian; and perswades himself, that there was no such annus litium. Some think that annus li∣tium implies the number of causes to have been so great, that a cause could not come to trial that year, in which it was first brought before the Prae∣tor, and so that a man vvas to stay till another year. But vvhy should that other year be call'd annus to∣tius populi? there being no one year, according e∣ven to this exposition, vvherein all causes could be heard, and so not totius populi. Some tell us, that they used to dravv lots, and that accordingly Cau∣ses had their days vvith more speed or delay ap∣pointed for the Hearing. In the margin also of one Manuscript (namely, Corpus-Christi) it is no∣ted, that they did anciently appoint vvhat kind of causes they vvould here every year; as vvhether they would judge De Hareditatibus, an de Pupillis, an de harede alieno, an de Terminalibus, or the like; but this is Said, not Proved. Pithoeus therefore per∣swades himself (and it seems the most moderate perswasion) that the only meaning here is; that as the Souldier had a quick dispatch in his Law-suits; so the paganus or villager [the Country-man] as also togatus, mention'd in the former part of this Satyre, might stay long enough, even a year; or, till the year [but not strictly a year] wherein every bo∣dy's Cause should be heard; Satyrically intending that he must wait for a late and a dispatching, but an uncertain year; Annus thus signifying here, as in that of Terence, — dum comuntur, dum launtur, annus est; though some more wittily read there, annus est; to imply, she was so long in dressing, that she grew old, e're she had done. Lastly, when as the Poet speaking of the irkesome delay in Law-suits [which some partly attribute to the number of the Judges, the Centumviri, which were all to meet, say they, for the dispatch of Causes] says in his Satyrical ex∣pression, jam ponente lacernas Caeditio; it may be ob∣served, that the use of the lacerna differd in diffe∣rent ages; it being here the garment of Coeditius a Lawier in the time of Juvenal: whereas by Tully in His time, it is opposed to the City-garment; as is shew'd on this Satyre. Illustrat. 3. See also Sat. 1. Illustrat. 2. It may be farther observ'd, that some interpret ponente lacernas by his gown on [when as the words signifie his cloak being off, or laid aside] yet the Authors of that interpretation tell us, that Caeditius was in quirpo: which assertions are incon∣sistent. Besides, though his lacerna was off, he was not in Cuerpo [for so the Spaniard writes the word] but we grant, he was in his Gown; which was ac∣cording to the Custome of those times [as I have shew'd, Sat. 1. Ill. 2.] wherein against rain and cold they did abroad wear the Lacerna upon the Gown; but in the Court probably for conveniency of busi∣ness & the Solemnity of the place, they laid it aside.

The End of the Illustrations of Decimus Junius Juvenalis. Laus Deo.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The story is in his Dialogue 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.2

  My Life, my Soul.