An institution of general history from the beginning of the vvorld to the monarchy of Constantine the Great : composed in such method and manner as never yet was extant / by William Howel ...

AN INSTITUTION OF General History. The First Part. BOOK III. Of the Empire of the Macedonians, and Affairs of the World Contempora∣ry with it. (Book 3)

CHAP. I. From the beginning of the Monarchy of Alexander to his death, containing the space of six years and ten moneths.

1. ALexander riding hard after Darius, came a little after he had expired,* 1.1 saw the body, and bewailed his death with tears: he cast his own Garment over him, and sent him to his Mother to be royally interred amongst his Ancestors.* 1.2 His brother Oxyathres he received into the number of his own friends, and maintained him in his former Dignity. Then did he begin to pur∣sue Bessus; but finding that he was fled far before into Bactria, he left off his pursute, and returned to Hecatompolis in Par∣thia, where his Soldiers being tickled with a rumour that the Macedonians

should have leave to return home,* 1.3 rouzed him up from his idlenesse and luxury, to which now he began to give way after the Persian fashion: but they were at length quieted, and perswaded by him to perfect the work thus for carried on in Asia. Leaving then Craterus in this Countrey with some Forces, he marched into Hyrcania which Nabarzanes had seized on, who yielded it up,* 1.4 and himself to him. After this he invaded the Mardi, a neigh∣bouring people, who, not being wont to be thus provoked by any, made resi∣stance with 8000 men, and intercepted Bucephalus his most beloved horse, which, being given him by Demaratus the Corinthian,* 1.5 when unsadled would suffer none to come on his back, and when adorned, none but the King him∣self, whom to receive he bowed down. Alexander exceedingly moved with the losse of him, after he had slain, and taken most of these men, cut down all the Trees, and threatned the Nation with utter destruction in case they did not restore the horse, so that for fear they did it, and with him sent their Presents, and asked pardon, by 50 Messengers.

2. Returning back, he received 1500 men which had been sent out of Greece to Darius with 90 Ambassadors. Over this party he made Captain Andronicus, who brought them to him, and then went on to Zadracarta, the principal Citie of Hyrcania, where he staid fifteen dayes. Hither Tha∣lestris Queen of the Amazons,* 1.6 is said, with 300 vvomen,* 1.7 to have come to have issue by him, which story, though it be delivered for a truth by some, yet is there better ground to suspect it, seeing that neither Ptolomy the son of Lagus, who was then with him, and wrote his Acts, neither any other good Author of those times approved of it: and Alexander himself in his Let∣ters to Antipater, wherein he gave him an account of his affairs, mentioned how the Scythian King offered to him his daughter in marriage, but not a word of this matter. After this, he returned into Parthia, and purposing now to go against Bessus (who in Bactria had taken upon him a royal Robe, and the name and little of Artaxerxes King of Persia) he thence removed into the Countrey of the Arii.* 1.8 Satibarzanes the Governour thereof meet∣ing him at the City Susia, he confirmed him in his place, but after his departure he revolted from him, whereby the King was constrained to march back a∣gainst him, which he hearing fled with 2000 men towards Bessus; so as Alexander following him some time, but in vain, reduced the Countrey to obedience, and returned to his former expedition. Then came he into the Countrey of the Zarangaei, which was governed by one Barsaentes, who ha∣ving had an hand in the murther of Darius, now fled into India, whence he was afterwards sent,* 1.9 and put to death. Here in this Land of the Zarangaei (or Drangae) was a conspiracy against Alexander discovered; first by Dym∣nus to Nicomachus, who, though he swore secrecy, communicated it to Ze∣ballinus his brother. Zeballinus (or Ceballinus) acquainted with it Philotas the son of Parmenio, who, delaying to tell it to the King, either through heedlesnesse, or on purpose, thereby procured the destruction of himself and family.

3. For, Ceballinus suspecting him to be in the plot, because of his de∣lay, discovered the matter to Metro a young Nobleman, and Master of the Armory, who acquainting the King therewith, he presently caused them all to be apprehended. Dymnus knowing wherefore he was called,* 1.10 killed him∣self. Ceballinus cast all the blame upon Philotas, who denied not that he had been told of such a businesse, but said he revealed it not to the King onely through neglect, and because he esteemed it of no consequence. Being brought to the Rack,* 1.11 he either confessed the thing as it was, or feigned a sto∣ry, and wrongfully accused himself to escape the extremity of Torment; af∣ter vvhich he vvas put to death. Now vvas Parmenio his father, a man of 70 years of age, Governour of Media, one vvho had done especial service for the King, and his father Philip. Alexander, either for that he feared he vvas privy to the conspiracy,* 1.12 or thought it not safe that he should out live his son, sent one away vvith speed, vvho delivering a counterfeited Letter to him as from Philotas, slevv him as he read it. Amongst others that vvere shot

to death for this conspiracy, was Alexander Lyncestes the son-in-law of An∣tipater, who had conspired the destruction both of Philip and Alexander, and for his treason been kept in durance now three years. This being done, the King proceeded in his Expedition against Bessus.

4. Though the Soldiers condemned Parmenio and his Son while living, yet they pittied them when dead, and conceived great indignation against their Judges. Alexander understanding this, that he might know their several minds, gave out, that he was sending into Macedonia, and whosoever would, might have an opportunity thereby to write to their friends. By their Letters, all which he caus'd to be opened, he knew who were discontented and ready to Mutiny, and all those he gathered into one company, lest they should cor∣rupt the rest, setting over them one Leonidas, an intimate friend of Parme∣n••o. The King in his March came to the Country of the Arimaspi, or Agri∣aspae, called also Euergetae by Cyrus the Great;* 1.13 for that when he went against the Scythians, they furnished him with Provisions in his great necessity. He used them very curteously, bestowing upon them Mony, and as much Ground as they would ask, which was not much: And here he heard that Satibarzanes, being returned from Bessus, had withdrawn the Arii from obedience. Against him he sent 6000 Greekish Foot and 600 Horse, under the command of Erygius and others, who joyning Battel with him, he pulled down his Hel∣met, and challenged any one to a single Combat. Erygius accepting of the Challenge, slew him in the place, and then his Soldiers, who had followed him rather by constraint,* 1.14 than out of any good will, yielded themselves. Alexander having staid among the Euergetae 60 days, passed on, and in his way subdued the Gedrosians, the Drangi and Dragogi, as also Arachosia, where he got that Army into his power of which Parmenio had the command, con∣sisting of 6000 Macedonians, and 200 Gentlemen, besides 5000 other Greeks, and 600 Horse.

5. The next People he passed through were the Paropamisadae. This be∣ing in the Winter-season,* 1.15 his Army suffered extreamly through the coldnesse of the Climate: Thence he came to the Mountain Caucasus or Paropamisus, (as that part of it was call'd) which he passed in 17 days,* 1.16 and built some Cities about it. Bessus had now in Bactria about 8000 of the Inhabitants up in Arms, who thinking that Alexander would rather turn towards India than come against them, kept with Bessus, till they plainly perceived that the King in∣vaded their Country: Then they all betook them to their own homes, and Bessus with his other followers passed over the River Oxus into the Country of the Sogdians, being still accompanied with Spitamenes and Oxyartes, in whose fidelity he confided.* 1.17 But Alexander invading Bactria, after he had ta∣ken divers Cities, had the whole Country yielded to him; after which he pas∣sed to the great River Oxus, but in his way was so distressed for water, that his Army languished; and when it came at the River, so many drunk intem∣perately, that he lost more men thereby than he had formerly done in any Battel. Ere he passed the River, he sent home 900 Macedonians and Thessa∣lians, the former being old and wounded, and the later the remnant of the Volunteers: those he rewarded, and gave thanks to such of the rest that remain∣ed as were willing to serve in the Wars yet behind. He passed over the River upon Skins and Bladders joyned together, wanting materials to make a better Bridge, and came to the place where he heard Bessus lay with all his Forces. Bessus was now forsaken by his friends, for Spitamenes conspiring against him with Dataphernes and Catanes, snatched the Diadem from his head, tore Darius his Roab from off his back, and gave notice to Alexander, that if he would send any of his Captains with some Forces they would deliver him up. Alexander sent Ptolomie the son of Lagus,* 1.18 and one of his Guard, who brought him to his presence in an Halter, whence he was delivered to Oxyar∣tes the brother of Darius, to be tormented to death in that place where he had most wickedly slain his Soverain, his Lord and Master.* 1.19

6. About this time he utterly destroyed the City of the Branchidae, with all its Inhabitants, in revenge for a fault committed 150 years before. For,

Xerxes flying out of Greece,* 1.20 they betray'd the Treasures of Didymaean Apollo into his hands; and for this, not daring to stay behind, they left Miletus and followed him, who gave them this place, where their Posterity dearly paid for their fault. After this, he marched to the River Tanais, (another than that which severeth Europe from Asia) falling down from the Mountain Caucasus into the Hyrcanian Sea. Here some of his Soldiers going forth to gather for∣age, were intercepted by the Enemy, which to the number of 20 or 30000 betook himself to an Hill, and thence was beaten down and wasted to 8000,* 1.21 yet with great difficulty, and hazard to the King himself, who received a wound in his thigh.* 1.22 Thence in four days he marched in a Litter to Maracan∣da, the chief City of Sogdiana, where leaving a Garrison, he over-ran the neighbouring Territories; and shortly came an Ambassage from the Scythians, called Abii, who thereby gave up themselves into his power. But in the mean time the Barbarians of Maracanda slew the Garrison of the Macedonians, being, together with the greatest part of the Sogdians, drawn back by those that took Bessus, who also drew to their party some of the Bactrians and Su∣sians. Alexander sent to suppresse them Spitamenes and Catenes, who had delivered up Bessus; but they confirmed them in their Rebellion, and became Leaders in the Revolt, giving out, that the Bactrian Horse was sent for by the King on purpose to be made away.

7. To reduce these Revolters, Alexander presently sent Craterus, who besieged Cyropolis the chief City, so called, because built by Cyrus the Great; and he himself besieged another called Gaza, which be took, and put all of ripenesse of age to the sword, for a terror to their Country-men. After this he reduced several other Cities, and then went to the assistance of Craterus against Cyropolis, which was defended by 18000 men. Here he lost many a valiant Soldier, and by a stroak of a stone on his neck was fell'd down sens∣less; but this increased his natural vigor, so that out of indignation he set fu∣riously on, and presently took the place. Eight thousand of the Inhabitants were slain, and the rest retiring into the Castle, shortly after yielded for want of water; and then one City remaining onely of seven, whither the Barbarians had fled, he reduced that also in a short time. Spitamenes now had shut him∣self up in Maracanda, where he besieged the Macedonians in the Castle. Against him he sent a Party, and began to build a City upon the River Tanais, which being raised in few days, with a wall six miles in compasse, he called after himself Alexandria.* 1.23 His design was to have a convenient Fortresse for the Invasion of Scythia, which the Scythian King, inhabiting beyond the River, suspecting, sent his brother with a party of Horse to beat away the Macedonian forces, and demolish it. Comming to the narrowest place of the River, they not onely cast over their Darts, but opprobrious speeches, which so incensed Alexander, as though he was extream ill, and for some time had nor been able as much as to speak to his Soldiers, yet he resolved to passe over against them.

* 1.248. With admirable industry he got over his men, partly in Boats, and part∣ly upon Bladders, notwithstanding the earnest opposition of the Enemy, whom he put to the Rout, and, though he was very much indispos'd in his own person, pursued them 80 furlongs, then fainting, he commanded his men to follow the chace as long as the day would permit. The want of water in this place was such, that the Army was thereby exceedingly di∣stress'd, and the King himself drinking of some that was corrupt, fell into a Diarrhea. But not long after the Scythians sent to excuse themselves, deny∣ing that the War had been undertaken by their general consent, but onely by a certain party that lived upon robbery. Giving themselves up into his hands, he dismiss'd the Ambassadors courteously, and with them the Prisoners he had taken. By this time Spitamenes had cut off the party sent against him, which Alexander understanding, in three days time marched 1500 furlongs to Maracanda, whither he had notice that he was returned; but hearing of the Kings comming, he fled amain, and was pursued for some time, but to no purpose. Alexander then dividing his forces, over-ran the Country which

had revolted,* 1.25 and gave command, that all of ripe age should be put to the sword, for a terror to others, by which severity fell 120000 of the Inhabi∣tants of Sogdiana. Leaving Peuc••laus there with 3000 Foot, he departed to Bactra,* 1.26 (a City so called from the River Bactrus which runneth through it, being otherwise named Zartaspa) where he caused Bessus to be brought to the head of his Army: Here he made his nose and ears to be cut off, and then sent him to Ecbaiane to be judged and executed by Sentence of a Council of Medes and Persians.* 1.27 Thus Diodorus relateth the the story; but Plutarch writeth, that by Alexanders command, the boughs of two Trees being first drawn together, and he made fast to them both, they then were suffered to return to their natural site, and he was thereby pulled assunder.

9. Having much encreased his forces by the comming in of fresh supplies,* 1.28 he once more over-ran the Country of the Sogdians, as yet not fully subdued, and the five parts of his Army afterwards met and united at Maracanda, whence he sent Hephaestion to lead out Colonies into the Cities of Sogdiana, as Caenus and Artabazus against the Scythians, for to them he heard that Spi∣tamenes was fled, who with a company of Bactrians and Sogdians, and about 800 Horse of the Massagetes, got a Castle near Bactra into his hands; then came against Zariaspa, or Bactra, & by an Ambush cut off many of the Defendants in their Sally out against him. Upon Caenus his approach the Massagetes fled, but he pursued & killed many of them. Alexander having subdued more of the Sogdians returned to Maracanda,* 1.29 whither the King of the Europaean Scythians inhabiting above Rosphorus, sent to him, offering him his daughter in marriage; or if this liked him not, he desired, that the principal Macedonians about him might contract affinity with his Nation; moreover he offered to come in per∣son and receive his commands. After this, Alexander hunted in the Forrest of Bazaria, which had been untouched for four Ages. Herein a Lion coming up∣on him, Lysimachus (who afterwards reigned, and had slain a Lion ere this) went about to stave him off;* 1.30 but the King forbad him, and receiving the Beast, slew him at one stroak. Four hundred Beasts more being killed, he feasted his whole Army, and again repaired to Maracanda, where he slew Clytus.

10. In a Feast (to which he had invited him) being heated with Wine,* 1.31 he fell of commending his own acts, and therein soared so high, as to speak scorn∣fully of the things performed by his father Philip. Clytus having also drunk sufficiently was netled with this, and defending Philip, in his replies plainly reproached Alexander;* 1.32 who therefore ran him through and killed him out∣right, having a little before designed him to the Government of Sogdiana in the room of Artabazus, who excused himself by his old age; For being the son of Dropis, and brother to Hellanica Alexander's Nurse, he had done good service to both Kings, and was now an old Soldier. Alexander, when he came to himself, considering what he had done, would have made way for following him by his own hands, and when he was hindred by his friends from violent attempts, would have done it by fasting four days. On the fifth, his attendants brake into his Tent, and comforting him, caused him to eat. The Macedonians judged Clytus rightfully put to death, and decreed he should not be buried; but he commanded this last office to be performed to him. Leaving a good Guard with Canus to defend Sogdiana, and take Spitamenes if he should come that way in Winter,* 1.33 he marched to Xenippa, where, after a sharp Encounter, he received the Bactrian Exiles,* 1.34 who having revolted had betaken themselves to that place, lying upon the confines of Scythia. In the Spring following, being the 10th. year of his Reign, he set upon a Fort in Sogdiana, situate upon a Rock, so strong by Nature through its excessive heighth, that the Defendants counted it invincible, (many having fled thither out of the Country) and upon his summons, Arimazes the Governor, who held it with thirty thousand armed men, demanded if the Macedonians could flie? But he proposed large rewards to such as would first mount it, whereby certain young men being animated, made a shift to climb and help one ano∣ther up, and being got to the top, the besieged were amazed, and thinking their number greater than it was, yielded the place. In this Fort amongst others

was Oxyartes the Satrapa or Governour (who had revolted from Alexander) with his wife and children.* 1.35 Of his daughter Roxane the King was so ena∣moured, as he shortly after maried her, and perswaded the great ones about him to take them wives out of that place.

11. He thence departed into Naura (or Parataca) where he under∣stood that many Barbarians had possessed themselves of another Fortresse, situate as the former, and fortified moreover with an exceeding deep ditch. This yielded to him through the perswasion of Oxyartes, and then with his Horse he cleared the Country of the revolters. About the same time Spita∣menes coming into Sogdiana was encountred by Coenus,* 1.36 who drew from him the naturals of the place, and the Bactrians, so that he had onely left him a Company of Massagetes. Those flying with him into the Wildernesse, when they heard that Alexander pursued them, cut off their Captains head and sent it to the King, though some write, that his own wife cut it off, and presented it to Alexander, who detesting the treason, commanded her to deparr his Camp. After this the Dahae who had revolted by the procure∣ment of Dataphernes, delivered him up, and returned to obedience, and Craterus with Polysperchon having finished the War against the revolters in a short time, they all met at Bactra. Alexander was now so puffed up, as to require divine honours from his followers; which Callisthenes the Philosopher stifly refusing to give him, felt the effect of his ambition.

12. It hapned that the King hunting on a time, one Hermolaus a Gentle∣man of his guard, and Scholar to Callisthenes, killed a wild Boar, which Alex∣ander himself intended to have struck, for which he was beaten by his Com∣mand. The young man bearing the disgrace most heavily, as also Sostratus his inward friend, they conspired with others of the Guard to kill the King,* 1.37 which to perform, they agreed that one night they would all watch together. It was long ere they could so change their courses as to bring this about, but at length having done it, it chanced that the King sate up drinking all that night, so then the matter being frustrated, was revealed by one of them, and they were all stoned to death. Now whether any of them accused Callisthenes, as some reported, or Alexander did it himself, he was made away, though as to the manner of his death, they who were present themselves agreed not in their relation.* 1.38 Callisthenes was the Scholar of Aristotle, and the son of his Cousin germane, of so severe a temper, that he could not order himself ac∣cording to his Master's directions, who when he sent him to Alexander, ad∣vised him, Either very pleasantly or very rarely to converse with him,* 1.39 that so he might be either more acceptable for his discourse, or safe by his silence. Ari∣stotle also himself seemeth to have been threatned in a letter written by the King to Antipater in Macedonia.

13. Alexander had ere this time resolved to make War upon India, and bound his Conquests with the East. That he might not leave any impediment at his back, he commanded 30000 men to be raised out of the Provinces, that he might have them both as Soldiers and Hostages. Out of a conceit of the glory of the Expedition, he adorned the shields of his Soldiers with silver plates, their Horses with golden bridels, and their Armour was set out with gold and silver.* 1.40 Leaving then Amyntas in Bactriana with 3500 Horse, and 10000 Foot, he set forwards in the Spring, leading an Army of 120000 men. In ten dayes he passed over Caucasus and came to Alexandria, which he had caused to be built in the Country of the Parapomisadae, whence he marched to the River Cophenes, and sent to Taxiles to meet him, who came with such presents as India afforded. Dividing now his Army, with one part of it he sent Haephestion and Perdiccas another way, with com∣mand, that when they came at the River Indus, they should provide things necessary for passing over it. He with the other invaded the Aspians, Thy∣raeans, and Arasacans; and crossing the River Choë, the first City he came at opposed him. He himself and Ptolomy the son of Lagus were wounded in the storm, but he took the place, and putting all the Inhabitants to the sword, burnt it. In the Country of the Aspians he got a booty of 40000

men, and 230000 head of cattel, whence marching toward the Gruraeans,* 1.41 with difficulty he passed over the River Gruraeus. Invading the Assacenians he took the City Massaga, the King whereof being lately dead, his mother Cleophis reigned, and by the prostitution of her body to Alexander, pro∣cured a confirmation in the Kingdom.

14. After this, he took Bazira, and Nora was forsaken by it's defen∣dants, who betook themselves to a strong rock called Aornos. This place was exceedingly fenced by it's wonderful height, and the River Indus which ran by one side of it; as also by deep pits and craggie rocks, by reason whereof the report went, that Hercules himself attempted, but could not take it. The story of Hercules inflamed the King with a desire to master it, who having first taken several other places, brought his forces, and by means of an old man who shewed him the onely passage, closely besieged it. By incredible diligence he filled up the ditches, so as he could bring his men to fight, but yet he was not able to storm the Rock, and therefore resolved to starve them out, leaving a way for their escape; and they seeing his resoluti∣on, took the advantage, but many were slain in the persute. Taking order then for the full clearing of the Country, he passed on to the River Indus, near to which he hunted Elephants, and continuing in the plains thirty dayes for the refreshment of his Army, sacrificed to his gods, and celebrated games and exercises. Now Hephaestion and Perdiccas had finished all things neces∣sary for passing the River; and not of this onely, but others also with one (almost) and the same labour. For, divers Rivers runing through India (as besides Cophenes, Coes, and Indus; Hydaspes, Acesines, Hyarotis, Hy∣parus, and Ganges,) they so framed the boats, as they might easily be ta∣ken in pieces, and being conveied in cariages, be as easily, upon occasion, again joyned together.

15. In the eleventh year of his reign, and the fourth after the death of Darius,* 1.42 in the Spring, Alexander passed over the River Indus, and was received above his expectations. For, Omphis, or Mophis,* 1.43 King of the Country, had perswaded his Father when yet living to submit himself, and now having suceeded in the Kingdom met him in the way, and gave it up into his hands, who restored it to him, and permitted him to assume the name of Taxiles, common to all Kings of that Country, of what family soever. Coming to Taxila the Metropolis, he was sumptuously entertained, and re∣ceiving great gifts, gave also very liberally, to the disdain of those about him, of whom Meleager in his cups congratulated with him, that at length in In∣dia he had found a man worthy to receive from him in way of free gift 1000 Talents. Alexander remembring how he had repented the killing of Clytus, contained himself, but not impertinently answered him, that Envious men are nothing else than their own torment: The next day Abisarus King of the Indians inhabiting the mountains, and who together with Porus had wars with Taxiles, by Ambassadors gave up himself and Kingdom. Alexander leaving a Garrison in Taxila, marched towards the River Hydaspes, beyond which reigned Porus: Thinking by the terror of his name to affright this Prince into obedience, he sent to him beforehand, willing him to pay tribute, and meet him on the frontires of his Kingdom, to which he answered, that he would do the later onely, and that armed. Near unto Porus reigned ano∣ther of his name, and his Nephew, who out of hatred to him, sent Ambassa∣dors, and gave up all he had into the hands of Alexander.

16.* 1.44 The boats formerly spoken of being conveyed from Indus to the River Hydaspes, Alexander with Taxiles, several other great persons of the Country, and 5000 Indians more came thither: Barsaentes the Governour of the Drangae being presented to him in his way, whom he afterwards put to death for his treason towards Darius. On the opposite bank of the River lay Porus with an Army very great indeed, though the dissention of Writers about the numbers almost equalize the bignesse of it. He had his Elephants ready to affright the Horses, and keep the Army from landing, which Alex∣ander perceiving, made as if he intended to passe the River at the place

over against which Porus stood,* 1.45 leaving some there to make a noise, as if he still remained, and in a dark and rainie night got into a little woody Island, which lay lower down the River, whence in the morning, though with much difficulty (through the rising of the water by abundance of rain) recovered the further bank, where he defeated a Party led by Porus his Son, who by some is said in this ingagement to have lost his life. Porus, understanding this, drew down his battel in the form of a City, whereof the Elephants, being many in number, were as walls. They grievously distressed the Mace∣donians for some time, and the Indians continually retired to them as a bul∣wark; but at length being driven up close together, they made great slaugh∣ter of the Indians themselves, whom Alexander also encompassing with his men did great execution upon them. Porus himself, a person terrible to en∣counter (his height, as is said, being five cubits, and his bredth such as his Armour extended it to the proportion of two lusty men) fought himself most valiantly, and encountering Alexander hand to hand, slew his Horse under him, so that he was saved meerly by the interposition of his Guard, ma∣ny of his men having fallen at his side.

17. Porus gave not over as long as he had any to stand to him; when all had left him, he retreated on his Elephant most stately to behold. As many of the Indians were slain in the chace as had been in the battel, by reason that Craterus and others, who had been left behind, came over afresh to the per∣sute. Alexander having a great desire to save their King, out of respect to his great valour, sent after him Taxiles the Indian, whom perceiving to come towards him, he ran at him with his lance as his ancient Enemy. But others being still sent, and amongst the rest Meroes an Indian, Porus hear∣ing his voice, and being sore distressed by thirst, stood still, and then alighted from his Elephant. Alexander coming on spake to him first, and asked him what the thing was vvhich he desired, to whom he ansvvered, that he might be used like a King. The other replied, that this should be done for his ovvn sake,* 1.46 and bad him ask for his own commodity what he pleased, to which he made answer, that all things were contained in his former demand. With this the Conquerour was so well pleased, that he received him into the number of his friends, and restored to him his Kingdom, inlarged with new Territories. Alexander hoping that by his late Victory all India was laid open to him, intended to sail into the Ocean; and perceiving there was in this place much wood, he caused such a quantity to be cut down, as might suffice for the building of ships. He gave order also for the building of two Cities: one in the place where the battel was fought, which he called Nice, and another on the other side of the River, named after his Horse Bucephalus, who here died, being about thirty years old.

18. Leaving Craterús to perfect these Cities upon the River Hydaspes, he marched into the Country adjoyning to that of Porus,* 1.47 which having sub∣dued he bestowed on him, and also the Kingdom of the younger Porus, who out of fear of his Uncle had now fled, with as many as he could draw after him to the Gangaridae. After this he subued several Nations beyond the Ri∣ver Hydraotes, and invaded the Cuthaeans, who together with the Ocydracae and Malli opposed him, of whom in the siege and storming of the City San∣gala perished 17000, and about 70000 were taken Captives. These Cu∣thaeans had a Custome, that when any man died, his wife was to be buried with him, to which the wickednesse of one woman that poysoned her hus∣band gave occasion. The City Sangala was destroyed, and their Lands given to certain Indians, who lived in the form of a Commonwealth, and had formerly given themselves up into the hands of the Conquerour. This seve∣rity made other Cities without any resistance surrender themselves.* 1.48 Then advanced he into the Kingdom of Sopithes, who meeting him with his two Sons, with a Rod of Gold adorned with precious Sones, delivered up into his hands himself, his children, Kingdom, and all he had. Having received back his Kingdom,* 1.49 he magnificently entertained Alexander and his whole Army. Amongst several other presents, he gave him 150 Dogs begotten of

Tigers, as is reported, and of strength and activity, as appeared by four of them which were let out upon a Lion extraordinary for strength and bignesse.

19. Ere Alexander stirred from this place,* 1.50 Hephaestion returned to him from his expedition, (having subdued India in a great compasse that way he was sent) whom he received with honor suitable to his worth. Afterward he departed into the Kingdom of Phegeus (or Phegelus) who also submitted him∣self, and receiving the Conqueror, entertained him very magnificently. Af∣ter two days he marched toward the River Hyphasis (or Hyparis) taking Phegeus and Porus along with him.* 1.51 At the River side he enquired of Phe∣geus what Countries lay beyond it? He answered, That there was a vast Wildernesse of 11 or 12 days journey, and next to that ran the River Ganges, beyond which inhabited, besides others, the Gangaridae, over whom reigned Agyrammes (or Xandrames) provided of 20000 Horse, 200000 Foot, above 2000 Chariots, and about 4000 Elephants. These things seeming incredible to the Macedonians, he asked Porus of the truth of them, who confirmed what the other had said as to the strength of that King, but withall added, That being by a Barber begotten on the Queen, who had killed her Husband that he might reign, he was for this cause despised by his People. Alexander now considered the labors and perils undergone by his Soldiers, who from the beginning of his reign had followed him eight years; withall, how of late for 70 days together they had been sorely distressed by Rain, Thunder, and Lightning; that he might oblige them, he gave them the plunder of the enemies Country, being very rich, and in their absence gratifi'd their wives and chil∣dren. Then after their return to the Camp, with a praemeditated Oration he laboured to perswade them to undertake the War with him against the Gan∣daridae, but in vain.

20. For, Caenus the son of Polycrates, answered him in such a manner, as he might easily perceive how contrary the affections of the Soldiers were to the Expedition. After which, as Arrianus writeth, he kept himself close in his Pavillion for three days, and would admit none of his friends to his pre∣sence. Then sending for his Officers, he told them, That seeing the minds of his men were averse from proceeding any further, he intended to return home; yet, ere this, he had sacrifized for passing over the River, but finding that the Intrals of the Beast were not lucky, he setled himself in a purpose to retreat. He caused twelve large Altars of fifty cubits heighth, like to some warlike Towers, to be erected near the River, whereon he sacrifized according to the custom of his Country, and he celebrated Games in the grounds adjoyning. After this he caused to be made a Ditch 15 foot broad and 10 foot deep, whereon, of the earth, he raised a considerable Wall, making the compasse of his Camp seem three fold larger than indeed it was. He commanded the Foot, that each one in his Tent should get two Bedsteads of five cubits apiece, and the Horsemen to make theirs with the Mangers of their Horses as big again as they were wont to be. He caused Arms, Bridles, and other things to be framed after the same proportion, to amuse posterity with a false appea∣rance of a Gigantick proportion of his own person and his followers.

* 1.5221. He returned the same way he came, setling the Government of the Provinces in his passage, till he arrived at the River Hydaspes. Ever since his departure hence, the weather had been rainy, which spoiled much of his new City Bucephalaea; but he caused it to be repaired; and here died Caenus his trusty and faithful friend, but one who had grieved him by his Answer to his late Oration. Down this River Hydaspes he resolved, according to his for∣mer purpose, to sail into the Southern Ocean, and therefore providing for such places as he should leave, he reconciled Porus and Taxiles by affinity contracted betwixt them, and made the former, King, not of that Country one∣ly lying betwixt Acesines and Hydaspes, which formerly he had given to him, but also of such free Nations, as lying betwixt Acesines and Hyphasis he had lately subdued. Having increased his Army by a new supply sent him out of the West, he divided it into three parts, whereof two he committed

to Craterus and Hephaestion, commanding them to march on either side the River,* 1.53 down which he sailed with the third in a Fleet of 1000 Vessels. Loosing from shoar about the beginning of November, he first landed upon the coasts of the Sibari, who being reported to be descended of those Greeks that with Hercules attempted the storming of the Rock Aornos, claimed kindred of him, and submitted themselves. Making excursions into the neigh∣bour Countries, he destroyed many thousands of the Inhabitants that would not yield; and then returning aboard, hasted against the Oxydracae and Malli, who, as he heard, had carried their wives into their strong Towns, and intend∣ed resistance.

22. Comming down thither where Hydaspes and Acesines meet, the Chanel being narrow, and the Stream exceeding great, two of his tallest Ships miscarried, and he himself missed narrowly of being Shipwrack'd:* 1.54 Here his Soldiers also began to murmur that they should begin a new War, but he quieted them easily by a Speech. The Indians having gathered together 80000 Foot and 10000 Horse, shewed themselves near the River, having chosen their General out of the Oxydracae, who made many fires, and used other vain attempts to affright the Macedonians; yet as soon as these began to Arm, either out of fear, or by reason of dissention amongst themselves, away they fled to the craggy Mountains.* 1.55 Alexander then marched with all speed, through a large, drie, and barren Country, against the Malli, to defeat them ere they should joyn with the other; and coming unexpectedly upon them, many he slew, both in the Country, and those strong places which he stormed. After this he marched to the River Hydraotes, where he killed many of them, and thence to a City of the Brachmans, whither he heard that some of them had fled: This he took, with the Castle into which they retired, as also the chiefest City of the Malli, whence they fled beyond the River Hy∣draotes, on the bank whereof they drew up into a Battalia. He followed, and with his Horse skirmished a little, not thinking it fit to engage with them in Battel, being 50000 in number, till the Foot came up. Then they betook themselves to the next fortifi'd Town, where by his hardinesse he ran into ex∣tream danger.

23. Demophoon his Priest acquainted him, how that by his art great danger was portented to his person, and therefore he advised him, either to omit, or at least to defer the siege. But he rebuked the man, because hereby he weak∣ned the valor of his Soldiers, and dividing them into two parts, set upon the Town, whereat the Defendants left it and fled into the Castle. The King with those about him broke open a Gate, and entred first; Then he com∣manded Ladders to be set to the Castle wall, which being but slowly per∣formed, he took one from a Macedonian, and rearing it mounted himself: after him went up Peucestes, who bore usually his Shield before him, (which being taken out of the Temple of Pallas at Ilium, he would always have so carried) and after him Leonatus by the same Ladder, and one Abreas by an∣other. The Argyraspides also, (or those who used the sivered Shields) sol∣licitous for the Kings safety, mounting hastily broke the Ladders, and thereby hindred others as well as themselves. The King upon the Wall was laid at with Darts on every side, and when his left arm was wearied with holding his Target, his friends would have had him leap down again unto them, who were ready to receive him in their arms. But by an unparallel'd attempt he leaped down on the other side into the Fort, where if he had not by good chance light upon his feet, he might presently have been slain or taken. But casting himself to fall upon them, and seeing a Tree hard by, he applied him∣self to it, so as he had it on his right hand, and the wall on his left.

24. None of his enemies were so hardy as to come near him, onely they plied it with Darts afar off, whereof the greatest part being kept off by the boughes and leaves of the Tree, the rest he received on his Target. But the Indians drawing nearer,* 1.56 threw showers of Darts upon him, and with stones broke his Helmet. Being spent, and not longer able to stand, he fell upon his knees, whereupon despising him they came to him; and yet he so received

them with his sword, as two fell down dead before him, and after this he killed their General who boldly set upon him; then none would venture to ap∣proach nearer, but plied it with Darts afar off. By this time those three that mounted the wall after him were got down, and fought stoutly for him, of whom Abreas was shot in the face and fell; the King also in the breast with an Arrow, which piercing through his Armor near his Pap, some affirmed, that blood and breath issued together out of the wound, and he swooned, being covered by Peucestes with his shield. Now the Macedonians brake into the Castle, and put all to the sword, sparing neither Sex nor Age. They carried their King out on a Target, not knowing whether he was alive or dead; but shortly after he came to himself, and his wound was dressed, (some say by Critobulus the Physician, others by Perdiccas) out of which much blood is∣suing, he swooned again, and that very thing staunched the bleeding. While he stayed a little in this place, a report flew to the Army then lying with the Fleet at the meeting of the two Rivers Hydraotes and Acesines, that he was dead, and it gained such belief, that the Letters he sent were taken but as counterfeit. Therefore he hasted to the Camp, where he presented himself to the view of them all there.

25. Having escaped this great danger amongst the Malli, (for amongst them it was, and not amongst the Oxydracae as some have mistaken.) and re∣turned to his Fleet, he sailed down the River, and on the fourth day came to a place forsaken of its Inhabitants, but convenient for to make some stay in. Here he rested many days for the better curing of his wounds, and employed his men this while in building of ships. Hither the Malli and Oxydracae sent to ask pardon, and submit themselves. After which he sailed further, and came to the confluence of Hydraotes and Acesines, the former whereof loseth it self in the later. Proceeding further, he came through Acesines into Indus, subduing a certain People in his way who lived in a Free State;* 1.57 and here he made Philip Governor of the Malli and Oxydracae, with all the Country down to this place, wherein he also gave order for a City to be built. Fol∣lowing on his voiage, he arrived at the Country of the Sanbestae, (or Sa∣bracae) who living also in a popular way of Government, were very populous and strong, and hearing of his coming had got together 60000 Foot, and near 8000 Horse, but upon a sight of his Fleet they let fall their courage, and sent fifty of their principal men to ask peace. From this place on the fourth day he came to the seat of the Sogdae, who also yielded themselves; and here by the River Indus he caused to be built another Alexandria,* 1.58 which he furnish∣ed with convenient Havens and Arsenals. Thence he sailed down with such expedition into the Country of Musicanus, that he was upon him ere he heard of his coming; therefore the Indian met him with such gifts as his Country afforded, and gave up himself with all he had into his hands, ac∣knowledging his fault that he had no sooner done it.

26. Having here commanded Teryestes, whom he had set over the Paro∣pamisadae, to be put to death, for abusing that People by a covetous and tyrannical Government, he caused a Fort to be raised in the chief City of Musicanus, wherein he left a Garrison, because the place seemed very con∣venient for keeping the neighbouring Nations in obedience. Leaving Musi∣canus in his former power, though not authority, he sailed down to the Praesti, another Indian Nation, over which ruled Oxycanus. Here he stormed two Cities, in one whereof their King being retired into the Castle, sent to him to beg pardon, but too late; for ere the Messengers could come at Alexander, two Towers fell down, which made way for the Macedonians, who entring,* 1.59 killed Oxycanus amongst the rest; which being reported to the other Cities, they all yielded themselves. After this he came into the bor∣ders of the Brachmans, whose King Sabus (or Sambus) caused the Gates of his principal City to be opened, but afterwards revolted at the instigation of his Subjects, some of whom paid dearly for it in a certain City wherein they were taken, Sambus himself with thirty Elephants escaping. Some of them were upon pain of death to answer to certain hard Questions, which

having done, they were dismissed with rewards, as Plutarch informeth us. But ere this, Musicanus had revolted, against whom Pithon was sent, who overpowering him took him prisoner. He was Crucified in his own Coun∣trey by Alexander's Command, with all such Brachmans as had drawn him to revolt.

27. Returning to the River Indus, in the fourth day he came to a Citie of the Brachmans, called Hamatelia, the inhabitants whereof hearing that he was invincible, poisoned the heads, of their Arrows, trusting to their own va∣lour, and the natural strength of the place. He sent a party, which by ap∣proaching their Walls, and then retreating, drew them forth, by which strata∣gem, of 3000 he took 1000. and killed 600. Many of his own men died, and those who survived were brought into extream danger, amongst whom was Ptolomy the son of Lagus. He being almost ready to die, the story goeth, that Alexander in a Dream had an Herb shewed to him, which drunk, and outwardly applied, helped against the poyson; the truth being,* 1.60 that the virtue of this plant was by some declared to him, and this story feigned out of flat∣tery. For all this, the besieged yielding, had indemnity granted to them, and then came Maeris King of the Island Pattalena, which he gave up into the Conquerours power. Alexander restored, and sent him back, commanding him to provide all necessaries for his Army; but sailing down thither he found that he had left the Citie, and retired to the Mountains, with all his subjects, both of Town and Countrey. Alexander sent some hors-men to perswade them to return, which accordingly diverse did. Then did he order Hephaestion to build a Fort in the Citie, and sent a party to dig Wells in that Coast of the Countrey which wanted water. The Enemy fell upon these men out of the Wildernesse, and killed many of them, which forced the King to send others for a supply.* 1.61 Now had he sayled almost 10 moneths when he came to Pattalena.

28. At this Island the River Indus parteth into two branches, whereof both retained the name as far as the Sea it self. Alexander taking the right hand sayled down that Channel, his Army being led according to the cu∣stom, near the Rivers side. The next day arose such a Tempest, as exceed∣ingly distressed the Fleet, some ships being driven so far as scarcely could they be recovered; whereupon for some time the King stayed here at a cea∣tain Island, and sent men on shore to take up some Natives to be their Guides. Coming lower, where the Chanel was very broad, another Tem∣pest forced them into a certain Creek, where as great a fear seized on them, and so much the greater, because they were unacquainted with the occasion of it. It hapned, that the Tide being exceeding high (as it is at this day at Cambaia,* 1.62 where the River Indus falls into the Sea) all the grounds near the River were overflown, except certain Hills, which appearing like so many Islands to them, the Macedonians swom, and left their Boats. When the water fell again, the Vessels were left on the drie ground, some being over∣whelmed, and others turned upon their sides. But the River according to the course of the Tide overflowing again at the due time, such Vessels as stuck fast in the Mud were lifted up unhurt, but those that the water found other∣wise placed, were either dashed against one another, or miscarried after some other fashion.

29. Repairing his Navy, as he could, he sent before two Boats to make dis∣covery of another Island below, by the Indians called Cilluta, but by him Scillastis, near which he must needs sayl down into the Ocean. Hearing that it was large, and very Commodious to harbour in, he gave order for the Fleet to go thither, but he himself proceeded further, to search whether there was easie passage at the River's fall for the whole Navy into the Sea. Having passed some 200 furlongs, he discovered another Island, and then returned to the Fleet, where having sacrifized to some gods, he went back, and per∣formed this service to others after another fashion, saying, he was commanded so to do by the Oracle of Jupiter Hammon. Sayling out of Indus into the Ocean, he sacrifized Bulls to Neptune, and after the burning of Incense cast

out a Golden Vial with Golden Cups into the Sea,* 1.63 praying for a prosperous voyage to his Navy, (which he intended under command of Nearchus his Admiral should sayl through the Ocean into the Persian Gulf, and so up Eu∣phrates and Tigris) and that no mortal after him might passe the bounds of his expedition. Then returned he up the River to Pattala, whither he found Pithon come with the Forces, purposing to leave half the Fleet at the Citie (to this day called Pattala in Cambaia) he commanded Hephaestion there to make an Haven, and provision for shipping. He himself sayled down the stream on the left hand, which first lead him to a Lake, where he left Leonna∣tus with most of the Soldiers, and with 30 ships passed through this Mouth of Indus into the Ocean.

30. His design was to see whether the Fleet might not best sayl this way into the Sea; and he satisfied himself that it might. Then did he Travel up the shore, and caused Wells to be digged thereon to furnish the Navy with water. Returning then to Pattala, he sent part of his Army to dig more, and going to the Lake, he caused Havens to be made, and provision for shipping: he also left there a Garrison with necessaries for 8 moneths. At this time the Etesian vvinds in this Countrey blowing from the South (though in other places from other quarters) hindred Navigation, wherefore he was con∣strained to leave Nearchus at Pattala with the Fleet till they should cease. He journeyed through the Countrey of the Arabitae (or Arbitae) to the River Arabius (or Arbis) digging pits on the shore for the use of the Fleet in its passage by these Coasts,* 1.64 Nearchus and his followers were two moneths af∣ter Alexander's departure driven out by the Inhabitants of Pattalena, and compelled to begin their Voyage ere the season of the year well served. Co∣ming to the mouth of the River, they were forced to cut through a Rock (for some way) such a Ditch as by the help of the Tide might convey their ships safe into the Ocean. The Arabitae hearing of Alexander's approach, fled into the Mountains, so that without opposition he passed over the Ri∣ver Arabius, and came into the Countrey of the Oritae, of whom killing some, and taking others, (because they had not submitted themselves) he thence marched into the Borders of the Gedrosians, with whom the Oritae had joyned, but upon his approach sent and begged peace, which he granted, on condi∣tion that they would depart to their dwellings. He set over them Apel∣lophanes with whom he left Leonnatus one of the keepers of his bo∣dy, with a party of horse and foot to expect the coming of the Fleet, and in the mean while to build a new Citie, and settle the affairs of the Countrey.

31. In his passage through the Countrey of the Gedrosians, greate losse and damage hapned to him than in all his expedition through Asia besides; because, what for want of water, by excesse of heat, ill diet and hunger, he carried not out the fourth part of those forces he brought into India.* 1.65 Yet was not this losse sustained through ignorance; for some tell us that he knew of the danger very well; but hearing that this Countrey had been formerly invaded both by Semiramis and Cyrus, whereof the former was forced to fly but with 30 Attendants, and the later with 7. he had an itching desire to passe through it, and in the glory of his adventure to excell them. After incredible trouble undergone, for 60 dayes, he came to Pura the chief Ci∣tie, where (as it was time) he refreshed his Army, and thence marched to∣wards the Borders of Caramania. Hither news came that Philip, Gover∣nour of the Oxydracae, and of other Indians, vvas killed by the Mercenary Soldiers; but that his death vvas revenged upon them by the Macedonians; vvhereupon he vvrote to Taxiles and Eudemus to take care of the Coun∣trey, till such time as he could send one to succeed Philip. Coming into Caramania not far from Persia, he animadverted upon the Governour, as up∣on Cleander and Sitalces, vvho being sent to kill Parmenio, had after his death committed grievous outrages upon the people in those parts. He also punished Ozines and Zariaspes, who had solicited the Persians to revolt, and Heracon, who had rifled the Temple at Susa: here also he made Peucestes

one of the keepers of his body, they being before this seven in number. In the mean time Nearchus having passed the borders of the Arabii, Oritae, Gedrosians, Ichthyophagi, came into the Persian Gulf, and arrived at Ar∣musia (now called Ormus) where understanding that his Master was but di∣stant five dayes journy, he went to him, and having made a report of his Voy∣age, returned presently to the Fleet, with order to passe up to the mouth of Euphrates, and thence row unto Babylon.

32. It beng now very good sailing, Alexander sent Haephaestion by Sea into Persia,* 1.66 with the greatest part of his Army, and shortly after departed him∣self and came by Land to Pasargadae, where he bestowed money on the wo∣men, according to the custome of the Persian Kings when they came thither. Here he much lamented the violation of Cyrus his Sepulchre, which since his former being here, had been robbed of all it's riches, except a Litter,* 1.67 and a golden Urn wherein was the body; and this also was cut and mangled, the cover being taken away, and the body cast out. He commanded the Urn to be repaired as well as might be, and the reliques of Cyrus being therein deposi∣ted,* 1.68 the dore-place to be walled up. From Pasargadae, now called Chelquera, he came to Persepolis, the seat of the Persian Kings, where great complaints being made against Orxines (who being descended from Cyrus and the seven Conspirators, had contained the Persians in obedience after the death of the Governour Phrasortes) he was crucified through the malice of Bagoas the Eu∣nuch, Alexander's minion, who hated him, upon no other account, than for that bestowing great gifts upon the Courtiers at their return, he neglected him. Phradates also, who had been Governour of the Mardi, Hyrcani∣ans, and Tapyri, was here put to death, for affecting Kingly power. But, Peucestes who protected the King among the Malli, and as a reward had been received amongst the Keepers of his body, was now further made Gover∣nour of Persia, and thereupon fully conformed himself to the fashions of the Country.

33. Alexander had a great desire to sail through Euphrates and Tigris into the Persian Gulf, to compasse about Arabia and Africk,* 1.69 and so to passe through the Straights leading into the Mediterranean (now called the Straights of Gibraltar) for which purpose he commanded wood to be cut down in Libanus, to be catied to Thapsacus in Syria, and being made into ships, thence to bee conveyed to Babylon. Not long after, Nearchus brought the fleet up Pasitigris to a bridge newly made for the pas∣sing over of the Land-army, where for the meeting of both the Armies, af∣ter six moneths sail, Alexander sacrifized, and celebrated games. Thence marching to Susae: the Provinces by their Deputies there accused many of their Officers, besides other offences, of violating their Temples. He caused them all to be put to death, without respect to any former friendship, and with them Cleander, Sitalces, and Heracon, whom he had formerly condemned in Ca∣ramania. This severity noised abroad, netled many that knew themselves faulty; Some scraped together much money and fled, and others that com∣manded the mercenaries revolted, which caused him to send up and down Asia to disband the Stipendaries, who being thus put out of employment, robbed all over, and at length met at Tenarus, a Promontory of Laconia in Greece, whither many of their Captains fled to them. Alexander now ma∣ried Statira the daughter of Darius, and gave her younger sister Drypetis to his beloved Hephaestion,* 1.70 having a great desire that his children might be cousins to him. To some 80 more of his Commanders he gave wives of the daugh∣ters of the chiefest Medes and Persians, to which he assigned dowers. He made one great wedding-feast for himself and them all: and to the other Macedonians that had maried wives in Asia he gave gifts.

34. Moreover he paid the debts they had contracted in Asia, and because they were unwilling by giving up their names to let him see how bad husbands they had been (for they suspected him of such an intention) he caused the mony to be given them, without taking account to whom, and this expence reached not fully 10000 talents (as appeareth from Diodorus, Curtius, and

Plutarch; though Justin and Arrianus mention 20000) so that as Curtius observeth, this Army which had conquered so many Nations, brought more victory than booty out of Asia. He also rewarded them severally, as they had done him most eminent service; and to Pencestes, Leonnatus, Nearchus, Onesic••atus, Hephaestion, and other keepers of his body, he gave golden crowns. But this did not satisfie the Macedonians, so as to keep them from mutinying. For, having sailed the River Eulaeus to the Sea, thence to the mouth of Tigris, and up this River as far as Opis, he there calling them to∣gether, gave liberty to all who were rendred unfit for service, either through age or maimednesse, to return home, promising great rewards to such as would voluntarily stay and finish the War with him. Though he intended hereby to gratifie them, yet they made a bad construction of it, as proceeding from contempt of them and their service, as counting them unfit for War. They called also to minde how he used the Persian habit and customs, as did some of his favourites;* 1.71 that the barbarous Nations were admitted amongst that Troop called his friends; and that he had lately caused 30 odd young men to be picked up out of the Provinces, whom trained up in the discipline of Ma∣cedonia, he called Epigoni, or his posterity. Considering these things, and thinking that he now despised their persons, fashions, and Country, they all desired to be disbanded, and bade him go alone to the Wars with his father Hammon, seeing he set so light by his Soldiers.

35. The King inraged, presently caused thirteen of the ringleaders to be apprehended, and drowned in the River; and reviling the rest bade them all be gone home. Then entering his Palace, for that day and the next he would admit none to his presence. On the third, having confined the Mace∣donians to their tents, he called such strangers to him as followed his Camp. Their faithfulnesse to him and the former Kings he commended, he related what favours he had shewed them, and told them he now took them as fellow Citizens, gave them the Arms of the Macedonians, and would have the Kingdom of Europe and that of Asia the same thing. Out of them he chose 1000 young men, to whom he committed the charge of his person in the Court; he bestowed the commands of the Army amongst them, and made choice of some, whom naming his kinsfolk, he permitted to kisse him. These things cut the Macedonians to the heart, and made them seriously repent of their rashnesse. Coming to the Palace, they threw down their Arms at the gate,* 1.72 and with great lamentation desired to be admitted, offering to give up the incendiaries, and desiring him rather to kill than thus disgrace them. He refused to admit them, but they continued still two dayes and as many nights before the gates, professing that they would not depart till he had compassion on them. On the third day, perceiving them thus humbled, he came forth to them, and Callines after mutual weeping, told him, that it troubled them to know others received into his kindred, and themselves excluded from it. He answered, that he received them also, and so would call them thence∣forth; then he offered himself to be kissed by as many as would. Being thus received again into favour, they returned with great joy to their tents, and afterwards were feasted by him, together with Persians and others, to the num∣ber of 9000 guests.

36. He dismissed now such as were unserviceable for the Wars (though some say it was not till a little before his death) to whom he paid not onely their arrears, but gave them money to bear their charges, and a talent to every man besides. He sent home with them Craterus his beloved friend to govern Greece and Macedonia in the room of Antipater, who was to bring over a supply of men. Then made he a progresse through several places, and came to Ecbatane the chief seat of Media,* 1.73 where Hephaestion by drinking got a Feaver, and then impatient of a strict diet, died of it in seven dayes. In the absence of Glaucus his Physician (who was gone to the Theater to behold the sports) he eat his dinner, and after it drank a cup of cold wine, which, as it was thought, increased the distemper. Alexander took his death most heavi∣ly, fasted three dayes, and refused to be comforted. He commanded the

Physician to be crucified, bespoke an universal mourning, wherein the Cities shared by the removal of their ornaments from the walls. He ordered Per∣diccas to convey the body to Babylon, where he intended him a most sump∣tuous monument, and refused to fill up his place of Captain of his Thousand friends, lest his name should be forgotten, by which he would have the Com∣pany still called. Then, for diversion, he made War upon the Cossai, a Peo∣ple bordering on the Oxii, which having stood out against the Persians, despi∣sed him also, in respect of their valour, and the strength of their Country, situate upon the mountains of Media. Yet for all this, and the coldnesse of Winter, he brought them under within 40 dayes.

37. Having a great desire to sail the Caspian Sea, he sent Heraclides with divers Ship-carpenters into Hyrcania to build ships, and then he took his journy towards Babylon. Being distant from the City two or three dayes journy, the Chaldaeans sent to warn him that he should not come into the Ci∣ty, for they were told by their god Belus, that, if he did, it should be fatal to him. He intended to follow their advise; but being perswaded otherwise by Anaxarchus and other Graecians, at length he resolved on the contrary. Then they desired him that he would not enter with his face upon the West;* 1.74 but it being difficult not so to do, by reason of the Fens about the City, ha∣ving slighted their former advice, he also rejected this. Being arrived, he gave audience to Ambassadors sent to him now from all parts, not onely out of Asia, but from Africk and Europe also; Out of Africk,* 1.75 from the Nations situate upon the Sea-Coasts as far as the Atlantick Ocean: from Europe, besides the Graecians, Thracians, Illyrians, and Scythians, from some Nations of Italy, as the Brutii, Lucani, Tusci; from Sicilie, and Sardinia; as also from the Spaniards and Galls, then first known to the Macedonians; but as for the Romans, though some ranked them in the number, yet have we no rea∣son to give credit to their report. At the celebration of the Olympick games, he caused it to be proclaimed, that all Greek Exiles might return home, except such as were banished for Sacrilege or murther, against which the Athenians and Aetolians onely made resistance. Then celebrated he the funerals of Hephaestion with vast magnificence, and sacrificed to him as an Heroe. After this he made great preparations for shipping, intending also to invade and conquer Arabia, which, hearing that it was no lesse than India, he sent some to discover.

38. While these preparations were making, and an Haven in digging at Babylon, he passed through Euphrates into Pallocopa, a River, which being supplied with water from the former, thereby hindreth it from overflowing the Country. Here he opened the passages, made a new one to∣wards the Lakes, and coming into the borders of Arabia, built there a City, Then deriding the Chaldaeans, for that he had both entred, and sailed in safe∣ty from Babylon, he thither returned, and liking the City exceedingly, in∣tended to make it the seat of his Empire; though it was but for a short space, as it fell out.* 1.76 For, having sate up feasting and drinking very late one night, as he was departing to go to bed, he was again invited by Medius a Thessalian to another carowze, where challenging, and being challenged, he drank so much wine as put him into a Feaver, whereof he died the eleventh day.* 1.77 Some have delivered that he was poysoned by the proc••rement of Antipater, who suspecting he was through the malice of Olympias called out of Macedonia for no good towards himself, sent his son Cassander with poyson to be delivered to Iollas and his other sons, that then wa••ed on the King. Indeed Cassander was not at all favourable, as he ought to ••••ve been, to the interest of Alexan∣der's posterity, as neither to his reputation; and coming to him a little before his death, he did but little strive to suit his humour. For seeing the Barba∣rians adore him, and being unacquainted with such asight, he burst forth into laughing, for which Alexander caught him by the hair, and knocked his head soundly against the wall, as Plutarch telleth us. But as for matter of poison, the long lying of his body in so hot a Country, during the contentions of his Captains, betraied no symptoms thereof, and therefore others give no credit

to the report. Moreover, the course of his sicknesse presenteth us with no such symptomes, as it is described to us by Plutarch and Arrianns out of his Diaries.

39. On the 18th day of the (Macedonian) moneth Daesius (May the 12) he slept in a Bath, because of his feaver. The day following he returned to his Bed Chamber, and spent it with Medius at Dice: then being washed at night, and having finished his devotions, he supped something liberally, and all the night was much distempered. On the 20th day he washed, and having finished a solemn sacrifice, in the Bath heard Nearchus relate the story of his Navigation, and of what he had seen in the Ocean. On the 21th. having done the same thing his Feaver increased, and he had an ill night. The day after he was held with a sharp Feaver, and was removed near the great place for swimming, where he discoursed with his Officers about supplying Va∣cant places in the Army with the fittest persons. On the 24th his disease increasing he sacrificed, being borne out to the place, and commanded the prin∣cipal of his Officers to stay in the Court, and the rest to watch before the Gates. Being removed into the inner Palace on the 25th day he rested a lit∣tle; but the Feaver abated not, and when the Captains came to see him he spake not a word. So he passed over the 26th day, whereupon the Macedo∣nians thinking him to be dead, came with great noise to the Door, and com∣pelled his friends to let them in; so in their Coats every man of them pas∣sed by his bed's side. The same day Pithon and Seleucus were sent to the Temple of Serapis, to ask if he should be removed thither, and received answer, that he should continue where he was. On the 28th day towards the evening he expired. Though he(a) 1.78 fainted by the violence of his disease; yet lean∣ing on his Elbow, he reached out his hand to all Soldiers that would touch it in their passage, and (which seemeth incredible)(b) 1.79 continued in the same posture he had set himself, till the whole Army had saluted him.

40. The Soldiers being all gone, he asked his friends about him whether they thought they should have such another King. When all kept silence he said, that as he was ignorant hereof, so he knew, could Prophesie,* 1.80 and almost see with his eyes how much blood Macedonia would shed in this controver∣sie, with what slaughters and bloudshed it would make him a Parentation when he was dead. At length he commanded his body to be buried in the Temple of Hammon, and when his friends asked him to whom he would leave his Kingdom, he answered, to the most Valiant. Yet having taken his Ring from his finger he gave it to Perdiccas: whereby all conjectured that he commended his Kingdom to him till his Children should grow up. Again, Perdiccas demanding of him when he would have Divine honours given to him,* 1.81 he replied, then, when they (his followers) were happy: which were his last words, and a little after he departed. He* 1.82 lived 32 years and eight moneths, reigned twelve, and also eight moneths. He died six years and ten moneths after the murther of Darius, in the first year of the 114 Olympiad, A. M. 3681. 322 years before the Aera of Christ. S••s••∣gambis the Mother of Darius having with some patience born the losse both of her Son's life and Empire, when she heard of Alexander's death refused to live any longer. So, refraining from all sustenance she died the fifth day af∣ter.

CHAP. II. Of such things as hapned after the death of Alexander amongst his Captains, till their Cantonizing of his Empire into their par∣ticular Kingdoms, and their taking the Stile and Title of Kings upon them, containing the space of 17 years.

* 1.831. ALexander, though he had taken several Wives, yet left but one Son already born of Barsine, the Daughter of Artabazus a Persian, and another in the belly of Roxane, the Daughter of Oxyaries. His Son called Hercules was despised upon his Mothers account by the Captains, who much scorned the Conquered Nations. He had a sister named Cleopatra, Widow to the King of Epirus and their Uncle, who was slain in Italy; and a base brother called Aridaeus (begotten on Philinna a vvoman of Larissa) who married Eurydice the daughter of Amyntas, whom being the right Heir, and his Nephew, Philip kept from the Kingdom of Macedonia, after he had ex∣ercised the Office of his Protector, and on him bestowed a daughter of his own in marriage. This Amyntas bore patiently the want of the Kingdom all Phi∣lip's time, but in the beginning of Alexander's reign, with the losse of his life, attempted something. His title through the prowesse of the two late Kings was utterly forgotten; Cleopatra (as a woman perhaps) was not thought of. Aridaeus neither by birth, personage, or qualities was fitly endowed; yet upon him the election fell, for want of a better, because the Captains were at a losse what course to take.

2. For, Ptolomy the son of Lagus (as he was called; but reputed the son of Philip, who, as it's said, having used the company of Arsinoe his Mother, put her off in marriage to Lagus,* 1.84 when great with Child) rejecting the title of the half Persian brood, though as Alexander's Children they should have been considered, was for the Captains their taking the rule upon them, and deciding all things by Vote of the major part. But as he might think this course most likely to serve his own ambition, so Aristonus perhaps on the same grounds betook himself to the words of Alexander, which he inter∣preted as meant of Perdiccas, because, saying, that he left his Kingdom to the worthiest, at the point of death he delivered to him his Ring. He was seconded by many, who either bore good will to Perdiccas, or out of fear that he would carry it, would not venture to oppose him. But he would needs make a shew of modesty, thinking thereby the more to indear himself, where∣at Meleaeger an envious man, and one who bore to him a particular grudge, took advantage to inveigh against him, and disturbed all Councils, by per∣swading the Soldiers that whosesoever was the Empire, they had the best title to the Treasure. During the uproar Aridaeus was mentioned, and his name laid hold on by some peaceable spirits, who labouring betwixt the parties wrought a composure for the time, wherein yet Perdiccas had the better of his adversary.* 1.85 It was agreed, according to the desire of the Infantry, that Ari∣daeus the base son of Philip should be King, and for as much as he was stupid and dull (rather through the practising of Olympias upon him, as some thought, than any Original indisposition) Perdiccas was made his Protector, and Commander of his Forces, who hereby in effect was King for a time, though that title, with the name of Philip, for a greater grace was conferred upon the other.

3. Then did the Officers distribute the Provinces of the Empire amongst themselves. Macedonia and Greece were left to Antipater, Thrace with the neighbouring Countreys was assigned to Lysimachus; Egypt, with all that which of Cyr••ne,* 1.86 Africk, and Arabia had belonged to Alexander, was set over to Ptolomy the son of Lagus. Syria and Phoenicia were committed to Laomedon; Armenia to Neoptolemus; Mesopotania to Arcesilaus. In Asia the lesse, Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, with the Countreys thereto adjoyning,

which Alexander had passed by in his Conquests, were assigned to Eumenes;* 1.87 Pamphylia, Lycia, Lycaonia, and the greater Phrygia to Antigonus; the lesset Phrygia as far as the Hellespont to Leonatus; Cilicia to Philotas, to∣gether with Isauria; and Caria to Cassander. Menander was confirmed in the Government of Lydia given him by Alexander. The Isle of Cyprus re∣mained in the power of certain Governours to which he had granted it; and all that part of his Empire from Babylon Eastward continued in the state wherein he left it.* 1.88 Thus was his Dominions disposed of otherwise than he intended, for one telleth us that he made a Will, which he delivered to the Rhodians, and another affirmeth, that thereby all was given to one onely Suc∣cessor. After this his Funerals were thought of, his body having lyen seven dayes neglected. Yet no corruption had seized on it, and it looked as fresh in the face as though it had been living,* 1.89 which as it's said made the Aegypti∣ans and Chaldaeans afraid to touch it;* 1.90 but having prayed that mortals might lawfully do it, they embalmed, and after that adorned it with royal En∣signs. The care of the burial was committed to one Aridaeus (not the King, though some have so mistaken) another of the Captains, who spent two years in making preparation for it, which made Olympias tax the late ambition of her son, and bewail his misfortune together in the same speech, as* 1.91 Elian observeth. For, the burial of Alexander was to be ushered in by the Funerals of many of his followers.

* 1.924. Ptolomy got possession of Egypt vvithout any trouble, and setled him∣self therein, partly by his fair carriage towards the Inhabitants, and partly by the power of an Army, vvhich he raised by the virtue of 8000 Talents. Hearing that Perdiccas had an intention to deprive him of his Government, he contracted affinity vvith Antipater, and making away Cleoments his Lieu∣tenant, because he vvas much addicted to the Protector, fortified the Coun∣trey. Antipater vvas now imployed in the Lamian War against the Atheni∣ans and Aetolians,* 1.93 vvho refused to receive their Exiles, as vvas hinted be∣fore, and so distressed him in battel, that he was forced to fly to Lamia, a Ci∣tie of Pthiotis. Here Leosthenes the Athenian General besieged him; but vvhen he perceived him forsaken by the Aetolians he issued out, and slew him in the charge, being an excellent Soldier, and one vvho had deserved vvell of Greece. Leonatus Governour of the lesser Phrygia, allured by promise of his daughter, came over to help Antipater; but marching through Thessaly was driven into a Fen by the Graecians, and there slain. At his mishap An∣tipater (vvho coming thither the day after, united his Forces vvith his own) is said to have rejoyced, because he had determined to make himself Master of Macedonia. At this time Perdiccas taking the King along vvith him, went against Ariarathes of Cappadocia,* 1.94 vvhom getting into his hands he Crucified, and subduing those Countreys vvhich Alexander had passed by, gave them to Eumenes, according to agreement.* 1.95 Craterus not long after passed over into Macedonia, to the assistance of Antipater, vvith 10000 Macedonians, and 150 Persians, vvhich Force united to the Army of Antipater, overpowered the joynt strength of the Graecians.

5. After this begun the Civil Wars betwixt the Captains themselves. For,* 1.96 Perdiccas breathing after the Soveraignty, and knowing how able the other were to withstand him, grudged Ptolomy exceedingly the possession of Egypt, and through the perswasion of Eumenes procured much enmity,* 1.97 in that having married Nicaea the daughter of Antipater, by his advice, he re∣solved to put her away, and take Cleopatra to wife, the daughter of Philip,* 1.98 and sister to Alexander. This being made known to Antigonus,* 1.99 he certified Antipater of it, and being calumniated by Perdiccas (who intended to make him away) he fled unto him, with Demetrius his son. Perdiccas consulting with his Officers what in this case was to be done, resolved first to set upon Egypt, lest Ptolomy during his absence in Greece, should seize upon Asia. And to keep Asia against Antipater and Craterus,* 1.100 he left Eumenes with large power over the Provinces, joyning with him Alcetas his own brother, and Neoptolemus. Perdiccas taking along with him Aridaeus the King, and

young Alexander now born of Roxane (who was eight moneths gone with child of him when his Father died) for a more specious pretence, marched against Ptolomy. Antipater, and Craterus, hearing how things went, clap∣ped up a Peace presently with the Aetolians,* 1.101 and leaving Polysperchon to go∣vern Macedonia and Greece, passed over the Hellespont, and dispatched away messengers to Ptolomy to enter into a league and society with him.

6. Alcetas, with those Macedonians he commanded, flatly refused to fight against them; and Neoptolemus envying Eumenes the chief command, plain∣ly revolted.* 1.102 After this, some were sent to feel Eumenes, but he answered, that he would rather die than betray his trust, whereupon Antipater and Cra∣terus divided their Forces. Antipater marched towards Aegypt to joyn with Ptolomy, and Craterus staied to oppose Eumenes, with whom fighting in Cap∣padocia, his Horse stumbled, and he was run through with a Lance, and after the fight died of the wound: Neoptolemus also grapling with Eumenes was slain by him. By this time Perdiccas with the two Kings came to Pelusium in Aegypt, where though Ptolomy purged himself of the crimes objected against him, yet he would pursue his enterprize, though contrary to the incli∣nation of his Soldiers, his end being hereby to be brought about. Divers of his friends presently forsook him; yet he set upon a Castel near the Nile, and not being able to gain it, marched away and came over against Memphis, where the River parting into two streams, maketh an Island very convenient for the lodging of his Army. Endeavouring to bring his men into it, he lost 200 in the Ford, for that those who first waded over so removed the sand at the bottom, that the River was too deep for such as followed. Yet did he com∣mand those who had got safe over to return; of whom part were drowned, some caried down the stream to the Enemie, and others being tossed to and fro in the River were devoured by Crocodils.* 1.103 By this imprudent act the minds of his followers were so turned against him,* 1.104 that 100 of his chief Of∣ficers revolting, he was slain by certain Horse-men, after he had continued in his power almost three years.* 1.105 One reporteth, that he was slain at the Ri∣ver Nile by Seleucus and Antigonus.

7. Ptolomy came over to the Kings, whom with the Officers he magnifi∣cently entertained, and then an election being to be made of a new Gover∣nour for them in the room of Perdiccas, though he could easily have procured himself to be chosen, yet he got two others elected, viz. Pithon one of Alexander's most intimate friends, and A••idaeus, who having the care of the funeral committed to him,* 1.106 had at the desire of Ptolomy buried the King's bo∣dy at Memphis, against the will of Perdiccas. The Army now being dis∣pleased at the death of Craterus, declared Eumenes an Enemy, and chose Antigonus together with Antipater Generals for the subduing of him. But Pithon and Aridaeus held not their places long, for Eurydice the wife of Ari∣daeus the King, being a woman of a notable spirit, would have nothing done without her knowlege, and grew so intolerable, that Pithon therewith wea∣ried, and seeing the Macedonians too much addicted to her, called the Sol∣diers together, and laid down his Protectorship. Into his room then Antipater was elected with full power.

8. Against him also Eurydice raised such a Sedition in the Army,* 1.107 taking occasion at the want of pay, that with much ado he escaped the danger of his life, by the means of Antigonus and Seleucus. After this, he anew divided such Provinces as he saw convenient, placing and displacing Governours. He created Antigonus General against Eumenes, sending his own son Cassander as Collonel with him,* 1.108 by whom he might be certified, in case he attempted any thing for his own establishment; and then with the two Kings he marched for Mace••onia. Eumenes having intelligence concerning these Councils, made all preparations possible for resistance. In the Spring Antigonus came against him into Cappadocia, where he first attempted by Libels thrown into his Camp, to draw his Soldiers from their obedience, offering a great reward for his head. Eumenes gave his Soldiers thanks for their fidelity, but told them, that these Libels were feigned by himself to try them, which was a notable device (and

of such he was full) to make them wary of giving credit to such for the time to come. Yet some proved false to him, as one Perdiccas, who drew away a considerable party, but was pursued and taken, and being put to death, the Soldiers returned to obedience. But Apollonides his General of the Horse did most mischief,* 1.109 for being corrupted by Antigonus, when they came to joyn battel he passed over with his Troops to him, whereby Eumenes had the worst of it, and lost about 8000 men, with his Cariages.

9. Apollonides the Traytor he caught and hanged: then, flying a private way, he returned to the Camp, and there buried his dead, to the wonder and amazement of the Enemy, after which he could have plundred the carri∣ages of Antigonus but for burthening his Soldiers with the booty. Being driven to and fro in this flight, at length he betook himself to a Castel called Nora, situate in the Confines of Cappadocia and Lycaonia, and dismissed all his Army, except 500 Horse-men, and 200 Foot, as also such friends as were unwilling to undergo the hardship of a Siege. Antigonus before he would lay close siege to the place, called him forth to a Treaty, requiring him to come to him a Superiour, to which he answered, that he accounted no man his Superiour so long as he had a Sword by his side.* 1.110 This parley, though ma∣naged with much respect, came to nothing, and Antigonus leaving a party sufficient to carry on the Siege, marched against Alcetas and Attalus,* 1.111 two of Eumenes his confederates, whom he suppressed. About this time Antipater died in Macedonia, and at his death more swayed by the Publick good than any selfish respect,* 1.112 left Polysperchon (who after himself was the oldest of Alexander's friends now living) Protector of the Kings, and Captain, with full authority. Cassander his son stomached this very much, and consulting how to advance himself to be chief, secretly entered into confederacy with divers Captains. Amongst these was Ptolomy, whom he desired that he would send him some ships out of Phoenicia (for all that Country, together with Judaea, hee had now got into his power) into the Hellespont. But the death of Antipater strangely also made way for the inlargement of Eumenes.

10. For, Antigonus now being lest chief in Asia, thought of no lesse than getting it all into his power, and for that end strove to ingtatiate himself with the several Captains. Judging that the conjunction of Eumenes might be of great advantage to him, he sent Hieronymus his Country-man (who being an* 1.113 Historian, wrote of the acts of Alexander and his Successors) to desire him, that forgetting the fight in Cappadocia, he would enter into society with him, and receive a larger Province. He required that he should take an oath, which, slightly passing over the Kings, he had framed to his own advan∣tage.* 1.114 Eumenes unwilling to swear fealty to him, with the assent of Hierony∣mus and the besiegers, changed the form of the oath, and swore to have the same friends and enemies, not onely with him, but with Olympias, and the Kings. Hereupon the Siege was raised after a years continuance, which he had born with admirable chearfulnesse and prudence, and now being let loose drew many followers after him, so that within a few dayes, besides the 500 which had continued with him in the Castel, he had 2000 at his devotion. Antigonus was very angry that he had changed the form of the oath, and by Letters checked the besiegers, for admitting of it, requiring them to besiege him again; but it was too late. Thus, they were as far from closing as be∣fore; and still were further set at distance by the affaires which now were on foot in Macedonia.

11. Polysperchon having succeeded Antipater (as was before said) recal∣led Olympias out of Epirus,* 1.115 whither her enmity with Antipater had driven her, inviting her to take the care of her young grand-son upon her. But Cas∣sander resolving to venture for Macedonia, entred into confederacy with Ptolomy and Antigonus, the later whereof gladly promised him assistance, out of love to the memory of his father, as he pretended, but indeed desirous that he should be diverted by so great a Warre, whilst he in the mean time might make sure of Asia. Polysperchon to secure Greece, in the name of

the Kings published an Edict for the abolishment of all such Oligarchies, as since the passing of Alexander into Asia, had been erected in any of the Cities, which by virtue hereof he restored to their former liberty, hereby to oblige, and keep them from yielding to Cassander. In the same name he al∣so wrote to Eumenes, upon whom he confirmed his former Government, and bestowed more,* 1.116 beseeching him, that together with himself, he would take upon him the protection of the King's house; if he pleased, in Macedonia, but rather in Asia against Antigonus, who now had visibly revolted from it: Moreover, he wrote to the Treasurers in Cilicia, to furnish Eumenes with money, and to the Argyraspidae (or the old Soldiers with Silver Shields) to obey him in all things. Olympias also by letters desired his help, owning him as the most faithful of those remaining, who could assist against the ruine and desolation of her family.

12. Eumenes not able to stay any longer in Cappadocia, because Menander was sent from Antigonus against him, hasted into Cilicia, where the Argy∣raspidae being 3000 in number joyned with him. Fearing the envy of the Macedonians, for that he was but a Stranger of the Cherronesus of Thrace, he caried it with great civility towards all, and made himself but equal to the other Captains. To contain them in order,* 1.117 he feigned that Alexander had appeared to him in a dream, sitting upon his Throne, and commanding as formerly, in compliance wherewith, he caused a Throne to be erected in a Tent as for the King, whereon was also laid a Diadem and Scepter; and here the Council of Officers were alwaies to assemble: Then sending his friends abroad he raised many men, the report of the largnesse of his pay drawing Soldiers out of Greece it self. Ptolomy and Antigonus sent to take off the Argyraspidae, and Teutamus one of their Captains was perswaded by them, but was reduced to his former resolution by Antigenes his Collegue, and the common Soldiers were quieted by Eumenes, who came upon them while yet they were in fear of Antigonus, who threatned, that except they would deliver him up, he would come and destroy them with his Army. Af∣ter this, Eumenes marched into Phoenicia, intending there to provide ship∣ping, that if need were, he might have entercourse with Polysperchon. He also intended to rescue Phoenicia out of Ptolomie's hands; but finding himself un∣able to accomplish this design, he began his march through Coelesyria, and passed on till he came to Carrae near Babylon,* 1.118 where he took up his Winter quarters.

13. Antigonus having overthrown at Sea Polysperchon's Navy, and attemp∣ted something against the Governours near the Hellespont, now hasted to make a full conquest of Asia. He chose out of all his Army 20000 Foot, and 2000 Horse, wherewith, for expedition, he marched with speed into Cilicia to supresse Eumenes his forces ere he could get them together, which caused the other sooner to depart into Phoenicia, whence he marched to Carrae. Whilst he here remained he sent to Seleucus Governour of Babylon,* 1.119 and Pi∣thon of Media, for aid against the enemies of the Kings; to which they an∣swered, that they were ready to assist the Kings, but not him, who was con∣demned by a Council of the Macedonians, and they solicited the Captains of the Argyraspidae to forsake him; but in vain. After this he resolved for Susa,* 1.120 thinking to get aide out of the upper Provinces, and money out of the Treasury, and thither he came with much difficulty, Seleucus having so drowned his Camp, that he was forced to get off his men with boats. It hapned that the Governours of the Provinces were at this time gathered toge∣ther with many forces against Pithon, who having slain Philotas, had placed his own brother Eudramus in his stead. Fearing the like might be attempted against themselves, they armed, and having overthrown him in battel, drove out of Parthia to Babylon,* 1.121 where he fled to Seleucus for relief. Having formerly sent them Letters from the Kings, he now also solicited them for aid when thus met together, to which they agreed, and came dovvn. These were Peucestes Governour of Persia, one of the Keepers of the late King's body, and now chosen by the rest for their Generalissimo; Polemon of Cara∣mania,

Sibyrt••us of Arachosia, Stasander of Aria, and Drangiana; An∣drabazus, who was sent from Oxyartes Governour of the Parapomisadae, and Eudamus (or Eudaemon) Governour of the Oxydracae and Malli, who brought with him out of Ind••a 120 Elephants (besides other Forces) which he got into his hands after he had slain Porus the King. Their united Force consisted of above 18700 foot, and 4600 horse, which being joyned to Eu∣menes his Army, made up a considerable body.

14. They had falln out about chusing a new General, had not Eumenes his former device of setting up Alexander's Pavilion and Throne prevented it, whither he perswaded them to repair, and rule in common; after which he took as much money out of the Treasury at Susa as his wants required.* 1.122 In Spring Antigonus being come into Mesopotamia marched to Babylon,* 1.123 where joyning in Confederacy with Seleucus and Pithon, he received some Forces from them, and passed the River Tigris. Eumenes hearing of his co∣ming went down to Pasitigris, where he fell upon such of his Soldiers as were got over the River, which he filled also with Carkeises, and took 4000 prisoners. Antigonus therefore bent his course another way to the Citie Badaca situate upon the River Eulaeus, whence he journeyed through the Countrey of the Cossaeans with great difficulty, & hardship, into the habitable parts of Media, where he refreshed, and quieted his men now ready to mutiny, by reason of their teadious journey. Eumenes marched into Persia, where the whole Army was Magnificently entertained by Peucestes the Satrapa, who now thought to establish himself in the Chief power, but by the great cunning of Eumenes, together with the other Captains, was retained in his former condition, and brought to a greater observance of him. Antigonus, fol∣lowing him into Persia, he returned to meet him, but feasting his Army, he drunk so excessively, that a great distemper thereby contracted, stopped him for some dayes, and then was he carried in a Litter out of the noise, till such time as the Front would not march without him in the head of them. He was therefore constrained to lead them, and shortly after to frame the battel in his Litter, which Antigonus saw, and laughed at it.

15. Four dayes were spent in light skirmishing, during which time Anti∣gonus endeavoured to draw away Eumenes his men;* 1.124 but to no purpose; and afterwards resolved to go 3 dayes journey off into Gabiene, for that the Armies were both much straightned for necessaries. Eumenes hearing this, sent some, who as Fugitives should acquaint him how as that night he intended to fall in upon his Camp, which he believing, stayed, expecting him, and then did Eumenes make haste to get into Gabiene before him. Antigonus seeing him∣self deluded, marched after with great expedition, and leaving behind the rest of his Army, with a party got before him. He presented then himself to his view upon the Mountains, which Eumenes seeing, and thinking he had all his Forces with him, made an Alt, and so they mutually deceived each other. Here in the Countrey of the Paraetaceni they joyned battel, wherein Eumenes had the better, though the other got the advantage of ground; but then his Soldiers beginning to be refractory would needs depart to their bag∣gage,* 1.125 and not stay to bury their dead. Whereupon Antigonus doing this first, the victory came to be controverted.

16. Antigonus finding himself to have had the worst of it,* 1.126 went his way to Gamarga in Media, where was plenty of Provisions, and then Eumenes finding his Army in no good case to pursue him, departed to Gabiene. Here he divided his Forces into their Winter quarters, not according to his own desire, but the pleasure of the Soldiers, for the old ones which had followed Alexander in his Conquests were grown so high, as they would rather give Laws to their Captains than receive them. Antigonus hearing this, thought to surprize them on a sudden, and for that they should know nothing of it, resolved to take a by-way, which yet was declared to Eumenes, who not being able to call his Soldiers together so soon as was requisite, betook him∣self to his seldom failing policy. He caused fires to be made on the Moun∣tains where the Enemy was to passe, which they beholding, thought he had

there with him his whole Army, and so took the common way, after they were come into the midst of their journey. Antigonus stayed one day to recruit his Army, and Eumenes gathered in the mean time his Forces together, which admired his prudence so much, as they ordered him to be the Chief, which made him come into the danger of life, divers of the great ones conspiring against him, which made him say he was amongst a company of wild beasts, and caused him to make his Will, and tear his Letters, lest any of them that had wrote unto him should be troubled after his death. This as it was faithfully done to his friends, so was it also in good time, as it after fell out.

17. For, shortly after, Antigonus and he came to a Pitch-battel, which decided the controversie, though not for the Conquerour. Eumenes lead into the field 36700 foot, 6050 horse, and 114 Elephants, Antigonus brought 2••000 foot, 9000 horse, and 65 Elephants. The Argyraspides (or silver shields) got the victory, for they put all Antigonus his foot to flight, and killed 5000 of them, so that though Peucestes withdrew himself out of the fight with his own horse, and 1500 more; yet Eumenes with the losse of 700 on his side got the day. But neither valour nor wisdom could befriend him, for the place where they fought being exceeding dusty, so as ones sight was taken away at a little distance,* 1.127 Antigonus sends a party of his horse to plun∣der his Enemies baggage, so that the Macedonians though Conquerors, after the battel fell into a deep melancholy for the losse of their Wives and Chil∣dren taken away, and Teutamus first without the knowledge of any one sent to Antigonus, who Covenanted with him to restore him all, on condition Eumenes were delivered to him, and they would all passe into his Camp, whereupon the Macedonians,* 1.128 the 1000 which Peucestes commanded, and most of the other Captains revoked, and Eumenes having his hands tied behind him was delivered up; his Army shamefully following him to the Tents of Antigonus, leading it self in Triumph after him. Antigonus for shame would not see Eumenes his old fellow Soldier in that condition; but assigned him to Keepers, at first requiring he should be strictly looked to, but afterwards remitting that rigour till almost all perswaded him to make an end of him. This he was loath to do, and took 7 dayes to consult in; but then fearing some Sedition might arise in the Army, he commanded his dayly al∣lowance of meat should be withdrawn, saying, he would never lay hands upon him. Two or three dayes he languished in this condition, and then the Army being to march,* 1.129 one was sent in, and killed him without the knowledge of Antigonus; so fell this brave man, excelled in Military glory but by few Captains, in the eighth year after the death of Alexander.

18. Cassander having obtained of Antigonus 35 ships, and 6000 men,* 1.130 sayled with them to Athens, which together with the Haven he had got into his power, by means of Nicanor, whom he had sent before-hand for that purpose. Against him came Polysperchon, intending to besiege him, but his Provisions failing, he left his son with a party in Attica, and with the greatest part of the Army marched into Peloponnesus against the Inhabitants of Megalopolis, who onely amongst the Cities had refused to take away their Oligarchy, and had joyned with Cassander. Here he had the worst of it, and that brought him so into contempt, as most of the Greek Cities revolted from him to Cassander, and the Athenians seeing they could not shake off his Garrison, agreed with him that he should retain the Fort Munychia, till the War was finished with the Kings, but that the Citie should be governed by one whom he appointed, which was Demetrius Phalereus the Philoso∣pher, Theophrastus his Scholar, who Governed ten years with moderation, and was honored with 360 Statues.* 1.131 Then Cassander making an expedition into Macedonia, found there many friends. The year after, Polysperchon by the help of Aeacida, King of the Molossians, reduced Olympias with Alex∣ander the son of Rhoxane her Grand-Child into Macedonia, whereupon Eu∣rydice the Wife of Aridaeus the King fortified herself, and sent to Cassander for aid, but the Macedonians fearing the Majesty of Olympias fell away from

her,* 1.132 and she with her husband being both committed to prison, he was first made away, and then Olympias sent her a Sword, an Halter, and Poyson, to chuse which of them she pleased; so she praying the gods that she might have at length such gifts sent unto her, hanged her self with her Gar∣ter. This hapned after Aridaeus had enjoyed the title of King six years and four moneths.

19. Olympias killed Nicanor the brother of Cassander,* 1.133 and destroyed the Sepulchre of his other brother Iollas, and then chusing out 100 of his chiefest friends put them to cruel deaths.* 1.134 But he hearing she was arrived in Mace∣donia, marched out of Peloponnesus against her, whereupon she made Ari∣stonous her General, and commanded him to meet Cassander, she betaking herself, with Alexander her Grand-son, his Mother, and others, into Pydna, hoping she should have many assistants, but she was deceived. For,* 1.135 Cassander besieged her by Land and Sea. Aeacida was coming to assist her, but by his means his men fell away from him, and banishing him his Countrey, joyned themselves and Kingdom to the other; others in Macedonia intended to aid her, but fearing Cassander, fell off also to him, and as for Polysperchon in whom rested now all her hope, Callas being sent against him corrupted also most of his Soldiers. The siege, therefore lasted without any let, till famine so prevailed in the Citie, as many of the Defendants came out, and she was then driven by necessity to yield, very hardly obtaining promise of safety to her person. Afterwards he caused such as whole Kinsfolks she had put to death to accuse her to the Macedonians, who naturally hated, and now in∣censed by them,* 1.136 condemned her. Then did he send some of her friends to her, willing her to fly, but she denied it, and resolved to plead her cause before the people, so that he fearing their affections might be moved to∣wards her, sent some Soldiers to kill her. They were so struck with her Ma∣jesty, as they returned without doing their errand, but then some the friends of whom she had made away came in, and slew her, not at all amated, or behaving herself otherwise than as the Mother of Alexander, whom she had out lived for eight years.

20. Pithon the Governour of Media, envying Antigonus his power, and greatnesse, laboured to draw most of the Soldiers now in their Winter quar∣ters to his own party,* 1.137 intending to establish himself, which Antigonus being aware of, gave out that he would commit the East unto him, and by divers friendly Letters drew him to him, after which he got him condemned in a Council of his Associates, and put him to death. Then marched he into Persia, being received by the Inhabitants as King, for that now without controversie he was Lord of Asia. Here calling a Council, he confirmed divers in their Go∣vernments, and amongst the rest Sibyrtius of Arachosia, to whom he delivered 1000 of the most turbulent Argyraspides (who had delivered up Eumenes) under pretence to serve him in the Wars,* 1.138 but indeed to destroy them, giving him secret order to expose them to ruin, that so they might never see more Macedonia nor the Greek Sea. Perceiving Peucestes to be in great favour here, he removed him from the Government, to the great grief of the people, and then got the Treasure at Susa into his hands, out of which he made 25000 Talents. Thence he journeyed to Babylon, where Seleucus the Governour royally entertained him, but offering to punish a certain Officer of the Ar∣my without his knowledge, he called him to an account for the Revenues of the place. Seleucus denied to account, saying, that place was given him by the Macedonians for his faithfull service performed to Alexander; but the Contest grew sharper everyday, so as he remembring, and fearing the case of Pithon,* 1.139 with fifty horse in his Company fled into Egypt. Antigonus was glad he had gotten Babylon, and that without any violence offered to his an∣tient friend; but being told by the Chaldeans, that if he let him go he should get all Asia into his power, and he himself should die in a battel against him, he sent some to pursue him, but in vain.

21. Seleucus being courteously entertained by Ptolomy, sent his friends in∣to Europe to stir up Cassander and Lysimachus against Antigonus, who su∣specting

some such matter, sent also to retain them in his friendship, but they entred into confederacy together with Ptolomy against him, and all three sent their Ambassadors to him, as he was now marching towards upper Syria, to demand that Cappadocia and Lycia might be restored to Cassander Gover∣nour of Caria;* 1.140 Phrygia upon the Hellespont to Lysimachus, all Syria to Ptolomy, and Babylon to Seleucus, and to divide all the treasure he had got into his hands since the death of Eumenes, with them and the other Macedo∣nians who had lost their Governments. To this he answered sharply, and that he was already pteparing for Ptolomy, so that the Ambassadors returning without any effect, they made great preparations both by Sea and Land. He understanding how full his hands would be, sent about to the chief States to retain them in friendship, and also to hire more Soldiers; he himself went into Phoenicia, where he besieged Tyre, used great endeavour for the making of ships, and took in Joppe and Gaza. Aristodemus also he sent into Laco∣nia, who there by the permission of the Lacedaemonians raised 8000 Soldiers, and joyned Polysperchon and Alexander his son in confederacy with him, of whom the former was made General of Greece, and the later he desired to go over to Antigonus, who going accordingly, in an assembly of the Army accused Cassander, for that he had put Olympias to death, had committed Rhoxane and her son to custody, maried by force Thessalonica the daughter of Philip and sister of Alexander, and so plainly affected the Kingdom of Macedonia: moreover, that he had re-edified Thebes destroyed by Alexan∣der, and restored the Olinthians; whereupon he was declared an Enemy, except he would amend what was amisse, and obey Antigonus, and set all the Graecians at liberty, and so Alexander rewarded with 500 Talents was sent back. Not long after he revolted to Cassander, being for that declared General of Peloponnesus, and shortly after was traiterously slain by the Sicionians.

22. Seleucus in Cyprus prospered against the party of Antigonus,* 1.141 and Polyclitus his Lieutenant overthrew Theodotus his Admiral both at Sea and Land, after which Ptolomy and Antigonus met and conferred together; but to no purpose. Cassander shortly after fearing Antigonus might passe over in∣to Europe, to divert him, sent an Army over into Caria to help those Cities which were confederate with Seleucus and Ptolomy, Cassander the Gover∣nour there joyning with him, which Antigonus fearing, left Demetrius his son in Syria, with order to entrap Ptolomie's forces if they should march that way, and for that he was but then 22 years old, left 4 grave men his friends to counsel and direct him. Upon his coming to Caria, Cassander the Go∣vernour having too great a burthen upon him, made a Peace, on condition to keep his place, and gave his brother for an Hostage, whom yet he getting again out of his hands, he presently revolted, after which Antigonus got divers Cities into his hands, and restored the Milesians to their liberty. At this time the inhabitants of Cyrene revolting, Ptolomy reduced them again to obedience by the means of Agis his General, and in Cyprus suppressed some of the Kings which were of the contrary faction. Returning home he was sollicited be Seleucus to undertake an Expedition against Demetrius then in Caelesyria,* 1.142 so that with 18000 Foot, and 4000 Horse, he marched to Gaza, where Demetrius expected him. In the fight the forces of Demetrius seem∣ed rather to prevail, till his Elephants being wounded and taken, his Horse out of fear ran away. He himself fled accompanied with many till he came to passe by Gaza, but then so many forsook him and went in thither to fetch out their goods, as multitudes flocking to the gates, and they therefore being hindred from being shut, the enemies entred with them and took the Town. Ptolomy took Sidon also, and besieged Tyre, whose Governour Andronicus upon summons refused to yield, and reviled him;* 1.143 yet he getting the place into his power through the sedition of the Soldiers, when he looked for present death, not onely forgave him, but entertained him courteously as his fami∣liar friend.

23. Ptolomy getting the places about Syria into his power, returned into

Aegypt, being followed thither by many which were drawn by his great courtesie and clemency. But Seleucus thinking this a good opportunity for him to return to his former Principality, obtained of him 800 Foot, and 200 Horse, and with them marched for Babylon. In his way in Mesopotamia he got, partly by fair means, partly by foul, those Macedonians which quar∣tered at Carrhae to joyn with him, but when he came to Babylon, the Inha∣bitants there willingly received him, and he shortly after stormed the Castel which was held by Antigonus his garrison. Nicanor the Governour of Me∣dia hearing this, came against him with above 10000 Foot, and 7000 Horse, whom he went out to meet with but few more than 3000 Foot, and 400 Horse, and knowing himself too weak to engage in a set battel with him, he hid his men in the Fens till he was past with his Army, and then came upon him lying carelesly in the night without any strict guards;* 1.144 so as the Persians coming to fight, Euagrus their Captain was slain, with other Officers, at which being struck, and also weary of Antigonus his government, they revolted, and Nicanor with a few at his heels escaped, being glad he was not delivered up. Seleucus by this means getting a strong Army, easily made himself Master of Susiana, Media, and the Countryes thereto adjoyning; so as getting hereby Royal Majesty, and Glory suitable to his dignity, some have from this year fetched the rise of that Aera, which afterwards was called that of the Seleucidae, and of the Greeks; for that his Kingdom pro∣ved the most considerable; about the year of the World 3694,* 1.145 the first of the 117 Olympiad, 309 years before the Aera of Christ, and twelve years af∣ter the death of Alexander.

24. When Antigonus heard of it, he sent his son Demetrius against him, who had now redeemed his credit by the overthrow of Cilles, sent to expel him out of Syria by Ptolomy, and upon it called thither his Father, so as they recovered all that Country, and Phoenicia out of his hands, he not daring to stay and try a battel with Antigonus.* 1.146 Demetrius led with him an Army of 15000 Foot, and 4000 Horse, with order to recover the Principality of Ba∣bylon, and then go down to the Sea. Patrocles,* 1.147 whom Seleucus had left Governour of Babylon, hearing of his coming, advised the inhabitants to leave the City, and flie some into the Desart, or over the River Tigris, he himself with a Band of men flew up and down, taking advantages at the Enemy, and sent to Seleucus into Media for aid, so that Demetrius coming and finding the City forsaken, stormed one of the Forts therein, and for that his time was out, beyond which he could not stay, he left Archelaus with a strong party to besiege the other. Then giving leave to his Soldiers to plunder all they could, he departed according to his Father's order to the Sea, where he besieged Halicarnassus, but was beaten off by Ptolomy, and so as it were took his leave of that Province for ever, taking what he could get along with him, and perhaps for this reason the Chaldaeans with the Author of the second Book of the Machabees in this year (one after the other) fix the Aera of Seleucus. Not long after, Ptolomy, Cassander, and Lysimachus, made a Peace with Antigonus on these terms:* 1.148 that Cassander should be Captain General of Eu∣rope; Lysimachus should retain Thrace, and Ptolomy Aegypt, and the rest which he now enjoyed, until Alexander the son of Roxane should come to age, and that Antigonus should be over Asia, and the Greeks live after their own Laws. This agreement was not kept long, each one seeking under any pre∣tence to inlarge his Dominions, and indeed they might better do it, seeing he for whom they pretended themselves Administrators, and was their Sove∣raign Lord, was taken away. For Cassander taking notice that young Alex∣ander grew up, and that the People began to talk, that now he ought to be delivered out of custody, and to enjoy his Fathers Kingdom, he fearing his own interest, commanded secretly Glaucius his Keeper to kill him and his Mother, and concealing their bodies, to acquaint no person living with it: Thus he who was unborn when his Father died,* 1.149 died by the hands of violence and treason, thirteen years after him.

25. He had a brother yet living elder than himself, who being begotten

of Barsines (never maried to Alexander) was held as illegitimate by the Captains,* 1.150 though born before his Father's death. His name was Hercules, being now kept at Pergamus, whence he was called shortly after the death of the other, by Polysperchon, who now being in Peloponnesus, and envying Cassander the Principality of Macedonia, sent about to his friends, intreat∣ing, that the youth being seventeen years old, might be brought, and establish∣ed in his Fathers Throne. The Aetolians especially, with others, imbraced the motion, so as he got together about 20000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, in no great space, and within a while after gathered up a numerous Army, with which he marched and came on his way to Stymphalia.* 1.151 Here Cassander op∣posed him, and seeing that his Macedonians took well enough this reduction of their Prince, and fearing they might revolt to him, sent to Polysperchon, and with vast promises secretly perswaded him to make away the young man, which accordingly was performed.* 1.152 About this time Demetrius overthrew Ptolomy his Lieutenants in Cilicia, and he to be revenged invaded Licia, where he took some Cities, after that sailed into Greece, where he endea∣voured in emulation to Antigonus to set the Cities at liberty, but the Greeks not keeping their promise of sending money and corn, having received Si∣cyon and Corinth from the Widdow of Alexander the son of Ephaestion (who had revenged stoutly her husbads death, and kept still these places) he agreed with Cassander that each should retain such places as he had in his power, and returned.

26. Alexander had yet a sister living called Cleopatra,* 1.153 formerly the Wid∣dow of Alexander King of Epirus (who making an Expedition into Italy, perished, against the Lucanians, as Livie tells us) and after that maried to Perdiccas, whom also now being at Sardis, Antigonus seems to have wooed. But she inclining rather to Ptolomy, stole out of Saxdis to go to him, where∣upon Antigonus took such order by the Governour of the Town, that she was not onely stopped in her journy,* 1.154 but by means also of some women se∣cretly made away, after which to colour the matter he put some of them to death, and buried her body with royal magnificence. Shortly after this, De∣metrius was sent into Greece to set the Cities at liberty, which he accom∣plished at this time for Athens; Demetrius Phalareus being driven out, and conducted to Thebes, where he lived till Cassander's death, and then fled to Ptolomy. After this, Demetrius being recalled to make War in Cyprus, thither he passed, where he overthrew Menelaus, Ptolomy his brother and Governour there, and pursuing him to the City Salamine, slew 3000 of his men, and took 1000, and then besieged him in that place. Ptolomy hearing of the defeat of his men, came both with Sea and Land forces, and ingaged the besiegers in battel,* 1.155 wherein though he overthrew that Wing against which he himself fought, yet the other prevailing, he was discomfited with the losse of 8000 men, and all his ships save eight, with which he fled away, and De∣metrius became Master of the Town and Island.* 1.156 Antigonus being elevated with this successe, received the title of King given him by his friends, and a Diadem set upon his head, which title and honour he also gave to his Son Demetrius. The Aegyptians also hearing this, lest they should seem to be dejected for their losse, gave the name of King to Ptolomy, who thence∣forth in all his Letters stiled himself so. Neither now would the other great ones come behind these; for Seleucus, Cassander, and Lysimachus, after their example, took upon themselves the same dignity and title, all the near relations of Alexander being quite extinct.

CHAP. III. From Alexanders Captains taking the Title of Kings, to the death of Seleucus the Surviver of them, containing the space of 24 years.

1. ANtigonus animated by his late successe against Ptolomy in Cyprus,* 1.157 now thought of no lesse than outing him also of Egypt it self; where∣fore recalling his son from the Island, he commanded all his Forces to meet at Antigonia (a Citie newly built by him upon the River Orontes in Syria, as convenient for the lying in wait against the upper Provinces & Egypt) which af∣terwards Seleucus destroyed, & translated the Inhabitants to his Seleucia. An∣tigonus leading the Land-forces himself, committed the Fleet to his son, which was to sayl along upon the Coasts with the Army as it marched. Ha∣ving good Provision both for men and beasts, he marched through the desert; the Navy went through great hazard at Sea, but the Tempest ceasing in good time,* 1.158 they came all together unto Nile. Ptolomy by this time had so fortified the several mouths of the River, as the Sea-forces could do no good, though they removed from one to another, and the Land-Army could not find any food at that time of the year, the water being very high: Moreover,* 1.159 many fell away to the Enemy, being allured with his promise of 2. l. to every common Soldier, and a Talent to an Officer; so that Antigonus was fain to retreat into Syria. Ptolomy being exceeding glad hereof, sent to his Confederates to acquaint them with his good successe, and now having thus defended his King∣dom, accounted himself rightly to enjoy it, and hereupon some have accounted the beginning of his reign from this very time, fixing it at 19 years distance from the death of Alexander.

2. This want of successe allayed not the ambition of Antigonus, For,* 1.160 he sent his son Demetrius presently against the Rhodians, who had formerly dis∣pleased him by a denial to send him aid, and ships. For, they endeavouring as near as they could to keep in with all these great ones; yet were drawn by their private interest, especially to favour Ptolomy, from whose Kingdom they got the greatest part of their livelyhood by way of Traffick.* 1.161 Demetrius according to his fathers command, went, and besieged their Citie, lying before it nigh a whole year, during which time he made all sorts of opposition he could, till ordered by his father to make peace with them, which they were prone to ac∣cept of, though Ptolomy with others sent them Provisions,* 1.162 and supplies of men. Departing from Rhodes, Demetrius passed into Greece to restore the Cities which Cassander and Polysperchon had lately mastered through the ab∣sence of Antigonus his Forces. Chalcis he freed from a Garrison of the Boe∣otians, whom he also withdrew from Cassander's friendship, joyned in so∣ciety with the Aetolians, and afterwards restored Sicyon, Corinth, Athens, and other places to their freedom. Cassander seeing things by the help of Demetrius to go well with Greece, sent over to Antigonus to desire peace, but he refused it, except he would refer himself whole unto him. He being affrighted at this, sent to Lysmachus in Thrace, to come and Consult with him, and then they both dispatch away Messengers to Ptolomy and Seleucus, to let them see how they were concerned also to resist Antigonus.* 1.163 They hearkned willingly to the offers made unto them, and joyned in Confederacy against him as their com∣mon Enemie, promising great supplies for carrying on the War.

3. Cassander thinking it good policy not to stay for the Enemy to come upon him, but invade him first, gave part of his Army to Lysimachus to passe over with it into Asia, and with the rest marched for Thessaly, there to oppose Demetrius and the Greeks.* 1.164 There meeting, and incamping with vast Armies, neither of them would begin the battel, expecting how things went in Asia, till Demetrius was recalled thither by his father. Lysimachus being landed

there, the Inhabitants of Lampsachus submitted to him, whom he restored to their liberty, stormed Sigeus, and placed a Garrison there; then he taketh in Phrygia upon the Hellespont, and divers other places, by the means of Doci∣mus, an Officer of Antigonus, whom he had drawn over to him; Prepelaus also, whom he sent with a party to subdue the Cities of Aeolis and Ionia, took other Towns. Antigonus was at this time celebrating publick Games at Antigonia, when hearing this news, he presently broke them off, and with all speed marched against Lysmachus. Whom he reached, and besieged him in his Camp for some time, till he taking the opportunity of a dark and rainy night fled away: Then hearing that Seleucus was drawing down his Forces from the upper Provinces, he sent for Demetrius to come over with all ex∣pedition. Seleucus had lately made peace with Sandrocottus (or Andro∣cottus) who being a man of no quality, had sollicited the Indians to revolt after the death of Alexander, and to kill his Officers, and thence took an oc∣casion to subdue them under himself. Bactria being subdued, Seleucus had waged War with him, but now for a Composure gave to him some Countrey lying upon the River Indus, which Alexander had taken from the Arians, and received 500 Elephants again of him in exchange. Ptolomy with a com∣pleat Army had come into Caelesyria, where he reduced divers Cities; but as he was besieging Sidon came a false report that Antigonus had overthrown Seleucus and Lysimachus, and now was coming thitherward, wherefore he made a Truce with the Sidonians for five moneths, and returned, but not long after came up again to that fatal ingagement with Antigonus.

4.* 1.165 The Forces of these several Princes were drawn down to be in readi∣nesse against the Spring. Antigonus had an Army of 70000 foot, 10000 horse, and 75 Elephants, the contrary party had made up amongst them 64000 foot, 1500 horse, 400 Elephants, and 120 Chariots. Antigonus brag∣ged that he would scatter the meeting of these Kings together, as one might do the flocking of birds gathering Corn, with the throwing of a stone; but when they approached, he was more melancholick than usual, and was seen to discourse with his son in private in his Tent, which he never used to do; com∣mended him also to the Army as his Successor. This battel was fought at Ip∣sus, a Town in Phrygia, in which Demetrius leading the best party of horse, ingaged with Antiochus the son (and afterwards Successor) of Seleucus, whom he routed, and put to flight; but being too hot in the pursute undid all: for retiring back he could not again joyn himself with the foot, by reason that the Elephants were gotten between them. Seleucus seeing this, made as if he would have falln upon the Infantry, thus destitute of the horse, wherein his expectation failed him not, for they fearing it, part revolted to him, and the rest were broken,* 1.166 and put to flight. Antigonus standing his ground, expected continually Demetrius to come to relieve him: but in that expectation ended his life by a multitude of Darts thrown against him, being now something above 80 years old. Demetrius his son with 5000 foot, and 4000 horse fled to Ephesus, but there fearing his Soldiers might be some way false to him,* 1.167 he sayled to Salamine in Cyprus, which he then held. This fell out in the 3704 year of the World, the fourth of the 119 Olympiad, 23 years after the death of Alexander, and six after their taking the Title of Kings up∣on them.

5. The Conquerours parted his Dominions amongst them, as we are told;* 1.168 but it seems to have been chiefly Seleucus and Ptolomy, who did not well a∣gree about their prey, and upon this account left a contention to their Suc∣cessors. Seleucus fell presently upon building Cities, the first of which he called after himself Seleucia; and the later, to which he transferred the In∣habitants of Antigonia (to the number of three thousand five hundred) as we said before, he called Antiochia, either after his father or son's name; for both are affirmed, and this afterwards proved the Metrapolis of Syria. Ptolomy after the death of Antigonus got Syria again, with Cyprus,* 1.169 and after∣wards Cyrene also into his power, and married his daughter Arsinoes unto Ly∣simachus, as few years after his other to Agathocles the son. Seleucus see∣ing

that thus these two strengthned themselves in affinity,* 1.170 thought not amisse to joyn also with Demetrius, though gone down the wind; and accordingly sent to him for his daughter Stratonice. He receiving this unexpected Mes∣sage, sayled with her into Syria. Passing by Cilicia, which then Cassander held, Plistarchus his brother cried out that he would invade his Territories, and went strait to Seleucus to expostulate with him his being recon∣ciled to the common Enemy. But Demetrius landing went to Quinda, where finding yet 200 Talents left in the Treasury, he took them away, and so went and met with Seleucus at Orossus, who taking his wife away with him to Antioch, Demetrius seized upon Cilicia, and sent his wife Phila to Cassander her brother, to purge him of those things laid to his charge by Pli∣starchus.

Notwithstanding Cassander he held Cilicia;* 1.171 but Seleucus his son-in-law required, that for a sum of money he would give it up into his hands, which he refused, and then he with some anger demanded Tyre and Sidon of him, not being content, though he held all from the Syrian Sea, as far as India, that his father-in-law should rest quiet with it,* 1.172 being sufficiently tossed with adverse fortune, but he as stoutly denied this also, saying, that though he were a thousand times more overcome, yet would he never purchase the affini∣ty of Seleucus,* 1.173 and fortified the Cities with Garrisons. The next year Cassander King of Macedonia died of a Dropsie (which was so loathsom, as Lice withall broke out of him) after he had ruled that Countrey 19 years; 26 after the death of Alexander, A. M. 3707.

6. He left three sons by Thessalonice the daughter of Philip,* 1.174 and sister to Alexander; Philip, Antipater, and Alexander. The first succeeded his fa∣ther, but died presently of a Consumption, Antipater coming after him kil∣led his mother, for that after her husbands death she seemed to favour his younger brother Alexander more than him in the division of the Kingdom; though she besought him by her breasts that gave him suck to spare her life. After her death he endeavoured to expel his brother out of Macedonia, who therefore craved aid of Demetrius, and Pyrrhus King of Ep••rus, who being expelled out of his Kingdom,* 1.175 had married Ptolomy's Wives Daughter, and by him was restored. Demetrius being now employed otherwayes, the other came, and received some Countreys in way of incouragement and reward for his service, which he fortified with his own Garrisons. Antipater now had his recourse to Lysimachus his father-in-law, who being also hindred with other affairs, and fearing Demetrius his coming, advised him to make an agreement with his brother; and for that he knew Pyrrhus would in any thing seek to gratifie Ptolomy, that he might take him off, he feigned a Letter to him from him, wherein he adviseth him for 300 Talents received from Antipater to forsake his Enterprize. Pyrrhus as soon as he opened the Letter, easily discerned it to be counterfeit, for that it was not directed after the usual man∣ner, as from the father to the son, but as from the one King to the other.

7. Lysimachus his perswasion seems to have wrought so with the Elder, together with the presence of Pyrrhus, as they came near to an agreement; but the coming of Demetrius spoiled all. For,* 1.176 he having lost Cyprus lately to Ptolomy (which forced him to quit Lacedaemon, after he had taken Athens, and now had almost taken it also) came into Macedonia to amend his for∣tunes.* 1.177 Alexander being troubled at his coming, seeing he knew the peace was partly made, went out to meet, and received him with great honour, but told him he now had no need of his help; but he either having, or pretending to have a suspicion of him, procured him to be slain, telling the Macedoni∣ans a fair tale afterwards, who seeing the one of Cassanders sons thus dead, and hating the other for his impiety towards his mother, received him as King, Some have delivered that Alexander used Demetrius his help,* 1.178 first in killing his brother Antipater, and so revenged the death of his Mother upon him. Others say that Lysimachus after Alexanders death,* 1.179 for that he was im∣ployed in a War with Dromichetis King of the Getes, delivered also up to Demetrius, that part which belonged to Antipater his son-in-law, and after∣wards

slew him also, when he complained to him that by his means he had lost his Kingdom, and imprisoned Eurydice his wife, his ovvn daughter, for par∣taking vvith him in the complaint. But thus (one vvay or other) Antipater vvas revvarded for his mother's death; and so in a short time fell the poste∣rity of Cassander, by the just Judgment of God, as Heathen Writers observe.

8. For some time Demetrius enjoyed Macedonia, during which he still aspired after his former height and power:* 1.180 for now having this Kingdom and Thessal••e in his hands, as also Athens and Megara, and the greater part of Peloponnesus, he subdued the Boeotians. Then hearing Lysimachus to be ta∣ken prisoner by the King of the Getes (who shortly after yet set him at liber∣ty) he resolved to return for Thrace;* 1.181 but the Boeotians revolting caused him to retreat, though on his march thither; coming back he found that his son Antigonus had overthrown the revolters in sight, but Thebes still remained untaken, and whilst he was going about that, Pyrrhus of Epirus (being now alienated from him since the death of Deidamia his sister which Demetrius had maried) invaded Thessaly from his own Frontiers, and pierced as far as the Straights of Thermopylae. Demetrius hearing this, left his son in the Siege, and hasted against him; but he staied not his coming but retired, and then Demetrius fortifying Thessalie returned to Thebes, where the In∣habitants so stoutly defended themselves, that he lost many men, and him∣self was wounded in the neck; yet according to his skil and fortune in taking of Cities (whence he had the Sirname of Poliorcetes) he stormed the place, and though he pretended at first severely to punish the Inhabitants, yet he satisfied himself with the death of ten or thirteen, and banishing a few, par∣doned the rest.

9. Finding that his Macedonians were quiet when abroad, but seditious at home, he fell upon the Aetolians, to divert them.* 1.182 Wasting their borders there he left Pantauchus with some Forces, and with the rest marched against Pyrrhus, who hearing it, came out to meet him, but they missed of each other, and went several wayes; Demetrius into Epirus which he harrased; Pyrrhus light upon Pantauchus, who challenging him to fight gave him a wound, but he received two for it himself, and thereupon falling he had been slain, but that his friends presently rescued him, after which his Army was put to flight, and 5000 of them taken. After this, Demetrius fell sick at Pella, and then Pyrrhus again invaded his Territories a great way, no body resisting him; nay, he had such an opportunity, as scarce could he have desired a better, for seizing upon the whole Kingdom, many revolting to him, and Demetrius his Captains making but slow endeavours to hinder his progresse. But he having his mind set more upon booty than any thing else, stayed not their coming, but fled away, losing many of his men in the retreat. For all this Demetrius seeing him have a restlesse spirit, thought it not amisse to reconcile him unto him; but especially at this time, for now he resolved to make for his Father's Kingdom with all the might he possibly could, and there∣fore lest he should leave an Enemy at his back, concluded a Peace, and entred into a league with him.

10. Greater preparations he made than ever had been since Alexander his time. For he got together little lesse than 100000 Foot, and 12000 Horse, a Navie also of 500 sail;* 1.183 some ships whereof were of extraordinary bignesse; Seleucus, Ptolomy, and Lysimachus, being startled hereat, combined toge∣ther for resistance, and joyntly sent to Pyrrhus to move him to break the league which Demetrius had made with him, as they alleged, not to rest in peace, but to make War upon whom he pleased. He believing as much, agreed with them, for that he hoped Demetrius might as easily lose Macedonia as he had got it, and then Ptolemy sailing into Greece, sollicited there the Cities from their obedience. Lysimachus from Thrace,* 1.184 and Pyrrhus from his borders made inroads into Macedonia. Demetrius first began to march against Lysimachus, but afterwards hearing that Pyrrhus had got∣ten Berrhaea into his hands, returned and went against him thither, where when he was come, divers from the Town came into his Camp, and so ex∣tolled

the valour and kindnesse of Pyrrhus, as the Macedonians, first in little Companies, and after all the Army revolted to him; so as Demetrius was much deceived, who fearing they might do so to Lysimachus, little suspected this towards the other being a stranger. Pyrrhus thus obtaining all the Ar∣my without a stroak,* 1.185 was saluted King of Macedonia by the Soldiers; but Lysimachus coming shortly after, alleged the endeavour of suppressing the Enemy to have been common to them both, and demanded the parting of the Kingdom; to whom he assented, for that he did not trust the Mace∣donians, and so the Countries and Cities were divided amongst them.

11. Demetrius thus outed of his Kingdom fled to Cassandria,* 1.186 and thence into Greece, where after a little time he got some Forces together, and be∣ing angry with Athens, for that revolting from him, the Inhabitants had sent for Pyrrhus,* 1.187 he besieged it; but upon the entreaty of Crates the Philoso∣pher (whom being a man of great authority they had sent to him) he gather∣ed together his ships and sailed away into Asia with 11000 men. His de∣sign was to take ••f he could, Caria and Lydia from Lysimachus, and he took divers Towns, and seized upon Sardis, but Agathocles, Lysimachus his son, coming down with an Army against him, he marched for Phrygia, with intention to passe into Armenia and Media; and so attempt to make himself Master of some of the upper Provinces of Asia, which at the worst would afford retreating places enough, and other helps to a beaten party. In his way hee was superiour to Agathocles who pursued him, but being brought into great distresse for want of provisions, there fell withall such a Plague upon his Army, that he lost 8000 men, and so was forced to retreat, and came to Tarsus. This place being under Seleucus, he was very loath to hurt, for fear of giving him offence, but being forced by want, he wrote to him, whereby he excused himself, and sadly lamented his condition. Seleucus, pitying him at first, commanded his Governours to use him and his Army with great respect; but Procles one of his most familiar friends, filled his head with such suspitions, that he led down an Army towards Cilicia against him, whereat hee wondering retired to the most convenient place of the mountain Taurus, where he sent to him to give him leave to seize upon some Country of the Barbarians, where he might put an end to his flight and wan∣drings, and spend the residue of his dayes.

12. Seleucus making a bad interpretation of the message,* 1.188 onely would give way, that giving up for Hostages the chiefest of his friends, he might quarter for two moneths in Catoania (a Country bordering upon Cappadocia) and secu∣red the passage out into Syria. Here he was kept up as a wild beast, what by Seleucus on one side, and Agathocles on the other; so that he was constrain∣ed to betake himself to force, and wasting the Territories alwaies had the better of Seleucus in their encounters, and got possession of the Straights which led into Syria. This so encouraged him, that he thought now of gi∣ving battel to Seleucus, but falling into a sicknesse thereby his affaires were ruined, his Soldiers falling away from him to the Enemy, or running away, yet he recovered after forty dayes, and away he marched, and getting over the hill Amanus wasted the bordering Territories. Then Seleucus coming near him, he joyned and fought him, and overthrew one of his wings, but then all his Army revolted, and he with a very few fled into the Woods, whence endeavouring to passe to the Sea through the mountains,* 1.189 his disco∣vering there the Enemies fiers prevented that attempt, and then one saying he must even yield himself, he drew his Sword and would therewith have ended his life, but being hindred by his friends, he sent to Seleucus by their ad∣vice and yielded. Seleucus caused him to be royally received at first; but the great confluence thereupon to him lessened that respect he else would have allowed him; so as sending Pausanias with 1000 men, he caused him to be caried straight (vvithout as much as seeing him) into a Peninsula of Syria. Here he vvanted nothing desirable, not onely for necessity but pleasure; on∣ly his liberty, vvhich yet to comfort him there vvas hope given of, after that Antiochus should come vvith his vvife Stratonice, vvhom his Father Seleucus

upon his passionately falling in love vvith her, had yielded to him. Antigonus his son much interceded for him; so did divers Princes and States; onely Lysimachus offered 2000 Talents to have him killed, vvhich Seleucus abhor∣red. At first he exercised himself much vvith hunting and such toiles; but by little and little grevv sluggish,* 1.190 and, as if he had never been Demetrius Poli∣orcetes, gave up himself to drinking and dice, vvhereby he grevv fat, and contracted a disease of vvhich he died 54 years old, after he had continued three of them in restraint.

13.* 1.191 Lysimachus and Pyrrhus after his expulsion out of Macedonia pre∣sently fell out, for the former seeing Demetrius thus made sure and captiva∣ted by Seleucus, grew secure of his condition, despised Pyrrhus, and up∣braiding the Macedonians for suffering him (being an alien, whose Ancestors alwaies had served them) now to reign over them, drew many from him,* 1.192 and afterwards overthrew him and Antigonus son of Demetrius in a great battel, and so quite dispossessed him of Macedonia. After this he killed his eldest son Agathocles at the instigation of his wife Arsinoe▪ who was solli∣citous for her own children, if they should fall into their brother's hands af∣ter their Father's death. Lysandra the widdow of Agathocles, and sister to Arsinoe, accompanied with Alexander another son of Lysimachus fled to Se∣leucus, whom they desired to make War against him; and after this he put∣ting divers of his chief Subjects to death for bewailing the young man, many of his Captains and Governours followed, all earnestly desiring that Prince to make War upon him. Seleucus was easily perswaded to it now, having the whole strength of Asia and Syria united into one Kingdom after the fall of Demetrius,* 1.193 which the other being aware of, thought it best first to begin with him, and so passed over the Hellespont.* 1.194 These two being now only alive of the 36 Captains and fellow-soldiers of Alexander, joyned in a great and bloody battel in Phrygia, where Lysimachus, though fighting most valiant∣ly, was overthrown and slain, having formerly lost fifteen children divers wayes, and now compleating the ruine of his Family, after he had lived 80 years, and held Macedonia four, A. M. 3722, the second of the 124 Olym∣piad, and 40 after the death of Alexander the Great.

14. Seleucus being exceedingly elevated with the thoughts of his Victo∣ry, and more with consideration that he onely survived of Alexander's fol∣lowers, resolved to passe into Macedonia and there to end his dayes, giving up Asia to his son Antiochus.* 1.195 Hee passed the Hellespont, and journying towards Lysimachia came to a place called Argos, where his time being but to live seven moneths after Lysimachus, he was slain by Ptolomy Sirnamed Ceraunus the son of Ptolomy the first by Euridice daughter to An∣tipater, who having fled out of Aegypt, for that his Father preferred his younger brother before him, joyned himself first to Lysimachus,* 1.196 who had maried his sister, and afterwards to Seleucus, by whom he was lovingly en∣tertained, though he thus requited him. Ptolomy, as soon as he had done his feat, posted away to Lysimachia, when putting on a Diadem, and taking a Company of Gallants along with him, he went to the Army, which recei∣ved him as King, having all Seleucus his money given unto them. Antigo∣nus Genatas (so called it's probable, from a place in Perrhaebia, where he was born) son of Demetrius Poliorcetes presently after undertook an Expedi∣tion for the recovery of Macedonia, hoping to justle out Ptolomy ere he could be well setled; but he having notice of his coming, and enjoying Ly∣simachus his Fleet, went and met him at Sea, where he overthrew him, and forcing him to retire into Boeotia, then confirmed himself in his King∣dom.

CHAP. IV. The Macedonian Kingdom. From the death of Seleucus to the Captivity of Perseus, and the end of this Kingdom, containing the space of 139 years.

* 1.1971. PTolomy, that he might provide for the time to come, made Alliances with other Princes, as Antiochus of Asia, and Pyrrhus of Epirus, who now being about to passe into Italy, made him Overseer of his son, and Kingdom: he also wrote to his brother Ptolomy Philadelphus, pretending to acquiesce in the missing of that his fathers Kingdom, being sufficiently satis∣fied with this taken from his fathers Enemy. Moreover, he counterfeited himself to be in Love with his sister Arsinoe, and married her, for that it was according to the custom of Egypt, promising to adopt her Children, which he badly performed, for being received by her into Cassandria, he caused them to be first killed in the bosom of their mother, and then thrust her out of the Citie, from whence she went to Samothracia. At this time the Galls being too many for their own Countrey, under three Captains went to seek their fortunes so many several wayes; some towards Thrace, under the Conduct of Cerethrius; others unto Pannonia under Brennus and Acicho∣rius, and the rest to Macedonia, being headed by Belgius or Bolgius. These Ptolomy met with a stragling company, being more heady than wise, refusing 20000 men offered him by the King of the Dardanians, and peace by the Galls, if he would but buy it, which he scornfully rejected, and answered, he would not yield them it, except they would give up the Chiefest amongst them as Hostages, and deliver up their Arms. Joyning battel, his Army was overthrown, and he being sore wounded was cast by an Elephant on which he rode,* 1.198 and so taken alive by the Enemy. They tore him in pieces, and cutting off his head, put it upon a Lance, and carried it about to the terror of his fol∣lowers, of which a few escaping, all the rest were either taken or slain. This end came Ptolomy to, after he had held Macedonia scarce a year and a half.

2. Meleager his brother succeeded, but onely for two moneths;* 1.199 for then the Macedonians cast him out as unworthy of the Dignitie, and in his room placed Antipater son to Philip, the brother of Cassander, whom they sir∣named afterwards Etesia, because he continued but 45 dayes, during which term the Etesian winds blew. After this succeeded an Interregnum (if we look at the title of King) for Sosthenes, who gathering together a company of young men, and thereby restraining the pride and covetousnesse of the Gauls, though he might have been preferred before divers of Royal Races; yet refused the name, and made the Soldiers swear to him onely as General. But Brennus hearing of the good successe of Belgius, and what plunder he had got in the East, with 150000 foot, and 15000 horse marched thitherwards; but 20000 falling off from him by the way, and turning up for Thrace (where they brought under the Cities of the Propontis) he came into Macedonia, where he made havock of all things.* 1.200 Belgius, as it seems, before his coming being repelled or gone, Sosthenes went, and met him with an Army; but carrying too few against so great a number, was easily overthrown; after which the Macedonians securing themselves in the Cities, Brennus wrought his plea∣sure in the Countrey and Villages throughout the Land. When he had sa∣tisfied himself here, with an Army of 152000 foot, and 20400 horse; of Celtes (or Cimbres) and Illyrians together, he invaded Greece. Each hors∣man had two servants followed him on hors-back, who were to succeed their dead Masters; which custom they called Trimarkasia, or Trima asia rather; for, Mare in the Teutonick signified the whole species, as also in our own

Saxon tongue) and so furnished, they entred Thessaly, and came to the Straights of Thermopylae. Here they were opposed by the Greeks, so as they lost many men, till being lead over the Mountains (the same way that in the expedition of Xerxes, Hydarnes passed, and getting over, came upon the backs of the Spartans) the Greeks then fled away,* 1.201 and they went to Del∣phos then to spoyl the Temple, where with Thunder and Lightning, Cold, fal∣ling of Rocks, and the opposition of the Enemy, most of them came to their ends. Brennus himself being wounded, and not willing (or not daring) to outlive this shamefull expedition of which he had been the Author at home, first drinking much Wine killed himself, the rest flying were taken with a Pannick fear, and killed one another for Enemies, and what by this means, the rage of the Countreys through which they passed, with hunger, and cold, scarce any of them ever returned to their homes.

3. During their stay in Greece, Sosthenes died after he had ruled 2 years,* 1.202 and then Antigonus Gonatus having made peace with Antiochus Soter, re∣turned, and obtained his fathers Kingdom. Brennus departing into Greece,* 1.203 had left some Gaules to defend the borders, and they lest they should be idle, with 15000 foot and 3000 horse, first fell upon the Getae and Triballi, whom overcoming,* 1.204 they then sent to Antigonus, offering him peace if he would purchase it with money; but especially to spy his Camp. He entertained nobly the Ambassadors, and to deter them from any warlike attempts shewed them his strength at Land and Sea; but they were so far from being afraid, as having an itching desire after prey, they stirred up their Companions to en∣deavour the attaining of that which they saw, no wayes in words diminishing the goodlinesse of any thing. By night therefore they set upon his Camp, but he being aware of some such thing, had withdrawn his Army and all things into the Wood;* 1.205 therefore they go and endeavour to plunder the Navy, but are so repelled thence with such slaughter, as the credit of the victory over them procured Antigonus his quiet, not onely from them, but his Neigh∣bours round about him. About this time these Gaules, which parting at Da∣dania from Brennus, and going into Thrace,* 1.206 had at several places passed the Sea into Asia, where uniting again under 17 Captains (of which Lutatius and Leoporius were Chief) they helped Nicomedes against Zypaeas, who held part of Bithynia, and after he was overcome, wasting the Countrey far and near, divided the Kingdom with him, and fixed themselves about the River Halys, in that place which since has been known by the name of Gallograecia or Ga∣latia, A.M. 3727. the third year of the 125 Olympiad, the Romans being now engaged in the War with Pyrrhus.

* 1.2074. But Pyrrhus having finished his fruitlesse expedition into Italy and Si∣cily after six years, and being returned home, now wanting money sought an occasion to divert and maintain his Army. He made therefore an excursion into Macedonia (having strengthned himself with a supply of some Gaules) where he took divers Towns, & 2000 Soldiers revolted to him; then marching against Antigonus himself, joyned battel with him. The Gauls on Antigo∣nus his part fought very valiantly; but those which governed his Elephants be∣ing compassed in yielded themselves, and the beasts, after which the foot be∣ing affrighted, Pyrrhus making sign to them, and calling by name the Offi∣cers,* 1.208 drew them all over to his own party. Antigonus fled, but kept some of the Maritime Towns still in his possession, and Pyrrhus became Master of the upper part of Macedonia, and of Thessaly. For all this, Antigonus gave not out, but retiring to Thessalonica, there recruited himself with Mercenary Gaulls, and then endeavouring to re-establish himself, was again defeated by Ptolomy, the son of Pyrrhus; so that again retiring to hide himself, Pyrrhus jeered him, and called him impudent,* 1.209 because for all this he put not on a Coat but wore the purple still. He in way of return compared Pyrrhus to a Game∣ster, which could throw the Dice well, but knew not how to improve his chance; for he knew how to Conquer Kingdoms, and get Victories, but could not improve his Victory, nor retain what he had Conquered, as it had hapned as to this Kingdom before, and now also shortly followed.

5. Scarce two years did Pyrrhus hold Macedonia; for, Cleonymus the Spartan being rejected by his Citizens from being King in the room of his father,* 1.210 procured him to march down against his Enemies. He went down thither with an Army of 25000 foot, and 2000 horse, and wasting their Ter∣ritories deferred the entring of the Citie till the next day, out of contempt of the small number of the Defendants; who taking that occasion, and making what means they could for resistance, especially the Women, hindred him a little from entring, and when entred, his horse being killed under him, forced him notwithstanding to retreat. During his absence, Antigonus Genatas recovered again the Cities of Macedonia, and taking it for granted, that after he had done his work in Laconia he would return again thither, thought it best to hasten into Peloponnesus, and prevent him. Being come to Argos, Pyrrhus provoked him to fight for the Kingdom, but Embassadors came to them both from the Town, desiring they would depart from their Citie, and not suffer it (which was observant of both) to come into the power of either. Antigonus obeyed, and sent his son to them for an Hostage, Pyr∣rhus pretending he would, entred the Citie in the night, being let in by Ari∣steus; whereupon Antigonus was sent for. He sent in a strong party, & Areus King of Sparta was at hand with 1000 Cretians and other Lacedaemonians; Pyrrhus marched up into the Market-place, and there saw a brasen Bull and a Wolf standing in a fighting posture, set there in memorial of Danaus his election, and ejection of Gatenor, 1200 years before, which startled him sore, for that it had been told him by an Oracle, that he should die when he should see a Wolf and a Bull fighting together. Hereupon he would have retreated, but fearing the straightnesse of the Gates, sent to his son Helenus to break down part of the Wall, and come in; but he mistaking, brought his men and Elephants through the Gate, which stopped so up the way, that Pyr∣rhus in his coming back could not passe, and that occasioned his death.

6. He being sore crouded, what by them, those at his heels, and the Ene∣my, and sensible of his danger, endeavoured by force to remove the later.* 1.211 Then receiving a wound through his Brigandine with a Lance, turned himself against him that ran at him.* 1.212 This was the son of a poor Woman, who behold∣ing the fight from the house, and seeing him ingaged thus with Pyrrhus, took up a stone with both her hands, and cast it down upon the Kings head, which brusing the Vertebraes of his Neck, he fell down from his horse, after which his head was cut off by one Zopyrus.* 1.213 It being brought to Antigonus by Al∣cyoneus his son, who rejoyced at the sight of it, he checked him, and wept over it, and after caused it and the body to be magnificently burned: his bones being put in a Golden Urn, he delivered to his son Helenus to carry them to his brother Alexander into Epirus, and then receiving his Army, dealt ve∣ry well with all his friends. After this the Cities of Peloponnesus were be∣trayed to Antigonus, which caused great stirs in that part of Greece; the Gaulls revolting from him, he cut off at Megara, besieged Athens, and notwith∣standing that Patroclus from Egypt, and Areus the King of Lacedaemon came to relieve them,* 1.214 yet he kept all Provisions from them, and after they had long stood out came to composition, whereby he placed a Garrison in their Fort Museus, which yet not long after he drew forth again. Areus for want of necessaries was forc'd to return home; but they met again afterwards at Corinth, where Antigonus slew him, and not long after was forc'd to return home; for Alexander King of Epirus, to revenge his fathers death, had in∣vaded Macedonia. Coming thither, his Army revolted from him, so that once more he lost his Kingdom, and was compelled again to shift for himself: But his son Demetrius in his absence gathering some forces together, so or∣dered the matter against Alexander,* 1.215 that he not onely recovered his fathers Kingdom, but spoiled him also for a time of his own. After this, nothing of great concernment occurs of Antigonus, who died after his first possession of Macedonia 36 years, (having ruled in some Greek Cities ten years before) when he had lived above 80. A.M. 3762. in the 2^d of the 134 Olympiad.

7. Demetrius his son succeeded him.* 1.216 He hired Agron King of the Illy∣rians to relieve the Mydionians whom the Aetolians had besieged, which he performed, though the besiegers were before ready to fall out about their prisoners,* 1.217 whether the old or new Praetor should have the honour to dispose of them and their goods. When it was agreed that both in common should do it, the Illyrians falling upon them, and killing many, forced them to break up their Siege, after which Agron possessed with incredible joy,* 1.218 gave himself up to surfetting and drunkennesse, and thereby falling into a Pleuresie ended his dayes, and was succeeded by his wife Teuta. She being elevated also with the former Victory, and not thinking of any thing from without, gave leave to her Subjects to invade all persons in what place soever by Sea, whereupon they took Phoenice the wealthy City of Epirus, and in∣juring those of Italy, drew upon themselves the displeasure of the People of Rome, which the rashnesse of their Queen heightned to a War, as will be seen hereafter. But by this act, Demetrius so set the hearts of the Aetolians against him, that whereas before they took part with his Kingdom against the Achaeans, now they joyned in league with them against him.

8. He holding yet the Piraeus or Haven of Athens,* 1.219 Aratus the Praetor of the Achaeans pretending a desire to set the Athenians at liberty from that bondage which thence lay upon them, endeavoured to take it out of his hands, but was overthrown by Bithyes his General, whereupon a rumour arose that he was slain or taken. Diogenes the Governour of the Piraeus hearing this, sent word to Corinth to command all the Achaeans there to depart the Town; and the Athenians to please him and his party very solemnly rejoyced, wearing Gar∣lands. But Aratus himself then was at Corinth, and hindring Diogenes his design there, marched down to be revenged on the Athenians, and he came as far as the Acadaemy, but then being overcome by entreaty,* 1.220 did them no harm. Some years after this the Aetolians endeavoured to take away part of Acarnanina from Epirus, which then Olympias sister and wife of Alexander now dead, governing in right of her sons Pyrrhus and Ptolomy, betook her self to Demetrius, and gave him her daughter Othiae in mariage. He had before this the sister of Antiochus King of Syria to wife (Antiochus Hierax as it seemeth, who endeavouring to dispossesse his brother Seleucus of his Kingdom, is called King by Justine) who thereupon fled to her bro∣ther, and stirred him up to make War upon her husband. The Acarnanians fled to the Romans for help against the Aetolians, who were then comman∣ded to abstain from their incursions, but despising the Ambassage, harrased the borders both of Acarnania and Epirus; and Olympias having delivered up the Kingdom to her son, they all shortly after died.* 1.221 Demetrius also (whom we read * to have also enjoyed Cyrene and all Lybia, but know not how he got it) survived not long after, dying when he had reigned ten years, and 50 after the death of Alexander the great.

9. He left behind him a son called Philip, who being very young, and the Prin∣ces of Macedonia fearing an Anarchy,* 1.222 they constituted Antigonus (the brother or uncle of the deceased, for both are affirmed) his Tutor, giving his mother to him in mariage. At first he held the Office by the title of Captain General, but afterwards being found moderate and civil, he was saluted King, being Sir∣named Doson,* 1.223 for that he promised more than he did perform. After the death of Demetrius, the Greek Cities begun to lift up their heads,* 1.224 and the several Tyrants, which, through the incouragement of him and his Predecessors, had got many places, for fear renounced their power, and joyned themselves with the Achaeans, who being much reverenced of a long time by all their neigh∣bour Cities of Peloponnesus for their Justice and Prudence, had united them∣selves together, in the 124 Olympiad,* 1.225 and drawn some others into a body against the Macedonians. Their affaires were mightily strengthened by Aratus the Sicyonian, who drayning his own City, though but young, joyned it unto them, and afterward by his great wisdom and industrie secured and bettered their condition. The Athenians being incouraged at Demetrius his death, now thought again of recovering their liberty, and he having done what

he might before to help them, though in vain, and they again imploring his assistance, though sick, he made himself be caried thither; and whereas Di∣ogenes held for the Macedonians, Piraeus, Sunium, Munychia, and the Island Salamis, he perswaded him for a reward of 150 Talents to deliver them all up,* 1.226 twenty of which Talents he presented of his own money. Whilst he thus laboured for the Publick good, especially of the community of the Achaeans, the Aetolians envying their condition raised a dangerous War a∣gainst them, in which Antigonus Doson came to be ingaged.

10.* 1.227 The Aetolians though they had been helped by the Achaeans against the house of Macedonia of late, being vexed about the businesse of Mydio∣nia; yet now seeing their union, and the flourishing condition of their body, envying and also fearing it, resolved to disunite if possible, and withdraw the Cities one from another. At this time Cleomenes reigned at Lacedaemon, who resolving to better the constitution of his Country by reducing it to it's antient form,* 1.228 and taking away the Ephori those impudent and rascally Tyrants, sought for an opportunity of War as most fit to bring about his purpose. Ever since the Victories of Lysander, luxury and other vices had crept into Sparta, together with the use of riches. And the equality of possessions in Land was taken away by one Epitades an Ephorus, who having a son that dis∣pleased him, that he might disinherit him, procured a Law to be passed,* 1.229 that any one might dispose of his Lands, either in his life time or at his death, to whom he pleased. Hereby it was come to that passe, that there being 700 Citizens of Sparta and more, of those not above 100 possessed all the Lands and Estate, and the rest being void both of wealth and honour lay idle at home, unwillingly ingaging in War, and expecting an occasion of change. The Ephori tyrannized with unparalleld impudence, domineering over the Kings, and ordering those at their pleasure, the servants of whom they had formerly been. Agis one of the Spartan Kings, of the family of Eurytion, the son of Eudamidas, and the sixth from Agesilaut, burned with a desire of bettering the state of affaires, and as a means unto it, endeavoured the reduction of Lycurgus his model for the equal division of Lands; but Leo∣nidas his Collegue being of a luxurious temper opposed him, and he was wic∣kedly murdered by the hands of the Popular Villains the Ephori.

11. This noble spirited man being taken away, and his brother Archida∣mus destroyed, Cleomenes the son of Leonidas was King alone, and being of a far different temper from his Father, upon hearing what Agis had gallantly endeavoured, resolved to pursue and accomplish what he had attempted, and to take away utterly the power of those Popular Tyrants, who usurped the whole authority. Neither did these two Kings desire to become assertors of Popular power by the restitution of the Lots of Lycurgus, but rather of Monarchy; for the restitution of those Lots would not promote the power of the Commons who were still to be kept under, as they were by the Laws of Lycurgus; but onely reduced them to that equality of wealth which might secure them from being insulted over by their fellow Commoners, as they had been of late, by such as had ingrossed the riches of the State. As this might be intended by the two Kings, so it appeareth from Plutarch, that Agis at∣tempted to get himself reputation, and Cleomenes for his preservation, by gain∣ing the good-will of the People, and making them sure on their side when soever they should be ready for the great design of destroying the Ephori. Now though Agis miscaried in his attempt,* 1.230 yet Cleomenes perfected what he had intended. For he surprized the Ephori by his Mercenaries, killed four of the five, overthrew all their chairs except one, which he intended as a Chair of State for himself. Then restored he the Laws of Lycurgus, as to equal possessions and discipline, and for that there was none left of the fa∣mily of Eurytion, made his own brother Leonidas King with him. But as was said, perceiving this change would be better made in War than Peace, he caused the War betwixt the State, and the Achaeans, and bribed the Ephori to send him forth in the Expedition.

12. To him therefore the Aetolians sent, and stirred him up against the

Achaeans; and that they might strengthen themselves, and more easily sup∣presse them, they made peace again with Macedonia, and without doubt had brought about their purpose, had they not had to do with Aratus, who un∣dermined their Councils. They suffered Cleomenes to take in divers Towns which belonged unto themselves, not onely not opposing but confirming him in the possession of them, which Aratus knowing well enough to be in∣tended onely to strengthen him against his party, yet thought none were to be first opposed with War; but after that Cleomenes with great boldnesse had begun to build a Fort in the Territories of Megalopolis, then were the Lace∣demonians declared Enemies. At first the Acheans undertook the Warre against them by themselves; partly for that they thought it more honourable and safe to defend their own Estate, and partly for that they were loth to dis∣please Ptolomy (who had been formerly a good friend to them) by seeking for the patronage of any other; but the War going on (Cleomenes now ha∣ving overthrown the Achaeans in divers battels) Aratus thinking it a disgrace for him to be worsted by the young Lacedaemonian, and being jealous still of the knavery of the Aetolians, concluded it was high time to look about him; at least for a supply.

13. Considering with himself the power of Antigonus King of Mace∣donia, and withall his faithfulnesse; and that he was prone to enter into Leagues and alliances, he resolved to make a Confederacy with him; but that secretly, as well because he knew the Aetolians would seek to prevent him, as for that his people would be discouraged at the thought of expecting help from an Enemy. Knowing therefore the Megalopolitans to be sore pres∣sed with the War (having little help from the Achaeans) and how good af∣fection they bore to the Macedonian Court ever since Philip the son of Amyntas, who deserved very well of them, he sent for two of his friends thence (Nicophanes and Cercidas) and dealt privately with them to perswade their Citizens to crave aid of Antigonus. These two were therefore sent to the Achaeans, and to Macedonia if they should think fit, who giving way to it, they coming to the King, according to the instructions from Aratus, proposed to him to consider, whither this conjunction of Cleomenes and the Aetolians would tend; and whether when the Achaeans were eaten up, he himself would not be in danger, seeing the covetousnesse of the Aetolians, and Cleomenes his ambition could not be contained in lesser limits than those of Greece it self. He answering, that if it should seem good to the Achaeans, he would send aid to those of Megalopolis: these being at this much encou∣raged, laboured to perswade them to give way to it, but Aratus then fear∣ing that if the coming down of Antigonus should breed any inconvenience, the blame would fall all upon him, disswaded his People from receiving as yet any aid, and made them try first what they could do of themselves, ex∣horting each particular City to fight stoutly for their liberty: but Ptolomy find∣ing the Lacedaemonians now to be more for his pupose to withstand the Ma∣cedonian, stirred up Cleomenes against him, and furnishing him with money, he also had brought the Achaeans by divers ingagements to such a low ebb, as they were now in great danger to lose all, and therefore they implored aid of Antigonus, and Aratus sent his son to confirm whatsoever had been of∣fered on his part.

14. He then marched down, though a great difficulty there was at first for this to be hoped for by the Achaeans, by reason that the Castel of Corinth which they had taken out of the hands of the Macedonians together with the Town,* 1.231 and which would be now mighty convenient for the carrying on of the War, they knew not how to restore unto him. But Cleomenes now prospering exceedingly, and having reduced nine Cities into his power, the Corinthians sent to him, offering him their City, and commanded all the Achaeans to be gone; so that at this Aratus taking occasion (who before durst not give them up into the hands of the Macedonians without their consent) restored the Castel into the power of Antigonus. Cleomenes (vvho after his taking the nine Cities, vvent and sate dovvn before Sicyon) hearing the intention of the

Achaeans and the King, marched vvith great speed to the Isthmus, and then fortified the place betvveen the Castle of Corinth and the Mountains Onii vvith a ditch and bulvvark; Antigonus vvith 20000 Foot, and 1400 Horse, coming through Aetiboen (for that the Aetolians had forbidden him at his peril to passe through the Straights of Thermopylae) found no little opposition from Cleomenes, till Argos revolting to Aratus (by the means of Aristotle his friend, who with help from Sicyon set upon the Castel, Megistonus who was sent to relieve it being slain) fot that he feared if this Fort should be ta∣ken the Enemy might thereby stop up the passage, and at his ease invade La∣conia, he drew down his forces from Corinth; then Antigonus entering Peloponnesus took Corinth in his way, where placing a Garrison he followed Cleomenes to Argos, who having by a wile entred the Town, laboured again to reduce it, and took some parts thereof, but seeing him come down from the Mountains against him, withdrew himself out, and so by Mantinea re∣turned to Lacedaemon.* 1.232 Antigonus coming to Argos commended and encou∣raged the Citizens, and thence marching presently for Arcadia, reduced di∣vers Forts, which he delivered into the hands of the Megalopolitans: after which coming to Aegium to the general meeting of the Achaeans (where he held consultations with them) he was declared General of all the Asso∣ciates, and there took up Winter-quarters for his Army, viz. at Sicyon and Corinth.

15. At the beginning of Spring he gathered up his forces, and besieged Tegea,* 1.233 where the Achaeans met him. Having this Town yielded to him, he thence marched speedily into Laconia, where Cleomenes meeting him upon the bor∣ders there passed some light skirmishes betwixt them, and then he hearing that the Garrison Soldiers at Orchomenus were coming to help the Enemy, departed sodainly thither,* 1.234 and presently stormed the place at the first onset. Thence moving to Mantinea, that Town presently was taken, the chief of the inha∣bitants whereof (because though when Atalus took the City, hee re∣stored them to their former privileges, yet they again revolted, and put all his Garrison to the sword) for their ingratitude were put to death; of the rest part were sold, and part sent into Macedonia, their wives and children made slaves; and their Town was given by Antigonus to the Argives, who thither resolved to send out a Colony, and Aratus being made Praetor, made a Decree for changing the name of it into Antigonia. After this, Antigo∣nus took Herea and Telphussa, and Winter then drawing on he went again to the general Assembly of the Achaeans, sending out his Soldiers to their quarters, which Cleomenes taking notice of, and that Megalopolis was three dayes march from Aegium, and wanted a sufficient Garrison, brake in thi∣ther secretly in the night, where though he found such opposition as both he and his were brought into great danger, yet became he Master of the place, and so cruelly raged against it (as Polybius a Citizen thereof telleth us) that no hope then seemed to be left of Peopling it again. This City being taken, he marched away to Argos (where Antigonus wintered) to harrase the Ter∣ritories; a rash enterprise as the Vulgar judged, but prudent enough of it self, considering that the King's Army being at a great distance, and he thereby un∣able to resist, the Argives would then murmur against him, and he thereby be brought into contempt. This hapned just as he imagined, but Antigonus though very much spent of the Ptisick, lived to the next Summer to regain his credit.

16. In the beginning of Summer he led towards Laconia an Army of 26800 men (his own and of the associates) which Cleomenes expecting for∣tified the passage betwixt the two mountains Eva and Olympus, placing his brother at the former, and securing the later himself, having in all about 20000 in his Army. Antigonus wondering at his skill and industry in this fortification, pitcht his Tents upon the River Gorgylus, bethinking himself what he should do; at last finding all passages made up, they both agreed to try the matter in battel. At the beginning of the fight those on Cleomenes his party with the light Armour placed amongst his Horse, seeing the Illyrian cohorts not

to be backed by the Achaeans, fell upon their Reer, and had done great mi∣schief, but that Philopomenes a Megalopolitan (then but young) giving no∣tice of it to the Officers, and they not regarding him, stirred up his fellow Ci∣tizens, and fell upon the Enemies horse, which made the other return to their former place to help their Companions. After this the fortune of the day in∣clined to Antigonus his side, for Euclidas undid himself by the bad choice of his ground, receiving the Illyrians not on the side of the Hill, (whereby though he might have been repulsed, yet still he might have had the advantage of be∣ing higher than the Enemy) but just on the top, so that being thence removed, and forced downwards on the other side, the Illyrians had the advantage of him. Cleomenes perceiving his brother overthrown, and the horse on the plain to have the worst, for fear the Enemy should compasse him in, was forced to remove the carriages from behind his Army, and draw it out as well as he could to prevent that. Then the Files coming to be ingaged, Antigonus pressing upon the Macedonians in great violence with his doubled Files,* 1.235 put them to flight, and many being slain, Cleomenes escaped with a few in his Company, and got to Sparta.

27. Cleomenes coming to Sparta,* 1.236 advised the people which flocked about him to receive the Conquerour, and then by night getting to Gythium, thence went to Alexandria in Egypt, whereas if had either deferred the battel a lit∣tle longer, or stayed at home, he might easily have recovered his former con∣dition. For, Antigonus suddenly following him got Sparta, and very nobly, and with great humanity used the Citizens, restoring to them their antient li∣berties, but shortly after was constrained to leave that place, and Peloponnesus also, being called home by an invasion of the Illyrians into Macedonia, where they made havock of all things. From Sparta he came to Tegea, which he again restored into the form of a Commonwealth, and thence to Argos, at the time of the Celebration of the Nemean Games, where by the Decree of the General Assembly of the Achaeans in common, and each of the Cities in particular, he had all possible honour given him. After this he marched with great speed into Macedonia, where he overthrew the Illyrians in battel, but got his own death; for with exhorting his Soldiers, and shouting in the fight, he so strained his Lungs that he spat bloud, and thereby his Consumption was heightned, which in a short time made an end of him, after he had discharged the Office of a faithfull Guardian, a good King, and of an expert and valiant Captain ten years,* 1.237 A. M. 3782. and the 2^d of the 139^th Olympiad, 100 years af∣ter the death of Alexander.

18. Philip then succeeded this his Uncle, and once his Guardian,* 1.238 being sixteen years old, in whom the Prediction of Sibylla was verified, that the Macedonian glory, as it began in a Philip, so it should end in one of that name. Some three years after his coming to the Government he was also ingaged in the Social War of Greece, of which the Aetolians and Achaeans were the chief parties.* 1.239 For now the Aetolians (who used to live by Pira∣cy and Robbing) being weary of peace, though awed by Antigonus as long as he lived, and having in contempt the youth of Philip, and judging them∣selves stronger than the Achaeans,* 1.240 they desired occasion to begin a War. The first occasion was given by Dorimachus one of their body, who being sent to Phigalea, a Citie of Peloponnesus in the Confines of Messena (under pre∣tence of securing it, and its Territories) to spy what was done in those parts, and seeing the Messenians to live in security, and neglect of any martial Dis∣cipline, ever since the peace was made by Antigonus, being covetous gave leave to certain Pyrats to prey upon their grounds and drive their Cattel thence, though they were friends to the Aetolians. They complaining of this to him,* 1.241 he went to Messena, but instead of giving them any relief, he derided, and threatned the Owners of the Cattel, and by the perswasion of Sciron, then Praetor of that Citie, he was secured. It so hapned, that at this time there was one Babyrta a filthy fellow, so like to this Dorimachus, that one could scarce know them asunder had they been clothed alike, as therefore on a time Dori∣machus was malapertly inveighing against the Messenians, Sciron answered

him, Dost thou think, O Babyrta, that we either care for thee, or thy threats? This Jeer so affected him,* 1.242 as to be gone he restored them their goods; but getting him home, it sat so deeply upon his heart, as by pretence of this injury alone did he stir up War against the Messenians.

19. He durst not in publick Conventions perswade the Aetolians to the War, for that his private grudge was sufficiently known, but one Scopas being then Praetor, him he perswaded to joyn with him in the invasion of the Mes∣senians. They two therefore, without any publick Decree, took the advantage of that time, wherein a few dayes onely were remaining to Timoxenus, the Praetor of the Achaeans, to continue in his Office (during which time yet Aratus, who was to succeed him, could not execute it) & calling together the Aetolians to the Promontory of Aegium, sayled over into Peloponnesus, and invading the Messenians (who being unable to resist, had secured them∣selves within their Citie Walls) wasted all with fire and sword. Not one∣ly the Messenians, but the Epirotes, Achaeans, Acarnanians, and Macedoni∣ans also being declared Enemies by Scopas, they gave out Commissions to Pyrats to infest them by Sea. A ship of the King of Macedonia was taken, and being brought into the Haven was sold, with all the men, and things be∣longing to it; the Sea-Coasts of Epirus were invaded, Thyreas a Town of Acarnania was set upon, and a band of men being sent privately through Peloponnesus, a Castle there was seized on in the Territories of the Megalo∣politans, which yet Timoxenus reduced by the help of Taurion, whom Antigo∣nus had left to oversee his affairs in those parts.

20. The Achaeans meeting at Aegium,* 1.243 Decreed that aid should be sent to the Messenians; but Timoxenus whose time was not yet out, being slow in his preparations, Aratus who was to succeed him got the publick signet five dayes before the time, made Levies, and sent to the Aetolians to draw away their Forces out of the Messenian Territories, and not to trouble Achaia upon pain of being prosecuted as Enemies. Scopas and Dorimachus hear∣ing the Achaeans were gathered together, marched towards the Eleans their Allies (with whom the Aetolians alwayes maintained friendship, that they might the better Prey upon Peloponnesus) so that Aratus hearing this, very indiscreetly, and not like himself (as Polybius sheweth) for that he thought they would retreat, dismissed all his Soldiers except 3000 foot, and 300 horse, with which,* 1.244 and Taurion his party, he marched against them. He constrained them to fight in a disadvantageous place for himself, so that his forces were overthrown by them, and many being slain, the rest secured themselves in the Towns thereabouts, and the Aetolians passing without let or hinderance through Peloponnesus, attempted to take Pellene, and wasting the Territories of the Sicyonians, passed through the Isthmus, and so returned home. After this the Achaeans assembling together, Aratus was grievously accused for taking up the Office before his time, disbanding the Army when he knew Scopas and Dorimachas were in Peloponnesus, fighting the Enemy with so few, when he might have easily had aid from the Towns thereabout, and, which was worst of all, for ingaging not his best Soldiers in the plain, but onely skirmishing at the Roots of the Mountains, where the Enemy had the advantage of the ground, besides their being the greater number. But as soon as Aratus appearing put them in mind of his former services, an∣swered to the things objected against him, and craved pardon in case he had failed of his duty in the fight, and desired they would examine the case not maliciously, but with humanity, the people changed so in their affections, as they were angry a long time with his accusers, and rested upon his Counsels alone for the future.

21. These things having given the occasion to the Social war, it presently was decreed against the Aetolians. For, the Achaeans meeting together, ordered that some should be sent to the Epirotes, Boeotians, Phocians, Acarnani∣ans, and unto Philip, to acquaint them that they had broken the League now twice by the invasion of Achaia, to desire help against them, and to re∣ceive the Messenians into the alliance; moreover it was resolved, that the

Praetor should agree with the Lacedaemonians and Messenians, what Forces should be raised by their States. The Aetolians also assembling, that they might make a breach betwixt the Achaeans and their associates, resolved to make Peace with the Lacedaemonians and Messenians, but as for the Achae∣ans themselves, they absurdly decreed, that on no other condition would they have Peace with them, except they forsook the society of the Messenians. The Epirotes, and Philip, after audience given to the Ambassadors, willing∣ly received the Messenians into the alliance; but as for the Aetolians, not at all wondering at their cariage (for that it being but agreable to their custome of piracy and robbing,* 1.245 their custome something excused the badnesse of the action) they resolved still to keep Peace with them. But Scerdilaidas the General of the Illyrians making an agreement with the Aetolians about his part in the booty, with them invaded Achaia, and took the City of the Cy∣naethenses, being betrayed by some Exiles, which their Citizens had lovingly received again; but to pay for their ingratitude, these Exiles were put to the sword as well as the rest, and their City was burnt down to the ground upon the report of the Macedonians coming into Peloponnesus.* 1.246 For, Aratus had sent to Philip again for aid, who came presently with an Army down to Corinth, where the Commissioners from the several associated Cities met him, and unanimously decreed a War against the Aetolians, in the first year of the 140 Olympiad (as Polybius telleth us) and about that time that Han∣nibal took Saguntum.

22. Whilst Philip was about Corinth, great stirs hapned at Lacedaemon by reason of him. For such as were his Enemies there, caused some of his par∣ty, lest they should tell how they stood affected, to be slain, and afterwards the Ephori (who had brought the People to decree a continuance in the league with him) to be murdered as they were sacrifizing, and then joyned their State to the Aetolians, and after they had heard of Cleomenes his death in Aegypt, made a new election of Kings (whereof one was Lycurgus, an ob∣scure man, and not of the race of Hercules) having lived in way of a Free State about three years, ever since they were set free by Antigonus, till this time, when their liberty so called, had bred great strife and emulation. Philip coming to Aegium to the general meeting, the Achaeans renewed the leagues and confederacies formerly made with his Ancestors,* 1.247 and then with a great deal of credit he returned into Macedonia, there to make provisions for the War, where spending the Winter in levying Forces, and fortifying that Country against forein attempts, he also so dealt with Scerdilaidas, as hee drew him over from the Aetolians to his own party, by reason they had not made him partaker of the booty, as they had covenanted with him. Du∣ring this time several associates were sent to for assistance in the War, and a∣mongst the rest the Messenians, who though they gave the occasion of it, yet answered, being overpowered by the Praetors of the Aetolians, that see∣ing Phygalea was situate in their borders and belonged unto them, they would not assist in the War, except it was first taken out of the hands of the Aeto∣lians. Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian King getting some Forces together, in∣vaded the borders of the Argives, and took several Towns, they not stand∣ing at all upon their guard, expecting no acts of Hostility from their friends as they counted them, and then was War proclaimed by the Aetolians against the Achaeans. They were much elevated being now in a flourishing condi∣tion, the other on the contrary were put to it, for that Philip in whom was their chiefest hope, was onely yet providing for the War: the Epirotes would do nothing till they saw him begin, and the Messenians remained neuters; but shortly after, the marching of Philip from Macedonia revived their drooping spirits.

23. For having got together an Army of 15000 Foot, and 500 Horse,* 1.248 he departed from Macedonia, for Thessalie and Epirus, intending through them to invade Aetolia. Coming into Epirus, he was perswaded there by the Inhabitants to set upon the City Ambracus and recover it, (which the Aetolians had gotten out of the hands of the Epiortes) to which he was so

unwise as to agree, and thereby lost the opportunity of finishing the Warre presently, by neglecting to invade the inland Countries of Aetolia, and by harkening to the Epirotes, who more regarded their private profit than the publick good. In the mean time, in Peloponnesus things went on in favour of the Aetolians: for though they had been repulsed with some losse from Aegira, a City of the Achaeans, yet Euripidas the General of the Eleans made inrodes upon divers of the associates, got much booty, and took divers Towns, with the Castle of the Dimaeans; Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian took Atheneus a Town belonging to the Megalopolitans, and Aratus son to the other the Captain of the Achaeans could hire no Soldiers (because behind al∣ready with much pay) and with fear and indiscretion managed the businesse. Scopas the Praetor of the Aetolians through Thessalie invaded Macedonia,* 1.249 where wasting all with fire and sword about Pieria, he thence went to Dium, which, the Inhabitants thereof not staying his coming, he burnt, and overthrew the images of the Kings. Philip by this time had taken Ambracus in the space of forty dayes, and thereby satisfied the greedy desires of the Epirotes; then hearing what Scopas had done in Macedonia, he passed speedily over the Bay of Ambracia, and through Acarnania invaded the Aetolians.

24. Pitching his tents before Phaeteas,* 1.250 after many sharp skirmishes he received that Town upon composition,* 1.251 and overthrew a party of 500 Aetolians, who were coming to relieve it; after which, as he was wasting the Country, the Ambassadors of the Achaeans came to him desiring help. He promised to take their businesse into consideration, and marched for Metropolis, the In∣habitants of which flying into the Castle, he burnt the Town, and thence moving towards Conope, some Horse endeavoured to hinder him from passing the River, but finding it to be in vain, retired into the Town, and after this, none daring any more to shew themselves, he passed unmolested through the Country, taking many Towns and Castles, the walls of which he demolish∣ed, onely Oeniadae he resolved to fortifie. Whilst he thus imployed himself, news came from Macedonia, that the Dardanians had resolved to make an in∣vasion; whereupon judging it requisite to look home, he dismissed the Achaean Ambassadors with this answer, that as soon as he had provided for the securi∣ty of his own Kingdom, he would use his best endeavour to relieve them. Returning that way he came, with great journeys he passed through Epirus, and when he had arrived at Pella, the Dardanians hearing of his return dis∣banded their Army, and then he presently marched back into Thessalie, in∣tending to passe away the remaining of the Summer at Larissa. Dorimachus now being created Praetor of the Aetololians invaded Epirus, and harrasing the Country, robbed, and then destroys the Dodonaean Temple; but Philip now in Winter, when it was little expected by any, leaveth Larissa, and passing over his Army from Thessalie into Euboea, passed through Boeotia, and the confines of Megaris, and about the Winter solstice, cometh to Corinth, whither calling Aratus the elder to him to consult of affaires, he writes to the Praetor, and several Cities of the Achaeans, assigning them when and where to meet him.

25. Having taken this order he departed from Corinth to Dioscurium,* 1.252 a City of the Phliasians, and thence to Caphyae, where he had appointed the Achaeans to meet him,* 1.253 lighting in his way upon a party which Euripidas was leading towards the Territories of the Sicyonians to waste them, whereof 2200 he took; the other being slain by his men, and perishing amongst the high Rocks, 100 onely escaped with their Leader. This victory got him abundance of honour (it being heard he was come, and had overcome also at the same time) which to maintain and increase, after he was come to Ca∣phyae, he joyned Aratus the younger to him with about 10000 men, and marched to Psophis an ancient Town of Arcadia, situate in the middle of Peloponnesus, and upon the confines of the Eleans, who then had it in their hands, and whither Euripidas their Captain had now withdrawn himself after his defeat. This place Philip had a great mind unto, as very convenient for the carrying on the War. He got the Town presently, and after that

had the Castle yielded to him,* 1.254 and staying there some time gave up the place into the hands of the Achaeans, as also Lasione shortly after, which upon his approaching was forsaken by a Garrison of the Eleans. After this he came into the Country of the Eleans, which giving his Soliers liberty to sack and plunder, he passed the River Alphaeus, and came into Tryphalia including nine Towns situate betwixt Flea and Messena, which also the Inhabitants of the former had got into their possession a few years before, with Ali∣phira that belonged to Arcadia. Passing his men over by a bridge he caused to be made, he presently took Aliphira, and within six dayes all Tryphalia, though Phylidas was sent from the Aetolians to aid the Eleans with 600 men, to which were joyned 500 Mercenaries, and 1000 of the Inhabitants of Elea. Placing a Garrison in the Castle of Lepreatans, he came to He∣raea, where he divided all the booty amongst his Soldiers, and thence march∣ing to Megalopolis, in the midst of Winter, he afterward came to Argos, where he spent the remaindert of that Season. During these motions Chilon the Lacedemonian killed the Ephori who had made Lycurgus King, but the fact being not approved, he was glad to betake himself to his heels.

26. Philip invaded again the Territories of the Aetolians,* 1.255 and thence took very much booty, and returning to Argos to winter, sent his Army into Macedonia. At this time Apelles (who was one of them whom Antigonus had left his Guardians) much maligned Aratus,* 1.256 and joyning with Leontius Captain of the Cetrati (called so from the wearing of a short buckler) and Megaleas the King's chief Secretary, resolved to remove Taurion from the Government of Peloponnesus, and Alexander from his command of the Life-Guard; and had he not been hindred by Aratus, he had accomplishd his pur∣pose. He had procured also one Eparatus to be chosen Praetor in the room of Aratus the younger, and he managing his affairs very indiscreetly, the King could get neither money nor provisions, but was fain to flie to Aratus for relief; and now it being resolved to carry on the War by Sea, he consulting with his two creatures, determined to stop up provisons from coming to the Army, and went to Chalcis for that purpose. He so managed his businesse, as he forced the King to pawn his plate, who now sailed against the Cephale∣nians, whose ships the Aetolians constantly used in their invasions of Pelopon∣nesus, and coming to Patra, there drew up his ships on shore. He laid siege to the City of the Pataeensians, and having undermined a piece of the wall, sent Leontius to take the place, but he remembring the conspiracie of Apelles, Megaleas, and himself, to hinder the affaires of his Master, had corrupted the chiefest of the Officers, and suffered himself to be repelled, so that Philip raised his Siege, and consulted what was to be done. By this time Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian King had invaded the Messenians, Dorimachus also the Aetolian had made an inroad into Thessalie, so that from both parts came Ambassadors to crave aid. Leontius counselled Philip to go to Messenia; but Aratus to invade Aetolia again, to whom he agreed, having had experience of his wisdom, and begining now a little to trust the other.

27. Writing to the Praetor of the Achaeans to relieve the Messenians, he invaded their Country, and taking Thermus, gave his Soldiers leave to plun∣der the Villages, in revenge for what the Aetolians had done at Dius in Ma∣cedonia, rifled and burnt the Temple, for which he is grievously reprehen∣ded by Polybius. After this returning on shipboard, Leontius and Megaleas in their cups so abused Aratus, as to throw stones at him, for which the for∣mer escaping, the later was imprisoned and fined twenty Talents at a Coun∣cil of War. Philip then sailed to Corinth, whence sending messengers to the associated Cities to meet him at Tegea, he marched thither in two dayes, and getting some Forces together he invaded the Lacedaemonians, and wasted their territories far and wide, put to flight Lycurgus who came out of the City against him, and then returned again unto Corinth. Whilst he prepared to attempt some notable thing upon Phocis; Leontius, Megaleas, and Pto∣lomy, moved the Soldiers to sedition, which though he knew very well, yet dissembled he it at present, but Leontius sent for Apelles from Chalcis, who

there had very naughtily behaved himself, and now returning was not enter∣tained by the King after the usual manner, nor admitted to the Council. Megaleas hereat being affrighted fled,* 1.257 leaving Leontius behind him ingaged for the twenty Talents, whose Soldiers Philip sent with Taurion into Triphyl∣lia as upon service, and then threw him in prison for the payment of the mo∣ney, and not long after (the Soldiers malapertly interceding for him, that he should not be tried till their return, otherwise they should take it as a great affront) he put him to death. Then came he to Patra, where he had appoin∣ted the Deputies of the Cities to meet him about a Peace with the Aetolians, which the Rhodians and Chians had by Ambassadors moved both parties to. Here letters of Megaleas were brought to him, wherein he stirred up the Aetolians to proceed in the War, for that he would be in great straights for provisions, whereupon he judging Apelles to have been the chief cause of those evils, sent him in custody to Corinth, and ordered Alexander to go to Thebes and pursue Megaleas. He hearing this killed himself, and Apelles died soon after.

28. The Aetolians hearing of these stirs in Philip's Court, and thinking thereby some great sedition would be raised, put off their meeting at Rhium about the peace, which he was not at all sorry for, but exhorted the associates rather to bend their minds towards thoughts of War. Then, coming to De∣metrias, there was condemned Ptolomy, Apelles his Companion, by the Macedoians,* 1.258 and put to death; then, for that Winter was now begun, ha∣ving sent his Army before, he himself followed into Macedonia. The next year he got Bylazora the chiefest Town of Paeonia into his hands, and Thebes Pthiotick also, which the Aetolians holding, much molested Thessaly: but receiving news that Scerdilaida being revolted, made great waste of all things about Malea, he returned into Peloponnesus at the time of the celebration of the Nemean Games. Here he received letters that Hannibal had over∣thrown the Romans at the Lake of Thrasymene, and Demetrius Pharius, who had waged War with the People of Rome, for the Illyrians, advised him to make Peace with the Aetolians,* 1.259 and undertaking the affaires of Illyricum passe thence into Italy, and think of no lesse than arriving at the Monar∣chy of the World. Being elevated with this fancy, he perswaded the Achaeans to agreement, and then sending Taurion and Aratus to the Aetolians, who de∣sired a Treaty, at their request he went also himself down to them, and made Peace on this condition, that all parties should enjoy what now they held. Agelaus of Naupactus perswaded the Greeks to imbrace amity,* 1.260 lest cutting one anothers throats thus, they might be devoured by the Carthaginians or Romans. So all the Cities returned to their ancient wayes and customs, and this Social War ended after it had continued four years, in the sixth of the reign of Philip, the first of the 141 Olympiad. A. M. 3789.

29.* 1.261 Philip applied himself to the recovery of the Cities which had revol∣ted from him, and then thought of nothing more than setling the affairs of Illyricum, necessary for the promoting of his designs, especially the inva∣sion of Italy, upon which his mind was so setled, as sleeping and waking his fancy ran wholly upon it, being spurred on by Demetrius Pharius, not so much for any great affection born to him, as for the others private interest, who thought hereby to recover the Island Pharus, which once he injoyed; and out of hatred to the Romans, who having overthrown him in War, about this time sent to demand him of Philip, to whom he had fled.* 1.262 After he had recovered the Cities, and sent his Army to the Winter quarters, he be∣thought him that there would be need of ships for the carrying on of his pro∣ject; not for fighting with the Romans, but conveying of his men, so that he caused 100 swift Barkes to be built, and in the Spring exercising his Soldiers a little in rowing, away he goes through Euripus near to Cephalenia, hearkening continually after the Roman Fleet. But the report of it's com∣ing, after a short time put his men into such a pannick fear, that though he was now going towards Apollonia, he tacked about, and in great disorder af∣ter a day and a nights sail came back again to Cephalenia. For all this he was

not discouraged from his enterprise,* 1.263 but understanding how Hannibal prospe∣red in Italy, thought good to make him his friend, and thereby get an en∣trance in thither. So this year being the 4th of the 2d Punick War, he sent Ambassadors to him.

30. The Ambassadors landing near to the Temple of Juno Lacinia,* 1.264 went through Apulia towards Capua where Hannibal then lay; but in their way fell into the Roman Guards, by which they were brought to M. Valerius Lae∣vinus the Praetor, then lying about Numeria. Being thus entangled, Xeno∣phanes, one bolder and wiser than the rest, told the Praetor they were come from Philip to make a League and Alliance with the People of Rome; at which he rejoycing, that after the revolting of their Associates in Italy so great a Prince should desire their friendship, entertained him and his fellows very lovingly, and sent them away with some to conduct them, so that coming into Campaniae they presently got to Hannibal.* 1.265 The Alliance was made on these terms, that Philip with as great a Fleet as possible (200 ships he thought he could procure) should passe into Italy, waste the Maritime parts thereof, and help to carry on the War both by Sea and Land: that Italy being Con∣quered should all fall to Hannibal, and the Carthaginians, with all the spoil; and then they should passe into Greece, and there make War upon what Princes or States Philip pleased, who should enjoy whatever places could be got, either in the Continent or Islands, he being willing to content himself with these conditions for a beginning. Things being thus concluded, the Ambassadors were dispatched away, and with them some sent from Hannibal, who ship∣ping themselves again where they landed before, were discovered by the Romans,* 1.266 who lay upon the Coasts of Calabria, and taken. Xenophanes, having had such good fortune before, with his skill attempted the same thing again, but the habit and language of the Carthaginians discovered them, and, the League being found about them, all was brought to light, and confessed; and then they were sent to Grachus the Consul to Cuma, and by him to the Se∣nate.

31. The Fathers entred into serious debate about it, being much trou∣bled to find, that though they were scarce able to undergo the Carthaginian War, they should be ingaged in another with the Macedonian; yet notwith∣standing they were not dismayed, but considered how they might make work for Philip at home, thereby to divert him from Italy. Having therefore im∣prisoned the Ambassadors, and sold their followers, they gave order for fifty ships fitly furnished to hover about Italy, and if the Kings attempts should appear answerable to the Ambassage, Marcus Valerius the Praetor was then to invade Macedonia. Whilest these things were in hand, one of the ships which being taken accompanied the Ambassadors to Rome,* 1.267 escaped, and ac∣quainted Philip how things had passed, who then not knowing what was done or concluded betwixt Hannibal and himself, sent Messengers, who dispatched the businesse with better successe, but the Summer was too far spent for him to do any thing this year. These high thoughts and designs he now had in his head did so puff him up, that from an excellent Prince as he was at the first, he turned tyrannical as men judged, so that he began to wax harsh against the Cities of Greece, being set on by Demetrius Pharius, who advised him to get Peloponnesus into his own power, and for that purpose to seize on the two horns of that beast, (as he accounted them) the Castle of Corinth,* 1.268 and also that of the Messenians, who being now at odds amongst themselves, he la∣boured to increase their differences; and for that Aratus was displeased at it, and laboured to diswade him, he cast him out of favour. The year after he had entred into League with Hannibal, finding it yet not convenient to make for Italy, he took Oricus a Town of Illyricum, in order to the besieging of Apollonia, both which had joyned themselves in society with the Romans fifteen years before.* 1.269 But when Laevinus the Praetor heard of it, leaving the Coast of Brundusium to the care of P. Valerius, he hasted to Oricus, and presently recovered it, and afterwards sent a party under the Conduct of Naevius Crispus, which getting into Apollonia, afterwards fell upon the Ma∣cedonians

lying so securely in their Camp,* 1.270 that about 1000 men entred the Trenches before it was perceived. Hereupon followed such a Pannick fear, as no body endeavoured to repulse the Enemy, and 3000 were slain and taken here, the King getting out of his bed, fled half naked to the ships, which Laevi∣nus being aware of, secured the mouth of the River, so that he was forced to fly with a poor and unarmed Army by Land into Macedonia.

32. About this time, being angry with Aratus,* 1.271 for being agrieved at his ill usage of the Messenians, he now procured him to be poysoned by the help of Taurion his Lieutenant in Peloponnesus. At the first the thing was not known, it being a slow working poyson, but Aratus himself was not igno∣rant of it, yet shewed such calmnesse of mind as he acquainted none with it, but Cephalo his nearest attendant,* 1.272 who observing him to spit bloud upon the Wall, he onely said, This reward O Cephalo have we for our friendship to Phi∣lip; but after his death he was honoured by all the Achaeans as an Hero. Phi∣lip about this time casting his thoughts upon Illyricum, got Lyssus a strong Town thereof, and Acrolyssus its Castle into his power,* 1.273 having divided his Army into two parts, one whereof he hid on the Land-side, and drew the Defendants towards the Sea with the other, so as they in ambush entred the Castle without opposition (otherwise impregnable) after which he got the Town, though with much trouble,* 1.274 and then most of the Cities out of fear submitted unto him. But the same year M. Valerius Laevinus withdrew the Aetolians from their society and alliance with him, by shewing them the ci∣vility of the Romans towards their friends, and especially by putting them in hopes to recover Acarnania again into their power, having Scopas the Praetor and Dorimachus to back him in this perswasion.* 1.275 In the League also were to be included the Eleans and Lacedaemonians, Attalus King of Asia the lesse, Pleuratus of Thrace, and Scerdilaidas of Illyricum, if they pleased. Laevinus took presently Zacynthus an Island near to Aetolia, having a Citie in it of the same name, Oeniada also and Nassus, Towns of Acarnania, all which he gave to the Aetolians, and then judging he had made work enough for Philip to keep him at home, that he should not think of the invasion of Italy, or of Hannibal, or the Carthaginians, he departed to Corcyra.

33. He was Wintring at Pella, when the news first came to him,* 1.276 therefore as he had determined to passe into Greece in the Spring, and first to invade, and awe the Illyrians, he now made incursions thither, after that into Pelagonia, and then took a Citie of the Dardanians in the Borders of Macedonia, being as it were the Key into their Countrey. After this he hasted into Thessalie, where leaving Perseus with a party to restrain the Aetolians, he thence mar∣ched towards Thrace against the Maedi, which were wont to make inroads in∣to Macedonia when the King was absent in the Wars; from them he took Jampharnia, and attempted other places. But the Aetolians now aiming at,* 1.277 and expecting great things, because of their conjunction with their Romans, struck terror into almost all the other Greeks; wherefore the Achaeans, Boeo∣tians, Euboeans, Epirotes, and Acarnanians implored his help, for all which he provided as well as he might, and sent a party to defend Preparethus the Island, at which he heard that Attalus coming into Europe, arrived, being chosen by the Aetolians their Commander in Chief. Scopas the Aetolian hearing he was gone into Thrace, invaded Acarnania, the Inhabitants where∣of sending away their Wives, Children, and Aged into Epirus, vowed never to return except as Conquerors, rather than to be again enslaved under the Aetolians. This the Enemy hearing, was something amated at their resolu∣tion, and then knowing of Philip his coming, returned home, and he when he heard they had so done, returned also unto Pella.* 1.278 The year after he suc∣coured the Achaeans sore molested by Machanidas Tyrant of Sparta, and the Aetolians, & went against Lamia, a Citie of the Aetolians, who coming out to meet him, he overthrew them in two several ingagements, after which they shutting up themselves in the Town, he drew down his Army to Pha∣lara a Maritime Citie of Thessaly, whither Ambassadors came from Ptolo∣my, the Rhodians, Chians, and Athenians, to compose the difference betwixt

him, and the Aetolians, though not so much out of love to these, as for fear that Philip and his Kingdom should grow too great, and become burdensom to the liberty of Greece. The Treaty was put off to the meeting of the States ge∣neral of the Achaeans, and a Truce made in the mean time for thirty dayes.

34. It was also began with this design, to keep Attalus, or the Romans, from coming into Greece;* 1.279 but the Ae••olians observing the Term of the Truce almost to be expired, and hearing that Attalus was come to Aegina, and the Roman Navy to Naupactus, hindred the conclusion; first complaining of some things done during the Truce, and then plainly refusing to agree, except the Achaeans would restore Pylus to the Messenians, and except the Romans, Athamanians, Sce••dilaidas, and P••euratus were included in the peace. Philip holding it an unworthy thing that those who had the worst of it in the War should give Laws to the other, broke up the meeting, and leavying 4000 men for a defence to the Achaeans, went to Argos. In the mean while P. Sulpicius coming with the Roman Fleet from Naupactus, landed betwixt Corinth and Sicyon, and wasted the Countrey; but Philip lighting upon his men drove them to their ships, and then going to Dymae, cast out thence the Garrison of the Aetolians, called thither by the Eleans. Their Territories he also wasted (Cycliadas the General of the Achaeans having united his Forces with his) and then went against the Citie it self.* 1.280 It hapned that Sulpicius was secret∣ly got in thither with 4000 men, which struck a terror into the besiegers as soon as they espied the Roman colours, and Philip would fain have drawn off his men; but a skirmish being begun he was forced to charge the Roman Co∣hort with his horse. His own horse being shot under him,* 1.281 a sharp conflict followed about his person now on foot, but being overpowered, he was rescued by his followers, and mounting another fled away. Then pitched he his Tents five miles from Elis, and the next day marching to Pyrgus a Castle not far off, there took a multitude of Countrey people, which with their Cattel had fled thither for protection; but as he was dividing the plunder, a Messen∣ger came out of Macedonia, and informed him, that a certain man of the Ae∣ropians had taken Lychnidus, and was raising the Dardanians; wherefore lea∣ving 2500 men under the Government of Menippus and Polyphas, for a Guard to the Achaeans, away he marched into Thessaly, where he heard the Dardanians had invaded his Kingdom, and that he was reported to be slain. After his departure Sulpicius went and wintred at Aegina with Attalus, and the Achaeans fought prosperously against their Enemies.

* 1.28235. The year after,* 1.283 P. Sulpicius Galba the Proconsul and Attalus depart∣ing from Aegina with their Navies joyned together (which made up fifty sayl) came into Euboea, and there took Oreus through the treachery of Plator the Governour. Philip now being at Demetrias, great complaints came to him of the Aetolians, who being very high, troubled grievously the Associates; the Achaeans moreover being molested again by Machanidas Tyrant of Lace∣daemon, and desiring aid, he dismissed the Messengers with promise to pro∣vide for the safety of all as near as he could, and appointed fires to be made on the tops of the Mountains, with a Watch-Tower, to give him warning if the Enemy invaded the Sea-Coasts. The fires upon the coming of the Navy to Oreus were by the cunning of Plator made too late; but upon the sign gi∣ven he hasted with his Army (having beaten off the Aetolians who opposed him at the Straights of Thermopylae) and came to Elatea a Town in Phocis. Attalus at this time, & the Proconul having attempted Chalcis to no purpose, came to Opus, which being taken, the King's Soldiers were to have the plunder of it, as the Romans had before of Oreus. Here he staying too long to gather money, was almost surprised by Philip, and hasting to his ships, had not got all his men aboard before he fell upon him; then depart∣ing to Oreus, he there received news that Prusias King of Bithinia had in∣vaded his Kingdom, so that he presently returned home, and Sulpicius to Aegina. Philip chiding the Opuntians for yielding so soon, went, and took Thronium inhabited by them of Thebes Pthiotick, who being outed thence

by him 8 years before, as we said, the Aetolians had given them this Town to dwell in. After this returning to Elatia (where the Ambassadors of Ptolomy and the Rhodians stayed his coming to move him again about the peace) and hearing that Machanidas had determined to set upon the Eleans, he resolved to prevent him. Machanidas hearing of his coming, retreated presently to Sparta, and then went he to Aegium to the general Council of the Achaeans, to whom he restored Heraea and Triphylia; and Aliphera to the Megalopo∣litans. He made some depredations upon the Aetoliam, then returned to Oreus, and so to Demetrias, where he gave order for making of ships; (things being quiet there after the departure of Attalus) and so into his own King∣dom against the Dardanians.

36. The two years following,* 1.284 little or nothing was done by the Romans in Greece, so that the Aetolians being destitute of their aid (in which they most confided) were forc'd to make a Peace with him on his own terms. Scarce was it concluded,* 1.285 when Publius Sempronius the Proconsul was sent to succeed Sulpicius (who carelessly managed his affaires) with 10000 Foot, 1000 Horse, and 35 Gallies, who coming to Dyrrhachium raised the Par∣thini, and set upon Damallum. Coming a little after to Apollonia, Philip having received the news of his arrival, marched down thither, and would have given him battel, but the Proconsul refusing it, and he not daring to at∣tempt the Town, as also because he was now inclinable also to Peace, he returned again into his own Kingdom. Not long after the Epirotes bearing al∣so the same mind, sent to him, desiring he would think of Peace, which they despaired not of, so he and Sempronius would but meet together. He condescended to go down into Epirus, and then came to an interview with the Proconsul at Phoenice, together with Aminander King of the Athamanians, and the Deputies of the Epirotes and Acarnanians, where it was agreed that the Parthini,* 1.286 the Cities Dimalum, Bargulum, and Eugenium, should fall to the share of the Romans, and the Atintanae (because they had desired it from the Senate at Rome) to Philip: in the confederacy were included on the Kings part, Prusias King of Bithinia, the Achaeans, Boeotians, Thessa∣lonians, Acarnanians, and Epirotes, and on the Roman, the Inhabitants of Ilium, King Attalus, Plearatus, the Eleans, Messenians, and Athenians, with Nabis Tyrant of Sparta, and successor of Machanidas,* 1.287 slain in battel by Philopomenes, who now had begun to defend his Country from the Lace∣daemonians and others. A Truce was made for two moneths, to have the consent of the People of Rome, who now having turned the War into Africk upon the Carthaginians, were glad to free themselves from all other troubles, and therefore the Peace was confirmed by the suffrages of all the Tribes.

37. But Philip's mind was so inured to action,* 1.288 that he could not but make himself work; for perceiving Philopomenes (now Praetor the second time of the Achaeans) to be in great respect for his military skil and valour, he sent to murder him at Megalopolis, which being discovered, he deservedly incurred the displeasure of all Greece. He kept some correspondence (together with Antiochus the Great) with Ptolomy Philopator,* 1.289 when living; but after his death, they two consulted together to deprive his young son of his Kingdom, and might well have done it (especially seeing the Aegyptian Court was much vexed by the discord of the great ones) had they not both been diverted by the Romans,* 1.290 and punished justly, as Polybius observeth.* 1.291 And though he had been reconciled to the Aetolians, and used them as his friends and al∣lies, yet now without any pretence did he withdraw Lysimachia from their society, and joyned it to himself, after that Chalcedon; and to gratifie his Son in Law Prusias of Bithinia, enslaved the City of the Ciani, though the Aetolians had sent them a Captain who commanded in chief,* 1.292 which cruelty so incensed the Rhodiaus, as ever after they became his Enemies, and joyned with Attalus King of Asia against him. Very stoutly did he deal with these his adversaries, never being discouraged by any bad successe. He had the worst of it in a battel at Sea near Chius, but driving Attalus on Land, and taking his ship (though he had never lost so many men in any battel whatever

before) he ascribed the Victory to himself.* 1.293 For all this War in which he was imployed by two powerful adversaries,* 1.294 yet feared he not to undertake an∣other with the People of Rome, which now a few moneths after the end of the second Punick was decreed against him, about fourteen years after his entring into confederacy with Hannibal, of his own reign the 23, and the first of the 145 Olympiad. A. M. 3805.

38. For though there had been a peace made,* 1.295 yet it was conceived he had broken it by his molesting the Aetolians, and other associates, and of late by sending aid to Annibal in Africk, and the Carthaginians: The Athenians by their Ambassadors also called upon the Senate for help, whose Territories he had wasted,* 1.296 and forced them up into the City. The occasion of the War betwixt him and them was from the Acarnanians; for two young men of that Nation coming to Athens, chanced to go into the Temple of Ceres with the other company at the Feast, being not initiated, and for that reason were put to death, as having committed an unpardonable offence, though igno∣rantly they did it; now this the Athamanians took so to heart, as they pro∣cured Philip to make War upon them. At the same time were come to Rome Ambassadors also from Attalus, and the Rhodians, complaining that the Cities of Asia were also molested by him; so that now having little to do after the ending of the second Punick War, the Senate unanimously made a Decree, by virtue whereof Marcus Levinus the Vicepraetor was sent into Macedonia with 38 ships brought out of Sicilie by Cn. Octavius: Afterwards came news further that he was about to take Athens, and then it being proposed to the People, the War (through the perswasion of Publius Sulpitius* 1.297 the Consul, to whom it fell by lot) was decreed against him. He had not besieged that City himself, but, sending down Philocles one of his Captains thither, went and subdued the Chersonesus of Thrace. Onely the Inhabitants of Abydus stood out against him, and that with such resolution, as following the exam∣ple of the Saguntines in Spain, they fought it out to the last,* 1.298 and made an end of themselves, after he had denied to receive them upon any other terms than yielding to mercy. Yet Attalus and the Rhodians might have relieved them had they not loitered.

39. Sulpicius the Consul coming to Apollonia,* 1.299 upon the desire of the Athe∣nians, sent C. Claudius Cento with twenty ships out of the Fleet which lay at Corcyra, furnished with Soldiers, to relieve their City. He hearing that Chal∣cis was badly looked to, though fortified with a Garrison of the Macedonians, went thither, took it with ease, then plundering it set on fire, and returned to the Piraeus, or Haven of Athens. Philip was now come down to De∣metrias, where hearing this news he passed over Euripus on a bridge, and through Boeotia hasted to Athens, thinking to surprise the Town; but the Inhabitants having got notice of his coming,* 1.300 stood upon their guard, and then he perceiving his craft failed him, betook himself to force; but this being to no purpose (the Romans coming in, and the Soldiers of Attalus from Aegi∣na) wasting all about the Town, and not sparing so much as the Sepulchers, he went to Eleusine thinking there to get the Temple and Castle into his power; but the guards being strong, and the Navy coming to help from the Piraeus, he marched thence to Megara, and so to Corinth. Hearing now that the Achaeans were met at Argos, to consult how to resist Nabis Tyrant of Sparta, he went down thither, and came upon them unawares, and pro∣mised he would make War upon him, on condition they would but find him Soldiers to keep Oreus, Chalcis, and Corinth. His design was to ingage them in the War against the Romans, which they very well understood, and therefore Cycliades the Praetor answered, that it was not lawful to propose any other matter than that for which they were assembled, and so a Decree being made for raising an Army against Nabis, hee broke up the meeting.

40. Nothing yet was done by the Roman Consul of himself, but encamp∣ing upon the River Apsus between Apollonia and Dyrrhachium, he sent L. Apustius his Lieutenant with a party to harrase the Enemies Country,

who performed what he went about, taking divers Towns of Macedonia, and then returned with much booty. Philip being come home, made all provision possible for the War, and knowing the restlessnesse of the Aetoli∣ans, for fear they might side with the Romans, (which yet they had not done) sent his Ambassadors to the general meeting of them called the Panaetolium, whither came also L. Furius Purpureo, sent from the Consul, and others from the Athenians.* 1.301 The Macedonian being first heard, advised them to re∣main in their society with him; the Athenians inveyed bitterly against Philip, as having broken the Laws of humanity and religion, in violating their Se∣pulchers, and Temple; then Purpureo sheweth how the Romans had under∣taken the War for them, though they formerly made Peace without them, and now how good an occasion was offered them of being restored into their friendship and society, except they would rather perish with Philip. This inclined all their minds towards the Romans; but Democritus the Praetor thought the businesse was to be put off to the next Council.* 1.302 But not long after Philip fought twice with the Consul, and that so unprosperously, as he had like to have been taken himself, and then they imbraced the society of the Romans, and invading Macedonia, took and burnt Cercinium, after which going into Perrhaebia, Philip set upon them at unawares, and killing many, forced the rest to flie for their safety under the conduct of Aminander into their own Country. This year the Roman Navy joyning to that of Attalus and the Rhodians, took the Island Andrus, and Oreus, the City we have often spoken of, in Euboea.

41. Philip taking all care possible for the managing of his affaires,* 1.303 the next Spring sent down his Auxiliaries and others through Epirus into Chaonia, to seize upon the Straights near Antigonia, and he himself following after with the strength of his Army, fortified the Vallie betwixt the Mountains, through which the River Aons runneth; Athenagoras his Lieutenant he com∣manded to look to the Mountain Asnaus, and he himself pitched his Tents upon the hill Aeropus.* 1.304 To Sulpicius the Consul succeeded P. Villius Tap∣pulus, who coming late did nothing at all, for leading towards the Enemy, he with a few went to view the Moors, through which his nearest way lay to him, and consulting many dayes whether he should passe that way, or take the same Sulpicius went into Macedonia, before he could determine, news came to him, that his Successor was already come to Corcyra. This was T. Quintius Flamininus, created Consul ere he was thirty years old, who falling this Province came sooner than usual, bringing over with him 8000 Foot, and 800 Horse. Being arrived at the Camp, after some consultation, he determined to set upon Philip's Army in the place where it yet lay;* 1.305 but how to do it was hard to be resolved, and forty dayes were spent in this deli∣beration, which time Philip was content to make an opportunity to look af∣ter Peace,* 1.306 and attempt the procurement of it through the Epirotes. They met at the River Aous (or Apsus) but the Consul demanded things seem∣ing so hard to the other, that he asked him if he would impose more hard con∣ditions upon one conquered? and so withdrew himself from the confe∣rence.

42. The next day followed some light Skirmishes, neither part receiving either much good or dammage, but as they continued in this condition, came a certain Shepherd, sent by Charops Prince of the Epirotes, undertaking to lead the Romans through the Mountains an easie way, and bring them up∣on the Enemies back. The Consul glad of this opportunity, sent a party with him,* 1.307 and then gave an Alarm with the whole Army to the Camp, which the Macedonians received willingly enough, and both Armies being greedy of fighting, they marched out of their Trenches to receive the battel; but then those on their backs setting up a shout, struck them with such terror, that some of them ran away, others by reason of the difficulty of the place for fight were compassed in, and 2000 slain. The King fled amain till he came five miles off, and then rallying his men upon an hill, with a great Company went into Thessaly. Where wasting divers Towns to deprive the Enemy

of Provisions, he thence passed into Macedonia. The Consul following him into Thessaly, laboured to get the good will of the Epiro••es, and called to him Aminander King of the Athamanians to conduct him on his way; then took he Phaleria (where were in Garrison 2000 Macedonians) which he plun∣dred and burnt, at which also others being affrighted yielded themselves, and Philip not daring to oppose, but keeping within Tempe, sent relief upon oc∣casion to such places as wanted.* 1.308 At Rhaga the Consul found such opposition as he raised his siege, but thence departing took in divers Cities of Phocis, and besieged Elatea, during which things the Navy under the conduct of L. Quin∣tius his brother, in Conjunction with Attalus and the Rhodians, took two of the most considerable Towns of Euboea, and then prepared to venture for Corinth; but by the Consul's advice, they first sent to the Achaeans to see if they might draw them from Philip to their own party.

43. Aristaenus or Aristinetus (as he is called by Polybius) their Praetor, laboured to perswade them by all means to imbrace the society of the Ro∣mans, at which the Dymaeans and Megalopolitans out of distaste went out of the Council, as unwilling thus to betray Philip, and the rest unanimously en∣tered into Alliance with Attalus and the Rhodians,* 1.309 and for that they could not do as much with the Romans without consent of the People at Rome, put it off onely till they might send their Ambassadors thither, and Decreed at the present to dispatch away three to Lucius Quintius, and their Army also to Corinth before which he now lay. The Town was stoutly defended by the Inhabitants, and Androsthenes the Governour for the King, till such time as Phi••ocles came with 1500 fresh men to their relief, after which it seemed best both to Attalus and Quintius to raise their siege, and then Philocles had Ar∣gos betrayed to him. The Consul in this mean time got Elatea, and then taking up his Winter quarters, news came that the Opuntians were at odds amongst themselves, some calling the Aetolians, and some the Romans, de∣sirous to give up their Citie to them. The stronger and richer part called the Consul, but the Castle was still held by the Macedonians, who could not be got out by any fair words or foul, and when it should have been stormed came an Herauld from Philip, desiring a time and place might be set for a meeting to treat again of peace, which being granted, they met in the Bay near Nice at the day appointed, where Philip would not come ashore for fear as he pretended of the Aetolians.* 1.310 Much talk there was on both sides,* 1.311 the treaty being put off from one day to another; but it being required of the King to quit all Greece, he refused to do it, having a great desire to keep Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias; and then at his request he had leave gi∣ven him to send Ambassadors to the Senate, and a Truce was made for two moneths.

* 1.31244. The Greeks sent their Ambassadors also, and all came to Rome, when the debate was about the Provinces of the new Consuls, whether one of them should have Macedonia, according to the custom, or both stay, and car∣ry on the War against the Gaules then depending; for the Tribunes of the people opposed the custom, alleging that the reason was why Wars were so lengthned, because there was every year a new General according to the suc∣cession of the Consuls. This being referred to the Senate, it was thought fit to continue the Command to Quintius, and then had all the Ambassadors audience. The Greeks inveighed sore against Philip, and earnestly laboured that he should not be allowed to hold Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias, for otherwise Greece could have no thoughts of liberty. They alleged it to his own saying, that these three were the Fo••ters of Greece, and that not without reason; for if he held Corinth, Peloponnesus could have no breathing time; if Chalcis, the Locrians, Boeotians, and Phocians durst not mutter; and if Deme∣trias, the Thessalians, and Magnetes should not be able as much as to taste of liberty: seeing therefore he pretended to be willing to quit all other places, this was but a shift for the present, seeing if he was Master of these places he might recover what he had before; therefore they desired he might either re∣linquish them, or that the War might be carried on, seeing the greatest part

of it was finished already. The Kings Ambassadors beginning a long O∣ration, were interrupted at the first, and asked whether their Master would be willing to leave the three Cities; they answered they had no Commission to answer any thing to that point: and so being chidden by the Fathers they made an end, and the affairs of Greece were again left to the management of Quintius.

* 1.31345. Philip seeing how things went,* 1.314 wrote to Philocles to deliver up Argos to Nabis the Tyrant of Sparta, on condition that if he prospered he should again restore it to him; but he presently after his getting into the Town, sent word to Quintius, who giving him a meeting, desired he would make peace with the Achaeans, and send aid against the King; the later of which he pro∣mised to perform, and as for the peace granted a Truce for four moneths. Philip shortly after came down again into Thessaly (it being no policy at all to expect the Enemy in his own Kingdom) which Quintius understanding marched thither, where wandring after each other,* 1.315 they both at length in a thick mist came near to some Hills, from the likenesse of the heads of Dogs, called Cynoscephalae. Here both their foreguards fixing came to the discovery of each other, and from the skirmishing, and ingagement of them, to a set battel,* 1.316 though the King at first did not intend it.* 1.317 The victory seemed at the beginning to incline towards the Macedonians in one Wing; but the other being overpowered, they both at length were overthrown by the skill and va∣lour of the Romans, 8000 perishing, and 5000 being taken prisoners: Of the Romans 700 were slain. Philip, when he saw how things went, fled towards Tempe; at the entry of which he stayed for such as had escaped, and then passed through that Countrey into Macedonia. The Romans coming to plunder the Enemie's Camp, found the Aetolians got thither before them, at which they sore repined, and grumbled at their General, as if he exposed them to danger, and granted the Prey to others. Flamininus was sore dis∣pleased to see the greedinesse of the Aetolians after Prey; and as this gave occasion to that hatred, which afterwards manifested it self, so it made him the more willing to agree with the Enemy, that he might not leave them Ma∣sters of Greece.

46.* 1.318 Philip sent presently to the Roman General to desire another Treaty about a peace, who receiving them in a Council of Officers, without calling the Aetolians, used them very respectfully, and presently granted a Truce for fifteen dayes. This seeming strange to the Aetolians, they presently concluded he was bribed to it by Philip, not accounting better of others than according to their own covetous humour; but he being displeased with them, not onely for the matter of the plunder, but also for that they gave out sleighting words of the Roman valour (attributing the good successe to them∣selves) hearing also that Antiochus King of Asia was coming towards Eu∣rope, and so fearing Philip might joyn with him, and then a new Consul co∣ming might take the glory of concluding the War away from himself, he re∣solved to make an end of the difference, and appointed a day and place to meet at, to which he summoned the Allies. Being met together he willed them to declare their minds concerning the peace, on what terms they would have it made. Aminander very modestly desired Provision might be made for him, else he was like to undergo the malice of Philip, who would be able presently to crush him. The Aetolians were point blank against the peace, saying, all would prove fruitlesse, except the Macedonian were outed his Kingdom, and that Quintius, except he did it, would neither answer the expectations of Greece, nor of those that sent him; to which he replied, that it was not the custom of the people at Rome utterly to undo at once those with whom they warred, and that the liberty of Greece would better be provided for by the standing of the Macedonian Kingdom, so weakned as it was like to be, than by the destruction of it; seeing then it would be ob∣noxious to the invasion of the Thracians and Gauls. The day after arrived Philip himself, and the next, coming into a full Council there, very wisely allayed the heats of all parties against him, offering to ratifie the former de∣mands

of the Romans,* 1.319 and for the rest to submit himself to the pleasure of the Senate. Therefore four moneths Truce was granted to him, according to his desire, and paying to Quintius 400 Talents in ready money, and giving up Demetrius his Son, and others for Hostages, he had leave to send to Rome about the conclusion; but with this caution, that if the bu∣sinesse should not succeed, he was to have the Hostages and Money returned back unto him.

47. Both Senate and People admitted of peace,* 1.320 though Marcellus the new Consul laboured against it, out of desire to be sent into Macedonia. Philip was injoyned,* 1.321 besides the setting of all Greece at liberty, before the ce∣lebration of the Isthmian Games; to restore all Captives and Renegadoes, to give up all his covered Gallies except 5. and one with 16 Oares on a side, to pay 1000 Talents, half at present, and the other half in the space of 10 years, at so many payments. Into Greece were sent 10 men of the Chief, with whom Flamininus was joyned in Commission, to compose affairs, and restore liber∣ty to the several States thereof, which exceedingly affected all with joy, except the Aetolians, who carped at the Decree, and affirmed that Greece had onely changed it Lords; seeing the Romans had Corinth, Demetrias, and Chal∣cis. When the Commissioners came to sit, some controversie indeed arose about these Towns; for they having it in expresse charge to set all others at liberty, these were left to their discretion because of Antiochus, who, as all men thought, had intentions to attempt something upon Europe: therefore Flamininus perswaded them to give up Corinth into the hands of the Achae∣ans, and keep that Castle, Demetrias and Chalcis in their own power. Then going to the solemnity of the Ishmian Games be there pronounced liberty, in that great audience, unto all Greece, which so affected the hearers, as with ad∣miration of the thing they were scarce themselves.

48. During the War between the Romans and Antiochus,* 1.322 which shortly after followed, Philip behaved himself suitably enough to the expectation of the Conquerours: afterwards considering, and comparing his present condi∣tion with his former, he grew something impatient, and especially amongst other things, this vexed him, that power of animadverting upon those Mace∣donians who had revolted in the War, was taken from him; for after that An∣tiochus was overcome, and the War with the Aetolians was now in hand, Acilius the Consul taking Heraclea, and Philip besieging Lamia, when he was in a fair way of taking of it, he was commanded to depart from it, that so it might be surrendred to the other.* 1.323 Acilius to pacifie him, gave him leave to make War upon Athamania, and to recover the Cities which the Aetolians had taken from the Thessalians; so that he presently drove out Aminander from Athamania, recovered divers Cities, amongst which was Demetrias, and possessed himself of the Countrey of the Magnetes, and some Cities in Thrace also. This pacified him for the present, yet did he not let fall his indignation, but in time of peace made all provision possible for another War, increasing his Revenues not onely by Customs, but by renewing the works of the Mines, and digging others, as also taking care for increasing the number of his people now exhausted. Whilest he thus imployed himself, there wanted not an occasion to inflame his mind anew; for the Thessalians and Athamanians sent to Rome to complain of him; Eumenes also about the Cities of Thrace. The Senate not being willing to judge the matter in his absence, sent three Commissioners into Greece, to hear and determine it, who sitting, and hearing all parties as Arbitrators, were something provoked by some words he uttered, affirming, that as yet the Sun of all the dayes he had to live was not set; and all being heard, they Decreed he should withdraw his Guards from all the Greek Cities, and that the Kingdom of Macedonia should be terminated by its antient limits. As for the Cities of Thrace, much being alleged pro and con, betwixt him and Eumenes; they kept the middle way, reserving the decision of that to the Senate, and ordered in the mean time that his Garison Soldiers should be drawn out of them. The Se∣nate resolved he should quit them, and all the Maritime Coasts of Thrace;

so that now being sufficiently incensed, he wanted but convenient Forces to make him revolt.

49. Being commanded to quit Aenus and Maronea, with all the Sea Coasts of Thrace, he procured the principal of the Maronites who were strongly bent against him, to be murdred in the night, and then the Romans complaining of it as an unworthy deed, he denied it, and when Onomastus and Cassander the instruments of the fact were required to be sent to Rome, the later he gave way for to go, but then (it's thought) procured him to be poyson∣ed in the way, lest he should tell tales; and as yet his affairs not being ripe for a revolt, he sent Demetrius his younger son to Rome, to purge himself, and deprecate the displeasure of the Senate. Underhand he sollicited the in∣habitants upon the River Ister to break into Italy. Demetrius had got hereto∣fore so much good-will at Rome, as coming to have audience in the Senate, though he was abashed at that presence, and the heavy loads of imputations laid upon his Father by the Ambassadors of his Enemies, Yet were his Father's faults passed over at this time for his sake,* 1.324 and so much signified to Philip by Q. Marcius, sent into Macedonia to see whether he had done all that was injoyned him. Then did he quit all the Cities of Thrace inhabited by the Greeks, and performed all other things which the Romans required, that he might not give any suspition, but get leisure to provide for the intended War. With Demetrius his son he was not well pleased, for that the Senate making no account of himself, had given him the credit of deserving onely favour; but especially Perseus his elder son conceived great indignation and malice against him, not onely for the credit he had at Rome, but being jealous he might deprive him thereby of his Father's Kingdom. Indeed the Macedonians looking upon Demetrius as one to whom they were obliged for saving them harmlesse from the Romans, designed the succession to him, whom also they held legitimate, but not Perseus, whose mother was no better than his Fa∣ther's Concubine.

50. Perseus growing more and more sensible of the favour his brother was in both with the Romans and Macedonians,* 1.325 bent his mind to bring him into the jealousie and hatred of his Father, and thereby to work his destructi∣on. His visit in way of merriment and jollity to him he represents as an opportunity taken to make him away, whereby the young man is called for by his angry Father, and is forced with tears to make an apology, to which credit is hardly enough given, suspitions and jeajousies getting ground. At length Perseus accuseth him of having dealt with them at Rome underhand about the Kingdom and place of his Father, who sends two thither to enquire of it, but such as were Perseus his creatures and partners in the plot. Philip having a mind to go up to the top of the Mountain Haemus, for to have a view and prospect of the Country round about, took with him his eldest, and sendeth his youngest into Macedonia to look unto it, with whom he sent one Didas Governour of Paeonia with a small guard. He being also one of Perseus his Complices, he gave him in charge to insinuate into him, and thereby get out his most inward intentions, which he easily did, the poor young man being resolved to flie to the Romans for shelter, and desirous to use his help there∣in. This is presently made known to Perseus, and by him with improvement to Philip, who having wearied himself and Soldiers to little purpose, and being troubled with this report, returneth home, casts Herodorus, Deme∣trius his chiefest friend, into prison, and causeth him also to be narrowly looked to. Some moneths remained the King thus exceedingly troubled and anxi∣ous in himself, till the Ambassadors returning from Rome, put an end within a short time to his resolutions.

51. These men being returned, feigned grievous accusations against Demetrius,* 1.326 and amongst the rest brought counterfeited letters as from Quintius,* 1.327 wherein he begs pardon of the King, if the young man had dealt with him in any kind out of his desire to the Kingdom, but promiseth he will do nothing against any one that belongs to him, for that he would not be accounted for the time to come the author of any evil purpose, Credit being given hereunto, Herodorus

is racked to death, confessing nothing, and Demetrius being again accused by his brother of intended flight, is destined to die, though for fear of giving any offence to the Romans, and discovering his intentions against them, it's resolved to be done cunningly. Being sent to Aestraeum a Town of Paeonia, and thence called to Heraclea, he is there first poysoned by Didas,* 1.328 crying out against the cruelty of his Father, the paricide of his brother, and wicked∣nesse of Didas. Being tormented with the working of the Poyson, two lusty Ruffians were let into the room, who stifled him with the tapestry, and so the innocent young man was murdered. His Father within a year or two fell into a sad melancholy for the losse of him, which being perceived by one An∣tigonus the son of Echecrates, and Nephew also to Antigonus who was Phi∣lip's Father,* 1.329 he having been alwaies a faithful friend to the King, labored to discover to him the whole device, and brought to him one Xyetius, who was privy to the whole design. He laid open the series of all things to him. Hereupon Philocles one of the Ambassadors that were sent to Rome being present, was put to death; Apelles the other, hearing the businesse was come out, fled into Italy, Perseus onely kept him out of sight, but his Father inten∣ding to frustrate his expectations of the Kingdom, which he so wickedly sought after, declared Antigonus his heir and successor, saying, he had ra∣ther his Kingdom should be destroyed, than ever come into the hands of Perseus.* 1.330 Not long after being spent with extream grief and melancholy, and having commended Antigonus to the States of Macedonia, and uttered many a bitter curse against Perseus, he died at Amphipolis, after he had reign∣ed 44 years. A. M. 3826, the second of the 150 Olympiad, 146 years after the death of Alexander the Great.

52. Had Philip lived a little longer, Antigonus had got possession of the Kingdom by his means; but things being not now ripe,* 1.331 he lost it by the pro∣curement of the Kings Physician, who when he saw there was no hopes of life, sent and acquainted Perseus with it, and kept close his death till his arrival, so that then having opportunity to oppresse his Enemies not once thinking of it,* 1.332 he obtained the Kingdom. Being a little setled therein, he caused Antiochus to be slain, and then sent to Rome to renew the League made with his Father, and to desire that he might be owned as King, doing this onely to secure himself for the present, and intending as soon as his af∣fairs would permit, to make use of the preparation his Father had made for another War; as it afterwards proved. His Father a little before his death had prevailed with the Bastarnae, who lived near the River Ister, to leave their ancient seat, and come and live in the Country of the Dardanians, which he intended to give unto them, that there leaving there wives and children, they might together with the Scordisci (who being some of those Galls that inva∣ded Thrace, had seated themselves at the meeting of Danubius and Sabus, and so called themselves) invade Italy. They re-entred Thrace again with quietnesse, but after Philip's death falling out with the Inhabitants, and pur∣suing them to the Mountains, they were set upon with such a tempest as seized on the Galls at Delphi, and being pressed also by the Thracians, onely 20000 got into Dardania, the rest of the multitude returning back beyond Danu∣bius.* 1.333 Those that arrived in Dardania now did Perseus stir up against the In∣habitants as much as possible, which being distasteful to the Romans, their Ambassadors also returning from Carthage, reported to the Senate that he held intelligence with them there; for his Ambassadors had private audience of them by night, and others were sent by them into Macedonia.

53. About this time some of the Dolopians refusing to obey him, and willing to submit their cause to the Roman Senate, he went down, and by force brought all their Country into his power; he laboured then to curry favour with several Cities of Achaia and Thessaly in his passage, and either sent or wrote to several others in Greece, desiring them that an end might be put to the ancient grudges betwixt his Father and them; the Achaeans especially. The Roman Senate upon the report of the stirs in Dardania, sent three to see how matters went, but he refused to see them; it being alleged sometimes

that he was absent, and otherwhiles that he was sick; but it clearly appeared to them that he was providing for the War, and so much the more, for that the Aetolians were now so seditious, as though their commissions gave them power to take up the differences amongst them, yet could they not prevail by their authority. Indeed now he was better provided to make War than the Romans to resist, having 30000 Foot, with 5000 Horse, in a readinesse, and provi∣sions too for ten years. Thrace was at Peace with him, and though he was so infamous for his cruelty, not onely in respect of his brother's death, but also the killing of Apelles, whom he used as an instaument in that businesse, and also for making away his wife, and upon other accounts, yet either out of re∣verence to the Court of Macedonia, or by reason of their emulation against the Romans, were both the Greeks and Asiaticks generally more favourable to him than to Eumenes the King of Pergamus, though of a clean contrary disposition. Eumenes himself came to Rome to complain against him; to answer to whose accusations he sent Ambassadors,* 1.334 and with them the Rho∣dians, who inclined to his side, and as Eumenes returned home, he most basely sent some to murder him, whom though that King escaped as to his life, yet was he sore wounded in the straight passage to the Temple at Delphi: This as it lost Perseus much with his friends, so it made him be the sooner declared an Enemy by the Romans.

54. It was thought good that some forces should be raised to be in a readiness,* 1.335 and that certain Commissioners should be sent into Greece to retain the States in their fidelity, with Soldiers also to put into such places as wanted. He perceiving their resolutions, began to repent himself, and procured a truce, that he might send Ambassadors to Rome,* 1.336 the Commissioners giving way to it, for that they knew him in a good posture for War, and themselves unprovi∣ded as yet; but the Senate for all this would not grant him Peace, his faults being so aggravated against him, that the War was denounced. P. Licinius Crassus the Cousul being sent against him, he had the better of it in an in∣gagement; but yet his heart failed him, so contrary to his former humour, as that then he sent and desired Peace, offering to perform all his Father was tied to; but had answer by the stout Romans, that on no other terms could it be granted, except he absolutely referre himself and Kingdom to the courte∣sie of the Senate, and cast all into their hands. After this he sent to Genthius. King of the Illyrians, to draw him to his party, having taken divers Towns from him, and might have done himself good thereby, had he not been besot∣ted; for that Prince was inclinable enough to him, onely he said, he wan∣ted money, which though he had enough by him, yet neglected he to send. He laboured also to draw into his aid Cotys King of Thrace, and subdued again the Dardanians, but Quem vult Jupiter perdere, dementat priùs. Q. Marcius Philippus coming against him,* 1.337* 1.338 by reason of the difficulty of the wayes, and want of provisions, might easily have been utterly defeated; but he cried out he was conquered, without fighting ran away, left the Straights open for his Enemy, sent to Thessalonica to burn his ships, to Pella to cast his treasures into the Sea, and then being angry with the messengers, the one for that he had not obeyed him, the other for that he had, he put them both to death, and recovering most of his treasure, by those that dived, out of the water, onely satisfied himself for this madnesse, by recovering Dius, which had been taken by the Enemy.

55. L. Paulus Aemilius the Consul was at length sent against him,* 1.339 who found some difficulty at first to come at him, having incamped himself near the Sea under the mountain Olympus;* 1.340 but Scipio Nasica getting over a Rock led the way, and then Perseus retired, and pitched his tents near to Pydna. The Consul was warie of ingaging with him (who now had an Army of 39000 Foot, and 4000 Horse) his own men being tired, but the night before the fight the Moon being eclypsed, so terrified the Macedonians, that they ac∣counted it to presage the ruine of their Kingdom,* 1.341 which made the Romans (to whom it was foretold on purpose) more eagerly to begin the fight. Cato son to M. Cato, and son in Law to the Consul, behaved himself so stoutly, as

this encouraged the rest, and thereby he was the means to gain the victory. Of the Macedonians were slain 20000, and 6000 taken; of the Conquerours but 100 lost their lives. Perseus fled to Amphipolis, and finding there no re∣lief, sayled to Samothrace, where hoping to be secure in that sanctuary, Cn. Octavius the Admiral being sent after him, promised by the voice of a Crier safety and freedom to all that would come in, whereby he was forsaken of almost all his followers, & Ion of Thessalonica gave up hfs young children into the hands of the Romans. He thought now of escaping to Crete; but, being left thus, gave up himself, and eldest son to Octavius, when he had reigned 11 years; and after being lead in Triumph by the Consul was cast into prison at Alba, where for seven dayes he lay in a most sad condition, till through the importunity of Aemilius it was changed into a better.* 1.342 Two years he thus continued, and then through desire of life and liberty, encouraging himself in new and vain hopes, ended his dayes, some say through the barbarousnesse of his Keepers, who would not suffer him to take any rest, but others, by course of nature in free custody, having his funeral discharged at the publick cost. Thus ended this Macedonian Kingdom, being changed into a free State through the seeming bounty of the Conquerours, A. M. 3837. the first of the 153 Olympiad, 156 years after the death of Alexander the Great.

CHAP. V. The Asian and Syrian Kingdom.

From the death of Seleucus, to the reducing of Syria into the form of a Roman Province by Pompey, containing the space of 220 years.

1. FOur or five years after the death of Cassander,* 1.343 it hapned that Antio∣chus the eldest son of Seleucus fell in love with Stratonice, daughter to Demetrius (which woman we said before that Seleucus married, after her fa∣ther was overthrown, and beaten out of Asia) and for that he was ashamed to reveal his affection, pined away, and resolved to starve himself, had not his disease been discovered by Erasistratus the Physician, by the changing of his countenance when she came in or out,* 1.344 and by other tokens. Seleucus, who was ready to redeem his sons life with his own bloud, presently gave him her to wife, though he had a Child by her; and that the businesse might seem to proceed of himself, calling his Army together, he declared it to be his pleasure to make them two King and Queen of all the upper Countreys, having married them together; and that he thought his son, who had hitherto been obedient to him in all other things, would also herein be ruled by him; but if his wife should distaste so unusual a thing, he desired his friends to shew and perswade her, that whatsoever the King should think fit, and the affairs of State required, that she ought to account of as just, and fitting. After this he took Demetrius her father, and imprisoned him in the Chersonesus of Syria, where he died, after three years as was before said, and within a year after his death fought his last (and the last of Alexander's Companions) battel with Lysimachus, in which he being Conquerour, and his Enemy slain,* 1.345 left Asia wholy to his son, having a desire to go into Macedonia (where he had never been since he came over with Alexander) and end his dayes in his Na∣tive Countrey. But as he was journeying towards Lysimachia, he was traiterously slain by Ptolomy Ceraunus whom he had lovingly entertained. A. M. 3722. 23 years after he had taken the title of King, being aged 73. and 42 after the death of Alexander. From his Conquests he was called Nicanor and Nicator, and is reported to have had the print of an Anchor on his Thigh,* 1.346 and his posterity also after him, as a note of their Original.

2. Antiochus succeeded his father,* 1.347 and was sirnamed Soter from repel∣ling the Gauls, which in his time at the invitation of Mithridates. King of Bithynia had seized on part of Asia. Having with many battels recovered (though not all) his fathers Kingdom from divers, which now begun several∣ly to pluck the parts of so great a body, he sent over a strong party under the Command of Patrocles beyond Taurus, who took to himself Hermogenes for his Lieutenant. He intended amongst other places to fall upon Heraclea a Citie of Pontus; but the Inhabitants coming out, and pacifying him, he made a League with them,* 1.348 and thence through Phrygia invaded Bithynia,* 1.349 where in an ambush laid for him he was cut off, though he fought stoutly with his whole Army, after which Zipaetes the King built a Citie upon the Hill Lyperus, which being called after his own name became famous, and not long after he dying,* 1.350 left his Kingdom to Nicomedes his eldest son. Against him Antiochus being about to undertake an Expedition, he craved help of those of Heraclea, promising them to requite them with the like favour in their necessity, which they took as an occasion to fall off again, and break the League made with Hermogenes; and partly by force, and partly by purchase recovered divers places taken from them, and attempting to do so by Ame∣stris, which one Eumenes held, he chose rather, out of anger, to deliver up the Town to Ariobarzanes the son of M••thridates, than to self it to them. Not long after Antiochus and Antigonus Gonatas being at difference, and prepa∣ring for the War on both sides, Nicomedes joyned himself with Antigonus, against whom therefore the other thought first to try his strength. Mithri∣dates strengthning himself, procured 13 Gallies from Heraclea, which ad∣ding to his own Fleet, he went against that of Antiochus, but facing one an∣other for some time, they departed at length without a fight.

* 1.3513. Antigonus Gonatas being resolved to venture for Macedonia (where his father Demetrius Poliorcetes once reigned) though he had once already been overthrown by Ptolomy Ceraunus, who now held that Kingdom, made a League with Antiochus. This Prince might be the more willing to imbrace it, by reason that the Gauls were now come into Asia, brought by Nicomedes of Bithynia to help him against Zybaeas (or Zipatus) the younger, who held from him (whether his brother or no is uncertain) the Maritime part of that Countrey. After they had helped him to recover Bithynia, they harrased all the Countreys far and wide,* 1.352 and though they were but 20000. and of them but half fighting men, yet struck they such a Terrour into all Nations on this side Taurus, as most, though they had never seen them, submitted unto them. But Antiochus, as we have it from Appian, repelled them from his Territo∣ries, and thence, for saving the Countrey harmlesse, had the name of Soter or Saviour,* 1.353 having before sent as aid into Greece 500 men against their Coun∣trey-men, under the conduct of Telesarchus the Syrian. After this having married his daughter Apame to Magas King of Cyrene, and brother to Ptolo∣my Philadelphus, he was perswaded by his son-in-law to break the League which his father Seleucus had made with Ptolomy, and invade Egypt;* 1.354 but as he was about to do this, and was gathering forces for it, Ptolomy sent several parties of Soldiers into all the Countreys over which he reigned, whereof some acting the parts of Robbers, and others of Enemies, diverted him from his purpose. The last ingagement he was in that we read of, was with Eu∣menes, the first King of Pergamus, near Sardis,* 1.355 from whom he received an overthrow.

* 1.3564. For there was one Philetaerus an Eunuch born at Tios in Paphlagonia,* 1.357 and belonging to Lysimachus who made him Keeper of his Treasure placed at Pergamus, which he built very strong upon the Hill. He continued very faithfull to him,* 1.358 till such time as Arsinoe caused him to murder Agathocles his eldest son, at which he being troubled, and thereupon she accusing him to her husband, he revolted from him, and sending to Seleucus offered him∣self, and the money to him: then in the troubles betwixt them two so cun∣ningly behaved himself, as he kept possession, and alwayes fawning upon, and obliging the next, and most potent Prince, remained Master of the place and

Treasure for twenty years; For Seleucus being murdered by Ptolomy Cerau∣nus, he redeemed the body with a great sum of Gold, and sent the ashes thereof to this Antiochus Soter his son. This Philoterus had two brothers, Eumenes and Attalus, the former of which had a son of his own name, who succeeded his deceased Uncle, and having in his possession the places lying about Pergamus, overthrew Antiochus (who now it seemeth counted him an incroaching neighbour) as we said before. Antiochus also built a Citie in Sy∣ria, which he called by his wives name Apamea, and after that another of the same name called after his mother, who was the daughter of Artabazus; herein imitating his father. At length having killed one son,* 1.359 and nominated an∣other his Successor, he died, after he had reigned 19 years, A. M. 3742. the se∣cond of the 129 Olympiad.

* 1.3605. Antiochus his son succeeded him,* 1.361 sirnamed Theos most prophanely by the Milesians, because he rid them of Timarchus their Tyrant. From him the Parthians first revolted, who being (as* 1.362 Justin out of Trogus tells us) Exiles out of Scythia (in the language of which Countrey Parthus signifieth such an one) were very obscure under the Government of the Medes and Per∣sians, and being Conquered by Alexander, when none of his Captains after his death would accept of the Soveraignty over them, fell to the lot of Sata∣genor a stranger, but a friend to the Macedonians. They followed first Eu∣menes in the Civil Wars; after his death Antigonus, and then submitted themselves to Seleucus and his Successors, till now they took occasion to revolt at the instigation of Arsaces. His brother Tiridates,* 1.363 Argathocles the Governour of these parts endeavouring filthily to abuse was slain, and then the Macedonians were thence expelled. At the same time Theodotus the Go∣vernour of the 1000 Bactrian Cities revolted also, which the people of the East using for a pattern,* 1.364 in like manner fell off from Antiochus. He waged many Wars with Ptolomy Philadelphus, till such time as both being weary they contracted an Alliance, Ptolomy giving his daughter Berenice to the other, who had two sons already, Seleucus and Antiochus,* 1.365 by Laodice his former wife. Herein that Prophecie of Daniel is taken to be fulfilled, which saith, that in the end of years they shall joyn themselves together; for the Kings daughter of the South shall come to the King of the North, to make an agree∣ment. But, as it followeth, she shall not retain the power of the Arm, neither shall he stand nor his Arm, &c. For, Philadelphus dying shortly after,* 1.366 Antiochus took again his former wife Laodice, who being sensible of the in∣jury, and fearing her husbands inconstancy, poysoned him, after he had reigned 15 years.

6. Laodice his wife kept his death close,* 1.367 till such time as she had secured the Kingdom to Seleucus her eldest son, sirnamed for his victories (though of none but one we read) Callinicus,* 1.368 and from his beard Pogon. The next thing she went about was to make away Berenice, who understanding that some were sent to kill her, shut up her self in Daphne, a Town near An∣tioch, and when she was besieged, news flying about the Cities of Asia, they commiserated her condition, and out of respect of her Fathers and Grand∣fathers Dignity, sent men to her relief. But above all,* 1.369 her brother Ptolomy Euergetes being affrighted at her danger, hastened out of his Kingdom with his whole power. Yet ere any relief could come she was taken by treachery (promise of safety being made to her) and quickly slain; at which base and unworthy act the Cities conceiving great indignation,* 1.370 provided a great Fleet, and to revenge her death, gave up themselves to Ptolomy, who invading Syria slew Laodice, seized upon Caelesyria, with Seleucia, got into his hands Syria, Cilicia, and the upper Provinces beyond Euphrates, and almost all Asia, even as far as Bactria. Without doubt he had Conquered all Seleucus his Kingdom, had he not been forced by a Domestick Sedition to return, after whose departure Seleucus having prepared a great Fleet for the reducing of those Cities which revolted from him, lost it in a great Tempest, at the which they were so far from rejoycing, that pitying him for this shipwrack, they voluntarily returned to obedience.

7. Rejoycing that he fared so well by his shipwrack, he now made War upon Ptolomy, but being overthrown fled to Antioch in great fear,* 1.371 being as destitute as before, though he found not such relief. For, writing to his younger brother Antiochus,* 1.372 he craved his help, offering him all Asia within the Mountain Taurus for a reward, who (though he was but yet fourteen years old) being greedy of reigning imbraced this occasion, and then behaved not himself as an helper or brother, but like a robber, intending to get the whole Kingdom. He shewed incredible boldnesse in invading and snatching, whence he had the Sirname of Hierax or Goshauck. Ptolomy hearing of his aiding his brother, lest he should have two to deal with at once, made Peace with Seleucus for ten years; and then Antiochus hiring the Gauls, with them made War upon his brother in the other's stead, in which he had the better of it,* 1.373 and they supposing Seleucus to be slain in the battel (that cutting off all the Royal race they might be Lords of Asia) turned their force against him that hired them; so that Antiochus was glad to purchase his freedom with Gold, and enter into society with his Mercenaries. The two brothers being thus at odds, and every one gaping after Asia, Eumenes of Bithinia puts in amongst the rest, and overthrowing the Gauls, and after them Antiochus, got a great part of it into his possession.* 1.374 Now also Arsa∣ces hearing of the distresse of Seleucus, perfected the revolt of the Parthians; for, invading that Country with a band of robbers, he slew the Governour Andragorus, and invaded the Principality, and not long after seizing on the Kingdom of the Hyrcanians,* 1.375 so strengthened himself thereby, that after some years he overthrew Seleucus, and established his Kingdom. Hence the Parthians accounting ever after the day of this Victory as the day of their liberty, constantly observed it, and Arsaces being no lesse memo∣rable to them than Cyrus to the Persians, Alexander to the Macedonians, or Romulus to the Romans; out of honour to him they called all their Kings by his name. This beginning of Arsaces fell out in the first of the 135 Olym∣piad, of the City 510, the second of Seleucus, and the third of Ptolomy Euergetes. A. M. 3761.

8.* 1.376 Now understanding that Eumenes had got the greatest part of Asia into his power, and both the brothers had even lost their Principalicies, yet could they not agree, but instead of opposing the forein and common Enemies, sought the destruction of each other, by renewing the War. In the next bat∣tel Antiochus was overthrown, and flying many dayes, and not knowing how to bestow himself,* 1.377 at length being wearied, he went to Artamenes King of Cappadocia his Father in Law, by whom at first being received very civilly, he afterwards understood there was a plot laid against him, and fled thence. Whereupon not knowing where to be secure, he betook himself to Ptolomy, judging he might rather trust to him than his brother, being (as well he might be) mindful of what he would have done to him, or had deserved of him. Ptolomy commanded him to be narrowly looked to, but by the help of a cer∣tain whore with whom he had been too familiar, he deceived his Keepers and got away. Yet as he was flying he was slain by thieves. Seleucus also al∣most at the same time, being outed of his Kingdom, and thrown by an horse, ended his life,* 1.378 after he had reigned about twenty years. A. M. 3779, the third of the 138 Olympiad, 98 years after the death of Alexander.

9. He left two sons, Seleucus and Antiochus,* 1.379 of which the former suc∣ceeded according to his birthright, in the seventh year of Antigonus Doson King of Macedonia, and was Sirnamed Ceraunus. Eumenes King of Per∣gamus, who had got so much of Asia into his power now being dead of Drunkennesse, Attalus his younger brother's son succeeded him, and had got all on this side Taurus into his power, which being understood by Seleucus Ceraunus, he thought it concernd him to look about him,* 1.380 and with Achaeus (whose Father Andromachus was brother to Laodice his wife) passed over Taurus with an Army against him: but then was poysoned in Phrygia by the treachery of Apaturius a Galatian, and Nicanor, after he had reigned scarce three years. Achaeus to revenge his death presently slew the conspi∣rators,

and then ordering the Army with great wisdom and courage, recovered all on this side the Mountain Taurus, which had been lost;* 1.381 insomuch that the People admiring him would have accepted of him as King, if he would have taken this opportunity; but he refused it, and kept the Soveraignty for Antiochus brother to Seleucus, who afterwards was called the Great. He in his brothers time lived a private life in the upper Provinces,* 1.382 and now was called from Babybon by the Army in Syria, to take upon him the Govern∣ment, being about fifteen years old; after which he entrusted Achaeus with all that Region he had lately recovered, made Molon Governour of Media, and his brother Alexander of the Country of Persis.

10.* 1.383 He fell into great troubles immediately upon his first entrance upon the Kingdom; for Molon and his brother considering his youth, and hoping that Achaeus would joyn with them in their enterprize, especially out of fear and hatred of one Hermias, who now ruled all at Court, conspired together to withdraw all the upper Provinces from their allegiance. This Hermias a Carian by birth, had been left by Seleucus to look to his Kingdom when he took his Expedition over Taurus, and then being set in so high a place, began to envy the power of all others, grew proud and cruel, his malice above all others being against Epigenes, who had been Seleucus his General; for that he saw him to be a wise and prudent man, and the Army much at his devo∣tion. A Council being called to consult about the rebellion, Epigenes ad∣vised that the King should go in person to suppress it; for thereby the rebels would either be terrified and desist, or the Country at his presence would be moved to crosse their designs,* 1.384 and deliver them up; but Hermias interrup∣ting him, imputed this to a desire that the King should miscarry, that there∣by he might seize upon his estate, and prevailed that two others should be sent against Molo, and the King go against Ptolomy Philopator (who now thinking himself secure in the youth of Antiochus, and Philip of Macedo∣nia, had given himself up to all luxurie) hoping thereby to have an easie War of it, for that he was of a cowardly disposition, and hoped by exposing the young King to dangers and hazards, to escape the punishment due to him, and maintain that power he already enjoyed. Antiochus being very young, was very earnest to get Caelesyria, and Hermias to prick him still forward, framed a letter from Achaeus, wherein he tells he is desired by Ptolomy to take the Diadem and assume the title of King to himself, promising to send him ships, money, and all things necessary for that enterprise.

11. Having maried first Laodice daughter of Mithridates King of Cap∣padocia,* 1.385 he prepared for his Expedition, when news came that Molon went on with his design, and how the Captains sent against him, out of fear had secured themselves in Garrisons. Hereupon he bent his mind to go himself, but Hermias being tenacious of his purpose, again diverted him, telling him, it was fitter for Subjects to fight against such, and Kings against their equals, and so sending one Xinaetas an Achaean against Molon, again turned his mind now obnoxcious to him for want of years. Then marched they to Laodicea, and thence through the Desert to the Valley called Marsya, lying between the Mountains of Libanus and Antilibanus,* 1.386 where about the Straights he took in divers Towns; but the principal Fort held out and put him to a stand, which made him the more desirous to go now against Molon; For Xinaetas, who was sent against him with full power, growing arrogant and carelesse, had rashly ventured over the River Tigris, and then Molon making as if hee fled, came upon him in the night, and cut him off with most of his men, and those that escaped the Sword taking the River, scarce any got to the other side. After this, Molon pursuing his Victory took Seleucia, all the upper Provinces, the Principality of Babylon, those parts lying upon the red Sea, all about Tigris as far as Europus, and Mesopotamia as far as Dura; onely the Castle at Susa stood out, the Town being taken; Antiochus at this re∣port called a Council to consult what was to be done, where Epigenes expo∣stulating that his former advise was not followed, moved the same again; but was taken up as before by Hermias, with foul language, who desired the

King he would not think of leaving Caelesyria;* 1.387 but all being for going against Molon, it was concluded, and he was glad to comply for his own turn.

12. The Army before it stirred mutinied for pay, and then Hermias taking advantage at the Kings necessity, offered to lay down money, on condition Epigenes might be removed from his presence, which having obtained, he procured the man to be murdered. The Army marched and came to Anti∣och in Mygdonia at the Winter solstice, where staying 40 dayes till the ex∣tremity of the cold was over, after 40 dayes it came to Liba, Molon then lying at hand about Babylon. Here a Council of War being called to con∣sult which way was to be taken, that they might not fail of provisions; Her∣mias was for going along by Tigris, that it, and two other Rivers, Lycus and Kapros, they might have for a defence; but Zeuxis, though fearful to speak be∣cause of him, shewed the danger of that advice, because it would be a great compasse, and after six dayes travel through a Desert, they should come to place called The Kings Ditch, which if the Enemy got before them, they should in no wise be able to passe, and be reduced into great straights for want of Victuals; but on the contrary, if they passed over Tigris, there was no doubt but the Inhabitants of the Country called Apolloniatis would return to obedience, obeying Molon at present onely out of necessity; further, in that plentiful Country they should have plenty of victuals, and (what was most considerable) Molon would be hindred from retreating into Media, and thereby being straightned, after that the place where he yet remained was emptied of provisions, would be forced to fight, or if he durst not do that, then his Soldiers would revolt to the King. This counsel being taken, all things fell out accordingly; for Molon fearing his passage into Media might be stopped, little trusting those parts in which he then was, determined to get if he could, to the hilly Country of Apolloniatis, but it hapned that the Scouts of both parties met there, and skirmishing for some time, afterwards retreated to their several Bodies, and so gave occasion to a total ingagement the day following.

13. Molon considering how dangerous it was to bring his Soldiers out in open face against their King, thought it the best way to chuse out the most strong and valiant, and set upon his Camp in the night. Going about to do this, ten young men went over to the King and told him the design of the rebels, so that Molon was glad to return, and put his other Army left behind him into such an Alarm, for that they were ignorant of the enterprise, that much ado he had to quiet them. The King being provided to fight, drew out his men by break of day,* 1.388 and placed them in a batalia; Molon could but do it in great disorder and confusion, by reason of that consternation which fell upon his men in the night. In the fight which presently followed, the right wing of his Army stood fast to him, and fought very earnestly, but the left as soon as it came in sight all revolted, which he understanding, now compassed in with Enemies and considering the torments he was likely to undergo if taken alive, killed himself, and so did all his companions in the conspiracy, but his body being found was nailed, for an example, to a crosse in the high∣est parts of Media. After this Victory Antiochus setled the affaires of these Countries, dealing more mercifully with his Subjects than was desired by Her∣mias, and then resolved to invade the Territories of the Barbarians lying upon his borders, to terrifie them from assisting his rebels for the time to come; which Hermias disliked for the danger of the War, his mind still running upon Caelesyria, but news being brought that a young son was born to the King, he was content he should expose himself to this danger, hoping that in case he should miscary he must be made Guardian and Protector of the in∣fant, but he was ignorant that his just reward hung over his head. For one Artabuzanes, his Country being invaded, being unfit for resistance because of old age, made Peace with Antiochus, submitting to what soever he de∣manded, and at the same time Apollophanes the Physician to the King, and his great favourite, perceiving Hermias not able to bear that high condition to

which he was advanced, any longer, being sollicitous for his Masters safety, and much more for his own,* 1.389 so wrought the King (inclinable enough to it be∣fore) as being called to walk abroad one morning more early than usual, before his return he was made away.

14. Antiochus his mind was now turned towards Achaeus, who, though at the first he had born himself very modestly, being elevated with successe, and thinking that the King in his expedition against Artabazanes might pos∣sibly miscarry, or if he did not, yet hoping that he being at so great a di∣stance, he might have opportunity enough to break into Syria, and have help to seize upon the Kingdom, marched with his whole Army from Lydia, and coming to Laodicea in Phrygia,* 1.390 then set the Diadem upon his head, and first took the Title of King upon him. He continued his march till he drew near to Lycaonia; but there the Soldiers mutined, refusing to fight against their na∣tural King, so that seeing this, he strove to perswade them that he had no in∣tention to invade Syria, and diverted his course to Pisidia, which harasing, and inriching the Army with booty thereby, he returned home again. The King not being ignorant of any of this, first expostulated it with him, and send∣ing him threatning messages, put off the rest for this time, and set himself with all his might to prepare for the War against Ptolomy. Consulting then what way to invade Syria, he was perswaded first of all to attempt Seleucia (held by the Ptolomies ever since the invasion of Euergetes,* 1.391 to revenge the death of his sister Berenice) being the Chief Seat almost of the whole Em∣pire, from whence would arise much trouble being thus in the Enemies hands, and very commodious by its situation for carrying on the War both by Land and Sea. He first then corrupted some of the Officers of the Garrison with∣in, who promised, that if he could but take part of the Suburbs, they would procure the whole Town to be yielded.* 1.392 This being done, the Conspirators came to the Governour, and moved him to yield, as from the necessity of the thing, who being struck at this consternation, as it appeared, of the Soldiers, surrendred presently the Town upon Composition.

15. Whilest he was employed about this Town,* 1.393 Letters came to him from one Theodotus, desiring him with all speed to come into Syria, signifying that he would betray it all into his power; for he being an Aetolian born, had done the Kings of Egypt special service, but was so well requited for it as he was brought into danger of life, and therefore at what time Antiochus went against Molon, looking upon Ptolomy as a despicable Creature, and distrusting his Courtiers, he had seized upon Ptolomais and Tyre, and sollicited him to come down.* 1.394 Now therefore Antiochus putting off the businesse of Achaeus till another time, marched down to Marsyae, the same Valley and Straights as before, where hearing Theodotus was besieged in Ptolemais, he went, and relieved him, and then having that and Tyre delivered up unto him, and beat∣ing the Enemy out of the Straights, he had then determined to march towards Pelusium, but understanding that Ptolomy's Army was come thither, and all opposition possible making for hindering his passage, he went on in taking in the Towns thereabouts, divers whereof presently submitted, and others stood it out. Ptolomy himself being given wholy up to sluggishnesse, though thus be∣trayed, took no order about his affairs; All the burthen of them lay upon Agathocles and Sosibius, then the greatest Officers of State, who being able men, sent up and down to raise Forces, and make all speedy preparations for the War, though to divert Antiochus they sent Ambassadors to him to treat of peace (as desiring onely to go that way to work) and procured Embassies from the Rhodians, Byzantians, Aetolians, and them of Cyzicus, to mediate betwixt them, during which they gained time, and deceived the Enemy, carrying all things so close as his Ambassadors could understand nothing of their Provisions. A Truce was granted by Antiochus for four moneths, du∣ring which time he willed them to send to him to Seleucia, giving hopes to make up the difference,* 1.395 but contrary to his intentions: though now he was in a manner constrained to return into his own Kingdom, for that Achaeus plotted against him, and held intelligence with Ptolomy.

* 1.39616. The Commissioners coming to debate the particulars according to their instructions, Antiochus laboured to overcome them with his Argu∣ments for the justnesse of his cause, as well as with his Weapons, pleading he had done Ptolomy no injury in making that invasion, for that he had but re∣covered his right, alleging much the Conquests of those parts by Antigonus Cocies, and the possession of them by Seleucus, and that Ptolomy the first waged not War with Antigonus for his own particular, but to help Seleucus to the Sovereignty of that Province, but above all he pressed the common agreement of all the Kings, made at that time when Antigonus was over∣thrown, wherein by Lysimachus and Cassander, all Syria was decreed to Se∣leucus.* 1.397 On the contrary, Ptolomy's Commissioners aggravated the height of the injury offered to him, by the unworthinesse of closing with the treasonable practices of Theodotus, and affirmed, that Ptolomy the son of Lagus intended the Dominion of Syria to himself, and joyned with Seleucus on no other terms, than that indeed all Asia should be his, but Syria fall to his own share. Such like objections and replies as these were made often to no purpose, but that which put the greatest stop to the Treaty, was the comprehending of Achaeus in the League,* 1.398 which Ptolomy stickled hard for, and the other as im∣patiently heard, crying out of the unworthinesse of the thing, that he should protect, or make any mention of Rebels. Winter being thus spun out with these discourses, and Spring drawing on, Antiochus intending to set upon the Enemy both by Land Sea, drew together his Forces, to the taking in of what remained unconquered of Syria; and Nicolaus on the other part, as the E∣gyptian General, with Periger•••• the Admiral, made all possible provision for resistance.

17. Antiochus going to Marathus, there entered into Confederacy with the Aradians; then entring Syria through Theu-prosopos came to Berytus, in his passage taking in Botris,* 1.399 and burning Trieres and Calamus. The Moun∣tain Libanus straightning much the passage betwixt it and the Sea, and almost making it impassible, Nicolaus with a party also placed himself in the straights, not doubting but to stop Antiochus there; but he dividing his Forces, and ha∣ving his Fleet constantly near him, caused it first to ingage with the Egyptian, in which fight both sides came off on equal terms, but Theodotus beating back the Enemy upon the Mountain, got over, and then cleared the passage below for the King. He after this came near Sidon with his Army, but judging it to no purpose to set upon the Town very strong with men, and full of Provi∣sions, he gave order to Diognetus his Admiral to go with the Fleet to Tyre, and marched to Philoteria situate upon the Sea of Tiberias, which he took, to∣gether with* 1.400 Scythopolis. Now he conceived great hopes of the perfecting his work, being come into a Countrey plentifull of Provisions, so that placing Garrisons in these two Cities he took in Atabyrium by a Stratagem, making as if he fled before the Inhabitants, but having men lying in wait who arose against them, and then the whole Army with such violence, as put them into a great fear, and they yielded up the place. After this, Karaeus, one of Ptolo∣mies Chiefest of Officers revolted to him. Hippolochus the Thessalian brought over with him 400 horse, and the Arabians moved by his successe joyned themselves to him. Shortly after he took in Galatis and Gadara be∣yond expectation, because of the strength thereof; but the Inhabitants terri∣fied at his preparations yielded themselves: then hearing that a great number of Enemies had met at Rabath-ben Amon, or Rabatana, a Citie in Arabia, and thence made incursions into the Territories of his friends, he marched thither, and striving by force in vain to be Master of the place, at length he effected it by stopping the course of water, for want of which it was then sur∣rendred. Then leaving a strong Garrison here, and sending Hippolochus and Karaeus to Govern the Coasts of Samaria, he went to Ptolemais, and there took up his Winter quarters.

* 1.40118. Ptolomy to give him a stop, prepared against the Spring a great Ar∣my, and then marched from Alexandria with 70000 foot, 5000 horse, and 73 Elephants, and came to Pelusium. Antiochus hearing this, gathered his

Forces together, amounting to 72000 foot, 6000 horse, and 102 Elephants. Ptolomy proceeding on his journey came to Gaza, and thence near to Ru∣phia (the first Citie of Syria, except Rhinocerus, as one cometh from E∣gypt) and Antiochus passing by that place shortly after pitched his Tents at first within ten furlongs of the Enemy, and the next day, partly for the com∣modiousnesse of the ground, and partly to embolden his Soldiers, approached within five furlongs of them. Being so near, several skirmishes fell out amongst those which on both sides issued forth for provisions, and Theo∣dotus the Aetolian, after a most bold adventure taking but two in his Compa∣ny, for that he had been in Ptolomy's Court, and knew his manner of life, went out in the dusk of the evening, and not being known got into the Kings Tent where he used to give audience, and though he missed of him being in a more obscure place, yet wounded he two which waited there, and killing outright Andreas his principal Physician, escaped back in safety to his own Camp; having onely failed of his purpose for want of informing himself when the King was wont to take his rest. For five dayes continued these two Prin∣ces in this posture, and then both resolved to try the matter in a set bat∣tel.

* 1.40219. Ptolomy first drew out his men, and then presently Antiochus ranged his in battel aray against him. Each of the Armies had two wings, wherein the two Kings met each other, guarded with Elephants, betwixt which the fight was be∣gun, after Antiochus had caused the charge to be sounded; their manner be∣ing first with their Trunks to thrust each other, and strive for the ground, and then after that for the one by force to remove the other's Trunk, and to fall upon him like a Bull,* 1.403 and gore his sides. Few of Ptolomies beasts would fight at all, for that being Africans, they could neither endure the smell nor noise of those of India, so that the ranks being disordered by them, his left Wing was quite broken by the charge of the Enemy, and put to flight. Echecrates, who commanded in the right, stayed first for the ingagement of the former, then seeing that his Elephants would not fight, gave order to Phinidas Commander of the Mercenary Greeks to invade his opposites, and he himself also wheeling about to be out of the danger of the beasts, fell upon the Flanks and Rear of the Enemie's horse; so that both together they made them all being Arabians and Medes to give ground, and put all the Wing to flight, thus being even with Antiochus. Then came the bodies themselves to ingage: Antiochus was busie in the pursute of that Wing wherein he fought; but Ptolomy coming to his Army much encouraged the Soldiers, and disheartned his adversaries, who be∣ing charged by Andromachus and Sosibius, the Syrians for some time maintained their ground, but the rest scarce fighting one stroak shifted for themselves. Antiochus being yet unskilfull and young, was still fol∣lowing the chace, (thinking because he had the better of it in his Wing, that therefore his whole Army overcame) till admonished by some one about him, he returned, and seeing things so contrary to his expectation, endeavoured to break in with his Guard, to the place where his Army stood, but finding all his men fled,* 1.404 retired also unto Raphia, being perswaded that he had done as became him, however,* 1.405 by reason of the Cowardlinesse of others the work had miscarried. On his part were slain little lesse than 10000 Foot, about 300 Horse, and 4000 taken prisoners; three of his Elephants were slain outright, and two afterwards died of their wounds. Ptolomy lost 1500 foot, and 700 horse, 16 Elephants were killed, and the rest taken for the most part.

20. Antiochus had intended after the rallying of his men to have fortifi∣ed himself without Raphia; but most of them being got into the Town, he desired leave to bury his dead, and then returned into his own Kingdom. Ptolomy presently received all Coelesyria again into his power, the Inhabitants accommodating themselves to his present condition (as indeed bearing alwaies great reverence to his family) and striving who should first yield themselves. Antiochus coming to Antioch, presently disparched Antipater his brother's

son, and Theodotus Herviolius in an Ambassage to him, fearing exceeding∣ly he should be prosecuted with War,* 1.406 distrusting his Subjects because of his adverse fortune, and suspecting Achaeus might make use of this opportunity against him. But Ptolomy thought of nothing lesse than molesting him, be∣ing overjoyed that he had above all expectation recovered Coelesyria, and de∣siring exceedingly to be quiet, out of his sluggish disposition, and other vices familiar to him; wherefore at first receiving the Ambassadors with threatning language, and complaints of the injuries received from their Master, he pre∣sently granted a Truce for a year, and then sent Sosibius to confirm the League, wanting onely courage and resolution to spoil Antiochus of his Kingdom.

21. Antiochus spent all the Winter in preparations,* 1.407 and in Spring march∣ed over the Mountain Taurus against Achaeus, whom he besieged in the Ci∣ty Sardis. Above a year he lay before it, having onely some times light skirmishes with the defendants,* 1.408 till Lagoras a Cretian, a man of great expe∣rience, observing that the strongest Cities are many times taken at such places as are by reason of their strength least looked to, and perceiving a piece of the wall, beyond which they used to throw carion and filth into a pit, to be de∣stitute of any watch, by the sitting of fouls upon it, which came to feed on the carkeises, he took unto him Theodotus the Aetolian, and Dionysius, with some Soldiers, and they made a shift to get over and open the gates; the King to divert the Enemy making as if he would give the onset at another place, and so the Town was taken. Achaeus and Aribazus the Governour got into the Castle, and then were straightly besieged again, till such time as Sosibius the chief Minister of State in Aegypt, pitying the condition of the former, made means for his deliverance, which by the treachery of the in∣strument wrought his destruction.* 1.409 There was at that time in the Aegyptian Court one Bolis a Cretian, second to no one Captain, as he was reputed,* 1.410 for prudence, extraordinary boldnesse, and Military skill; with him Sosibius dealt, having obliged him by his favours, and assured him that nothing could he perform more acceptable to the King his Master, than some way or other to work the deliverance of Achaeus. He asking some time to consider of it, within two or three dayes took the businesse upon him, which to effect he had as he said a good opportunity, for that Cambylus the Commander of the Cretians serving under Antiochus was not onely known to him, but his kinsman, and had the charge of a Fort behind the Castle, which, because it could not bee fortified with works, was kept by a continual Guard of Soldiers.

22. Being supplied with money largely by Sosibius, and loaded with pro∣mises, away he sailed for Rhodes to Nicomachus, and thence for Ephesus to Melancoma, his acquaintance, and friends of Achaeus, with whom dealing about his businesse, he sent one Arianus to Cambylus to let him know that he was sent from Alexandria to raise Forces, and that he must needs speak with him, desiring he would appoint time and place for their meetings, with∣out the privity of any. Having obtained this, and bethinking with himself what to do, he gave him a letter concerning which like Cretians they had a Cretian conference, as Polybius termeth it. For not respecting the safety of the besieged, or their faith given to those that employed them, but agreeing to divide the ten Talents already given in advance by Sosibius, they resolved to acquaint Antiochus with the matter, and undertake upon promise of mo∣ney in hand, and a good reward afterwards, to deliver Achaeus into his power. This being with great earnestnesse promised, Bolis prevails with Nicomachus and Melancoma, wholly ignorant of his treacherous intent, to write letters in cipher to Achaeus, which he sent by Arianus, for whom passage was pro∣cured into the Castle by means of Cambylus. Achaeus being earnestly advised by his two friends to trust Bolis and Cambylus, and withal considering the diffi∣culty for him to escape; hoping if he got out to passe presently into Syria whilst Antiochus was yet at Sardis, and then to get all the parts about An∣tioch into his power, yielded to put himself into the hands of Bolis, who

was sent presently by Melancomas with great entreaties and promises if he could accomplish the businesse. Bolis went to Cambylus at night, and staying with him the next day to consult of the businesse how it should be managed, after he had been with Antiochus, and was much incouraged by him, he went up for Achaeus into the Castle.

23. Receiving Bolis with great respect, and after all his sifting of him perceiving nothing disagreeable to seriousnesse, he much rejoyced; but be∣thinking himself how weighty a thing it was, and what a hazard he was like to run, he trembled again at the thought of it, and at first resolved to send some before to Melancomas; but at length out he went of the Castle, and according to former agreement, Bolis coming behind him by a whistle gave a sign to those in ambush,* 1.411 and held him by the clothes till he was taken. Being brought into Antiochus his Tent, who sat late at night with a few attendants to see the issue of the project; the King was amazed, and could not forbear weeping to see him, so eminent a man, lye bound before him upon the ground in so sad a condition; but a Council of War being called, after several wayes of punishment proposed, at last it was agreed, that he should have his out∣ward members and limbs cut off, after that his head,* 1.412 and that being sowed into an Asses bladder, his body should be nailed to a crosse, which was exe∣cuted accordingly. This end had he who was son to Andromachus the bro∣ther of Laodice wife to Saleucus, who had maried Laodice daughter to Mi∣thridates, and had held all Asia on this side Taurus, having recovered it by his own industry and valour; a man he was exceeding wise, and of great ex∣perience, yet left (as Polybius observeth for us) a double warning to poste∣rity, not to trust any rashly, and not to be puffed up with prosperity, or be secure of any thing incident to mankind, to which we may add another, viz. that none presume to rebel against their Soveraigns, for punishment will overtake them. His death being known within, as they all first agreed in making lamentations for him, so shortly after they fell at odds, being divided into two factions, of which the one stuck to his wife, and the other to Ario∣bazus the Governour; so that having suspition of each other, both parties yielded themselves and the place to Antiochus.

24. A year or two after,* 1.413 Antiochus undertook an Expedition into the East to reduce Media and Parthia which had revolted, and he passing through both, thereupon caused Arsaces to withdraw himself into Hyrcania, which he considering, and judging that he would not have forsaken this Couctry if he had been able to have defended it, resolved to follow him, so that with great difficulty he passed over the hills, and entred also into that Region, where we find that he took some Towns;* 1.414 but what further he did against Ar∣saces, or upon what terms he returned, if Polybius his history had been kept entire, we might have known. After this he quieted the upper Asia, and coming into Bactria for a good while endeavoured to drive out thence Euthy∣demus the King thereof, whom he defeated,* 1.415 and behaved himself most stout∣ly, whence he got great credit for his valour. At length Euthydemus com∣plaining that he was injurious in opposing him thus who had not revolted from him, but cut off the posterity of those that had, beseeching him also not to envy him the name of King, especially considering that by this dissention neither of their affaires could be secure, for that a number of the Scythian Nomades hovered at the borders, and were like to overrun the Country, Antiochus, who being tired with the tediousnesse of the War, had sought occasion to make a Peace, not unwillingly now heard the overtures of it, especially after that Euthydemus sent his son Demetrius to him, with whom he was so taken for his person and parts, as thinking him worthy of a King∣dom, he first promised him one of his daughters, and then yielded that his Father should take the title of King. Then the conditions of the league be∣ing written down, and sworn to, and taking with him all the Elephants that Euthydemus had, he marched over Caucasus, and renewed the confederacy with Sophagasenus the Indian King; then taking with him more Elephants (of which he had now 150) and leaving Androsthenes of Cyzicus to bring the

treasure promised him, he came to Arachosia, and so through Drangiana in∣to Carmania,* 1.416 where he was forced to Winter, having received this fruit by this Expedition, that besides the Countries recovered, and the maritime Cities and Dynasties on this side Taurus added to his Dominions, he struck such an awe into his Subjects, as kept them more in order, and he was thought to be esteemed as well by the People of Europe as those of Asia, worthy to govern.

25. Not long after this,* 1.417 Ptolomy Philopater dying and leaving a young son behind him but four years old, Philip of Macedonia and he (as we be∣fore hinted) made a wicked League for the outing him of his Kingdom, and dividing it amongst them, wherefore he striking again at Coelesyria and Phoe∣nicia, got Judaea into his power, which* 1.418 as Josephus telleth us, was tossed betwixt these two Crowns as a ship with the waves. For Scopas the Aeto∣lian recovered it again out of his hands for young Epiphanes, and yet again not long after lost it with Coelesyri••, being overthrown by Antiochus (near the fountains or heads of Jordan) at the City Panaeas, with whom the Jews then presently joyned,* 1.419 but the Inhabitants of Gaza standing still out for Pto∣lomy, their City was taken and razed. In the mean time whilst Scopas was recovering the Cities of Syria, Antiochus himself was busie in invading the Kingdom of Attalus, who then being employed with the Romans in the Ma∣cedonian War against Philip, had left it naked of defence both by Land and Sea, but upon his complaint to the Roman Senate they sent to Antiochus to tell him, that seeing Attalus was employed by them against Philip the common Enemy, he would do a thing very acceptable unto them to abstain form his Territories, adding withall,* 1.420 that it was convenient for all the Kings which were the friends and allies of the People of Rome to be at peace amongst them∣selves; with the authority of which message he was so moved, as he drew out his Army again from the borders. But this respect to the Romans continued not many years, he entering upon such courses as gave them offence, and pro∣ceeding therein at length to an open War.

26. For having reduced all Coelesyria into his power,* 1.421 and wintered at An∣tioch, the next Spring sending before his two sons Ardyes and Mithridates with the Army, and command to stay for him at Sardis, he himself followed with the Fleet to attempt the several maritime Towns of Cilicia and Caria, which were under Ptolomy,* 1.422 and also to help Philip both at Sea and Land, who now was busie in the War with the Romans. Divers places by fair and foul means together he took in; yet Coracesium stood out, and whilst he lay before it came Ambassadors from the Rhodians to denounce War against him, in case he came within Nephelis the Promontory of Cilicia, not out of any hatred to him, as they said, but lest joyning with Philip he should hinder the Romans now active for the liberty of Greece. Though he heard this with much disdain, yet thought he it wisdom to give them good words for the pre∣sent, and please them in this particular, but they, after all danger was over from Philip (who this Summer was beaten at Cynoscephalae) not tying them∣selves with him to the former condition, sent aid to the Cities their associates, and preserved several in their liberty. He took at length Coracesium, and after it several others, and amongst the rest Ephesus, where wintering, he en∣deavoured to reduce also the Cities of Asia, under the obedience they paied to his Ancestors, and thinking it not difficult to be done by any of them, ex∣cept two, viz. Smyrna in Aeolis, and Lampsacus upon the Hellespont, he sent Forces to besiege them both.

* 1.42327. Now the Romans, with all others, doubted not but his Army was for Europe, after his affaires had succeeded in Asia, and they had the more cause to be jealous of him, for that Hannibal their old and sworn Enemy had now been with him;* 1.424 therefore in the setting of the Greek Cities at liber∣ty (after the overthrovv of Philip King of Macedonia) the Senate had left it to the Commissioners appointed for that vvork, to deal as they should think fit vvith Chalcis, Demetrias, and Corinth, the keys of the Country, and vvhether out of a desire of the glory of setting all the Greeks at liberty, or

to awe and affright him, they decreed, that all such Cities, as well in Asia as Europe, should be freed.* 1.425 The ten Commissioners sitting now in Greece about these affairs; they of Smyrna and Lampsacus (whom he had besieged) sent to them for relief, and Antiochus himself thinking fit not to anticipate his opportunities, sent thither also his Ambassadors, to whom the Commis∣sioners lay'd open the pleasure of the Senate, and in case he contain not him∣self and Forces in Asia, threaten him with War: and withall promise that some of their number should come to him. Yet he in the beginning of Spring comes over into Europe, got a great patt of the Chersonesus into his power, and then marching to Lysimachia, there found the Commissioners, who pressing him to the things formerly mentioned, he demanded by what right the Romans questioned with him about Asia, seeing he medled with nothing done in Italy; and added, that the Greek Cities should obtain their liberty, not by their commands, but his bounty. Now it was moved that those of Smyrna and Lampsacus might be heard; which being obtained, and the Delegates using their liberty of speech, he out of indignation, that he should be forced to plead with them before those Judges, interrupted them, saying, the Rhodians (and not the Romans) should have the hearing of the cause; and so the Treaty ended without any conclusion or agreement at all.

28. A rumour was spred abroad, during this Treaty,* 1.426 that Ptolomy the King of Aegypt was dead, which much affected both parties, yet strove they to hide it from each other: Lucius Cornelius one of the ten, who was also ordered to endeavour the reconcilation of the two Kings, demanded a little time to go into Aegypt; and Antiochus being restlesse, out of an itching desire to get that Country into his hands,* 1.427 sailed with his Fleet back to Ephesus; whence sending again his Ambassadors to treat with T. Flamininus chief of the Commissioners (on purpose to hold them a little in hand till he could bring about his design) came to Patara, where he heard that Ptolomy was alive. Now he changed his purpose of invading Aegypt; but withall re∣solved for Cyprus, to attempt that Island; but such a tempest fell upon him, that he almost lost his whole Fleet. Not long after, Hannibal being driven from home (by the malice of such as incensed the Romans against him, whilst he onely endeavoured the Publick good) returned to Antiochus, who though before he did but fluctuate in his resolutions for the War,* 1.428 yet was now confirmed by him so in his purpose, that henceforth he thought not so much of it, as of the reward of the Victory. Hannibal denied that the Romans could be overcome any where but in Italy, and desired but 100 Gallies,* 1.429 16000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, with which he would first go to Carthage, hoping to draw his Countrymen to revolt, and though that should not succeed, yet would he seize upon some part of Italy. The King closing with his pro∣positions at this time, he went not himself, but sent a certain Tyrian to Car∣thage, who under pretence of trading should break the ice; but he being suspected by Hannibal's adversaries, was glad to shift for himself, and no∣tice thereof was presently given to the Romans. In the mean time Antio∣chus sent three Ambassadors to Rome, who under colour of procuring a right understanding, should feel how the Senate stood affected. They expostula∣ting the matter, that their Master should be forced to quit the Cities of Asia, and forsake his antient right in Thrace, were referred to the Commissioners in Greece for answer; to whom repairing, Flamininus and his Collegue, ur∣ged that the King should either leave Europe, or the Romans have power to protect their friends in As•••• and make as many more there as they could. The Ambassadors answer, they neither can, nor will conclude any thing to the prejudice of their Master's crown, and so the Peace was not nearer than before.

29. Antiochus his resolution being set therefore for the Warre,* 1.430 that he might prevent any thing that would divert or call him back, he resolved to make alliances with his neighbours. To Ptolomy he maried his Daughter Cleopatra (giving with her in portion all Coelesyria, which before he had

taken from him;* 1.431) to Ariarathes King of Cappadocia another named An∣tiochis; and a third he offered to Eumenes of Pergamus, but he being ac∣quainted with his design to make War upon the Romans, and by this affi∣nity to oblige him to his party,* 1.432 conceiving it also his interest rather to stick to them whom he had some ground to think would prove victorious; he waved his offer. In Spring he set upon the Pisidae, a people inhabiting about Selga, being desirous first to bring all Asia to his beck, & at the same time came Ambassadors from Rome to discover his designs and preparations, and either to take off the edge of Hannibals hatred, or at least by their entercourse with him to render him suspected to the King. Visiting Eumenes first, as they had it in charge, they were egged on by him to the war. Sulpitius one of them falling sick, was forced to stay at Pergamus, but Villius hearing how Antiochus was employed, went to Ephesus where Hannibal then lay, & according to his in∣structions often met and discoursed with him. Thence he travelled to Apamea, where the King met him; but news coming that Antiochus his son (whom he had lately sent into Syria) was dead, it broke off the Treaty; so that Villius loath to be unseasonable returned to Pergamus, and the King break∣ing off the War, to Ephesus, where holding secret consultation with one Minio, he gave way that the Ambassadors should be called thither. When they had there arrived, they were referred to Minio, and both sides arguing for themselves as formerly, came to the same conclusion, and the Romans having scarcely obtained that they came for, returned home.

30. The Ambassadors being departed,* 1.433 Antiochus then fell into another serious debate about the War, to which Hannibal being now suspected was not called, till acquainting him how, when a Child, his father had made him swear at the Altar never to be a friend to the people of Rome, all jealousies were removed. About the same time came Thoas, and others from the Ae∣tolians (who being falln out with the Romans about plunder, after the over∣throw of Philip at Cynoscephalae, had ever since greatly grudged, and now stir∣red up the several Princes against them) offering him the Command of their Forces, and exhorting him to passe over into Greece, where things were ripe enough for the War, and not expect the coming down of his Army from the Inland Countreys.* 1.434 They having gotten Demetrias (a Town of prime note) into their hands by a wile, in confidence of an opportunity thence arising, he came over with an Army of 10000 foot, 500 horse, and six Elephants, after which going to the general meeting, he was by a publick Decree received as General, and then sending to summon Chalcis, had the Gates opened to him and so easily became Master of all Euboea.* 1.435 In the midst of Winter holding another Council, he thought fit the Thessalonians should be, by all means, drawn in to joyn with them;* 1.436 but Hannibal pressed above all things that Phi∣lip and the Macedonians might be dealt with; for then as he said, the Thes∣salians, and other Graecians (seeing themselves invaded by the Romans) would easily return to their accustomed duty: he advised further, that the Forces with all speed should be sent for out of Asia; and this onely was ob∣served. Antiochus returning to Chalcis, fell in Love with an obscure Girle,* 1.437 daughter to Cleoptolemus his Host, with whom prevailing at length to marry her, he spent all the remaining of the Winter in feasting and jollity, his Army for Company falling into idlenesse and all excesse.

31. Hitherto the Romans had rather severally, every man by himself, designed him an Enemy, than made any preparations against him. Italy was Decreed this year to both the Consuls; onely one of them, if need should require, was to be in readinesse to march to any other place,* 1.438 and Attilius Serranus one of the Praetors; was ordered with his Fleet to go into Greece, and attend the affairs of the Confederates; and with him four Commissioners, men picked out, who by their authority might perswade much. Moreover Marcus Bae∣bius was commanded to draw down the Legions towards Tarentum and Brun∣dusium, that thence, if need should be, they might passe over into Macedo∣nia. But upon Antiochus his crossing the Hellespont, Eumenes King of Perga∣mus

sent his brother Attalus to acquaint the Senate therewith, and that the Aetolians were preparing to joyn with him; whereupon Baebius was then ordered, with all his Forces, to passe over into Epirus, and hover about Apol∣lonia.* 1.439 The next year came over M. Acilius Glabrio the Consul, with 10000 foot, 2000 horse, and fifteen Elephants; who taking in divers places held by Antiochus his Garrisons, marched towards the Bay of Malea, took Thauma∣cha, and wasted the Territories of Hypata. Antiochus something herewith awakened, sent to the Aetolians to have all their Forces in readinesse, and then came down with lesse then 10000 foot, and 500 horse; but fewer of the Aetolians came together than usual, and his own Army, expected out of Asia, loitered, so that wanting it, and forsaken of his Confederates, he forti∣fied himself in the Straights of Theomopylae, and sent the Aetolians (whereof there were but 4000) to keep Heraclea and Hypata. Upon the approach of the Consul, bethinking himself of the Mountains, which he knew had been formerly passed by some of Xerxes his Army, and fearing the Romans should come over upon his back, he procured some Aetolians to secure the passages. But Glabrio hearing of it, sent M. Forcius Cato (then a Colonel in the Army) and L. Valerius Flaccus to beat them off, which being done by the former,* 1.440 he got over, and approaching the Enemies Camp, they at the first sight supposed them to be friends; but then again understanding their er∣rour, cast away their Arms and fled. But being closely pursued 500 of them onely escaped, though but fifty of the Romans were missing.

32. Antiochus flying to Chalcis, passed thence with his new married wife unto Ephesus, after whose departure the Gates of Chalcis were presently opened to the Consul, who having taken in Phocis and Boeotia in his passage thither,* 1.441 all Euboea presently returned to obedience. Then fell he upon the Aetolians, whom (though not long before they had sent to the King for aid, yet) now he forced to yield, and after he had used their Ambassadors some∣thing roughly, and threatned to chastize them to purpose; through the inter∣cession of T. Flamininus, gave them liberty to send their Ambassadors to Rome. Antiochus now lay at Ephesus altogether secure of the Romans; but Hannibal told him, he rather wondred they were not there already, than doubted at all of their coming, and procured the Forces to be sent for out of the upper Provinces; and with those ships which were ready the King sayled into the Chersonesus of Thrace, fortifying it, and placed stronger Garrisons in Sestus and Abydus, where the Romans were to passe over the Hellespont into Asia. At this time Livius Salinator being sent from Rome to succeed Attilius in the Government of the Fleet, came with it to Delus, which An∣tiochus hearing, hasted from Thrace to fight him before the Rhodes and Eu∣menes should joyn with him;* 1.442 but they coming in in good time, his Fleet was worsted, and chased as far as Ephesus.

33. After this defeat he set himself with all his might to repair his Na∣vy, and left his son Seleucus in Aeolis to look to the Maritime Coasts.* 1.443 Li∣vius the Roman Admiral coming into the Hellespont, took Sestus, and had done the same by Abydus, had not Polyxenidas a Fugitive of Rhodes, de∣stroyed by Treachery all the Fleet belonging to that Island; whereupon he raised his siege and departed. Seleucus fell upon the Territories of Perga∣mus, and then besieged the Citie it self (Attalus being unable to graple with him in the field) with whom also at length Antiochus himself joyned, till hearing that the Roman and Rhodian Fleets were coming to relieve the place; and, worse than this, that Lucius Scipio the Consul (together with his brother the African) was already in his march as far as Macedonia, and preparing now to passe the Hellespont against him, he sent to Aemylius Rhegillus who had succeeded Livius in the Fleet, to treat of a peace. He calling Eumenes from Pergamus, and the Officers of the Rhodians to consult, these were content to Treat, but Eumenes being averse to it, and urging that nothing could be concluded of, before the coming of the Consul, an answer to that effect was returned to the King, who leaving his son still before Pergamus, harrased the Territories of the Roman Confederates, and taking divers pla∣ces,

returned to Sardis. Seleucus was presently beaten off, and forced to raise his siege, by 1000 foot, and 100 horse, sent to relieve the place by the Achaeans,* 1.444 and Hannibal returning with ships from Syria, was met by the Rhodians, who put him to flight, and caused him to be blocked up in Pam∣philia.

34. Antiochus from Sardis sent to Prusias King of Bithinia,* 1.445 to joyn in Confederacy with him against the Romans; but he (though he formerly hung in suspense, yet) of late was fully drawn to their party by the Letters of the Scipio's, and an Ambassage sent from Rome for the same purpose. Failing therefore in this enterprize, he went to Ephesus to his Navy, where (concluding that no other way could he hinder the Consul's passing the Hel∣lespont than by being strongest at Sea) he resolved to try another battel, and so set upon the Maritime Town near to Ephesus, that the Romans coming in to succour their friends, Polyxenidas his Admiral might have an opportunity to work some notable feat. But he ingaging with 90 Gallies against Eume∣nes and the Rhodians, who made up a Fleet together of about 83. being overmatched both in the valour of his men, and the nimblenesse of his Ves∣sels,* 1.446 he lost 42 of his Navy (13 of which, together with the men, were taken) having broken but two of the Romans, and by meer chance carryed a Rho∣dian away with him to Ephesus. The King now terrified at the message of this third overthrow, madly drew out his Garrison from Lysimachia (which might have given a stop to the passage of the Consul) lest it should be cut off; and raising his siege from before Colophonia, departed to Sardis, whence he sent into Cappadocia, to Ariarathes his son-in-law, for aid, and all over else where he could bethink himself, he raised forces, neglecting in the mean time his true opportunities. For,* 1.447 the Scipio's in the mean while came to Lysimachia,* 1.448 where they were received with such plenty of all things, as if Provision had been made for the Roman Army, and thence marched through the Chersonesus of Thrace to the Hellespont, where all things being in rea∣dinesse through the care of Eumenes, they passed over without any distur∣bance into Asia.

* 1.44935. Antiochus being so besotted as to••ly still, and suffer the Consul quietly to come over, was now exceedingly discouraged, and sent out of hand to him, and his brother, to treat of peace; with order also to deal in private with the African about it, whose authority he knew would sway his brother to either side indifferently. The Ambassador being arrived at the Roman Camp, deferred the delivering of his message till the African's coming, who was yet behind; but after his arrival, and audience given, had these conditions set him: To pay all the expences of the War, of which An∣tiochus had been the cause, and not onely quit the Cities in Aeolis and Ionia, but all Asia on this side the Mountain Taurus. Being no whit satisfied with the proposals, he made no further overtures to the Consul; but, ac∣cording to his instructions, offered to his brother (in case he would pro∣cure a peace on the terms proposed by his Master) the restitution of his son who had been taken prisoner, as much money as he would ask, and more than that, to be partaker of what the Kingdom it self would amount to. The African answered, that the discharging of his son would exceedingly oblige him, and as for the rest, had he kept Lysimachia in his hands, for∣tified the passage into the Chersonesus of Thrace; or at least had he op∣posed them at the Hellespont, and then offered these conditions, much might have been done for him. As things now stood, he advised to consi∣der into what estate he had brought himself, by all means to decline the War, and refuse no conditions offered to him. But he thought no harsher terms could be imposed upon one already Conquered, and therefore ca∣sting off all thoughts of peace,* 1.450 made what Provision he could possible for a battel.

36. The Consul being desirous to do something before Winter (which now drew on) resolved,* 1.451 if possible, to fight him, though, his brother the A∣frican falling sick, had departed to Elea, to whom Antiochus now to comfort

him, restored his son without any ransom; which hapning as a Cordial to him in that condition, he advised him in way of requital (being able to do no more at present) that he should not ingage in fight with his brother, be∣fore his return to the Camp. Being much moved with his authority, he de∣clined an ingagement to his utmost endeavour, but the Consul still dogging him from place to place, and being ready to storm his Camp, for fear of utterly discouraging his men, he was forced to draw them out.(a) 1.452 Some say he had 70000 Foot, and about 12000 Horse (though others(b) 1.453 mention but 70000 in all) with 54 Elephants. The Consul brought into the field but 30000, whereof two, being Macedonians, were left to keep the baggage; and sixteen African beasts placed in the rear for a reserve, lest (being worsted by the Indians) they should break their ranks. The battel was fought near Magnesia a Town situate at the Foot of the Hill Sipylus. It hapned then that such a mist fell as blinded so the Kings Army, that both the wings there∣of could not be seen to one standing still in the same place; and their wea∣pons were also spoiled with the wet. His chariots armed with fithes which he had placed in the front, proved his ruine; for the Horses being gored with arrows (according to the direction of Eumenes) brake down all behind them, and so disordered the rancks, that the Auxiliaries fled; which occasion the Romans taking, pressed hard upwards, and discomfited the whole left wing. In the right he had better fortune; for he put both Horse and Foot to flight, and drove them to their Camp; but M. Aemilius Lepidus who was left there for the security of it, met them, and forced them to face about and to charge the pursuing Enemy, so that he and Attalus (the brother of Eume∣nes, who came in in good time with 200 Horse) renewed the battel with such earnestnesse, that now the King (who ere while gave the charge) betook himself to his heels.* 1.454 The Roman Cavalrie, in the pursute, did great execu∣tion, and the rather, because of the multitude of Chariots, and Camels, which blocked up the way; insomuch as 54000 were slain, and 1400 taken. Of the Romans fell but three hundred forty nine.

37. Antiochus, with a few about him, fled to Sardis, and thence to Apamea, making Zeno Governour of the former, and Timon of Lydia; but they were despised by the Soldiers and Townsmen that held the Castle, who gave up the places to the Consul; which was followed as an example by divers Cities of Asia. The Consul being once arrived at Sardis (with his brother now upon his recovery) the King presently sent and desired safe con∣duct for some Commissioners to treat of Peace. This being granted, Zeuxis who had formerly governed Lydia, and Antipater the Kings brothers son, shortly after arrived, desiring their Master might know upon what terms to purchase the friendship of the People of Rome. Publius Scipio the African, in the name of the rest, answered, that the Romans used not to insult over their conquered Enemies▪* 1.455 and therefore nothing should be required of him more than formerly; save onely to pay 15000 Talents of Eubaea to defray the charges of the War, by certain portions; 400 to Eumenes (together with such Corn as was due to him, by virtue of an agreement made with his Fa∣ther) to give up Hannibal, Tho as the Aetolian, and other incendiaries, and lastly, to deliver for the performance of these conditions twenty Hostages. These proposals being accepted of,* 1.456 Ambassadors were out of hand dispatch∣ed to Rome, to pray the confirmation of the Peace, which accordingly was ratified both by Senate and People; and for that Eumenes and the Ambassa∣dors of Rhodes, differed about some Cities in Asia, it was ordered by the Fathers, that the People inhabiting on this side Taurus, which before obey∣ed Antiochus, should now be subject to Eumenes, except Caria and Lydia, as far as Maeander; and these should be delivered up to the Rhodians. As for the Greek Cities, they which were formerly tributaries to Attalus, should so remain under Eumenes his Successor; but such as had been under the jurisdiction of Antiochus, should be left to their own Laws: and ten Commissioners were sent to compose all differences risen betwixt the several Cities and States.

38. Antiochus, unwilling to give up Hannibal, gave him notice of what was required, that he might shift for himself.* 1.457 The Province of Asia being taken from him, he said the Conquerours dealt bountifully with him therein; for now seeing his Kingdom was contained within moderate bounds, he was onely discharged from too great a burthen of Government. Two or three years after, he got another Army together, and having declared his son Seleucus his Successor, made a progresse into the upper Provinces; where (either for that he really wanted money to pay the Tribute imposed on him, or took that occasion to pretend poverty) hearing the Temple of Jupiter Be∣lus in Elymais to be exceeding rich, he went with his Forces by night and spoiled it of a vaste treasure, making a show as if War had been made upon him by the Inhabitants thereabouts, who getting knowledge of it, came upon him, and without the help of any other, destroyed him and his whole Army. This is the ••nd which, by the consent of Historians, hapned to him; though one there be* 1.458. that telleth us, how after he was overcome and banished be∣yond the Mountain Taurus, he was slain by his companions, whom he had beaten in a drunken fit.* 1.459 He died when he had reigned 36 years, A. M. 3818. in the second of the 148 Olympiad, 185 before the Aera of Christ: M. Aemilius Lepidus, and C. Flaminius being Consuls.

* 1.46039. Seleucus his son succeeded him (whom he formerly declared his Suc∣cessor as was said) in the 35 year of Philip King of Macedonia. This Se∣leucus Sirnamed Philopater, was no stirring man,* 1.461 and might have an excuse for it, being so weakned by that blow his Father received from the Romans. Once he got together a considerable force of men, and prepared to passe over Taurus to the aid of Pharnaces King of Pontus (who now waged War with Ariarathes of Cappadocia, and Eumenes of Pergamus) but bethinking him∣self that it was not lawful to do it, by virtue of the League which the Peo∣ple of Rome had made with his Father, he gave over his enterprize. He re∣verenced much at first the Temple of Hierusalem, allowing out of his own revenues the charges of the publick Sacrifices; but afterwards his bounty was almost turned into rapacity by the means of Simon a Benjamite. This man being Captain of the Temple, and in contention with Onias the High Priest, when he could not have the better of him, told Apollonius Governour of Coele∣syria and Phoenicia, that in the treasury there were great sums of mony, which the Priests having no need of, it might well enough be taken out into the Kings Coffers. Apollonius acquainting the King with this, he sent Heliodo∣rus his Treasurer to seize upon the money,* 1.462 to whom Onias declared that it belonged to widdows and orphans, that the sum of it amounted but to 400 talents of Silver, and 200 of Gold, and that such was the holinesse of the place, that it must not be violated. Heliodorus not being persvvaded by this, entered the Temple, and was smitten by an Angel dead for the present, but being restored by the prayers of Onias, returned to the King, declaring the holinesse of the place, and power of God. Simon after this calumniated Onias, as if he, who had well deserved of his Nation, had been the cause of this evil, and being backed by Apollonius, in his fury proceeded to slaugh∣ters, so that Onias was forc'd to go to Seleucus, and, as some have it, got him banished, though it seems not incredible that the King was dead ere he came to him,* 1.463 being slain by the treachery of Heliodorus after he had reigned twelve years.

40. He left a son behind him named Demetrius, whom he sent, being but young, to Rome, an Hostage in the room of Antiochus his younger brother; for that he was tied by the agreement made with his Father, to change the Hostages at the pleasure of the Romans. But when he died Antiochus was in his way home come as far as Athens. Eumenes therefore and Attalus, that they might bind him to them, being now a little offended at,* 1.464 and jea∣lous of the Romans, drove out Heliodorus, who affected the Kingdom, and placed him in possession of it. He was called by the Syrians Epiphanes or Illustrious, because strangers usurping the Kingdom, he appeared the vindi∣cator of the Dominion of his Ancestors, though others accounted him rather

Epimanes or Mad, because of his fanatick practices, and by the Angel he was termed a vile person.* 1.465 Being possessed of the Kingdom, he would slip privately out, with two other in his company, and wander about the City, keep company and drink with the meanest persons, coming on a sodain upon them with his cup and musick. Laying off his robe he put on a gown, and ac∣cording to the custome of the Roman Candidates (who stood for Offices) took the People be the hand,* 1.466 desiring their voices for the Aedileship or Tri∣buneship of the People. Having then obtained the Magistracy by the Suffrages of the People after the Roman manner, he sate and gave Judgment out of an ivory chair with such diligence, as the wisest wondered what he meant, some attributing it to simplicity, some to imprudence, and others to madnesse it self.

41.* 1.467 In Syria he was not acknowledged at first by those who favoured Pto∣lomy; but afterwards obtained it by a counterfeit clemency, and then having entered into League with Eumenes, setled himself strongly enough. In the beginning of his reign Jason the brother of Onias the third, the High-priest of the Jews, purchased the Priesthood of him for 360 Talents of Silver, and another rent of 80 Talents;* 1.468 and not satisfying himself with wronging his bro∣ther, promised 150 more for a licence to set up in Jerusalem a place of ex∣ercise for the training up of youth after the fashion of the Heathen, where∣by an inlet was made,* 1.469 as unto idolatrie, and prophanenesse, so unto that bloodshed and cruelty which ensued from the wickednesse of this Prince, his instruments and successors. For three years onely kept he this Office, being then served in his own kind. For, sending Menelaus the brother of that Simon whom we before mentioned, to the King, to carry the money promised, and sollicit his affaires, he circumvented him after the same man∣ner he had done his brother, promising for the Priesthood, over and above what he paied, 300 Talents; so that he had his desire, and Jason was forced to flie into the Country of the Ammonites. Antiochus being seized of Coe∣lesyria, Ptolomy Philopater, who pretended it belonged to him, being pas∣sed over to his father as his mothers portion, sought to recover it out of his hands, whereupon he marched down to Aegypt, which, having overthrown his Enemies in battel betwixt Pelusium and the mountain Casius,* 1.470 he easily got into his power, pretending friendship to the young King for all this, and a provident care for his affaires. Menelaus taking occasion at his absence, took divers Golden Vessels out of the Temple at Jerusalem, some of which he gave away, and others he sold to Tyre, and other places, for which being accused of Sacrilege by Onias the lawful High-priest, he procured him to be murdered. Going on in such mischiefs he was accused to the King; but bri∣bing Ptolomy the son of Dorymenes, got off, and procured the death of his accusers.* 1.471 At this time Antiochus went down the second time with a great power into Aegypt,* 1.472 which he recovered again (the King thereof flying be∣fore him) and getting the fortified Towns into his hands, there staied, till the sons of the Jews procured his return to their destruction.

42. A false rumour being spread abroad of his death, Jason having got 1000 men at his heels, set upon Jerusalem, and getting the City into his hands, forced Menelaus into the Castle, and then made slaughters, as if he had not been amongst his Countrymen and kindred, but foreiners and Enemies, yet obtained he not the Priesthood,* 1.473 but was forced to betake himself back into the Country of the Ammonites, where being accused to Aretas King of the Arabians, he fled from place to place like a Vagabond, hated of all men as a forsaker of the Laws, and as the publick Enemy of his Country, and died at length at Lacedaemon. Antiochus hearing in Aegypt that they at Hieru∣salem rejoyced at the report of his death, and suspecting because of these stirs of Jason,* 1.474 that Judaea was about to rebel, in a great rage departed thence, and came and took the City by force, and giving no quarter for three dayes space, put 80000 to the Sword, and afterwards sold as many. Yet not con∣tenting himself with this, he prophanely entered the Temple, Menelaus that Traitor to his Country being his guide, and rifling it of the holy Vessels,

killed swine upon the Altar, and with the broath of the flesh of them sprink∣led the place; then taking away with him 1800 Talents,* 1.475 he got him back to Antioch, leaving behind him to afflict still the People at Jerusalem Philip a Phrygian, and Andronicus in Samaria; and besides them Menelaus more grievous to, and despightful against, his fellow Citizens, than the other. Two years also after this, he sent Apollonius a cruel man with an Army of 22000, commanding him to kill all that were arrived at ripenesse of age, and sell the women and children for slaves. He coming to Jerusalem, kept himself still until the Sabbath, and then taking the opportunity of the solemnity of the day, set upon those imployed therein, then running through the City slew a great multitude, plundering it and setting it on fire, pulled down the houses and walls round about, and led away many women and children into cap∣tivity, whilst Antiochus his Master was busie again in his attempts upon Aegypt.

43.* 1.476 For Ptolomy being stirred up by Aeulaius the Eunuch to attempt again the recovery of Coelesyria, to prevent that, he went down into Aegypt, where putting him again to flight, he might have destroyed all his men, but riding to and fro himself to forbid it, he thereby procured such love, as he presently got into his hands Pelusium,* 1.477 and not long after all Aegypt, except Alexandria. Ptolomy after this sent his Ambassadors to him, with those of the Achaeans, Athenians, and others, to excuse the matter, and lay all the blame upon the Eunuch; but getting no good thereby, after he had spent some time carelesly without any further provision for his affaires, he departed to his younger brother to Alexandria,* 1.478 whom the Citizens there had made King after his overthrow. The Alexandrians at first received him, and made him partaker with his brother, but afterwards for some distaste banished him again, at which Antiochus took an opportunity, as thinking it best to accomplish his designs, by pretending to protect and reduce him into his Kingdom; where∣fore he engaged at Pelusium with Ptolomy the younger in a naval fight, and getting the better, on a sodain laid a bridge over the Nile and besieged Alexandria. Ptolomy and Cleopatra his sister being in this danger,* 1.479 sent Am∣bassadors to Rome to crave aid; but he attempting once the walls, and ex∣periencing the strength of the places, having sent his Ambassadors also to Rome after the other, raised his siege. About this time came the Ambassadors of the Rhodians to him to intercede, whom he put off, saying, that his intent was onely to re-establish the elder Ptolomy, which if the Alexandrians would admit of, all things with his consent might be composed. Presently after this, leaving at Memphis Ptolomy the elder, for whose sake he pretended to wage this War, and giving up the rest of Aegypt to him, he only left a strong Garrison at Pelusium, and so departed into Syria, concluding with himself, that keeping this in his power, the key of the Country, he might safely suffer the two brothers to try out the quarrel;* 1.480 for the Conquerour being wearied beforehand, would easily be brought under by him.

44. The Ambassadors of Ptolomy obtained their desire,* 1.481 the Romans be∣ing jealous of the increasing power of Antiochus. For, C. Popillius Laenas, with two others, were sent with order first to go to Antiochus, after that to Ptolomy, and to denounce unto them, that except they gave over the War, him that was the hinderer of the Peace they would not account as their friend or allie. Whilst they were on their way, Ptolomy the elder bethinking him∣self what little cause he had to trust Antiochus, sent to his brother, and through the mediation of Cleopatra was reconciled to him, and reigned with him, the Alexandrians being willing to receive him, because their City was much straightened for provisions, by reason of the Warre. Antiochus hearing this, contrary to his former pretences, was grievously fretted, and then more eagerly than ever preparing for the War against them both, sent a Fleet against Cyprus, where Ptolomie's Forces were worsted, and in the beginning of Spring marched down for Aegypt. In Coelesyria the Ambas∣sadors of Philometer met him, and gave him thanks in their Master's name, for that by his means he had obtained the Kingdom, desiring he would con∣tinue

his friend,* 1.482 and protect what he had helped him to, and rather say what he would have done, than by force to attempt it as an Enemy; but he replied, he would neither withdraw his Fleet nor Army, except he had all Cyprus, Pelusium, and all the ground lying upon that Mouth of the Nile given up unto him, and he set a day whereon at furthest he would have an answer to these conditions.* 1.483 Popillius and his Companions hearing of his de∣sign (Perseus of Macedonia being now overthrown) made haste to get to him before he reached Alexandria, and staying some time at Rhodes, they came to him, when he was but four miles off from the Citie, upon the sight of whom he reached out his hand to Popilius; but he being a severe man, reached him the Tables, wherein was written the Decree of the Senate, which commanded him to abstain from War, bidding him first to read them. Ha∣ving perused them, he said he would consider with his friends what was to be done, and then give an answer, but Popilius after a certain insolent fashion, made a Circle round about him with his rod, and commanded him to answer before he went out of it; at which the King being amazed, after a little pause,* 1.484 said he would do whatsoever the people of Rome commanded; and so within a short time prefixed, grievously unwilling, and sorrowing, but judging it fit for the present to yield to the time, he drew out his Forces from Egypt and Cyprus.

45. After this he published an Edict,* 1.485 commanding all throughout his Do∣minions to observe one and the same religion, and relinquishing their own and former Rites, to conform themselves to the religion of the Greeks under pain of death, sending divers Overseers who should compel each people to the observation of his Order. Into Judaea he sent an old man of Athens, with order to defile the Temple, and name it the Temple of Jupiter Olym∣pius,* 1.486 as that at Gerizim the Temple of Jupiter Hospitalis; he commanded the sacrifices to be left off, the Sabbath he prohibited, he commanded them to de∣file the Sanctuary, build up Altars, Groves, and Chapels to Idols, to sa∣crifice Swine, and other unclean beasts, not to Circumcise their sons, but to forget the Law: Moreover, an order was sent unto the Neighbouring Cities, that they should force the, Jews to partake of their sacrifices, and kill those which would not come over to their Rites, so that many by fear obeyed, the Temple was polluted by the dalliances of the Gentiles, the abomination of de∣solation, viz. the abominable idol of Jupiter Olympius was set up therein, the Scriptures burnt, and a Decree published, that with whomsoever they should be found, or whosoever should approve them, should be put death. Many yet were they that stood out, contemned the Kings Edict, and defiled not themselves, so that being inraged he caused divers to be brought before him to force them by Torments, but they stood out couragiously, and endu∣ring the pains sealed the truth with their bloud; amongst whom are very nota∣ble the Mother and her seven Sons, from the eldest of them called Macca∣baeans. The rage of this persecution coming to Modin,* 1.487 a Town situate near to Diospolis found some opposition; for there Mattathias a Priest eminent in degree, especially for his five sons, not onely refused to sacrifize, but killed a Jew at the Altar that was so doing, and after that the Kings Of∣ficer who was sent to compel the people. Then exhorting all that were zea∣lous for their Law to follow him, he fled with his sons into the Moun∣tain.

* 1.48846. Many went out after him, and lived with their Wives, Children, and Cattel, in Dens and Caves, which coming to the knowledge of Philip the Governour of Jerusalem, the Garrison Soldiers were presently drawn out to pursue them, so that falling on them on the Sabbath, and they not at all resisting for the observance thereof, they cast in fire, and burnt them to the number of 1000 persons. Mattathias, and they that were with him hear∣ing this, resolved for the time to come to repulse the Enemy on the Sabbath, and then the Asidaeans, a sort of religious men joyning with him, with such as dayly fled out of the Countrey, he made up a little Army, and therewith prosecuted the wicked ones, and drove them to fly to the Nations about, pul∣led

down the Altars, and Circumcised such Children as they found in the Coasts of Israel; then after he had been Captain of this wandring Company the space of a year, he died, leaving his son Simon for a Counsellour, and Ju∣das sirnamed Maccabaeus for a Captain to them.* 1.489 This Mattathias was the son of John, and Grand-son to Simeon, sirnamed Asmonaeus.* 1.490 Jacobus Cap∣pellus thinketh that this Simeon was Simon the second, son of Onias the second, and Grand-son to Simon the first, sirnamed Just. But Schinserus thinketh this Simeon to have been the son of Hasmonaeus. From the* 1.491 words of Jo∣sephus it should seem that Mattathias was the Great-grand-son of Asmonaeus, so called, or Hasmon, from whom his posterity were named Hasmonaeans.* 1.492 David useth the word Hasmanim to expresse Ambassadors, Princes, or Great-men. It is also observed that the Jews in Italy call the Cardinals Has∣mannim or Hasmonaeans.

47. Judas being assisted by his brethren, and his fathers followers, fell up∣on the Enemy,* 1.493 burnt divers of their Towns, and seized upon the Commo∣dious places, coming usually upon them in the night, so as he forced many of them to quit the Land; Apollonius the Governour of Samaria coming against him, he overthrew, and slew him, and getting his sword ever after used it in the Wars, and after him he overthrew also Seron, who governed Caele-Syria. Antiochus in this mean while lying about Antioch, made there Magnificent Games and Shows, imploying the money he had got in Egypt,* 1.494 and out of the Temples he had rifled, to that end and purpose, and entertaining his Guests in a vile and servile kind of observance. This being ended, an Ambassador from Rome arrived at his Court, sent on purpose to spy out his designs. Whom he received with such courtesie, as over doing in that point, he easily concealed the grudge he had conceived for his stop at Alexandria, and the bent of his mind which was sufficiently alienated from the Romans. But hearing of the successe of Maccabaeus,* 1.495 and the losse of his Forces, he was exceedlingly in∣raged, mustered all his Army, to which he gave a years pay, and commanded they should be ready at all occasions.

48. He purposed to march against Maccabaeus,* 1.496 but seeing his Treasury exhausted by the pay of the Army (for that the Jews now being revolted, he thereby lost his 300 Talents of annual Tribute, and much also which he was wont to receive from other places,* 1.497 which being unwilling to quit their own religions as well the other, were in combustions) and fearing he should not have to satisfie for his gifts, wherein he took a pride to exceed all his ance∣cestors, he resolved to make a progresse into Persia, and the upper Coun∣treys, to gather the Tributes thereof, and fill his Coffers. But before his de∣parture, making Lysias his Kinsman Governour of the Regions betwixt Eu∣phrates and Egypt, to whose care he also committed his young son, he gave to him half his forces, and this in charge, to blot out the Nation of the Jews utterly, and to give their Countrey to strangers to inhabit.* 1.498 Philip the Gover∣nour of Jerusalem seeing to what an height Maccabaeus was grown, wrote to Ptolomy the son of Dorymenes the Governour of Coelesyria and Cilicia, who presently dispatched Nicanor one of his chiefest friends, and the son of Patroclus with 20000 men,* 1.499 joyning Gorgias to him, a man of great expe∣rience; and not long after he himself was sent by Lysias with more aid, so that all three together made an Army of 40000 foot and 7000 horse. An∣tiochus at this time was behind hand in his Tribute to the Romans 2000 Ta∣lents, therefore Nicanor resolved to raise this money out of Jewish slaves, and sent about for Chapmen for them, promising 90 persons for a Ta∣lent; so that 1000 Merchants came together with ready money into his Camp; more forces also from Syria and the Countrey of the Philistins came in to him.

49.* 1.500 Judas having kept a fast at Morpah (because the Heathen now held Jerusalem, and the Temple was defiled) for his good successe against so great an Army, having himself but 6. or 7000 men, gave all the fearfull, those that had built houses, married Wives, or planted Vineyards leave to depart, ac∣cording to the Law of Moses; then marched down to Emmaus where the

Enemy was incamped. That night Gorgias thinking to oppresse the Jews, at unawares, came to their Tents with a party of 5000 foot and 1000 horse; but Judas having notice thereof, turned it to his own advantage, resolving to go and fall upon Nicanor in the absence of the other, whom he knew to be the more experienced Captain. Gorgias finding the Camp empty, thought the owners had fled for fear of him into the Mountains, and sought for them there, but they being got to Nicanor ingaged with him in the morn∣ing, and routed his whole Army, laying above 9000 dead upon the place; so that he and his men perceiving presently what was done by the smoke of their Camp now set on fire,* 1.501 fled amain, and the Jews coming to plunder the field found great Treasure, of which part being set aside for the infirm, Widows, and Orphans, the rest the Soldiers divided amongst them. After this, Judas overthrew Timotheus and Bachides, both of the Kings party, kil∣ling above 20000 men, so that then they recovered many strong holds, at which Lysias was exceedingly troubled, things falling out so contrary to his ex∣pectations, & the next year invaded Judaea with an army of 60000 choice foot, and 5000 horse,* 1.502 but being met by Judas with 10000 men, he was received with such resolution that with the losse of 5000 he was glad to retreat to An∣tioch, intending greater preparations for his next expedition.* 1.503 Judas returning to Hierusalem cleansed the Temple, & offered sacrifice upon a new Altar, after the Heathen had held it just three years; then kept they a feast for eight dayes, and ordered it to be observed to posterity, which in the Gospel is called the Feast of the Dedication.

50. Antiochus in the mean while waged War against Artaxias King of Armenia, and that with such successe, as cutting off many of his men,* 1.504 he took him prisoner.* 1.505 Afterwards hearing that the Citie Elymais in Persia was ex∣ceeding rich, and therein a Temple (of Venus, or Diana, both being asserted) wherein were laid up very rich Arms left by Alexander the Great, he being greedy of this prey, attempted to rifle them both, but the Inhabitants taking Arms, repelled, and caused him shamefully to retreat. Being come to Ec∣batan••, he there heard of the overthrow of Nicanor and Timotheus, and then journeying towards Babylon, in the Borders of Persia, of the defeat given to that great Army of Lysias, the throwing down the Idol of Jupiter Olympius,* 1.506 and the fortification of the Sanctuary, whereupon he fell into a great rage, resolved to revenge himself upon the Jews for his shamefull retreat, and com∣manded his Chariot driver to make speed,* 1.507 saying, he would make Jerusalem the common burying place of them when he should come thither. Scarce had he made an end of threatning, when he was suddenly struck with exceed∣ing torment in his bowels, which yet reduced him not to any good constitu∣tion of mind, he still breathing fury and revenge against the Jews, and cry∣ing out to make haste, but the Chariot being driven very fast, he was shaken out of it, and by the fall so sore bruised, that he was constrained to betake himself to his Litter, and then Worms crawled out of his body, the flesh whereof rotted, and fell from him yet alive. None could endure to carry him for the stench thereof, which also offended his Army, wherefore being forced to stay his journey for Oxbyton, he stayed at Taba, a Town in Persia. Before his death he confessed this to have falln upon him for the injuries of∣fered to the Jews, acknowledged the Soveraignty of God, and his own pride,* 1.508 vowed if God would restore him, to grant immunities to his people, to adorn his Temple, to turn Jew himself, and to travel through the habitable world to declare his strength and power. And when he perceived his end to draw near, he wrote most kind Letters to the Jews, desiring them to stand faithfull to him, and his son after him, then constituting Philip, who had been brought up with him, the Protector and Guardian of his son, till he should come to age,* 1.509 he died, after he had reigned 12 years; A. M. 3841. after the be∣ginning of Seleucus the 149. the first of the 154 Olympiad.

51. Antiochus his son, a Child of nine years old succeeded him,* 1.510 sirnamed Eupator by the Syrians for his fathers virtue. Him Lysias goverved, who had brought him up; so that Philip his designed Guardian by his father fled into Egypt, and Ptolomy the son of Dorymenes, for that being convinced how the

Jews were wronged, he went about to compose the difference with them, was forced to drink poyson. Demetrius the son of Seleucus Philopator,* 1.511 whom we before said to have been sent Hostage to Rome,* 1.512 hearing there of his Uncles death, desired of the Senate that he might be restored to his Fathers Kingdom, so long unjustly detained from him, affirming he esteemed of Rome as his own Country, in which he had been brought up; of the sons of Sena∣tors as his brethren, and themselves as so many Fathers; but they judging it more for their interest that the Kingdom of Syria should be under a child than one of mans estate (such as he was, being now 23 years old) resolved it should be secured to Antiochus, and presently ordered three Commissioners to be sent thither to settle the affaires thereof, according to instructions recei∣ved from themselves, which might now be done easily enough, the King him∣self being so young, and his Courtiers thinking they were well enough dealt withall, so Demetrius was not restored; but especially they gave them in charge to burn all the ships they should find there, not allowed to Antiochus by the League, and hough the legs of all the Elephants, and diminish the Kings strength as much as possible. These things being executed, provoked one Leptines so far as he slew Cn. Octavius the chief Commissioner (and who first brought the Consulship into his family, out of which Augustus Caesar issued) whom Lysias, though he was suspected to incense the People against the Romans, honourably buried, and dispatched quickly Ambassadors to Rome in the King's name to disclaim any consciousnesse to the fact.

52. Gorgias being Governour of the parts about Judaea,* 1.513 fomented a conti∣nual War with the Jews, and with him joyned the Idumaeans, who received all runnagates, and gave them entettainment. Against those therefore, Ju∣das Maccabaeus marched, took divers places, and put 20000 to the Sword, after which turning upon the Ammonites, he overthrew them in divers ingage∣ments,* 1.514 and taking Jazer with the Territories thereto belonging, returned a∣gain into Judaea. Timotheus the General of the Ammonites hereat inraged, and gathering many men out of Asia, came as if he would devour Judaea, but Judas with his having humbled themselves, and called upon the name of God, gave him battel, in which 20500 Foot, and 600 of his Horse being slain, he fled to Gazara, a strong Garrison, kept by his brother, but that be∣ing taken, he was pulled out of a cave where he had hid himself, and slain, together with the other. After this the Nations about Galaad and Galile afflicting sore the Jews, Maccabaeus divided his Army into three parts,* 1.515 one of which (viz. 3000 men) he delivered to bis brother Simon to relieve them of Galile, the second to Joseph the son of Zechariah, to defend Judaea, giving it in charge not to sight with any Enemy till his return, with the other he marched himself to the succour of them in Galaad. Simon fought many bat∣tels with the Enemy,* 1.516 and killed many of them, brought his Countrymen in∣to Judaea with great gladnesse, and Judas had the like successe, taking many Towns, and putting many thousands to the Sword; but those that were left at home desiring also upon the report hereof to atchieve some milita∣ry glory, marched to Jamnia, whence Gorgias issuing out, put them to flight, and following the chase as far as the borders of Judaea, killed about 2000 of them.

53. Lysias the King's Protector and chief Minister of State, was displea∣sed at the report of Judas's successe,* 1.517 and taking 80000 Foot withall the Horse along with him, resolved to make Jerusalem an habitation for the Greeks, the Temple to pay tribute, and the Priesthood thereof to set to sale every year. He came and besieged Bethsura nigh to Jerusalem; but Maccabaeus then meeting with him killed 11000 of his Foot, with 1600 Horse-men, and forced him with the rest (many of them wounded and disarmed) to shift for themselves.* 1.518 Considering this defeat, and that God fought for the Jews, he sent to them to treat of Peace, and according to his promise brought the King to yield to such reasonable conditions as were offered by Maccabaeus; but it was quickly broken by Timotheus, and other Captains, that governed the places adjoyning to Judaea, at which time they of Joppe also drawing

200 Jews craftily on shipboard, drowned them in the sea. Judas hearing this, went and burned all the Vessels in the Haven at Joppe, and understand∣ing that the inhabitants of Jamnia had also intended such a thing against his Country-men, he did as much for them; then marching against Timotheus, the Arabian Nomades set upon him, being 5000 Foot, and 500 Horse, but were so entertained,* 1.519 as yielding themselves, with a promise of giving up their Cattel, and being at his beck for the time to come, they obtained Peace. Af∣ter this he stormed the City Caspis (wherein was such a slaughter made of the Inhabitants, that a Lake thereto adjoyning seemed to be full of blood) and then proceeding 750 furlongs came to the Jews called Tubieni inhabiting the Land of Tob (concerning which mention is made in the Book of Judges) whence Timotheus was departed, but had left a strong Garrison,* 1.520 which being taken by Dositheus and Sosipater two of Judas his Officers, they put to the sword above 10000 men.

54. Timotheus gathered together from the Nations round about him and the Arabians 120000 Foot, and 2500 Horse, wherewith,* 1.521 putting up the wo∣men and children into a strong Fort called Carnion, he came and pitched his Tents against Raphon beyond the brook; but his great multitude was so sur∣prized with fear upon the approaching of Judas, that every man shifted for himself, and what by their running upon one anothers swords, and the pursute which Maccabaeus followed on with much earnestnesse, 30000 of them were slain,* 1.522 and he himself fell into the hands of Dositheus and Sosipater, from whom he obtained his liberty, upon promise of dismissing such of their Coun∣trymen as he had taken. Judas then proceeding took Carnion, wherein 25000 were put to the sword, after which he gathered all the Jews out of Galaad to bring them into Judaea, and for that the City Ephron, through which they must needs passe, denied them entrance, they took it by force, and de∣stroying the Inhabitants, went through and came up to Jerusalem to the Feast of Pentecost. The Feast being ended, he taking 3000 Foot, and 400 Horse along with him,* 1.523 went and fought with Gorgias, whom one Dositheus of Bacenor his Company had once taken, but holding him by the cloak, a cer∣tain Thracian came and cut off his shoulder, so that the prisoner escaped. After the Victory the Jews coming to strip and bury such of their own party as had fallen that day, found under their coats certain things dedicated to the idols of Jamnia, so that it appearing that this being forbidden them by the Law was the cause of their death, they betook themselves by Prayer to God, intreating that it might not be charged upon them all. After this Judas sub∣dued the Edomites, and the Philistines, their idols he burnt, and overthrew their altars,* 1.524 and then returning into Judaea, for that he found the King's Garrison Soldiers which yet kept the Castle to straighten and infest the Israe∣lites about the Sanctuary, with all the People, he besieged them close,* 1.525 but some of them with certain Jewish fugitives getting out, went straight to An∣tiochus, and perswaded him with all expedition to come and give a check to the growing power of the Jews.

55. Antiochus gathering together all his friends and Captains,* 1.526 and a great Army (concerning the number of which the two Books of Maccabees differ) in a great rage marched thither, intending to deal worse with them than his father had done before him, and to him Menelaus joyned himself, hoping by his means to regain the Priesthood.* 1.527 Passing through Idumaea he came and sate down before Bethsura, where Judas by night with a choice party fell upon his Camp, and piercing as far as his own Tent slew 4000 men, and the prime Elephant, with those upon him, and giving an Alarm to the whole Army at break of the day, safely retreated, whereupon the King marched towards him the next day, and coming to an engagement lost 600 men more; but the Jews seeing themselves overpowered, retreated. Then returned he to the siege,* 1.528 which Judas sore molested, cutting off many of his men, and relieving the besieged with provisions, who being not provided within themselves, because this was the Sabbatical year, yielded up the Town upon composition. An∣tiochus having herein placed a Garrison marched up to Jerusalem, and there

made all provision possible for gaining it, all manner of engines being raised for the casting of fire and stones; which the besieged resisted as well as they might by others of their own, but as for provisions, were in no better con∣dition than they of Bethsura had been, which gave opportunity enough to the King; but before he could perfect his work, came news that Philip, whom his Father had ordained to be his guardian, being returned out of Aegypt, was coming with the Forces which Epiphanes had left in Persia and Media to re∣cover his right usurped by Lysias.* 1.529 Hereupon both he and his Captains were presently perswaded by Lysias (because their provisions began to fail, the place was strong, and the affaires of the Kingdom required it) to make Peace with the besieged upon such terms as they required.

56. Going to the Temple he offered sacrifice, and shewed civility and re∣spect towards the place, but a little after considering the strength thereof,* 1.530 caused the wall round about to be demolished, contrary to his oath. Then returning to Ptolemais, the Inhabitants being great Enemies to the Jews, stickled hard to break the League, but Lysias by his defence quieted their minds, and confirmed the Peace. The King hasting thence towards Anti∣och, Lysias accused Menelaus the High-priest to him, as an incendiary, and he that had been the cause of the War, so that being thrown into a Tower full of ashes, he there miserably ended his life, and in his room was substi∣tuted one Alcimus of Aron's line, but not of the family of the Priests, through Lysias his direction, which Onias the son of the last Onias the Priest understanding, went into Aegypt, where insinuating himself into Ptolomy Philometor and Cleopatra, he obtained a Temple like that at Jerusalem to be built in the Province of Heliopolis, and himself to be made Priest thereof. Antiochus coming to Alexandria,* 1.531 found Philip Master thereof, but set∣ting upon it he took it by force, and taking him therein put him to death, and so quickly quieted these stirs, being reserved with his Guardian, though but a little time, for others more dangerous. His Ambassadors now, which Lysias had sent about the death of Octavius, had been at Rome, where la∣bouring to clear him of the fact, they were sent back without answer, whereat Demetrius the son of Seleucus being much startled, began to cast again in his head how to obtain his freedom, and the Kingdom, according to his title, which was so clear and evident.

57. Consulting with Polybius the Achaean and Historian,* 1.532 whether he should not once more move the Senate in the businesse, he advised him not to dash himself twice against the same Rock, but attempt something of himself worthy of a Kingdom, hinting thereby what he would have him to do. But he being ruled by one Apollonius his intimate friend, but a young unexperienced man, requested the Fathers again, that at least he might not be constrained to stay there as an Hostage, seeing they had secured the King∣dom of his Cousin Antiochus. They yet remained of the same opinion, and resolved as formerly, so that then he consulted how to escape, first with Diodorus a cunning man, who was come from Syria, and had belonged to him, and then with Polybius, who procured Menethyllus the Aegyptian Ambassador to hire a Carthaginian ship just then sailing for Tyre; so that Diodorus being sent before to feel the People's mind, and seek for advanta∣ges, he taking a few friends along with him supped at a friends house, whi∣ther, for fear he should stay too long, Polybius sent him a secret hint, not to let slip this opportunity; whereupon making as though he was sick, he arose from the table, and came that night to Ostia upon the mouth of Tyber. Menethyllus going before told the Master of the ship, that he had received orders from his Prince to reside still at Rome;* 1.533 but that he would send some young men of approved fidelity to him,* 1.534 to acquaint him with the affaires of his negotiation: So Demetrius and his followers going on shipboard, away they sailed by break of day. At Rome nothing was known of his escape till the fourth day. On the fifth the Senate met about it; yet did not make any provision for the pursuing of him, thinking it to be too late; but a few dayes after, they sent three Commissioners into Greece, who viewing the affaires

there, were commanded thence to passe into Asia, and amongst other things have an eye to what he should attempt.

58. Landing in Lycia, he thence wrote to the Senate,* 1.535 that he had no inten∣tions to disturb his Cousin Antiochus, but onely revenge upon Lysias the death of Octavius; then getting into his hands Tripolis, a Town of Phoenicia, as sent by the Senate to possesse the Kingdom, none gain-said him; so that he seized also upon Sparneae. Thence, having gotten some forces together, he marched towards Antioch, out of which Antiochus, with Lysias his Governour (for that they thought he was sent by the Romans, and therefore feared to oppose him) coming out to meet him in a friendly manner, was pre∣sently made away, after he had reigned about two years. Demetrius having thus obtained the Kingdom,* 1.536 displaced Heraclides, whom Epiphanes his Uncle had made Treasurer at Babylon, and his brother Timarchus, whom he had al∣so placed Governour there; for that he had badly behaved himself in his Of∣fice, whence from the Babylonians he got the sirname of Soter, the next af∣ter Antiochus the son of Seleucus Nicator, as* 1.537 Appian observeth. The Ro∣man Commissioners being now come to Ariarathes into Cappadocia, he sent Menocharis thither to them, to deal with them about his confirmation in the Kingdom; offered also to Ariarathes the Widow of Perseus of Macedonia, and his sister to vvife; but he refused her for fear of giving offence to the Romans. After the return of Menocharis and his report, thinking it his main interest to oblige these men, he cast off all other things, and labouring to please them,* 1.538 sent first to them into Pamphylia, then to Rhodes, offering to do any thing whereby to purchase his being acknowledged King by the Romans, and Tiberius one of the Commissioners stood him in great stead for the obtaining of this his desire. He shortly after sent Menocharis, and others in Ambassage to Rome,* 1.539 and with them Leptines the murderer of Octavius (who offered himself to be sent) and a Crown of Gold in token of his thankfulnesse for his good usage all the time of his being an Hostage. The Senate long delibe∣rating upon the businesse, resolved at length not to receive Leptines, lest they should seem to be satisfied for the publick affront; but rather lay the blame upon all Syria, and reserve to themselves an occasion of revenge, when, and as often as they should see convenient: as for Demetrius himself, they bestowed their friendship upon him, with this condition, if he would give sufficient cau∣tion to be thenceforth as much in their power as formerly.

59. Alcimus, who had procured from Eupator to be made High-Priest,* 1.540 and now was not received nor owned by the people, because that in the dayes of Epiphanes he had defiled himself, came to Demetrius with other Apo∣states, and such like as himself, and accused his Countrey-men, especially the Hasmonaeans (i. e. Judas and his brethren) that they had cut off, and banished his friends;* 1.541 whereupon he sent one Bachides a trusty friend with great for∣ces into Judaea, confirming the Priesthood to Alcimus, whom he sent back with him. All their design, being arrived there, was to get Judas into their hands; divers Scribes going out to them to sollicit for peace, being confi∣dent because the Priest was of the seed of Aaron, he most wickedly, and con∣trary to his Oath given, slew sixty of them in one day; then Bachides go∣ing from Hierusalem, sent about, and caused divers that had fled from him, and many of the people whom being slain he cast into a great pit, and so com∣mitting the Countrey to Alcimus (to the defence of which he left him some forces) he returned unto his King.* 1.542 After his departure, Alcimus striving to confirm himself in the Priesthood, made great havock of the people, to re∣strain which, Judas went throughout the Countrey, and compelled his party to shut themselves up within their holds, and growing stronger, he restrained their invasions, so that Alcimus being afraid of him goes once more unto the King, carrying along with him a Crown of Gold, a Palm, and of the boughs which were used solemnly in the Temple; and seeing he could not have any more accesse to the holy Altar, taking a fit opportunity when he was asked of the affairs of his Countrey, accused the Asidaeans, and especially Judas, as seditious, of depriving him of the Priesthood (the honour as he said of his

Ancestors) and plainly affirmed that as long as Maccabaeus lived the Kings affairs could not be secure. This being seconded by some ill-willers to the Jews, Demetrius was inflamed, and sending for Nicanor one of his chiefest Princes,* 1.543 and a bitter Enemy to the Israelites, made him Captain over Ju∣dea, and sent him forth with a Command to slay Judas, to scatter them that were with him, and make Alcimus High Priest of the great Tem∣ple.

60. When he was come thither, and understood the courage and resolu∣tion of Judas, his brethren and companions, for the defence of their Coun∣trey, he feared to try the chance of War, and sent to make peace with the people, who having agreed unto the Covenants, the two Captains came toge∣ther to consult about the League. Nicanor was so taken with Judas as he continued with him, loved him in his heart, and perswaded him to marry, and beget Children; and so remained constant in his affection to him, till Alcimus perceiving it,* 1.544 and understanding the Covenants which were made betwixt them, took a third journey to the King, told him that Nicanor had taken strange matters in hand, and appointed Judas, a Traitor to the Realm, to be his Successor. Demetrius being hereat displeased, by Letters checked him for these things, and commanded him in all haste to send Maccabaeus bound unto Antioch, which grievously troubled him, that he, who had done no hurt, should be thus used, but conceving it necessary for him to comply with the pleasure of the King, he waited for a convenient opportunity to ac∣complish it.* 1.545 Behaving himself thenceforth more roughly to him, the other suspected something by the great change of his carriage, and therefore gather∣ing a few of his men, withdrew himself from him, but he followed him with a strong power to Hierusalem, and drawing him out to talk with him, had prepa∣red some to seize on him; yet he having notice hereof got away, and would see him no more. Seeing his design to be discovered, he went and fought with him near Capharsalama, in which he lost about 5000 of his men, and the rest fled into the Citie of David. After this he came up to Mount Sion, and some of the Priests with the Elders of the people went forth of the sanctuary to salute him peaceably, and shew him the burnt-offering that was offered for the King; but he jeering hereat, demanded Judas to be delivered unto him, and they affirming with an Oath that they knew not where he was, he stretch∣ing out his hand against the Temple, swore that except Judas and his forces were delivered up, he would when he should return in peace, set the sanctuary on fire,* 1.546 demolish the Altar, and build there a stately Temple to Bacchus. The Priests hearing this went in, and standing before the Altar, with tears begged of God that he would frustrate the mans intentions, and be avenged upon him and his Host for his blasphemous words.

61. Hearing that Judas was gone from Jerusalem into Samaria,* 1.547 he went and pitched his Tents in Bethhoron, where new supplies from Syria came to him, the Enemy being in Hadasa 30 furlongs off, with no more than 3000 men. He would fain have fought on the Sabbath day, which the Jews, who were constrained to follow, friendly dehorting him from, with great blaspemy uttered against God, he refused to hear them, demanding if there were a li∣ving Lord in heaven, who commanded that seventh day to be kept, and saying, he himself was mighty upon earth to command them to Arm themselves, and to perform the Kings businesse.* 1.548 But coming to the ingagement, he himself was slain first, which when his Army saw, they cast away their Arms and fled, and the Israelites following the chace slew 30000. so that not one of the Ar∣my was left remaining. Coming to the plunder of the field they cut off Nicanor's head and hands, and carried them to Jerusalem, where they were hung up before the Temple, his tongue being cut in pieces, and cast unto the Fouls.* 1.549 Then they decreed, that the 13^th day of the 12^th moneth Adar (as the Syrians call it) the day before Mardocheus his day, should be observed every year, as the Author of the second book of Maccabees tells us, who with this story finisheth his work,* 1.550 being the Epitome of the five books of Ja∣son, a Jew of Cyrene. After Nicanor's death, Judaea was quiet for some time,

and then Judas hearing of the power of the Romans, and their compassion of the distressed, and how much Demetrius stood in awe of them, sent Eu∣polemus the son of John, and Jason the son of Eleazer on an Ambassage to the Senate,* 1.551 that entring into society with them, the People might be freed from the yoke of Demetrius and the Greeks. But Demetrius hearing of the mischance of Nicanor and his Forces, sent Bachides and Alcimus again into Judaea with the greater part of his forces, who coming to Jerusalem to seek for Judas, marched thence with 20000 Foot, and 2000 Horse against him, who had but 3000 men in all. With these few he setting upon Bachides, all of them forsook him but 800, with which yet he so charged him, as fighting from morning till night, he put to flight the right wing in which he stood, but they of the left perceiving this, followed him behind as he gave the charge, and compassing him in, slew him, all his men then shifting forthemselves. This hapned A. M. 3844.* 1.552 of the Greeks or Seleucidae the 152. in the se∣cond of Demetrius Soter, and after he led the People, from his Fathers death, six years.

62. A great famine then raging,* 1.553 almost all the Country submitted to Ba∣chides, that they might the more commodiously get bread, and he made such wicked persons Governours, as bringing to him the friends of Judas, he mocked them, and revenged himself upon them. But such of them as remained, and could do it, assembled themselves together, and chose Jonathan (Sirnamed Apphus) their Captain in the room of Judas his brother, which Bachides hearing sought to kill him, but he understanding thereof, fled into the Desert Thecoa, having sent his brother John (Sirnamed Gaddis) with a party to the Nabathaean Arabs,* 1.554 to desire they might leave their baggage amongst them. He going down with it, was met in the way by the children of Iambri from Medaba, who killing him and those with him, seized upon the prey; but no great joy had they of their booty; for Jonathan and his brother Simon hear∣ing that they were about to make a great mariage, and bring the bride from Medaba with great pomp, being the Daughter of one of the noblest Prin∣ces of Canaan, they went,* 1.555 and hiding themselves under the covert of the Mountain, when the Bridgroom and his friends came forth with Timbrels and instruments of Musick, rose up out of the ambush, slew many of them, and took the spoil; so having revenged the death of their brother, they re∣turned again unto Jordan. When Bachides heard this, he marched down, and came thither with a great Army upon the Sabbath Day, and Jonathan be∣ing beset behind and before with the Enemy, and on each side with the River and Marishes, encouraged yet his men to fight, and lifting up his hand struck at Bachides. But he declined the blow; then seeing himself too weak for the Enemy he leaped into the River after he had slain 1000 of them, and swom over with his men to the further side. Bachides would not adventure to follow, but returning to Jerusalem, built up the strong Forts throughout the Land, and placed therein strong Garrisons, that thence making excur∣sions, he might endammage the Jews. He fortified the Cities Bethsura and Gazara, with the Castle at Jerusalem, where he placed Soldiers with pro∣visions, and taking the sons of the chief of the Country for Hostages, he se∣cured them in the later.

63.* 1.556 The Ambassadors sent by Maccabaeus to the Romans were well re∣ceived, and entered into a League and society with the Romans, which be∣ing written in Tables of brasse, contained an ingagement mutually to succour and relieve each other.* 1.557 The Senate also wrote to Demetrius, charging him no more to hurt or indammage the Jews, being their confederates, under pain of being prosecuted with War both at Land and Sea. Not long after Alcimus the High-priest commanded the wall in the Temple, which severed the Court of the People from that of the Gentiles, to be pulled down, which had been built by Zorobabel, and the Prophets,* 1.558 whose monuments he began to pull down and destroy; but at the same time he was so smitten that he could not open his mouth,* 1.559 being taken with a Palsie, so as he could not speak nor give order concerning his house, and died with great torment. When Ba∣chides

saw that he was dead, he returned unto the King. Two years then did the Land continue quiet, but at the end thereof, certain wicked persons sent for Bachides to return, telling him he might easily apprehend Jonathan and all his Company in one night, at which message he arose with great haste, and sent letters privily to his adherents to take them, but they having notice of it, took fifty of these men, which had been the greatest sticklers, and slew them. Then Jonathan departing into the Wildernesse, built up the walls of Beth∣busin, and fortified it, which Bachides having notice of went down thither, and closely besieged it; but such was his entertainment from the besieged (who getting out killed his men, and burnt his engines,) that having lain be∣fore the place a long time to no purpose, and seeing his journy to be frustrate, he eased his stomach against those that had been the cause of his Expedition, and putting to death many of them, resolved to retreat into his own Country. Jonathan having notice of this, sent to him to treat of Peace, and exchange the prisoners,* 1.560 which he gladly accepted of, and made an oath never more to disturb him. Returning then home he never brake it; so that the Warre being removed, Jonathan dwelt at Machmas (or Michmash) in the Tribe of Benjamin, began to govern the People, and destroy the ungodly out of Israel.

64. Aritrathes (the fifth of that name) King of Cappadocia,* 1.561 maried (as we said before) Antiochis the daughter of Antiochus the Great. She having no children by him at the first, introduced two suppositions boyes, Ariarathes and Orophernes, he knowing nothing hereof; but a little after growing fruit∣ful, she brought forth two daughters, and a son called Mithridates, and then acquainting her husband with what she had formerly done, procured the two Counterfeits to be sent, the one to Rome, and the other into Ionia, lest they should disturb the true one in his succession, who, being named Aria∣rathes, and brought up in the fashions and customs of the Greeks, obtained the Kingdom after his Fathers death. Orophernes afterwards resolving to venture for it, came to Demetrius, complaining he was injuriously deprived of the Kingdom by his younger brother,* 1.562 and craved his assistance for the re∣covery of it. He being offended at Ariarathes for the refusing the mariage of his sister the widdow of Perseus, bargained with Orophernes for 1000 Talents, and expelled Ariarathes from Cappadocia, though he was helped by Eume∣nes King of Pergamus. Orophernes having thus invaded the Kingdom, be∣haved himself not like one who intended to secure it to himself in the love of his People, but raging against them with pillages and slaughters, and cor∣rupting himself with the luxurie of Ionia (where he had been brought up) pulled upon him the hatred of all his Subjects, which he perceiving, made onely as an occasion further to prosecute his wicked and unseasonable de∣signs. Ariarathes went straight to Rome to crave aid; and the Ambassadors both of Demetrius and the other, followed to excuse what was done, and re∣criminate him, which those of Orophernes performed so dexterously, that no body being present that could confute their lies, they seemed to gain credit, and Ariarathes because he had been the confederate of the Romans, was ordered to reign together with his brother. This was all he got at Rome; but shortly after Attalus the brother and successor of Eumenes expelled Oro∣phernes and Demetrius quite out of Cappadocia,* 1.563 and restored him to the en∣tire possession of his Kingdom.

65. Not long after,* 1.564 Demetrius casting in his head how to inlarge his Domini∣ons, offered Arch••as, the Governour of Cyprus for Ptolomy Philometor, 500 Talents to betray the Island into his hands; which the man consented to, but being discovered and sentenced, prevented the execution by hanging himself. Being thus frustrated in this design, he thenceforth giving himself up to idlenesse, having built a Castle fortified with 4 Towers not far from An∣tioch, wherein he passeth away the time without any attendance of State affaires, out of the sight of his Subjects. Hereby he contracted such ha∣tred, that the Antiochians revolted from him, and made choice of Oropher∣nes, then living in exile at his Court, who so badly required him for his for∣mer

kindnesse, as to conspire with them to rob him of his Kingdom and life. He getting knowledge of this, spared his life, lest he should free Ari∣arathes from the fear of a competitor, and caused him to be kept securely at Seleucia; but the Antiochians not at all terrified from their attempt, went on in their rebellion,* 1.565 to which Attalus of Asia, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, and Ptolomy lending their helping hand, they suborned a young man of the basest condition (by one(a) 1.566 called Prompalus, by others(b) 1.567 Balas, and(c) 1.568 Balles) giving him the name of Alexander, and reporting him to be son of Antiochus Epiphanes, to recover as it, were his Fathers Kingdom by force. This youth, together with Laodice Antiochus his daughter, did(d) 1.569 He∣raclides (whom Demetrius cast out, as we said, of the Office of Treasurer at Babylon) cary to Rome, where he brought him into the Senate, and cau∣sed him to desire that he might be helped in the recovery of the Kingdom, at least that he might not be hindred in his indeavour that way; then he second∣ing him inveighed against Demetrius, and heaped up the praises and merits of Antiochus so far, as though to all sober minded men his impudence was distaste∣ful as well as his person, yet he so bewitched the generality of the Fathers, that a Decree was made, whereby power was given to them to return, and aid ordered them for the recovery of the Kingdom (being the children of their late friend and allie) as they had required.

66. Heraclides having obtained this act of the Senate,* 1.570 presently hired Souldiers, and getting many eminent men to joyn with him, went to Ephe∣sus, where he made all possible preparation for the War. Not long after Alexander got Ptolemais a City of Phoenicia, being betrayed to him by the Garrison Soldiers, which Demetrius hearing, gathered together his Forces to go and fight with him, but considering the uncertainty of the chance of War,* 1.571 sent away his two sons Demetrius and Antiochus unto Cnidus to be out of the danger, and be reserved to revenge his death or deprivation if need should require. He sent also to Jonathan the Captain of the Jews, to renew Peace with him, giving him power to raise forces against Alexander, and comman∣ding the Hostages kept in the Castle at Jerusalem to be restored to him, which he using as a good opportunity, began to build Jerusalem anew, and repair the walls, but Alexander having notice of Demetrius his message, and the promises made by him, sent to him in like manner, and amongst ma∣ny privileges and immunities granted to the Nation, appointed him to be the High-priest,* 1.572 sending him Purple and a Crown of Gold. So, in the se∣venth moneth of the 160 year of the Seleucidae, Jonathan put on the holy robe, in the ninth after the death of his brother Judas (the Priesthood ha∣ving been vacant seven years from the death of Aleimus) being the first of the Hasmonaeans that arrived at this dignity, and of the priestly family,* 1.573 but not of the Pontificial, to which Onias (who now was in Aegypt) was next heir. Demetrius hearing of the agreement his Enemy had made with the Jews, was sore troubled thereat, and laboured again by incredible promises to allure them to his own party; but they having had experience formerly how his affections stood towards them, refused to entertain his overtures. Balas gathering his forces together, not onely those that revolted to him in Syria, but his Auxiliaries also sent from Jonathan, Ariarathes, Attalus, and especially from Ptolomy Philometor, gave battel to Demetrius, whose left wing put those to flight which fought against it, but the right having the con∣trary fortune was forced to run, which yet he would not do, though in it, but fighting manfully, light with his Horse into a bog, where he fought stoutly on his feet,* 1.574 till at last he was slain with wany wounds, after he had reigned twelve years. A. M. 3854, the second of the 157 Olympiad, of the Se∣loucidae the 161.

67. Alexander Balas obtained the Kingdom,* 1.575 and shortly after his posses∣sion of it, remembring how much he was beholding to Ptolomy Philometor for it, sent to him for his Daughter to wife, which he willingly assenting to, brought her to Ptolemais, and maried her to him with royal magnificence. Thither came down Jonathan from Jerusalem, bringing presents for both the

Kings,* 1.576 but was followed by divers naughty persons to accuse him; Yet Alex∣ander was so far from listning to any tales, that he caused him to be clothed in purple, to fit near him, and by proclamation commanded all his accusers to forbear, at which they being discouraged, went their wayes.* 1.577 After this Alexander giving up himself to idlenesse, & luxurie, and minding nothing else, the affaires of the State were wholly managed by one Ammonius, who made slaughter of all his friends, and amongst the rest slew Laodice the Daughter of Epiphanes. Which being heard by Demetrius the eldest Son of Demetrius Soter, he hired Soldiers in Crete, and came into Cilicia, at which the other being affrighted, hasted to Antioch to secure his estate before his coming, where he made Hierax, and Diodotus (or Tryphon) governours. With De∣metrius joyned Apollonius the Governour of Coelesyria, who being ordered to fight against the Jews, who still stood true to Alexander, with great pride provoked Jonathan to fight with him,* 1.578 and he accordingly marched from Je∣rusalem against him with 10000 men. In his way he took Joppe, which Apol∣lonius understanding marched to Ashdod, and left an Ambush in the way to intrap him, but he getting clear of the Ambush, put all his forces to flight,* 1.579 whereof many men fled into the Temple of the idol Dagon, which he set on fire, and what by this means and by the sword perished about 8000 men. This coming to the ears of Alexander, he honoured Jonathan more than ever: he sent him a button of Gold, wont to be given to the Kings kinsmen, and gave him Accaron a City of the Phililstins with it's Territories as an inheritance.

68. Ptolomy Philometor with great forces both by Land and Sea,* 1.580 came out of Aegypt, under pretence of aiding his son in Law, but indeed with an intention to seize upon Syria,* 1.581 and accordingly all the Cities being comman∣ded to receive him honourably, he placed therein Garrisons of his own. He got into his hands all the maritime Cities as far as Seleucia upon Orontes, and then being clear out of conceit with Alexander (for that he demanding Am∣monius who had plotted his destruction, he would not deliver him up) he sent and made an agreement with Demetrius, promising him to take away his daughter from Balas and give her to him, together with the recovery of his fathers Kingdom.* 1.582 The Antiochians slew Ammonius, and let Ptolomie into their City, who there put two Diadems upon his head; but presently brought them to receive Demetrius, promising them that this should make amends for the injury formerly offered his Father, and then the Soldiers revolted also. Alexander being now in Cilicia consulted with the Oracle of Apollo Sardo∣nicus, from which he had answer,* 1.583 that he should look to himself in that place which had brought forth a double formed spectacle, which seemed to point out the City Abas in Arabia, where a certain woman named Herais, being maried to one Samias turned to a man; and where he was slain not long af∣ter. For invading Syria with fire and sword,* 1.584 Ptolomy with Demetrius his new son in Law met and overthrew him at the River Oenopara, and then he flying to Abas, his head was cut off by Zabd the Prince of the place, and sent to Ptolomy, who though he received it with much joy, yet having in the fight received a great hurt in the head,* 1.585 upon the searching of the wound he died also the third day after. Such end had the strange fortune of this counterfeit Alexander, after he had reigned about five years.

69. Demetrius then according to his right obtained his Father's Kingdom,* 1.586 and for that he had subdued this counterfeitor of his family had (the next after Seleucus the founder of the race) the Syrname of Nicanor or Nicator. About this time Jonathan besieged the Castle at Jerusalem, and did all he could with his Engines to reduce it; but this being by some illwillers made known to Demetrius, he wrote to him, in anger, to raise the siege, and ap∣pear before him at Ptolemais, which he obeyed so far as to go to him; and partly by his presents and otherwayes so appeased him, as rejecting his ac∣cusers, he confirmed to him the Priesthood, and upon promise of 300 Ta∣lents granted him immunity from tribute, with the Principality of three other places. After this, seeing his Realm to be quiet on every side, Demetrius

disbanded all his old Soldiers, retaining onely some Cretians and other Islan∣ders, which so inraged them, being wont by the former Kings to be kept in pay, as an incouragement to them for future service, that they thenceforth became his Enemies, and shewed it upon occasion which he also himself presented them, being wholly ruled by one Lasthenes, who had helped him in the recovery of the Kingdom. By this man's advice, thinking himself se∣cure enough of his estate, he cruelly raged against such as had been against him, and plunged himself into bad courses; which (together with the aliena∣tion of the minds of the Soldiers) one Diodotus an Apamean, and one of Alexander Balas his Captains,* 1.587 considering, went to Elmalchueles the Ara∣bian, with whom Antiochus the young son of that Alexander by Cleopatra was brought up, and acquainting him how things stood, at length obtained to have the boy delivered to him, to be restored to his Father's Kingdom. Demetrius seeing his soldiers alienated from him, desired of Jonathan a sup∣plie, with great promises of respect and succour. He sent him 3000 men,* 1.588 which stood him in good stead, for he going about to disarm the Antiochians, they flatly refused it, and rising, came many thousands to the Court to make an end of him, but these Jews so repelled them, as slaying a great number they set the City on fire, whereupon the inhabitants were glad to submit.

70. Diodotus, or Tryphon, took Antiochus the young son of Balas, brought him out of Arabia into Syria, and there crowned him, giving him the sir∣name of Theus. Hereupon all the disbanded Soldiers came over to him, so that Tryphon made open War against Demetrius,* 1.589 and overthrowing him in bat∣tel forced him to flie to Seleucia. Then sent Antiochus to Ionathan messen∣gers with presents, and great promises, to draw him to his party, which he easily did, because Demetrius had falsified his word, and proved very in∣grateful towards him, who now therefore gathering his men together, reduced the Country beyond Iordan as far as Damascus, and overthrew a party which there met him, killing to the number of 3000 men,* 1.590 after which he sent an Ambassage to the Romans, to renew the alliance made with them by Judas. Tryphon having brought his design thus far on, as to break the power of De∣metrius, and having to that end desired the friendship of Jonathan, yet now de∣sired his ruine above all things, as standing in his way for the accomplishment of his intended treason.* 1.591 He resolved to seize upon the Kingdom himself; but fearing Ionathan might stand fast to the interest of his young King, and oppose him, came down to Bethsan to see if he could apprehend him. Thi∣ther came Ionathan down with 40000 men to meet him, who entertained him with exceeding great respect, and advised him to dismisse all his Ar∣my, and with a few go along with him to Ptolemais, which he promised to put into his hands. He consenting to this, sent all his men back but 1000, which taking along with him, upon their entrance into the Town they were all cut off, he himself being kept prisoner. Then Tryphon invaded Iudaea with a great Army, which to oppose, Simon the brother of Ionathan was chosen Ge∣neral in his stead by the People; so that he seeing the Iews prepared for re∣sistance, feigned as if Ionathan was onely detained for 100 Talents of Silver which he was in arrear, which if they were sent, together with his two sons for Hostages, he promised he should be released. Simon, though he distrust∣ed him,* 1.592 yet lest it should be said that he neglected any thing for his brothers safety, sent his nephews with the money, which having received, he never∣theless slew Ionathan, and then returned into Syria.

71. He presently after made away young Antiochus,* 1.593 for giving out he was troubled with the stone, under pretence of cutting him for it, he caused the Physicians to kill him.* 1.594 Then after he had gotten the Kingdom, he la∣boured to confirm himself therein by the approbation of his most powerful Neighbours, sending to Rome an Ambassador not empty-handed, but the Senate taking the present (a Golden image of Victory of great value) in∣stead of his name, ingraved that of his young King whom he had murdered. For all this he proceeded with great resolution, coyned money with his own effigies and name, having taken that of Tryphon upon him. Simon being

disobliged, and accounting his acts to be but as Robberies,* 1.595 sent a Crown of Gold to make his peace again with Demetrius, who considering the re∣spect the Romans had shewed his Nation, promised to bury all things in Oblivion, and confirmed the immunities formerly granted; so that the yoke of the Gentiles now being removed, the people began to date their instru∣ments according to the years of their High-Priests. The year after he had the Castle of Jerusalem surrendred to him, the Defendants being almost all consumed with famine, which he cleansing and fortifying anew, together with the Hill of the Temple, dwelt then in Ierusalem, and after he had been High-Priest about three years, by a publick instrument of the Priests, Nobles,* 1.596 and the people (after a recapitulation of his merits and services to his Nation, amongst which an Ambassage lately sent to Rome, and there well received, was a great inducement) he was made their Prince and High-Priest perpe∣tually,* 1.597 till God should raise up the true Prophet, and all Ornaments and Pre∣rogatives of Majesty were given to him. This being made in brasse, was fastened to the Wall that compassed the sanctuary, in an open place, and a Copy thereof was laid up in the Treasury, that Simon and his sons might have it.

72. But the Cities all over revolting from Demetrius, who, we said,* 1.598 was driven to Seleucia, that he might shake off suspition of lazinesse, he re∣solved to make War upon the Parthian, who had extended his Empire from the River Indus as far as Euphrates, and done no lesse things than Arsaces himself. The Macedonians and Greeks not well bearing the pride of their new Masters, the Parthians, sent to him often, with promise to revolt to him if he would but come up. He being tickled at this Message, made haste thither, not fearing but if he once were Master of these Provinces, with ease to drive Tryphon out of Syria; and being received with great alacrity, and strength∣ned with the Auxiliaries of the Persians, Bactrians, and Elymaeans, he over∣threw the Parthians in several battels, but at length being circumvented by the cunning of one of their Princes (sent,* 1.599 under colour of treating of peace, to entrap him) having lost his Army, he fell into their hands, and then being carried for a laughing stock up and down the revolted Countreys, was cast into prison. Arsaces having so soon recovered all, raged not against the Revolters, but carried it towards his people with humility and respect, and not long after sending Demetrius into Hyrcania, there maintained him with royal equipage, and not onely so, but gave him his daughter in marriage, with promise also to restore him to his Kingdom. But whilest Demetrius lived thus in exile,* 1.600 Tryphon's Soldiers being weary of his conditions revol∣ted to Cleopatra his wife, which then lived in Seleucia with her Children, and now taking it in great disdain that he had married Rhodoguna the Par∣thian's daughter, sent to his brother Antiochus (the second son of Deme∣trius Soter, whose sirname he also obtained from the Jews) offering him mar∣riage,* 1.601 and the Kingdom. He willingly accepting of the offer, took the name of King upon him, sent into Judaea to Simon, offering him great pri∣vileges to joyn with him in Alliance, and returning into Syria presently mar∣ried Cleopatra.

73. All the Army except a few revolted to Antiochus sirnamed Sidetes,* 1.602 or Hunter, so that Tryphon seeing himself thus forsaken fled to Dora, a Maritime Town of Phoenicia, whither he was straight pursued & blocked up both by Sea and Land;* 1.603 yet got he out on shipboard, and betook himself to Orthosias, ano∣ther Sea-Town of the same Tract, & afterwards to Apamea to his own Coun∣trey-men, where some way or other (for 'tis uncertain how) he was slain.* 1.604 Whilst Antiochus lay before Dora, Simon by virtue of their Alliance sent him out of Judaea a party of 2000 choice men, with silver and gold, and much furniture for the War; yet he would not receive them, but brake the League, and send∣ing Athenobius to him, complained of his holding Joppe, Gazara, and the Castle at Jerusalem, his destroying the borders, and having the Government of divers places of his Kingdom, requiring him either to deliver up the Ci∣ties with the Tributes of such places as were without the borders of Judaea,

or else to pay 500 Talents for the Cities, and the harm he had done, and for the Tributes of the places other 500, upon pain of being prosecuted with War. To these things Simon answered, that he held no Towns belonging to any other, but had recovered his own by right of War; but as for Joppe and Gazara which had done great harm to his people, he offered to pay him 100 Talents, at which the King was so displeased, that following at that time Tryphon to Orthosias,* 1.605 he left Cendebaeus to oversee the Sea-Coasts, with or∣der to build up Cedron, whence he might make War upon the Jews. He co∣ming to Iamnia made inroads upon Judaea, and built up that Town accord∣ing to order, which John the son of Simon then lying at Gazara understanding, gave notice thereof to his father, who now being decrepit, committed the War to him and his brother Judas. He taking with him 20000 foot, and a party of horse, marched straight down against Cendebaeus, and then placing his horse in the midst of the foot, that it might protect, and be protected against the Cavalry of the Enemy, which was exceeding strong, he overthrew him, and putting the whole Army to the rout, some betook themselves into the Fort newly built, and others flying away, he pursued them as far as the Towers of Azotus, which having set on fire, and slain 2000 men, he retreated safe into Judaea.

74. This successe of John sufficiently moved Antiochus to punish Simon, but it was done to his hand by one who of all others might least have done it. There was one Ptolomy the son of Abubus, son-in-law to Simon, and by him set over the Province of Jericho. He entertaining his father-in-law as he went his Circuit about the Countrey, to take care for the Government there∣of, slew him treacherously after a feast, together with his two sons Matta∣thias and Judas,* 1.606 when he had governed the people 8 years. His design was, being rich, to obtain the Principality of that Countrey where he lived, and therefore he presently certified Antiochus of his feat, desiring an Army of him, wherewith he might subdue the Cities of Iudaea. He also sent certain cut-throats to murder Iohn, Simons son, wrote to the Collonels of the Army to draw them over to him, and sent others to seize upon Ierusalem and the Temple; But Iohn having timely notice of his treachery, prevented his death by that of the Messengers, and was made High-Priest in the room of his fa∣ther: and here the Author of the first books of Maccabees concludes his work, having therein delivered the history of 40 years.* 1.607* 1.608 Antiochus taking the op∣portunity of Simons death, came into Iudaea, which wasting round about, he drove up Iohn (sirnamed Hyrcanus) into Ierusalem, to which he laid close siege, his Army being divided into seven parts. The besieged, being exceed∣ingly helped from the strength of the Walls, stood out manfully, so that he raised an hundred Turrets, from which he endeavoured to scale the Walls, and compassed in the Town with a double Trench, that none might escape, but they still defending themselves, sometimes sallied out, and did him harm. Hyrcanus seeing a great and uselesse multitude in the Citie, which consumed the victuals, put out the more infirm out of the Walls, whence being hin∣dred from going any further by the siege, they wandred about the Walls al∣most famished, till at the feast of Tabernacles, out of pity, they were again admitted.

75. At this feast of Tabernacles, Hyrcanus sent out to Antiochus to desire a Truce for seven dayes, because of the celebration thereof. He not onely granted this, but sent in also Bulls with gilded horns, golden, and silver Cups, with all sorts of spices, and beasts for sacrifice, and made a feast to the Army, by which the other taking notice of his great humanity (whence he was sirnamed Pius, as also, uncertain for what other reason, Sidetes) with∣all, considering that the Sabbatical year being now at an end, and the people being hindred from sowing, a famine was likely to insue, he sent out to him, desiring that the Iews might be suffered to live according to their own Laws. Many about the King advised him utterly to destroy the Citie, to blot out the very name of the Iews from under heaven, at least to dissolve their Laws, and change their course of life, so diverse from, and disagreeable to other

Nations; but he being moved by a principle of magnanimity and bounty, rejected this counsel, and approving of the piety of the Iews, commanded them to deliver up their Arms,* 1.609 pull down their Walls, pay Tribute for Joppe and other Towns without Judaea, and receive a Garrison,* 1.610 upon which condi∣tions he offered them peace. They yielded to all but the last, because they would not converse with the Gentiles, yet in Lieu of it chose to give Hostages (amongst others Hyroanus his own brother) and pay 500 Talents, whereof 300 at present, whereupon the siege was removed, and they were freed from any further incumbrance. Hyrcanus opening the sepulcher of David, who had been the richest of Kings, took out thence 3000 Talents, wherewith fil∣ling his Coffers, he first listed strangers in his Militia, and entertained Antio∣chus and his Army in Ierusalem very plentifully.

76. Antiochus Sidetes in the eighth year of his reign,* 1.611 three years after his departure from Ierusalem, undertook an expedition against Phraates the Parthian, to fetch back his brother Demetrius still kept there in free custody, who had twice attempted an escape, but being retaken still, was sent back to his wife and children, not so much out of any pity or respect of alliance, as be∣cause that King having an itching desire of getting Syria also into his power, preserved him to use against his brother, as time and opportunity should serve. Antiochus with a great (but extraordinarily effeminate) Army mar∣ched into Media, where many Eastern Princes met him, with all their hearts giving up themselves and Countreys to him, and cursing of the pride of the Parthians, whereby he got such strength, as overthrowing the Enemy in three several battels, he reduced him within the bounds of his own Countrey. But what he thus suddenly got, he almost as quickly lost again; for upon the approach of Winter, quartering his Soldiers abroad in the Countrey, the peo∣ple were so oppressed, what by the exaction of provisions, and their inso∣lence, that they again revolted to the Parthian, and upon agreement, at one and the same time, set upon them as they were severally disposed of in their quarters.* 1.612 Antiochus hearing this, with that party which lay with him came in to relieve the next to him, and there met with Phraates himself, against whom he fought most courageously, till being forsaken of his men he was slain, or else killed himself. Phraates had a little before this, to divert him from Parthia,* 1.613 sent back his brother Demetrius with a Guard of Parthians to seize upon Syria; but now repenting him of that, sent some to pursue him, and bring him back; but he fearing such a thing, had by his speed prevented it. Phraates finding a daughter of his, which her Uncle Antiochus had taken along with him in his expedition, fell so in Love with her, as he married her out of hand.

77. Demetrius then recovered all the Kingdom of Syria,* 1.614 though not long likely to hold it, by reason of that malice he contracted both from Soldiers and People.* 1.615 Hyrcanus the High Priest and chief Magistrate of the Jews taking this occasion, leads down an Army to the Cities of Syria, supposing indeed as it was, that he should find them unmanned, took Medeba in the sixth moneth, then Samega and Sicima the Metropolis of the Samaritans, and so to no King after Antiochus Sidetes were the Jews subject, but shook off the yoak of the Syrian Kingdom.* 1.616 The Parthian King intended to make war upon him, but was hindred by the Scythians, whom having sent for to aid him against Antiochus, because they came something too late, he denied them their pay, for which they harrassed his borders, and he opposing them with the Greeks, whom he had taken before in the War, and cruelly used, was betrayed by them, and so slain with the rest of his Army.* 1.617 Demetrius being absent in Aegypt, the Antiochians first, then other Cities revolted, not enduring his pride as they pretended, which he had increased by his durance in Parthia, so that he was forced to return; but they sent to Ptolomy Physcon, desiring him to send them some one of the posterity of Seleucus to reign over them. He sent them a young man, an Aegyptian, the son of one Protarchus a Merchant. A fable was invented of his being adopted by Antiochus Balas, whereupon his name being Zabinas (or Zabinaus) he was

sirnamed Alexander,* 1.618 and the Syrians being willing to have any rather than Demetrius, readily received him. Being come into Syria, it happned that the reliques of Antiochus Sidetes were sent at the same time into Syria, which being received very solemnly by all the Cities, he also counterfeited a true mourner, and got himself thereby much favour from his new Subjects, not discovering his tears to be feigned. Not long after he fought with Demetrius near to Damascus, and overthrew him, who then fled to Cleopatra his wife to Ptolomais; but being excluded by her and his sons, with a few servants he went to Tyre, hoping to save himself there by the religion of the Tem∣ple, and was slain by the procurement of his wife, or Zabinas, after his return from Parthia, in the 189 year of the Seleucidae, A. M. 3881, the first of the 164. Olympiad.

78. Alexander Zabinas then a counterfeit succeeded Demetrius,* 1.619 by the favour of the People, though he left two sons by Cleopatra, Seleucus and An∣tiochus sirnamed Grypus from his hooked nose. The former of these taking a Diadem upon him, at the years end his mother slew him with a dart by her own hands, because he did it without permission, fearing perhaps he might revenge his Fathers death, or being caried out with that height of spirit wherewith she ordered (and ruined) all things. Alexander entered into a League and alliance with Hyrcanus of Judaea.* 1.620 Three of his greatest Cap∣tains revolted from him, and seized upon Laodicea, but he reduced and yet pardoned them, being of a mild and pleasing deportment,* 1.621 whereby he got the affections of all men. But him he alienated from him whom it most con∣cernd him still to oblige, viz. Ptolomy, who of late had set him up. He despised Ptolomy now, growing insolent, as being able to stand on his own legs, which the other taking in great disdain, that a creature whom he had raised out of the dust should so requite him, laboured faster to pull him down than ever he had done for his advancement. He reconciled himself to his si∣ster Cleopatra, and for that Antiochus whom she had by Demetrius was yet alive (unto whom having bestowed the title of King she ruled all her self) he sent him great aid, and his daughter Tryphaena for a wife, which the Peo∣ple seeing,* 1.622 began to revolt apace from Alexander. At length they ingaged in a battel, in which Alexander was overthrown, who then fled to Antioch, where wanting money to pay his Soldiers, he took out of the Temple of Ju∣piter an image of Victory of massie Gold, jesting it out, that Jupiter had lent him Victory. But a little after attempting to remove secretly and take away Jupiter's image it self of an infinite weight, he was discovered, and for∣ced to run away by the multitude, after which being oppressed with a grievous Tempest, and forsaken by his followers, he was taken by thieves, and by them brought to Antiochus Grypus was killed (though some give other accounts of his death) after he had reigned four years.

79. His mother was sore grieved at his Victory,* 1.623 thinking her dignity was lessend by it, having an ambitious desire of reigning her self, with which she was so far driven, as to offer him a cup of poyson, as he once came in from exercise, which he having knowledge of beforehand, refused as it were in civility, desired her to do it her self, and then urging her to it, at length producing witnesse of her wicked intent, told her there was no way to clear her self but by drinking that which she had prepared for her son; so that be∣ing forced to do it, her wickednesse fell upon her own head. Being thus rid of his unnatural mother, he reigned securely eight years, but then Antiochus his half brother, the son of Antiochus Sidetes (begot on his mother, and from Cyzicus the place where we was brought up under Craterus the Eunuch,* 1.624 called Cyzicenus) began to be his emulator for the Kingdom, whom he then going about to poyson, provoked him to a more speedy attempt of what he had but before designed. At this time it hapned that Cleopatra the sister and wife of Ptolomy Lathurus, being divorced from him by the means of that notable woman her mother, came into Syria, and maried with this Cyzice∣nus, and for that she would not seem utterly to come without a dowry, brought over to him the Army of Cyprus, whereby thinking himself sufficient∣ly

strengthned against his brother, he joyned battel with him, but was forced to retire unto Antioch. Cleopatra continuing here was besieged by Grypus and taken; and then Tryphaena his wife and her sister required her to be delivered into her hands, that she might put her to death as her enemy and emula∣tor, and though he refused it utterly, as being against the custom of Warri∣ours to rage against the weaker Sex, especially when allied in blood so near as she was, and protected by the religion of the Temple to which she fled; yet she being more hereat enflamed, as judging his answer to proceed from love rather than pity, sent some Soldiers in, who murdered her imbracing the image of the Goddesse.* 1.625 This was not left long unrevenged, for Cyzicenus renewing the War, and giving battel again to his brother, now by the turn∣ing of the chance of War overthrew him, and taking Tryphaena, with her blood appeased the ghost of his wife, and expelling Grypus out of Syria seized on the Kingdom.

80. Antiochus Grypus fled to Aspendium,* 1.626 whence he got the sirname of Aspendius; but the next year returning, ordered the matter so with his bro∣ther,* 1.627 that the Kingdom being divided, he made him be contented with Coele∣syria. Both of them after this gave up themselves to nothing but idlenesse and luxurie, onely preying upon each other as their opportunities served them, which difference of theirs mightily conduced to the setlement of the affairs of the Jews. Cyzicenus getting of Ptolomy Lathurus 6000 men, went to relieve Samaria, which Hyrcanus besieged, by wasting his territories, but to no purpose. Afterwards it hapned that Lathurus being expelled Aegypt by his mother, and she fearing that by the help of Cyzicenus he might recover his Kingdom, she sent great supplies to Grypus,* 1.628 with Selenes for a wife (whom she had taken from her son before his expulsion) to provoke him there∣by against his brother, whence succeeded those civil Wars betwixt them, con∣cerning which we have onely the title left unto us in the Epitome of the 68 Book of Livie, who related the story. Grypus died first, being slain by the treachery of one Haeracleon, after he had lived 45 years,* 1.629 and reigned 26, wherof 15 were in conjunction with his brother. He left five sons, whereof Seleucus his eldest and successor made War upon his uncle Cyzicenus for the Kingdom, and overthrew him in battel, after which the Horse of Cy∣zicenus ran away with him into his Camp, wherein, when he was about to be taken, he killed himself, after he had reigned eighteen years.* 1.630 Seleucus after this, obtained Antioch, and the Kingdom, but against him arose Antiochus sirnamed Eusebes,* 1.631 or Pius, the son of Cyzicenus, who having avoided his snares by the help of a certain Courtizan that extremely loved him, went to Aradus, where taking a Diadem, he gathered forces, and in one battel clearly overthrew him. Seleucus then fled into Cilicia, where being recei∣ved by the Mopsuestians (as they are called) when he began to exact money of them, had fire set to the house wherein he lay, and was burned quick with those about him.

81. Two twin brothers of Seleucus, Antiochus and Philip,* 1.632 caried down forces to Mopsuestia, which having taken, in revenge for their brothers death, levelled it with the ground;* 1.633 but Antiochus Pius coming presently upon them overthrew them in fight. Antiochus taking the River Orontes in his flight was drowned. Philip escaping caried the title of King,* 1.634 and ga∣thering again considerable forces, strugled hard with Antiochus for the whole Realm, till such time as Ptolomy Lathurus calling from Cuidus his fourth bro∣ther Demetrius, made himself King at Damascus, so that they joyning their forces together, they both opposed Antiochus, who though he manfully re∣sisted, yet was put to the worst, and glad at last to flie into Parthia; whence yet returning after two years he re-obtained Syria. Philip being thus depri∣ved of that Kingdom, fell into contest with his other two brothers, Deme∣trius Eucaerus and Antiochus sirnamed Dionysus for the Kingdom of Damas∣cus, and being driven into Beraea, was there besieged by Demetrius.* 1.635 Straton the Governour of Beraea being Philip's friend calls in Zius the Arabian Cap∣tain, and Mithridates Sinax, who coming with a great power overthrew

Demetrius, raised his siege, and taking him prisoner sent him into Parthia, where he was honourably treated till his death, and Philip marching to An∣tioch again, as it's said, obtained the Kingdom of Syria, or (as is most proba∣ble) part of it. Antiochus Dionysus the younger brother getting Damascus into his hands, made War against the Arabians, and was slain in a battel with their King Aretas, who then was chosen King by the inhabitants of Da∣mascus, and thereby obtained the Kingdom of Coelesyria. The histories which onely give us hints of these things are so confounded, as no certain thing concerning the ends of Antiochus Pius or Philip can be assigned; yet this we find,* 1.636 that the Syrians taking occasion at these dissentions and Wars of the Seleucidae amongst themselves, began to think of forein aides, and cast their minds upon forein Kings. At length they all agreed to make choice of Ti∣granes King of Armenia,* 1.637 who being called in, held Syria for the space of 18 years, and by his dealing with them, made them know they had had no reason to rebel against their natural and rightful Princes.

82. Antiochus Pius being outed thus by Tigranes of all Syria,* 1.638 from Eu∣phrates to the Sea, and also of part of Cilicia, lay hid in another corner of it, which neither the Armenian nor Roman as yet touched; and his wife Selene with her two sons reigned (as it's termed) in Phoenicia, with some part of the lower Syria, till being besieged in Seleucia a City of Mesopota∣mia, or Ptolomais, she was therein taken by Tigranes and killed, for that she endeavoured to recover Syria, as justly she might, out of his hands. For fourteen years Tigranes governed the Country by one Magadates, till such time as siding with his Father in Law Mithridates the Great of Pontus,* 1.639 against the Romans, and overthrown by them, he was forced to recall him with his Army. Antiochus the son of Antiochus Pius, sirnamed Asiaticus, taking this opportunity, insinuated himself into the Principality, the Syrians being not unwilling,* 1.640 out of respect to the dignity of his family; and Lu∣cullus the Roman General (whose work it was to drive Tigranes out of his new acquired possessions) envying him not the inheritance of his Ancestors. Four years he kept it, till such time as Pompey the Great having finished the War against Tigranes, reduced it into the form of a Roman Province,* 1.641 though he challenged it as his inheritance; But it being easie to deal with him as he listed, who was utterly unarmed, he put it off, by affirming it to be unreasonable, that after the Romans had been at all the cost and pains to conquer Tigranes, the reward should fall unto another, and with saying that he would not leave it to him,* 1.642 lest he being unable to protect it, it should bee rendered obnoxious to the depredations of the Jews and Arabians. Thus Antiochus having never ill deserved of the Romans, was commanded to content himself within Comagena, whence his posterity never stirred, and the Kingdom of Syria fell. A. M. 3942, the second of the 179 Olympiad,* 1.643 sixty one years before the Aera of Christ, in the 250 of the Seleucidae, the 270 after the battel at Issus, after which it fell under the power of Alexander the Great, M. Tullus Cicero, and C. Antonius Nepos being Consuls.

CHAP. VI. The Aegyptian Kingdom.

From the death of Ptolomy the son of Lagus, to the death of Cleo∣patra, and the reducing of Aegypt into the form of a Roman Province, containing the space of 254 years.

PTolomy the son of Lagus had several sons by Eurydice his wife, the daugh∣ter of Antipater, and by Berenice,* 1.644 which woman was sent down by Anti∣pater, onely to accompany her, with whom yet he fell so in Love, as marrying her,* 1.645 he passionately affected her alwayes, and a year or two before his death made one of her sons, called afterwards Ptolomy Philadelphus, his Copart∣ner in the Kingdom, and more than that, served him sometimes as one of his attendants, saying it was more excellent than a Kingdom to be the son of a King. His eldest son by Eurydice seeing this, thought it was no staying for him in Aegypt, but fled to Seleucus, by whom being honourably enter∣tained, with some hopes of being setled in Aegypt after his fathers death, he so badly requited him, as he treacherously slew him, as we before shewed, Philadelphus, after his fathers death made away two of his brothers, the one as conspiring against his life, and the other as suspected to raise a Rebel∣lion in Cyprus. In power and riches he surpassed his father. Being learned himself above the common raite of Princes, he sought to promote know∣ledge, by rewarding the most eminent and industrious (of which flourished many in his time) and founding that his famous Library at Alexandria, con∣sisting of 200000 Volumes. Demetrius Phalereus that noble Philosopher, and sometime Prince of Athens, being he that was imployed in the Colle∣ction, perswaded him to send to Eleazar the High-Priest of the(a) 1.646 Jews to desire their Law, and that he might be the easilier induced to send it, by the Counsel of Aristeas (who wrote the story) he purchased the liberty of all such Jews as were slaves in Aegypt, to the number of about 100000. which cost him more then 460 Talents. He sent also extraordinary rich gifts to the Temple; and the High-Priest chusing out 72 men most eminent for birth, learning, and experience, dispatched them into Aegypt with the Law to be translated by them into Greek.* 1.647 Being nobly entertained, and feasted by him for several dayes, they were set to their work in the Island Pharos right over against Alexandria, which in 72 dayes with admirable agreement they are said to have finished, after which the King having exceedingly ad∣mired the wisdom of the Law-giver, and commanded the book carefully to be kept, dismissed them with great Rewards to themselves, and Presents to him that sent them.

2. He got the sirname of Philadelphus,* 1.648 not for any love shewed to his bro∣thers (two of whom he put to death) but to his sister Arsinoe, whom after an incestuous (though Aegyptian) fashion he married, having Children before by another Arsinoe daughter to Lysimachus; by his sister he never had any, she dying before she was delivered. Demetrius Phalereus laboured to dis∣swade his father from leaving him his successor, and counselled him to be∣stow the Kingdom on some of Eurydice's sons, for which he was now cast out of favour, and died by the biting of an Asp, which he put to his hand. He had a brother by his mothers side named Magas,* 1.649 whose father was one Philip a Macedonian, but of base Original. Him his mother had procured to be made Governour of Cyrene, the Inhabitants of which he now raised, and caused them to revolt from him, and marched with an Army towards Aegypt; and Ptolomy securing all the passages, went out to encoun∣ter him. But news coming in the way that the Marmaridae, a people of the

Lybian Nomades had rebelled,* 1.650 Magas retreated in all haste back to Cyrene, and Ptolomy then intending to follow him, was hindred by the Galls in his Army, whom he having hired amongst others, he found to have plotted to seize upon Egypt; but he brought them all to the number of 4000 through the Nile to a desert Island, where with famine, and other wayes, they were made away. Magas after this having married Apames the daughter of An∣tiochus Soter, perswaded him to break the League betwixt him and his bro∣ther, and invade Egypt, which he prepared to do; but Ptolomy sent several parties abroad into Syria, and found him so much work at home, that he could have no time to look abroad,* 1.651 and Magas before his death having a desire to be friends with his brother, betrothed his daughter to his son. Be∣twixt this Ptolomy, and the next Antiochus sirnamed Theos were continual Wars, till both being weary thereof entered into an Alliance, Ptolomy gi∣ving him in marriage his daughter Berenice, which proved but an occasion of greater trouble, and the destruction of the Bride, though he lived not to see it. For he, notwithstanding all his learning, gave himself up to luxury, and fondly dreaming he should live alwayes, and that by him alone was found out immortality, presently died, after he had reigned 38 years alone,* 1.652 and one (with some odd moneths) together with his father, A. M. 3758. and the 2d of the 133^th Olympiad.

3. Ptolomy his son by Arsinoe, the daughter of Lysimachus,* 1.653 succeeded him in the 16^th year of Antiochus Theos, and was sirnamed Euergetes. As soon as he came to the Kingdom, he had work enough made him in Syria; for there Antiochus,* 1.654 who had put away his former wife (upon the marriage of Berenice his sister) now overcome with Love, took her, and her Children, again into his Court, whereupon she fearing yet his ficklenesse, and another disgrace, to prevent it, procured him to be poysoned,* 1.655 and conveyed his King∣dom to Seleucus Callinicus her eldest son. Berenice she committed to two of the Chief of Antioch to be made away, but the Lady, when she heard that some were sent to kill her, shut up her self in Daphna, where being besieged, the Cities of Asia,* 1.656 moved with the remembrance of the Dignity of her fa∣mily, sent her aid, and Ptolomy her brother marched in all haste possible to de∣liver her, but ere she could be relieved she was circumvented by those that with an Oath promised her security, and slain together with her young son. Out of disdain at this unworthy act the Cities revolted to Ptolomy, who en∣tring Syria killed Laodice, passed to Babylon,* 1.657 and got almost all Asia into his hands, at which time he visited Jerusalem also, where he offered many sacrifices of praise to God, and dedicated gifts suitable to so great a victory. The Kingdom of Syria had become a Province to that of Egypt, in all proba∣bility at this time, had he not been recalled by domestick troubles, which be∣ing very urgent, he left Cilicia to the Governance of Antiochus his great favourite, to Xanthippus another of his Captains the Provinces beyond Eu∣phrates, and so plundring Seleucus his Kingdom of 40000 Talents of silver, he carried down also many costly Vessels and Images of Idols to the number of 2500. amongst which were those which Cambyses had after his overthrow of Amasis, and Psammiticus, conveyed out of Egypt: And therefore the E∣gyptians, because after so many years he had restored to them their gods, ho∣noured him with the sirname of Euergetes.

4. Seleucus provided a Fleet for the recovery of the places revolted,* 1.658 but before he could come to use it, lost it all by a Tempest, which yet proved the greatest gain; for the Cities out of commiseration of his estate, and as if he had already sufficiently smarted for his paricide, returned again to their obe∣dience. Being exceedingly encouraged, and animated herewith (as richer by his losse) he then made War upon Ptolomy; but as if he had been born for a laughing stock to fortune, and not recovered the Kingdom for himself, he was overthrown again in battel, and as destitute of followers, as after the shipwrack, fled to Antioch, when applying a remedy worse than the dis∣ease, he sent to his brother Antiochus (from his ravenous disposition sir∣named Hierax) for aid; and so Ptolomy fearing himself not to be able to

graple with both,* 1.659 made a Truce with him for ten years. Whilest he was abroad in Asia, his wife Berenice, daughter to his Uncle Magas, and be∣trothed to him, as we said before, vowed to consecrate her hair to the gods, in case he returned safe, and accordingly cutting it off, laid it up in a certain Chapel, whereupon Conon the Mathematician, who flourished at this time, out of flattery to them both, feigned it to be taken up into heaven, and in∣vented that constellation which yet is known by the name of it. In his time a Phoenix is reported the third time after the dayes of Sesostris, and the next after them of Amasis to have flown (being a bird sacred to the Sun) accom∣panied with a great number of other birds, admiring her new face, to the Citie Heliopolis, as Tacitus tells us,* 1.660 who reports that the same thing hapned afterwards in the reign of Tiberius; Paulus Fabius, and L. Vitellius being Consuls. To this Ptolomy fled Cleomenes the King of Sparta after his over∣throw received from Antigonus Doson of Macedonia, and the Achaeans,* 1.661 who honorably receiving him, and prizing him very much for his worth, was much ashamed that he had suffered such a man to be defeated, and promised to re-establish him; but he died before he could bring it about, after he had reigned 24 years, in the 139^th Olympiad, within which Polybius* 1.662 observes both Antigonus Doson, and Seleucus Ceraunus, King of Ma∣cedonia, to have left the World, and their Kingdoms to their Succes∣sors.

5. His son succeeded him, being sirnamed Philopater, ironically, if we be∣lieve Justin,* 1.663 who out of Trogus accuseth him of making away both father and mother. Certainly if we look at his general carriage and disposition, he was likely enough to do it, giving up himself to all luxury and effeminate∣nesse, thereby neglecting his affairs, whence he obtained the name of Try∣phon.* 1.664* 1.665 Finding his brother Magas by his mothers means to be very great with the Army, he made them both away by the means of Sosibius, who was his greatest Counsellour, and manager of his publick businesse. His lazinesse, and neglect, encouraged Antiochus the Great to make War upon him for Coe∣lesyria, in which, though he got the better, yet can it not be ascribed to any thing of his, he thinking of nothing lesse than preparation for resistance, and whereas he had opportunity enough after the battel to have outed his Ene∣my of Syria, yet being overjoyed that he had recovered Coelesyria onely, he sent Sosibius to confirm the peace. In his return out of Syria he went to Jerusalem, and would needs see the inward holy places of the Temple, but was smitten so with a blind horror, that he fell, and could scarcely be re∣covered to himself, but departing home raged against the Jews at Alexandria. Then with great earnestnesse returning to his a little intermitted jollities he doted so upon Agathoclea his Concubine, that he killed his sister and wife Eurydice, and forgetting all credit and Majesty, spent the nights in fil∣thinesse, and the dayes in feasting. These things at first privately acted with∣in the Court Walls, presently shamed nor at the publick view; the impu∣dence of the Strumpet containing it self in no bounds, being increased by the favour of her brother Agathocles, one of as filthy a life as her self, and the Conjunction of her mother Euanthe, who spent high, and presumed much on the score of her Children's great grace with the King. Henceforth these women not contenting themselves with the King, possessed the Kingdom al∣so, and shamed not to appear in publick in great equipage to be reverenced. As for Agathocles, he reigned, and not Ptolomy, by the direction and ad∣vice of his two Assistants, Mother and Sister, disposing of Offices and Com∣mands in the Army at his pleasure.

6. Yet,* 1.666 had Ptolomy the strange fortune to overcome all difficul∣ties he met with. Cleomenes the Spartan entertained, as we said, lovingly by his father, with promise to endeavour his restitution, now finding things to make for it at home, by the death of Antigonus, and the Conjunction of the Aetolians with them of Sparta against the Achaeans, earnestly desired to be dispatched away; but he minding nothing but his pleasures, and buried in sottishnesse, regarded him not at all. Sosibius indeed considered of the

thing, & called his friends to advise about it; but upon mature deliberation con∣cluded it not wisdom to dismiss him provided of men and arms, lest finding all clear abroad, his Enemies being now dead, or quiet, he, who knew sufficiently the state and condition of Egypt under such a Prince,* 1.667 might attempt some∣thing rather beneficial for himself, than safe for it. Hereupon its resolved he shall be retained still, and after some time an occasion was found to con∣fine him. For one Nicagoras a Messenian, who ought him an injury, co∣ming to Town, he not at all considering to whom he spake, jeered the King to him for his filthy manner of life; which he being glad of, as having an op∣portunity against him, acquainted Sosibius with his words, and they two plot together that Nicagoras at his departure should leave a Letter directed to the other, wherein he should accuse Cleomenes of an intention to make stirs in Egypt, except he were sent away according to the promise of Euergetes. This being laid to his charge by Sosibius, and soundly aggravated to the King, he was secured in free custody, having a large house, but kept with a Guard, assigned to him; whereupon growing desperate, one day when Ptolo∣my was gone out of Town, he made his Keepers drunk, and with his follow∣ers brake out into the streets, and called the people to liberty. But none stirring, being all astonished at the greatnesse of the Enterprize, they made for the Castle, which finding to be strongly defended, he and all with him, after a Laconian fashion, as Polybius termeth it, killed themselves. This was the end of this famous man, who being indued with a singular dexterity and promptnesse of wit, had a genious suitable to great and weighty matters, and was fitted by gifts of nature as well as experiences, for the Offices either of a great Commander, or a Prince.

7. Though Cleomenes his sodain and unexpected attempt made no such im∣pression upon the City, as that any insurrections ensued thereupon; (and indeed the luxurie of the Court had infected it and the whole Land with the same distemper) yet the minds of the People being something scowred by the Wars with Antiochus from this rust, and elevated upon their successe a∣gainst him, after the battel at Raphia, and the recovery of Coelesyria,* 1.668 they be∣gan to slight their lawful King, and then arose to such an height, as they clearly revolted, intending to set up against him a Captain of their own making, which shortly after they did, and waged War with him; though in what man∣ner, or with what end, we know not, further than thus, that, as it seemeth, he had the better of it, for he retained his dignity and power. About this time 60000 Jews are said to have been slain in Aegypt,* 1.669 who seeing they amounted to such a number, we may have ground enough to think that they took part with the People, and that his cruelty towards them ensued as a re∣venge hereupon, though others there be that judge the contrary, and deliver it as a thing not to be doubted of. This is certain, that about this time he grievously persecuted those of that Nation which lived at Alexandria, abu∣sing them first with libels, and seeking to withdraw them from their Religion. Those that refused to turn, were either put to death, or being deprived of all dignity and liberty, were branded with the image of an Ivy leaf as the badge of Bacchus;* 1.670 and because they were suspected to withdraw others from their obe∣dience to the King, all the Jews throughout the Land were in forty dayes space gathered together, to be destroyed by 500 Elephants,* 1.671 to which was gi∣ven wine mingled with much frankincence to inrage them. But in the morn∣ing when Ptolomy should have come out to the sight, a sluggish fit is said to have detained him until dinner, and on the next day such a forgetfulness to have seized on him, as he thought them mad which mentioned the thing to him; and then on the third, when the beasts were ready to be let loose, two terri∣ble Angels appeared, which struck King and People with extraordinary hor∣ror, and drove the Elephants upon those who came to be spectators of the cruelty. Hereupon ensued such a change of the Kings mind, as he dismissed the Jews, after he had feasted them seven dayes, and giving them leave to kill the Apostates,* 1.672 acknowledged God to be their protector. At length he died (leaving a childe of five years old, and begotten of his sister, behind

him) after he had reigned about eighteen years, A. M. 3801, in the first of the 144 Olympiad.

8. His son a child of five years succeeded him,* 1.673 being declared King by him before his death, in the 20 year of Antiochus the Great, King of Syria, and was sirnamed afterwards Epiphanes.* 1.674 The death of Philopator was for a long time kept close, by Agathocles and his party, till his mother and sister had rifled the Court, and he had found out such a way as he thought most effe∣ctual for the establishment of himself in that power he already enjoyed. Then brought he out the King to the Macedonians,* 1.675 and with great expressi∣ons of sorrow for the death of his Father, tells them the childe was by him delivered into the arms of Agathoclea his sister, inveighs bitterly against one Tlepolemus (who being a true Patriot was an eye-sore to him) as if he inten∣ded to seize upon the Kingdom, labouring to impose upon the belief of the Soldiers, and secure himself by their strength; but no man gave any credit to whatever he said, so intirely was he hated by all. The remembrance of the former outrages committed by him and his, being more freshly renewed by some other attempts of cruelty whilst things still hung in this condition, so inraged the multitude,* 1.676 that from all the quarters of the City flocking to the Court, they would not be satisfied, till having the young King first deli∣vered to them, they broke open the dores, and getting him, his sister, mo∣ther, and other of his creatures into their hands, they put them to death, mangling their bodies afterwards; it being natural to that People to be cruel if once in choler. After this, such as had an hand in the murder of Euridice the Queen were knocked in the head by her women. The infamy of the Na∣tion being thus in some measure expiated by the slaughter of these miscreants, Aristomenes an Acarnanian was made Protector of the King, his Realms and Dominions, who though for his own interest he beforetime temporized with Agathocles, yet now managed the affaires of his Prince with much honesty and wisdom. And indeed such there was need he should be at this time, when the King, being obnoxious by reason of his years to injury and wrong, was struck at by two the greatest Princes then living, viz. Antiochus King of Sy∣ria,* 1.677 and Philip King of Macedonia, who pretending fair things to his Fa∣ther, and nothing towards him but kindnesse, now sought to devour him, and make a prey of his Kingdom; Philip by laying hold upon Aegypt and Ca∣ria; and Antiochus on Coelesyria and Phoenicia.* 1.678 The onely remedy was to send to Rome to complain, and desire aid; and an Ambassage was quickly dis∣patched away for that purpose.

9. The Ambassage was no whit displeasing to the Romans, who sought an occasion against Philip, for his entering into alliance with Hannibal,* 1.679 and were seldom backward to medle in the affaires of other Nations, especially now fearing none of them after the overthrow of the Carthaginians. Ambassadors were sent then to the Kings, to require them to abstain from Egypt, and M. Le∣pidus thither to be Governor and Protector of the young King, whose Fa∣ther, at his death, left him to the tuition of the People of Rome; over and above that it was now desired of his friends.* 1.680 But ere the Ambassadors could reach to him, Antiochus had got Phoenicia, and other Cities belonging to Pto∣lomy into his power, and then despising their errand, went on in his conquests.* 1.681 Scopas the Aetolian a year or two after sent into Coelesyria with a great Ar∣my, reduced many Cities thereof, with Judaea, to Ptolomie's obedience, but again quickly lost all, being overthrown by Antiochus at the head of the River Jordan near to Paneae, whence he fled to Tyre, where the King be∣sieged him with 10000 men; and though Aeropus and Menocles, two fa∣mous Captains were sent out of Aegypt to relieve him, yet was he forced for want of provision to yield the Town, and march thence without his Arms.* 1.682 Antiochus then in pursute of this Victory, besides what he did in Coelesyria, withdrew divers places in Cilicia and Caria from Ptolomy, concerning whom also a rumour being spread that he was dead, he made haste to seize upon Cy∣prus. What Cities he had got in Asia, the Romans divers times by Ambassa∣dors demanded to be put into their hands, which being refused by him, this,

with his ambition, and other things, ministred occasion of a Warre betwixt them (as is shewed before) and that turned to the commodity of Ptolomy. For he being unwilling to have any Enemies at his back, sought to enter into affinity with several Kings; and amongst the rest gave to him in mariage his daughter Cleopatra,* 1.683 and with her in dowy all Coelesyria and Judaea; having this also in his eye, by means of her to get some footing in Aegypt, though he was mistaken. For Ptolomy his Officers understanding his cunning well enough, behaved themselves more warily; and Cleopatra together with the man maried his interest, and acted accordingly.

10. Scopas the Aetolian, Ptolomie his General in Coelesyria,* 1.684 returning to Alexandria after this overthrow, fell into discontent, and thence to plot a∣gainst the King and State. Yet though he had many Soldiers at his command, had he no heart to stir, and though having a sufficient opportunity in the mi∣nority of the King, he still delayed to execute his designs, till he was pre∣vented. For Aristomenes having discovered what he was about, just when he was plotting with his associates, sent for him to the Council, whither being constrained to come,* 1.685 he was accused by the King first now sitting in Coun∣cil, then by Polycrates the Governour of Cyprus, and lastly by Aristomenes, who laboured to prove him guilty of what was alleged, for that he was found in consultation with his friends, and refused to come unto the King when sent for; and he confirmed the charge from the testimony of divers eminent Graecians, and the Ambassadors of the Aetolians, who were then sent about a Peace. His answers were no whit satisfactory; so that being condemned not onely by all the Council, but such forein ministers as were present, and being secured that night, was together with his complices the next day taken away by poyson, being a man so extraordinarily covetous a∣bove all others, that having broke down the walls (as Polybius terms it) of the Kingdom, he had exhausted it with rapines. With him fell Dicaearchus one of his companions, who being tortured to death, thereby (as the Histo∣rian tells us) made satisfaction to all Greece, against which he was made Ad∣miral of the Fleet by Philip of Macedonia, when he wickedly set upon the Islands Cyclades, and also to the gods, into whom as well as men he thought to strike a terror, for casting anchor in the Haven, he there erected two al∣tars, one to Impiety, and another to Iniquity, on which he sacrifized to them as gods. This conspiracy being thus suppressed, such Aetolians as would, had leave to depart with all they had,* 1.686 and then the Country betook them∣selves to prepare for the solemnity, constantly observed when any one was saluted King, termed Anacleteria; for though he was as yet something too young, yet they thought that when it was known he was his own Master, and at his own disposal, his Kingdom would be more quiet, and his affairs be more promoted.

11. He caried himself exceedingly well for some time,* 1.687 and with great commendation, but afterwards was undone by flatterers, and so far corrup∣ted, as he poysoned Aristomenes, whom he had before constantly observed as a Father, and who had deserved well of him and the Commonwealth. After this he degenerated more and more, whence he contracted such hatred of his Subjects, as he well nigh had lost his Kingdom thereby. Towards his later end, having some high designs in his head,* 1.688 he sent Demetrius an Ambassa∣dor to the Achaeans, to renew friendship and alliance with them, who glad∣ly accepting of his offer, sent back to him Lycortas Father to Polybius the Historian, Theodoridas and Rhositeles to confirm it by oath on their part, and to receive the like assurance from him,* 1.689 which they obtained with a great pre∣sent of money and arms. Some six years after he sent other Ambassadors to them, now having well nigh fallen out with the Romans, offering them ten ships of fifty oares, sufficiently manned and furnished for War, which as of concernment, amounting almost to ten Talents, they accepted of most gladly, and dispatched back to him Lycortas again with Polybius his son (though he was too young by the Laws for such an employment) with Aratus the son of famous Aratus the Sicyonian, to give him thanks for the former present,

and fetch the ships into Peloponnesus; but he was dead ere they could get out of their own Country. For plotting now against Seleuous Philopator, who had succeeded Antiochus his Father in the Kingdom of Syria, and preparing an Army against him,* 1.690 when one of his Captains asked him where he would get money sufficient for such an enterprize, he answered, that his friends were riches to him, which being told abroad amongst the People, his Officers fearing he would fleece them to supply himself,* 1.691 took him away by poyson, after he had lived 27 years, and reigned 24 thereof. A. M. 3825, and the first of the 150 Olympiad.

* 1.69212. He left two sons and one daughter, all very young,* 1.693 of which the el∣dest son succeeded him, being sirnamed Philometor, in the eighth year of Se∣leuous Philopator King of Syria. After his Anacleteria,* 1.694 his mother Cleo∣patra the daughter of Antiochus the Great being lately dead, through the perswasion of Eulaius the Eunuch, and Lenaeus his principal Counsellours, he began to cast his thoughts upon Coelesyria,* 1.695 which being given to his mother as a portion, was unjustly kept from him as he conceived, by his uncle An∣tiochus Epiphanes, who now had succeeded his elder brother in the Kingdom of Syria. Antiochus hearing of their preparations for the War at Alexa∣dria, came down into Egypt to prevent them, and overthrew the King several times as hath been said,* 1.696 and got the whole Country, except that City,* 1.697 into his power; after which Ptolomy deliberating with Comanus and Cineas what was to be done, it was resolved, that a Council of the most expert Captains should be erected, by the advice whereof all things should be managed. The first resolve of this Council was, that such Graecian Ambassadors as were pre∣sent, should be sent to Antiochus about an agreement, with whom Ptolomy joyned of his own two others. The first day after their arrival, they were entertained very nobly, and on the next had audience, wherein they laid all the blame upon Eulaius the Eunuch, and urging the youth and kindred of the King to him, laboured to pacifie him. He after he had assented to them in these things, and spoken more to the same purpose, laboured with much earnestnesse to demonstrate, that Coelesyria belonged to the Crown of Syria, alleging it to have belonged to Antigonus the first founder of that Kingdom, and produced the conveiances of it to Seleucus after the death of the other, from the Macedonian Kings. Moreover calling to their remembrance, that Antiochus his Father had lately obtained it again by right of conquest, he flatly denied that ever he passed it over as a portion with his daughter, to the late King of Egypt, and so having discoursed on this subject to the satisfacti∣on of all his hearers, he then departed to Naucratis, where friendly treating the Inhabitants, and giving a largesse to such Greeks as dwelt there, he thence departed for Alexandria, deferring to give any answer to those that had been sent to him, till such time as Aristides and Theris were returned, saying, he would have all the publick ministers of Greece to be conscious to, and wit∣nesses of, all his intentions.

13. But no satisfactory answer (if any) was given,* 1.698 or any thing done for Philometor by Antiochus, so that being thus outed of his Kingdom after 12 years reign, and giving up himself for all that to nothing but sluggishnesse and luxurie, the Alexandrians took upon them to make his younger brother King, sirnaming him Euergetes, (though the badnesse of his manners made them afterwards change it into Cacergetes) being also called Physcon from his extraordinary fat paunch.* 1.699 Philometor was forced at length to betake him∣self to the Alexandrians too, who receiving him, made him partaker with his brother in the Kingdom,* 1.700 but shortly after again expelled him; which thing Antiochus made use of, and under pretence of restoring him continued the War, and overthrowing young Ptolomy in a Sea-fight, besieged Alexandria;* 1.701 but seeing that to be to no purpose, arose and departed into Syria, leaving Philometor at Memphis, to whom he restored all Egypt, except Pelusium, which he kept as the key of the Country in his own hands, not doubting but when one of the brothers had ruined the other, to come, and with ease enough devoure the Conquerour.* 1.702 But though his two Nephews were other∣wise

sottish enough, yet in this they shewed prudence, to disappoint him,* 1.703 for the elder seriously considering how little he ought to trust him, sent to Cleo∣patra his sister, who seconding him to her brother, both by advice and en∣treaty,* 1.704 procured a peace to be made with consent of both their friends, the Citizens of Alexandria giving way the more readily, because of the dearth which troubled them, by reason of the War as well when they were at liberty as besieged. This drew off the Vizard from Antiochus, who, whereas he ought to have rejoyced, if he really intended the restitution of Philome∣tor, fretted exceedingly hereat, and nothing would serve him, but needs he must come down again into Egypt, and had laid siege to Alexandria the second time, had not the Roman Ambassadors terrified him from his pur∣pose (as we shewed in its more proper place) and forced him to quit both Egypt and Cyprus.

14.* 1.705 The Roman Ambassadors took some pains by their Authority to make them two friends, not being throughly reconciled before, and so they continued for six years peaceably together.* 1.706 But then differences betwixt them arose so high, thar the Senate at Rome wrote to their Ambassadors, sent into Syria after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, by all means to reconcile them, of which mediation we yet hear of no fruit at all,* 1.707 for presently the younger expelled his elder brother. Philometor being thus spoyled of his Kingdom, with a very few attendants, and in a pitifull habit,* 1.708 came to Rome for help, making his Inn the house of an Alexandrian Painter; which when the Senate understood, they sent for him, and made as formal an ex∣cuse as possible, that they had neither sent a Quaestor to meet him (after the fashion of the receiving persons of his quality) nor entertained him at the publick charge, which hapned not by any neglect on their part, but by reason of his sudden and secret arrival. Then was he conducted from the Court to the publick House of entertainment, and desired, that laying off his unseemly habit, he would move for audience, and a Qaaestor was appointed to make him presents every day.* 1.709 At length, according to his desire,* 1.710 Canuceius and Quin∣tus were sent back with him to Alexandria, who restored him to the King∣dom, and made the two brothers assent to a division of it, whereby Philome∣tor was to hold Egypt and Cyprus, and Euergetes possesse Cyrene, the Cove∣nant being most solemnly confirmed. But Euergetes not being at all satisfied in his part, hasted to Rome to reverse the agreement, alleging that he gave not his consent freely at all, but out of necessity of yielding to the times; wherefore he desired of the Senate that Cyprus might be also adjudged to him, with the addition of which his part would yet be far inferiour to his brothers. Menethyllus being sent after him by Philometor, replied, that he ought not onely Cyrene, but his life also to his brother, so great hatred had he contracted from their subjects, that with the wonder of all, and beyond his hopes was that Kingdom bestowed on him, and urged the agreement most religiously made and confirmed, with faith given on both sides. But Ptolomy denying stifly all this, the Senate, for that it seemed to them that the parting of the Kingdom was not yet fully concluded, and especially thinking it to be for their interest that the division should be equal, assented to his re∣quest, and ordered T. Torquatus, and Cn. Merula to go with him, and put Cyprus into his hands. For the Romans understanding now fully the strength of Egypt, and considering what it might aspire to if united, wisely made use of this difference, and gratified the two brothers one after the other in their am∣bitious (but imprudent) desires.

15. Departing out of Italy into Greece,* 1.711 he there hired a strong band of men, intending to sayl with them for Cyprus; but the Roman Commissioners calling to mind the Decree of the Senate, which was, that they should reduce him without force, perswaded him again to dismisse them, and passe over to Cyrene, and they in the mean time going to Alexandria, would en∣deavour to perswade his brother to comply with the Senate, and bringing him along with them meet him in the Confines of both Kingdoms. He accordingly went to Crete, where hiring 9000 Soldiers, he passed over to Libyna, where

he expected to hear from Alexandria; but the Romans there treating with his brother about a reconciliation, and the yielding of Cyprus up to him, some∣thing he assented to, and put off others, on purpose drawing out the time in length. Fourty dayes with extraordinary entertainment he detained them at Alexandria, during which time news came to Euergetes that the Cyre∣nians had revolted from him, who understanding well the mind of his bro∣ther from his present carriage, and seeing nothing suitable to royalty in Euer∣getes, acting all things after a Tyrannical manner, could not bring them∣selves to submit any longer to his Government. Hearing this, he sayled to Catabathmus, thence to make for Cyrene, in which place he found the Straights kept against him, but sending some about to come upon the Defen∣dants on their backs, set upon them also himself, and so cleared the passage, but coming to Cyrene, and ingaging with the Natives, was worsted by them. Whether he recruited himself again, and recovered his Sovereignty here or no, we have nothing from History to speak expresly; but not long after he was in a capacity to attempt Cyprus (being encouraged by the Senates re∣nouncing their friendship with his brother upon his account) where he was also overthrown by his brother, and then besieged, and taken in the Citie Lapi∣thus. Yet did Philometor spare him, what for his innate clemency and bro∣therly affection, and for fear of the Romans; and not onely so, but made a Covenant with him when Conquered, wherein he restored him Cyrene, and for Cyprus certain Cities with a quantity of Corn yearly, and promised him his daughter in marriage, worse than this being not accounted incest in that Countrey.

16. Not long did they accord, for Euergetes,* 1.712 some two or three years af∣ter, being incouraged by his former successe, made another journey to Rome, where in the Senate he made another loud complaint against his brother, ac∣cusing him of plotting against his life, for a witnesse of which design he shewed skars upon his body, and aggravating the thing with all his might, endeavoured to move the minds of all to compassion. Two Ambassadors were present from Philometor to answer to whatsoever he should accuse him of, but all mens ears were so filled with the others accusation, that no place would be found for their defence; so that they were instantly com∣manded to be gone, and five Commissioners were appointed (furnished all with Gallies) to go, and bring him into possession of Cyprus; their Associates also, both in Greece and Asia, being written to, and leave given to as many as would to assist him in the recovery of it.* 1.713 What was done as to the re∣covery of it, through defect of History, we are ignorant, though some grounds we have to think he did not obtain the Island, and no more do we hear of him till his brothers death.* 1.714 In the dayes of this Philometor, Onias the son of Onias the third, High-Priest of the Jews, seeing the Priesthood to be alie∣nated from his family into that of the Hasmonaeans, living in Egypt, and ha∣ving well deserved of the King in his Wars, that he might eternize his me∣mory, petitioned him for leave to build a Temple in the Province of Helio∣polis, after the fashion of that at Jerusalem, signifying that thereby would be better provided for the quiet of his Kingdom, the Jews badly agreeing amongst themselves through the variety of their places of vvorship in that Countrey, and misapplying the Prophecy of Isaiah,* 1.715 concerning the spiritual Priesthood, and reign of Christ, to this his ambitions and unlawfull design. His Petition was granted, and in that Countrey built he a Temple resembling the true, and lawfull one, 180 furlongs distant from Memphis; onely he put therein no Candlestick, but hung up a Lamp in a Golden string, which cast a light about like to the Sun-beams.

17. In the time of this Philometor,* 1.716 the Jews and Samaritans inhabiting Alexandria fell out about their way of Worship, they contending earnestly that the Temple of Jerusalem,* 1.717 those that that at Gerizim was founded most according to the prescript of Moses, and so earnest was the dispute, that both parties appealed to him and his Council for a decision of the contro∣versie, who being to judge according to evidence produced out of the Law,

was to put to death those pleaders which could not make good their cause. For the Jews appeared Andronicus the son of Messalani, for the Samaritans Sabbaeus, and Theodosius, who being heard by Ptolomy in a full Assembly, all were so well satisfied in the proofs brought by Andronicus, as the King gave sentence on his side, and condemned Sabbaeus and Theodosius.* 1.718 Philometer about this time was deeply ingaged in the affairs of Syria; for, Demetrius Soter having molested him much with War, together with Attalus King of Asia, and Ariarathes of Cappadocia, all these agreed to suborn a young man of base condition, who counterfeiting himself the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, spoiled Demetrius both of his Kingdom and life. This Alexander (as he is called) being especially beholden to Ptolomy for this change of his condition, desired of him his daughter in marriage;* 1.719 which he readily agreed to, and brought her (named Cleopatra) to him to Ptolemais, where the nuptials were solemnized with great state. Afterwards Alexander giving up himself to cruelty and luxury, Demetrius, the son of Demetrius Soter,* 1.720 having hired Soldiers in Crete, attempted the recovery of his fathers Kingdom. Ptolomy with great forces both by Land and Sea, came then into Syria, under pretence of helping his son-in-law; but getting a great part of the Countrey into his hands, as far as the River Orontes, and the Citie Seleucia, he had other intentions, having conceived great prejudice in his mind against A∣lexander, the special occasion of which was, that whereas one Ammonius, a great Officer of his had conspired against his life at Ptolemais,* 1.721 he refused to give him up to him upon his demand. Wherefore, though he went to An∣tioch, and there set two Diadems on his head, the one for Syria, and the other for Egypt, yet perswaded he the Antiochians to receive Demetrius for their King, and taking away his daughter from Alexander, gave her to him; Alexander was overthrown, after which he fled into Arabia (as we said) and there was made away.* 1.722 But in the fight it hapned that his Horse being af∣frighted at the noise of an Elephant, threw him, which the Enemies per∣ceiving came upon him, and gave him such a wound in his head, that for four dayes he lay sencelesse, and though coming to himself, on the next, he was mightily pleased at the sight of the head of Alexander Balas, which was sent him; yet proved it not such a Cordial, but the third day after,* 1.723 as his Physi∣cians were busie in dressing his own he died, after he had reigned 34 years, A. M. 3859. in the third of the 158 Olympiad.

18. After his death the order of succession was first changed in this King∣dom. For whereas hitherto the son had continually followed his father,* 1.724 and now Cleopatra his wife with the help of the Princes, endeavoured to have it so, in his son and hers; yet his brother Euergetes the second, or Physcon, then reigning in Cyrene, withstood her purpose, and forced her, for to put an end to the controversie, to marry him. Coming to Alexandria, he first caused the favourers of the Child to be slain, and then the boy himself in the arms of his mother on their Wedding day, and amidst the solem∣nities; according to which beginning he proceeded, being nothing milder to∣wards those that had sent for him. For, giving liberty to the outlandish Sol∣diers to kill, and rifle, he filled all places with slaughters;* 1.725 many being ac∣cused, as though they had plotted against him, were made away with cruel torments, others under some pretence or other banished, and their goods confiscate.* 1.726 Having a son born of this his sister, he named him Memphitis, after the place of his birth, but whilest he was keeping his birth-day, that he might also feed his cruel humour, he put to death divers Cyrenaeans, who brought him into Egypt, for taxing him somewhat liberally for his too much familiarity with Irene his Concubine. As his cruelty, so also his lust knew no bounds; for ravishing first his wives daughter, and his own Niece, both by Father and Mother, he put away his wife and married her;* 1.727 whereat the Inhabitants of Alexandria being affrighted, for fear of death quit their habitations, so that he being left alone as a King of houses, and not of men, by Proclamation called, and gave leave to strangers to in∣habit them. It hapned that at such time as they flocked thither came al∣so

P. Scipio Africanus the younger, Sp. Mummius, and L. Metellus,* 1.728 sent from Rome to visit the Kingdoms and States of the East, and compose their differences. Scipio being landed, and having his face covered, the People flocked about him, and desired him to uncover himself, which he granting, they out of the great pleasure conceived at the sight of such a person, gave a shout. Physcon himself coming out to meet them, was exceedingly ridicu∣lous to them, being a man otherwise sufficiently deformed, of a low stature, and such corpulence, as his belly resembled rather that of a beast than a man. He provided magnificent entertainment, but they despising his dainties (as corrupting the manners of men) ate very sparingly,* 1.729 onely minded that they came about, and travelled into the Country, where viewing the several pla∣ces thereof, considering the populousnesse, strength, and convenience of their situation, they concluded Egypt a convenient seat for the greatest Em∣pire, if it had but Lords that knew how to make use of it, and so departed to Cyprus, and thence into Syria.

19. After some time he became so odious to the new inhabitants also for his cruelty, that they set fire to his Palace,* 1.730 and he was driven with his wife and son to get away to Cyprus, after which they restored the Kingdom to Cleopatra his sister, whom he had put away. Hereupon he raised an Army, and made War upon her and them, and fearing that they might send for his eldest son from Cyrene, and make him King, to prevent that, he murdered him; which being known, they cast down his statues and images. He taking this to be done as well in favour of his sister Cleopatra, as in despight of him∣self, to be revenged sufficiently on her,* 1.731 commanded their son Memphites a comely and towardly childe to be killed in his presence, and then his head, hands, and feet to be cut off, and being sent to Alexandria to be presented her, as she was feasting at the celebration of her own birth day. This struck not onely her but all the City into exceeding horror and amazement, and the sad spectacle was shewed to the People, to let them know what they might ex∣pect from such a King. He notwithstanding all this, yet went on in his own way; for considering how he was hated by his People, that he might reign more securely, as he thought in their weaknesse, he caused a place of pub∣lick meeting full of youth to be set on fire, and destroyed all therein either with fire or sword. Cleopatra having put an end to mourning for her son,* 1.732 and seeing her self pressed with War by her brother, sent to Demetrius Nicator King of Syria, and her son in Law, for aid, offering him the Kingdom for his pains in securing it. He gladly accepting the offer, came down, and wa∣ged War with Physcon for some time, but his People revolting from him at home, was forced to return, so that she being then in a manner destitute, was glad to follow him into Syria. Physcon then reentering, and being seized a∣new of the Kingdom, the Antiochians knowing his prejudice against Deme∣trius,* 1.733 sent to him for one of the posterity of Seleucus to reign over them, whereupon he suborned a young man and son of a Merchant, to mend the matter giving out, that Alexander Balas was his Father. The counterfeit by his help outed Demetrius of his Kingdom; but then not being able to bear so high a condition, for which he was never bred, grew proud, and despised him. Therefore to be revenged on him, being now reconciled to his sister,* 1.734 he pulled him down again,* 1.735 by sending aid, and his daughter for a wife to An∣tiochus Grypus the son of Demetrius. Not long after Physcon died, after he had reigned (from his brothers death) 29 years. A. M. 3888, and the last of the 165 Olympiad.

20. He left three sons and as many daughters behind him.* 1.736 One of his sons being base born, and called Ptolomy Apion, he left King of Cyrene by his will; as for Egypt he left that to his wife, and to either of her sons which she should chuse, judging that the State of Egypt would be better set∣led than the Kingdom of Syria,* 1.737 when the mother making choice of one son, should make the other her Enemy. She thinking that her youngest named Alexander would be more pliable and observant of her, laboured with the People to accept of him for their King; but they not at all yielding to this,

she was forced to call home the elder, Lathurus (or Lathyrus) from Cyprus, whither she had procured his father to banish him; but before she gave him the Kingdom she took away his beloved wife Cleopatra,* 1.738 and commanded him to mary his younger sifler Selene. Cleopatra being thus divorced by her mo∣ther, rather than forsaken of her husband, maried to Antiochus Cyzicenus in Syria (as we before said) and caried away with her the Army in Cyprus for a portion. The Queen mother, that she might be the more awful to Lathu∣rus her son, in the second year of their reign made Alexander King of Cyprus, and sent him thither, and then at the end of other six, took away from him, his wife Selene, though she had brought him two sons; and again to compleat her malice, stirred up the People against him. For taking such of her Eunuchs as were most faithful to her, she brought them wounded into the publick, ac∣cusing him of having endeavoured to make her away, and of so using those that were true to their trust in her defence: at which the Alexandrians being sore moved, came so upon him, as he narrowly escaped with his life, and then sent they for Alexander from Cyprus, and made him King.

21. Lathurus made but an exchange with his brother, as it fell out,* 1.739 mak∣ing himself Master of Cyprus, whither yet his mother followed him with het hatred, and War the effect thereof. Here he lay not idle, for Alexander Jannaeus at this time King of the Jews besieging Ptolemais, the inhabitants thereof sent to him for aid, and though they repented them of the bargain made with him, and sent to stop his journy, yet he came on, and at his ap∣proach the siege was raised. Then invaded he Judaea, and overthrowing Jan∣naeus in a great and bloody battel,* 1.740 harased the Country. Cleopatra his mo∣ther was sttartled at this his power and prosperity, and resolved he was to be brought down, else her affaires were but in a tottering condition; therefore sending a good part of her treasure with her Nephews and testament to the Island Cous, She came her self into Phaeucia, besieged Ptoelmais, and per∣secuted him into Coelesyria. He having some hopes to get Egypt into his hands in her absence, marched in all haste down thither; but being disappoin∣ted, and pursued by a party sent by her, he was forced to return and winter at Gaza. She in the mean time took Ptolemais, whither Jannaeus came to her, with whom a little after she renewed the League at Seythopolis, and then he prospering much in Coelesyria, Lathurus was forced to return to Cyprus, and his mother seeing that, departed also into Egypt. During these Wars betwixt the mother and son, it hapned,* 1.741 that he was once taken by her Gene∣ral, but dismissed again, whereat she was so inraged, as she put to death her Commander. Her son Alexander being afraid, that at length her cruelty might extend to him also, withdrew himself from her, preferring a secure though obscure estate, before a dangerous reign. She notwithstanding went on in her way, not neglecting her affaires, and fearing her elder son might be helped by Antiochus Cyzicenus, sent great supplies to Grypus his half bro∣ther and rival, with Selene for a wife, taken formerly from Lathurus, and by messengers prevailed with Alexander to return.* 1.742 Divers years then they lived and reigned together, but at length she really plotted his destruction, and be∣ing caught in the manner, was according to her deserts (though perhaps not his duty) put to death, after she had domineered over him, and expelled his brother eighteen years.

22. Alexander being known to the People to have killed his mother,* 1.743 such a Sedition was thence moved, as glad he was to flie for his life; and thence they recalled his elder brother Lathurus from Cyprus, and restored him his Kingdom for many years after his expulsion,* 1.744 being now (if we may believe Justin) so satisfied with his present condition, as of himselfe, hee would never have made War upon his mother, nor thereby sought to recover out of his brothers hands what he had formerly injoyed. About this time his base brother Apion of Cyrene died, and left the People of Rome his heir, which thereupon left the Country to it's own freedom; but after ten years was it sore shaken, and almost rent in pieces by Wars and Tyranny,* 1.745 which fell on it being destitute of a Royal Monarch. Lucullus going thither

composed the differences, and setled the Commonwealth as he thought, which after other ten years came to be reduced out of necessity to a Roman Province. From Cyrene Lucullus returned through Egypt, and in his passage being set upon by Pyrats, lost almost all his Vessels;* 1.746 yet escaped he safe to Alexandria, the Kings Fleet being sent out to meet him, where Lathurus entertained him with great magnificence, lodged him in his own Court (which favour had never before been bestowed on any stranger) and presented him with gifts to the value of 80 Talents.* 1.747 But he onely received what was necessary, and neither visiting Memphis, nor seeing any of the rarities of Egypt, being called away by his occasions, returned through Cyprus unto Sylla, whose Lieutenant then he was in the War against Mithridates King of Pontus. After this the Inhabitants of Thebes revolted from him, but in the third year he reduced them again to obedience,* 1.748 which is not to be understood of Thebes in Boeotia, seeing he had nothing there to do, but of the City so called in his own Country. Not long after he died, 37 years (wanting some moneths) after the death of his Father Physcon, A. M. 3925, and the first of the 175 Olympiad.

23. It's difficult to assign certainly who succeeded him.(a) 1.749 Some say Cle∣opatra his daughter, and wife to his brother Alexander; others,(b) 1.750 that Alexander's son being received into familiarity with Sylla the Roman Dicta∣tor, was by him placed in the Kingdom, then destitute of issue male. They may be reconciled, by that which is further affirmed by the former, viz. that he maried Cleopatra then Queen. Apian saith, that being seized on the Kingdom,* 1.751 the Alexandrians not enduring his insolence, on the nineteenth day drew him out of the Court and killed him; but Porphyrie reporteth him to have slain her nineteen dayes after he had maried her. Certainly though his reign be accounted no longer, and that of Auletes to begin here, yet can∣not be rejected that which is produced to the contrary. For, Suetonius re∣porteth,* 1.752 that Julius Caesar in his younger dayes having ingratiated himself with the People, attempted by their Tribunes that Egypt might be assigned him as a Province, having gotten an opportunity of extraordinary command, for that the Alexandrians had expelled their King, on whom the Senate had bestowed the title of friend and allie. This can in no wise be meant of Au∣letes, for when he was expelled and came to Rome, Caesar was then above such a condition, having spent some years in the Wars of Gall. And that King of Egypt mentioned by Cicero to have died at Tyre,* 1.753 and reported to have left the People of Rome his heir in his Consulship, can be meant of none but of this Alexander the Second, who being expelled rebelliously by his Subjects, lived and died there in exile; so that we must necessarily assign him (counting from the death of Lathurus to the Consulship of Cicero) about fifteen years; during which time of his life, he is to be supposed to have reigned longer than onely so many dayes, contrary to the vulgar opinion.

25. Alexander being expelled by the Alexandrians, they immediately set up in his room,* 1.754 the son of Lathurus, sirnamed Dionysius and Auletes, be∣cause he was too much addicted to the rites of Bacchus, and dancing to the sound of Cymbals and Pipes. He was base born, as appeareth by the Pro∣logue to the 39 book of Trogus, and so was also his brother the King of Cyprus, if that be true which Pausanias speaketh of his Fathers having no legi∣timate issue, except one daughter. After some years, they that set him up pulled him down; for his brother of Cyprus being most unjustly spoiled of his King∣dom by the Romans, through the malice of Clodius Tribune of the People, they pressed him sore, either to demand Cyprus of the Romans, or renounce their friendship. Being unwilling to do this,* 1.755 and by reason of his great ex∣actions which hee made for paying of his debts (contracted by his purchase of the Roman alliance) he incurred their hatred,* 1.756 and whereas he could neither quiet the tumults by fair means nor foul, was glad to withdraw himself out of the way, and went to Rome. At Rhodes he met with Cato, who was sent by Clodius out of the way, under colour of doing him honour,

to reduce Cyprus into the form of a Roman Province,* 1.757 who advised him to return, and be reconciled to his subjects, rather than leaving his former happy condition to expose himself to danger, and the avarice of the Ro∣man Officers, which Egypt it self could not be able to satisfie. Being by the Counsel of his grave and wise man reduced as into his wits, he was minded to follow his advice; but was presently again turned by his friends,* 1.758 and hasted to the Citie, where he had time and cause enough to repent of his despising the Oracle (as then he accounted it) of so great a man.

25. Being come to Rome, he created the Senate much trouble,* 1.759 being commended to it by Pompey, whom some reported to have been the cause of his leaving Egypt, more than any injury offered him by his subjects,* 1.760 that so he might afford matter for new Wars. He desired he might be reduced into his Kingdom by Cornelius Lentulus the Consul, to whom Cilicia was de∣creed for a Province; and upon the reporting of the matter, an order was made; Lentulus to stop Pompey's mouth, procuring him to have the charge of Provisions (in that time of dearth) throughout the Empire. The Alexandrians in the mean while ignorant of his voyage into Italie, and thinking he had some wayes miscarried, set over the Kingdom Berenice his legitimate daughter, together with Tryphaena her elder sister (called also Cleo∣patra the elder) and sent into Syria to Antiochus Asiaticus to come and reign with the women, and afterwards, he dying, to Philip Euergetes the son of Antiochus Grypus by Tryphaena, daughter to Lathurus late King of Egypt, but he was also hindred by Gabinius, then late Roman President in Syria. But hearing at length how things went at Rome, they sent 100 of their Countrey-men thither, to make their defence, and recriminate their lawfull King, which he understanding, procured most of the Messengers to be made away in their journey, and the rest coming to the Citie, he either took away, or deterred, or else perswaded them to hold their peace. The Senate hearing of this was grievously moved, and the rather, because that divers pu∣blick Ministers of others their Confederates had been made away with the rest; as also for that it appeared, that there was much corruption amongst themselves. They sent therefore for Dion the Chief of the Embassie, but Ptolomy his money had such influence upon him, that he appeared not, and not long after was also dispatched out of the way. Pompey harboured the King all this time in his own house, being yet desirous to restore him him∣self as Cicero signifieth to Lentulus then the Pro-consul of Cilicia, who still waited also for the employment. At length Sibylla's books being consulted, were reported to forwarn the people of Rome never to reduce him by force, and therefore to that purpose another decree was made in the Senate. A great debate then ensued how the thing should be done, some proposing one way, and some another, till at length Auletes perceiving it was neither likely to be effected by Pompey nor Lentulus,* 1.761 despaired of his return, and getting him into Asia, expected at Ephesus in the Temple of Diana, a better advan∣tage for the recovery of his right out of the hands of the imperious Rebels.

26. And he had not been long there,* 1.762 when a convenient opportunity presented it self. For Gabinius the President of Syria having grievously af∣flicted his Province by oppression, not thinking that sufficient,* 1.763 but hearing the Parthians to be exceeding rich, set his resolution strongly to invade them. When he had passed the River Euphrates, Ptolomy came to him with Let∣ters from Pompey, and offered him 10000 Talents (besides a great sum of money to the Soldiers, part whereof they should have in hand) to restore him.* 1.764 Most of the Officers were against the thing, and Gabinius himself some∣thing stuck at it, but being stirred up to it by Antonius (who then Command∣ed the horse under him) and especially bewitched by the money, notwith∣standing it was not lawfull for a President to stir out of his Province, nor un∣dertake Wars at his pleasure, and the people at Rome out of respect to the Verses of Sibylla had forbidden Auletes to be restored (at least such a way)

yet he onely made the difficulty of the thing a means to inhance the price of it, and omitting the Parthian War, undertook that against the Egyptians. Berenice had about this time called one Seleucus out of Syria,* 1.765 who vaunted himself of the blood royal of that Nation, and made him partaker of the Kingdom, marrying her self unto him; but finding him to be of a sordid, and base condition, made him away after a little while. Then an husband of a royal stock being enquired out for her, Archelaus the son of Archelaus (General to Mithridates the great King of Pontus) and who had been made by Pompey Priest of the Tomani, counterfeiting himself the son of the King, procured by his friends to be received on the same terms with the other, and reigned with her six moneths.

27. But Gabinius leaving Syria to the tuition of a Child, his son,* 1.766 marched for Egypt through Palestine, and coming to the sandy desart, sent Antonius before with the horse to secure the Straights at the entry of the Countrey; which he not onely bravely performed, but took also Pelusium, thereby gain∣ing entrance for the whole Army,* 1.767 which presently put to flight the Egypti∣ans. Archelaus himself was now taken; but Gabinius considering that per∣haps Ptolomy would be unwilling to give him so much money as he expected, if with so small ado he should compleat the work; being also soundly bribed by Archelaus, he dismissed him under pretence of an escape. A little after, the Egyptians (more earnest alwayes in rebellions than Wars) were utterly discomfited, Archelaus was slain, and all Egypt recovered, and restored to Auletes, who presently put to death his daughter, and the richest of the No∣bility, as they deserved, standing then in great need of money. Gabinius leaving a Guard behind him for Ptolomy's security (which stayed at Alexan∣dria, married, and begot Children, giving up themselves to the luxury of the place) went back into Syria, and thence to Rome, where his great gifts meet∣ing with the corruption of the times, onely purchased him his life, being fined for his bribery, and disobedient carriage.* 1.768 As for Auletes we hear no more of him,* 1.769 since that he died 4 years after his restitution. In the year of the World 3954. and the 2^d of the 182 Olympiad.

28. He left two sons, and as many daughters behind him,* 1.770 of which the eldest of either Sex he ordered should succeed him by his last Will and Testament; which he conjured the people of Rome, (under whose tuition he left his Children) by all the gods, and the Leagues he had made with them, should be observed; and one of the Tables of which were brought to Rome to be laid up in the Treasury; but this being hindred by publick bu∣sinesse, it was left with Pompey, who was also appointed Guardian to the young King in this his nonage.* 1.771 After three years the boy, or rather Pothinus (not Photinus, as he is corruptly called in Caesar's Commentaries) the Eunuch who managed his affairs, expelled Cleopatra his sister, and fellow both in mar∣riage and the Kingdom; so that she was forced to withdraw into Syria, there to make provision for her re-establishment by force.* 1.772 Not long it was ere she returned, having furnished her self; which her brother being aware of, went, and pitched his Tents near the Mountain Casius, at the Pelusian mouth of the Nile; where lying incamped, Pompey being then beaten by Caesar at the battel at Pharsalum, fled to him for defence and safeguard, chusing rather to venture upon Egypt than any other place, both for its nearnesse and strength, and hoping upon the account of his Guardian∣ship to be lovingly received. The King then a very boy (about 13 years old) gave no answer to his message;* 1.773 but those most potent about him con∣sulting of it, were perswaded by Theodotus his School-master to receive him, but then, that they might curry favour with Caesar, to make him away;* 1.774 so that being received with small civility into a little boat, he was slain ere he got to the other side, as is more largely expressed in the Roman story. His head was reserved as a present for Caesar, who coming to Alexandria, though at the first he was very welcom, and got much respect for his frequenting the publick readings of Philosophers, yet exacting the debt owing by Auletes, and not abstaining from the Treasure of the Temples for the payment of his

Army, he thereby incurred the great displeasure of the Towns-men, all things being made worse by Pothinus, who to his utmost ability incensed the su∣perstitious multitude. Caesar also accounting it to belong to himself as Con∣sul, and shortly after, as Dictator, to compose the differences of the Confe∣derates of the people of Rome, took upon him to judge the cause of the King and his sister, which bred such disturbance, as thereupon ensued a troublesom War.

29. There were secret plots laid for his life, which he being aware off,* 1.775 was glad to spend whole nights in feasting to prevent them, and gave way to Cleopatra to come to him, who knowing he was no hater of women, had sent to him to complain,* 1.776 and desire a conference. At the sight of her he be∣came her very slave, and turned from being her Judge to her Advocate, which thing so inraged the King, perceiving her now to be got into the Palace, that he rushed out to the people, crying he was betrayed, and pulling his Diadem from his head, cast it on the ground. A great stir arising hereupon, he was caught by Caesars Soldiers, and brought back into the house, which the multi∣tude thereat inraged now besieged, and Caesar with promise to do whatsoever they would, scarce appeased the tumult; his men being unprovided for re∣sistance, having not expected any such occasion from those they accounted their friends. Then taking Ptolomy and Cleopatra along with him,* 1.777 he read over their fathers Will in publick audience, which subjecting them to the tuition of the people of Rome (whose Supream and absolute Magistrate he then was) in execution of the said Will he gave to them two as husband and wife the Kingdom of Egypt, and to their younger brother and sister that of Cyprus, not leaving any thing to himself, but willing rather to add something of his own; such a fear at this time had seized on him. The people hereby was quieted for a time, untill Pothinus, fearing he might be called to account for what had already passed, kindled a new flame to divert it. He first objected, as well he might, what an unworthy thing it was that the King should be called to answer, and then added, there was reason to suspect, that whatso∣ever Caesar might pretend, yet at length he would put all into the hands of Cleopatra. He sent to Achillas General of all the Forces then lying at Pelu∣sium, alluring him by great promises in the Kings name, to draw down the Army privily to Alexandria; and he, being not backward to cloze with him, marched down with 20000 foot, and 2000 horse. Caesar had not strength enough to go out and meet him, and therefore contained himself in the Citie, yet commanded his men to be in readinesse, and kept the King with him; whose name he knew to be of great force amongst his people, and that there∣by this undertaking might appear rather to be the enterprize of a few dis∣solute, and factious persons, than any thing backed by his consent, or War∣rant.

* 1.77830. Achillas(a) 1.779 despising the number of Caesar's Soldiers, after he had entred the Citie, thought presently to have broken in upon him, but he prevented this by blocking up the wayes, and fortifying his house. Then followed a sharp contention at the Haven, the Alexandrians endeavouring to become Masters of the Fleet, and thereby to cut off all Provisions and supplies from coming to him; but he made a shift to burn all the Gallies, from which the fire seizing upon the houses adjoyning, consumed to ashes that famous(b) 1.780 Library Collected by the care and diligence of the former Kings. After this exploit so happily performed, he placed a Garrison in(c) 1.781 Pharus (an Island over against Alexandria (ennobled by a famous Tower of the same name) but three quarters of a mile distant from the Citie) and after a few skirmishes, sent about into Syria, Cilicia, and other places for aid. Arsinoe the Kings younger sister got out to Achillas, and joyntly with him managed the War; yet with such contention for the Chief command, as proved onely beneficial to the Soldiers, whom both by gifts sought to ob∣lige; for the contest at length arrived at such(d) 1.782 height, that lying in wait for the life of each other, he was slain by the help of one Ganymedes, who having helped her in her escape, was now preferred to be their General.

Pothinus all this while was not backward,* 1.783 but out of the Court sent messen∣gers to Achillas, to incourage him in his work, which being discovered cost him his life, and caused the King to be more nearly looked to. Ganymedes at his entrance upon the Generalship, stopped up the chanels, which brought fresh-water into that part of the City where Caesar lay, and with engines conveied salt from the Sea into the room of it, thinking thereby to discourage the Enemy, and force him out of his hold; but Caesar (though his Soldiers were at first daunted at it) prevented the design by sinking of wells, which abundantly supplied their necessities, to the wonder of the Aegyptians, who had no such invention. By this time a legion shipped by Domitius Calvinus, with provisions and arms from Syria, landed on the African shoar, a little a∣bove Alexandria; which Caesar understanding, went with his Fleet unman∣ned to fetch them in, and the Enemie having notice of it, drew out also against him. He receiving the men aboard, had no mind to ingage, because it grew towards night; but a Rhodian Gally, not keeping up with the rest of the Fleet,* 1.784 was set upon, whereby he was constrained to go in to the rescue, and so caried himself, that day-light onely was wanting to his compleat∣ing the Victory, by utterly destroying the whole Navy of the Alexan∣drians.

31. They notwithstanding this defeat, in which, and other wayes, of late,* 1.785 they had lost no fewer than 110 Vessels (yet being encouraged thereto by Ganimedes) set themselves to the rigging of another Fleet, which being in a readinesse, Caesar brought his about the Island Pharos, and set it in order against them. Both sides being ready to ingage, yet a narrow passage lying be∣twixt them, each expected till the other should enter first, as then having a better advantage, until the Rhodians desired of Caesar leave to enter the Streight. This once granted and done, they were presently set upon, and then relieved, till a total engagement ensued, in which the Aegyptians were worsted (not a ship of Caesar's receiving any hurt) and in their flight took in in Pharos,* 1.786 where they were received by their friends, and kept off the Ro∣mans for some time, but a length were forced to quit the Island with great losse. This being joyned to the main by two bridges, one of them in like manner was forsaken by the Towns-men; but the Romans attempting to gain the other, through the rashnesse of some in their company, were beaten off, and forced tumultuously to betake themselves to their ships.* 1.787 Caesar himself in the hurry was glad to leap into the Sea, and the Enemy following, to dive under water,* 1.788 and take breath now and then as he could; till (having swom almost a quarter of a mile) he was taken up into a ship. He lost 400 of his Legionary Soldiers in this skirmish, as many ship-men and rowers, yet nei∣ther he nor his Army were discouraged at all, but were rather incited to re∣deem their losse by some other exploit, which the Alexandrians taking notice of, sent to him, desiring he would dismisse their King, whom now they professed they were ready to obey; and if he should command them to be friends with him, they would presently yield. He knew there was neither any trusting of him nor them; but considering that if he dismissed him, they would be nothing the stronger, and if he should become the head of their party, the War would be more honourable, he gravely admonished him to act nothing contrary to the interest of his People, or his confederacy with Rome,* 1.789 and then gave him leave to depart, though he pretended an unwilling∣nesse to leave him, and notably counterfeited sincere friendship with feigned tears.

32. Though he being returned was very earnest for carying on the War,* 1.790 yet they seeing themselves nothing amended by the accession of his name or presence (which the Romans despised) and that they profited nothing by any of their attempts, were greatly discouraged,* 1.791 yet understanding that great supplies of men and provisions were coming to Caesar, they resolved once more to take the Sea, and cut them off: And they did much hurt to those that came by water, till he sent out his Fleet under the command of Tiberius Nero, and restrained them. But by Land came Mithridates of Pergamus

from Syria,* 1.792 accompanied with Antipater the Governour of Judaea, and Fa∣ther to Herod the Great, bringing down with him a great power of men, and pierced as far as Pelusium, which also was taken, with great pains and industry by assault. Thence marching down for Alexandria he took in the Country in his way, the Jews inhabiting those parts (though at first they made resistance, yet) being brought over by Antipater upon the producing of the letters of Hyrcanus the High-Priest. When Ptolomy heard this, and that he had nigh already reached Delta, a place not far distant from Alexandria; knowing he must needs passe the River, he sent out a party to oppose him there, which he received prudently after the Roman fashion, being intrench∣ed in his Camp, and easily sustained it's violence; till seeing them very dis∣orderly, and with great boldnesse to assail his fortifications, he issued out, and killing a great number, had utterly defeated the rest, but that by their knowledge of the Country, and by the Vessels which had transported them, they secured themselves. Whereupon rallying again they once more charged him, and a fight ensued in that place called The Camp of the Jews, in which engagement the wing commanded by Mithridates himself, was sorely oppressed,* 1.793 and had been totally overthrown; but that Antipater (who led the other) came in in good time to the rescue, put to flight the Aegyptians, and took their Camp; which Mithridates confessed by letters to Caesar, ac∣knowleging Antipater to have been the author, both of his safety, and the Victory. But now by this time was Ptolomy himself coming against Mithri∣dates, and Caesar also to fetch him off.

33. Both went by Sea, but Caesar first got to him, and took him in with his victorious Army. Ptolomy and Caesar encamped then seven miles asunder, the former in an high and most fortified place by nature, having a narrow Ri∣ver with exceeding high and precipitous banks betwixt him and the Enemy, which though the Alexandrians defended, yet Caesar's men got over (the Horse by passing the Foard, and the Foot by laying over a bridge made of long trees) so that Caesar sat down, not far from the Kings Camp. The next day he stormed a Castle in a Village near adioyning, the defendants whereof flying a main to the Camp, his men had well nigh entred with them; but coming to hand-strokes, were beaten back, being severally laid at, both from the fortifications and the ships. But Caesar espying a very high place, which by reason of it's natural strength was litle looked to by the Alexandrians, set certain Companies to get up there;* 1.794 which being performed, and a great cry raised on purpose round about, the Romans brake in, in several places, and made great slaughter. Most of the defendants fled upon the irruption, and in great heaps leaped down into the trenches, wherein they first being overwhelmed, the rest with great ease got over, amongst which was the King; but coming to take boat, so many pressed in after him,* 1.795 that the Ves∣sel sunk, and he thereby was drowned,* 1.796 after he had reigned well nigh four years. Together with him fell in this War (though most after another fashion) 20000 men,* 1.797 12000 were taken with 70 long ships, and 500 of the Romans are said to have been slain. Caesar in confidence and pursute of this Victory, with the Horse marched presently to the City, where he found now not any resistance,* 1.798 the Citizens entertaining him in a suppliant posture, whom he comforted and forgave.

34. Having thus made an end of the War,* 1.799 he laied not Egypt to the Ro∣man Empire, but gave it to Cleopatra, joyning to her in mariage (to colour the businesse) her younger brother as yet but eleven years old;* 1.800 but indeed subjecting all things to her will and power, with whom he was so familiar, as, out of love to her, he staied in Egypt nine moneths, and had done it longer,* 1.801 or else had taken her with him to Rome, had he not been called thence by the urgent affaires of Syria; and not long after she brought him a son, whom by his permission she named Caesario.* 1.802 At his departure he removed Arsione out of the Kingdom, lest any disturbance should arise upon her account, and left three Legions behind him for the security of these two Princes, who being disrespected by their own People for their respect to him, as yet were not confirmed in their seats.

35. As for the Government, Cleopartra reigned, and acted alone without the control of any, permitting her brother to enjoy the title with his life as yet. Not long after Caesar's departure, the eldest son of Pompey his Enemy coming to Alexandria, she is(a) 1.803 reported to have been as familiar and common with him; yet upon Caesar's invitation(b) 1.804 went with her brother to Rome, where they were admitted as friends and allies: for her a lodging was provided in his own house, and having built a Temple to Venus Gene∣trix (which he had vowed before the battel at Pharsalia) he therein placed(c) 1.805 her effigies beside the Goddesse. In the fourth year, her brother growing towards a man,* 1.806 she(d) 1.807 poysoned him, to be at her own liberty. After Ju∣lius Caesar was killed in the Senate house, she stood ever firm to those that prosecuted the conspiratours: to(e) 1.808 Dolobella, at his request of aid, she sent four Legions, and had a fleet ready to put out had the weather served. To Cassius, who with menacing language demanded supplies, she plainly refused to send any; for that he had an hand in Caesar's death, his threats only inciting her to go and meet Octavius Caesar and Antony, who were then making an Ex∣pedition against him and his fellow Brutus, the heads of their faction.* 1.809 He getting knowledge of her intentions, sent a strong party with 60 ships to hover for her about Peloponnesus; but such a tempest seized on her Fleet, that her design was broken, and having received great losse, and now fallen sick, she was forced to return into Aegypt. Antony after the overthrow of Brutus and Cassius,* 1.810 being left in Asia to settle the affaires thereof, thi∣ther she repaired to him in a strange antick fashion, and he, who, when he formerly served under Gabinius in Aegypt, had cast a wanton eye upon her,* 1.811 was now so smitten, (though 40 years old) that he also became enslaved to her in his affections. She ruled him and all his affaires, and procured him out of hand, to cause her sister Arsione to be made away; who being formerly led in triumph by Julius Caesar after the Alexandrian War, with the pity of all men, had for her brother and sisters sake been then dismissed.

36. Antony had no power but to follow her into Aegypt,* 1.812 where they spent their time in nothing but extraordinary vanity and dalliance. After his reconciliation to Caesar, and the making up of the breach betwixt them, by his marying of Octavia,* 1.813 Cleopatra fearing that this new wife might draw his affections from her self, pretended to be almost mad in love with him, pra∣ctising upon her body in such sort, that being reduced into a Consumption, she seemed not to be able to live in his absence; whereupon he gave over his intention of invading Parthia for that time, and returned to Alexandria. Not long after she begged of him that part of Judaea which bare Balm,* 1.814 and many other places and Countries, which he bestowed upon her, to the great distaste of the People of Rome, who took it in high disdain, as well that such vast possessions should be given her, as that now he had divers children by her, two of which, beeing twins, were named Sun and Moon. Shortly after, she accompanied him as far as Euphrates, then making an Expedition into Armenia, and taking Judaea in her way homeward, that part thereof, which Antony had given her, together with Arabia, she let out to farm unto He∣rod, whom also, either out of her filthy affection to him (which she pre∣tended) or for some other end (having formerly wished for an advantage a∣gainst him, to get his Kingdom) she sollicited to the breach of the chastity of them both; but he instead of giving her satisfaction, consulted with his friends how to kill her, and then being again terrified from that, to do her honour, waited on her home as far as Pelusium. Antony having prospered in Armenia returned, and entred Alexandria in triumph, leading with him Ar∣tavasdes the King with his wife and children,* 1.815 whom he earnestly laboured with to make them fall down before her, as suppliants, but to no purpose. Then spent they their time in feasting, he divided almost half of the Roman Empire betwixt her and her children; she took upon her the name of Isis, and he of Osiris, and Father Bacchus, having his temples crowned with Ivy, and wearing buskins;* 1.816 being drawn in that garb, after the fashion of Bacchus, in a chariot through the streets of the City.

37.* 1.817 These foolish and loose practices brought great inconveniences upon them. For Caesar Octavius and he fell presently of recriminating each other, and Anthony not long after had the confidence to send to Rome, to desire from the Senate a confirmation of his donations to her and her children; which gave such offence, that his friends were forced to flie out of the City;* 1.818 whereupon he sent thither again some to thrust Octavia (his wife, and Caesar's sister) out of his house, and took upon him to make War upon both People and Senate. Caesar hereat inraged, found out a way to incense the People against him, by opening his will deposited in the hands of the Vestal Nuns, wherein he had laboured to make Caesario the lawfull son of the Dictator, na∣med for Heirs his Children begotten on Cleopatra, and commanded that notwithstanding he might die at Rome, yet his body should be sent to her to Alexandria. These things found to be true, gained credit to others which were but reported; as that in case he should get the better, he would bestow Rome it self upon the Queen, and translate the Seat of the Empire into E∣gypt.* 1.819 When Caesar then was ready for the War, it was decreed against her, and he was deprived of all his Offices, which alone was thought enough at this time, lest once declared an Enemy to the State, the other with him should have been included in the same capacity, of whom divers, being men of great influence, might have been driven through desperation, to act more vigorous∣ly for him: Hereby it was thought he would be sufficiently intangled, resol∣ving not to forsake her on any terms whatsoever, and vulgarly accounted to be bewitched by her. And to little lesse could these things practized by him amount to.* 1.820 He called her Queen, Lady, and Mistresse, gave her Ro∣mans for her Guard (who had her name ingraven on their Targets.) He went abroad, celebrated Games, sate in Judgement, and sometimes rode with her, and when she pleased to be drawn in her Chariot, ran by her side amongst the Lackies. She was so confident she should be Mistresse at length of the Mistresse of the World, that if she would swear most religious∣ly, it should be by that Law or Sentence, which she was about to pronounce in the Capitol.

38. For all this ado, yet in the preparation for the War,* 1.821 Anthony mi∣strusted her, and that so far, as to have his meat tasted for fear of poyson. She taking notice of it, poysoned a Cup of drink, and giving him it, when he was about to set it to his mouth, interposed her hand, convincing him thereby how easie a matter it was for her to do that of which she was suspe∣cted to have an intention,* 1.822 and then sending for a Malefactour out of prison, and giving him the liquor, he died immediately. This made him bold and confident of her, and further enslaved his affections, insomuch that that she ruled him in the management of the War. For Canidius,* 1.823 whom she had bribed to get leave for her to continue with him, changing afterwards his mind,* 1.824 or (at least his language) and advising him to send her back into Egypt, and to go into Thrace or Macedonia,* 1.825 and there to decide the con∣troversie in a pitcht battel, she prevailed against him not onely to stay, but made Anthony ingage at Actium in a Sea-fight, yet providing rather for flight than victory.* 1.826 Ere it could justly be discerned which party would carry it, she being impatient of delay,* 1.827 with her Golden Prow and Purple sayls, giving a sign to her Aegyptians, betook her self to flight, which An∣thony seeing, made haste after her as fast as possible, and being received on board, neither saw, nor was seen by her; but sate him down in a sad and thoughtfull posture, holding his head betwixt his hands; and for three or four dayes so continued, till arriving at Taenarus (a Promontory of Laco∣nia) the women there that were intimate with her brought them together. He passing over into Africk, she returned into Egypt, counterfeiting a triumph with her ship curiously adorned, and melodious singing, that she might be received of her Subjects, the chiefest of which presently she put to death, whom she knew formerly to have born no good will towards her, and now to be elevated upon the report of the defeat received at Actium. Con∣fiscating their estates, and rifling religious houses, she heaped together a great

Masse of Treasure, raising forces therewith with all expedition, and that she might draw into Confederacy the King of Media, she sent him the head of Artavasdes (or Artabazus) the Armenian, his Aemulator. Then, attempt∣ing a matter of greatest difficulty, she conveyed ships over the Isthmus, or Neck of Land (which parting the Aegyptian (or Mediterranean) from the Red-Sea divideth Asia from Africk) into the Arabian Bay,* 1.828 intending to fly servitude, and seek out some forein seat, wherein to spend the re∣mainder of her dayes. But Anthony returning to her, who as yet had heard nothing of the losse of his Land-Army, they incouraged themselves, and she changed her purpose. Her ships were burnt by the Inhabitants of Ara∣bia Petraea, at the procurement of Q. Didius the President of Sy∣ria.

39. But Anthony having notice that his Army had revolted to Caesar,* 1.829 withdrew himself in a sad and Melancholick posture from the sight of all men into the Island Pharos, and then again within a while, having disburthened himself of grief, returned to the Court, where they indulged their genius more than ever,* 1.830 those that were willing to die with them giving in their names, and passing away their time together in nothing but feasting and jollity. She gathered together divers sorts of poysons, which she tried upon Capital Offenders and Brutes, approving above all the biting of an Asp, which she observed without any convulsion to cast the party into an heavy stupefaction, with a moderate sweat upon the face, and so to kill with an easie kind of languishment. Before Caesar came down into Egypt against them,* 1.831 they sent several times to him. She asked the Kingdom for her Chil∣dren, and without Anthony his knowledge sent him a Scepter, a Crown of Gold, and a royal Throne, giving up her Kingdom to him, as it were, with those, to gain respect. He received them as a good Omen, and returned to her openly threatning language; yet underhand promised her impunity, and the entire possession of her Kingdom, if she would make away Anthony. And fearing lest she might be brought to undertake some desperate design, he sent one Thyrseus his Freed-man, and a cunning fellow to her, to make her believe he was in Love with her, hoping that then, besides the saving of the Treasure, which she had threatned to burn, she having a great ambition to be loved by all great persons, would not stick at killing Anthony. She desi∣ring indeed that it might be so, & remembring how his Uncle, in time past, and since that Anthony had been bewitched by her, easily fooled her self into a fond belief thereof, and promised her ambition, not onely pardon, and E∣gypt, but the Roman Empire it self. Anthony seeing her kind to the Messen∣ger above measure, suspected something, and soundly lashing him, sent him back to his Master; and then she to wipe off his jealousie most solemnly cele∣brated his birth-day (though suitably to her present condition she neglected her own) and sought all manner of wayes how to humour him.* 1.832 Yet did she betray Pelusium into Caesars hands, and when he drew down towards Alex∣andria secretly forbad the Towns-men to go out against him, though openly she exhorted them to resistance. And when Anthony had provided a Fleet, she caused it wholely to revolt, and in like manner the horse, which Anthony plainly seeing, after the overthrow of his foot, returned into the Citie, crying out that he was betrayed by her into their hands, against whom, for her sake he had taken Arms.

40. She being afraid of him, went to her Monument, as intending to kill her self, under pretence of being afraid of Caesar, and sent a Messenger to him to tell him she was dead. He giving credit to it, desired Eros his ser∣vant to kill him; but he preventing it with his own death, he wounded himself in the belly;* 1.833 but the stroak not being such an one as could pre∣sently dispatch him, he intreated his friends to do it, who refusing, and run∣ning out of the room, a tumult ensued, and she perceiving what was done, sent for him up into her Monument. He understanding she was alive, arose, thinking he might also possibly live; but the blood issuing out in great abun∣dance, he despaired of it, and was born by his attendants to the door of the

building, whence he was drawn up with Cords in a lamentable plight, all in goar blood, helping himself as it were, and stretching out his hands to her, and her women, who haled him up thus to the top. When he was got up she laid him on a bed, tore her flesh, wiped off his bloud with her face, calling him Lord, Husband, and General, after which he presently expired. Caesar now desired to get her into his power by strong hand, having an extraordina∣ry ambition to grace his Triumph with her, and not willing to promise any thing,* 1.834 and be counted a deceiver by falsifying his word. She continued still in the Monument, hoping at least to purchase her Kingdom by the Treasure she had yet in her power, and refused to come down, talking with the Mes∣sengers from above. But presently some got in to her, removed all things out of the way wherewith she might hurt her self, and then bringing her into the Palace, detracted nothing from her former state, thereby to delude her with vain hope. Caesar now without any trouble entred Alexandria with Arius the Philosopher on his right hand, who formerly had read the Sciences to him; he permitted her to bury Antony as she pleased, which after she had done, being spent with sorrow, and her breast all exulcerated with stroaks, she thereby contracted a Feaver, and glad of that pretence to abstain from all sustenance, and so end her dayes, she consulted also with Olympus her Phy∣sician how to reduce her self into a Consumption. But Caesar smelling it out, so terrified her about her Children, that she was content to de∣sist.

41. Shortly after, he coming to comfort her,* 1.835 she cast her self down at his feet, indeavouring with all the art she had to inveigle his affections, which though he perceived, yet fixing his eyes on the ground, he onely said, Be of good chear Woman, thou shalt have no harm, she being sollicitous,* 1.836 not for life, but love, and a Kingdom. Then gave she in an Inventory of her Goods and Treasure, at which Seleucus one of her Officers was so Malapert, as to accuse her of suppressing something, whereupon she flew in his face, and sound∣ly buffeted him, Caesar smiling, and gently reprehending her for it. But she asked him whether it was not an hard case for her, whom he had deigned to visit, to be accused by one of her own slaves, if she had reserved any thing, not for her self, but wherewithall to present his wife and sister, that they might render him the more favourable to her. Hereat he exceedingly re∣joyced, hoping she had a great desire to live, and promised her great mat∣ters, vainly supposing he therein deceived her. But she having notice by Dolobella, a young Gentleman amongst his followers, and one that bare her great good will, that after three dayes, she and her Children were to go for Italy, first obtained leave of him to celebrate the obsequies of Antony, which having performed with lamentations, and great shew of affection, she commanded a Bath to be prepared, and sitting down to meat, sumptuously Dined. After Dinner she gave a Letter to her Keeper to carry to Caesar (wherein she desired she might be buried by Antony) sealed, that he think∣ing the contents to be of consequence, might the more easily be removed out of the way. He being gone, with the help of her two women, she made fast the doors, most gorgeously apparelled her self, as upon some solemn day, with her royal Ornaments, and then put an Asp (which she had pro∣cured to be brought in secretly amongst Figs, Grapes, and Flowers) to her left Arm, with the biting of which, she fell presently as into a sleep, and so died.* 1.837 Caesar having read the Letter presently perceived what was done, and indeavoured with all speed to recall her to life, though in vain, grieving sore that he was frustrated of a glorious Triumph,* 1.838 yet pitying and admiring the person, whom he caused to be royally interred with Antony, accord∣ing to her desire, and afterwards dealt very nobly with their Children. A∣dorned she was with all the endowments of nature above her Sex. Being learned her self, she was a great Lover and Promoter of knowledge; which she testified in erecting another Library, in the room of that which had been burnt, supplied with books from Pergamus at the procurement of Antony. She lived 39 years, reigned 22. (counted from her fathers death) fourteen

whereof she spent with Antony. And with her perished her Kingdom, now reduced into the form of a Roman Province, and the Macedonian Empire was quite extinct, 300 years after the death of Darius, and the Monarchy of Alexander, by whom it arose; 293 after Ptolomy the son of Lagus had obtained Egypt; in the third of the 187 Olympiad, the year of the World 3975. and 28 before the birth of Christ. Octavius Caesar the 4th time, and M. Licinius Crassus being Consuls.

Contemporaries with the Empire of the Macedonians.

CHAP. VII. The Judaean Kingdom or Principality of the Asmonaeans.

From the departure of Antiochus Sidetes from Jerusalem to the reign of Herod an alien, being by birth an Idumaean, conteining the space of 98 years.

1. AFter Antiochus had raised his siege and departed from Jerusalem,* 1.839 as was said before, he undertook an Expedition against the Parthians, where∣in he was slain. John the son of Simon who then was chief both Priest and Magistrate of the Jews accompanied him some way with a band of Auxilia∣ries,* 1.840 and got the sirname of Hyrcanus from the overthrow of the Hyrcani∣ans, as it's thought, and returned with great credit into his own Countrey. After Antiochus his death,* 1.841 he led down an Army into Syria, thinking, as indeed it fell out, that the Cities were left without defence, whereof he took several, Medaba, Samaga, Sicima, and Gerizim,* 1.842 where the Cuthaeans had built a Temple resembling that at Jerusalem. In this Expedition he also subdued Idumaea, the Inhabitants whereof he put to their choice, whether they would be circumcised or quit their habitations. They chose the former, and now began to be reckoned amongst the Jews, submitting to all their rites and ceremonies. After this he sent to Rome, desiring that the confede∣racy made with the Senate might be renewed; that Joppa, Gazara, with other Cities and places taken from the Jews by Antiochus,* 1.843 contrary to their Decree, might be restored, that it might not be lawful for the King of Sy∣ria to passe through their Country with his Armies, that whatsoever Antio∣chus had attempted against them in War contrary to their will might be made frustrate, and that the Senate would please to send their Ambassadors to pro∣cure those things, and to cause satisfaction to be given for the havock made of the Country. The Fathers renewed the confederacy with them, according to their desire, promised to take order they should be no more wronged, and dismissed the Ambassadors with money to bear their charges, and letters com∣mendatory to those through whose Countryes they should passe. The many changes which then presently hapned in the Syrian Kingdom so diverted the several Princes from medling with the Jews, that they were glad of their friendship, and this proved a sufficient opportunity for Hyrcanus to esta∣blish his affaires. For they destroying one another with War, he securely injoyed the revenues of the Countrey,* 1.844 and got together a great masse of money; so that despising them, he went and besieged Samaria,* 1.845 the Inhabi∣tants of which he was displeased with for their injury offered to the Maris∣seni,

though the King of Syria's Subjects, yet his friends and allies.

2. He cast a trench about it,* 1.846 and committed the siege to the care of his two sons Antigonus and Aristobulus, who sorely oppressed the defendants, hindering all importation of Victuals, so that they were constrained to beg aid of Antiochus Cyzicenus then reigning in Syria. He came, but was over∣thrown by Aristobulus his Soldiers, and being pursued by the brothers as far as Scythopolis, hardly escaped, and the siege was renewed. The besieged redu∣ced to their former necessities, sent once more to Cyzicenus, who then ob∣taining about 6000 men of Ptolomy Lathurus (then expelled his Kingdom by his mother) made an inroad into Hyrcanus his Dominions, and made ha∣vock of all things, thereby hoping to constrain him to raise the siege. But having lost many of his men intercepted by the Enemy, he himself went to Tripolis, and gave over the War to Callimander and Epicrates, two of his Captains. Callimander being more venturous than wise was presently slain, and his fellow was corrupted to betray Scythopolis and other Towns to Hyrcanus, who then after a years lying before Samaria took it,* 1.847 razed it, and brought the water-courses through the Place, by the filth of which all appearance of a Town was taken away. After this, inviting the Pharisees on a time (whose Scholar he had been) to a feast, he laboured to approve his sincerity to them, and desired, if any of them knew any fault in him, to tell him plainly of it. All approved of his manners but one Eleazarus a seditious and bad man, who told him, that if would be accounted good, he must devest himself of the Priesthood, and be content with the Principality, for that he had heard say, that his mother was a captive in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes. This be∣ing utterly false, Hyrcanus was grievously offended, and so were the Phari∣sees; but Jonathan a Saducee of the contrary sect, and one in great grace with him,* 1.848 took thence occasion to tell him, that this affront came from all the Pharisees together, and that he should perceive it by the punishment they would inflict upon him, if their opinion was demanded. They being mer∣cifully inclined, thought it sufficient he should be imprisoned and beaten for no greater an offence: at which Hyrcanus was sore displeased, as then think∣ing they had raised that scandal of him. Wherefore being more incensed by Jonathan, he revolted to the Saducees, abrogated the constitutions of the Pharisees, and punished their followers, whence it came to passe, that nei∣ther he nor his sons were much beloved by the People. A sedition also arose hereupon, but he quieted all, and having governed the People 31 years died, being honoured with three especial dignities, of the chief Government, High-Priesthood, and also Prophecy, as Jonathan tells us, who relateth, that he foretold his two eldest sons should neither of them long enjoy his Principali∣ty. A. M. 3899, the last of the 160 Olympiad, about 104. years before the birth of Christ.

* 1.8493. Mention being here made of Pharisees, it is requisite to speak some∣thing of this sect and others amongst the Jews, according to the nature of this work, Josephus first maketh mention of them in the ninth Chapter of his thirteenth Book of Antiquities, afterwards more diligently and largely* 1.850 handling them. There is no question but these sects sprang up after the re∣turn of the Jews from the Babylonish captivity. It's probable that the diffe∣rence amongst them arose after the building of the second Temple, about their worship and offerings. Some thought they were onely to live by the prescript of the Law, neither above nor below it. Others believed they were not onely to act according to the bare letter of the Scriptures, but also according to such senses and consequences as might be made out from it, and accordingly they offered over and above what the Law required in the service of the Temple, even what they conceived was due according to their riches or other respects.* 1.851 Those that stood to the letter of the Law were called Karraim: Those that besides the precepts of the Law did works of super∣erogation, and voluntary service without any compulsion, were named Hasi∣dim, that is Sancti or Holy, and (after they grew into a body) Hasidaeans. As long as this voluntary and supererogatory service was free and spontaneous,

there was no such schism; but when this doctrine of the Hasidaeans came to be digested into precepts, and the precepts of supererogation into wri∣tings and Canons, many doubts, disputes, and controversies, daily arose, whence two dogmatical Sects had their original.* 1.852 One which onely allowed of the Law it self, and Another that imbraced also the glosses and interpre∣tations of it. From the lattet, being that of the Hasidaeans, sprung up some who called themselves Peruschim or Separate, as those, who by reason of their holinesse were not onely distinct and separated from the vulgar, but also from other Hasidaeans, for that they taught that those constitutions formerly accounted free, were to be observed out of necessity. These Pe∣ruschim in Syriack Pheruschim, came by Greek writers to be called Pharisaei. Now as out of the Hasidaeans arose the Pharisees, so from amongst the Kar∣raim the Saducees, so named from Sadoc. Antigonus the master of this Sadoc, and scholar to Simeon the Just, amongst other heads of doctrin had taught, that they ought not to be like servants, who served their Masters on this condition to receive their wages, meaning that we ought to serve God out of love, and not for our own gain or advantage. But Sadoc, or Saduc, & Baithus interpreted this godly saying into a wicked sence, teaching, that there was no reward after this life; and therefore denied the future state, and framed their heresie. The third sect was that of the Essaei or Esseni, who as it's probable sprang from the Pharisees, though when it began be uncertain. Philo Judaeus thinketh they were so called from their holinesse 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as though 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, though more probable from Haesi the Syriack, whence the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may be derived. The Hebrew signifieth such as live apart from noise, which agreeth much with those Esseni, who like the Pythagoraeans kept silence, and lived in deserts or Villages by themselves, far from others. They had skill in physick, and thence some would derive their name from the Hebrew Asa, which signifieth to heal. This Sect was later than that of the Pharisees, and some think it arose at this time when Hyrcanus turned Saduce, and persecuted the Sect of the Pharisees; for then might many of the Pharisees to shun persecution depart into the Wildernesse and desert places, and afterwards be called Essaei or Esseni, who were held more strict than the Pharisees themselves.

4. But, (to return to our matter) John sirnamed Hyrcanus left five sons, whereof Aristobulus the eldest (sirnamed Philellen for his love to, and fami∣liarity with the Greeks) succeeded him, and first changed his Principality in∣to a Kingdom, setting a Diadem on his head, 481 years after the return of the Jews from the captivity of Babylon.* 1.853 His second brother he loved ex∣ceedingly, so as he made him his partner in the Kingdom; but shut up the rest in prison, and with them his mother,* 1.854 to whom his father had left the Principali∣ty, and proceeded so far in unnatural cruelty, as to starve her to death. Not long after, he caused to be made away also his beloved brother, though against his will he did it. For he (Antigonus by name) returning victorious from the Wars, at the Feast of the Tabernacles, marched up with his Soldiers to the Temple, as intending to offer sacrifice for his brother then lying sick. This was presently interpreted to Aristobulus as an effect of a bad intention to∣wards him,* 1.855 and a sufficient sign of affecting the Kingdom, and it was repre∣sented to him, as if Antigonus would presently come down and kill him, accounting it folly when he might reign alone, to be content with a commu∣nicated honour. He having rejected tales heretofore, did not easily give cre∣dit to them now, but to provide for his own security, and yet shun suspition, he commanded some of his guard to stand in an obscure place where he was to come, and if he came armed, then to kill him, but if not, then not to mo∣lest him, and he sent also to him to come without any guard at all. But the Queen and the rest of the conspirators, perswaded the messenger to deliver his errand on the clean contrary way, so that Antigonus thinking nothing, but coming to see his brother, was there murdered. After it was done, Aristo∣bulus presently repented of the deed, though knowing nothing concerning the message, which so increased his disease, as he vomited blood for anguish

of mind. This being carried out by one of his attendants, chanced to be spilt in that place where Antigonus was slain, which being judged by them that saw it, to be done of purpose, they cried out against the thing, and made such a noise, that the King hearing it, forced the matter out of them; after which his Agony increased so highly (crying out, that his blood was required for that of his mothers and brothers which he had spilt, and chiding as it were his body for retaining the Soul required of him by their Ghosts) that in great torment of conscience he presently breathed out his last, when he had scarce reigned a whole year.* 1.856 He profited much his Countrey by his Government, and making War upon Ituraea, laid a great part of it to his own Dominions, and frighted the Inhabitants by threatning banishment to them, into an imbrace∣ment of Circumcision, and the other Jewish Rites.

5. He being dead,* 1.857 his wife Salome (called by the Greeks Alexandra) set his brothers at liberty, of which Jannaeus (or Alexander) was made King, excelling his brothers, as in age so also in modesty. His father is said to have hated him, and sent him out of his sight to be educated in Galile presently after his birth, because being sollicitous for his two eldest sons, and desiring of God to know his Successor, his likenesse was represented to him in his sleep.* 1.858 Being seized of the Kingdom, he put to death one of his brothers that conspired against him, but the other who was contented with a pri∣vate life he much honoured. Having setled his affairs at home,* 1.859 he went and besieged Ptolemais, which with Gaza onely of the Sea-Towns remained un∣conquered, besides the Tower of Straton (since called Caesarea) and Dora, which Zoilus the Tyrant had got into his hands. At this time the two brothers Antiochus Grypus (called by Josephus Philometor) and Antiochus Cyzicenus in Syria, attending nothing but the destruction of each other, the Defendants had little hope of any succour from either of them, onely Zoilus, who gaped after the Citie himself, gave them a little relief. There remaining no help to be hoped for, but either from Egypt, or Cyprus (whither Lathurus had been expelled by his mother Cleopatra) they sent to him, desiring he would rescue them out of the hands of Alexander, giving him hopes, that he should not onely have them, but the Inhabitants of Gaza also on his side, and that Zoilus, the Sidonians and others would come and help him. He being puf∣fed up with these promises made what haste he could, but Demanetus one of their Citizens perswaded them for reasons formerly recited to refuse his help, notwithstanding which he came on, and pitching his Tents near the Citie, see∣ing he had no Message from them,* 1.860 began to be discouraged. But Zoilus and the Gazaeans came shortly to him, and desired his help against Alexander, who wasted their Territories, whereupon the siege was raised before Ptole∣mais, and Alexander departed home, where he attempted to overturn by policy the design of Ptolomy. He sent privily to Cleopatra,* 1.861 exciting her a∣gainst him, but openly counterfeiting himself his Friend and Ally, pro∣mised him 300 Talents of silver to take off Zoilus the Tyrant, and lay his Ter∣ritories to his Dominions. At first he willingly imbraced his friendship and took Zoilus, but then finding he had sent underhand to his mother, renounced it again, and went and besieged Ptolemais, which had shut the Gates on him, where leaving part of his Army to continue the siege, he departed thence to invade Judaea. Alexander also understanding his purpose, raised an Army of 50000 (some say 80000) and went to meet him.

6. He took Asychis a Town in Galile,* 1.862 setting upon it at unawares on the Sabbath, and then attempted to do the like by Sephoris, a place not far di∣stant from the other; but was received with such resolution, as he lost ma∣ny of his men,* 1.863 and arose from thence to go to meet Alexander, whom ha∣ving found to have reached the River Jordan, he pitched his Tents on this side over against him. Alexander suffered him quietly to passe the River, foolishly supposing that the victory would be more easie if the Enemy had it on his back, and so could not run away. For some time the victory was doubtfull, or seemed to incline to Alexanders party, till his Soldiers being beaten back by a reserve of fresh men, and having none to succour them

were put to flight, and the Enemy gave the chace as long as he could hold a sword for wearinesse, so that 30000 (some have affirmed 50000) were slain in this battel. Ptolomy ranging up and down the Countrey, fell at length into some Villages, which seeing full of Women and Children, he command∣ed his Soldiers to kill them promiscuously, and cutting off their limbs to cast them into hot Caldrons, that a report going that his Army ate mans flesh, the Enemy might thereby be discouraged.* 1.864 But Cleopatra hearing that her son thus prospered in his undertakings, thought her self concerned therein, espe∣cially he being so near her, and therefore she came against him with Forces both by Land and Sea, over which she placed Checeias and Ananias, both Jews. Her son thinking he had her at advantage, being now out of Egypt, hasted thither, but she had left it so provided, as he could not do any thing according to his purpose, and was beaten back to Gaza by a party she sent after him. She having taken Ptolemais, Alexander thither came to her, where he was received as a person distressed by her adversary, and one who onely had refuge in her self. Some advised her to seize his Countrey into her hands, & not to suffer so many good Jews to be at the command and plea∣sure of one man: but Ananias counting it wickednesse for him to disposesse a man received into friendship,* 1.865 and his own Kinsman besides, of his estate, and withall thinking that thereby he should lose himself with the Jews in all places, he perswaded her to the contrary, and so she entred into a League with him at Scythopolis, a Citie of Coelesyria.

7. Hereby he being freed from all danger, both from mother and son,* 1.866 he presently made another expedition into Caelesyria, took Gadara after he had layen ten moneths before it, and Amathus a strong Castle upon the River Jordan, where Theodorus the son of Zenon had laid up his Treasure, who fal∣ling suddenly upon the Jews, cut off 10000 of them, and plundred the car∣riages.* 1.867 Yet he was not at all terrified herewith from setting upon Raphia and Anthedon (called afterwards Agrippias by Herod) which he took, and perceiving Ptolomy to be gone to Cyprus, and his mother into Egypt, being angry with them of Gaza, for calling him in to help them against him, he set upon the Citie, and wasted their grounds. In the mean time Apollodotus their General brake out into his Camp by night with 12000 men, and as long as night lasted had the better of it, but as soon as it was day the Jews Uniting themselves, and encouraged after they saw Ptolomy was not come whom they expected, charged the Towns-men so fiercely as they slew 1000 men. For all this they would not yield, expecting the coming of Aretas the Arabian King; but the Citie was taken ere they could see his face, by the treachery of Lysimachus the brother of Apollodotus, whom he envying for be∣ing in so great grace with the people, murdered, and then getting a party close about him delivered up the place.* 1.868* 1.869 Alexander upon his entry did no harm to the Inhabitants, but not long after gave Commission to his Soldiers to kill and slay all they would, who ranging up and down with fury and sword, as many of them lost their lives as they slew, the Defendants fighting coura∣giously, and setting their houses on fire, lest they should become a prey to them; and some killed their Wives and Children with their own hands, ra∣ther than they should be led into Captivity. It hapned that at the same time that Alexander was let in, the Senate was met, which consisting of 500 men, he put all to the sword, and then razing the Citie, returned to Jerusa∣lem a year after he first sate down before Gaza.

8. He was not at all affected by his Subjects,* 1.870 which they clearly manifested when the feast of Tabernacles came. For then as he was about to sacrifize they threw Orenges at him, and rail'd at him, upbraiding him with Captivity (that I suppose of his Grand-mother objected before to his Father) and crying out that he was not worthy of so high an Office as the high Priest-hood. Being inraged hereat he slew about 6000 of them; made up the place about the Altar with boards to defend himself for the time to come from the violence of the multitude, and furnished himself with Guards hired out of Pisidia and Cilicia. Then overthrew he the Arabians, and imposed Tribute upon

the Moabites and Galadites, and levelled Amathus with the ground, Theode∣rus not once daring to ingage. But making another expedition against the Arabians, he was drawn into an ambush by Obeda their King, and being thrust amongst the Craggy and precipitous Rocks by a multitude of Camels, he hardly escaped himself by flight to Jerusalem, his whole Army being cut off.* 1.871 Then were his Rebellious Subjects encouraged by this his overthrow to begin fresh stirs, which continued six years, during which time they fought often, but he had the better, and destroyed no lesse than fifty thousand of them. This yet was no matter of joy to him thus to lose the strength of his own Kingdom; therefore he endeavoured to make up the breach, and by fair means to be reconciled to them. But being asked by him wherewith he should appease them, they answered, if he would kill himself, for scarce could they pardon him being dead. Then sent they to Demetrius,* 1.872 sirnamed A••aerus, inducing him with great promises to come and aid them, so that joyning with him they made up an Army of 3000 horse, and 40000 foot, their King having 26200 men in his Army. Both at the first laboured to draw their Enemies men to revolt, Demetrius those Greeks that were in pay with Alexander, and he the Jews which had called him in, but this suc∣ceeding on no part, they both resolved to end the controversie with dint of sword. Demetrius had the better of it (all Alexanders Auxiliaries being slain, though they behaved themselves most gallantly) but he was no whit better, but much worse for his victory. For the Jews taking pity of their King after this his defeat, about 6000 went over to him, which so discouraged Demetrius, that he thereupon retreated into his own Countrey.

9. They thenceforth waged War with him by themselves, but still had the worst of it, and many of them were slain. At length he forced the strongest up into a Town called Bethoma, which reducing, he took them in it, and brought them up to Jerusalem,* 1.873 where he caused 800 of them to be nailed to Crosses, and their Wives and Children to be slain in their sight, yet living, he beholding the Spectacle from an high place, banquetting, and dally∣ing with his women. He was highly provoked with that stubborn people, who not onely brought him often into extream danger of life and estate, but not contenting themselves with what they could do by their own power, with∣out calling in of forein aid, had reduced him to that necessity, that he was glad to restore those places he had subdued in the Countrey of Moab and Galaad to the Arabian; and for animadversion upon them they nick∣named him Thracida. About 8000 men got away by night, and passed all the time he lived, in Exile, and so ever after the Kingdom continued free from seditions.* 1.874 Antiochus Dionysus King of Syria intending to make an invasion of Arabia through his Kingdom, he getting knowledge of it, drew a Ditch from Caparsale (afterwards called Antipatris) as far as the Sea of Joppe, to hinder him, strengthning it with a Bulwark, and Forts built here and there upon it where he expected him. But he burning these up easily got over, and then invading Arabia, was there slain in battel by Aretas the King, who was made King of Coelesyria, and making an inroad in∣to Judaea, overthrew Alexander at Adida, and forcing him to subscribe to his own conditions, then departed. Afterwards Alexander gathering to∣gether his Forces, went and took divers Towns with all the Valley of An∣tiochus (as it was called) and the Castle Gamala,* 1.875 and returned to Jerusa∣lem at the end of three years, joyfully and honorably received then by his people for his valour; and indeed at this time the Nation, what by his own, and the diligence of his Predecessors, arrived at that height for dominion and glory abroad, that they enjoyed many Cities in Syria, Idumaea, Phoenicia,* 1.876 and other Countreys; whereof a Catalogue of most Josephus hath left unto us, and amongst which Polla a Town of Moab was destroyed, because the Inha∣bitants refused to receive the Jewish Rites. Alexander towards his latter end fell to drunkennesse, whereby he contracted a Quartan Ague, which held him three years; yet recovered he his antient temper of mind, though not of body, and following on his Wars laid siege to Ragola beyond Jordan, in the

Countrey of the Gerasens, where being spent with the force of the disease, he died before the Walls of that place,* 1.877 in the 27^th year of his reign, and of his age the 49. A. M. 3927. and the third of the 173 Olympiad, some 76 years before the birth of Christ.

10. His wife Alexandra seeing his end approaching,* 1.878 bewailed much the condition of her self and children, being destitute of succour, and about to enter upon the government of a People, likely enough to be untoward to∣wards them, which bore him so much ill will. He advised her, that she might reign securely, first to keep close his death till that place should be gained, then going victoriously to Jerusalem to send for the chief of the Pharisees,* 1.879 whom both he and his Father had grievously offended, and thereby incurred the hatred of the People, and to gain their favour to shew them his body, and give them power of disposing of it at their pleasure, either as to bestow burial upon it, or cast it out without Sepulture, or otherwise to abuse it at their pleasure; and withall, to promise them to do nothing without their counsel and advice. The Castle being taken, she ordered her affaires ac∣cording to his direction, whereby she purchased the love of the Pharisees, who going out and speaking to the People,* 1.880 related the great things done by Alexander, signified to them the losse of a just King, and so stirred up the multitude to mourning and lamentation, that hereby she procured him (even as he foretold her) a more honourable burial than else he could have had, and so sumptuous a funeral as any of his Predecessors obtained. Alexander left two sons by this his wife,* 1.881 Hyrcanus and Aristobulus; but to her left the management of the Kingdom. The elder of their sons was not at all made for government, but dull and heavy. She being in great grace with the People, because she ever had pretended to dislike the proceedings of her hus∣band, made Hyrcanus the High-Priest, not so much out of respect to his birthright as his lazinesse, keeping the title of Queen and Governesse, though indeed all things were ordered at the will and pleasure of the Pharisees, whom the People were commanded to obey, and against whom all such con∣stitutious as were made by Hyrcanus were taken away. Yet she took care for something her self, for she kept in pay a great number of foreiners, and so increased her power, that she became formidable abroad, and such a terror to the neighbouring petty Governours, that she constrained them to give Hostages.

11. Yet no great matters were done abroad, but stirs sufficient hapned within the Kingdom; for the Pharisees knowing no moderation in the pro∣secution of their own ambitious and envious desires, caused her to put to death those that had counselled her husband to deal cruelly with the 800 be∣fore mentioned, and they made away divers of them; till such time as those of most power and esteem being backed by Aristobulus (who complained of the too great power of his mother) came to Court, and there laid before her how unworthy it was, that they should suffer so much for their faithfulnesse to Alexander, and how joyful news it would be to Aretas the Arabian and others,* 1.882 to hear that the Kingdom was deprived of such men, who had done good service against him. They besought her, that if their adversaries were not satisfied with what blood they had spilt already, to give them leave to de∣part, and provide for their own safety, or if that could not be granted, to distribute them into several places of strength, that there they might live quiet∣ly and meanly, with which condition they would be contented, seeing For∣tune so frowned upon the favourers of Alexander. They setting these things off with all advantage possible to gain compassion, and calling on the ghost of Alexander, Aristobulus also soundy reprehended his mother, but withall added, that they were justly punished, for permitting the chief power to a woman, as if no posterity had been left by his Father. She not knowing what to do, delivered into their hands all her Castles, except three,* 1.883 in which she had hoarded up her choisest goods, and shortly after sent her younger son against Ptolomy Mennaeus, who troubled sorely Damascus; but he returned without having done any thing. A report went at the same time, that Ti∣granes

the Armenian had invaded Syria with 50000 men, and would spedily come into Judaea, which so terrified both Queen and People, that they sent Ambassadors to him then lying before Ptolemais; for Celene or Cleopatra then reigned in Syria, and had advised the Subjects to exclude him. He kindly received the Ambassadors, because come so far to tender him respect, and gave them incouraging words. And after he had taken Ptolemais, word being brought him, that Lucullus in his pursute of Mithridates the Great, King of Pontus, was entred Armenia, and wasted the Country, he being son in Law to that King, and therefore taking his part, departed home with all Expedition.

12. After this, Alexandra falling grievously sick, Aristobulus judged that now or never was there a fit opportunity for him to doe something, and lest the Pharisees should get all into their hands, departed by night with one man in his company, and got the Castles within a short time into his power, which she had committed to their adversaries, even to the number of 22 within little more than fifteen dayes. This being known, she and all the People were struck with consternation,* 1.884 knowing that he would take the Supreme Power, and fearing they should dearly pay for what they had done to his fa∣miliars. They thought good then to secure his wife and children in the Ca∣stle adjoyning to the Temple at Jerusalem. He increased in followers and in power daily, taking the state of a King upon him, and got an Army from the Mountain Libanus, Trachonitis, and the petty Princes thereto adjoyning. The chief of the Jews therefore with Hyrcanus came to the Queen, beseech∣ing her that some course might be entered into to prevent his attempts, who now had gotten so many convenient places. She with shortnesse of mind told them they might do whatsoever they thought meet and convenient for the Commonwealth, that they had liberty and strength enough both as to Soldiers, and money also the nervs of War; but as for her self, she could look to nothing, her body being now spent; and shortly after she breathed her last,* 1.885 having reigned nine years, and lived 73. A woman of wisdom, cou∣rage, and industry above her sex,* 1.886 and who in the whole course of her go∣vernment could not be drawn (for the generality) from moderation, justice, and honesty. But whereas she looked more at the present than future times, seemed to side with the Enemies of her house, and to have made the King∣dom naked of fit Rulers, after her death the effects of her mal-administra∣tion was felt by her family, which came into such misfortunes, as it mis∣caried and fell from that power, wherein she had laboured and taken so much pains to establish it.

13.* 1.887 For Hyrcanus having entered upon the High-Priesthood in the third year of the 177 Olympiad, Q. Hortensius, and Q. Metellus Creticus be∣ing Consuls, his brother Aristobulus now presently made Warre upon him. A battel being fought near Jericho, most of Hyrcanus his Soldiers revolted to the other, whereby he was forced to betake himself into that Castle where Aristobulus his wife and children were kept, and he now made his conditi∣tions to be suffered to live quietly a private life, remitting to his brother the Kingdom and Principality, changing estates with him, he removing into Ari∣stobulus his private house, and Aristobulus to the Court, which covenant was solemnly sworn to,* 1.888 and confirmed in the Temple. But not long did this agreement hold, being broken by the means of Antipater, who being Governour at that time of Idumaea, feared the power of Aristobulus, and therefore endeavoured his destruction, both by stirring up Hyrcanus and the most powerful of the Jews against him. The famousnesse of Herod son of this Antipater, causeth his original to be more enquired into. Nicolaus Da∣mascenus to flatter the said Herod, derived his pedegree from the chief of the Jews, which returned from Babylon; but Josephus denieth that, and reports him to have been an Idumaean born.* 1.889 Others have delivered,* 1.890 that this Antipater, or Antipas, was the son of one Herod the Priest of Apollo's Temple at Ascalon, which City being invaded by the Idumaean thieves, he was taken with other spoils out of the Temple, and whereas his father was

not able to ransom him, was brought up after the manner of the Idumaeans, and became very familiar with Hyrcanus the High-Priest. Josephus saith, that he was constituted Governour of Idumaea by Alexander the King, and his wife, and then minding his own interest, entred into society with the Arabians,* 1.891 Gazaeans, and Ascalonites, having purchased their friendship with great gifts. He professed to the Jews that it was unjust, that Aristobu∣lus should be suffered to enjoy his usurped power, from which he had cast down his elder brother, and had deprived him of the prerogative of his age. The same things he often incultated into Hyrcanus, adding withall, that his life was in danger, except he would in good time save himself by flight, for that the friends of his brother still consulted, how they might rid him out of the way, and establish the Kingdom upon the other.

14. He being a plain and well-meaning man, gave no great credit to these slanders; but the other ceased not for all that to invent fresh accusations of Aristobulus, as if he laid in wait for his life, and at length hardly obtained of him to flie to Aretas King of the Arabians, because his Country was nigh to Judaea. Antipater went first to that King, to get a promise from him not to betray his suppliant into the hands of his enemies,* 1.892 which being obtained, he returned to Jerusalem, and thence not long after taking Hyrcanus out by night, by great journeys came to Petra, where Aretas kept his Court. Being very great with the Arabian, he laboured to perswade him to restore Hyr∣canus, and with his importunity and gifts at length prevailed. Hyrcanus also promising, if by his means he should recover the Kingdom, to restore to him that Country with the twelve Towns, which his Father Alexander had taken from him. Aretas being drawn in by these promises, undertook this Expedition with 50000 men, and overthrew Aristobulus,* 1.893 who being first forsaken of his followers, who now fled amain to his brother, retired to Je∣rusalem, where the Arabian and Hyrcanus besieged him in the Temple. The Feast of the Passover hapning during the siege,* 1.894 the Priests who onely remained with Aristobulus, that the Sacrifices might not be omitted, bar∣gained with the besiegers for beasts to be sold them for that service, but when they had let down the money from the walls, were derided by them. But this wickednesse the Historian observeth to have been punished with great storms and tempests, which procured extraordinary scarcity of Corn. In this mean while Pompey the Great being diverted by the War with Tygranes in Armenia, sent Scaurus his Quaestor, as Appian calls him, into Syria,* 1.895* 1.896 who coming straight to Damascus (taken then by Metellus and Lollius) hasted without intermission into Judaea. To him both parties sent, to desire his friendship and help, but though each promised as much as the other (viz. 400 Talents) yet he closed with Aristobulus, being counted more free and rich, and whose request was more easie to be fulfilled, in driving away the Naba∣thaeans, than that of the other, to take the place which he held, being so strong both of it self and by defence.

15. Taking the money of Aristobulus he easily raised the siege, denounce∣ing to Aretas that he should depart, except he would be declared an Enemy of the People of Rome;* 1.897 and then returned to Damascus. Aristobulus having gotten this advantage against his Enemies, followed them with a great Army, and joyning battel overthrew them at a place called Papyron, about 7000 of them being slain, and amongst the rest Cephalio the brother of An∣tipater. But not long after Pompey came to Damascus, and going about Coele∣syria, thither were sent to him Ambassadors from several parts.* 1.898 Aristobulus sent him an excellent present, being a golden Urn of the value of 500 Ta∣lents, which afterwards was dedicated by him amongst other things in the Ca∣pitol at Rome. Shortly after were sent some to him from both the brothers; Antipater from Hyrcanus,* 1.899 and one Nicodemus from the other, to whom he answered, that coming to Damascus he would hear the cause. Thither was sent also an Ambassage of the Jews themselves, who declared they were un∣willing to live under Kings, it being the custom of their Country to yield obedience to the Priest of their God; and that though these two were of

that race of Priests, yet being desirous to change the Government into an∣other form, they thereby intended to enslave them. Hyrcanus accused his brother of ambition and violence, in that he had gone about to deprive him of his birth-right, and the other excused himself by the necessity of the thing, lest the Principality should have been transferred into another family by his heavy dulnesse, which rendred him incapable of employment. To Hyrcanus bare witnesse 1000 Jews which Antipater had brought for that purpose, but to Aristobulus a Company of effeminate Gallants, ridiculous to all for their fantastick bravery. Pompey having heard them, and disapproved of Aristobulus his violence, dismissed them both kindly at present, promi∣sing he would come to them as soon as he had inspected the affairs of the Nabathaeans,* 1.900 bidding them to be quiet in the mean time, and using Aristo∣bulus civilly, lest he should stop up the passages. But hereby he won nothing upon him, for not expecting his promises, he went to Delium, and thence be∣took himself into Judaea.

16. Pompey being offended with this carriage of Aristobulus,* 1.901 took the Army which he had provided against the Nabathaeans, and with other sup∣plies out of Syria, and the Legions which were at his command followed him. Coming into Judaea, and hearing he was in a Castle near Coreas, he sent to him to come and speak him, which he obeyed, being advised by those about him to take heed of Warring with the Romans. When he had dispu∣ted the case with his brother, he returned to the Castle, and so he did divers times, willing to please Pompey, and pretending a willingnesse to obey him in all things, but providing still for the War, fearing the Principali∣ty might be bestowed upon Hyrcanus.* 1.902* 1.903 Pompey in conclusion required him to deliver up into his hands the Garrisons, and write to the Governours of them for that purpose; which he obeyed also,* 1.904 but then presently departed to Jerusalem there to prepare for War. He followed him, and in the way heard how Mithridates of Pontus was killed by his son Pharnaces. His first nights quarters he took up at Jericho, where the Trees grew, that being cut distilled with the precious Balsamum; and the next day marching towards Jerusalem, Aristobulus forethinking what he had done, came and met him, offered him money, and referred himself to his pleasure, so that omitting War he would order things in a peaceable manner. He pardoning him, sent Gabinius to Jerusalem to fetch the money; but he being shut out by Aristobulus his Soldiers, returned empty handed, which Pompey taking in great disdain, committed Aristobulus to custody, and went himself to the Citie. There were two factions disagreeing from each other,* 1.905 that of Ari∣stobulus brake down the bridge, which went out of the Citie to the Temple, and therein fortified themselves, whereupon the other let in the Romans in∣to the Citie and Palace. Then did Pompey besiege the Temple, filled up with the great toyl of his Soldiers the Ditch before it, and then with En∣gines brought from Tyre battered the Wall, taking occasion at the supersti∣tion of the Jews, who thought it sinfull to do any thing on the Sabbath-dayes, but defend themselves.* 1.906 The greatest Tower being battered down, the Ro∣mans broke in (Cornelius Faustus the son of Sylla first entring the breach) and then made slaughter of 12000. the Priests even then (as they had done all the siege) not neglecting to offer sacrifices, and amongst the rest Absa∣lom the Uncle, and father-in-law of Aristobulus was taken, being the young∣est son of Hyrcanus. Pompey with many followers entred into the Temple, and looked on those things, which it was unlawfull for any but the Priests to behold; yet touched nothing he saw, so great was his abstinency. The Tem∣ple was taken as Josephus tells us, in the third moneth, and the fast day, which was kept in memory of Jehoiak••m's burning the Roll, in the 179 Olym∣piad, C. Antonius and M. Tullius Cicero being Consuls, A. M. 3942. about 62 years before the birth of Christ.

17. Pompey restored the Priesthood to Hyrcanus,* 1.907 with the Government of the Countrey,* 1.908 (forbidding him the wearing of the Diadem) because amongst several other services he had done him during the siege, he had also

kept the Countrey-men from taking up Arms for Aristobulus.* 1.909 Then put∣ting to death the Authors of the Sedition, he made the Jews Tributaries to the people of Rome, the Cities they held in Coelesyria he took away, and sub∣jected them to a Governour of their own, and the whole Nation much ele∣vated then with successe abroad, he contracted within its own bounds; Ari∣stobulus & his brother being the cause of all these troubles, of the losing of the Countreys liberty to the Romans, who within a short time exacted above 10000 Talents of it.* 1.910 Pompey having left Syria to the Government of Scau∣rus, with two Legions hasted to Rome, leading Aristobulus bound thither with him, with two sons, and as many daughters. One of his sons escaped in the journey, and returned into Judaea, where he got together a conside∣rable power, and awed his Uncle Hyrcanus unable to resist him, and who, when now he was about to repair the Walls of Jerusalem, demolished by Pompey, was forbidden to do it by the Romans. But within a while Gabinius was sent from Rome to Govern Syria. He undertook the War against him, now having 10000 foot, and 1500 horse at his Command, but for all these he overthrew him not far from Jerusalem, killing and taking 6000 of them, and then besieged him in the Castle Alexandrium whither he had fled. Lea∣ving here sufficient strength for carrying on the siege, he went and visited the Countrey,* 1.911 causing divers Cities to be re-edified, and then returning, and more powerfully inforcing the siege, Alexander yielded himself, and the Castles, which by his mothers advice to Gabinius were demolished, lest they should nourish another War. Gabinius then went to Jerusalem, and esta∣blished Hyrcanus in the Priesthood, but cantonized the Countrey into five parts, which he ordered to be governed by an Aristocratical way. One di∣vision was to be governed by an Assembly at Jerusalem, another by one at Gada••a, a third at Amathus, a fourth at Jericho, and a fifth by one sitting at Saphora a Town of Samaria. The Jews very gladly imbraced this Govern∣ment. But Aristobulus not long after escaped from Rome, and coming in∣to Judaea ministred occasion of further trouble.

18. Coming into his own Countrey,* 1.912 he presently found some who out of desire of innovation sided with him, amongst the which was Pitholaus the Governour of Jerusalem, who revolted to him with 1000 men.* 1.913 He first seized upon Alexandrium, and went about to re-edifie the Walls thereof, but knowing that Gabinius had sent against him three of his Officers, he departed toward Machaerus, dismissing the unarmed multitude, and making a choice of 8000 men. The Romans following he gave them battel, in which he fought stoutly, till his men being overpowered, 5000 of them were slain upon the place, almost 2000 fled to an Hill not far of, and a thousand with him, breaking through the Enemy to Machaerus. There he thought to renew the War having fortified the place, but being besieged, and holding it out two dayes, he could no longer withstand, but was taken, and together with his son Aristobulus,* 1.914 (who it seems got away with him) sent back to Rome, where he was more narrowly looked to, but his sons, because Gabinius had so agreed with their mother, in consideration of the delivering up of the Castles formerly mentioned, were sent back by the Senate. Then pre∣pared Gabinius an expedition against the Parthians, but passing over Eu∣phrates, was hired by Ptolomy Auletes to reduce him into his Kingdom, as we said in the foregoing Chapter. In this voyage he used Hyrcanus, and especially Antipater, who furnished him with supplies, both of men and pro∣visions, and prevailed with the Jews, inhabiting about Pelusium, to give him passage. But during his absence Alexander the son of Aristobulus made work enough for him after his return; for having gotten together a great mul∣titude of Jews,* 1.915 he resolved to cut off all the Romans which inhabited those parts. Gabinius sent Antipater before to see if he could perswade the peo∣ple to be quiet, and he effected it with many; but 30000 remaining still with Alexander, he came out and gave battel to the Romans, near the Moun∣tain Itabyrius, wherein he lost 10000 men. Gabinius victoriously thence marched to Jerusalem, where setling things according to the pleasure of An∣tipater, he went against the Nabataeans whom he overthrew in one battel, and

dismissed Mithridates and Orsanes, two noble Parthians who had fled unto him, pretending an escape. Then returning to Rome, he left his Province to Crassus his Successor.

19. Crassus intending an expedition against the Parthians,* 1.916 came through that Countrey, and spoyled the Temple not onely of those 2000 Talents which Pompey had spared, but of all the Gold found there besides, which amounted to the sum of 8000 Talents more,* 1.917 though Eleazar the Treasurer had given him a beam of Gold weighing 900 pounds, and he had taken an Oath therewith to be satisfied, and abstain from the money. But going against the Parthians, he received the reward of his Sacrilege and Perjury, be∣ing slain. Cassius flying into Syria defended it from the incursions of the Enemy, and being come to Tyre visited also Judaea, where at the first onset he took Tarichaeas, and therein 30000 Captives, which he laid away, and slew Pitholaus the favourer of Aristobulus at the desire of Antipater••, who now grew very considerable, having entred into Confederacy and Alliance with di∣vers Princes, and especially with the Arabian, out of whose Countrey he had married a wife of noble extraction, by name Cypris, on whom he begot four sons, Phasaelus, Herod, Joseph, and Pheroras, and a daughter named Salome, which sons he also sent into Arabia, there to be kept whilest he was ingaged in the War with Aristobulus.* 1.918 When Pompey was driven beyond the Ionian Sea, and Caesar had got Rome into his power, he set Aristobulus at liberty, and with two Legions sent him back into Syria, hoping that all that Countrey, and round about Judaea, might be brought under by him; but he was prevented in his journey, being poysoned by those of Pompey's party, and lay in his own Countrey for some time unburied, being Embalmed, till by Antony he was sent to be buried in the Sepulchre of his Ancestors.* 1.919 This expedition proved fatal, not onely to himself, but his son Alexander also, who was be∣headed by Scipio at Antioch by order from Pompey, being first arraigned be∣fore the judgement seat for his offences committed against the Romans. His brother Antigonus with his sisters were sent for by Ptolomy, the son of Min∣naeus (who held Chalcis under the Mountain Libanus) and courteously en∣tained. For Philippio his son being his Messenger,* 1.920 fell in Love with one of the sisters, named Alexandra, and married her, but his passion overcoming both reason and nature, he killed his son, and took the Lady to himself. By this time Pompey was slain; and then Antipater betook himself to Caesar, as his interest led him, and by his great industry purchased his favour.

20. Caesar vvarring with young Ptolomy in Egypt,* 1.921 after the death of Pom∣pey, Antipater joyned with Mithridates of Pergamus, who went down thither with supplies; for whereas being hindred from coming to Pelusium, he was forced to stay about Ascalon, he perswaded the Arabians to help him, brought a supply of 3000 Jews himself, and procured divers Princes in Sy∣ria,* 1.922 as Ptolomy of Libarius, Jamblichus, and others, to send their men. Then at Pelusium did he special service, being the first that broke down the vvall and entred; and whereas the Jews inhabiting the Countrey of Onias hin∣dred them from going any further, he prevailed with them not to oppose, and more than that to furnish the Army with Provisions.* 1.923 At the battel at Delta he recovered the battel almost lost by Mithridates.* 1.924 and afterwards behaved himself very gallantly for Caesar, having received many wounds as the tokens of his valour. Some have delivered that Hyrcanus himself went down into Egypt, and there deserved well of Caesar, but whether it was so or not he endeavoured to requite them both.* 1.925 For, Antigonus the son of A∣ristobulus coming with a great complaint to him against them (whereas ra∣ther in policy he should have complained of the putting to death his father and brother through the procurement of Pompey and his faction) he declined his requests upon the reply of Antipater,* 1.926 confirmed Hyrcanus in the Priest∣hood, offered to Antipater what Government he would desire, and made him Procurator of Judaea, gave him leave to rebuild the Walls of the Citie thrown down by Pompey, and caused these grants to be registred in the Ca∣pitol, and seconded them with divers decrees, both of himself and the Se∣nate

in favour of him and the Jews. Antipater then bringing Caesar on his journey as far as the borders of Syria, returned and built up the walls, and go∣ing about the Country, by threatnings and other policy, contained the People in obedience, otherwise ready to rebel. And whereas he saw Hyrcanus hea∣vy and dull, and unfit to manage the affaires of Government, he made his son Phasaelus (who also commanded the Army) Captain of Jerusa∣lem, and the Country adjacent,* 1.927 and committed Galile to the custody of his second son Herod, being now extream young, as not exceeding fifteen years, as our Author telleth us, except, as is most probable, that number be mista∣ken for 25.

21. Herod even at the very first gave testimony of what spirit and height of courage he would be,* 1.928 finding out presently occasion for the exercise of it. For at that time there being one Ezechias a notable Thief, who with a great company of followers used to infest the Country of Syria, he took and slew him with many others of that rout, which thing so endeared him to the Syri∣ans, that his name was sung throughout the Towns and Villages, Peace be∣ing by his means restored as it were unto the Country, and the People unto their possessions; and thereby became he known to Sextus Caesar the President, and kinsman to the Dictator.* 1.929 Phasaelus his brother was hereby much stir∣red up to emulation, and most courteously behaved himself to those of Jeru∣salem, so that their Father was honoured by the People like a King, and yet notwithstanding preserved his fidelity intire to Hyrcanus. But divers of the chief of the Jewish Nation, understanding how he flourished both upon his own account and that of his sons, inwardly fretted thereat, and the rather, because he made use of Hyrcanus for his own ends, as they conceived, have∣ing contracted friendship with the great ones, and Rome, and perswaded him to send them money, yet getting to himself the credit and profit of the gift. But especially the forward and bold disposition of Herod affrighted them, whom they looked upon as a young and growing Tyrant, and therefore they grievously enveighed against Antipater to Hyrcanus, as one who caried away all the profit of the Kingdom, an empty name being onely left to himself, and laboured to bring him into suspicion, hinting, that ere long the vizard would be taken off, and he would dearly pay for the negligence of his own affaires. This they enforced by that bold act of Herod's killing Ezechias, and the rest, in contempt of the Laws, which suffer no man, how wicked so∣ever,* 1.930 to be put to death, till he first be cast by the sentence of his Judges. Hyrcanus though slow enough to believe any thing, yet having these things often sounding in his ears, together with the lamentations of the mothers of those that were slain, grew something moved, and summoned Herod up to Jerusalem, to give an account of his actions before the Judges.

22. Herod having setled the affairs of Galile, appeared, but with a guard,* 1.931 as his Father had written to him; yet with a moderate one, lest taking care for his one safety, he should affright Hyrcanus. Sextus Caesar hearing of it, threatningly wrote to Hyrcanus for to quit him, which he was inclinable enough unto, loving him as his own son; and when he appeared to answer, no body durst accuse him,* 1.932 except one Sameas bolder than the rest, who in∣veighed against him for the manner of his appearance, not suitable at all to humility or guilt. The meeting being incouraged by his words, had certain∣ly condemned him, had not Hyrcanus foreseen it, and sent him out of the way on purpose, having put off the determination to the next day. Herod retired therefore to Damascus, and afterwards visiting Sextus Caesar, and setling his affaires, plainly gave out, that he would no more appear thought he were cited, at which they at Jerusalem fretted, and sought to perswade Hyr∣canus that all this tended to his ruine, and indeed he was convinced of it, yet could he do nothing, for that innate dulnesse which evermore accompa∣nied him, though shortly after hearing that Herod having purchased of that Caesar the Government of Coelesyria, he feared he would imploy his power against him. And indeed so it hapned; for disdaining now that he had been commanded to come and plead his cause, he matched towards Jerusalem with

an Army, and if his Father and Brother had not met him, and shewed him the uncertainty of the event of War, and that he was rather beholding to Hyrcanus for discharging him, than had reason to be angry with him, for being as it were forced by others to summon him up, he had made mischief enough:* 1.933 But being prevailed with by them, he thought it was sufficient for him to have made a shew of his power, and so retreated. About this time Caecilius Bassus in favour of Pompey made away Sexius Caesar, and got his Army to submit to him; but divers of Caesar's party came to revenge his kinsman's death, and a War ensued about Apamea, whither Antipater, mindful of the benefits received from Caesar, sent his sons with aid unto his Captains. The Warre being drawn out in length, Marcus, (or rather L. Statius Murcus) was sent to succeed Sextus,* 1.934 and in the mean time Julius Caesar was slain in the Senate house, which as it bred disturbance and trouble to the whole Roman Empire, so neither did Judaea escape without it's portion thereof.

23. A civil War ensuing,* 1.935 the chief Captains on both sides runing up and down to provide themselves for it, Cassius one of the conspirators came into Syria, where raising the siege at Apamia, he drew both Murcus and Bassus to his own party, and then conquering the Country, levied men, and exacted grievous contributions: But especially he afflicted Judaea, laying a taxe of above 700 Talents of Silver upon it. Antipater committed the raising of the money to his two sons and others, whereof Herod first of all raised that which was imposed upon Galile, and brought it, thinking it good policy to purchase the favour of the Romans at the cost of others. Divers Cities with their Inhabitants were fold to make up the sum, amongst which were princi∣pal, Gophna, Emaus, Lydia, and Thamna; and Cassius having done this, was further so inraged,* 1.936 that he had slain Malichus also one of the Collectors, had not Hyrcanus by the means of Antipater, stopped his mouth with 100 Talents of his own money. But Antipater was badly rewarded by Malichus, for after the departure of Cassius he laid in wait for his life, thinking, that he being removed out of the way, the greater security would happen to the af∣fairs of Hyrcanus. Antipater getting knowledge of his intention, passed over Jordan, to provide himself to revenge this treachery, but he being a most crafty dissembler, so denied the matter with oaths to his two sons, that they reconciled him to their Father, who by his intercession then saved him, when Marcus the President of Syria upon the report of his attempting new matters, had resolved his death. But he preserved him to his own destructi∣on. For,* 1.937 his son Herod for his good service being made Procurator of Syria by Cassius, with promise also of the Kingdom of Judaea, if he got the bet∣ter, Malichus then so feared him, that he resolved to make him away, which within a short time he effected, procuring him to be poysoned by Hyr∣canus his brother,* 1.938 and getting a Company of Soldiers to him, invaded the Government of the City. This was the end of Antipater, a right good man, a great States-man, and one who had preserved his fidelity to his Prince, and his care to his Country, before his own private or ambitious purposes.

24. His sons having knowlege of his death,* 1.939 Herod would have revenged it out of hand, and by open force, but Phasaelus thought good rather to circumvent the murderer by some way of his own, lest a civil Warre should ensue, and therefore seemed to be satisfied with Malichus his flat denial of the thing, and set himself about building of a monument for his Father. He∣rod visiting Samaria, and seeing it much out of order, laboured what he might to cherish it, and sate in Judgement, deciding the controversies of the People, and then presently came up to Jerusalem to the Feast with a Com∣pany of Soldiers at his heels. Malichus being exceedingly afraid of his coming, perswaded Hyrcanus not to permit him to enter, and he according∣ly forbad him to approach so holy a solemnity with a prophane rout of stran∣gers; but he notwithstanding this, got in by night, and so affrighted Mali∣chus that he betook him to his old trade of dissembling, weeping to him bit∣terly for the death of Antipater as his kind friend, yet in the mean time pro∣viding

himself of a guard, so that for a time it was thought fit by Herods friends, nor to envince his deceit, but for the shunning of suspition to treat him fairly; yet did he signifie by letters his Father's death to Cassius, who willed him a∣gain to revenge it,* 1.940 and gave order to the Tribunes then lying at Tyre to as∣sist him in his just endeavours. Cassius not long after having taken Laodicia, they went and caried him crowns and money, and then Herod thought to be even with him; but he suspecting something at Tyre, out of desperation cast higher matters than ever in his head. For his son being kept hostage in that City, he resolved to go in, and cary him out by stealth into Judaea, and then, when Cassius should be ingaged in the War against Antony, to sollicit that Country to revolt, and get to himself the Principality, and cast out Hyr∣canus. But the cunning of Herod prevented him, who being aware of his project, invited him and Hyrcanus to supper, and then sent to the Tribunes to come out to meet him, who remembring the commands of Cassius, en∣countering him on the shoar, slew him there. Hyrcanus was so astonished with fear at the fact, that he was not himself, and scarce recovering his sense, asked Herod who had slain Malichus; to whom one of the Tribunes an∣swered,* 1.941 the command of Cassius, at which he replyed, that Cassius had pre∣served both him and his Country, by cutting off him that plotted the destru∣ction of both. Whether he spake this seriously, or approved the thing out of fear, is uncertain; but thus Herod revenged his Father's death upon Mali∣chus.

25. Cassius being gone out of Syria,* 1.942 there hapned a great stir at Jerusa∣lem by means of Foelix, who being left there Commander, the Soldiers at∣tempted violence upon Phasaelus, intending by his death to revenge that of Malichus upon his brother Herod. It hapned that at that time Herod living at Damascus with Fabius the Roman Captain, was sick, and unable to come and help his brother,* 1.943 but he by himself was too hard for Foelix, and forced him into a Tower, whence he let him go with his life, and then expostulated much with Hyrcanus, objecting ingratitude to him for taking Foelix his part, and suffering the brother of Malichus to seize upon divers Castles; for now he held many, and Massada amongst the rest, the strongest of all. But Herod after his recovery regained them all from him, suffering him to depart quiet∣ly out of Massada upon his desire.* 1.944 Antigonus the son of Aristobulus about this time so bribed Fabius, that he suffered him to get himself an Army, and Ptolomy Minnaeus because of the former affinity betwixt them, made him his son in Law, Marion also, who by Cassius his means had subjected Tyre, and divers places of Syria,* 1.945 came in to his help, having seized upon three Castels in Galile, but Herod also going against them, had them all surrendred by the Tyrians, whom he dismissed very graciously, out of respect to their City, and then marched against Antigonus, whom being scarcely entred the Coasts of Judaea he overthrew. Returning to Jerusalem he was received very ho∣nourably, not onely by the People, but Hyrcanus also, who had of late re∣ceived him into his family, contracting him to Mariamne the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and his own niece by his daughter; by which wife he was made a father of three sons and two daughters, having on a former wife (and his own Country-woman) named Doris, begotten Anti∣pater his eldest son. But now within a while Cassius and Brutus were over∣thrown at Philippi by Caesar and Antony, of whom the former returning into Italy, the other came over into Asia, which gave occasion to new stirs in Judaea.

26. Antony being come into Bithynia,* 1.946 Ambassadors were sent to him thi∣ther from all Countries,* 1.947 and amongst the rest came some from the chief of the Jews, to complain of Phasaelus and Herod, who usurped, as they said, all the power, an empty title being onely left to Hyrcanus. Herod went to defend himself, and so prevailed with his money, that his accusers were never heard. Antony having reached Ephesus, an Ambassie was dispatched to him in the name of Hyrcanus, and the whole Nation, desiring that all Captives which Cassius had caried away out of Judaea, might be set at liberty

by his Letters published throughout the Province,* 1.948 which he readily granted out, and as he was travelling into Syria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia, to whose allurements wholy giving up himself, at the same time came 100 of the most considerable of the Jews to complain again of the two brothers, whom Messala defended, and Hyrcanus himself stood by to assist. Their cause being heard at Daphne, Antony demanded of Hyrcanus whether part was fitter to Govern, who answering in commendation of Herod, he, who formerly loved the young men for their fathers sake with whom he had con∣tracted familiarity when he served in Egypt under Gabinius, constituted them both Tetrarchs, and committed to them the Government of the Jews. To this purpose he wrote Letters, and cast fifteen of their adversaries into pri∣son, and had put them to death, had not Herods intercession prevailed for them; and yet were they not discouraged so as to desist. For instead of 100. a thousand returned in Ambassage, and stayed for him at Tyre, but his favour being further purchased by the two brothers, he commanded the Magistrate of that place to animadvert upon them, and assist Herod in obtaining the principality. Herod going to them as they stood before the Citie on the shore, advised them to withdraw themselves, and Hyrcanus also laid before them in how great danger they were if they should go on in their purpose:* 1.949 But they contemning their advice were presently falln upon out of the Town by their own Countrey-men and the Inhabitants, and part of them being slain, and some taken, the rest returned. And the people clamoring exceedingly against Herod, Antony was so far incensed, as he caused those whom he had before committed to custody to be slain.

27. A year or two after, Pacorus son to the King of Parthia,* 1.950 and Barza∣pharnes, one of his great Officers, seized upon Syria, at such time as Ptolomy Mennaeus dying, Lysanias his son succeeded him. Antigonus the son of Ari∣stobulus bargained with the Parthians for 1000 Talents, and 500 women, to settle him in the Kingdom of Judaea, and kill Herod with his friends; and though he could not perform the conditions, yet lead they down an Army to re-establish him. Pacorus came down to the Sea-Coasts, where he was ex∣cluded by the Tyrians; but they of Sidon and Ptolemais giving him entrance, he sent a party of horse under the conduct of one Pacorus the Kings Butler into Judaea to make discoveries, and if it could be, to help Antigonus, with whom the Jews inhabiting Carmel joyning, he hoped by this force to seize upon a part of the Countrey called Drymae, and divers still coming in pierced to Jerusalem.* 1.951 The number still increasing, they attempted the Palace, but the two brothers with their friends opposing themselves, beat them back in∣to the Temple, and then sent some Soldiers into certain houses near adjoyn∣ing to defend them, which the people taking notice of, set them on fire, and therein burnt them alive, being unable to shift for themselves; which injury Herod a little after revenged upon his adversaries, of whom he slew many upon a Sally. Daily skirmishes thence insued, Antigonus his party staying for the feast of Pentecoste, expecting then a great multitude of people to come up from all parts, and accordingly at the day many thousands being assem∣bled, what with Arms, and what without, they overran all, except the Palace which still Herod and his brother Phaselus kept with a few Soldiers, with whom also issuing out into the Suburbs, having there fought most manfully, he put many thousands to flight. Shortly after, Antigonus procured Pacorus the Parthian with a few hors-men to enter Jerusalem, under pretence of com∣posing the difference, but indeed to establish him in the power, who being kindly met by Phasaelus, and entertained, he perswaded him to go in am∣bassage to Barzapharnes, thereby intending to entrap him. He suspect∣ing nothing, went contrary to the mind of his brother, who advised him rather to destroy the perfidious Barbarians, and with him went also Hyrcanus (an unheard-of imployment for the Prince himself) under conduct of Pa∣corus.

28. As soon as they came into Galile, they were met by the Governours of the Towns there, and Barzapharnes entertained them very civilly, and

gave them gifts,* 1.952 but presently sought how he might entrap them. Phaselus was lodged with his Train near the Sea, where hearing that Antigonus had made such a bargain with the Parthians, as is above related, began to suspect them, and then he had also intelligence, that they would be laid in wait for by night, and be privately secured; and certainly they had been taken ere now, but that there was great expectation, that the Parthians which Pacorus had left at Jerusalem, should take Herod, and thereupon the thing was de∣ferred, left coming to his ears, he should have notice of their Treachery, and thereby escape it. Shortly after,* 1.953 his fears were confirmed when he saw a Guard coming to secure him, whereupon there were not wanting some that advised him to mount, and save himself by flight, especially one Ofilius, who had the secret revealed to him by Saramalla the most wealthy amongst the Syrians, who now also voluntarily offered him ships to save himself. But he refused to forsake Hyrcanus and his brother, and going to Ba••zapharnes, blamed him for harbouring such designs, told him, if he wanted money, he might have more from him than Antigonus, and how base a thing it was to betray Ambassadors, innocent, and who had been drawn out upon the score of his own faith. The Parthian swore there was no such matter, and that he troubled himself with vain suspitions, and presently got him our to Pa∣corus; but he being gone, straight way hands were laid on Hyrcanus,* 1.954 and Pha∣selus, in vain upbraiding the Barbarians with perjury; an Eunuch also was dispatched to Jerusalem to get Herod by some means or other out of the Walls, and apprehend him. Phaselus had sent to make known his con∣dition to him, but the Messengers were intercepted, which he having knowledge of, had a conference with the Chief of the Parthians then at Jerusalem,* 1.955 who by all means laboured to get him out of the Palace. But he suspecting them, and giving no credit at all to their words, presently heard for certain of his brother's Captivity, and seeing them in doubt what to do against him, resolved to shift for himself, and taking the opportunity of the evening, departed with his relations that night, unknown to the Enemy.

29. He travelled towards Idumaea, whither at length he came to Massada the Castle; but as his departure was sad, so his journey was as dangerous, be∣ing pursued by the Parthians,* 1.956 whom following behind his Train he kept off, and was opposed also more violently by the Jews, over whom yet he got a victory, and afterwards in memorial of it built a sumptuous Palace in the same place. Once his mothers litter was overturned in the way, with which she being brought into danger of death, and he fearing the Enemy might over∣take them, he drew out his sword to kill himself, and had done it, but that the next to him interposing themselves hindred it, shewing him how it was not the part of a valiant man to forsake others, by setting himself at li∣berty, as they termed it. After he came to the Borders of Judaea, his bro∣ther Joseph met him, and perswaded him to dismisse the most of his followers, because the Castle could not harbour them, which he did to the number of 9000 and above, giving them money to bear their charges, and taking the ablest Soldiers, whom he had culled out from amongst the rest, with his rela∣tions, to the number of 800. he marched on to Massada, and there placed them, where no sort of Provisions was wanting; but he himself held on for Petra in Arabia, hoping of that King, who was such a friend of his father, to obtain help for the recovery of his brothers liberty. But the Parthians af∣ter his departure from Jerusalem plundred the Citie and Palace, and wasted the Countrey, in wich they destroyed Marisa a wealthy Town, and so redu∣cing Antigonus into Judaea, delivered up Hyrcanus and Phaselus into his hands, who was grievously troubled that the women had escaped, which he intended together with the money to have given to the Parthians.

30. Then fearing that Hyrcanus by the favour of the people might again be restored to the Kingdom, he either cut or bit off his ears, making him thereby uncapable of the Priesthood, which by the Law was not given, but to one of an entire body. But Phaselus knowing he was destined to death,

for that he could not otherwise kill himself for his bonds dashed out his brains against a stone.* 1.957 It was reported, that being grievously wounded in his head, Antigonus caused poyson to be put into it instead of salve; and that he hearing before his death that his brother Herod had escaped, underwent it chearfully, as leaving behind him a revenger of it. And he certainly know∣ing nothing thereof, laboured exceedingly to prevent it, going to Malchus the Arabian, whom he knew to be obliged to his family, hoping of him to get money, either upon free gift or trust, and resolving to give 300 Talents for his brothers Ransom, whose son also a Child of seven years old he car∣ried with him to leave as a pledge. But the Arabian being perswaded by his great ones to retain the money owing, with the goods which Antipater had deposited with him, sent some to meet him, and command him to depart from his borders, and after he was gone repented of what he had done, and sent after him, but too late. For he was now almost got into Egypt, hear∣ing of his brothers death in the way, where Cleopatra kindly entertained him, intending to use him in her Wars; but nothing could hinder him from hasting to Rome, though in the Winter season, and though great stirs were reported to be in Italy, whither also he came, though with great danger, for the difficulty of Navigation.

* 1.95831. He came thither when not long before there had been an agree∣ment made betwixt Antony and Caesar the Triumvirs (the former having married Octavia sister to the later) and another betwixt them two and young Pompey, who then held Sicily, which was a time convenient enough for his affairs. He made his application to Antony, of whose favour he had formerly tasted, recounting to him the whole story of the Parthians over∣running Judaea, of his brothers death, and the misery of his family now be∣sieged in a Castle, and how through these Tempests both at Sea and Land, he had ventured to come to him as his onely harbour and refuge; and with∣all was not sparing in the offering of money to him, in case he could procure him to be declared King of Judaea.* 1.959 Pity wrought something with Antony (being backed with the memory of that friendship which had passed betwixt Antipater and himself) the money more, and to these being superadded an hatred of Antigonus, whom he accounted a turbulent man, and one that bore a mind full of hatred towards the Romans, he much inclined to favour him. Caesar also, partly for that Antipater had done good service for his adoptive father in Egypt, and because he was willing to gratifie Antony, was ready to do him all good Offices, being also inclined to favour him out of a particu∣lar phancy he had to the man for his courage. The Senate therefore being called, first Messala, and then Atratonius commended him to the fathers, relating his father's, and then his own merits towards the Commonwealth; and withall they accused Antigonus, and inveighed against him as an Ene∣my, for that he had not onely born himself as such heretofore, but now of late in the calling in of the Parthians. Herewith the Senate being offended, Antony then declared to them that it would much conduce to the carrying on of the Parthian War, which was now depending, if Herod should be King; so that without any more to do, he was so declared by the unanimous consent of all,* 1.960 and then being accompanied into the Capitol by Caesar and Antony on each hand, the Consuls going before, there sacrifized, and according to the custom, laying up the decree of the Senate, was feasted by Antony. Thus ob∣tained he the Kingdom with the wonder of himself as well as others, through the especial friendship of Antony, having ever feared that the Romans would never consent he should have that honour which was not wont to be be∣stowed, but upon a royal race, and therefore he intended to have sued for it, not for himself but for Alexander, brother to Mariamne his wife; and this increased the wonder, that within seven dayes he should be dispatched and dismissed out of Italy. But thus obtained he the Sovereignty of Judaea, A. M. 3965.* 1.961 in the first of the 185 Olympiad, Domitius Calvinus the se∣cond time, and C. Asinius Pollio being Consuls, some 37 years before the birth of Christ.

32. During his absence,* 1.962 Antigonus laid close siege to the Castle of Mas∣sada, where he left his relations, abounding with all sorts of provisions; one∣ly water was wanting; so that Joseph had thoughts of flying with 200 men in∣to Arabia, the King whereof he had now heard to have repented of the re∣jecting of his brother. But this was prevented by a shower which fell by night, as if sent on purpose from Heaven for their relief, whereupon they were so heartned, as to sally out upon the besiegers, whereof they cut off many. In the mean while Ventidius the Roman General being sent into Syria to expel the Parthians thence, after their retreat, came into Ju∣daea, pretending to help Joseph, but indeed with intentions to fleece Anti∣gonus of a round sum of money, which he did, pitching his tents nigh to Jerusalem, which being done, he drew off the greater part of his forces, and left Silo with a party behind him, lest the fraud should be understood, whom Antigonus was also to pacifie till such time as the Parthians could come and help him. But in the mean time Herod landed at Ptolemais, and having got together no mean company, hasted through Galile against him.* 1.963 To Silo and Ventidius Antony had sent expresse order by Gellius, to place him in the Kingdom. Ventidius was then busie in composing differences amongst the Cities, which the incursion of the Parthians had made: Silo was in Judaea, but corrupted by Antigonus. Yet Herod's Forces increasing, he marched towards Massada to relieve his friends, which he accomplished, having first taken Joppe in his way, notwithstanding the lying in wait against him by An∣tigonus, after which having taken in also the Castle Ressa, he went up to Jerusalem, accompanied by Silo's Soldiers, and many Citizens affrighted at his power. Laying siege to the City, both he and Antigonus laboured to draw over the contrary parties to themselves,* 1.964 and though Herod could not at all move the Townsmen, yet it appeared that Silo was corrupted; for he sub∣orned some of his Soldiers to begin a mutiny, requiring to be led into a place more plentious of provisions, which Antigonus had all cut off; but Herod took such care for the bringing in of new, that his plot was frustrated, and taking out a party of ten Companies (half Jews and half Romans) went and took Jericho, forsaken of its Inhabitants, which he left to be rifled to the Romans. Then returning, he sent down the rest of their Army into their Winter quarters, which he appointed in Idumaea, Galile, and Samaria. An∣tigonus also obtained of Silo to have part of his men received into Lydda, thereby endeavouring to curry favour with Antony; so that the Romans lay idle all this season in places abounding with all necessaries.

33. Herod was not idle, but sending his brother Joseph into Idumaea with 1000 Foot and 400 Horse, went down into Galile to reduce some places there held by Antigonus; and within a short while brought all the Country into obedience except those men that lurked in caves, and then dividing to his Soldiers 150 drachmes a man, placed them also in their Winter quarters. Silo a little after came to him, being cast off by Antigonus, who had order∣ed the Inhabitants to take all necessaries with them, and flie into the moun∣tains, that so the Romans might be starved. Ventidius being now ingaged in Syria against the Parthians, sent to Silo to come to him when he had with Herod finished the War. But Herod having no confidence in him, dismis∣sed him beforehand, and went himself against the Thieves, who dwelling in caves with their families in craggy and inaccessible rocks, he was fain to in∣vent certain cages, which being let down to the sides of the rocks full of ar∣med men, either slew them or tumbled them down headlong out of their holes, or else burnt them within, and by this means he subdued them all. Then setting Ptolomy over that Country, he marched into Samaria, but was presently forced to return, for Ptolomy being set upon by those who former∣ly had disturbed Galile, was slain, and then they betook themselves into the fens and inacessible places, and thence making excursions, robbed all the Coasts thereabouts; but he returning, punished them, pulled down their pla∣ces of strength, and fined the Cities 100 Talents. In the mean while Ven∣tidius having slain Pacorus, and put the Parthians to flight, by Antonius his

command sent Machaeras to help Herod, with two Legions, and 1000 Horse; but he being corrupted also by Antigonus, would needs go to him as a spie against Herods will; Yet when he went could not be received, but was laid at with darts, so that repenting he had not followed Herod's advice, he went and secured himself in Emaus, killing all the Jews that came in his way, with∣out any difference of friend or enemy, out of madnesse for what had hap∣ned unto him. Herod being hereat enraged, resolved to go and complain to Antony, but he entreated him to stay, or if he went, however to leave Joseph with him to carry on the War against Antigonus, which later he gran∣ted, yet charging his brother not to venture all, nor contend with Machaeras. Then hasted he to S••mosata upon the river Euphrates, before which Antony then lay, leading Auxiliaries with him both Horse and Foot. At Antioch he met with many, that having a design to go thither, durst not for the Barba∣rians, who lying in the wayes, made great slaughters of travellers, but he taking the conduct of them upon him, stoutly defended them against the vio∣lence of the robbers, and with great credit for his valour safely arrived at the Camp of Antony.

* 1.96534. Antony to do him honour, sent out an Army to meet him,* 1.966 with great praises and embraces received him at the Camp, and gave him great respect, as a King of his own setting up. Shortly after his arrival Antiochus yielded up the place, and then Antony committing the Province to Sosius,* 1.967 and com∣mending to him the affairs of Herod, went away back into Aegypt. In the mean while Joseph neglecting his brothers counsel, was slain in Judaea, and great innovations followed in that place and in Galile; which Herod under∣standing, being sent before by Sosius with two Legions, lying at Daphne the Suburbs of Antioch, marched into Galile, where he worsted the Enemy, and took the Castle they fled into, whence hasting to Jericho, he there feast∣ed the chief Inhabitantes in a room, which upon his departure to his chamber presently fell down, whereupon he was accounted to be especially owned by God, who had so wonderfully preserved him. Not long after he got five Towns into his hands, wherein he put to the sword 2000 of the Garrison Sol∣diers, and then went against Pappus, whom Antigonus had sent into Samaria in a vain ostentation, as able to wage War in both places. Pappus gave him battel very boldly, but he overthrew him, and in revenge of his brothers death did great execution, whereby Antigonus his interest was clearly broken, and he thought of quitting the City, had the weather suffered the King to improve the Victory, and make an end of the War. At night Herod being weary, he went to wash in a chamber, where one boy onely was with him, and therein chanced to be divers armed men of the Enemy, who though they might have easily dispatched him then naked, yet were they so affrighted, as they gladly got out and saved themselves by flight. The extremity of the weather being over,* 1.968 he went up to Jerusalem and laid siege to it in the third year after he had been declared King at Rome, intending to use the same manner of opposition as Pompey had made formerly against the Temple. But during the siege he went to Samaria,* 1.969 and there maried Mariamne daughter to Alexander and niece of Aristobulus, formerly contracted to him. The mariage being over he returned,* 1.970 and Sosius came also through Phoenicia up to Jerusalem, so that both carryed on the siege with an Army consisting of eleven Legions,* 1.971 and 6000 Horse. The defendants with great earnestnesse and courage made resistance, concermining, and sometimes fighting with the Enemy in the ground, though much straitned for provisions, it being the Sa∣batical year.

35. Force at length prevailed, joyned with skil, in both which the Ro∣mans excelled, so that after five moneths twenty of the stoutest Soldiers, and then Sosius his Centurion got over, and the outward part of the Temple with the lower side of the City were taken, and at length the other also, where all were full of slaughters, the Romans being enraged by the tediousnesse of the War, and the Jews out of malice and particular grudges seeking to de∣stroy all of the contrary Faction. Antigonus came and fell on his knees be∣fore

Sosius, who received him with reviling speeches, calling him Antigona. Herod had much adoe to keep the Soldiers from entering the secret places of the Temple, and to restrain them from slaughters, demanding of Sosius if the Romans intended to make him King of a desert, and adding, that he should think the price of all that blood which was spilt to be very little, though the Dominion of all the World should come into the bargain, and at length was fain to redeem the City from further trouble by his own money, where∣with he dismissed the Romans sufficiently inriched. This disaster befel Je∣rusalem in the Consulship of M. Agrippa, and Canidius Gallius, and the last of the 185 Olympiad, the third moneth, in the fast, and on the same day it had been taken by Pompey 27 years before. Sosius consecrating a crown of gold to God, went away with Antigonus unto Antony.* 1.972 But Herod fear∣ing that Antony carying him to Rome, he should there obtain favour with the Senate, as being of the Royal race, and procure the Kingdom at their hands, if not for himself, yet for his children, who never had ill deserved of the People of Rome, he procured Antony to dispatch him out of the way, who pretending at least the unquietnesse of the Jews for his sake, caused him to be beheaded at Antioch. And so the Principality of the Asmonaeans ceased, after it had endured free from the yoak of Syria 98 years; and Herod a man of forein and obscure birth was confirmed in the Soveraignty over Judaea by the Romans, in the Empire of whom we shall hear further of him.

CHAP. VIII. The affaires of Sicilie Contemporary with the Empire of the Macedonians.

From the death of Timoleon to the Sicilian or first Punick War, containing the space of 73 years.

1. THe constitutions of Timoleon being Popular, and tending to the loose liberty of the Vulgar, which was destitute of lawfully successive Prin∣ces, Sicilie continued not in Peace many years, being of all other places, through want of lawful Monarchs, most subject to the ambition and tyranny of those, who, though private Citizens, through flattery and deceit enslaved their neighbours. Amongst the rest Agathocles is most eminent; none that ever in any time went before him,* 1.973 coming up to him, or, reaching him by far in cunning and cruelty. He was the son of one Carcinus a Potter,* 1.974 and brought up by his father in that trade of life, who being banished from Rhe∣gium in Italy his native soil, came into Sicilie, and placed himself at Ther∣mae at that time subject to the Carthaginians. Before he was born, and when his mother was yet great with him, the Delphick Oracle foretold, that he should be the author of great calamities to the Carthaginians, and also to all Sicilie, and for that cause he was exposed by his father, but preserved by his mother, and reserved to such a time unknown to him, as he repenting of what he had done, gladly understood from her of his safety. Being then again received by his father, he was brought up in the trade of a Potter, and was but young when Timeleon overthrew the Carthaginians at the River Cremis∣sus, and made all free of Syracuse that would come thither. He was then with his father admitted into that City, and not long after his father died, but one Damas a chief Citizen being extraordinarily affected towards him for his comlinesse, gave him whereon sufficiently to live, and afterwards be∣ing created the Captain of the Agrigentines, bestowed on him the place of a Colonel in the Army, for that he was wont formerly in musters to wear those arms which none else could bear for their bignesse. But now being advanced

to this degree,* 1.975 he rendred himself more popular by his bold adventurers, and his making speeches often to the people, and Damas dying, he married his Widow, whereby he got abundance of wealth.* 1.976 Afterwards it hapning that Crotone being besieged by the Brutii, they of Syracuse sent relief thither, which amongst other Captains was conducted by his brother Autander, and he himself by decree of the people had also the Office of a Colonel. But the Chief command was committed to Heraclides and Sosistratus, the later of which out of envy defrauded him of the rewards of his valour, which he now abundantly shewed, whereat he was so inraged, as to accuse him and his Companions to the people of affecting the Tyranny, but they giving no credit to his words, Sosistratus after his return seized on the Prin∣cipality.* 1.977 Agathocles then for some time continued in Italy, and endea∣vouring to get Crotone into his power, failed of his Enterprize, and withdrew himself to Tarentum.

2. He was received into pay amongst the Mercenaries, but being suspe∣cted to attempt new matters, was not long after again cashiered, after which getting together a Company of Italian Fugitives, he relieved Rheginum, then set upon by Sosistratus and Heraclides, and then Sosistratus being ba∣nished Syracuse, together with his Authority, returned thither, where some∣times a private person, otherwises an Officer, he valiantly behaved himself against the Tyrant's faction, in which the Carthaginians, and a great num∣ber of the chiefest Citizens were ingaged. Having once broke into the Citie Gela, and there being overmatched by Sosistratus and the Towns-men, so that he and his party were all of them in danger to be cut off,* 1.978 he sent his Trumpet∣ters round about to the Walls, commanding them to sound an Allarm, where∣by it came to passe (as he intended) that the Enemy thinking the besie∣gers had broken in from all quarters, retired from him to repulse them, and so he safely retreated this Sconce. This businesse of Sosistratus being over, and Acestorides the Corinthian Created General of the Syracusians, Agathocles was suspected because of his politick head,* 1.979 to affect the Tyranny; yet Ace∣storides would not take him of publickly, for raising new stirs, but commanding him to depart the Citie, sent some to ly in wait, & kill him in the way; which he suspecting, sent out a young man very like himself, with his Cloths, Horse, and Armour, and in a disguised habit travelled through by-wayes, so that he devolved the danger upon the head of another, and escaped. Afterwards the Exiles of Sosistratus his faction being received, and a peace made with the Carthaginians, he lived as an outlaw within the Country, but gathering to∣gether considerable forces, proved so formidable to his own Citizens, and their new Allies, that they sought to him themselves to return, and having brought him into the Temple of Ceres, there took an Oath of him not to be against the popular Government.* 1.980 Making a shew then of Patronizing Democracie, he so inveigled the people by his fair speeches and cunning pretences, that he was constituted General, and keeper of the Peace, till such time as the diffe∣rences then on foot, through the restitution of the Exiles, should be composed; and then having obtained his wished for opportunity, the Army being at his beck, and under pretence of opposing some, who at Erbita had lately re∣volted, sufficient occasion being taken to increase his strength, he marched out as against the Rebels, and united unto him 3000 men, some whereof had for∣merly served him against the Carthaginians, and were most addicted to him∣self, and adverse both to the people in general, and the 600 who now had the power in their hands, after the Aristocracie was taken away. With these, and certain Syracusians, who being poor themselves envied the vvealth of others, he strengthned himself, and accusing the 600 to the Soldiers as ha∣ving plotted against him, procured them easily to be taken for Enemies, and causing an Allarm to be sounded, commanded the Army to march to the Citie, and there to kill the Malignants, and take the spoyl of them and all their party.

3. The Army marching presently to the Citie, every part thereof was fil∣led with slaughters, there being no difference made betwixt friend and Ene∣my,

but according to the riches or poverty of the persons, and many run∣ning out into the streets to know what the matter was, were slain as they asked the question:* 1.981 all the Gates were shut that none might escape, so that 4000 by this means in one day perished. Many leaped down the Walls, of which some perished in the fall, but others to the number of 6000 escaped, of which most fled to Agrigentum, where they were courteously received, but sufficiently tormented in this respect, that their Wives and Daughters at home were abused by the Soldiers in revenge for their escape. Agathocles being glutted with a two dayes slaughter, gathered together the multitude of his Captives, of which he onely dismissed Dinocrates for his former friendship, but the rest he presently put to death or banished, and then calling the people together, grievously inveighed against the 600. and at the Aristocratical Go∣vernment, and then mentioning what he had done to purchase the liberty of his Countrey, very formally laid down his Office, knowing certainly he should be sollicited to take it up again. For, his Soldiers now made rich by other mens goods, would not endure that he, or his authority, should forsake them, but cried out he must take care of them, so that with much ado, as it seemed, he took upon him the Office of Chief Captain,* 1.982 but without a Collegue, being unwilling, as he said, to be called to an account for others break∣ing the Laws, when as he acted according to them; to which the people consenting,* 1.983 he was Created Captain General with full Authority by their suf∣frages.

4. He carried it with all sweetnesse and moderation towards all them at the first, took great care for the Revenues, making of Arms, and increasing of the Fleet, and got several of the Inland Towns into his power.* 1.984 Having seized upon a Castle of the Messenians, he promised to restore it for 30 Ta∣lents, but after the receit of the money, not onely refused to surrender it, but also endeavoured to take Messene it self, part of the Wall being falln down, and though he failed herein of his Enterprize, yet besieged he Mylae, and had the place surrendred to him, but the Carthaginians sending their Ambassadors, expostulated with him his breaking the League, and constrained him to give the Castle up again into the hands of the Messenians.* 1.985 The year after, the Exiles that lived at Agrigentum exhorting their entertainers not to suffer him thus to go on in his Conquests, and make a prey of their Towns; for that it was better now to set upon him before he had confirmed his Tyranny, than when he should be grown too strong for them, and to be forced to War with him against their Wills.* 1.986 This appearing to be but reason, the people decreed the War, and having entred into a strict Alliance with them of Gela and Messena, sent some of the Exiles to Lacedaemon, thence to pro∣cure a General, suspecting the fidelity and moderation of their own Citi∣zens, and calling to mind the worth of Timoleon. At that time was there in that Citie one Acrotatus son to Cleomenes the King, labouring under the envy of most of the youth, because the Lacedaemonians having been overthrown by Antipater, who then Governed Macedonia (after the death of Alexander the Great) when such as returned from the defeat were acquitted by the people, he alone had opposed the decree. Being inraged hereat, they beat him, and laid in wait for his life, whereupon now desirous of some forein command, he easily accepted of this imployment, and without consent of the Ephori, with a few ships sayled to Agrigentum, yet did he nothing worthy, either of his family or Countrey, but proving more bloudy and cruel than the Tyrants themselves, incurred the displeasure of the people. Giving him∣self up to all luxury, and therewith spending the publick revenew, he mur∣dred Sosistratus the Chief of the Exiles having invited him to supper, for nothing but out of emulation, whereupon he was deprived of his command, and had been stoned, but that he withdrew himself into his own Countrey. After his departure a composure was made by the interposition of Amilcar the Carthaginian,* 1.987 upon these terms, that of the Greek Cities Heraclea, Soli∣nus, and Himera should continue under the power of the Carthaginians; but the rest, over which the Syracusanians had the Dominion, should be left to their own Laws.

5. The Island being hereby cleared of the Enemy's Forces, he securely laid divers Towns to his Dominions, and with the accession of many places to his former strength, sufficiently confirmed himself, having over and above his Syracusians, and Confederates, 10000 foot, and 3500 horse of Mercenaries in constant pay, and making Provision of all sorts of Ammunition, for that he foresaw, that the Carthaginians disapproving of the peace made by Amil∣car, would within a short while renew the War:* 1.988 The year after seeing himself sufficiently furnished, he resolved then not to expect them, but begin him∣self; yet desiring first to clear his way, by removing whatever might hinder him from the neighbouring Cities,* 1.989 he first attempted Messene whither the Exiles of Syracuse had fled; and he first prevailed with them to expel these, and then to admit him into the Town, where he killed 600 of the chiefest of them, and most adverse to his power. Thence he went to Agrigentum,* 1.990 think∣ing to make also a prey of it; but sixty ships of the Carthaginians with Forces having lately come thither, he forbore to attempt any thing, and drew his forces into the Territories of the Carthaginians, where he took in di∣vers Castles. In the mean while Dinocrates the principal man amongst the Exiles sent to Carthage, desiring aid before Agathocles should reduce all Sicily into his power, and having gathered his Companions together, and raised a pretty Force, sent Nymphodorus to the Town of the Centorippini held then by Agathocles, but being promised to have it betrayed into his hands, under condition they should be left to their own liberty, He got by the night into the Town, but the Garrison having timely knowledge of it, cut him off, and all his followers which had entred, and Agathocles punished the Conspirators. But Dinocrates being called by the Inhabitants of Galaria, with 3000 foot, and 2000 horse marched thither, where Agatho∣cles his faction being cast out, he pitched his Tents without the Town; but he sent two of his Captains against him with 5000 men, who at length put him, and his whole Army to flight, and recovering the place, animad∣verted upon the Revolters. Agathocles being elevated with this successe, hearing the Carthaginians were seized on an Hill, marched thither, in∣tending to fight them with all the power he could make, but they de∣clining an engagement, in a Triumphant manner he returned unto Sy∣racuse.

6. The year following,* 1.991 the Carthaginians shipped a great Army for Si∣cily under Conduct of Amilcar, a man of high Nobility; but such a Tem∣pest seized on the Fleet, that 260 Vessels loaded with men and Provisions miscarried, which made them cover their Walls with black, as it was the cu∣stom upon some great and publick disaster.* 1.992 But Amilcar being an industrious man, gathering together the Relicks of the shipwrack, listed more men after his arrival, and made up a compleat Army of 40000 foot, and well nigh 5000 horse. Agathocles perceiving himself too weak to encounter the E∣nemy at present, took care how to secure his Towns and Castles from re∣volting, and especially Gela, near to which the Enemy then lay. To send in a great party at once, he thought might awaken the Towns-men too much, and put them upon some attempt disadvantageous to himself, so that he got some Soldiers in at several times, till they amounted to a number too strong for the other, and then going thither, accused the Inhabitants of Treachery, and took occasion to make a Massacre of 4000 of them, the goods of whom he seized, with all the Silver and Gold of those that remained. Then pitched he his Tents against the Carthaginians, encamped on an Hill where the Ca∣stle of Phalaris the Tyrant of old time was reported to be, whence it got the name of Ecnomos, i. e. wicked or unlawfull. A River ran betwixt the two Camps, concerning which a rumour having been of old time spread, that a great multitude of men should perish near unto it, this hindred both the Armies from ingaging, till such time as excursions being made on both sides, the Africans broke out of their Trenches to rescue the prey, which Agatho∣cles foreseeing, had placed many men in ambush upon the River, who fal∣ling upon the Carthaginians, as they pursued their friends, drove them back,

and with great slaughter gave the chace unto their Camps. Agathocles judging this a fit season for an ingagement, arose with his whole Army, and fell upon them in their trenches, into which he brake, and there maintained for sometime a hot dispute, till the Enemy repulsed him at that place, by help especially of Slingers, natives of the Islands Baleares, who being ex∣ercised after the fashion of that Country in slinging of stones, forced back the Syracusians, by throwing at them those of a pound weight. Yet he broke in in other places, and had almost done his work, when fresh supplies to the Enemy arrived out of Africk, which falling on him in his rear, turned the fate of the day clear against him, and put his men to flight, of which great execution was done by 5000 Africans that gave the chace,* 1.993 many also killing themselves by drinking over hastily, out of extremity of the heat which then raged through the influence of the Dog Star. So that he lost no fewer than 7000 men, 600 onely of the Carthaginians being slain.

7. Agathocles getting together his straglers betook himself to Gela, ha∣ving given out, that he determined for Syracuse with all speed, so that 300 Af∣ricans entering Gela, and fearing nothing, were all cut off by him. Then shut he himself up there, that the Carthaginians laying siege to the place, the Syracusians might have time enough to victual their City, and indeed Amilcar thought first of all to besiege it, but afterwards understanding what force was in it, changed his purpose, and rook in several Towns and Castles, and behaved himself so lovingly, as many within a short time revolted to him. Agathocles then withdrew to Syracuse, which he furnished with all sorts of provisions for the enduring of a siege, intending to leave a party for defence thereof, and remove the War into Africk, by passing all his Army over thither. For, considering that the Carthaginians had almost got all Sicilie,* 1.994 and his confederates generally revolted to them (who were most po∣tent now both at Sea and Land) he judged it (though the most venturous, yet) the safest way to invade the Enemy in his own Territories, which being a sud∣dain and most unusual thing, he should daunt him therewith, and drive his Subjects into an open revolt, and force him to call back the Army out of Si∣cilie.* 1.995 Communicating therefore this purpose to no man living, he left Sy∣racuse to the Government of his brother Antander, and severing all the re∣lations of the City one from another, that no mutiny or sedition might a∣rise in his absence (taking part of them along with him as hostages) he raised money by seizing the estates of Orphans into his hands (which he promised to restore when they should come to age) by borrowing money of Merchants, robbing of Temples; but especially by calling the People together, and ac∣quainting them, how he was most ready to endure any hardship, but it pitied him for the People: therefore he advised all that feated themselves and estates to depart, which when the richest and most out of favour had done, he procured them to be cut off, and confiscated all their goods. Then manumit∣ting all slaves that were fit for the Wars, he shipt his men in sixty Vessels, and getting out into the Main whilst the Carthaginians knew not his design, escaped them by the darknesse of the night, and though they chased him all the way, yet arrived he in Africk with his Army in safety.

8. Once arrived he burnt his ships, as well to take away from his Soldiers all hope of escape (thereby to heighten their valour) as also having no great Army,* 1.996 lest for the defence of the Navy, it should be divided. Then fell he upon two Cities immediately, which he took (the Soldiers being incoura∣ged at the sight of so pleasant and rich a Country) but suffered none of his Army to lye there, but destroyed the places, lest his men shoul relie upon them as a refuge. The Carthaginians were wonderfully daunted at the first report of his landing,* 1.997 concluding he durst not venture over, except he had first, by destroying their Army, made all sure in Sicilie, but understanding the whole affaires from some messengers sent from the Fleet, they gathered cou∣rage, blamed their Sea-officers, who having the Sea in their power, had suf∣fered the Enemy to land, and made choice of two Captains, Hanno and Bomilcar, thinking that their enmity towards each other which had been in∣tailed

upon them, would prove the commodity of the Commonwealth; though indeed therein they were mistaken. These two Generals thought not fit to stay for their associates, but muster as many of their own Citizens as would make a shift, and so raising 40000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, with 2000 Chariots, they encounter the Enemy. Agathocles his men, many of them, wanting Arms, he made them counterfeit ones, to be so esteemed a far off, and perceiving them to be discouraged at the number of the Carthagi∣nian Horse, he procured many Owls to be let go in the Camp, which birds be∣ing taken to bring alwaies good luck with them, the Soldiers were therewith so cheared,* 1.998 that they resolutely set upon the Enemy, and brake presently the body of Horse. The Charets they drove for the most part back amongst the Foot, which they charged also with such resolution, that the wing where Hanno commanded was discomfited, and he himself slain. Bomilcar his Collegue understanding this, having formerly wished for some good opportu∣nity to invade the Tyranny (which the most eminent men of Carthage were many times forced to do, for the avoiding of those censures and punishments constantly inflicted upon them for the least miscariage of fortune, by the hea∣dy rable) thinking now an occasion to be presented to him, as it were from Heaven, he resolved to take hold of it. And for that he thought it most con∣venient for him, that the Enemy should not be overthrown, but an awe conti∣nued upon his Citizens, he retreated by little and little, suffering the Sici∣lians to prevail, and at length drew off his men to an hill, whence they all fled as fast as they could to Carthage, having lost of their number 1000 men, and killed of the Greeks but 200.

9. The Carthaginians now shut up in their City, and besieged by Aga∣thocles (though they had caried with them above 20000 pair of manicles in their Chariots to bind the Greeks, over whom they promised themselves an easie victory) very much discouraged, and laying the blame of the misfortune upon the neglect of their superstition, sent great gifts to Hercules the god of the Tyrians, from whom they were issued, and for that they had redeemed their own children of late (by others gotten elsewhere) from being sacrifi∣zed to Saturn, they presently offered up to him 200 boyes of the chiefest a∣mongst them for Nobility, being put into the hand of the Statue, and thence falling down into the hollow of it full of fire. They sent also to Amilcar into Sicilie for aid, who receiving the news, caused it to be given out, that all the Sicilian Army was cut off, and earnestly thereupon urged the besieged to a surrender of Syracuse, shewing them (to inforce the matter) the iron∣work of the ships wherein the Army had passed over, which indeed the Car∣thaginians had taken up into their Vessels after the burning of the Fleet. But the chief men amongst the besieged stayed the rest from yielding, though Antander the brother of Agathocles was so faint-hearted, as to be for the de∣livering up the City, and cast 8000 of the contrary faction, and the friends of the exiles, out of the Town: But within a few dayes arrived a Gally from Agathocles, to give them knowledge of his successe, which being pursued by the Carthaginians, and the People flocking to the Haven to gaze, the walls were so forsaken, that Amilcar taking his opportunity, got some of his men over,* 1.999 but an Alarm being given, they were either slain, or forced headlong down the fortifications. Amilcar hereat discouraged, raised his siege, and sent a supply of 5000 men over to Carthage.

10. Agathocles in this mean while took divers places in Africk, and for∣tifying his Camp before Tunis (wherein he also left a strong Garrison) march∣ed further and besieged Adrymis, and drew into society with him Elymas the King of the Africans. The Carthaginians having notice of this, turned all their forces upon Tunis, which they besieged, having first become Masters of his Camp; but he hereupon leaving a great part of his Army still before the Town,* 1.1000 went with the rest to an high hill, whence he might easily be seen by both the Carthaginians that lay before Tunis, and also by the Inhabitants of Adrymis, and there making abundance of fires, deceived them by this st••atagem at both places. For the besiegers thought he was coming with a

great Army to relieve Tunis, and therefore raised their siege out of hand, and departed to Carthage, the besieged of Adrymis out of a strong apprehensi∣on that new supplies were coming to the Enemy, yielded the Town. Then took hee Thaepsus by storm, and divers other places, and having now got into his hands about 200 Towns, went higher up into Libya. The Cartha∣ginians took another occasion at his absence to besiege Tunis, but he there∣upon returned as before, but overcame them by a stratagem of a clean contra∣ry Nature with the former; for he commanded that no fires now should be made, and marching very fast fell upon them at unawares, and cutting off 2000, took very many prisoners, and forced the other to betake them to their heels, whereby he exceedingly advanced his affaires, giving the Carthagini∣ans such a blow (who now by reason of their supplies arrived out of Sicilie, were thought superior to him) that improving the Victory he went against Elymas, who had revolted from him, and killed him with a great number of his Subjects.

11. The year following, Amilcar in Sicilie once more besieged Syracuse,* 1.1001 and presently made great haste for storming of it after his arrival, because the Soothsayers had foretold him, that that day he should dine in the City. A great number joyning themselves to him out of hope of plunder, they so stop∣ped up the way with cariages,* 1.1002 that they hindered one another, and such a tu∣mult arose, that the Syracusians having notice of it, sallied out upon them, and putting them to flight made great slaughter of them, and taking Amilcar alive, delivered him to the friends of those that had been slain, who most cruelly tortured him to death, having been formerly it's probable, condem∣ned by his ingrateful Citizens themselves, though as then,* 1.1003 he having the Army in his power, they durst not let it be known, but casting all their votes (writ∣ten as the manner was) into a vessel, they ordered it to be covered, and the thing not to be looked into, until his return, and the giving up of his com∣mand. But his Army which consisted of 120000 Foot, and 5000 Horse, being thus strangely defeated, was divided then into two factions. The Ex∣iles and Greeks chose them Dinocrates for their Captain,* 1.1004 and the Carthagi∣nians, him that had held the next place to Amilcar. The affaires of Sicilie being thus in confusion, the Inhabitants of Agrigentum thinking a fit oppor∣tunity for gaining the Principality of the whole Island to be put into their hands, made Xenodocus their Captain, who went and took in divers Towns, many revolting to him (all which with the former he restored to their liberty) and restrained the excursions of the Syracusians, who were in great distresse for want of provisions which had been cut off by the Carthaginians, the con∣stant Masters at Sea. By this time Amilcar's head was sent over to Agatho∣cles, who receiving it with joy, raised the contrary affection in the Enemy, to whose Camp he brought it, together with the message, that their forces were utterly cut off, whereupon they dispaired forthwith of better fortune, adoring the head of their nominal King.

12. Agathocles was much puffed up at his prosperity, though he was not far from the waining of his fortune,* 1.1005 a preludium unto which was made by Ly∣ciscus one of his Officers, who in a drunken fit exceedingly jeered him. He took it patiently, and made a jest of it, because the man was very service∣able to him in his Wars, but Archagathus his son taking it heinously, return∣ed it to him in his own language with threats, which further so inraged him, that he threw in his teeth (which was generally reported) his incestuous having to do with his step-mother. The young man hereat was so transported, as he ran him thorow and slew him outright, which was followed by a mutiny of the whole Army, demanding justice against him, which flew to that height, that the Soldiers chose themselves Captains, seized on Tunis, and besieged Agathocles and his son, many of the Officers upon promise of lager pay, revolted to the Carthaginians, who had not been wanting to add fuel to this flame. Agathocles seeing the danger he was in, laid aside his Purple, and made a pitiful Oration to the Soldiers, wherein he told them hee was wil∣ling to lay down his life if so they pleased, rather than end his dayes by some

ignominious death, and drew out his Sword as intending to kill himself; but the Army hindered it, and compelling him to resume his Robes, were throughly reconciled unto him,* 1.1006 except some 200 which went over to the Ene∣my. He taking this opportunity marched presently against the Carthaginians, who full little thought of a battel, but expected presently a general revolt; so that taking them thus at unawares, he easily overthrew them with great slaugh∣ter.

13. About this time the Numidians revolted from those of Carthage, who sent out an Army the next Spring to reduce them to obedience.* 1.1007 Aga∣thocles understanding that, left his son at Tunis, and marching after them with all expedition, at length overtakes them, then overthrows them, though with great difficulty, and losse to himself. The Numidians, whilest he was em∣ployed in the battel, having been intent upon the event of the fight, fell in, and plundred his Carriages, and getting away with the greatest part of the goods, by reason of the darknesse of the night, he was glad to divide the plun∣der of the field equally amongst his Soldiers, in way of recompence for the damage sustained by them.* 1.1008 Such Greeks as he took prisoners, which had assi∣sted the Carthaginians, he put into a Castle, where they fearing to be put to death set upon the Garrison by night, but being too weak, betook themselves thence to a certain fortified place, which Agathocles hearing marched thi∣ther with his Army, and drawing them out under promise of impunity, con∣trary to his faith given, killed them all to the number of 1000. of which half were Syracusians. At this time there was one Ophellas, who having been an Officer under Alexander the Great, had seized upon Cyrene, and ga∣ped still after larger Dominions. To him now sent Agathocles, inviting him to come and joyn with him against the Carthaginians, offering him all Africk for a reward, to which he pretended he was constrained to passe over, assuring him he would content himself with Sicily, or else, if he thought good, invade Italy more commodious for him than Africk by far. The man puffed up with great expectations,* 1.1009 sent to Athens (whence he had married a wife of the stock of famous Miltiades) to joyn with him in the ex∣pedition, which not onely divers of that Citie readily imbraced, but others of Greece now much shattered by Wars within it self, which were raised by Alexander his Successors.* 1.1010 Ophellas then began his journey (with above 10000 foot, 600 horse, 100 Chariots, besides 10000 others, extraordinary, as they called them) of two moneths long, through a desart infested with wild beasts and venemous Serpents, wherewith his Army was sore distressed, as al∣so by want of necessaries, till at length they arrived at Agathocles his Camp. There they were received with all manner of Provisions, but as the greatest part of them were gone out to gather forrage, he set upon the rest with their Captain,* 1.1011 who though he resisted, yet being overborn, was slain most treacher∣ously, and Agathocles then forcing them to lay down their Arms, got into his power the whole Army, having aforehand stirred up his Soldiers against Ophellas, by feigning that he lay in wait for his life.

* 1.101214. Whilest Agathocles was in hand with this treacherous design, Bo∣milcar having long intended, but still out of fear deferred, the invasion of the Tyranny, communicating his intention to 500 Citizens, and 1000 Mercena∣rie••, broke out into open Rebellion against his Countrey. Having seized on the new Citie, he thence invaded the old, which caused great consternation at first, whilest every one feared they had been betrayed into the Enemies hands; but understanding the matter, they presently made head against him, who going on in his way made slaughters of all he met; but what with opposing him in the streets, and throwing down stones from the houses, they drove him back again into the new Citie through the narrow wayes, and there be∣sieged him. At length upon promise of pardon for what had passed, an agree∣ment was made, and his followers by reason of the danger the Citie stood in, were all dismissed without any punishment; but he, notwithstanding the faith given to him, was most ignominiously, and with great Tortures put to death.

15.* 1.1013 The year after Agathocles hearing that the Captains of Alexander had taken the Titles of Kings upon them; for that he thought himself neither in∣feriour to them in power,* 1.1014 Territories, or for valiant acts, he called him∣self King in like manner: yet took he not the Diadem, being accustomed constantly to wear a Crown of Myrtles heretofore, either for the Ceremony of some Priesthood, or as* 1.1015 others have conceived, by reason of baldnesse, which rendred him exceedingly uncomely about the head. Then to attempt something worthy of so great a Title, he fell upon Utica, near which ta∣king 300 of the Inhabitants, which upon his coming had been shut out, when he could not perswade them to yield, he framed an Engine,* 1.1016 to which he tied many of them, and drawing it along to that place where he intended to break into the Town, exposed them either to be shot to death by their friends, or else if they within out of affection to them should forbear, then could he easily enter. The Defendants yet preferring their Countreys safe∣ty before that of a few private men, when they could do no lesse, repulsed the Enemy with all possible endeavour; but for all this, Agathocles broke in at another place, and filled the Citie with slaughter, no regard being had to any condition; and after he had overcome them also in a Sea-fight, placed a Garrison there, and subdued all the Maritime Towns under his power. Though he prospered thus in Africk, yet was he sollicitous for Sicily, where the Agrigentines had made some progresse in freeing the Cities; but now of late had received so great a blow from his Captains, that broke in pieces their design. Just after the fight was over he arrived, and making a pro∣gresse about the Island, recovered most of the Towns, onely he was repulsed with great losse from Centorippa, and upon the same terms gained Appollonia. Henceforth his affairs began universally to decline.* 1.1017 In Sicily, Dinocrates got so great an Army of Exiles together, that he durst not fight him, though continually dared, and dogged at the heels. In Africk his son Arthagathus prospered very much at the first through the good fortune of Eumachus, who subdued many places. But the Senate at Carthage dividing their Army into three parties, whereof one was to march for the Maritime parts, ano∣ther for the Inland, and the last for the upper Countreys, they thereby attained their ends, viz. to lessen their number in the Citie (which made all Provisions scarce, by sending out 30000 men) to contain their Allies in fidelity, by giving them hopes of relief, and (which was the chiefest) to force the Enemy also to divide his Army, and so draw him down from Carthage it self.

16. For Archagathus dividing his Army to oppose the Carthaginians in the several quarters, lost almost the two parts thereof, which he sent out under Conduct of two several Captains, to the number of about 19000 men; so that the Carthaginians reduced almost all places back to obedience, all the Confederates revolted except a few, and Archagathus being distres∣sed for want of all things, and the remainder of his Army in great terrour, he sent to his father into Sicily to acquaint him in what posture matters stood, and to desire speedy relief. He seeing his affairs go down the wind in that Island was sollicitous how to leave it, and 300 Vessels of the Carthaginians blocked up the mouth of the Haven, so that he could not stir out. But 18 Vessels coming in from Hetruria, he perswaded the Masters thereof being friends to put out, and then when the Carthaginians (as he expected) gave them the chace, he fell in upon their Rear, and beyond all hope got a vi∣ctory over them, boarding five of their Fleet, which he took together with the Defenders. Hereat encouraged, he sent Leptines against Agrigentum, knowing Xenodocus their General then to be out of favour with a great part of the Town, and he seeing himself unable to graple with him stirred not out, but provoked by the Citizens, so that being worsted, for fear of condemna∣tion he fled to Gela. Agathocles now feasted the people for joy, making himself common with all, and giving them vvine to excesse, so that their vvits being out, when that once was in, they might speak their minds, and he thereby know their inclinations; for he feared that after his departure

they might call in Dinocrates and the Exiles, and restore again the popular Government.* 1.1018 Having by this means got out who they were that distasted his power, he feasted them again by themselves, with other 500 who bore the most noble minds, and compassing them in with his Mercenaries, slew them every man.

17. Then sayled he over into Africk, vvhere he found his Army in a low and desolate condition for vvant of necessaries. Therefore resolved he to fight, though far inferiour to the Carthaginians, vvho sought rather to draw out the time in length, knowing the condition of the Enemy; but he leading down his men to their Trenches, forced them to come out and give battel, in vvhich he fighting valiantly, yet vvas vvorsted vvith the losse of 3000 men. After this a sudden calamity seized upon both the Armies by reason of mi∣stakes. For the Carthaginians offering the most beautifull of their Captives, as a sacrifize to their gods, it hapned that the fire thence vvas driven to their Tents, vvhich being covered vvith Reed and Straw easily catched it, and as easily vvere consumed, vvhence it came to passe that all things vvere in great confusion. But the vvorst of it vvas, that the Africans vvhich had fought vvith Agathocles coming now over to them, the Scouts seeing them, gave an Al∣larm,* 1.1019 as if all the Greeks taking their advantage of the fire vvere coming against them, so that flying in great confusion, they killed, and trode dovvn one another, mistaking one another for Enemies, and having thus dispatched 5000 of their Company, all run away to Carthage, vvhere they vvere re∣ceived vvith great trembling by their friends, lest that vvith them the Enemy should enter. The Africans vvhich vvere coming over, being affrighted at the burning of the Camp, retreated, vvhich being seen also by the Greeks, they gave notice to Agathocles that the Carthaginians vvere coming against him, so that he drew out his men in great fear and terrour, who meeting the Africans, and they taking one another for Enemies, they killed, and slew all they could during the night season, till such time as 4000 being slain, the rest retreated to the Camp. Agathocles after this, seeing himself too weak now to graple with the Carthaginians,* 1.1020 and thereby his affairs to be desperate in Africk, resolved to return into Sicily, and considering that the Enemy ha∣ving the command at Sea, would not suffer the Army to passe away quietly, he resolved with his younger son Heraclides, and a few more, to passe over secretly, and leave Archagathus behind him, whom he was jealous of, be∣cause of the report raised of him that he had to do with his Step-mother.

18. But Archagathus having notice of his intention (which he took in marvailous evil part) communicated it to several of the Officers, who rai∣sing a mutiny presently in the Army, Agathocles was seized on, and made sure in Fetters.* 1.1021 A little after it hapned that an Allarm was made in the Camp, as if the Enemy approched, which made all Arm themselves and run out, and amongst the rest the Keepers of Agathocles, whom then the mul∣titude seeing in such a condition, cried out presently that he should be loosed; which being done, he forthwith took Boat with a few attendants, leaving both his sons behind him. The Army understanding this killed them both, and then agreed with the Carthaginians for 300 Talents to restore the Towns yet in their hands, and that such as would should receive pay in their service. And such as did so had the terms performed; but those that out of hope of succour from Agathocles held out the places, being all forced to yield, their Captains were Crucified, and the common Soldiers being bound in Fet∣ters, were forced with their hard labour to repair that Countrey, which for∣merly they had helped to depopulate.

19. Thus the Carthaginians obtained peace after four years; Divine ven∣geance hurrying Agathocles to punishment, after that perfidious murder of Ophellas, his two sons being slain on the same day, and by the hands of his Soldiers. After his arrival in Sicily he went presently to Aegesta, a Town confederate with him, whence wanting money he exacted much Treasure, but they grumbling, and complaining thereof, all the poorer sort he brought forth, and slew at the River Seamander, and then tortured the rest with all

sorts of torments to make them confesse what they had. Some he broke up∣on the wheel, others he shot of from Engines as stones. Some had their ancles cut off,* 1.1022 and endured other cruel torments. He invented a kind of punishment also, something resembling Phalaris his Bull, being a bed of iron, wherein one being put, was burnt or fried to death by fire put underneath. Rich women had their ancles broken with iron tongs, others their breasts cut off. Some out of terror burnt themselves in their houses, and others hanged themselves, so that the whole flower of the People being absolutely destroy∣ed, he sold the children to the Brutii in Italy, and utterly to destroy the name of the City, called it Dicaeopolis, and Peopled it with fugitives. Hearing then that his sons were slain in Africk, to be revenged on the Soldiers, he sent commands to Antander his brother, to kill all their friends and kinsfolks at Syracuse, w••ich he readily performing, no sex nor age was spared, but so horrid a massace committed, that as well old and decrepit men as young in∣fants were included in the slaughter. Such as were thus murdered lying on the Sea shoar, none durst bury them, though never so nearly related, so that the Sea washing them away was coloured with the blood, carying along with it a note of this cruelty to other parts at a good distance.* 1.1023 Agathocles con∣tinued his progresse up and down the Island, strengthning Towns, and rais∣ing money; but Pasiphilus his Captain despising him now for the lownesse of his fortune, fled over to Dinocrates, and withdrew the Army also from him. This cast him into such despair, that contrary to his former boldnesse, he sent to Dinocrates, offering to quit the Tyranny, and restore the Govern∣ment to the People, so he might have but two Castles to maintain himself on,* 1.1024 and earnestly pressed him to admit of the conditions. But he gaping af∣ter the chief power himself, and unwilling to be reduced again to the estate of a private Citizen (being now (though but accounted Captain of the Ex∣ciles) as a King indeed, in regard of the great extent of his power and com∣mand) put him off with one pretence or other still, till Agathocles smelling out his device, sent some to accuse him to the Army, and sending to Carthage made Peace with them on these terms; to restore all the places to them they formerly had in Sicilie, and for this in way of requital, to receive 500 Ta∣lents of Gold, and a great quantity of Corn.

20. Furnishing then himself with a small Army,* 1.1025 he went against Dino∣crates and his Exiles, who seeing the little number he brought with him (be∣ing but about 5000 Foot, and 800 Horse) in comparison of themselves, a∣mounting to 25000 Foot, and 3000 Horse, gave him battel. The dispute at first was very sharp; but shortly some 2000 of the Exciles revolting to the Tyrant, so encouraged his men, and discouraged those they had forsaken (who thought them to be more than indeed they were) that they were easily put to flight, though so far exceeding in number.* 1.1026 All the Horse got clean away, and some of the Foot; but the greatest part setling upon an Hill, made Peace with Agathocles, who had sent to them, inviting them now at length to lay down their enmity, and return home; but after he had got them into his power,* 1.1027 contrary to his faith given (which he never observed) he slew some 7000 of them. The reliques of the Army being gathered up he re∣ceived, and Dinocrates himself, to whose command he committed part of his Soldiers, and contrary to his own disposition, trusted him to the last. He betraying his companions, slew Pasiphilus at Gela, and going about in sub∣duing the Towns and Castles (in which work he spent two years) delivered them all up to Agathocles.

21. Not long after, Cassander the King of Macedonia besieging Corcyra, Agathocles went and raised the siege, burning all his ships in the Havens.* 1.1028 Returning to his Army, and understanding that certain Ligurians and Tyr∣rhenians had joyned with those that slew his son Archagathus, he got them into his power to the number of 2000, and put them all to the sword. The Brutii (a People which issuing from the Lucanians, were grown mighty high, and at the very first fought against those from whom they had their original,* 1.1029 and forced them to a Peace, on equal terms) being offended with him, he

sailed over into Italy against them, and determined to besiege a Town belong∣ing to them, but they setting upon him at unawares, forced him with the losse of 4000 men to return to Syracuse. Yet was he not discouraged from mak∣ing another Expedition against Crotone, which intending to besiege, he pre∣tended he was about to send his daughter to the King of Epirus with a Royal Fleet,* 1.1030 and beguiling them herewith, laid close siege both by Sea and Land to the Town, when they full little thought it. Having undermined a great house, they being terrified thereat, opened their gates and let him in, after which he plundered the Town, and committed great slaughters. Then entred he into society with the Japyges and Pacetii notable Pyrates; whom furnishing with Vessels, he was to have part of the booty; and leaving a Garrison in Crotone, he returned to Syracuse.

22. Once more having prepared an Army of 30000 Foot,* 1.1031 and 2000 Horse, he passed over into Italy, where being arrived, committing the Na∣vy to the care of Stilpo, he commanded him to make excursions into the Ter∣ritories of the Brutii, but he coasting along and wasting the maritime parts, lost almost all his ships by a tempest. He himself took by storm the City of the Hipponiatae, at the report whereof the Brutii were so affrighted, that they sent to him to treat, and delivered up 600 Hostages. Yet after his depar∣ture they broke their oath, and expelling his Garrison, returned again to their own freedom. Agathocles being returned home, sent his son of his own name to Demetrius Poliorcetes now King of Macedonia,* 1.1032 to enter into socie∣ty with him, who taking the message in good part, rewarded the Ambassador with royal gifts, and sent one back with him, who under colour of ratifying the League, might espie out the condition of Sicilie. Having now been a long time, as he thought, at Peace with the Carthrginians, he made all pro∣vision possible again for shipping, intending to make another Expedition into Africk, and hinder the exportation of Corn from Sicilie and Sardinia.

23. But whilst he busied himself with such thoughts,* 1.1033 he was prevented by one Maenon, who being born at Aegesta, had been taken captive there, and for his beauty was preferred to his service.* 1.1034 For a time he dissembled the displea∣sure he conceived from the calamity of his Country, and his own ignomini∣ous and filthy condition, till he might have an opportunity to be revenged upon the Tyrant. But now it hapning, that Agathocles commending Aga∣thocles his son to the Syracusians as his Successor; and sending him to succeed Archagathus (his nephew by Archagathus his son, and a man of great cou∣rage) in the command of the Army then quartering about Aetna; Archa∣gathus seeing how things were likely to go, plotted the ruine of them both, and sending to Maenon, desired him to make the old man away with poyson, whilst he in the mean time inviting the young one to a feast, made him drunk, and then killed him. Maenon mindful of the message, whereas the King af∣ter meat called for a tooth-pick to cleanse his teeth, dipped one in poyson and gave him it, which he using, began by little and little to wax ill, and then his teeth putrifying in a horrid manner, this was succeeded by tormenting pains. Seeing therefore himself near his end, he called the People together, and inveighing bitterly against Archagathus,* 1.1035 stirred them up to revenge him on him, and restored the Democracy to the People. Afterwards his voice failing him, he was put upon the funeral fire yet breathing, by Oxythenius,* 1.1036 who had been sent to him by Demetrius, and burnt. Justin from Trogus (who in the whole story of this Prince dissenteth from Diodorus) reporteth, that before his end, he sent back his wife Theogene an Aegyptian by birth, with her two young children, and great wealth, into her own Country, to be out of that danger which he foresaw must needs ensue. The story of his life is almost beyond parallel; but he died after he had lived 72 years, and thereof reigned 28, as amongst other Historians cited by our Author, An∣tander his own brother left recorded; A. M. 3718, and the second of the 123 Olympiad.

24. The Syracusians having again got the power into their own hands, put to sale Agathocles his goods, pulled down and tare in pieees all his pi∣ctures.

Maenon in the mean while who had poysoned him being in the Camp with Archagathus, and elevated with the thought of what he had done, made away also Archagathus by treachery, and with good words drawing the Army to himself,* 1.1037 resolved to make War upon the Syracusians, and seize on the Principality. The Syracusians therefore having made Hicetas their Praetor, sent him out against him, but the Carthaginians joyning with Maenon, they were constrained to deliver them 400 Hostages to let fall the War with them, and receive the Exiles. Afterwards the mercenary Soldiers being denied the right of Suffrage in the election of Magistrates, a great sedition arose thereupon, and both they and the People took arms, but the better sort inter∣posed themselves, and prevailed with both parties to agree, the Soldiers con∣senting to depart the Island with their goods. These Mercenaries marching away, came to Messene, a Sea-town standing over against Italy,* 1.1038 where be∣ing kindly entertained by the Inhabitants, they so well requited them, that in the night they massacred them all, and marying their wives, seized upon the Town,* 1.1039 which they called in their own Campanian language Mamertina; Mars in that tongue being named Mamers. Over against this Town stood Rhegium upon the promontory of Italy,* 1.1040 which being in danger now in the War betwixt the Romans and the Tarentines, the Inhabitants desired of the Romans to have a Party sent them for their defence, which being also Cam∣panians, in imitation of what their Countrymen had done at Messene, and by their help, they also killed or expelled the Inhabitants, and seized upon their Town and territories. Decius their chief Commander they banished for the unequal division of the prey, who going thence to Messene, fell ill after∣wards of his eyes, and sent to Rhegium for an expert Physician in this kind, who coming to him, in revenge of what he had done to his Country, applied Cantharides to his eyes instead of salve, and utterly blinded him. And when the Romans were once disintangled from the War, having grievously resented the treachery of their Soldiers, they besieged them in the Town, which taking, they brought 300 of them to Rome, and in the market-place first whipped and then beheaded them, after the custom of their Ancestors, to vindicate their credit with their confederates.

25. In Sicilie were now many petty Tyrants: Hicetas at Syracuse, Phin∣tias at Agrigentum, and several others at other places. These two fell out and warred with each other, insomuch that by reason of their mutual excur∣sions and depredations their ground lay untilled. Hicetas having still the up∣per hand of the other, was so elevated, that he ventured to fight with the Carthaginians at the River Teria, but it proved to the great losse of his men.* 1.1041 Ever since the death of Agathocles, had the Syracusians laboured with all their might to reduce that whole Island into their power, and now at this time rather doubling their diligence than at all slacking their endeavours, sent over into Italy to Pyrrhus King of Epirus (who now was busie in War against the Romans, being called thither by the Tarentines) desiring aid of him for the expelling of the Africans, and to take upon him the protection of Sicilie. Hicetas having held the Dominion of Syracuse nine years,* 1.1042 was then ejected by Thynio,* 1.1043 who together with Sostratus were so vexed with the Carthaginian War, that they again called Pyrrhus into Sicilie. The Mamertines entered into League with the Carthaginians, and resolved if possible to hinder his landing, the Romans were also by reason of their enmity with him easily drawn into the confederacy, so that the Straights of Sicily were narrowly watched. He delaying his coming till the next year, the Carthaginians sent back thirty of their ships upon other occasions, and besieged Syracuse.* 1.1044 But then he (having been in Italy now two years and four moneths, without successe) passed over without control, and came directly to Syracuse; where the Cartha∣ginians lying incamped with no lesse than 50000 men, having also 100 ships at anchor in the Haven, yet upon his approach raised their siege, not daring to try the hazard of a battel.

26. Pyrrhus coming to the City, reconciled the Inhabitants to their Gover∣nours, for which getting great favour, and receiving messages from diverse

Cities, which gave up themselves into his hands, he not onely thought now of gaining Sicily (which he intended to give to his son,* 1.1045 begotten on Lanassa the daughter of Agathocles, as Italy to another) but of laying Africk it self also to his Dominions. Making a journey through the Island,* 1.1046 he received the Cities to protection, and within a short space subdued all the places held by the Carthaginians, except Lilybaeum, a Town built upon the Sea by their Ancestors,* 1.1047 after that Dionysius had taken Motya. After he had been some time before it, though a great supply had arrived, yet sent they also to him, offering him money to raise his siege; and he was inclined to accept of the offer; but his friends in Council perswaded him by all means to refuse it, and utterly expel the Africans out of Sicily. Then did he with all his might attempt the taking of the place by force, but it being strongly defended, he every time came off with losse, and finally after he had continued the siege for two moneths, rose up and departed.* 1.1048 After this he had thoughts of be∣coming master at Sea, and transporting his Army into Africk; but behaving himself too Magisterially in the preparation for this attempt he lost himself exceedingly, and then suspecting the fidelity of Thaemo and Sostratus, the one he compelled by fear to revolt from him, and the later he slew as guilty of the same intention.* 1.1049 This so provoked the Cities, that some revolted back to the Carthaginians, and others to the Mamertines, so that perceiving a great defection, and a conspiracy also hatched against him, being now sol∣licited also by the Samnites and Tarentines for more aid, he departed again into Italy, being opposed so in his passage by the Carthaginians on the Sea, and that he lost most of his ships, and so much after he had landed by the Ma∣mertines (who had before wafted over 1000 men) that with much ado he got safe to Tarentum.

27. After the departure of Pyrrhus,* 1.1050 the Soldiers which quartered in the Towns near to Syracuse, beyond all example, created two Magistrates out of their own body, Artemidorus & Hiero, to the great indignation of the people,* 1.1051 which took it in disdain that their privilege should be thus usurped by the Ar∣my.* 1.1052 Yet afterwards did they confirm the honour unto Hiero for his great moderation and high abilities, who being the son of Hierocles, had strange presages whilest yet a Child concerning his future Dignity. He perceiving how in the absence of the Praetor, the Syracusians were apt to be seditious, and attempt new matters, entred into affinity with Leptines (by marrying his daughter) whom he knew to be the most considerable man, and of great Authority amongst the vulgar, that he might supply his place as it were in his absence, and contain the people in obedience. After this marriage was over,* 1.1053 taking notice of the loose Carriage of the old Mercenary Soldiers, and how they were ever inclining to mutinies, he drew them out against the Mamer∣tines, who being Barbarians (as the Greeks alwayes termed all besides them∣selves) had seized upon Messene, and dividing them from the rest, which he kept with himself, exposed them against the Enemie, and suffered them every man to be cut off, so that being rid of them, he thenceforth Go∣verned without any fear or trouble. Three or four years after he set upon the Mamertines in good earnest, who though they bare themselves high so long as their friends and associates continued Masters of Rhegium (created much trouble to the Carthaginians,* 1.1054 and compelled divers Towns to pay Tribute) yet now since the defeat of them, and especially after that Hiero had got in∣to his power two places near unto them, they were exceedingly straitned.

28. Yet sent they out against him 8000 foot, and 1000 horse under the Conduct of one Cios, who calling the Soothsayers to divine what the issue should be, they answered, that he was to spend the next night in the Ene∣mies Camp, at which being much elevated, he set his men in order, and passed over the River. Hiero sent 2000 choice Messenians,* 1.1055 and 500 o∣thers, to get about the Hill Thorax, and come upon their backs, he in the mean time charging their front. Here was maintained a sharp dispute, till the 700 fresh men coming upon the backs of the Mamertines, did great execution upon them, so that being now compassed about, they betook

themselves to flight. Cios the General fighting most valiantly, received so many and great wounds that he swooned with too great expense of bloud, and being taken alive, was brought into the Camp of the Syracusians, where all means possible were used for his recovery. But it hapning that divers horses being brought out of the field, he espied that on which his son rode amongst them; whereat taking an apprehension of the young mans death, in great trouble of mind he untied his wounds, and thereby caused his own end, as unwilling to outlive his son.

29. The Mamertines upon the news of this defeat were minded to give up themselves,* 1.1056 and their Citie, into the hands of Hiero. But it hapning that Hannibal the Carthaginian General, being at that time in the Island Lipara, heard of the overthrow, and came over presently to congratulate Hiero, as he pretended, but indeed to circumvent him with his General craft in which he was well skilled; and Hiero was so wrought upon as to give credit to him, and ly still. Then went he to the Mamertines, and finding them ready to surrender, turned them clearly from it, and drew them to his own interest, by bringing them relief into the Citie. Hiero returning to Syracuse,* 1.1057 was for a reward of his great service saluted King by the consent of all men, which Title he held to his last, the space of 54 years. Hannibal cunningly placed his Garrison in the Ca∣stle, and thereby awed the whole Town, so that the Mamertines then su∣spected him as much as Hiero, and they hindring thus each other from gaining the place, at length made an accord to carry on the War against it in common. This Combination causing the other to bethink themselves of some forein aid,* 1.1058 they sent to the Romans, desiring them to take the patronage of them, their own Countrey-men, as being Originally Campa∣nians.

30. The Message found no good entertainment with the Senate, for that the fathers accounted it an absurd thing for them, who had punished the perfidiousnesse of those that had seized upon Rhegium so sharply, now to take upon them to protect those that were guilty, and patterns of the same Crime; and they could by no means be brought to consent unto it. But the people (who alone could do it) being perswaded by the Praetor that it was high time to stop the proceedings of the Carthaginians,* 1.1059 who had almost swallowed up all Sicily, and would use that Island as a bridge to passe over into Italy, and being also made to believe how profitable it would be to their particular interests to undertake the War, having suffered much by that late one with Pyrrhus, and the Tarentines, they decreed that aid should be sent them. The next year was Appius Claudius accord∣ingly sent over with an Army, with which he put to the worst, both Hie∣ro and Hannibal, and thereupon constrained the other to joyn himself to him against the Carthaginians. This is called the Sicilian, or the first Punick War, which for that it falls into the History of the Romans more especially, under whom thenceforth Sicilia was ever subject, it must ne∣cessarily be referred thither, as to its proper place. It began A. M. 3741. the first of the 129 Olympiad, in the 19th of the reign of Antiochus Soter, the second King of Syria, and the 21th of Ptolomy Philadelphus, the second also of Egypt, after the division of the Empire of Alexander the Great; 22 years after the death of Agathocles, in the 490th year after the building of Rome, Appius Claudius Caudex, and M. Fulvius Flaccus, being Con∣suls.

* 1.1060CHAP. IX. The affaires of the Romans Contem∣porary with the Empire of the Macedonians.

SECT. I. From the War of Privernum to the first Punick War, wherein the Romans first set foot out of Italy, the space of 66 years.

1. IN the year after the taking of Privernum was War decreed against the Pa••aepolitans.* 1.1061* 1.1062 Palaeopolis stood not far off from the place where Neapolis (now Napoli or Naples) is seated, and, as some think, there where at this day, is seen il borgo de Chiara.* 1.1063 The same people inhabited two Ci∣ties, being descended from Cumae, which was also a Colony of Ch. lcis in Enboea, now called Negropont. For the Cumani having a good fleet first passed to the Islands Menaria and Pathecusa, and afterward ventured upon the Con∣tinent. The Palaepolitans trusting to their own strength, and counting of the treachery of the Samnites, and the plague which now had seized upon Rome, committed many Hostile actions against the Romans that inhabited the Countreys about Cumae and Falernus. When L. Cornelius Lentulus, and Q. Publius Philo were both Consuls the second time, the Faeciales were sent to demand restitution, who bringing from those Greeks (more valiant in tongue, saith Livy, than in deeds) a fiery and resolute answer, it was resolved that War should be made upon them.

* 1.10642. Whilest this War depended, the year following was Alexandria in Egypt built, as Livy writeth, whereas the foundation of this Citie was laid, while Alexander was in Africk, the year before the death of Darius, and the fifth before this, wherein C. Paetilius and L. Papyrius Mugilanus were Con∣suls. This same year he maketh Alexander the King of Epirus to have been slain, who being Uncle by the mothers side to Alexander the Great, is thought to have undertaken an expedition into Italy, out of emulation towards his Nephew, that as the one was now Conquering the East, so the other might endeavour to subdue the West, having no lesse matter to work upon in Italy, Africk, and Sicily, than the other found in Asia and Persia. He was de∣ceived by the Oracle of Jupiter of Dodona, which bidding him beware of Pan∣dosia and Acheron, he knowing there was a Citie of the former name in Epirus, and a River of the later, thought himself so much the safer, as he could get farthest off from these. Being therefore sent for by the Taren∣tines, he came into Italy, and made War with the Brutii and Lucani, from whom he took many Towns, and 300 families, which he sent as Hostages in∣to Epirus. He entred into a League with the Metapontini and Romans. But the Brutii and Lucani recruiting themselves by the supplies of their neighbours, re-inforced the War, and set upon him near Pandosia (a Town situate a little above Consentia, the Metropolis of the Brutii) near to which ran a River called Acheron.* 1.1065 Taking this River with his horse, he was there∣in slain by a Lucanian, and his dead body being carried down the stream into the Enemies quarters was mangled into pieces. A certain woman whose husband and Children were taken prisoners by the Epirots, got the pieces together, and in exchange for her relations sent his bones to Metapontus, whence they were conveyed into Epirus unto Cleopatra his wife, and Olym∣pias his sister, whereof the one was sister, and the other mother to Alexander the Great.

* 1.10662. The Palaepolitans though assisted by the Samnites and Tarentines, were overmatched so, as glad they were to yield up their City, and the Samnites lost three of their own Towns. The Tarentines yet proceeded, and drew both the Samnites and Neapolitans (the other part of this Greek Colony) afresh into the War, wherein also the Inhabitants of Vestinus, together with their allies ingaged themselves. Whilst this War was but beginning, great stirs hapned in the City. There, one L. Papyrius had given up himself to C. Publius as a slave, to work out his fathers debt. Being a young man of a beautiful body, Publius attempted filthily to abuse him, and when he would in no wise suffer this, most grievously beat and tore his body with rods. In this plight Papyrius got away, and running to the People, by declaring his condition, so affected them, that they procured the Fathers to decree, that the Consuls should propose to them in the Comitia these two Laws: the first, That no man should be detained in bonds,* 1.1067 except for some misdemeanor, till the time of his punishment: the second, that the money and goods, not the bo∣dy of the debtor should be responsible. Whereupon all prisoners for debt were forthwith set at liberty. The year following the Vestini were overthrown by Junius Brutus Scaeva the Consul, who also took from them two Towns. His Collegue L. Furius Camillus being sick in Samnium (or the Country of the Samnites) pronounced Dictator L. Papyrius Cursor, the most famous Cap∣tain by far of those times, who named Q. Fabius Rutilianus for his Master of Horse-men▪ Papyrius being in Camp against the Samnites, was forced to return to Rome,* 1.1068 for the renewing of his auspicia, and at his departure com∣manded his Master of Horse-men not to stir out of the trenches to fight one stroak till he came back;* 1.1069 but Fabius understanding that a notable advantage of doing something of consequence was presented from the Enemy, fell up∣on the Samnites, and made great slaughter of them. The Dictator hearing of this, in a great rage returned to the Camp, and had put him to death, but that he was rescued by the Army, from which flying to the City, Papyrius followed him, and pressing sore to the Senate the necessity of discipline and authority,* 1.1070 would not at all give way to the intreaties of the Fathers. This forced M. Fabius the father of the party to appeal to the People and their Tribunes, by which he hardly was drawn to pardon him, though his autho∣rity was saved together with the life of Fabius, through the intreaties of those who might justly have Commanded it, as was confessed by him∣self.

3. This severity of the Dictator so alienated the hearts of the Soldiers from him, that it had well nigh cost him the losse of a battel; which constrained him to be more Popular; then afterward he overthrew the Samnites, and har∣razed their Country.* 1.1071 This made them desire Peace; but returning quickly again to their former enmity, in the second year after, they received another great defeat from A. Cornelius Aruina the Dictator. Herewith they were so struck, that they sent all the prisoners they had home to Rome, with such plunder as they had taken, and the dead body with the goods of him who had been the author of the revolt, and who fearing to be given up had killed himself.* 1.1072 The Senate onely received the men,* 1.1073 with such goods as any Citizen could challenge for his own, and denied them Peace. At this C. Pontius a leading man amongst them took occasion grievously to enveigh against the in∣justice of the Romans, and causing them to take arms, led them presently near to a place called Caudium, whence having apparelled ten Soldiers in the habit of Shepherds, he sent them to Calatia (where he heard the Consuls lay at present) with a charge, that when they should be asked where the Ar∣my of the Samnites was, they should answer in Apulia, besieging Luceria, which it had already well nigh taken. A rumour being already spred abroad of such a thing, now obtained greater credit, and the Romans accounted themselves by all means bound to succour Luceria, and the rather, for fear lest all Apulia should revolt. Two wayes there were which led to Luceria: One by the Sea side open and secure, another through the Straights of Caudi∣num called Furcae Caudinae (at this day Caudino, and Forche Caudine, ten

miles distant from Benevento) a place incompassed about with high mountains, & into which one could not enter,* 1.1074 nor depart out of it, but through very difficult and straight passages. The Consuls leading their Army through this, as the nearest way, were quickly stopped up, so as they could neither proceed nor retire, because on all sides Pontius had blocked up the passage.* 1.1075

4. The Samnites having the Roman Armies at this advantage, sent to He∣rennius the father of Pontius their General, and a very wise man, for his ad∣vice what was to be done. He sent word, they should dismisse the Romans without any injury at all, which answer not pleasing, they sent back for ano∣ther, and then he counselled them to cut them off, and not leave a man alive. These two extremes being ascribed to dotage, he came to the Camp, and of∣fered his reasons. He said, he gave the first advice as such, which if fol∣lowed, would by a great courtesie have for ever obliged a most powerful Peo∣ple, and the second, as tending so far to the weakning of their power, as they could not for a long time either recruit themselves or renew the War, having lost two so considerable Armies; as for any third expedient he found none. Being asked concerning a middle way of dismissing the Romans in safety, but under the obligation of some conditions, he answered, that this course would not procure them friends, nor diminish their enemies; for such was the Roman Nation, that being disgraced or defeated, it could not rest, but would still retain the memory of what present necessity urged it to submit to; neither, saith he, will they suffer you to rest till punished abundantly. But this wise cou∣sel would not be heard; so that the Romans had these conditions set them: The Army was to march away onely with their clothes, having first in token of slavery passed under the jugum: the Romans should quit wholly the Coun∣try of the Samnites, and thence remove their Colonies: and both Roman and Samnite live under the same terms of confederacy and alliance. The Ar∣mies were constrained to submit,* 1.1076 and in great shame and consternation marched away disarmed. This disaster hapned in the 433 year of the City, and the third after the death of Alexander the Great, when T. Veturius Calvinus the first, and Sp. Posthumius the second time were Consuls.

5. The City was most grievously afflicted with shame and anger at so dis∣graceful and unusual a thing. Posthumius perswaded the Senate to deliver himself and his Collegue into the hands of the Samnites, as being onely obliged to the conditions, and not the State, which was unacquainted therewith. This being accordingly done, Pontius refused to receive them, exclaiming against the perfidiousnesse of the Romans.* 1.1077 The Army then marching down again sufficiently revenged themselves, under conduct of Papirius. Several Towns which had revolted were recovered, and scarce could the Samnites obtain a Truce for two years. They brake this Truce ere the time was out, and thereby drew the War again upon them, which en∣during for eleven years, they lost many thousands of men, with many Towns, which humbled them so, that upon their submission the usual confederacy was granted to them. Then were the Aequi chastized, who had helped them, and thereby were other Nations affrighted into subjection. In the second year after, began another War with the Hetruscans, wherein were fought divers bloody battels; but still the Romans had the better, who stormed di∣vers Towns, and wasted the Country. Two years after, the Samnites re∣belled again, and joyned with the Hetruscans, but with the same successe as formerly, being grievously slaughtered, especially under the conduct of Q. Fabius Maximus, and Decius Mus; the later of whom, seeing his wing give ground, in a great and bloody battel fought with the Samnites and Galls (for those now had joyned with them) solemnly devoted himself and the Enemy to the Dii Manes,* 1.1078 and rushing into the midst was killed, as his father had been 44 years before. Still continued the miseries of the Sam∣nites, and two years after their last Army (for this time it must be under∣stood) was cut in pieces by L. Papirius son to the former, who also took many Towns, and for his service obtained a most splendid Triumph. It is observed, that over the Samnites the Romans triumphed thirty times: viz. Consuls 26

times, L. Papirius the Dictator twice, Publius Philo once, who first of all others triumphed with Proconsular power, and once Q. Fabius another Pro∣consul. The family of the Fabii obtained, of these thirty, four Triumphs, and that of the Papirii five, as may be seen in the Capitoline Tables. This War having begun in the 410 year of the City, ended in the 481, and there∣fore continued 71 years,* 1.1079 not fifty onely, as Florus, according to his custome, falsely computeth; neither 81 as Appian, nor 49 onely, as Eutropius; nor yet onely seventy, which number Livie assigneth with tolerable difference. All Writers agree, that the Romans had no Enemy in Italy, who longer, or more pertinaciously, managed the grand quarrel with them, than the Sam∣nites.

6. During these successes abroad, the People having got of late so many privileges, were reasonably quiet; yet their Tribunes having one occasion left to create trouble to the Fathers, stomached much that all the Priests and Augurs should be created out of the Nobility,* 1.1080 and laboured to make the Commons partakers of those Offices. The Senate made no great resistance, as being now accustomed to yield, and that in things of far greater moment, as the Consulship, Censorship, Dictatorship, and Triumphs. So, whereas as yet there were but four chief Priests and as many Augurs, to them were added four, and to those five out of the body of the Commons. And this same year did M. Valerius the Consul prefer a Law of Appeale more dili∣gently enacted.* 1.1081 Now was it the third time preferred since the banishment of the Kings, alwaies by the same family. The cause of renewing it, saith Livie, I suppose was no other, than that the power of a few prevailed above the liberty of the Commons. Which cannot be, if we consider, how for a long time the will of the multitude had got ground, and before this overturn∣ed the prerogative of the Patricians. The Lex Porcia, saith he, seemeth alone to be enacted for the backs of the Citizens, because it inflicted an hea∣vy punishment upon him that should beat with rods or kill a Roman Citizen. The Lex Valeria having prohibited any to be killed or beaten who had appeal∣ed, if any did contrary, added no more than it was naughtily done, which (such was then the modesty of men) was I believe, a sufficient obligation for the Law. Now scarcely can any one threaten a Slave in that manner. Fa∣bius Gurges after this, being Consul,* 1.1082 fought unprosperously with the Sam∣nites, whereupon the Senate consulted about removing him from the Army. Fabius Maximus his father deprecating this ignominy, prevented it, by pro∣mising he would go to the War as Legatus or Lieutenant to his son.* 1.1083 He per∣formed it, and so assisted the young man, that he procured him Victory, and a Triumph, wherein C. Pontius the Samnite being led was put to death. Af∣ter this, L. Posthumius a man of Consular dignity, being set over the Army, used the help of the Soldiers in his own field, and for that was punished. The Samnites desiring Peace, the League was renewed with them the fourth time. But presently again, as it seemeth, they rebelled; for P. Cornelius Rufinus,* 1.1084 and Manius Curius (sirnamed Dentatus, because born with teeth,* 1.1085 according to Plinie) overthrew them in several bloody battels, and took di∣vers of their Towns. Livie in his eleventh Book (as appeareth from it's Epitome) wrote, that Curius Dentatus the Consul, having overthrown the Samnites and Sabines, who had rebelled, triumphed twice the same year. After this were Colonies sent to Castrum, Sena, and Adria. The Triumviri for Capital matters were now also first made. The Census being per∣fected, the Lustrum was made, and 273000 polls of Roman Citizens were cessed.

7.* 1.1086 Presently after happened the third separation of the Commons from the Patricians.* 1.1087 The cause was the great debts which the porer sort had con∣tracted. As a remedy for this the Tribunes of the Commons, those incen∣diaries, proposed new tables in way of defalcation, which the Consuls in favour of the creditors opposed. The contest came to that height, that the Plebeians departed into the Janiculum, for the reconciliation and reducement of whom, Q. Hortensius was made Dictator. He appeased them with

good words, and perswaded them to return, by promising that for the time to come their Pleb scita should have the force of Laws,* 1.1088 and bind the whole politick body.* 1.1089 This accordingly, by a Law called Lex Hortensia, he enacted; though it appeareth out of Livy, that the same in effect had been granted twice before, viz. in the 305 year of the Citie, by L. Valerius, and M. Ho∣ratius the Consuls, and again in the 416. by Q. Publius Philo the Dictator, 50 years before this present, which having not been observed, might give the Commons as great distaste as the matter of debts, if we may judge from that which pacified them.* 1.1090 Florus telleth a story, that the businesse of Matri∣mony betwixt the Patricians and Plebeians caused this third separation of the Commons into the Janiculum, the tumult being raised by Canuleius the Tribune. But Students are to take notice, that none but he speak any thing of this Sedition in this place, and by the instigation of this person, for this cause of marriage. That great Contentions were raised betwixt the two orders about the taking away the Law made by the Decemviri, which forbad marriage betwixt them,* 1.1091 is oftens arrested by Levy. But that the Commons departed into the Janiculum for the burthen of their debts, after great and long contentions in the 468^th year of the Citie, is by several Authors affirmed, and that thence they were reduced by Hortensius the Dictator, who prefer∣red a Law in the Esculeium, that what the Commons commanded should bind all Quirites: neither do Writers mention any other cause of the third Separation.

8. Hortensius died in the time of his Magistracy.* 1.1092 After this there was action with the Volsinienses and Lucani, against whom assistance was given to the Thurini. Then the Roman Ambassadors being killed by the Galls Senones, War was decreed against them, and L. Caecilius the Praetor was cut off by them with the Legions. The Tarentines being jealous of the growth of the Roman power, had hitherto privily favoured the Samnites, though openly they maintained a confederacy with the Romans.* 1.1093 This people, being the of∣spring of the Partheniae, who were banished Lacedaemon, for that being pro∣miscuously begotten, they could not have any inheritance,* 1.1094 and therefore plot∣ted against the State as was shown before, inhabited a Citie called Taren∣tum, from Taras a certain Heroe, the Metropolis once of Calabria, Apulia, and all Lucania. It was situate in a Peninsula on the Bay of the Adriatick Sea, famous for its bignesse, Walls, and Haven especially, which lay so convenient for sayling into the Roman Coasts, Istria, Illyricum, Epirus, Achaia, Africk, and Sicily, that Florus accounteth the situation admirable. The Tarentines affecting, took Democratical Government, obtained great power in those parts, having a more considerable Fleet than any of their neighbours, 30000 foot, 3000 horse, and 1000 persons fit to command them. They imbraced the Philosophy of Pythagoras, especially one Archy∣tas, who governed the Citie a long time. In after times luxury was produced by prosperity to such excesse, that if credit may be given to Strabo, the Ta∣rentines had more publick Festivals yearly, than the year hath dayes; by rea∣son whereof, the State of the Commonwealth under such a Government was rendred much worse. One of their bad customs was (as he judgeth it) to use the Conduct of foreiners in their Wars; for against the Messapii and Lu∣cani they imployed Alexander the Molossian, and before that Archidamus the son of Agesilaus, as afterward Cleonymus and Agathocles; and afterwards Pyrrhus against the Romans. They contended with the Messapii about He∣raclea, and imployed also against them the two Kings of the Daunii and Peucetii. Neither would they obey the forein Captains for whom they had sent but fell to odds with them which procured no small inconvenience.

9. Near to the Haven, in the view of the Sea, was the Theatre of the City, which proved the cause of all its misery and calamities, saith Florus. They were therein beholding Games, when, L. Valerius the Duumvir (as he is called in Livy's Epitome) or one of the Roman Admirals sayled thither as to a confederate Citie. They taking the Romans for Enemies, saith Florus;* 1.1095 (who addeth what cannot be credited, that they scarce knew, who, or whence

the Romans were) or as others think, having both knowledge and malice suf∣ficient, set upon the Fleet, and either sunk, or at least rifled it, and slew the Admiral.* 1.1096 The Senate sent L. Posthumius to complain of the injury, who delivering his message boldly was dismissed with a very dissatisfactory answer, at his coming in, having had* 1.1097 Urine thrown upon him, or one of his compani∣ons. War therefore was decreed against the Tarentines, and committed to the management of L. Aemilius the Consul, who first indeavoured by fair means to reclaim them, and when that could not do it, wasted their Territories with fire and sword, revenging their insolence with cruelty as Orosius writeth, for which service he triumphed the year after his Consulship, as appeareth out of an old inscription. The Tarentines finding themselves too weak for the en∣counter, sent to Pyrrhus King of Epirus for aid, whom they had formerly assisted against the Corcyraeans.* 1.1098* 1.1099 The multitude were of themselves rather inclined to peace; but a certain company of men, by Greek Authors called De∣magogi (from their leading of the people) would not let them rest, till they had resolved upon the War; whereupon they sent Ambassadors to Pyrrhus, who not onely in their name, but of other Italians also Presented him with gifts, and signified that they stood in need of a General, Eminent both for abilities and reputation; Italy it self being able to furnish them with forces out of the Countreys of the Lucanians, Messapians, and Samnites. The King being of a restlesse spirit, incouraging himself in vain hopes (whereby he grasped as it were the Empire of all the West) promised them to come over with an Army,* 1.1100 and dispatched before him with 3000 men One Cineas a Thessalian, an excellent Orator and Scholar of Demosthenes. He afterwards took the Sea himself with twenty Elephants, 3000 horse, and 22 foot, besides 500 Archers and Slingers; but upon the Main was seized with such a Tem∣pest, that his Fleet being severed, many Vessels were lost, he was forced to leap out into the water, and with great hazard got to Land, and onely at pre∣sent two Elephants, a very few hors-men, and about 2000 foot could be re∣covered from the shipwrack by the Messapians, upon the Coasts of whom they were cast.

10. Pyrrhus did nothing without the consent of the Tarentines, till his ships, and the greater part of his Army arrived;* 1.1101 then taking notice how they minded nothing but bathing and feasting, he shut up the publick meeting pla∣ces, restrained them from walking (in which exercise they were wont to dis∣course idly concerning War) and forbidding drinking, and Games, called them to Arms, making Levies of the youth with some rigour and severity. Valerius Laevinus the Consul hasting to give him battel ere the assistance of the Confederates came, he drew out his Army to him; but before they should joyn, sent to him, offering himself an Umpire betwixt the Romans, and their adversaries, to which Valerius answered, that they neither cared for him as an Umpire, nor feared him as an Enemy, and taking his Spies, he caused them to be led throughout the Camp, and then bade them return, and tell him what they had seen.* 1.1102 Pyrrhus pitched his Tents betwixt Pandosa and Hera∣clea, a Town situate betwixt Tarentum and Metaponius, built by the Taren∣tines. The Romans beyond the River Siris not Liris, a River of Campania, as Florus and Orosius write, who also draw Heraclea out of that part of Magna Graecia, lying upon Siris & Metapontus, into Campania. In the fight Pyrrhus had his horse killed under him, by one Obsidius a Ferentane, who was slain in the place by his followers. This made him change Armour with one near to him, who being made at for him and struck down, his Armour was taken from off him, and being carried about by the Romans in token of his death, struck such a terrour into his Soldiers that it had cost him the victory, but that he seasonably with some labour made himself known. Whilest the victory seemed yet to be doubtfull, or rather to incline toward the Romans, the Elephants being brought into the battel decided the controversie. Till the passing of Alexander into the East, this beast had been talked of, but ne∣ver seen by the Europaeans nor them of Asia, except the Indians and their neighbours, as also the Southern Africans. Homer describeth the houses of

rich men to have been adorned with Ivory, but as* 1.1103 Pausanias noteth, never mentioneth the beast. The Romans themselves were amazed, not knowing what they were;* 1.1104 but the fault is laid upon their horses, which not enduring the smell nor bignesse of the Elephants broke their Ranks, which opportunity the King took, and sending his horse in amongst the Romans thus disordered, put them to the rout. He got but a bloudy victory, he himself being wounded, and a great part of his men slain, though of the numbers on either side Writers do not agree.

11. Having taken prisoners 1800 of the Romans,* 1.1105 he used them with great civility, and buried their dead, whom observing to be wounded all before, and to be with stern countenances, he lifted up his eyes, and said: He could have been Master of all the world if he had had but such Soldiers.* 1.1106 After this having received the Auxiliaries of the Samnites, Lucani and Brutii, he marched to∣wards Rome as far as Praeneste, a Town 18 miles distant from the Citie, wast∣ing all with fire and sword in his passage. Hearing that the Romans were bu∣sie in recruiting their Army, he considered it was most creditable for him to make peace with them, being he had no hopes to subdue them, and for that purpose sent Cineas to feel their minds, a man so powerfull in the art of Rhetorick, that the King acknowledged him to have stormed more Cities by his tongue,* 1.1107 than he had ever done by force of Arms. Cineas presented the principal Citizens and their Wives with gifts from Pyrrhus; but they refused them. When he had something wrought upon the Senate to make a peace, and admit Pyrrhus into the Citie, Appius Claudius now blind came in, and by an Oration, recorded by Plutarch, procured the contrary. The Ambassadour at his return being asked what he thought of Rome, answered, that the Senate seemed to him as a Council of so many Kings. After Cineas his return the Romans sent to Pyrrhus about redeeming of prisoners, amongst others C. Fa∣bricius, a man of great note for virtue and poverty. The King being informed by Cineas concerning his disposition, offered him Gold, which when he refu∣sed with great resolution, to try his gravity, the next day as they were talking together, he commanded the greatest Elephant he had to be set behind the hanging, and then on a sudden the Tapestry being removed, the beast held his proboscis over Fabricius his head,* 1.1108 and roared exceedingly. But he not at all terrified, though he had never before seen this kind of Creature, smiled, and told the King, that neither his Gold the day before, nor his Elephant now did at all move him. Pyrrhus amazed at his greatnesse of mind, released to him the prisoners, on this condition, that if the Senate accepted not of peace they should return to him, which accordingly they did, having saluted their friends, and solemnized the Saturnalia, being commanded to do it by the Fathers up∣on pain of death.

12. P. Sulpicius Saverrio and P. Decius Mus,* 1.1109 being Consuls for the following year, were sent against Pyrrhus. The Romans by this time had learnt not to fear Elephants with such astonishment as formerly; so that these beasts now were overcome and killed, Pyrrhus himself was wounded,* 1.1110 20000 of his men slain, and 5000 of the Romans, according to Eutropius, but from Livies Epitome, if should appear that the issue of this battel was doubtfull,* 1.1111 and Cicero writeth that Decius was slain. Florus relateth, that first in Apulia, and then at Asculum the Romans had better successe, Curius and Fabricius being Consuls; for now the terrour of the Elephants was worn off, and C. Minutius by cutting off the proboscis from one,* 1.1112 shewed that the beasts could die. Darts were thrown so thick upon them, and fire upon the Towers on their backs, that the Army was sorely distressed, in which condition it re∣mained till night relieved it, and the King being the last that fled, having re∣ceived a wound in his shoulder, was carried out by his Guard in his Armour. But as Florus is to be read with great caution in every place, so especially in this; for Curius and Fabricius were never Consuls together, as the Tables show. This therefore is to be referred to the ensuing year wherein C. Fa∣bricius Luscinus, and Q. Aemylius Papus (both of them the second time) were Consuls. Plutarch writeth that two dayes together Pyrrhus and the

Consuls fought at Asculum; whereof, on the former, his Elephants could do him no service, but on the later, chusing a more even ground, by the means of the Elephants especially, he drove the Romans back into their Camp, having slain of them 6000, and lost 3505 of his own men, as Hieronymus relateth out of the King's Records. But he addeth, that Dionysius neither wrote any thing of two battels fought at Asculum, neither, for certain, of Pyrrhus his Victory: one fight he mentioned fought till Sun-set, at the con∣clusion whereof Pyrrhus was wounded in the Arm, which wound, with the Samnites rifling his baggage, put an end to it; either party having lost above 15000 men. That this battel (or those battels) fell out in the year afore∣said is clear from that which moved Pyrrhus this way to attempt the ending of the controversie. For the Consuls, Fabricius and Aemilius, receiving a letter from the King's* 1.1113 Physician, wherein he offered to poyson him, upon condition to be well requited, they wrote back to Pyrrhus to acquaint him with the treason, and in theirs included the Physicians letter. To requite the Romans for this courtesie, he sent back their prisoners gratis, and dispatched away Cineas again to treat of Peace. The Romans would neither receive their Captives in way of free gift, nor reward; but sent him so many of the Sam∣nites and Tarentines: as for Peace, they refused to admit of any, except he would return with his forces into Epirus. He perceiving (saith Plutarch) that he must try with them another battel, marched unto Asculum. More∣over the Triumphal tables show, that in the Consulship of Fabricius and Aemilius, the Romans fought with the Lucani, Brutii, Tarentines, and Samnites, at Asculum, which as* 1.1114 Strabo writeth, was a Town of the Pi∣ceni in the midland Country, most fortified by nature, being encompassed, besides a wall, with mountains, over which no Army could passe.

13. Pyrrhus after this action at Asculum, is reported to have answered one who congratulated with him about his successe, in this manner: If we overcome the Romans another time we are utterly lost. For he had by this time lost a great part of the Soldiers he had brought over, and almost all his friends and Captains:* 1.1115 he had no more to send for: he perceived his Italian Allies to loiter, and the Romans to have a constant supply, whereby they pre∣sently recruited their Army, and filled up their Legions, and he saw clearly that their courage was nothing daunted by the losse of one battel, but rather their strength and resolution to be the more increased. Being pressed with these difficulties, he had presently a recourse to vain hopes, occasioned by such affaires as cast him necessarily into an anxious deliberation. For at the same time, the Agrigentines, Syracusians, and Leontines, out of Sicily, gave up themselves to him, desiring his help in casting out the Carthaginians, and clearing the Island of Tyrants: and out of Greece came intelligence, that Ptolomaeus Ceraunus was slain in battel by the Galls, and therefore it was most convenient for him to come into Macedonia, now without a King. Blaming Fortune much that had conjoyned two such great opportunities, whereof the one must necessarily be omitted, after a long debate he resolved to apply himself to the matters of Sicily, as more considerable than the other of Greece,* 1.1116 because of Africk. Having sent over Cineas beforehand to deal with the Cities about the state of affaires, he put a Garrison upon the Taren∣tines, who took it in ill part, requiring him either to prosecute the Warre a∣gainst the Romans, for which he had been called, or clearly quitting the Coun∣try of Tarentum, to leave the City in that condition wherein he found it: But returning them no pleasant answer, he bade them stay his time, and so de∣parted, after he had caried on the War in Italy two years and four moneths. For the following year, P. Cornelius Rufinus, and C. Julius Brutus,* 1.1117 both the second time, were Consuls. Rufinus was a man very expert in War, but extraordinarily covetous and scraping, insomuch that upon this account he was much hated by Fabricius, formerly mentioned. Yet, when this year he stood for the Consulship, for that it was a very dangerous time, and his com∣petitors were persons of no value, Fabricius laboured earnestly to have him elected, and when every one wondered at it; either to his friends, or, as

* Cicero writeth, to Rufinus himself, giving him thanks, hee answered:* 1.1118 Malui compilari quam vaenire, I desired rather to be pilled than sold.

14. Pyrrhus having found things in Sicily according to his mind, proceed∣ed in his enterprize with as much satisfaction, till growing tyrannical, he in∣curred the hatred of those that imployed him, part of whom revolted to the Carthaginians, and others betook themselves to the aid of the Mamertines. Perceiving at length that he was involved in the deep hatred of all, and no∣thing throughout the Island but revolts, new councils and a strong conspiracy against him, he received letters from the Samnites and Tarentines, who be∣ing shut up in their Towns, which they hardly maintained, desired his assi∣stance. He was glad of so specious a pretence, that he might not seem to be driven by desperation out of Sicily, which indeed as a perishing Vessel in so great a Tempest he was not able to govern, and so returned into Italy, after he had been absent near as long as formerly he had there continued.* 1.1119* 1.1120 The Barbarians set upon him in his passage, and the Carthaginians so distressed him the Straights, that he lost many of his ships. The Mamertines having landed, to the number of 10000 men before him, would not adventure to fight with him, but distressed his Army much in narrow and difficult places, killing two Elephants and many Men in the rear. He himself fighting in the front with a valiant and skilful Enemy, received a hurt in his head, where∣upon he withdrew himself a little. This so animated the Mamertines, that one of them, great in bulck, and glittering with armour, came out far before the rest, and in a threatening manner bade Pyrrhus come forth if he were alive. Pyrrhus inraged with his guard, bloody as he was, and with a terrible coun∣tenance rushed through the midst, and coming up to the Barbarian, struck him with such fury upon the head, that the stroak through the swords mettal and the strength of the arm, pierced to the lower part of the body, so that in a mo∣ment it was chined down in the midle, and the two parts fell down on either side. The Barbarians astonished hereat, left off their attempts, and so with∣out further interruption he marched with 20000 Foot, and 3000 Horse to Tarentum, where increasing his forces by new levies, he proceeded into Sam∣nium against the Romans, who there lay incamped.

15. Few of the Samnites joyned now with him, because being so often overthrown by the Romans, their courage was wholly broken, and for that they were displeased with him for his going into Sicily. He divided his for∣ces into two parts, whereof one he sent against L. Cornelius Lentulus into Lu∣cania to hinder him from joyning with his Colleague M. Curius Dentatus the other Consul, against whom he marched, then lying in a fortified place near Beneventum. Hasting to set upon him ere the other could come to his relief, with the most valiant of his men, and fiercest of his Elephants picked out, he marched by night towards his Camp, but passing through Woods his lights faild him, and going out of his way he lost his time so much, that at break of day the Romans discovered him upon the hills. Curius then in haste, as he could, drew out his forces, and falling upon the vantguard of Pyrrhus put it to flight, killing many men, and taking some Elephants. Animated by this successe, he descended into the Plain, and there joyned battel with the whole Army.* 1.1121 In one wing he beat back the Enemy, in the other by the violence of the beasts was born back to his Camp, whence calling forth those who kept the guard, they from high places so plied the Elephants with darts, that they forced them back upon their own friends, whom bearing down, and break∣ing their ranks, they thereby procured Victory to the Romans. Florus and Orosius, contrary to what Plutarch reporteth of Benevenium (concerning which place Learned men do much doubt) make the battel to have been fought in Lucania in the Arusinian Plains. Florus writeth, that the cause of the Victory was a young Elephants being wounded in the head, which turning back and roaring for the pain, the Dam hearing him, ran as to his re∣lief, and so both of them disordered the battel, she overturning as Enemies all she met. Orosius saith, that the beasts were thus disordered by bundles of hemp besmeared with pitch, which having hooks in them and set on fire,

the Romans cast upon their backs, and the towers set thereon. Frontinus maketh the battel fought about Fatuentum, in the Arusinian Plains. Eutre∣pius is silent concerning the place; but writeth, that Curius Dentatus beat Pyrrhus back to Tarentum, slew 23000 of his men, and led, the first of all others, Elephants (four in number) in triumph to Rome; which beasts the Romans called Lucae boves, because they were first brought out of Lucania, where Pyrrhus was overthrown: This maketh much against that place which Plutarch assigneth for the battel, the original of whose error seemeth a mistaking of Beneventum for Fatuentum, or Statuentum, a City of Lu∣cania.

16. This Victory, saith Plutarch, made way for the establishment of the Roman Empire: for the Romans got such courage and reputation by this successe, that being counted invincible, they presently obtained all Italy, and not long after, Sicily also. As for Pyrrhus, he having spent six years, and fallen from his hopes both in Italy and Sicily, returned into Epirus, yet with a mind nothing daunted. He was thought the ablest Captain of all the Kings of that time, both for military skill, and personal valour; but what he had already obtained, he lost still by striving to grasp more. Therefore Anti∣tigonus compared him to a Gamester, who having lucky hits, knew not how to use them.(a) 1.1122 Having sent to the Kings of Asia, and Antigonus espe∣cially, for men and money, after he had received bare letters, he called the ••pirots and Tarentines together, and told them, that presently assistance would come, which report being caried unto the Roman Camp, the Consuls durst not stir, and so taking this advantage, the night following, he passed over unmolested into Epirus.(b) 1.1123 Curius the Consul having taken his Camp, touched nothing of the plunder;* 1.1124 and whereas the Senate gave seven Akers of ground a piece to the People, and 500 to him, he would not exceed the common pro∣portion. This year, C. Fabricius Luscinus and Q. Aemilius Papus, much(c) 1.1125 commended for their poverty, being Censors,(d) 1.1126 removed P. Cornelius Rufinus, who had been twice Consul and once Dictator, from the Senate, because they had found in his house of plate for the service of his table ten pounds; this being against a Law, as(e) 1.1127 Plutarch hinteth. At this Lustrum were cessed 271224 polls of Roman Citizens, as appeareth from the Epi∣tome of the 14 Book of Livie's History.

17. The Roman name had begun to be famous before, but was terrible af∣ter the overthrow of Pyrrhus. In the second year after his flight,(a) 1.1128 Ptolo∣my Philadelphus sent Ambassadors to congratulate with the Romans about their successe, and to enter into confederacy with them. They sent, to do him honour,* 1.1129 Ambassadors also to Alexandria, where he received them most courteously, and sent them back loaded with gifts. At their return they brought the gifts, though given to themselves in particular, into the Treasury; but the Senate commanded them to be restored. In the third year after the de∣parture of Pyrrhus, the(b) 1.1130 Tarentines, being neither able to drive out the Garrison he had there left under Milo, nor procure Peace of the Romans, desired aid of the Carthaginians, wherewith giving the Romans battel, they were overthrown. Milo sensible how badly he was able to resist, by leave from the Consul Papirius, departed with his men, and left the Castle, which the Romans having got into their hands, easily mastered the City, the walls whereof they demolished. Peace and liberty was granted to the Citizens, and the two Consuls L. Papirius Cursor,* 1.1131 and Sp. Cornelius Maximus (both Consuls the second time) triumphed, having finished both the Tarentine War and that of the Samnites in the 481 (or 482) year of the City, as the Capitoline tables do shew. The greatest part of Italy was now conquered, an accession being made not onely of the Tarentines and Samnites, but the Lucanians also, and a little before of the Etruscans. After this, the(c) 1.1132 Cam∣panian Legion, which without command had seized upon Rhegium was besie∣ged, and upon surrender was put to death. The inhabitants of Apollonia in Illyricum sending Ambassadors to Rome, the two Ae••iles Q. Fabius and Cn. Apronius beat them, and for that were delivered up to the Apolloniates.

The Picentes were overcome and had peace given them.* 1.1133 Colonies were sent forth to Ariminum in the Country of the Piceni, and to Beneventum (till now called Maleventum) in that of the Samnites. About the same time was silver Coin first stamped at Rome, brasse being used altogether till now, the State having got much silver in a Castle of the Samnites, as Xona∣ras writeth,* 1.1134 This hapned five years before the first Punick War, as(d) 1.1135 Pliny computeth, C. Fabius Pictor, and Q. Ogulnius Gallus being Consuls, in the fourteenth year of Antiochus Soter, and the sixteenth of Ptolomy Phi∣ladelphus, A. M. 3736, 267 before the birth of Christ.

SECT. II. From the First Punick War, to that with Antiochus the Great, in which the Romans first invaded Asia, the space of 37 years.

1. THe Umbri and Sallentini being newly subdued, and the number of Quaestors being increased to eight, the Romans took occasion to trans∣fer their Armies over the Sea into Sicily, and begun that, which from the Island (that gave both occasion to, and was the seat of, it) is by Greek Writers called the Sicilian War. There had the Mamertines most perfidi∣ously seized on Messana,* 1.1136 as is already related, and thereupon were become Enemies to Hieron King of Syracuse, who besieged them justly as thieves and murderers, and had taken the City, but that Annibal the Carthaginian cunningly diverted him, with an intention to get it into his own hands, as it came to passe; for pretending fair things to the Mamertines, as before to Hiero, and sending them in provisions, he possessed himself of the Castle. They being thus cheated by him, and now straightned by both, who had joyned together against them, betook themselves to the Romans for relief. The Se∣nate begun to be very sensible of the power of the Carthaginians, who had now almost the whole Island in their hands, and was jealous of their ap∣proach so near to Italy; so that a just quarrel with them seemed very accepta∣ble. But so bad was the cause of the Mamertines, as they could not in con∣science undertake the patronage of it, and gave them a denial.* 1.1137 From the Senate the thing was brought to the People, which besides it's antient use to debate matters concerning War, had by the Hortensian Law obtained power by it's Plebiscita to bind the whole State. The Praetors shewed what great profit would redound to the Commonwealth in general, and particularly to private Citizens (who having suffered much by the late Italian Wars, were desirous by a new one to recruit their fortunes) and therefore by a Plebiscitum they decreed aid to bee sent to the Mamertines, in the 489 year of the City, Q. Fabius Maximus Gurges the third time, and L. Mamilius Vi∣tulus being Consuls.

2. In the year following, and the Consulship of Appius Claudius Caudex, and M. Fulvius Flaccus, Appius was sent over with an Army to Messana, to execute the commands of the People. He first defeated Hiero, then the Carthaginians, and so raised the siege. The succeeding Consuls Manius Octacilius and M. Valerius Maximus, were ordered both, and with all the Legions,* 1.1138 to passe into Sicily, wherewith Hiero was affrighted into obedience, perceiving that the Romans were most likely to remain Victors, and made his Peace upon these terms, To restore all their prisoners without ransom, and pay 100 Talents of Silver. The Romans imbraced his frienship the more readily, for that the Carthaginians being masters at Sea, they could not well send over provisions, which they hoped might be supplied by him in good mea∣sure. They also by this alliance thought themselves eased of the burthen of War, and therefore the next year they sent over but two Legions. Valerius the Consul from Messana had the sirname of Messala, who also having taken

Catana, carried thence a new Sundial to Rome, Papirius Cursor having thirty years before set up the first that ever was in that City.* 1.1139 This though not perfect, the People used 99 years, till M. Philippus their Censor set up a perfect one by it, and about the same time Scipio Nasica being Censor, first divided the equal division of the day into hours, by water dropping out of one vessel into another.* 1.1140 This Pliny relateth out of Varro, who also re∣ported, that out of Sicily the first Barbers were brought to Rome by P. Tici∣nius Mena, about the 454 year of the City, before which time the Ro∣mans never cut their hair. The first that was shaven every day was Scipio A∣fricanus, whom Augustus imitated therein, none more using the Razor than he.

3. the next year was Agrigentum taken after a long siege; Hannibal who came to raise it being overthrown by L. Posthumius and Q. Mamilius the Con∣suls.* 1.1141 The news whereof filled Rome with excessive joy, and the Citizens now elevated in mind, would not acquiesce in former Councils. It seemed not sufficient to them, that they had saved the Mamertines, nor inriched them∣selves with great booty: but conceiving good hope that they might be able to cast the Carthaginians out of Sicily, and much thereby promote their affairs, they thitherto directed their thoughts and consultations. On Land indeed they seemed sufficiently to prosper,* 1.1142 for L. Valerius and T. Octacilius the succeeding Consuls, managed the War very well; but the Carthaginians with∣out controversie being Masters at Sea, thereby procured the Maritime Towns to revolt to them, so that the War was poised betwixt the two interests, now inclining to one side, and then presently to the other. Moreover Italy was often molested by the Carthaginian Fleet; but Africk out of all danger. Wherefore they concluded, there was necessity of betaking themselves also to Sea matters. Having never as much as thought of the Sea before, they now set upon building of 100 Quinqueremes and 20 Triremes, a thing most dif∣ficult,* 1.1143 because the Carpenters were utterly to seek how to make the former sort of Gallies, their use being utterly unknown to the Italians. But be∣fore they had made trial, when they first transported their forces to Messana, they ventured to fight with the Carthaginians, who had received the Domi∣nion of the Sea, without any competition from their Ancestors; which bold∣nesse and confidence Polybius esteemeth no lesse than miraculous. First of all Cn. Cornelius the Consul and Admiral, going with seven Vessels to re∣duce a Town of the Liparaeans, was taken in the Haven by one sent from Hannibal. But Duilius his Collegue presently after gave the Carthaginians a great overthrow, the Soldiers having provided iron hooks, by the help of which they could board them and fight as on Land. The Romans hereby ex∣traordinarily animated, relieved the Aegestans, and took Macella a certain Town by storm. But Amilcar Captain of the Carthaginian Land-forces then lying at Panormus, understanding that in the Roman Camp there was a mutiny, for that the Auxiliaries and Legions contended who should have the first place in battel;* 1.1144 and that the former had separated themselves, he sodain∣ly fell upon them in their removal, and killed almost 4000 men. Hanni∣bel after this losse at Sea departed to Carthage,* 1.1145 where recruiting his Naval forces he went into Sardinia, and being blocked up in a port by the Romans, lost many ships, and for that was crucified by the Soldiers, who overlived the defeat. The punishment which he feared for the former overthrow he craf∣tily evaded; for, before the thing was heard at Carthage, he sent one of his friends thither, who coming to the Court, told the Senate that the Roman Admiral was come with a great Fleet, and therefore he was come to ask their advice whether he should fight him. All the Senate answered, there was no doubt but he ought, to which the messenger replied, he hath fought and is overthrown. By this means he hindered them from condemning that fact, which before they had judged that it ought to be done.

4. Now had the Romans passed both into Sardina and Corsica; Divine Povidence as Casaubon noteth upon Polybius, so ordering it, that present successe should dispose their minds for such future undertakings, as made way

for their decreed Empire.(a) 1.1146 Hanno, the year following, being in Sardi∣nia was slain,* 1.1147 and his Army cut off by L. Cornelius Scipio the Consul. The next, many Towns were lost and taken in Sicilie on both sides. But(b) 1.1148 Cal∣purnius Flamma a Roman Tribune (or Leader of a Legion) gave a great de∣monstration of his valour. For A. Attilius Calatinus the Consul, having rashly brought the Army into such straights, out of which there was no possibi∣lity to extricate himself, he with 300 men took an hill near adjoyning, and drew thereby the Carthaginians to himself,* 1.1149 till the Army could passe through without opposition. All the 300 were slain, yet he sorely wounded and covered with dead bodies survived, being by Roman Writes compared, for this act, to Leonidas the Spartan. This story is twice told by Julius Fron∣tinus, who acquainteth us with the uncertainty of the man's name, some cal∣ling him Laberius, others Q. Caeditius, but most Calpurnius Flamma. The following year, C. Attilius Regulus the Consul subdued the Islands Lipara and Melita, whereof the later is ennobled by the ship-wrack of St. Paul, lying betwixt Sicily and Africk. Polybius writeth, that first Regulus was worsted at Sea, and then he defeated the Carthaginians. Now the Romans resolved to change the seat of the War into Africk, and the next year sent a Fleet under command of the Consuls M. Attilus Regulus (who was sub∣stituted in the place of Caeditius) and L. Manlius, containing 330 long and covered ships.* 1.1150 The Carthaginians sensible enough how concernd they were to keep the War from their own dores, opposed them with 350 Vessels, and a threefold battel was fought on the same day, in which the Romans remained Victors, having taken 64 ships with the defendants, and sunk 30, and of their own lost 24, but not with the men; for the Carthaginians fearing their Corvi or iron hooks, were afraid to come near them. Repairing then the ships they had taken, they passed over into Africk, and had surrendered to them Clupea a City seated upon the Promontory Hermaea. This done, they sent to the Senate for further orders, employing themselves, til the return of the messengers, in wasting the Country, which they did without interruption. At length they re∣ceived the resolution of the Senate, which was, that one of them should continue in Africk with a convenient Army, and the other return to Rome with the remaining forces.

5.(a) 1.1151 M. Attillius Regulus remained in Africk with 40 ships, 15000 Foot,* 1.1152 and 500 Horse. Pitching his Camp upon the River Bragada, or Bagrada, he was forced to make(b) 1.1153 War with a Serpent of a miraculous bignesse, which with the great trouble of his whole Army, and use of En∣gines for battery, at length he slew, and sent it's skin, 120 foot long, to Rome. The history hereof was curiously and elegantly related by Livie, as(c) 1.1154 Va∣lerius telleth us. After this, (d) the Consul gave the Carthaginians a defeat, fighting in such a place where their Horse and Elephants could do them no service, and then took Tunetum or Tunis. But not long after he was over∣thrown himself,* 1.1155 taken prisoner, and almost his whole Army lost; this Victory being got for the Carthaginians by Xantippus, the Lacedemonian,* 1.1156 whom af∣terwards sending honourably home as they pretended, they commanded those that caried him to drown him and his in the Sea, lest so great a Victory should be ascribed to the Lacedemonians, as Appian writeth. Of 30000 but a few escaped into the City Aspis (called also Clupea) where they were besieged, till their Enemies perceiving they profited nothing, rose up and made provi∣sion for resisting the succours which the Senate sent the following year, under command of M. Aemilius Paulus and Ser. Fabius Nobilior, the Consuls. They taking the Sea with 350 ships were opposed by the Carthaginians, whom they defeated, and took 114 of their Vessels with the men in them, as Polybius writeth, or took 30 and sank 104, as Eutropius and Orosius, the later whereof addeth, that of the Carthaginians were slain 35000, and that the Romans lost nine Gallies and 1100 men. The Consuls then went to Clupea, but, taking in the reliques of the Army, presently set sail again for Sicily. The Pilots told them they must take heed of the outward part of that Island, which was full of shelves and very dangerous, especially at that time

betwixt the rising of Orion and the Dog. But they gave no heed to the Sea∣men, out of a desire, by shewing of their fresh Victory and Plunder, to procure certain Towns upon the Coasts to yield. They had safely passed the middle of the sea, and drew near to the Coasts of Camarina, when such a tempest and so great calamities fell upon them, as cannot be expressed, saith Polybius,* 1.1157 for the greatnesse therereof. For, of 464 ships,* 1.1158 80 scarcely were saved, and the rest were swallowed up, or cast upon rocks, so that the shoar was filled with dead bodies, and broken pieces of ships. Both the Consuls perished. Those few that escaped Hiero kindly received, and fur∣nishing them with clothes and other necessaries, coveyed them safe to Mes∣sana. Karthalo the Carthaginian taking advantage of this disaster, be∣sieged, conquered, and burnt Agrigentum, the walls whereof he also demo∣lished.

6. The Romans nothing at all discouraged by the greatest losse that ever a tempest procured, gave order for the making of 220 Gallies, which was prosecuted with such alacrity, that in three moneths time they were both made and lanched. Asdrubal the Carthaginian with all the old Army, new levies, and 140 Elephants, came into Sicily, and of old and new Vesses made up a Fleet of 200 sail. The Consuls A. Attilius and Cn. Cornelius being comman∣ded to passe into Sicily, therein, this year, took several Towns, and returned. Their successors C. Servilius Caepio and C. Sempronius Blaeso, in the begin∣ning of the next Spring with all the Fleet passed into Sicily, and thence into Africk, where coasting about they landed in many places, but did nothing memorable. At length they came to the Island of the Lotophagi called Meninx, not far distant from the lesser Syrtis. Here they fell upon some quicks in the low water, and were in great danger, being utterly ignorant of the Coasts, but the tide returning, when they had lightned the ships, cleared then off the shelves, and they returned in a kind of flight to Panormus in Si∣cily.* 1.1159 Then passing hence towards Rome through the Straights very unadvised∣ly, such a tempest fell upon them, as above 150 ships were lost. Though the Senate and People were marvailously pricked forward to all attempts by desire of glory, yet so many and great were their losses at Sea, that they were constrained to omit naval preparations, and place all their hope in the land forces. They sent L. Cacilius Metellus and Cn. Furius Pacilus the Consuls into Sicily with the Legions, and 60 ships onely, for the conveying of necessaries to the Army. And not onely did they plainly yield the Domi∣nion of the Sea to the Carthaginians, but feared them also on Land, because of their Elephants, which had often times done them great dammage. Asdru∣bal the Punick General understanding their fears, and how one of the Con∣suls was returned back into Italy with half of the Army, in great confi∣dence wasted the grounds about Panormus, and the more carelessely, because Metellus kept himself within the walls. But the Consul taking an opportunity, so placed his men in respect of the Elephants, that when the Carthaginians came against the Town, he overthrew them, slew 20000, and took 26 Ele∣phants, according to Eutropius. But Orosius writeth, that 26 were slain, and 104 taken: and Livie related, as appeareth by the Epitome of his nine∣teenth Book,* 1.1160 that 120 Elephants were led in triumph, with thirteen Cap∣tains of the Enemy. Diodorus Siculus maketh the occasion of the over∣throw to have been given by the Celtae, in Asdrubals Army, who meeting with wine brought thither by Merchants, so ingurgitated themselves therein, that being not themselves, they broke the ranks and turned all into disorder, which opportunity Metellus instantly improved.

* 1.11617 This defeat caused the Carthaginians to desire Peace, and offered to send to the Senate about it. Amongst the Messengers was Attilius Regulus whom they had overthrown, and taken prisoner, five years before, and now bound with an oath to return to Carthage, in case neither Peace nor exchange of prisoners could be procured. He when he came to Rome, according to what he thought of the intererst of the Commonwealth, disswaded the Senate from Peace; and yet to keep his oath returned to Carthage, where he was

cruelly tormented to death; and as* 1.1162 Cicero writeth, by hunger and watch∣ing,* 1.1163 having his eye-lids cut off. The year following, because the Land-for∣ces were very fearful of the Carthaginian Elephants, and very unchearfully went about their work, the Romans provided another Fleet, and besieged Lilybaeum, a Town standing upon the southern Promontory of Sicily, over-against Africk, but without successe; within a while the Navy was brought to nothing, and Amilcar Barcas being sent from Carthage troubled Italy with his inroads and depredations. For seven years then did they abstain from the Sea; but being sorely disturbed by Amilcar, they resolved once more to try their fortune that way, and a Fleet was provided, and furnished out of their private purses, the Treasury being now exhausted. With this they gave such a blow to the Carthaginians near the Islands Aegates, under conduct of C. Lutatius Catulus the Consul,* 1.1164 as made them give commission to Amilcar to conclude a Peace, if he found it requisite. Though he was,* 1.1165 as to his own disposition, much averse to it, yet seeing it necessary for his Countrie's wel∣fare, he made an agreement with Lutatius upon these terms, if the Romans would approve them; viz. That the Carthaginians should wholly quit Sicily; make no War upon the Syracusians or their allies; release without ransom all prisoners, and pay within the space of twenty years 2200 Talents of Silver. This pleased not the People, and therefore ten men were sent into Sicily, with full authority to conclude the Peace,* 1.1166 who shortned the time of payment, added 1000 talents to the former sum, and further cautionated that the Car∣thaginians should not onely quit Sicily, but all the Islands also betwixt it and Italy. Thus ended the first Punick War, after it had continued 24 years,* 1.1167 and Lilybaeum had been besieged ten; in the 513 year of the City, the fourth of the 134 Olympiad, the sixth of Seleucus Callinicus, and the sixth of Ptolomy Euergetes, A. M. 3764, 239 before the birth of Christ, A. Manlius Tor∣quatus the second time, and Q. Lutatius Cerco being Consuls.

8. The Carthaginians submitted to the terms of this Peace, that they might recruit themselves by a cessation; but the Peace procured them greater danger than the War could well have done. For, Amilcar Barcas, after the ratification, drew down the forces to Lilybaeum, and giving them up into the hands of Gesco to be transported, laid down his Office.* 1.1168 Gesco wisely consi∣dering what danger there was of such a multitude of Mercenaries it's fal∣ling into sedition (especially because they wanted their pay, which the pub∣lick Treasury already exhausted could not afford them) conveyed them into Africk by small companies together.* 1.1169 But his Superiours, either through in∣advertency, or for want of money, dismissed them not as they arrived; but stayed them till all should come together, with intention to prevail for an abatement of their wages. The City growing full, many outrages were com∣mitted by the Soldiers, which caused the Townsmen to procure their Cap∣tains to lead them out to Sicca a Town not far off, and when they left their baggage behind them, as intending shortly to return to Carthage, they fear∣ing their unwillingnesse to depart, or their speedy return, because of their wives and children, in the cariages, forced them to take all away. When they were come to Sicca, they fell into greater licentiousnesse through want of em∣ployment, and demanded larger pay than formerly they had pretended to, expecting also great rewards promised them by their Captains in dangerous ad∣ventures. As soon as they were all come thither, Hanno the Carthaginian Praetor was sent to them, who was so far from curing, that he heighthened the distemper.

9. He not onely brought none of those things with him which they expe∣cted,* 1.1170 but complaining of the emptinesse of the Treasury, talked of abating something of their constant wages. This put the multitude into a rage, into which having once fallen, it was hard to be appeased, as upon other accounts, so through the diversity of their speech, things being either misrepresented by unskilful interpreters, or misunderstood by them who were willing enough to be mistaken. Breathing nothing but fury and violence, they took Arms, and in despight of Hanno and the other Officers marched toward Carthage,

and encamped at Tunis, fifteen miles from the Citie, to the number of 20000. The Carthaginians affrighted at the multitude resolved to satisfie them;* 1.1171 but then the Mercenaries perceiving how they were feared, every day invented what to add to their demands, requiring besides their pay the price of their horses lost in the War; and, after this was granted, Provision for several years, which they said was behind. Their late Masters not daring to deny them any thing, prevailed that some one who had commanded them in Sicily should be chosen as Moderator, and the whole matter left to him.

10. The Soldiers made choice of Gesco, as one who had best deserved of them. And he laboured to pacifie them all he might, and was about to pay them their Arrears.* 1.1172 But there being in the Army one Spendius, a Cam∣panian of Italy by birth, but by condition a Roman slave, who having ran away from his Master, wanted neither strength nor courage; and one Ma∣thos an African; the former fearing to be tortured to death if his Master caught him, as the Roman manner was, and the later though free, fearing to be called to account for his too great forwardnesse in the late stirs, sought how to drive all things into extremity, that they might procure a War, inveigh∣ing grievously against Gesco and the Carthaginians, as having a design as soon as the rest were dispersed and gone home, to spend their rage against the Africans. The multitude herewith were strangely incensed, so that who ever attempted to speak, before they could be heard what they would say, were all stoned to death except these two. Gesco yet would not cease to do his duty, but went from one Nation to another, labouring to pacifie them; but when the Africans demanded allowance for their Provisions, he bade them ask it of Mathos their Captain. This so transported them, that they plundered the goods of the Carthaginians, with all the money he had brought for the dischargement of the Army, and binding him and his followers in a contume∣lious manner cast them into prison.

11. By the advice of Mathos they rebelled against the Carthagians, and so began the War called Libycum and Africum,* 1.1173 as also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Their num∣bers being increased to 70000. Matho and Spendius now created Generals, divided their forces, and besieged Utica and Hippacra. Hanno was sent from Carthage to the relief of the Uticans, and at the first onset drove away the besiegers; but entring the Town, and loitering there, they set upon his Camp without, and killing many, took all his Engines, and other things pre∣pared for the War. His Superiours troubled hereat, created Captain Amilcar Barcas, and sent him into the field with 70 Elephants, and 10000 men. There he was encompassed by the Africans on his Front, the Numidians on his Rear, and Spendius on his Flanck, where Naravasus a Numidian with 2000 of his followers revolted to him.* 1.1174 Encouraged by this addition he en∣gaged with his Enemies, causing his men so to face about as the Front became the Rear, whereby seeming to be in confusion, the Mercenaries thought they ran, and breaking their Ranks to pursue them he took this opportunity, and setting on them out of order obtained the victory, having slain 10000, and taken 4000 prisoners.

12. He gave Arms to all such prisoners as would serve under him, and having exhorted the rest to fight no more against the Carthaginians, dismissed them freely. Spendius and Matho, together with Autaritus Captain of the Galls, hearing this, doubted how far his clemency, especially the offer of in∣demnity, might prevail with the Africans and others, and consulted how to obviate this his design by setting the multitude at irreconcilable enmity with the Carthaginians. To this purpose they feigned Letters to be sent out of Sardinia from their friends, giving them to understand, that certain amongst them held intelligence with the Enemy, and advising them to keep close Gesco, and the other with him. Spendius taking hereat occasion, earnestly advised them not to trust to the pretended clemency of Amilcar,* 1.1175 and by no meants to permit Gesco to escape; for thereby they should incur the con∣tempt of their Enemies, and by strengthning them through the assistance of so great a Captain, not a little damnifie their own affairs. Whilest he yet spake

another Carrier brought Letters as from Tunis of the same Contents with the former; and then Autaritus openly protested, that whosoever had any regard to the kindnesse of the Carthaginians could not be faithfull, and therefore such were to be heard as perswaded the most bitter things against Carthage; all others being Traitors and Enemies. Then did he perswade them to Torture Gesco to death, with such as were now with him, and all that hereafter should be taken. There were many which spoke against this cruelty, especially as Gesco was concerned in it; but for some time they were not understood, speaking in their own languages, and when what they aimed at was fully known, some one cried out strike them, which so provoked the multitude, that they fortwith stoned them. After this, bringing forth Gesco, and the other Carthaginians to the number of 700, they cruelly tormented them to death; and made a decree, that whomsoever of them for the time to come they should take, he should be used in the same manner, and if any of their Allies were taken, his hands being cut off, he should be sent back to Carthage. This they very carefully afterwards observed, having also refused to deliver the dead bodies to the Messengers that came for them, and threatned, if any more came, to deal with them as they had used Gesco.

13. Amilcar seeing into what straights he was cast by this boldnesse of the Mercenaries, sent for Hanno, judging that an end might sooner be put to the War if the forces of the State were all United.* 1.1176 Such of the Enemies as he took in the heat of the fight he killed, as he might by the Law of War, or taking them alive, cast them to wild beasts. When he thought that he had brought matters into a fair way of recovery, they presently relapsed into a far worse condition than ever. For, the ships that brought Provisions miscar∣ried by force of Tempest; Sardinia at the same time revolted from them, which was wont to supply them with large Provisions; and Hippacrita and Utica which hitherto had remained faithfull, now revolted without any mani∣fest cause. Mathos and Spendius herewith elevated, resolved to lay siege to Carthage it self,* 1.1177 and shortly after performed it. The Carthaginians in this their distresse betook themselves to their neighbours, whereof the Ro∣mans, and Hiero King of Syracuse in Sicily, being sensible of the sawcinesse of their Enemies, were ready to do them all good Offices. Herewith better enabled, they held out, and Amilcar lying abroad, so cut off all Provisions from the Mercenaries, that being no other than besieged themselves, they were forced at length to rise up and depart, resolving to observe Amilcar's motions,* 1.1178 and ly in wait for him on the sides of the Mountains; for they would not venture to take the plain, being afraid of his Elephants, and the horse of Naravascus; and otherwise they were much inferiour to the Carthagini∣ans, who far surpassed them in Military skill, though but equal to them in valour.

14. But Amilcar singling them out by parties, killed many of them, and when they ingaged with their whole force cut them off by stratagems: some∣times by day, otherwhiles by night he would fall upon them on a sudden with great terrour; and such of them as he took he cast them to the beasts. At length he compassed them about in such a place, as, though they were afraid to fight, they could not escape, and being shut up within a Ditch and Rampire, they were forced to devour one another. Though they now could expect no mercy, yet they sent to desire a Parley, and having obtained leave, Autarolus, Zarxas, Spendius, and other Captains were ordered to manage it. It was agreed that the Carthaginians should pick out ten men whom they pleased, and the other be dismissed in their Coats. The Covenants being finished, Amilcar declared that he made choice of those who were present, and so got the most eminent Leaders into his power. The Africans understanding that their Officers were seized, took Arms in great haste, but Amilcar with his Elephants and his Army compassing them in on every side, put them to the sword. For the improvement of this successe, he and Annibal went and besieged Mathos in Tunis, before the Walls whereof he nailed Spendius to a

Crosse with the rest of the Captives. Annibal pitching his Camp on that side of the Town towards Carthage, carelesly demeaned himself, which Ma∣thos considering, made a Sally, and killing many, took much plunder, and a∣mongst other prisoners Annibal himself, whom bringing to Spendius his Cross, after he had taken down his Collegue's body, he nailed him to it, and killed 30 more of the most noble Carthaginians.

15. It was long ere Amilcar knew of this disaster, and when he did, for the distance of place, and difficulty of passage, he could give no relief. Marching therefore from Tunis, he sate down by the mouth of the River Ma∣caris, and his Superiours at Carthage making new Levies joyned Hanno in Commission with him. These two, after several passages, at length agreed to fight one set battel with the Enemy, who consenting, a bloody contest en∣sued, wherein at length the Carthaginians had the better. A great part of the Africans were slain, and the rest fled to a neighbouring Citie, where not long after they yielded themselves,* 1.1179 and Mathos was taken alive. The sub∣jects of Carthage now turned to obedience all, except they of Hippacrita and Utica, who being past hope of mercy from their inraged Lords, seemed resolved to stand out; but Hanno and Amilcar bringing their forces, con∣strained them to submit to such conditions as the Carthaginians would lay upon them. Mathos, and those that were with him being carried to the Ci∣tie, was used with all sorts of contumely and torment, and so this Libyan War ended, having lasted three years, and almost four moneths, being, saith Poly∣bius, the most cruel and wicked that ever we heard of. But it gave the Car∣thaginians occasion to repent of two great errors, viz. Trusting so great a multitude of Mercenaries together when they were idle; and the cruel, and tyrannical usage of their subjects.

16. The Romans, (that we may return to them the History of whom is our proper subject) though they observed the League during these troubles, and at length, as was said, gave the Carthaginians also reason to like well of their friendship, yet thought they had some cause to be angry with them. For such of their subjects as sayled from Italy into Africk, they seized on, lest they should carry Provisions to their Enemies, and had at Carthage almost 500 of such kind of men in prison. Yet when Ambas∣sadors were sent to complain hereof, they kindly dismissed all those in cu∣stody, which so affected the Romans, that they also sent them all their priso∣ners, gave them all they asked, and permitted their Merchants to carry them necessaries, forbidding them to Traffick with their Enemies: they also refu∣sed to hearken to such of the Carthaginian Mercenaries as having betrayed their trust invited them into Sardinia. But though Polybius telleth us that this they did; yet it appeareth from him also that this modesty continued but for a time. For, allured, as it seemeth, by this invitation, they sayled thither, which much offended the Carthaginians, who thought that the place by far more right belonged to them; so that they prepared to send forces into the Island. The Romans took occasion hereat to decree War against them, complaining that these forces were not designed so much against the Sardinians as themselves,* 1.1180 which forced the other, who found themselves in no good case to manage the War with them, to give way to the time, and quit not onely Sardinia, but pay further to the Romans 1200 Talents. This, though submitted to at present, bred such grudges and malice, as at length brake out into another War, a more dangerous and bloudy than the former, as will appear.

17. In the(a) 1.1181 year after the ending of the first Punick War, the 514 of the Citie, C. Claudius Cento, and M. Sempronius Tuditanus being Consuls, the year preceding the birth of Ennius, the first Comedies and Tragedies were made by Livius Andronicus the Poet. This man being a Graecian born, was rightly called Andronicus,* 1.1182 and sirnamed Livius from his Master Livius Sali∣nator, whose Children he taught, and for his learning was manumitted by him.(b) 1.1183 Gellius saith, that he now first at Rome taught playes about 160 years af∣ter the death of Sophocles and Euripides, and 52 after that of Menander.

But whereas he is said by Gellius first to have made or taught playes as Rome, it is to be understood of these two sorts of Poetry now mentioned,(c) 1.1184 Va∣lerius Maximus telling us, that he drew the minds of the spectators to those shews from the use of Satires, which by little and little succeeded that most antient and plain Roman sport of the Histriones brought out of Etruria, (as we shewed before) for the stopping of the Pestilence, through the command of the Oracle.* 1.1185 These Ludi Scenici were first managed with rude gestures,* 1.1186 and incomposed Songs, called Versus Fescennini from Fescennium a City of Hetruria. From these jocular speeches, which at random were wont to be uttered at the Roman solemnities, came the Satire, as later in time so more elaborate, and as for metre a perfect Poeme containing ridiculous things di∣gested into Verse, which they were wont to utter amongst themselves, after the antient custom.* 1.1187 It differed as much from that of the Greeks, as from the rest differeth Dramatick Poetry, whereof the Romans at this time knew not so much as the name. A Satire being afterwards variously handled by the Romans, at length was reduced to two sorts, which Fabius onely acknow∣ledgeth. The former was found out by Lucilius, and the later ennobled by Varro. Horace mentioneth two kinds of most antient Poetry; one whereof they used in the praise of their gods, as when they appeased Tellus with a sow-pig, and Sylvanns with milk: the other, when in jest and sport they jeered one another, being the same with the Fescennine Verses, whence came the Satires, to which Livius Andronicus added the playes of Comedies and Tragedies, as was observed.

18. Four years after,* 1.1188 were celebrated at Rome the third time the Saecular Games, concerning which it is convenient to speak in this place, that begin∣ners may know the differences of Roman exercises. These were called Ludi Magni,* 1.1189 as others were, (in opposition to the Scenici, and games made by private men) and Ludi Terentini (not Tarentini, whereof Students are to beware) from Terentus a place in the Campus Martius where they were ce∣lebrated. But there were other games called also Terentini Ludi (which some not considering have run into confusion) and that more properly than these Saecular ones were, and therefore the rise of them all is to be related. There was one Valesius a man of prime note, amongst the Sabines, who li∣ving near Eretus, and not far from Tiber, in a great Plague,* 1.1190 had two sons and a daughter which fell dangerously sick. Amongst his prayers for them, he heard a voice that they should recover, if carying them to Terentus, he would fetch them some warm water of Tiber from the altar of Pluto and Proserpina. He thought the City Tarentum was meant, and doubted how he should come by any Tiberine water in that remote part of Italy; but resolving to be obe∣dient, he sailed down the River towards Ostia, and late at night arrived at the Campus Martius, where he understood there was a place called Terentus. Landing here, he gave his children some warm water, wherewith refreshed they fully recovered,* 1.1191 and told their father, how in a dream they had seen a certain god, who commanded, that at the altar of Pluto and Proserpina black coloured sacrifices (furvae hostiae) should be offered, as also that Lectisternes (beds made for the cause of sacrifice, as whereon to lye down after the Ro∣man fashion at a solemn feast) and night games should be made. Valesius seeing no altar in the place, thought of making one, when, as his slaves were digging for that purpose, they found one in the earth dedicated to Pluto and Proserpina. Here then he sacrificed, and three nights together, because of the number of his children, made Lactisterns and Games, being afterwards from this thing named Manius Valesius Terentinus. Zozimus writeth,* 1.1192 that the Romans 100 years before being to fight with the Albans, were admo∣nished to build this altar in the earth, and that having sacrifized they covered it. But this passage concerning Valesius hapned about the twelfth year of Servius Tullius, wherein he founded the Lustrum; in the 188 of the City, and the same wherein the Panathenaea were instituted (or rather reduced to the course of five years, being-formerly instituted by Theseus) at Athens, this being the third year of the 53 Olympiad.

* 1.119319. This was the Original of Terentine Games, which some have con∣founded with the Saecular. For, the next that were celebrated were made by Valerius Poplicola in the year following the banishment of Tarquinius, which Zozimus calleth Games of Pluto and Proserpina, and* 1.1194 Censorinus, from Antias the Historian, giveth them the name of Saecular. This confu∣sion cast Censorinus into such a perplexity about the Saecular Games, that he thus expresseth the incertainty of the Roman intervals of times and ages.

Some think the Roman ages to be distinguished by the Saecular Games; which, if it be so,* 1.1195 the manner of the Roman age is uncertain. For, concerning the intervals of times, wherein these Games ought to be celebrated, we are not onely ignorant how great they were formerly, but what they ought to be for the time to come. For, Antias and other Historians, with Varro and Livy, have written, that they ought to be made every hundreth year. But on the contrary, both the Commentaries of the Quindecimviri (or 15 men) and the edicts of Augustus testifie, that they ought to be reiterated every hundred and tenth, as* 1.1196 Horatius Flaccus also saith. Further, if we search the annals of antient times, we shall yet be in greater uncertainty by far. For, Valerius Antias saith, that the first Saecular Games were made after the banishment of the Kings, 245 years after the building of Rome by Valerius Publicola: But the commentaries of the 15 Men say, that 298 years M. Valetius and Sp. Virginius being Consuls. The second Games Antias will have made in the 305 year of the City, but its written in the Commentaries of the 15 Men, in the 408, M. Valerius Corvinus the se∣cond time, and C. Paetilius being Consul: and so he proceedeth.

20.* 1.1197 Jacobus Cappellus dissolveth the difficulty in this manner. The cause of this perplexity which troubleth Censorinus is this. All Saecular Games are Terentine,* 1.1198 but all Terentine Games are not Secular. For some were made upon some occasion, as those which Valerius Publicola made this 245 year of the City, and Valesius about the year 188. These were Te∣rentine Games but not Saecular. Now, the Saecular are of two sorts. The greater,* 1.1199 which perhaps thou mayst not call amisse* 1.1200 Quindecimvirales, were celebrated at the distance of 110 years. Of this kind the first were made by the command of the Quindecimviri, in the 298 year of the City, 110 years, as it seemeth, after the first Terentine Games made by Valesius. So, the Valesian shall fall in the 188 of the City. The first of the Quindecimviri were made in the 298 year of the City, the Second in the 408, the Third in the 518, and the Fourth in the 628. The lesser Saeculum, or Age, con∣sisted but of 100 years, instituted as it seemeth, by L. Valerius, after the banishment of the Decemviri, that year being according to some the 300 of the City. So the First Centenarie Games agree with the 305 Varronian year of the City, the Second with the 405, the Third with the 505, the Fourth with the 605.

21. Though the Second of the Centenaries should have been celebrated in the 405 year, yet (whether it happened through the Gallick War or other∣wise) they were not till that following, wherein M. Popilius Laenas the fourth time, and L. Cornelius Scipio were Consuls, as Zozimus writeth. These Censorinus hath omitted and four more,* 1.1201 if credit be given to the in∣scription of a certain stone mentioned by George Herwart, from which it should appear, that before this year were celebrated three Saecular Games, viz. in the 100, 200, and 300 years, according to the account of Pictor, and the 105, 205, and 305, according to that of Varro. Two Solemni∣ties also at the distance of 110 years, as in the 188 and 298, after the ac∣count of Varro, to which may be added those made by Poplicola extraordina∣rily in the 245 year. So that the Games celebrated this year (viz. in the 406) may rightly be called the seventh Games. The Quindecimvirals (or those of 100 years) continued till Constantine's time, who forbad them to be celebrated in the 1067 year of the City. His son Constantius also prohi∣bited the Centenaries, which in his time fell in the 1100 year of the City. Fifty seven years after, the Heathen got leave of Honorius to celebrate the

Terentine Games again in his sixth Confulship (for which Claudian thanks him) 200 years after they had been kept by Severus. But to return, these Third Saecular Games which gave occasion to this discourse, and were cele∣brated in the 518 year of the City, and the fifth after the first Punick Warre, P. Cornelius Lentulus and C. L••cinius Varus being Consuls, were those of the Quindecimviri, or of the interval of 110 years; that we may note thus much for the information of Students.

22. In the sixth year afer the first Punick War(a) 1.1202 the Temple of Janus was shut at Rome now the second time,* 1.1203 all things being in quiet, and the Romans having no Wars any where after the reducement of Sardinia by T. Man••ius Torquatus the Consul. In the following year, being the 520 of the City, the first(b) 1.1204 divorce was made by Sp. Carvilius Ruga, who, though he did it under a specious pretence of his wives barrennesse, was ever ill-willed for it by the People. This same year was M. Porcius(c) 1.1205 born in the precincts of Tusculum, who had the name of(d) 1.1206 Cato for his wisdom; Catus in the Roman language (whence the diminutive Catulus) signifying sa∣gacious, acute, or ingenious. And this year did Cn. Naevius the Poet(e) 1.1207 publish playes to the People,* 1.1208 who wrote also the first Punick war, (where∣in he served) in the most ancient kind of Verse called Saturnii Versus, which were succeeded by the Fescennini, some being with metre, and some without. He died in the 30 year after this, and left a proud(f) 1.1209 Epitaph of his own making, which he commanded should be ingraven on his Tomb, and Gellius hath recorded together with those of Plautus and Pacuvius.

23. Five years the Temple of Janus continued shut, and in the sixth was opened by a War with the Illyrians. For, Teuta Queen of that Nation,* 1.1210 the widdow of Agron (who for joy that he had prospered in his enterprises against the Aetolians, drank so hard, that he fell into a Pleurisie, and there∣of died) elevated by her prosperity in Peace, gave out commissions to her Subjects to rob all at Sea whomsoever they met with. The Illyrians then ha∣ving taken Phoenice a strong City of Epirus, struck a great terror into all the maritime parts of Greece, and setting upon the Italian Merchants, some they robbed,* 1.1211 others they killed, and not a few they caried away prisoners. The Romans having hitherto neglected all complaints against them, when now ma∣ny came together, sent unto Illyricum Caius and Lucius Coruncani, to in∣form themselves concerning these matters. Teuta answered, she would take care that no publick injury should be offered to the Romans, but it was not the custom to hinder any from making what private commodity they could out of the Sea. But saith Lucius, the Romans have a good custom pub∣lickly to prosecute private injuries, and to relieve the injured: therefore we will shortly endeavour, God willing, to constrain thee to amend these cu∣stoms. The Queen took this liberty of speech so hainously, that her woman∣ish impotency and anger prevailed against the Law of Nations, to have some sent after the Ambassadors, who killed Lucius. For this, War was decreed against her,* 1.1212 and both the Consuls of the 525 year of the City, Cn. Ful∣vins Centumalus, and L. Posthumius Albinus Consul the second time, were sent into Illyricum; Fulvius with the Navy, and his Collegue with the Land-Army.

24. Fulvius received Corcyra,* 1.1213 given up into his hands by Demetrius Pha∣rius; then took he Apollonia, and the Armies joyning, the Consuls freed Dyrrhachium besieged by the Illyrians. Then most of the Illyrick Cities were either taken or delivered up, whereupon the Queen retired with a few followers to Rhizon a strong Town, situate upon a River of the same name, and the Spring following sent to Rome to desire Peace. It was granted to her on these terms:* 1.1214 To pay a yearly tribute; to quit all Illyricum, except a very few places: and Not to sail beyond the River Quissus with more than two Barks, and these unarmed. For nine years the Illyrians continued in obedience, till the 535 year of the City, wherein rebelling, they were again reduced by Aemilius Paulus and M. Livius the Consuls. For, Deme∣trius Pharius then their King, forgetting the great favours received from the

People of Rome, wasted the Towns of Illyricum subject to the Romans, and passed the bounds set by the League. Aemilius within seven dayes took Dimalium, and followed him to Pharus, a Town of the Island Phario, which he also took. Demarius being fled to Philip King of Macedo∣nia, he seized on the rest of Illyricum, which he ordered to pay a sti∣pend to Pineus, the son of Agron. But thus was begun, and finished the War with Teuta, which Florus (according to his custom, breaking the order and series of time) falsly placeth after the Gallicum Cisalpinum, or that with the Galls inhabiting within the Alps.

25. For, the same year wherein the Peace was made with Teuta,* 1.1215 the pro∣mulgating of the Agragrian Law by C. Flaminius, Tribune of the people, brought this great,* 1.1216 and dangerous War upon the Commonwealth. There be∣ing a good quantity of ground Conquered within the Countrey of these Galls, he preferred a Law for the dividing of it to the people, man by man. Q. Fabius Maximus being now Consul the second time stifly opposed it, Sp. Carbilius his Collegue not stirring as(a) 1.1217 Cicero telleth us; the Senate also laboured to crosse it, but when in the Rostra Flaminius read the Law, his father laying hands on him he obeyed, and went down, though he neither valued the Consul nor Senate, nor yet was affrighted with the levying of an Army. Nay, the people about him was so overawed by paternal right, that,* 1.1218 as Valerius Maximus writeth, though the Assembly was thus disappointed, not the least muttering was heard. Whether the Law for division fully passed or not (by reason of the interruption by old Flaminius) yet this thing gave oc∣casion to a new and great War, as Polybius writeth, who mistaketh the time by four years, for as much as these stirs about the Agrarian fell not out in the 522. but the 526 of the Citie, wherewithall the second Consulship of Fabius Maximus, and that of Sp. Carnilius Maximus is joyned. Indeed the first of Fabius fell in with the 521 year of the Citie, two years before Teuta killed the Ambassador, and two more at least before the finishing of the Illyrian War, whence may be conjectured, that as the mistake of Poly∣bius might arise from want of distinction, betwixt the first and second Con∣fulships of Fabius; so the error of Florus (or him, who ever wrote that Sy∣stem) in placing the Gallick War before the Illyrian, might proceed from an (inconsiderate) trust to the Authority of that excellent Author.

26. The report concerning this Law awakened the Galls, especially the Boii,* 1.1219 who were nearest neighbours. Concluding now that the Romans fought not so much for glory and dominion, as out of a covetous design of inriching themselves, they sent to the Insubres for aid, exhorting them to remember what their Ancestors once did at Rome, and to tread in their steps. These joyning together sent over the Alps for other Galls, living near Rhodanus, and called Gossatae, from their wages, saith Polybius, or as others write, from Gessa a kind of weapon they used. Their Kings, Congolitanus and Aneroestus be∣ing allured by great promises, with a vast force passed over the Alpes, and joyning with the Insubres and Boti, to the number of 50000 foot, and 20000 horse brake into Etruria. When first the Romans heard of their passing the Alps, they commanded Aemilius the Consul to go to Ariminum, to give them trouble in case they came that way. They ordered one of the Praetors into Etruria; for, C. Attillius the other of the Consuls was already sent into Sardinia. The whole Citie was sad and grievously afflicted, fearing the Galls as fatal to it. All the Registers of the Military age were inquired int, too feel what forces they, and what their Associates, were able to set forth. The Italians prepared to fight, not as for the Roman Empire, but their own safety; so that an Army was in a readinesse, consisting of 700000 foot, and 70000 horse, according to Polybius. But Fabius Pictor wrote, as Eutro∣pius relateth, that 800000 men were prepared for this War, wherein he him∣self was employed.

* 1.122027. The Tables of the Military age, as they were brought to the Senate, contained of the Latines 80000 foot, and 5000 horse; of the Samniies 70000 foot, and 7000 horse; of the Iapyges and Messapians 50000 foot, and 16000

horse; of the Lucanians 30000 foot, and 3000 horse; of the Marsi, Mar∣rucini, Ferentani & Vestini 20000 foot, and 4000 horse. And of the Roman people gave their names, together with those of Campania, 250000 foot, and 230000 horse. The total sum 558000. There went out with the Con∣suls four Legions, whereof each contained 5200 foot, and 300 horse, toge∣ther with 30000 foot, and 3000 horse of the Associates: in all 50800 foot, and 3200 horse. There were in readinesse for necessary occasions, of the Etruscans and Sabines 50000 foot, and 4000 horse, which the Praetor led into Etruria to oppose the Enemy on the Borders. Of the Veneti and Cenomani were assembled 20000. and as many of the Umbri and Sarsinates inhabiting the Appennine Mountains, who were placed on the Borders of Gall, by in∣vading the Territories of the Boti to draw them back, and divide them from the rest. These were the forces placed on the Borders. At Rome were in a readinesse for the uncertain chances of War, as a supply 30000 foot, and 1500 horse of Citizens, besides of the Associates 30000 foot, and 2000 horse. In Sicily, and about Tarentum were placed two Legions, whereof each contained 4200 foot, and 200 horse. The sum of all these amounts to 210300 men. So, saith Polybius, the sum of the forces which guarded the Citie were 150000 foot, and about 6000 horse, but the whole number of the multitude fit for War was 700000 foot, 70000 horse, which yet Hannibal durstoppose, and invade Italy with scarce 20000. But this will appear further in what shall be hereafter said.

28. The Galls descending into Etruria wasted all with fire and sword,* 1.1221 till they came to Clusium, a place three dayes journey distant from Rome. There were they beset, the Praetor on their back, and the two Consuls before bloc∣king up all the passages, so that they were forced to fight two contrary wayes in two fronts, and that very disadvantagiously, both by reason of their naked∣nesse,* 1.1222 and the unfitnesse of their Arms. But the vanity of the Gaesatae was most hurtfull to them, who casting off their Cloths would needs fight naked and charge first; for, being easily discomfited, they discouraged their fellows. Forty thousand were slain, and ten thousand taken, amongst whom was Con∣colitanus; the other King Aneroestus having killed himself. This battel was fought in the 529 year of the Citie, L. Aemilius Dapus, and C. Attilius Re∣gulus (who was therein slain) being Consuls. Afterwards inroads being made into the Territories of the Galls, they were several times overthrown, and so harrased,* 1.1223 that they sent Ambassadors to Rome to beg peace on any terms. The people being inclining enough to it, M. Claudius Marcellus, and Cn. Cornelius Scipio the Consuls of the 532 year stopped the thing.

29. The former especially, having a disposition suitable to his name (Mar∣cus and Mamercus being thought to be derived of Mars, and therefore also the diminutives Marculus and Marcellus) inflamed the multitude to the War;* 1.1224 whereupon the Galls now desperate resolved to make the last tryal,* 1.1225 and using all indeavours, sent, and hired 30000 of the Gaesatae. The Consuls invading the Countrey of the Insubres besieged Acerrae, which to relieve the Galls laid siege to Clastidium, a Town associate with the Romans. Here was fought a bloudy battel, wherein the Galls were overthrown, Marcellus with his own hand killed Virdomarus King of the Gaesaetae, and dedicated the third* 1.1226 Opima Spolia to Jupiter Feretrius, though Numa had commanded they should be consecrated to Quirinus. Those that escaped fled to Mediolanum (now Millane) the chief seat of the Insubres, which being shortly taken, the War was thereby ended after six years, and Marcellus returned in Triumph. The title of the Triumph in the Capitoline stories mentioned with the Galls Insubres, Germans also to have been subdued, which Germans seem no o∣ther then the Gaesatae, thus called by some mistake. As for the name of Caesa∣••ae, though Polybius thinketh it derived from their wages, and others from a kind of vveapon; yet* 1.1227 another rendreth a more probable derivation, which the condition of these people being Mercenaries prompteth to. The Teuto∣nick language (a dialect whereof Joseph Scaliger and others prove the an∣tient Gallick to have been) calleth him Gaest, whom the English Saxon

(a branch also of the Teutonick) nameth Guest at this time, betoken∣ing a stranger. The word Gaesata might well therefore be thence derived, being changed something by those that were ignorant of the Language, from that whereby the Galls signified strangers, such as these Mercenaries were.

30. The third year after the ending of the Gallick, began the second Pu∣nik, or Carthaginian War. Amilcar the Carthaginian Captain had a great itching desire to renew the quarrel with the Romans, as soon as the State could recover its strength, and had done it betimes, but that the War with the Mercenaries hapned, which much distressing the Commonwealth, he pas∣sed over into Spain, where having to do with such an Enemy as he could grow upon,* 1.1228 he there inlarged far and wide the Carthaginian Dominion, and died in great honour, though he was drowned in a River, being put also to flight by Orisson King of the Iberi,* 1.1229 who pretending to come to his assistance in the siege of Helice unexpectedly fell upon him. As he had governed the Army in Spain nine years,* 1.1230 so his son-in-law Asdrubal succeeding him, commanded it almost as many, with a mind as averse from the Romans as he; but he dis∣sembled his hatred and designs, that he might gain all Spain to the Cartha∣ginian interest. After 8 years he was slain by a Gall (saith Polybius) or a slave to a certain Spaniard (saith Justin) who killed him in revenge for his Masters death. He also much bettered the affairs of Carthage, not so much by Arms,* 1.1231 as his winning carriage upon the petty Princes. After his death Annibal the son of Amilcar Barcas was chosen Captain by the Army,* 1.1232 and presently con∣firmed at Carthage by the people, whom his father taking along with him into Spain, being then nine years old, compelled to swear at the Altar, his hand touching the sacrifice, that as soon as he could he would be an Enemy to the people of Rome.

31. Annibal presently after his Creation fell upon the Olcades whom he subdued, and besides them, within a years space, the Vaccaei and Carpentani, and nothing remained beyond the River Iberus that was considerable, and unsubdued, besides the Saguntines. They being confederate with Rome gave them there intelligence how things went, who sent some into Spain to see how matters stood, and what was intended by the Carthaginians. These Commissioners having audience of Hannibal, religiously admonished him not to meddle with the Saguntines, and (according to the League made with Asdrubal) not to passe over the River Iberus. His answers did not con∣ceal his inward hatred, which caused the Romans to expect no better than a War; but they hoped to have Saguntus the seat thereof, and endeavoured to clear themselves of Illyricum ere it hapned. Annibal was not ignorant of what they designed, and therefore resolved by taking that Town to cut off all hope of vvarring in Spain. He doubted not by that example to terrifie others, so as to reduce to obedience those that yet stood out, and confirm therein such as he had already brought under; and this especially he aimed at, by reducing this place, to leave no Enemy at his back, by the plunder of which also he intended to gratifie his Soldiers. With all his force then he set upon it, and provoking his men by his own example to all manner of di∣ligence,* 1.1233 took it in the eighth moneth. The Inhabitants retained their fide∣lity unto the Romans to the last, and when almost spent with hunger, Fire, Sword, and Engines, they that remained, in a fire made in the Forum consumed themselves with all their riches, as Florus writeth, though Polybius speaketh of much money found in the Town, besides rich stuff, which Hanni∣bal sent to Carthage.

32. When first the Romans heard that Saguntus was taken, they sent Ambassadors to Carthage to require that Hannibal should be delivered up as the breaker of the League,* 1.1234 or else to denounce War. Upon their arrival the Carthaginians deputed Hanno to treat with them, who sleighted the matter of the League made with Asdrubal, pretending there was none; and if there was, it was made by his meer pleasure without consent of the Senate. Besides, therein, he said, was no mention made of the River Iberus; that a

regard was to be had of the Allies of both the States he confessed, but this nothing concerned the Saguntines, who at the time of the ratification were not confederates with Rome. The Ambassadors perceiving the Carthagi∣nians backward to what they propounded, said no more; but the Senior of them holding out the lap of his Gown to the Senate. Here, saith he, we bring you both War and Peace; whether you will have I shall bring forth. The Carthaginian King bade them bring forth which they pleased; then the Roman, saying, he would take out War, many of the Senators answered, that they accepted of it.* 1.1235 This fell out in the Consulship of M. Livius, afterward called Salinator (from his bringing up the Impost upon Salt) and L. Aemi∣lius Paulus. In their time forein Ceremonies begun to be brought into Rome, which displeasing the more sober sort of men, the* 1.1236 Senate thought fit that the Chapels of Isis and Serapis should be pulled down. When no Artificers would venture to touch them, Aemilius the Consul put off his pratexta, or long Roab edged with purple silk, and taking an Hatchet struck it into the door.

33. In the year following, being the 536 of the City,* 1.1237 the sixth of Anti∣ochus the Great, and the fifth of Ptolomy Philopator, in the Consulship of Pub. Cornelius Scipio, and Tib. Sempronius Longus, three and twenty years after the ending of the first Punick War, the Second began, which we have described by Polybius,* 1.1238 and after him by T. Livius, who hath transcribed the 21 Book of his History almost word for word. Annibal now 26 years of age, in the Spring moved from his winter quarters with 90000 Foot, and 12000 Horse, and passing over the River Iberus, subdued all the Towns as far as the Pyrenaean hills.* 1.1239 Then leaving Hanno with a sufficient force to keep the Country, and sending as many of the Spanish Soldiers home, he marched with the the rest, in number 50000 Foot, and nigh 9000 Horse, over the Pyre∣naean hills; and so through Gall unto the Alpes. Having marched 100 miles in ten days from the River Rhodanus, he came to the foot of these mountains, which when he ascended, he encountred with great difficulties, being opposed by the Allobroges (inhabiting the Country now called Savoy) who possessed themselves of the places through which he must necessarily passe. On the ninth day he came to the top, whence his Soldiers had a prospect of Italy. Proceeding after a little rest, he lost as many men here in the depth of the Snow, as formerly by the incursions of Enemies, and at length came to a place which would affoard no passage for Horse, or Elephants. The place of it self was precipitious, but lately by a falling of earth it was become so, to the depth of 1000 foot. He laboured then to bring his men through other wayes never before trodden, but at length the Snow making them impassible, he was forced to betake himself to the levelling of the Rock. They made a great fire, wherewith the Rock being heated, they putrified it with Vinegar, then did they cleave it, and so diminished the descent by moderate turn∣ings, that not onely the beasts of burthen, but the Elephants also might safe∣ly passe.* 1.1240 Four dayes were spent about the Rock: and by this time almost all the beasts were wasted; for on the top was little grasse, and that covered with Snow. Coming lower, certaing valleys afforded pasture, where the cattel were refreshed, and rest was given to the weary Soldiers. Thence de∣scended Annibal into the Plain, in the fifth moneth after he had parted from new Carthage (built by Asdrubal, and now called Cartagena) in Spain, having passed over the Alpes in fourteen dayes. In the passage he lost a great part of his Army, bringing into the Country of the Insubres, but 10200 African Foot, 8000 of the Spanish, and 6000 Horse.

34. Scipio the Consul having Spain for his Province, was by Sea going thither, when he understood that Hannibal was near the River Rhodanus. There he intended to have given him a stop; but missing of him, he returned on shipboard and hasted to Italy, there to meet him, before his men had yet refreshed themselves.* 1.1241 They met and joyned battel, wherein the Consul had the worst, being wounded, and preserved alive by the valour of his young son afterwards named Africanus. The Roman Senate, when first they re∣ceived

intelligence that Hannibal had passed the Alpes, sent for the other Consul Sempronius out of Sicily to the aid of his Collegue. According to or∣der he brought over his Army, and united it with Scipio's at the River Trebia. Having had the better in some skirmishes with certain parties of Annibal, he desired to make trial of a battel, that his Collegue being sick, he might have all the glory of Victory, and though Scipio alleged, that by delaying to fight the Galls might be farther drawn in, and their own Soldiers better exer∣cised, yet lest the battel should be deferred till the coming of the next Con∣suls, he resolved to fight alone. Annibal feared nothing more, than that they should refuse to fight, because as yet the Galls continued his, and he knew the best of the Roman Captains to be unable to act, and his own Army fresh and chearful. In the battel, which shortly followed, the Romans were overthrown, being drawn out by a party that Hannibal sent to provoke them, ere they had armed their bodies against the extremity of the mid-winter sea∣son, either by meat or other provision; so that ingaging with cold and hun∣ger,* 1.1242 and beset with their enemies (whereof as in the former battel, the Nu∣midians, to their great terror fell upon their rear) they were defeated, though with great slaughter of the Enemy, through whose ranks 10000 broke and escaped to Placentia, the rest being either slain, taken, or drowned in the River. The Carthaginians having pursued them to the River Trebia, re∣turned to their Camp so stupified with cold, that they were scarce sensible of the Victory. For, rain mixed with snow, and intollerable cold, killed many men, and almost all the beasts and Elephants.

35. At this time things went better with the Romans in Spain and Sicily. In the former Cnaeus Scipio (being sent thither by his brother the Consul upon his return into Italy) overthrew Hanno the Carthaginian, and took in a good part of the Country, wherein was also new Carthage. For the following year C. Flaminius (who being Tribune had preferred the Agrarian Law) was the second time made Consul, together with Cn. Servilius Geminus. He had a good gift in speaking, but no skill in War, being yet heady and impa∣tient of advice. Hannibal having all this while made the Country of the Galls the seat of War, resolved to change it, and after some consultation a∣bout his way into Etruria, resolved upon that of the Fens, as short and un∣expected to the Enemy, though more troublesome to passe. Being forced to march three or four whole dayes through water, this sorely distressed all his men, except the Galls, many of the beasts were left in the mud, and the hoofs of the Horses came off. He himself riding on an Elephant that was onely left, escaped with his life, but was sorely pained in his eyes, one whereof he lost utterly. Being arrived at dry ground, he hoped by some means or other to intrap the Consul, understanding what his disposition was: He passed by his Camp and went further into the Country, which inraged Flaminius, who thought himself slighted by the Enemy. When amongst the Romans some told him that he must not rashly pursue, but use great caution, especially by reason of the Horse; but above all things stay for his Collegue, and not hazard a battel without the conjunction of both Armies, he was so far from following their advice, that he could not bear their words. Rising with all his forces he had neither respect to time nor place, onely seeking to fight, as if nothing had been more certain than the Victory, with hope whereof he he so elevated the vulgar, that a rable followed the Camp greater in number than the Army it self, and furnished with chains, bonds, and other things, wherewith to keep fast those prisoners and booty, whereof they doubted not to become Masters.

36. Annibal marching through Etruria, wasted it with fire and sword,* 1.1243 the more to inrage his Enemy, and at length came to the Lake called Thrasy∣menus and Thrasymene, near to which are certain mountains, and betwixt them and it a narrow way leading to a valley, beset with them, and a ridge of hills.* 1.1244 These hills he made choice of, wherein to place his men, bestowing them round about, so that Flaminius following him into the valley, was fal∣len upon round about, and slain with many of his men ere (almost) they knew

who hurt them, by reason of a mist which then was risen from the Lake. Within the valley fell 15000, and near upon 6000 escaped to a Village, where they were forced to yield themselves. Annibal gathering all his priso∣ners together, to the number of 15000, kept in custody the Romans,* 1.1245 but dismissed the Latines without ransome. The body of the Consul, saith Vale∣rius Maximus, was sought for by Annibal to be buried; even his body, who, as much as in him lay, had buried the Roman Empire. Cn. Servilius the other Consul who kept Ariminum (a Country of Italy now called Rimi∣ni, lying upon the River Rubicon) hearing of Annibal's coming into Etru∣ria, purposed to go and joyn with his Collegue, but finding that difficult, chose out 4000 men whom he sent to his aid, under conduct of C. Cente∣nius (by some called Centronius) whom he commanded, if possible, to reach him before the fight. Hannibal hearing of this supplie, after the battel, sent out Maharbal with a party, which cutting off one half, forced the other to an hill, where they also yielded themselves.

37. The Romans struck with consternation at these losses, upon mature de∣liberation resolved there was need of a General with absolute authority. But the Consul (who alone had power, and that in the Roman Dominions, to name a Dictator) being absent, and incompassed with the Carthaginian Forces, so that no message could conveniently be sent to him, and the Peo∣ple having no power to create a Dictator, they created as a Prodictator, or Vice Dictator, Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucosus, whose Master of the Horse∣men was M. Minutius Rufus.* 1.1246 Fabius matched Annibal in policy, break∣ing his successe by delaying to fight, which others had increased by their te∣merity, so that he obtained the name of* 1.1247 Cunctator. Hannibal was hereof very sensible, being by him put to his shifts, wanting provisions exceedingly, and lying in an Enemies Country. But the Master of Horse-men being some∣thing hot and rash, in Fabius his absence, got the better in certain skirmishes, and hereby procured so much favour from the multitude, which now accoun∣ted the worthy Dictator lazie and fearful, that beyond all example his power was made equal to that of his. Minutius puffed up herewith, sought to im∣prove his authority by further rashnesse, so as to ingage with the Enemy, in which action he and his party had been overthrown, but that Fabius in good time came in and saved him. This so convinced him of his former folly, that he confessed his fault to the Dictator, whom he called his Father, and re∣nouncing his new power again, subjected his office to the Dictatorship.

38. Fabius, when his six moneths were out, laid down his Office, and was badly requited, the Tribunes and others calumniating him with the Nobility, as wilfully lengthening the War, which procured Terentius Varro a rash, hot, and inconsiderable man, for the next year to be created Consul. He, though joyned with a prudent person L. Aemilius Paulus, so far prevailed, as to joyn battel with Annibal at the place of Cannae an ignoble Village of Apulia, which the year before had been destroyed, and onely the Castle re∣mained, on which Annibal had lately seized. The Romans brought into the field 80000 Foot, and about 6000 Horse; the Carthaginians not much above 40000 Foot, and 10000 Horse. Florus writeth, that for the destru∣ction of the unhappy Army, both General, Earth, Heaven, the day, and the whole nature of things conspired. For Annibal not content with the sending of those who counterfeiting a revolt, fell upon the backs of the Romans, ob∣serving the nature of the place, so chose out his ground, that besides his Ar∣my they must needs fight with wind, dust, and Sun. But from others it ap∣peareth, that the Romans fighting with their faces toward the South, and the Carthaginians toward the North, the Sun-beams offended neither. Howe∣ver, the abilities of the Punick General were seen so far in this, as in other battels, that he overmatched them in skill, who exceeded him in numbers, making such slaughter of them, that at length wearied, he commanded his Soldiers to forbear, as Florus telleth us. Of the Romans were slain 50000 men say Plutarch and Appian; 70000 saith Polybius, and Livy hath 40000 Foot, and 2600 Horse. Amongst these was Aemilius the Consul (who

unwilling to survive the defeat refused to flie) 2 Quaestors,* 1.1248 21. Tribunes, 80 of Senatorian degree, divers of Consular dignity, and so many Equites or Knights, that, as Pliny writeth,* 1.1249 Hannibal sent three bushels of gold rings to Rome, which were the Ensignes of that order, though Pliny from this number endeavoureth to prove that the use of them at this time was promiscu∣ous, else a vast number must there have been of them: but Livy writeth, that more likely report held there were but one bushel. Hannibal lost 5700 of his men. Varro the Consul fled to Venusia with 70 Horse, whither also esca∣ped 4000 Foot and Horse, which leading to Cannusium, where were already 10000 men, he made up a shew of a Consular Army, which by the help of walls, though not of arms, seemed able to defend it self.

39. Had Hannibal taken his opportunity and marched to Rome, in all pro∣bability he might have made an end of the War,* 1.1250 and of the Roman Empire both together; but this great Soldier knew (as Maharbal Captain of his Horse truly told him) how to get, but not how to use and improve a Victory. For, he loitered all this Summer,* 1.1251 and having Capua a wealthy and luxurious Citie given up into his hands by the Towns-men, there he took up his Winter quarters, and Capua became a Cannae to his Soldiers. For, hereby he utterly spoyled an excellent Army, which now was so enervated by the pleasures and effeminatenesse of the place, as ever after it became impa∣tient of labour, and its antient Military Discipline, so that before this it was harder for the Romans not to be overcome by Hannibal, than afterwards to overcome him. His fortune presently began to change. He was worsted at Nola by Marcellus the Praetor, and repulsed at Casilinum, a very small Ca∣stle, for a good space. At this time, though there was a Dictator in the Camp (M. Junius Pera, whose Master of the Hors-men was Tib. Sempronius) yet the Senate being exhausted by the War,* 1.1252 M. Fabius Buleo was named Dictator by Terentius the Consul, for filling it up, without a Master of Hors-men. He coming into the Rostra, said, he did not approve that there should be two Dictators at one time (which never before had been known) nor that he was created without a Master of Hors-men; neither that the power of Cen∣sorship should twice be permitted to one man; nor that power for six moneths should be given to any Dictator, except for the War. What extream neces∣sity had procured, he said he would moderate. For he would not remove any Senator which C. Flaminius, and L. Aemilius the late Censors had chosen, onely transcribe, and cause them to be read over, lest the credit, and esteem of Senators should be in the power of one man; and so he would supply the places of the dead, that this man before that, and not one order should seem preferred above another.* 1.1253 The old Senate then being called over, he chose into vacant places, first such as since the last Censorship had born Curule Offices, as each one had been first created; then such as had been Aediles, Tribunes of the Commons, or Quaestors, and lastly, such had any spoyls hung up at home, which they themselves had taken from the Enemy, or had received a Civick Crown. So 177 being thus chosen with universal ap∣probation, he presently laid down his Office.

40. The Romans, though the defeat at Cannae threatned them with no less than ruin,* 1.1254 quickly recovered their courage. When Varro (being sent for to name a Dictator) was near the Citie, all Ranks went forth to meet him, and though he was the cause of the overthrow, gave him thanks that he had not despaired concerning the Commonwealth. Philip King of Macedonia having expe∣cted the fortune of both parties, after the battel of Cannae joyned in affi∣ancy with Hannibal; and this being discovered through the intercepting of his Ambassadors, for to prevent his coming into Italy, the Romans took or∣der for the invasion of his own Territories.* 1.1255 At this time Hannibal was bea∣ten at Cuma, and constrained to raise his siege; and from Nola the second time by the same hand; Hanno having the same fortune at Grumentum. In Spain the Scipioes so managed the War that they got ground, being conti∣nually Superiors. Asdrubal was ordered by the Senate at Carthage to passe into Italy, but upon his departure they defeated him in battel,

and by this successe not onely overthrew the design of joyning with Han∣nibal, but drew most of the Spaniards to their party, still improving the vi∣ctory.

41. In Sicilie and Sardinia, though several attempts were made by the Carthaginians, and some revolts happened, yet things proceeded in a good condition.* 1.1256 In one battel in Sardinia 12000 were slain, and many taken pri∣soners, amongst whom were Asdrubal, Hanno, and Mago, all noble Cartha∣ginians.* 1.1257 A year or two after the death of Hieron King of Syracuse (who have∣ing been a fast friend to the Romans died at 90 years of age or more) altered much the face of affairs. For Hieronymus his Grandson succeeding him, was for his wicked disposition quickly made away, and then the Citie break∣ing into divers factions; that which was most contrary to the Roman interest prevailed, by the means of two inconsiderable men made Praetors. Marcellus the Consul besieged Syracuse both by Sea and Land, but was hindred from storming it by the skill and invention of that excellent Mathematican Archimedes.* 1.1258 He framed such Engins,* 1.1259 as therewith to cast huge stones upon the Romans, and great beams upon their ships. He would set the ships upon one end, overturn them, and hoizing them up into the air, after all the men, and other things were falln out of them, let them fall upon the Walls, or re∣turn down into the Sea. Such was the exactnesse of his skill, both near at hand, and afar of, that neither by Sea nor by Land could they attempt a storm, their Engins of battery being also dismounted by the force of his.

42. Marcellus hereupon departed from the siege, jeering his own Engi∣neers,* 1.1260 and calling Archimedes by the name of Briarens. He destroyed Me∣gara, one of the most antient Cities of the Island, and falling upon the Army of Hippocrates, as it was incamping it self, killed above 8000 men. After this he made incursions, and drew several Towns from the Carthaginians. He took Damippus the Spartan as he sayled from Syracuse, about the re∣demption of whom coming often near the Walls of that Citie, he ob∣served a Tower negligently kept, & convenient for receiving of men, because the Wall there might be easily mounted. Taking the opportunity of Diana's feast, wherein the Syracusians gave up themselves to Wine and sports, he seized on this Tower, and through it bestowing his men about the Walls, ea∣sily became Master of the Citie,* 1.1261 after three years spent in the siege. He wept when he beheld the goodlinesse of it, which notwithstanding his Commands for moderation (in which he was eminent) he knew would suffer much. But more than the rest, the death of Archimedes troubled him, whom he most la∣boured to preserve. Some wrote that this famous Artist busied in his Geome∣trical speculations minded not what was doing in the Citie; but a Soldier coming to him, and bidding him follow him to Marcellus, he would not go till he had finished his probleme, and demonstrated it, whereupon the Sol∣dier killed him. Others reported that a Soldier rushing in upon him,* 1.1262 he de∣sired respite from death till he had finished his contemplation; but the Sol∣dier not at all regarding him slew him presently. A third report went, that as he was carrying his Mathematical instruments to Marcellus, certain Sol∣diers came upon him, who supposing it to be Gold he carried in the Vessel, instantly slew him. One of these wayes perished Archimedes, who excel∣ling all men in this noble skill, deserveth as much of blame as he had of know∣ledge, in that esteeming sordid and base the making of Engins, and what served necessary uses, he onely seriously studied the Science abstracted from Mechanick works,* 1.1263 and through this kind of greatnesse of mind, refused to write any thing concerning those works, which procured him his deserved fame and estimation.

43. At this time the Scipioes in Spain having well nigh done their work, and intending suddenly to make an end of the War, unfortunately divided their forces, and through the treachery of the Celtiberians were both cut off with almost their whole Armies. The Roman interest hereby had been de∣stroyed in that Countrey, had not the remainders of the forces been kept to∣gether,

and preserved by L. Marcius a Tribune, who revenged the death of the two Generals and his other Countrey-men, by falling on the Carthagi∣nians, divided into two several Camps, Secure, and without any watch, and suffering none to escape from one to give notice to the other, slew 37000. and took 1830 with great plunder. In Italy, Hannibal had Tarentum be∣trayed to him by the Inhabitants, the Castle still holding out;* 1.1264 and the Ro∣mans laid siege to Capua.* 1.1265 Hither was Annibal called for aid; but he made no great haste, out of desire he had to take the Castle of Tarentum. Bethink∣ing himself how great scandal he should give to all his confederates, in case he did not relieve that Citie, he marched thither, and set upon the Roman Camp, which was so well defended, that he was repelled, though assisted by the Inhabitants, and his own Garrison he there had left. Perceiving then that the Enemy would not be drawn out of his Trenches,* 1.1266 and that he could not break through his Camp, lest the new Consuls should intercept his Provisions, he resolved to be gone. Considering much whither he should go, he resolved for Rome it self, the head of the War, designing at least by this Enterprize to raise the siege of Capua.

44. His coming being heard of at Rome, they were there variously in∣clined as to resistance.* 1.1267 Some thought that all the Armies in Italy were to be sent for; but Fabius Maximus would by no means hear of leaving Ca∣pua: Therefore a middle way was taken, to send for one of the Captains from the siege to the defence of the Citie. Q. Fulvius then the Proconsul chusing out 15000 foot, and 1000 horse out of the three Armies, marched for Rome, which he entred at the Gate Capena (when Hannibal now lay incam∣ped eight miles off) the Senate, lest his power should be diminished, having decreed, that if he came into the Citie he should have equal authority with the Consuls. Annibal removing to the River Aniene, three miles from the Citie, with two thousand horse thence went to take a view of it. Flaccus stomaching he should take this liberty and do it with ease, sent out a party of horse, which falling on made him retreat. The day after, and that following, Hannibal on one side, and Flaccus with the Consuls on the other, drew out their forces for a battel, when on both dayes fell such storms of hail and rain, as the Armies could not joyn, but when they had retreated into their Camps,* 1.1268 a wonderfull serenity appeared. This struck the Carthaginians with a religious awe, and caused Hannibal to say, that sometimes a Will, and otherwiles fortune were wanting to him for the taking of the Citie. Remo∣ving back then his Camp to the River Turia, thence he proceeded to the Lake of Feronia, which Goddesse had then a rich Temple there. This he robbed, and so marched through the Countreys of the Lucani and Brutii to∣wards Rhegium and the Straights,* 1.1269 where he well nigh had destroyed the In∣habitants unawares by the suddennesse of his coming. Flaccus returned to the siege of Capua, whither that Hannibal returned not was much admired. The Campanians therefore despairing of any assistance from him,* 1.1270 Capua was yielded up. The heads of the Rebellion (53 in number) were put death (28 having before poysoned themselves) at the command of Fulvius, con∣trary to the Will of his Collegue Appius Claudius, who would have had the matter determined by the Senate at Rome. The common sort was sold, and the Citie, because situate in so good a soyl, reserved for a receptacle of all sorts of Plow-men, Labourers, and Artificers, without any shew of govern∣ment of its own, after it had stood about 260 years.* 1.1271 These things hapned in the eighth year of the War, being the 543 of the Citie, the 1••th of Antiochus the Great, and the 12 of Ptolomy Philopator, P. Sulpicius Galba, and Cn. Fal∣vius Centumalus being Consuls.

45. This year was sent into Spain Claudius Nero, who having got Asdru∣bal the Carthaginian into a straight so as he might have cut off him and his Army,* 1.1272* 1.1273 Asdrubal promised he would draw all his Soldiers out of the Coun∣trey, but drew out the time in length by the interposition of his Punick faith, till by little and he withdrew all his men out of the danger. The Senate and People hearing this, took it ill that Nero would thus suffer him∣self

to be abused, yet know they not whom to send to succeed him, and when the Comitia were held for the creation of a Proconsul, none appeared to stand for the Office. A great sadnesse hereupon seized on the multitude, When Publiu Scipio son to Publius Cornelius Scipio slain in Spain (whom as we said he defended in battel) a young man but of 24 years of age, stood up in a place where he might be seen, and professed himself candidate, having the year before been made Aedilis, though under age, by the great favour and confidence of the People. With great joy he was created by the suffrages of all, but when they considered what they had done, and especially thought of his age, they were again much perplexed, which he apprehending, called them together, and with such spirit and resolution promised them good suc∣cesse,* 1.1274 that they departed well satisfied, judging many things to be in him which surpassed humane admiration; for having good parts, he could set them off to purpose. Passing into Spain then this year, the summer following he took new Carthage by storm, a place of great consequence both for riches and situation, by the same of which exploit, together with his loving demea∣nour towards the natives, he well improved the Victory.

46. Hannibal at this time indulging his cruel disposition in wasting such Countries as he could not keep, lost his credit; and the Romans in Italy gained thereby. This year M. Valerius Laevinus, who had done good service against Philip of Macedonia, was the second time, in his absence, created Consul, together with Marcellus the fourth time. Laevinus went into Sicily, where taking the City Agrigentum, he thereby brought the whole Island un∣der the Roman jurisdiction. The year following being the tenth of the War, Tarentum was betraied into the hands of Fabius Maximus,* 1.1275 now Consul the fifth time, with Q. Fulvius Flaccus, who the fourth time bore this Office. Marcellus for this year sometimes winning and sometimes losing with Anni∣bal, for that following being created Consul (though he scarcely seemeth rightly created according to the Roman superstition) though other whiles wa∣ry enough, was cut off in an ambush,* 1.1276 whilst with his Collegue T. Quintius Crispinus,* 1.1277 accompanied onely with 220 Horse, he went to view a place where he had a great desire to fight Hannibal. Crispinus also received a wound whereof he died, after he had named a Dictator for creation of the next Consuls.

47. The year following, Asdrubal was ordered to go out of Spain into Ita∣ly,* 1.1278 to the assistance of his brother Annibal. This caused great carefulnesse in Rome, by reason they knew not well whom to oppose against him. At length M. Claudius Nero and M. Livius Salinator (who lately had returned to the City, after that being publickly disgraced he had absented himself for several years) were created Consuls, having been at great ods, and now re∣conciled through the interposition of the Senate. Livius was ordered to meet Asdrubal, and Nero appointed to attend the motions of Annibal. But the later having some successe against his Enemy, picked out of the flower of his Army 6000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, and with great secrecy, and as much speed, marched towards his Collegue, that he might reach him ere he joyned with Asdrubal. Being joyned, they incompassed him, who was by a deceitful guide led into a dangerous place, and cut him with his whole Army in pieces: then marched Nero back to his own Army, and ere Han∣nibal knew of his departure, cast his brothers head into his Camp, whereby to his grief he knew of the defeat.* 1.1279 The year following did P. Scipio after many Victories obtained, finish the War in Spain; all the Carthaginian Captains being either taken or driven away. This hapned five years af∣ter his undertaking the charge, and thirteen after the beginning of the Warre.

48. Scipio coming to Rome, and being made Consul,* 1.1280 greatly desired to be sent into Africk,* 1.1281 urging it to the Senate as necessary for finishing the War, and undertaking so to manage his affaires, as to force the Carthaginians to recall Hannibal for the defence of his own Country. Fabius Maximus most earnesty, and with some heat opposed this, and a considerable difference

hereupon arose; but at length Sicily was granted him for his Province, and leave given him to passe over into Africk, if he saw it convenient for the Commonwealth. All this year he spent in the Island;* 1.1282 in providing necessa∣ries for his Expedition, and the next, with a brave Fleet landed in Africk, where Masanissa King of Numidia (who in Spain had joyned with him) came in to his aid. Within a while he killed Hanno with 3000 men, and besieged Utica;* 1.1283 but Syphax King of Numidia, the enemy and competitor of Masanissa (who formerly had entred into league with Scipio, but again upon a mariage with Annibal's niece revolted) coming with the Carthagini∣ans to raise the siege, he having attempted in vain to storm the Town, rose up and departed to his winter quarters.

49. In Winter he was not idle, but again besieged Utica,* 1.1284 and entred into a Treaty with Syphax and Asdrubal about a Peace, in the mean time sending his ablest Soldiers in the habit of slaves with his Commissioners, to view the Enemie's Camps. This being sufficiently done, he brake off the Treaty, and set fire upon the Camps, which the other not suspecting, but thinking it came by accident, were cut in pieces when they were busied in quenching the fire, to the number of 40000 men, and 6000 were taken Prisoners. Not long after he gave them another great overthrow, which so affected the Carthaginians with fear, that they called home Hannibal. Presently after they sent a Fleet to relieve Utica,* 1.1285 which worsted the Roman Navy; and they might have done more than this had not fear made them loiter. But shortly after this, Scipio again routed Syphax, who had got together an unexperienced company of stran∣gers, and taking him prisoner, gave his Kingdom to Masanissa. In Italy about this time Mago was overthrown, and wounded in an ingagement with Quintilius Varus the Praetor, and M. Cornelius the Proconsul: he also was recalled as well as his brother Annibal, and died on the Sea of his wounds. The Carthaginians sent an Ambassage to Rome, with a design to obtain a ces∣sation till Hannibal could arrive out of Italy. But their aim being suffici∣ently understood, the message was slighted; and to witnesse their perfidious∣nesse, they brake the Law of Nations, by offering to violate Messengers sent from Scipio.

* 1.128650. Annibal being recalled by his superiours, with very much reluctancy quitted Italy, after he had therein spent sixteen years. He complained much of the Senate and of himself. Of the Senate, because fighting so long a time in an Enemie's Country, they had so little supplied him with money and other things necessary for War. Of himself, for that having so often overthrown and put to flight the Roman Legions, he had still delayed and gi∣ven them time to breath. It's reported also, that ere he took ship, he built an arch near the Temple of Juno Lacinia, wherein, in Punick and Greek let∣ters, he wrote the sum of his great atchievements. Taking the Sea,* 1.1287 he lan∣ded in a few dayes at Leptis, whence he marched to Adrumentum, and thence to Zama. Considering now the weak estate of his Country, he desired a meeting with Scipio to treat of Peace, which being granted, the two greatest Captains in the World came to an interview betwixt their Armies, but re∣ceiving mutually no satisfaction, they returned to decide the controversie by the sword. Hannibal in the battel behaved himself most gallantly, and like so expert a Warriour amongst his Soldiers, consisting of so many Nations and languages. But providence ordained the Victory to Scipio, who slew 20000, and took as many prisoners, yet not without great losse of his own men, whereof 2000 fell. After this, Annibal perswaded his Country-men to aske Peace,* 1.1288 and Ambassadors were dispatched away accordingly.

51. Scipio was not averse to a closure, as loth to part with the glory of concluding the War, which the year before was in danger of being taken from him by Tib. Claudius Nero the Consul, and now by C. Cornelius Lentulus, who both had procured Africk for their Province, and to be joyned in aequal authority with him. The power of concluding the Peace was by the Peo∣ple decreed to Scipio, with ten others, which was at length agreed to on these termes. That the Carthaginians being free, should enjoy all their territories

in Africk; but the Romans hold Spain with all the Islands of the Mediter∣ranean any time in question betwixt the two States. That all rebells and fu∣gitives should be given up to the Romans.* 1.1289 That the Carthaginians should de∣liver up all their beaked ships, except ten Triremes, with all their tamed Ele∣phants, and tame no more. It was made unlawful for them to make War in Africk or elsewhere, without licence from the People of Rome. They were to restore all to Masanissa, and enter into confederacy with him. To give money and corn to the Roman Auxiliaries, till the Ambassadors should be returned.* 1.1290 To pay 10000 talents of Silver in the space of fifty years, and give 100 Ho∣stages for performance of these things. Thus ended the second Punick War, in the eighteenth year, and Scipio obtained the honourable sirname of Afri∣canus, being the first General (if Livy observeth rightly) who was ennobled by the name of a Country he had overcome.

52. The Romans had little or no rest after this War; for immediately be∣gun, or rather went on the Macedonian, or that with Philip, the occasion being given, as was said, ten years before, upon his entrance into confe∣deracy with Annibal. The Aetolians being also invaded by him,* 1.1291 aid was sent them,* 1.1292 by which he was worsted, and after seven years a Peace was made. But now the Romans having nothing to do, and being not without provocation, as well by his breaking of his faith with the Aetolians and others of their friends in those parts, as by his supply of men and mony not long before sent to Hannibal, and at the earnest request of the Athenians (the territories of whom he had wasted) they decreed War anew against him, being also com∣plained of by Attalus King of Pergamus, and the Rhodians, for molesting the Cities in Asia. Ser. Sulpitius Galba the Consul obtaining Macedonia for his Province,* 1.1293 by himself and his Lieutenant, put him to the worst divers times, and, had almost taken him. Together with Attalus and the Rhodians he caused him to raise his siege from Athens, whereupon the Aetolians be∣fore backward enough, by reason of their Magistrate,* 1.1294 and the Athamanians now incouraged invaded his Dominions, but being idle and carelelesse were easily repelled by him. This year, did M. Furius the Praetor get a great Victory over the Galls, which besieged Cremona in Italy, killing 30000, and with them Amilcar the Carthaginian Captain. For this, after much dispute in the Senate, he triumphed, though against the custom, and without president, for any one to receive this honour, that had obtained Victory with the Army of another, as he had done with the Soldiers of C. Aurelius Cotta the Consul in his absence, who took it most hainously. The year following, C. Bebius the Praetor entering unadvisedly into the territories of the Galls In∣subres, was incompassed and lost above 6600 men.

53. Nothing considerable was this year done in Macedonia by P. Villius Tappulus the Consul; but his successor T. Quintius* 1.1295 Flamininus (not Fla∣minius as Plutarch now hath him; for the Flaminini Patritians must not be confounded with the Flaminii who were Plebeians) using great expediti∣on beat Philip out of the Straights, wherein securely he had incamped, and by Sea his brother Lucius (with Attalus) took several towns of his confede∣rates,* 1.1296 and besieged Corinth, though in vain. The time coming for the ele∣ction of new Consuls, and it being usual for them to take the Provinces from their predecessors,* 1.1297 the Tribunes rightly objected, that this course hindred the progresse of the Wars, and procured Quintius his Government to be con∣tinued to him, who being about taking of the Castle of Opus, Messengers came from Philip about a Treaty. Several times they met (which before they had also done at the Straights) and the Ambassadors of Attalus, the Rho∣dians, and Achaeans were present; but the effect was nothing, and Philip gave up Argos into the hands of Nabis Tyrant of Lacedaemon, who used the Inhabitants with great cruelty and incredible exaction.* 1.1298 But Quintius fol∣lowing Philip into Thessaly, gave him such a blow at Cynoscephale, as forced him to ask Peace, which was granted upon terms moderate enough. All the Cities of Greece which he had got in his hands, were hereby, beyond all expe∣ctation, and to the wonder of themselves and others, set at liberty, and left to

their own Laws. The year preceding this conclusion, did the Galls receive a great overthrow from Cornelius the Consul. But in Spain, C. Sempronius Tuditanus was totally defeated. The same year wherein the Macedonian War ended, the slaves in Tuscany made a dangerous Rebellion, but were cha∣stized, and quieted, by Attilius the Praetor. And about the same time was an∣other victory obtained over the Galls.

54. The year after the ratification of the peace,* 1.1299 some bickering there was in the Citie about the women. For, twenty years before, there had been a Law preferred by Oppius, Tribune of the People, presently after the defeat at Cannae, forbidding women the wearing of Gold or Purple, and the use of any other kind of Pomp. This now did two of the present Tribunes labour to abrogate, the face of things being changed, and the occasion removed. M. Porcius Cato the Consul stood stifly for preserving the Law, inveighing much against the Females; but partly through the apposite reply of L. Valerius the Tribune unto the Consul, out of his own book, called Origenes, and espe∣cially through the importunity of the women themselves (who with liberty of behaviour sufficient filled the streets, and came to the Assembly, and con∣strained two of the Tribunes to let fall their interposition) it was abrogated. Cato then betook himself into Spain his Province,* 1.1300 where using severity towards himself as well as his Soldiers, he restored the Roman interest by good Discipline. Having led his Army upon the back of the Spaniards, and thereby necessitated them to fight, he overthrew them in a great battel, and took their Camp; after which, notwithstanding the ficklenesse of the Natives, he reduced the Province to obedience. The same Summer did L. Valerius Flaccus his Collegue give another overthrow to the Galls in I∣taly.

55. In Greece, Nabis the Tyrant of Sparta, still held it, and Argos, in sla∣very; wherefore the freedom of them still was wanting to the universal li∣berty of Greece, resolved to be vindicated from the oppression of the Ma∣cedonian party. Quintius, upon Nabis his refusal to quit Argos, besieged them both, and took in Gytheum a Port Town, which drove Nabis to ask peace.* 1.1301 Quintius was not against it, urging to the Graecian Allies the length, which was likely to be of the siege of Sparta, the unseasonablenesse of the Winter season, and the War that threatned from Antiochus King of Asia; but indeed fearing lest one of the new Consuls taking Macedonia for his Province, might rob him of the glory of fending the whole controversie in these parts. Yet the Greeks being earnest for suppressing the Tyrant, he seemed to yield to it, and afterwards put them off by demanding such sup∣plies as they could not furnish him with. Notwithstanding this, the peace could not be made; for, Nabis accepted not of the terms, especially of parting with his ships. Hereupon Sparta was set upon round about, and had been taken, but that Pythagoras son-in-law to the Tyrant set the out-houses on fire, which drove away the Inhabitants. Though the onset succeeded not, yet the danger put Nabis into such a fright, that he now accepted of the for∣mer conditions, and had peace granted him; the Argives having ere this taken heart at the absence of Pythagoras their Governour, and freed them∣selves. The following year T. Sempronius the Consul killed many of the Galls who had set upon his Camp, but with great losse of his own men. Se∣veral times had the Romans now the better against these people, and the Ligu∣rians.* 1.1302 Then came they flatly to fall out with Antiochus the Great, King of Syria, and began a War with him five years after the ending of the Macedo∣nian, in the 563 year of the Citie, the second of the 147 Olympiad, the 33th of Antiochus, and the 13th of Ptolomy Epiphanes, A. M. 3814. P. Corn. Scipio Nasica, and Manius Acilius Glabrio being Consuls.

* 1.1303SECT. III. From the War with Antiochus, and the invasion of Asia, to the destruction of Carthage, after which the Romans dege∣nerated through security, the space of 45 years.

1. ANtiochus had invaded the Territories of Attalus; but being then the friend of the Romans,* 1.1304 gave over his Enterprize at their desire. Af∣ter this, having an hungry desire after Egypt; upon application of the Egyp∣tians to Rome, he was commanded to desist, which breeding in him discon∣tent, it was heightned by reason of his setting upon several Cities in Greece. He said that they once had belonged (though not of a long time) to his Pre∣decessors; but the Romaens being ambitious to set all Greece at liberty, plain∣ly told him that these Towns must not be excepted. When he was thus enough incensed, and by Hannibal (who had fled to him) spurred on, the Aetolians importuned him to joyn with them against their late friends and be∣factors. This they did, being an inconstant people, and very covetous, having taken offence at the small quantity of booty, as they accounted it, alotted to them in the War against Philip, by T. Quintius.

* 1.13052. The Aetolians first of all attempted to get into their hands Lacedae∣mon, and other Towns, before held as cautionary by Quintius; but missed of their design, though they brake into the former, and killed Nabis the Ty∣rant; for, they were afterwards cut in pieces by the Inhabitants themselves. Antiochus having through the cunning insinuations of Thoas the Aetolian, changed his purpose of sending Annibal into Africk, and thence into Ita∣ly, landed in Greece, with an intention to make it the Seat of War. He brought an inconsiderable Army with him; but seemed to have made a good begin∣ning, having got Chalcis into his hands, and by that means easily brought un∣der the whole Island of Euboea. After this, he sent, and buried the dead bo∣dies of the Macedonians slain at Cynoscephale, thinking thereby to oblige Philip, who taking it as tending to his reproach, because he had not done it before, it proved but an effectual means to make him his Enemy, the Thes∣salians being no better affected, because he had taken some of their Towns. Then vvintring at Chalcis, he fell in Love with, and married an obscure maid; his Army which before was indifferently good, falling with him into all idle∣nesse and excesse.

* 1.13063. M. Acilius the Consul, to whom Greece fell by lot, easily recovered the places of Thessaly,* 1.1307 and afterwards beat Antiochus out of the Straights of Thermopylae, whither, being deserted by his confederates, he had retired, as is shewn in the History of his Kingdom. Then the Consul received the Boeotians, chiding them onely for their ingratitude, and the Gates of Chalcis being set open to him, he presently recovered Euboen. This done, he went against the Aetolians, from whom after he had taken one or two Towns they offered to submit, but being offended with the hard conditions he propounded, and for that large things were promised by Antiochus, they flew back. Hereupon he besieged Naupactus (now Lepanto) and had utterly ruined them, but for the intercession of T. Quintius. For he having then received the Island of Zacynthas from the Athenians, came to the Camp, and though they had ill deserved at his bands by detracting from his worth, yet thinking it dishonou∣rable for him, being the deliverer of Greece, that any one people should pe∣rish, he proposed to the Consul to be considered, whether to counterpoise the power of Philip, who now had got by his leave Athamania, Perrhebia, Aperan∣tia, and Dolonio into his hands, it would not be good policy to preserve the Aetolians. For this respect, and at their humble sute he gave them Truce, that they might send to the Senate at Rome, and broke up his siege. Whilest Acilius did these things in Greece, his Collegue Scipio Nasica got a no∣table

victory over the B••ii in Italy, which utterly broke their power in pieces.

4. Lucius Cornelius Scipio, and C. Laelius Nepos, being Consuls for the following year,* 1.1308 came, according to the custom, to divide the Provinces by lot. Both were extreamly desirous to have Greece, and Laelius being a man in great favour, offered that the thing might be left to the discretion of the Senate. Scipio at first knew not what to do, but his brother Africanus perswaded him by all means to assent to it. The thing was new, and the Senate expected many words on both sides, when Africanus standing up, told the Fathers, that if they would decree Greece to his brother, he would go his Legatus or Lieutenant, whereupon there was no need any more should be said; for it was presently voted with universal consent, and power given to the Consul to passe into Asia, if he saw it convenient. Coming into Greece he found A∣cilius falln upon the Aetolians again, because the Senate had given them no positive answer, either as to peace or War; onely two things were pro∣posed: To cast themselves wholely upon the Senate, or pay down 1000 Ta∣lents, and have the same friends and enemies with the Romans. When they desired an exposition of the former, no answer would be given, but a com∣mand to their Ambassadors to depart: The Consul prosecuted what his Pre∣decessor had begun, and with much ado, through the intercession of the Athe∣nians by Africanus, another Truce was granted that they might have time once more to send to Rome. There their Ambassadors instead of confessing their faults, and asking pardon, boasted what friends and assistants they had been to the Roman State, which gave such offence, that they were commanded out of the Citie, as before.

5. Antiochus having with his son Seleucus besieged Pergamus the Chief Citie of Enmenes, the friend of the Romans, was forced to raise his siege. He sent to Aemilius the Roman Admiral now on those Coasts about peace, who disowned any power of concluding it without the Consul. Then did the Rhodians at Sea defeat his Admiral, which was Hannibal, a man out of his proper Element, and afterward in a battel fought with Aemilius, Eumenes, and the Rhodians,* 1.1309 he fully lost the command of the Sea. Affrighted herear, he foolishly left Lysimachia, which this year might have kept the Consul in action, and adding one folly to another suffered Scipio to passe the Helle∣spont without interruption. Now he offered to quit all places in Europe, and such in Asia as were the friends of Rome; to discharge half of the costs sustained by the Romans in the War, and rather than not be quiet, he was con∣tent to part with a portion of his own Kingdom. These seemed but small things to the Consul, who thought it just that he, who had been the cause of the War,* 1.1310 should bear all the charges of it, and not onely quit Ionia and Aeolis, but leave all the Greek Cities to their liberty, which could not be, except he parted with all Asia on this side the Mountain Taurus. The Ambassor had in charge to procure the favour of Africanus, to whom was offered the re∣stitution of his son taken prisoner, and all that could be expected on this side the title of King, if he would live with him. But all private Offices of kind∣nesse onely would Africanus promise, desiring him by all means to procure peace, and, when he had received his son, not to fight till he should (being now sick) return to the Camp. This caused Antiochus to delay fighting, but the Consul followed, and provoked him to give battel, wherein his own Chariots Armed with Scithes, being driven back upon his own men, pro∣cured his overthrow.* 1.1311 After this, peace was granted on the same terms as it had been offered to him before the battel. And thus this War ended in a short time, and lesse trouble than was expected, the second Consul put∣ting a period to it, who in imitation of his brother took on him the sirname of Asiaticus.

6. The year following, wherein M. Fulvius Nobilior, and Cn. Manlius were Consuls, the former going into Greeco fell upon the Aetolians, who now had taken from Philip Dolopia, and Amphilochia with Athamania;* 1.1312 and besieging Ambracia, drove them once more to sue for peace. They were

referred by the Consul to Rome, where the Ambassadors of Philip made great complaints against them upon the former account. But the Rhodians and Athenians interceding once more for them, their sute was granted, on con∣dition to pay 500 Euboean Talents at several paiments,* 1.1313 to restore all prisoners, and have the same Friends and Enemies with the People of Rome.

7. Cn. Manlius the other Consul was now in Asia, where of that part taken from Antiochus, much he conferred upon Eumenes, and the Rhodians, according to the result of the Senate. This done, he undertook an Expediti∣on against the Gallograecians, or Galatians,* 1.1314 a People which having followed Brennus into Greece,* 1.1315 after his death, had 90 years before passed into Asia, where they were so terrible, as none denied them tribute before Attalus King of Pergamus. They inhabited vast and high mountains, and in that respect were with difficulty to be come at; but the Consul by throwing darts, especi∣ally at their huge bodies, made great slaughter and subdued them. Returning home through Thrace, he had well nigh lost his booty by the inhabitants that lay in wait for it in the woody passages, and hardly got leave to triumph, be∣cause he had undertaken the War on his own head. It is observed, that luxu∣ry and idlenesse were first brought to Rome by his Army, out of Asia, through the provocations to effeminatenesse there found,* 1.1316 and his loose and neglected Government.

8. In the third year after the ending of the War with Antiochus, and the same wherein he died, envy procured the fall of those by whom the Victory was obtained. For, Scipio Africanus was accused of having defrauded the Treasury of the booty taken in the War,* 1.1317 and had a day set him by the Tri∣bunes to answer it before the People. It is not certain who was his accuser, some mentioning M. Naevius, and others the two Patilii Tribunes, set on, as some delivered, by M. Porcius Cato the Enemy of Scipio. The day of hearing being come,* 1.1318 and the Tribunes having taken their places in the Ro∣stra, the party entred the Assembly with a great train of Friends and Cli∣ents. Silence being made, he put on his triumphal crown, and told the Peo∣ple, how as that day he had overthrown Hannibal and the Carthaginians; wherefore thinking it convenient for that time not to medle with any brawl∣ing businesse, he would go and salute the gods in the Capitol,* 1.1319 and give them thanks, that as well that day, as at other times, they had given him both will and power to do eminent service for his Countrey. Then he wished that such of them there present as thought it convenient, would accompany him, and pray that they might have such principal Officers (Principes) as he had been.

9. Going up to the Capitol, the whole Assembly followed him, as also to all the temples in the City, insomuch that the very Viators and Clerks left the Tribunes alone, who also followed, and from accusers turned admi∣rers, (as appeareth from Valerius Maximus) out of very shame. The Tri∣bunes accused him also grievously in the Senate, and desired he might be brought to his answer. He rising up, produced the Books of accounts, where∣in was punctually set down all the particulars, but he tore it in pieces before them all, disdaining to give account for so small a matter in comparison of those vast sums he himself had brought into the Treasury.* 1.1320 The next day of appearance he absented himself, and his brother pretending his indisposition, he was excused, and another day appointed, before which he withdrew him∣self to Linternum (or Liternum) a Sea Town of Campania. For he clearly perceived under what envy he laboured,* 1.1321 it being also objected against him, that he had spent in idlenesse all that Summer he lay in Sicily, and his power with Antiochus, who having discharged his son without ransom, honoured him above all others, which he willingly took upon him, as one, who alone sate at the helm, and could steer matters concerning Rome according to his pleasure. In his absence the Tribunes were very fierce against him, yet through the interposition of Tiberius Gracchus (formerly accounted his Enemy) he was not condemned.

10. Lucius Scipio Asiaticus his brother was also called to an account, and escaped not condemnation, the money supposed to be retained to his own use, being charged upon his estate; and he was kept from imprisonment meer∣ly by the power of Gracchus.* 1.1322 The following year was discovered the abho∣minable practice of certain women at the feasts of Bacchus,* 1.1323 which being kept in the night, all manner of filthinesse and continual murders were com∣mitted. At first these festivals were observed but three dayes in a year; but now five in every moneth, and men were admitted, whereas they were be∣gun by women. All who being present and drawn in, would not consent to such abhominations, were sacrificed as beasts,* 1.1324 a vast number being bewitch∣ed with this folly.* 1.1325 The matter being revealed to Sp. Posthumius Albinus the Consul, he acquainted the Senate with it, by which, order was taken for apprehending the persons, imprisoning some, and putting others to death, as well in other parts of Italy, as in the City; the contagion having infected ma∣ny other places, but especially Capua. It was brought to Rome out of Hetruria.

11. In the second or third year after this discovery, and the fourth of his exile,* 1.1326 died P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, whether at Linternum, or Rome, is unknown, the place of his burial being also uncertain.* 1.1327 That he died this year, Livy gathereth, because having been Prince or chief of the Senate at the former Lustrum, this year he was left our, (which none used to be as long as he lived) by L. Valerius Flaccus, and M. Porcius Cato the Censors, the former whereof was chosen into the place. Valerius Maximus telleth us, that he commanded this to be ingraven on his Tomb, Ingrata Patria ne ossa quidem mea habes, which sheweth that he was not buried at Rome. He had that hap which usually accompanieth the best men, to find their Country in∣grateful, being of excellent parts, and of a kingly spirit, which he ascribed to himself in Spain, when the natives saluted him by, and would have had him take upon him, the title it self. And upon this account he might be ha∣ted by Cato, who though a virtuous man, was morose and sowre. Livy joyneth with his (in the same year) the death of Philopoemen, and of Han∣nibal;* 1.1328 so that the three great Captains of the World at that time, left it de∣solate as it were by agreement. Philopoemen Captain of the Achaeans was through the fall off his Horse, taken in an engagement with the Messenians, and compelled to drink poyson, having done great service for his Countrey. Hannibal having notice that the Romans would demand him from Antiochus, fled into Crete to the Gortynians. Having great treasure with him, and know∣ing himself to be in much danger, because of the Avarice of the Cretans, he filled many barrels with Lead, which covering on the top with Gold, he deposited in the Temple of Diana, trusting the Gortynians with his wealth. Then put he his money into brazen Statues,* 1.1329 wich he was wont to cary about with him, and cast them before the gate. They then watching the Temple diligently from none so much as him, he got away secretly, and went to Pru∣sias King of Bithynia, who used him in the Warre against Eumenes. But T. Quintius being sent to Prusias, whether by the Senate on purpose, or up∣on other occasions, demanded him as the grand enemy of Rome, to be deli∣vered into his hands. He had provided in his house several places for issuing out upon such an occasion;* 1.1330 but being beset, and no way left to escape, he took poyson, which it's said he caried about him in his ring. So this renown∣ed Captain ended his life in his 70 year; for which thing Quintius was by many hardly thought of, and got the esteem of an importune and cruel man, as Plutarch writeth.

12. After these things,* 1.1331 the Ligurians were often defeated by the Con∣suls and other Commanders; many a thousand of them being slain, as also of the Celtiberians and other Nations in Spain who were continually rebel∣ling. The Istrians beat the Romans out of their camp, and put them to the rout; Manlius the Consul in vain opposing it;* 1.1332 but shortly after they were discom∣fited by the said Manlius, and afterward fully subdued by Claudius the Con∣sul, who quelled also the Ligurians, as his Collegue Tib. Sempronius Grac∣chus

did the rebellion of Sardinia, with the losse of 1500 of the revol∣ters. About this time Corsica also was subdued. The year following, Corne∣lius one of the Consuls died at the bath at Cumae, into whose place C. Vale∣rius Laevinus was elected. Petilius Spurinus the other Consul fighting against the Ligurians, laboured to take a certain Mountain called Letus, concern∣ing which in his speech to his Soldiers he saying, that that day he would take Letus (Hodie ego Letum utique capiam) by rash fighting confirmed what he had said in another sence (viz. wherein Lethum signifieth death) than he had meant it. These actions abroad were shortly after followed by the second Macedonian War, or that with Perseus, in the 583 year of the City, 24 after the Peace made with his Father, and seventeen after the conclusion with Antiochus.

13. Perseus in a manner succeeded to this War as well as the Kingdom, his Father having intended and made great preparations for it.* 1.1333 Puffed up by these preparations, he sought to draw away the Allies of the Romans from their friendship, and abused several of their friends. Their Ambassadors he slighted, refusing to give them audience, which made the Senate resolve upon the War; but it was to be committed to one of the following Consuls; on∣ly for the present, Cn. Sicinius the Praetor of the City was commanded to raise men, and transport them into Epirus, there to seize on the Sea-towns, that the Consul might more freely land his Army. Some were sent also into Greece to confirm the States in their friendship and alliance, who also demanding audience of Perseus, after long waiting, he renounced the league made with the Romans, as entred into at the beginning of his reign meerly for security. Hereupon the Ambassadors renounced also the confede∣racy made with him, and after that the Consuls P. Licinius Crassus and C. Cassius Longinus had assumed their Office, the Warre was propounded to, and decreed by, the People.

14. Quintus Martius and others being sent into Greece to establish the confederates in theit fidelity, Perseus began to bethink himself, and was af∣frighted, hearing of the motions of the Eneny. He applied himself to Martius about a Treaty for Peace, trusting to that friendship which had passed betwixt their two families. The Ambassadors were glad of this addresse, and to divert him granted him Truce, that he might send to Rome, for he had all things in a readinesse,* 1.1334 and might have begun the War, as with great advan∣tage to himself, so too speedily to the Romans, who as yet had neither Army nor Leader arrived. Peace was denied him by the Senate, and A. Attilius was sent to seize upon Larissa the chief City of Thessaly. Whereupon he drew together his Forces, having got a greater Army than any of his prede∣cessors were Masters of since Alexander the Great. He took in some Towns upon his borders, and Licinius the Consul led so raw and unexperienced an Army into Macedonia, and through such difficult and almost unpassable pla∣ces, as had Perseus taken his opportunity, he might easily have destroyed it, as also if he had not too soon retreated in a battel fought shortly after.* 1.1335 After this he sent to Licinius, offering to embrace the conditions submitted to by his Father, in paying the tribute, and leaving the Cities to their liberty; which yet would not be granted. Then were Thebes and Aliartus taken in by Lu∣cretius the Praetor;* 1.1336 and the Consul having had the better in another skirmish, received some Towns, and took up his winter quarters; whilst Appius Clau∣dius in Illyricum lost many men.

15. The year following C. Hostilius the Consul did nothing of moment; yet this he did in reference to the Army; he reduced the Soldiers to that an∣tient discipline which his predecessor had let fall. Q. Marcius Philippus succeeding him, at his first enterance into his Province might easily have been defeated,* 1.1337 had he met with a prudent enemy, the wayes being so difficult and dangerous, that the Soldiers could scarcely for wearinesse hold their weapons. And after he had got into the plains he might easily have been shut up on every side, and famished, but that Perseus besotted with fear ran away to Pydna, and left the Straights open to him. Yet Martius did nothing of consequence,

leaving all to be performed by his Successor L. Aemilius Paulus, who had been Consul 17 years before. He caused the Eclypse of the Moon to be fore∣told to his Soldiers, lest they should be discouraged by it, which brought great terrour to the Enemy, that knew nothing of the natural cause.* 1.1338 He kept them from fighting when they were weary, though the Officers much desired to ingage. But the Armies lying incamped on each side of the River Eni∣peus, it hapned that a beast passing over from the Roman side, was seized on, and being rescued by degrees drew both the Armies into an ingagement, wherein Perseus lost the day, and with it his Kingdom. Flying into the Isle of Crete, when all forsook him, he delivered up himself into the hands of Cn. Octavius.* 1.1339 Aemilius severely chastized the Epirots, who had joyned with Perseus, plundering and demolishing about 70 of their Towns, whereby so much booty was got, as each foot-man had 200 Denarii, and every hors-man as much more. But the Soldiers having got little or no plunder in Macedo∣nia, nor any of the King's Treasure, denied their General a Triumph, which yet he obtained, and that very splendid. Of his four sons, the two eldest he granted to be adopted to Fabius Maximus, and Publius Scipio the son of Africanus, and of his two youngest, the one died five dayes before his Tri∣umph, and the other three dayes after, which losse he sustained with great courage. Before his Triumphal Chariot was led Perseus with his two sons, and this same year Triumphed Cn. Octavius the Praetor at Sea, besides; L. A∣nicius, before whose Chariot was led Gentius King of the Illyrians, whom being the Confederate of Perseus he had subdued, and forced to yield himself. This hapned to Macedonia and Illyricum, in the 586 year of the Citie, the said Aemilius, and L. Licinius Crassus being Consuls.

16. In the late War, Eumenes King of Pergamus, and the Rhodians,* 1.1340 being wrought upon by Perseus, stood Neuters, whereupon Eumenes coming towards Rome, the Senate being unwilling either to declare him friend or foe, made a decree in General,* 1.1341 that no King should come into the Citie: the Rhodians with much ado, and after much seeking, were hardly received as friends and confederates. The same year that Perseus was overthrown, Antiochus Epi∣phanes besieging Ptolomy in Alexandria, upon the desire of the besieged. C. Popillius Laenas an austere man, with C. Decimus,* 1.1342 were sent from the Se∣nate to command him to desist, which he obeyed. After this the Romans fought in Liguria and Corsica with various fortune, the Dalmatians who had wasted the Borders of Illyricum and had overcome, and were overcome by C. Marcius, were subdued by Scipio Nasica. But in Spain things went so badly, and such losses were received, that the Citie was abashed, none being found who would either go Lieutenant to the Consul, or take place of a Tri∣bune upon him,* 1.1343 till Scipio Aemilianus (the son of Paulus Aemilius, but adopted by Scipio the son of the African) standing up offered himself, and by his example drew on others. He went Lieutenant to Lucullus the Consul, and behaving himself most gallantly in the War, killed an Enemy in a Duel which had challenged out any one in the Army, and first mounted the Walls of Intercatia.

17. Lucullus subdued several Nations in Spain, though Sulpicius Galba unfortunately fought against the Lusitanians. About the same time one An∣driscus, an obscure man in Macedonia, but something resembling Philip,* 1.1344 counterfeited himself the base son of Perseus.* 1.1345 He was once sent to Rome by Demetrius the King of Syria, but making thence an escape returned, and renewed his claim to Macedonia, which partly by fair means, and partly by constraint, he got into his hands. Juventius the Praetor was first sent against him; but he having strengthned himself with the Thracians, cut him off and all his Army, and invaded Thessaly, whence he was ejected by the help of the Achaeans. After this,* 1.1346 Q. Metellus the Praetor sufficiently revenged the Commonwealth upon him, for he overthrew him in a great battel, whence he fled to Byzus, a petty King of Thrace, who delivering him up, he led him in Triumph.* 1.1347 Metellus (accounted most fortunate) reduced Macedo∣nia in this third Macedonian War into the form of Province, which shortly

after also hapned to Africk. For, even now was prosecuting with all earnest∣nesse the third and last Punick or Carthaginian War, and the ruin of the Citie Carthage it self.

18. Their opinion is not faulty, who professe not to be able to find any Meritorious cause of this War in the Carthaginians, & theirs, who affirm that Carthage was more hated for its competition of Empire, than for any fault it had committed in those times.* 1.1348 But there wanted not pretences. For,* 1.1349 di∣vers times had Masanissa King of Numidia, and the Carthaginians, quar∣relled about grounds upon the Borders, and often had the Romans sent to take up the quarrel, but especially of late not with indifferency had they judged, for that the fault lay in Masanissa, who being a great friend of theirs, presumed too much upon their affection to himself, and the jealousie wherewith he knew them prejudiced against the other. The Ambassadors also that were sent to Carthage, finding the Citie full, and flourishing, from that peace they had now enjoyed about fifty years, and provided also for War as well as peace, spake much of the danger which threatned Rome from it; especially Cato, who never came into the Senate, but after that he had spo∣ken his mind to any businesse, added, This I think, and that Carthage is to be destroyed. He was earnestly contradicted by Scipio Nasica, who feared, that this rival for Empire once being removed, security would breed the destru∣ction of the Commonwealth, as it too truely proved, this security being strengthned by luxury and avarice, which the Asiatick Triumphs had brought in. But Cato's reasons drawn from present danger, so, in the apprehension of the Senate, over-ruled Scipio's forecast, that they resolved upon a War, and kept the resolution close till they could catch at a convenient opportuni∣ty and pretence.

19. There being at this time three factions in Carthage, one affected to∣wards the Romans, another standing for the true interest of the State it self, and the third for Masanissa, this later was expelled by the second, and a Law made that they should never be again received. Those men flying to Masanissa, he sent Gulussa his son to intercede for them, who being laid in wait for by Amilcar Samnis, although he escaped, yet thereupon the King be∣sieged Horoscopa, a Town he much desired; which act was expresly against the articles of the League. Asdrubal went with a great Army to raise the siege, and a bloudy battel was fought, wherein the Carthaginians were over∣thrown; but more died of the Plague, being incompassed near a Lake, which by its noisom vapours corrupted the air. Hereby the remnant were forced to yield, and consent to a great Tribute, with the receiving back of their Exiles, and yet were they almost all slain by a party of horse sent against them, out of revenge by Gulussa. The Carthaginians therefore had now had an Army in the field, and that against a confederate of Rome, which was against the tenour of the last League. This advantage the Romans took, and ordered the Consuls to undertake the War, though the other condemned those that had broken the League, and most humbly offered any reasonable satisfaction. M. Manilius Nepos, and L. Marcius Censorinus being now on their jour∣ney, it was answered, that they should enjoy all as formerly, if within 30 dayes they would send 300 hostages, (all sons of Senators, or the principal Ci∣tizens) to Lilybaeum, and do what the Consuls should further command them. The Carthaginians desirous to give satisfaction within the time limited sent the Children, and when now the Consuls were landed at Utica (which being a Sea-Town convenient for their purpose had been seized on before∣hand) thither they sent their Commissioners to wait on them, and know their pleasure. Censorinus the Senior Consul commending their diligence, demanded all their Arms,* 1.1350 which without any deceit were delivered up. Now with tears imploring mercy they desired to know their last doom, and were commanded to leave their Citie (which the Consuls had order to level with the ground) and build another any where in their own Territories, so it were but ten miles from the Sea. This they received with great horrour and rage, and all resolved rather to die than forsake, or give way to the ruin of, their an∣tient seat and habitation.

20. The Consuls delayed to begin the War, as not doubting in the least but to take the Citie thus disarmed and naked at their pleasure. But they found it not so; for the Inhabitants acted by indignation and fury, though at first scarce themselves, setled their minds to resistance, men and women working night and day in making of Arms. Where iron and brasse were wanting, they made use of Gold and Silver; and the women gave the hair of their heads to supply the defect of Tow, or Flax. They made also Asdrubal (whom before for fear of the Romans they had condemned) their General in the field, where he had already a good Army. When the Consuls came against the Citie, they found such resistance that they were discouraged, and the resolution of the besieged increased hereby.* 1.1351 They ingaged several times to their disadvantage, and might have suffered much, had not the Army been secured and brought off, through the great wisdom and courage of Scipio Aemilianus, who drew off also Pharneas, the Master of the Carthaginian hors-men, to his own party; which things procured him an exceeding great name. This year died Masanissa 90 years old, leaving a son but of four years behind him; and trusting his Kingdom with Scipio, to be at his discre∣tion disposed of to his Children. This same year also died Cato, being a∣bout 85 years of age,* 1.1352 and lived not to see the too much desired ruin of Car∣thage.

21. The year following, Calpurnius Piso the Consul, and Mancinus the Admiral did no great matters, besieging Clupea, and Hippo (a Town situate betwixt Carthage and Utica) to no purpose. Within Carthage, Asdrubal Grand-son to Masanissa by his daughter, being joyned in commission with the other Asdrubal without, was accused by him as intending to betray the Citie to his Uncle Gulussa, and having nothing to say for himself, or being too slow in it, was knocked on the head by a form in the Council-house. Now at Rome were all mens eyes upon Scipio Aemilianus, looking on him as destined to end the War; and whereas he sought but the Aedileship, and it was against the Law for him to be chosen Consul so young (being but 36. whereas the Law required 43) it was dispensed with for this time,* 1.1353 and then was he made Consul, who so ordered the matter, though not wholy during his Consulship, as he demonstrated the people not to have conceived vain hopes concerning him.

22. For, restoring Discipline which had gone much to wreck through the neglect of Piso, he soon after took that part of Carthage, called Megara, and drove the Inhabitants into the Citadel or Byrsa. Then securing the Isthmus leading to the Citie, he cut off all Provisions from out of the Countrey, and blocked up the Haven; but the Citizens with incredible industry cut out an∣other passage into the Sea, whereby at certain times they could receive ne∣cessaries from the Army without. Scipio therefore in the beginning of Win∣ter set upon their forces lying abroad, whereof he slew 70000. and took 10000.* 1.1354 so that now no relief could be obtained from without. In the be∣ginning of Spring, he first took the Wall leading to the Haven Citho, and then the Forum, where was a most lamentable spectacle, some being killed by the sword, and other wayes, others half killed by the fall of houses, or by fire, or half buried in the earth; or having one Limb torn from another. Six dayes the siege of the Citadel continued. On the seventh it was desired by some that all who would come forth should have their lives, which being granted to all but revolters, some 50000 yielded,* 1.1355 and afterward Asdrubal him∣self, who was reviled for it by the revolters (who set fire to the Temple, and therewith burnt themselves) as also by his wife, which threw her self with her two Children into the flames.

23. Then was the Citie destroyed, being 22 miles in compasse, and so big, that the burning of it continued 17 dayes. The Senate at Rome receiving the news joyfully, sent ten of their own Rank whom they joyned with Scipio for disposing of the Countrey. They ordered none of Carthage to be left, and that it should never be rebuilt,* 1.1356 laying heavy curses on those that should do it. All the Cities which assisted it in the War were to be razed, and the

grounds given to the friends of the People of Rome:* 1.1357 the rest of the Towns were to be tributaries, and governed yearly by a Praetor. All the Captives were sold, except some of the chief. And such was the destruction of this renowned City, so famous once for command and Empire, and rival to Rome it self, after it had stood about 700 years, in the fourth after the beginning of the War, the 608 of Rome, the third of the 158 Olympiad, and the fifth of Ptolomy Physcon. A. M. 3859, Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and L. Mummius Nepos being Consuls.

SECT. IV. From the destruction of Carthage to the War with Mithridates King of Pontus, which afforded the occasion to the first Civil War, the space of 58 years.

1. THis year was fatal, not onely to the greatest City of Africk, but of Greece also; Corinth that famous Mart-town being levelled with the ground.* 1.1358 The occasion was given by the Achaeans themselves,* 1.1359 who violated the Roman Ambassadors (though whether by word or deed is uncertain) who were sent to dissolve their Communality, and leave the Cities to their own peculiar Laws, which because of this union and fellowship had been too formi∣dable. They had also in conjunction with the Boeotians and those of Chalcis, made War against the Lacedaemonians the friends and allies of Rome, be∣cause they would not be subject to them. Upon these grounds the Senate de∣creed the War, which Metellus as yet in Macedonia first undertook; who drawing down his Army through Thessaly into Boeotia, there overthrew Cri∣tolaus, then took Thebes, with Megara, and coming to the Isthmus was there treating of Peace, when L. Mummius the Consul came into this his Province. He overthrew Diaeus the Achaean General, after which he en∣tred Corinth and razed it, because there the Ambassadors had been abused. The men were slain, and the women and children sold,* 1.1360 with all such slaves as the Achaeans had manumitted for the Wars. As Scipio, who destroyed Car∣thage (as his Grand-father before him for conquering it) had the sirname of Africanus, and Metellus for his reducing Macedonia, that of Macedo∣nicus; so this year Mummius for this successe obtained the Sirname of Achaicus,* 1.1361 and according to the custom, having others joyned with him, re∣duced those parts and all Greece with Epirus into the form of a Province, cal∣led afterwards Achaia, not Greece, because the Greeks were subdued when the Achaeans had the chief command, as Pausanias writeth.

2. Now was it 74 years since the Romans, in the second year of the se∣cond Punick War, entred Spain in an hostile manner, and since that time, especially since the departure of Scipio Africanus the elder, many had the risings and struglings of that People been, of all others most impatient of the yoak. Now was Viriaetus up in arms, who of a shepherd became a robber, and of a robber a General over such-like as himself,* 1.1362 and made the Romans work sufficient for the space of 14 years, in which time he defeated many Armies. Q. Fabius Maximus Semilianus (or rather Aemilianus, being brother to Scipio Aemilius, and adopted by Fabius Maximus) after some successe was yet by him brought to such straights,* 1.1363 as glad he was to ask Peace upon equal terms, which Caepio the Consul of the following year refusing to stand to, received orders from the Senate accordingly to prosecute the War. Caepio attempted at unawares to destroy him;* 1.1364 but he escaped, and sending Ambassadors to treat of Peace, Caepio so wrought on them, that returning they murdered him, to their own shame, and the Consul's small credit, in his bed.

3. But, a more dangerous War than this threatned from Numantia a town of no great bignesse, yet peopled with most valiant, though but few, Inhabitants.

Before Viriatus his death they had foiled Q. Pompeius the Consul several times, and forced him to condescend to a dishonourable Peace,* 1.1365 which though he de∣nied, was sufficiently proved, and by favour onely he escaped that punish∣ment which fell on Mancinus, who being constrained to accept of the same terms, was delivered up to the Enemy; but (as the Samnites formerly did by another after the defeat at Caudinum) they refused to receive him. After this Brutus defeated many thousands of the Lusitanians, and overthrew the Gallaecians; but Lepidus the Proconsul set upon the Vaccaei an harmlesse Peo∣ple of the hithermost Spain, or Hispania Terraconensis (for in the 559 year of the City,* 1.1366 Spain was divided into Citerior or Terraconensis, and Ulterior or Betiea, and Lusitania, two Praetors being yearly sent thither, the num∣ber of which Officers was therefore upon this occasion increased to six) by whom he was utterly defeated.* 1.1367 These things so affrighted the Roman Soldier, that he almost quaked at the sight of a Spaniard, and at Rome men were sei∣zed with great fear and shame. Therefore Scipio Aemilianus Africanus must be created Consul the second time, as the onely refuge and hope of his Country.

4. At the first he restored discipline, the want of which had spoiled all, but then coming to engage, found the courage of the Enemy such, that he resolved to fight no more, but lay close siege to Numantia, and govern him∣self according to the comportment of affairs. At length the besiged greatly straightned offered to yield upon reasonable conditions,* 1.1368 or fight if they might have battel given them, which being denied, having drunk strong drink on purpose, they assailed the besiegers so fiercely, that the Romans had run, but that Scipio was the General. At last they fired the City over their own heads, and scarcely one of them remained to be led in triumph. This famous City was seated in the hithermost Spain, in the head of Gallaecia, and the confines of the Coltiberians. It had with 4000 men, for the space of fourteen years, saith Florus, or twenty according to Strabo, born the brunt of 40000 Ro∣mans, and many times put them to shameful flight with great slaughter. Sci∣pio destroyed it, after he had for a year and three moneths continued the siege, fourteen years after he had so dealt with Carthage, in the 621 of the City, A. M. 3871, P. Mutius Scaevola and L. Calpurnius Piso Fruges (both learn∣ed men) being Consuls. At this time a servile War was raised in Sicily by one Ennus a Syrian of Apamea,* 1.1369 the slave of Antigenes of Enna.* 1.1370 It was followed by Calpurnius Piso the Consul, and finished by P. Rupilius Nepos his Successor. Twenty thousand slaves were by him slain in battel: Ennus being cast in prison died (it's said, of the lowsie disease) at Mor∣gantia.

5. Ever since the beginning of the Tarentine War to this time, for the space of almost 150 years was there much modesty, abstinence, selfdenial, valour and virtue amongst the Romans in general, of which yet especially the Fabii, Fabritii, Marcelli, Curii, Metelli, the Scipio's and Aemilii have left examples admirable to be commended to all posterity, such were their cautious and politick yet just and noble carriage both at home and abroad. But now the Asian Expeditions and Triumphs having brought in excesse and riot, and the ruine of Carthage having taken away fear, idlenesse with security by degrees stole in upon them, and the infirmity of the Government (after that fear, which hitherto had preserved it safe, was removed) again effectually shewed it self. For though after this time many a People was subdued and brought under, and much glory gotten abroad, yet was it stained by emulations, jealousies, and contentions at home, and even by shedding the blood of one another in an open though civil feud, which first came to passe while the for∣mer things were performed in Spain by Scipio.

6. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus son to one of the same name (who had been twice Consul and once Censor) by Cornelia an excellent woman,* 1.1371 daughter of Africanus the elder,* 1.1372 being Quaestor to Mancinus the Consul in Spain, had an hand in the dishonourable Peace made by him, for which be∣ing reflected on by the Senate, or or at least thinking himself so to be, acted

now by shame and fear, in distast of the Nobility, as it's said, he cast in his head how to become gracious and popular with the commons. Procuring himself to be chosen Tribune, he preferred a Law, forbidding any man to possesse above 500 acres of the publick grounds, and ordering the overplus to be divided to the poor. For,* 1.1373 such grounds as the People of Rome took from their Enemies, they were wont, if tilled, to divide to their own Citi∣zens; if not arable, they then let them out to farm by the Censors to Ita∣lians, or the ordinary sort of Romans, on condition, that if they plowed them, they should pay the tenth part of the Corn, and the fifth of other fruits: and if they bred up Cattel, they were charged with a certain rent. But it came to passe, that by incredible impudence and licentiousnesse of the rich, the Husband-men were outed of their antient possessions, which by purchas∣ing and other wayes they got wholly into their hands, so that the Publick was defrauded of it's revenue, and the poor of their livelyhoods. For restrain∣ing the avarice of the rich, the Lex Licinia and Sempronia were enacted. Gracchus increased the former by adding that, lest the Law should be wrested, half should be given to the children, and the rest divided to such poor as had nothing. And if any went about to inlarge their portion by purchase, Tri∣umviri or three men should be yearly appointed to judge what ground was publick, and what private.

7. This netled the Nobility exceedingly, who by virtue of this Law were to part with their inheritances; and one of his Collegues, Octavius by name,* 1.1374 opposed it, for which he so handled him, as glad he was to quit his place, in∣to which Gracchus chose Q. Mummius one of his own facton. This severity being without president, much alienated even the minds of the multitude from Gracchus, who also perceiving there was not ground enough to quiet them all (the expectation of whom he had now raised) he offered a Law for distributing the money which Attalus King of Pergamus had left,* 1.1375 together with his Kingdom, to the People of Rome. The Senate being assembled to consult what was to be done, and all being of opinion that P. Mutius Scaevo∣la the Consul should defend the Commonwealth by arms, he refused to do any thing by force. Hereupon Scipio Nasica taking up his gown under his left arm, held up his right hand, and bade every one that loved the State to follow him. Up he went into the Capitol,* 1.1376 being accompanied with most of the Senate, many Equites, and some Commoners, where Gracchus was speaking to the People, and endeavoring to be chosen Tribune for the follow∣ing year. They fell upon him and his hearers, whereof they killed 300, and amongst them himself with a piece of a seat as he ran down from the Capitol. Thus he fell by the means of his own kinsman,* 1.1377 being a most excellently accom∣plished man, though too violent in a matter honest enough.* 1.1378 And this was the first blood which in a seditious way the Romans first drew from one ano∣ther, observed by Cicero to have been at the same time that the other Scipio destroyed Numantia.

8. At this time were there some risings at Athens, and in Delos,* 1.1379 being as sparks of that fire formerly kindled by Ennus in Sicily, which with some trou∣ble were extinguished; neither was Italy altogether free from them. But a more noble War insued about the Kingdom of Asia. For,* 1.1380 Attalas King of Pergamus or Asia (for so he is called, because of a good part of Asia given to Eumenes his father) by his last will left the People of Rome his heir: But after his death Aristonicus his base brother seized on the Kingdom as his in∣heritance.* 1.1381 First was Licinius Crassus the Consul sent against him,* 1.1382 but was overthrown, and being taken struck one of the Soldiers on the eye, on pur∣pose to provoke him to kill him, which he did. He having thus miscaried (though he was assisted in his enterprise by several Kings,) his Successor M. Perpenna, hasting into Asia set upon Aristonicus at unawares, when he was not yet recovered of the security contracted by his Victory, and over∣throwing him in battel besieged him in Stratonice, where he forced him by famine to yield, and shortly after the Consul died at Pergamus. The re∣mainder of the War was finished by M. Aquilius the next year's Consul,* 1.1383

who poisoned Fountains for taking in some Cities, and having together with those joyned with him (according to the custom) setled the Province with suf∣ficient oppression of the people, he led Aristonicus in Triumph, though taken by another man's labour; who by order of the Senate was strangled in prison, in the 625 year of the Citie,* 1.1384 the said M. Aquilius Nepos, and C. Sempronius Tuditanus being Consuls.

9.* 1.1385 The civil dissentions died not with Gracchus (who perished four years before) his Law for division of the grounds being still in force, and the peo∣ple being sensible of the equity thereof, as they accounted it; for that the rich had got all into their hands,* 1.1386 and those that underwent all the toyl in Conquering the Land, were ready to starve, being also exhausted by the Wars, and almost none but slaves left in Italy for ordering of the grounds. Gracchus had a younger brother called Caius, whom together with Fulvius Flaccus, and Papirius Carbo, he had made Triumviri for division of the grounds.* 1.1387 He with his Collegues undertook the patronage of the Law, and prosecuting his Enterprize with all earnestnesse, such trouble arose about the division, in accounting and removing, that the Italians finding themselves agrieved betook themselves to Scipio Africanus. He refused not to under∣take their patronage, yet in the Senate spake nothing against the Law; onely thought fit that the executive power thereof should be taken from the Trium∣viri, and given to some others. The Senate most willingly did this, and con∣ferred it on Sempronius Tuditanus the Consul, who finding the work trouble∣som, went his way under pretence of the War in Illyricum. There being now none to flie to in this case, the people conceived great indignation against Scipio, as ingratefull, and favouring the Italians more than themselves, from which his Enemies took occasion to raise further jealousies. Indeed hearing of Gracchus his death at Numantia by repeating a verse in* 1.1388 Homer he liked well of what was done to him, and being at his return asked concerning his death, he approved of it before all the people, which being offended at him for it, he rebuked the multitude with contumelious language. But at night going to his Chamber, he meditated of something he intended to speak to the people the day following, and in the morning was found dead in his bed, it's uncertain by what means.* 1.1389 Cornelia the Mother of the Gracchi was suspected to have joyned with her daughter his wife (who being not over-handsome, neither loved him much not was over much loved) in practizing some∣thing upon him. No inquisition was made after his death, and he was bu∣ried privately, though so great a man, and one that had been the pillar of the Commonwealth.

10. The Possessors of the grounds still made delayes in the division, and some thought that they to whom they were to be divided should in way of recompense be made free of the Citie, which however pleasing to others, was highly displeasing to the Senate. While men muttered much of these things, C. Gracchus procured the Tribuneship, and then bearing a grudge to the Senate effectually shewed it.* 1.1390 He preferred a Law for dividing of the publick Corn to every man monethly, and getting his Office continued to him for another year, that he might gratifie the Equites, brought down the Office of judging corrupt Officers from the Senators unto them. Romulus, as we said, instituted three Centuries of Equites or Hors-men, whereof one from himself was named Ramnensis, another from Fitus Tatius, Tatiensis; and the third from Lucanio (or Lucus) Luceris. Under Romulus, and the Kings, they were also called Celeres, Flexumines and Trossuli. Afterwards, Tarquinius Priscus added 300 more, and so there continued to be 600 E∣quites.* 1.1391 But though they were in the Commonwealth from the beginning, yet had they no peculiar order, authority, or rank, till this Law of Gracchus, by which it was enacted, that these judgements should be peculiar to them. Their reputation thence forward increased with various successe about the Publi∣cans till Cicero's time, who boasting himself of this order, procured it such honour, that from his Consulship it came to be as a peculiar order in the State (before being included in the Plebeian, though it had a distinction by way

of service) being added to the Senatorian and Plebeian; out of which re∣spect it was written after them both. Thus in several times were there se∣veral Ranks and distinctions; the first distinction was betwixt Patricians and Plebeians; then Plebeians wresting from the other a Communion in the greatest Offices and places, though Patricians might still be distinguished in reference to Families, yet all Dignities being common to the rest with them, such Plebeians as could rise to be Senators, constituted with the other the Se∣natorian rank (which included the Patritian, though the Patritian not it) thence∣forth distinct from the Plebeian which still contained the Equites. Then, as was said, the Equites by the means of Gracchus and Cicero brake out from amongst the Plebeians into a rank of their own.

11. By this Law (saith Florus) Gracchus so divided the people of Rome, that he made it double headed (bicipitem, which expression Varro also used, as appeareth from Nonius) and the Equites having the lives, and fortunes of Senators and Nobles in their hands, by seizing on the Revenue, with autho∣rity pilled the Commonwealth. He took the best time that could be de∣vised for the making of the Law, because the Senators having had hitherto the power of judging, were become odious of late, in that for money they had acquitted Aurelius Cotta, Salinator, and M. Aquilius, persons Capi∣tally guilty of corruption. Its said, he boasted, that by this Law he had cut the finews of the Senatorian rank.* 1.1392 And so he did; for by the authority of judicature they passed sentence upon Roman Citizens, Italians and Senators, noting them with ignominy, banishing, or putting them to death at pleasure; till such time as their power was abated, as will he seen. For in the Comitia, or Assemblies, they conspired with the Tribunes, and obtaining thereby what they pleased, had all things in their power, and flourished with riches, where∣as nothing remained to Senators, but a vain shew of Dignity. The Senators prevailed with Servilius Caepio when Consul, to make themselves partakers of the power of judging, by a Law which he got preferred; yet still had the Equites the better, for 300 Senators onely were added to them, who were in number 600. By the Laws of Livius Drusus, Sylla and Cotta their power was abated, Drusus making it but equal in judgement with that of Senators. Sylla transferred it wholely to the Senators, and Aurelius Cotta communi∣cated the power of judging to three sorts; viz. Senators, Equites, and the Tribuni Aerarii. But the Equites alone were wont to farm the customes of the Censors for five years, and thence from their farming the Publick Revenue had the name of Publicans.* 1.1393 These were the principal of the Equestrian order, the Ornament of the Citie, and the strength of the State, who made so many Companies as there were Provinces subject to the payment of Toll, Tribute, Custom, or Impost.

12. But, C. Gracchus, further than this, to gratifie the Commons, repaired the high-wayes throughout Italy, sent forth Colonies, bade the Italians sue for their freedom, and gave power of suffrages to other Friends and Allies, contrary to the custom;* 1.1394 whom the Senate forbad to come near the Citie, at such time as they knew his Laws would be offered, and to please the people, they gave way to the sending out of twelve Colonies. Gracchus thus frustrated, departed into Africk with Flaccus his Collegue, intending to plant a Colony where Carthage stood; but was disappointed therein also, Wolves, it's said, removing the bounds of the intended Citie by night, as they were laid by day, whereupon the Sooth-sayers pronounced the design unlawfull. Ha∣ving been twice Tribune, he stood for it the third time, and had many voices; but his Collegues offended by his vehement carriage, got Minucius Rufus chosen into his place, who rescinded many of his Laws. Gracchus inraged hereat, when the Assembly was met, went up to the Capitol, accompanied with Flaccus and his friends privily Armed. There Attilius the Crier of Opimius the Consul taking him by the hand, and desiring him to spare his own Countrey, was slain. He then went about to excuse the fact to the peo∣ple, but could not be heard, and so together with Flaccus, and his other Con∣federates got them home, the Consul keeping strict watch all night in the

Citie. After this they were cited by the Senate to come and give an ac∣count of their actions, but they betook themselves to the Aventine Mount, where fortifying themselves, they offered in vain liberty to all slaves that would come in to them. But the Consul sending a party against them,* 1.1395 Grac∣chus fled into a grove beyond Tiber, and procured his slave to kill him, who instantly after he had cut off his head, run himself through with the bloody sword.* 1.1396 Flaccus flying to a friends house was betrayed and slain: and of their party, through the severe inquisition of the Consul, were put to death 3000 persons, 11 years after the death of the elder Gracchus. In the Consulship of this Opimius was there such a temper of the air called Coctura, that wine be∣ing congealed through the heat of the Sun into a consistency of honey, kept good for near 200 years, and from him had the name of Vinum Opimianum, being still preserved in Plinius(a) 1.1397 his time, though(b) 1.1398 Paterculus denieth there was any in his, which was long before.

13. The death of Gracchus (whose head was not Sacrosanct, as Florus imagineth, being out of the Office of Tribune) for the present allayed the di∣stempers of the Commonwealth.* 1.1399 For, presently after was a Law made,* 1.1400 that any one might sell his Land, which the Elder Gracchus had forbidden, where∣by the poor, partly by purchase, & partly by constraint, were again dispossessed. Afterward the Law for division was fully abrogated by Sp. Borcus, and the grounds left to their antient Owners, with this condition, that a Tribute out of them should be payed to the people, and this divided man by man. But not long after another Tribune abrogated the Tribute it self, and so nothing was left remaining to the poor.

14. During these Domestick troubles the Sardinians rebelled, and were reduced by L. Aurelius,* 1.1401 and the Fregellans were punished with the losse of their Citie by L. Opimius the Praetor. Upon Africk fell such a Pestilence, as for its Original,* 1.1402 and effects, was strange and wonderfull.* 1.1403 It arose from an infinite number of Locusts, which having overspread the ground, and destroyed not onely Corn and other fruits, but even Trees and dry things themselves, at length by a wind were driven into the Mediterranean Sea, and there putri∣fying corrupted the air. Hence ensued a most fearfull plague, both of men, Cattel, and Fowls. In Numidia, where Micipsa was now King, 800000 died; upon the Sea-Coasts about Carthage and Utica 200000; and in Utica it self 30000 Soldiers there lying in Garriison, 1500 being reported to have been carried out in one day through one Gate alone. Two years after, Q. Metellus the Consul subdued the Islands Baleares, and restrained pyracy there maintained, and at the same time was carried on the War, called Bellum Allobrogicum;* 1.1404 which hence arose.* 1.1405 The Salies in Gall beyond the Alps in∣vaded the Massilians, the friends of the people of Rome, and for this were chastized by Fulvius, and subdued by C. Sextius Calvinus. Teutomalus their King flying out of the battel, was received, and protected by the Allobroges, who also invaded the Aedui friends of Rome, and drew into Confederacy the Arverni. First, Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus overthrew them, and (by the use of Elephants especially) slew 20000. and took 3000 prisoners. After him Q. Fabius Maximus (Grandson of Paulus Aemilius, by his son adop∣ted into the Fabian family) defeated them, with the Arverni and Ruteni, in a bloody battel, wherein 120000 are reported to have been slain, and ta∣king Bituitus (or Betultus) King of the Arverni prisoner, obtained the sirname of Allobrogicus. These Allobroges inhabited about the Countreys now called Daulphine and Savoy: the Ruteni nearer to the Sea; the Ar∣verni more toward the North; the Aedui in Burgundy,* 1.1406 and the Saloii or Salyes in Piemont. Now was Gallia Narbonensis reduced into a Pro∣vince.

15. But the Scordisci, a people of Gallish Original, inhabiting Thrace,* 1.1407 de∣feated the Roman Army under Cato the Consul, yet were afterwards driven back into their own Countrey by Didius the Praetor,* 1.1408 and the Consul Drusus; and after this gave occasion of a glorious Triumph to Minutius, of which ho∣nour Metellus also had partaken. These transactions of Thrace are of all

others most unknown; either because they are confounded with those of Illy∣ricum, Pannonia, Mysia, or Macedonia; or because what has been writ∣ten of that subject in particular, hath miscaried. Now we arrive at two Wars both together, and carying noyse sufficient with them through the va∣riety of events, and fulnesse of history: viz. that with Jugurtha, and the other with the Cimbri and Teutones. Now to know the Original of the for∣mer, it's necessary to fetch things a little higher.

16. Masanissa King of Numidia, that old and constant friend of the Ro∣mans, left three sons: Gulassa, Mastanabal, and Micipsa, of whom the last (his brothers being dead) obtained the Kingdom alone.* 1.1409 He had two sons, Hiempsal and Adherbal, with whom he brought up Jugurtha his bro∣ther Mastanabal's son in the same condition, and receiving letters from Sci∣pio out of Spain, who gave him large commendations (and under whom he served with his Uncle's Auxiliary forces) he adopted him.* 1.1410 When Micipsa was dead, Jugurtha murdered Hiempsal, and attempted to do as much for Adherbal, who fled to the Romans for succour. By this time avarice and injustice had so much possessed the City, that Jugurtha sensible of it, sent Ambassadors to Rome with full hands, who so wrought upon the Senate, that might overcame right, and it was decreed, that ten Commissioners should be sent to divide the Kingdom betwixt them. The Commissioners thinking they might lawfully imitate those that sent them, were bribed to bestow the richest and best Peopled part upon Jugurtha, who therewith not satisfied, after their departure, fell sodainly upon Adherbal, besieged him in Cirtha, and at length getting him into his hands made him away. For this, War was at length decreed against him by the Senate, and committed to the manage∣ment of L. Calpurnius Bestia the Consul, in the 643 year of the City,* 1.1411 the second of the 167 Olympiad, the seventh of Ptolomy Lathurus, the 25 of Joh. Hyrcanus, P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, and the said Calpurnius being Consuls.

17. Calpurnius invaded Numidia with great fiercenesse, and took in some Towns, but was presently stopped in his career, being allured with the gol∣den balls of Jugurtha; so that a Treaty of Peace was set on foot. The Se∣nate was moved hereat, and at the power of M. Scaurus, who accompany∣ing the Consul as his friend and counsellor, was guilty of the same crime. The People was perswaded to send L. Cassius Longinus the Praetor to fetch Ju∣gurtha to Rome upon the publick faith, to discover his complices, whereof he had by gold procured many in the Senate it self.* 1.1412 Cassius perswaded him to cast himself upon the Peoples mercy, and he came to the City in a mourn∣ing habit. But coming into the Assembly to do as he was commanded, Bae∣lus the Tribune bade him hold his Peace, being also bribed to put off the businesse, and delude the People. At this time there was one Massina the son of Gulussa his cousin german at Rome, who when he had murdered Ad∣herbal escaped out of Africk. Him Albinus the Consul, (who gladly would have had to do with Numidia) perswaded to beg the Kingdom of the Senate: but Jugurtha having some notice hereof, procured him to be killed, and conveyed away the murderer into Numidia. Hereupon within a few dayes he was commanded to be gone, and being out of the City, he looked back upon it, and uttered these words: O City that wouldest be sold if there was but a chapman for thee. This he said, as having himself experience of the corruption of it's Inhabitants; so horribly were they now degenerated from the fidelity and abstinence of the preceding age.

18. Albinus followed him with an Army, and at first seemed to be very ambitious of finishing the War, before the creation of new Consuls. But upon some account he prolonged it, and his brother, by virtue of some com∣pact, withdrew from Suthul, where the treasure of the Kingdom lay, when he was about to besiege it. The Centurions also were so corrupted, as Jugurtha was suffered to break into the Camp, whence beating out the Ar∣my, he either forced, or by former agreement, brought Albinus to submit unto most dishonourable terms. In this condition Metellus the following

Consul found affairs and the Army spoiled for want of discipline. But bring∣ing the Soldiers into good order,* 1.1413 within the space of two years he overthrew Jugurtha several times, outed him of several Towns, and chased him fur∣ther than his own borders, which constrained him to submit and beg Peace; but the conditions thereof he brake, and the former hostility returned. Now was there one C. Marius, Legatus or Lieutenant to Metellus, who by his good demeanour won much upon the Soldiers, for being desirous of the Con∣sulship, he took all wayes to purchase their favour. He calumniated Metel∣lus privily to the Merchants at Utica, avowing that he was able with half of the Army, and that within a few dayes, to take Jugurtha. By these speeches he procured many complaints to be written to Rome against Metellus,* 1.1414 and getting leave to go thither, obtained his desire, being created Consul, and had the management of the War committed to him, which now was even ended. Notwithstanding, the People was so grateful to Metellus, that at his return, being certified what he had done, they both granted him a Triumph, and bestowed on him the sirname of Numidicus.

19. This was the fourth Metellus, who from the Nation subdued obtained a sirname. The first was Q. Caecilius Metellus sirnamed Macedonicus, of whom we have formerly spoken. Much is said of this man's* 1.1415 felicity, whereof this is chief, that when he died, he had, of four sons, seen three Consuls,* 1.1416 and the fourth Praetor. Of these, the first was Q. Metellus sirna∣med Balearicus from his subduing the Baleares, who was Consul in the 631 year of the City: the second L. Metellus, who was Consul in the 635 year: the third M. Metellus, Consul in the 639 year, the same wherein his father died: and the fourth C. Metellus of Praetorian rank. But the third of this name who obtained a sirname was L. Coecilius Metellus, sirnamed first Diade∣matus, because having an ulcer in his forehead, he kept it bound a long time, and afterwards Dalmaticus, from the Dalmatians whom he subdued to get him a Triumph; this People having nothing offended. He was son to L. Cae∣cilius Metellus Calvus, who was Consul in the 612 year. Lastly, the fourth thus sirnamed was this Q. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus, who was Consul together with M. Junius Silanus in the 645 year of the City.

20. Marius after some time took the City Capsa a place very rich and strong, and after this another called Mulucha. Jugurtha finding himself too weak, drew in to his assistance Bocchus King of Mauritiana his Father in Law, by the help of whose Horse he very much wearied the Roman Army. Coming to raise the siege at Cirta,* 1.1417 before which Marius was sat down, what by the number of the Horse reported to be 60000, and what by heat and dust, the Romans were sorely distressed, and the fight continued dangerous and terrible to them for three dayes. Then a Tempest of rain fell, which spoiled their Enemies weapons, and relieved Marius his men almost killed with thirst; and the course of fortune changing, the two Kings were defeated and fled. In another battel Marius, as it's said, killed 90000, after which Bocchus began to repent of his enterprize, and sent to Rome to enter into a League, which he could not procure, but obtained pardon of his fault. Not long after, Marius took Jugurtha in an ambush, whither he had drawn him by specious pretences,* 1.1418 and delivered him up to Sylla his Quaestor, who had brought over some forces gathered in Italy. Sylla having little or no skill in matters of War before, under him got that skill, which afterwards he used against his General. Jugurtha being led in triumph by Marius with his two sons, was after, by order of the Senate put to death, and so the Warre ended, after about seven years continuance. Numidia was not now made a Province, as some have thought; for we find other four Kings on which it was bestowed, viz. Hiempsal, Hiarbas, and Juba, concerning whom we may have occasion to speak hereafter. Now is to be described the War with the Cimbri.

21. The Cimbri inhabited the Chersonesus from them named Cimbrica, (now Holsatia) and were a vagabond People. With a sort of Germans called Tentones (from Tento or Tuisco the Patriarch, or reputed god of that

Nation) they brake into Illyricum in the 641 year of the City, and there put to flight Cn. Carbo the Consul, to whom that Province had fallen by lot. Some three years after, they made an irruption into Gall and Spain, but being re∣pelled, sent to Silanus the Consul,* 1.1419 desiring some ground wherein to plant and settle themselves. This being denied by the Senate, they betook them∣selves from intreaties to force, and setting upon the Consul put him to flight, entertaining M. Scaurus sent against them into Gall in the same manner.* 1.1420 Scaurus was succeeded by the Consul L. Cassius Longinus, who pursuing the Tigurins (now Switzers) to the Ocean, was circumvented by them, and slain, with L. Piso, a man of Consular dignity, his Lieutenant. After him Caepio the Consul made War upon the T••ctosages or T••losans, whose chief City Tolose (now in Gascoigne) he took, and therein a great treasure, which some said was taken out of the Temple at Delphos by the Galls. His command was continued to him for the following year, as Proconsul, in con∣junction with Manilius (or Mallius) his Successor. These two could not agree, but divided the Army, and parted the Province betwixt them. At length they were overthrown in a bloody battel by the Cimbri, to whom the Teutons, Tigurins, and Ambrones, another People of Gall joyned them∣selves: 80000 men were slain, and 40000 lackies and drudges, as also both the Camps taken. Caepio for this was cast into prison, where he died, these great defeats being charged upon his sacrilege, of which those Galls that were guilty, were still followed and consumed by one plague after ano∣ther. After this, the Cimbri made another Expedition into Spain; but be∣ing thence repelled by the Cel••berians, returned into Gall, whence, with the Teutons and Ambrones, they resolved to passe over the Alpes into Italy.

22. C. Marius having vanquished Jugurtha, was in his absence made Consul the second time, to manage the War against the Cimbri. Whilst they continued in Spain he waged War against their friends the Tolosans, whose King Copilus was taken by Sylla his Lieutenant. Being created Consul again the following year, he neglected to fight till their fury was abated. In his fourth Consulship they were ready in three bands to passe over the Alpes, which he considering, attended their motions. His Army was almost oppressed with thirst, the Teutons and Ambrones lying betwit it and the water, which made him desirous to ingage with them, and coming to fight, in two dayes he ut∣terly destroyed them,* 1.1421 taking prisoner Theutobocchus their King. The Cim∣bri escaped him and got over into Italy, though it was Winter, and the Alpes were covered with Snow, being in vain opposed by Catulus,* 1.1422 both at the Alpes and the River Athesis near Verona. To Catulus did Marias joyn him∣self now the fifth time Consul, for carying on the War, and being challenged to give battel slew 140000, and took 60000. Their wives resisted, fight∣ing from the Chariots, and when they saw all desperate, killed first their chil∣dren and then themselves. The third band of the Tigurines came to no∣thing; and so an end was put to this War, on the third of the moneth Sex∣tilis, as Plutarch writeth, after it had continued twelve years, in the 653 year of the City, C. Marius the fifth time,* 1.1423 and M. Aquilius Nepos being Consuls, the former whereof was counted the preserver of his Country, and contented himself with one Triumph. And his Collegue put an end to the second Servile War in Sicily, which now had lasted almost four years.

23. These dangers abroad did not suppresse domestick troubles. There was one L. Apuleius Saturninus,* 1.1424 who having been Quaestor at Ostia during a dearth, was put out of his place by the Senate, for which he conceited great displeasure against it,* 1.1425 and to shew it, procured the Tribuneship. By his help especially Marius obtained the fourth Consulship. But after his year was out, Metellus Numidicus being Censor would have removed him from the Senate, but he was hindred by his Colleague; and to revenge this he stood to be Tribune the second time. Now was Marius Consul the fifth time, and there being nine of the ten Tribunes chosen, and A. Nonius standing in com∣petition with him, by the assistance of Marius he murdred him, and got the

place. Now being again in power, he preferred a Law for dividing of such Lands as Marius had recovered in Gall, and compelled the Se∣nate to swear to it, which Metellus refusing to do, he set him a day to answer it before the people; but for fear of him and Marius, Metellus fled to S••yrna. Saturninus being Tribune the third time, and finding C. Mem∣mius to stand for the Consulship; he also made him away to prefer Glau∣cius the Praetor, a man most addicted to his own party. At these things the Senate being startled took up resolution, and Marius now the sixth time Con∣sul, seeing him in a falling condition, withdrew himself from his friendship. The Consul were, as in dangerous times, impowered by the Senate to see that the Commonwealth received no damage. Marius therefore with his Collegue L. Valerius Flaccus, set upon Saturninus in the publick meeting place, and drove him and his followers into the Capitol, where for want of water (Marius having cut the pipes) they were forced to yield. This they did upon his faith given for their safety; for Saturninus and Glaucius much re∣lied upon him, not sticking to give out that they were but the actors of his designs.* 1.1426 Notwithstanding,* 1.1427 they were killed in the Court-house by the Equites, which brake in amongst them; and Metellus, through the labour of his son especially, was recalled, with the general applause of the peo∣ple.

24. For the space of about 8 years after, there was not any open Sedition; yet great dissatisfaction amongst those of the Senatorian order. For,* 1.1428 it lay un∣der great grievances by reason of the power of Judicature, which was by Grac∣chus his Law brought down to the Equites, by whom they were cruelly, and despightfully used, their lives, liberties, and estates being wholely in their power. The Commonwealth was even bought and sold, the Publicans, who farmed the customs, and publick revenues, being, as Equites, both Judges and parties. It hapned that thirty years after Gracchus his Law, M. Livius Drusus the Tribune cast in his mind how to restore the Fathers to their an∣tient power,* 1.1429 and yet not offend the Equites. He preferred therefore a Law, that because the Senators were reduced to a small number, as many Equites should be added to them, and the power of Judicature committed to this bo∣dy. But herewith neither party was satisfied. Not the Senators, because they disdained that the other should be equal to them, and neither the Equites, for that they feared the power would at length be wholy removed from them. Caepio also one of Drusus his Collegues (not that Caepio, as some mistake, who having been formerly Consul had proposed such a Law, which took not, he himself being condemned, and dying in prison as was said) opposed him, and coming into the Senate, there accused some of the chief of unlawfull seek∣ing for Offices. Drusus to withstand his indeavours, by the favour of the people proposed again the Agrarian Law, and that the Allies and Con∣federates of Italy, now Possessors of the Lands, might not be ag∣grieved, he gave them hopes to make them free of the Citie. Great con∣course there was, and as great contention. Q. Marcius Philippus the Consul opposed the Law for division of Lands, and for that was soundly buffetted by a Traveller. Drusus in this particular disappointed, still bent his mind how to make good what he had offered to the Italians; but going home accompa∣nied with a great multitude, he was stabbed in the Court of his own house, its unknown by whom, the knife being left in his body, and died within a few hours.* 1.1430 He was a man excellently accomplished, both with understanding and morals, whose good intentions had not the fortune to be rightly understood by the great ones, but to dissatisfie all parties.* 1.1431 And still more unfortunate he was in that great and dangerous War, which by his means (though not inten∣tious) was kindled, and which being foreseen or feared, might perhaps have no small influence into his death.

25. This War is called by divers names. Sometimes Bellum Sociale, be∣cause of the Associates of the People of Rome, who managed it: sometimes Bellum Marsicum, from the Marsi who began it, and otherwhiles Bellum Italicum, from Italy the seat of it, Corfinium a Citie of the Peligni, being

before all others chosen for the place of the conspiracy.* 1.1432 The occasion of it was the disdain conceived by the Italians, because they were not admitted to the freedom of the Citie,* 1.1433 which had been partly promised them 36 years be∣fore by Flaccus the Consul, who being earnest for it, was diverted into Gall by the Senate, and afterwards joyned himself in the Tribuneship with the younger Gracchus, to no purpose endeavouring with him the passing of it; with whom also as is formerly shewn he lost his life. Now again, their ex∣pectation was heightned by Drusus; but then was he murdered, and all the great ones banished who stood for them, by a Law which the Equites by force of Arms obtained, who hoped that having the power of Judicature in themselves, the profit would be great which would arise in ridding away their Enemies. They also thought they had reason enough to expect this privi∣lege from that Citie, which was maintained both in its subsistence and Empire by their valour, they ever sending out forces double in number to those of the Romans. Upon these grounds they resolved to procure by force what could not be by fair means obtained, sending Messages to and fro, and for the performance of what was agreed on, receiving Hostages from one another.

26. This being known late enough at Rome, so busied with its private seditious contests, Spies were sent out into the several quarters. One of them seeing a young man of Asculum carried into another Citie as an Ho∣stage, therewith acquainted Servilins the Proconsul, who going to Asculum and chiding the Citizens, was set upon and slain, together with all the Ro∣mans. After this, the Conspiracy being quite discovered, all broke out into open Rebellion: the Marsi, Peligni, Vestini, Marrucini, Ferentani, Hirpini, Picentes, Pompeiani, Venusini, Apulians, Lucanians, and the old Enemies of the Romans, the Samnites. They thought good first to send to Rome to com∣plain; but the Messengers could not be admitted without repentance for what was already done.* 1.1434 Hereupon the War vvas committed to both the Consuls, L. Julius Caesar, and P. Rutilius Lupus, to vvhom vvere added Cn. Pompeius Strabo (father to Pompey the Great) C. Marius, vvho had been six times Consul, L. Sylla, Licinius Crassus, C. Perpenna, Q. Caepio, Q. Me∣tellus Pius (son to the Numidian) M. Marcellus, Val. Messala, and T. Di∣dius, vvho vvere all sent vvith Proconsular power. The forces on either side amounted to 100000 fighting men. Rutilius the Consul quickly lost his life, falling into an ambush laid for him by the Marsi, and many other blows did the Romans receive;* 1.1435 so that they vvere forced to list such as once had been slaves. The bodies of the Consul, and those of several others being carried into the Citie, the sight of them so discouraged the people, that the Se∣nate made a decree, that thenceforth the slain should be buried vvhere they died, vvhich as a prudent example vvas followed by the Enemy.

27. None succeeded Rutilius all the year, for that Caesar could not come to a new Election, but his Army vvas committed to Marius his Lieutenant, and Q. Caepio. Caepio vvas killed not long after, being intrapped by Popedius one of the Italian Generals. Marius now alone commanding the forces, did good service, as did also Sylla. For the following year, Cn. Pompeius Strabo, and L. Porcius Cato vvere made Consuls. Now the Senate thought fit to make such Italians free of the Citie as had not revolted, vvhich thing established those, vvho something vvavered in their minds, and took off the courage of the other already ingaged: Yet they chose them not into any of the 35 Tribes, but placed them by themselves behind all; so that as in voting they could not hinder the rest, so seldom vvere they called to vote at all, vvhich afterwards considered, though not at present, vvrought some di∣sturbance. Cato the Consul did very good service, but thereof boasted so much, that he compared himself to Marius, for vvhich, as he vvas fighting a∣gainst the Marsi, he vvas killed in a croud by Marius his son. Pompey over∣threw the Picentes and Asculani. Having long besieged Asculum, he defeated the Enemy which sallied forth, killed 18000 of the Marsi, took 3000. and being got into Asculum, caused all the Officers and principal

men to be beaten vvith Rods, and then beheaded.* 1.1436 Sylla his Successor in the Consulship overthrew the Samnites, and stormed two of their Camps, by vvhich successe elevated, he vvent, stood for, and carried that greatest Office.* 1.1437 This War vvas ended by him after it had endured above two years,* 1.1438 in the 666 year of the Citie, he the said L. Cornelius Sylla, and Q. Pompeius Rufus being Consuls.

28. What the Italians could not get with armed hand, was given them Conquered; at first to all, except the Lucanians and Samnites, and shortly after to them also, but ranked by themselves in the same manner as the for∣mer.* 1.1439 Not long after this, which was a kind of Civil War, there were stirs in the Citie about Usury, which being rigorously exacted by the Creditors, Asel∣lio the Praetor, who withstood it, was murdered by them. Yet hitherto these Seditions in the Citie were managed but by private persons, or in a private manner, but now came it to that passe, that the heads of the factions got whole Armies to themselves, and carried on their interests in open War one against another, their own Countrey being as the prize and reward of the victory, such were the manners and behaviour of those who through the in∣firmity of the Government were not able to bear that greatnesse of fortune, which from the temperance and moderation of their fathers had descend∣ed upon them. But an occasion to the first Civil War was ministred by that with Mithridates, which began ere the Social or Italian ended.

SECT. V. From the War with Mithridates, and first Civil War, to the combina∣nation of Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar, termed by Varro Tricipitina, which proved the ruin of the Po∣pular Government, for the space for 28 years.

* 1.14401. MIthridates was King of Pontus (a Countrey of Asia,* 1.1441 so called because it lieth upon the Euxine Sea) thought by some to have been descend∣ed from one of the seven Persians, who conspired against the Magi that had usurped after the death of Cambyses. He was sirnamed Eupator and Diony∣sus, being a man of a vast mind and ambitious spirit.* 1.1442 Succeeding his fa∣ther, who was a friend of the people of Rome, at thirteen years of age, within two years he made away his mother, who was left partner with him in the Kingdom, and after her his brother also, and in his youth he subdued the Kings about Phasis beyond Caucasus.* 1.1443 Thirty years after his coming to the Kingdom, he thought of no lesse than the Empire of Asia, the Romans, as he fancied, being now sufficiently imployed in the Cimbrian and Italian Wars. He began with Paphlagonia,* 1.1444 parting it betwixt himself and Nico∣medes King of Bithynia, and being checked for this by the Romans, and com∣manded to desist, he pretended it was his fathers inheritance, and to amend the matter he seized on Galatia too. Then casting his eye upon Cappadocia, he caused to be murthered Ariarathes King thereof, and his sisters husband, and when she married to Nicomedes he drove out his forces, and pretended to seize upon it for the use of her son, whom then he murdered also, and be∣stowed it on one of his own sons. The Cappadocians refused to obey him, and called out of Asia Ariarathes one of their former King's sons; but him did Mithridates drive away, and he shortly after died. Nicomedes after∣wards procured one to counterfeit himself the brother of Ariarathes, and beg the Kingdom of the people of Rome; and he sent his wife thither to aver that she had three sons by Ariarathes. Mithridates hereupon sent one to the Senate to affirm, that he whom he had placed in Cappadocia was also the son of Ariarathes.

* 1.14452. The Senate knowing well the aim of both, took from Mithridates

Cappadocia; and Paphlagonia from Nicomedes, who had got it into his hands, and left these two Kingdoms to their own liberty. But the Cappadocians protested that they could not live without a King, and being therefore allowed to chuse one from amongst themselves, made choice of one Ariobarzanes. Mithridates sorely repining to be thus overruled, procured Tigranes the King of Armenia and his son in Law to be an Enemy to the Romans, and perswa∣ded him to expel Ariobarzanes, whilst he did as much by young Nicomedes, who now had succeeded his dead Father. Both of these Princes fled to Rome for relief, which was decreed them, and Commissioners were appointed to re-establish them, whereof Manius Aquilius was chief. This being perfor∣med,* 1.1446 they perswaded both the Kings to invade Mithridates. Nicomedes did it, though unwillingly, whilst Mithridates opposed him not, that he might have an advantage against him; onely he sent Pelopidas to the Com∣missioners to complain of him. They considering that Mithridates was a powerful Prince returned this answer, that they did neither like that he should molest Nicomedes, nor Nicomedes him; for the former was not convenient for the Roman Commonwealth. He nothing moved with this answer, re-invaded Cappadocia, sending Pelopidas back with a bold expostulation. They hereupon raised a considerable Army against him on their own heads, without any decree of Senate or People. Nicomedes ingaging first of all with him was put to flight, though Mithridates his main body never ingaged, and next after him Manius was discomfited.* 1.1447 Then seized Mithridates upon Bithy∣nia, Phrygia, Mesia, Lycia, Pamphylia, and other Provinces, as far as Ionia. He took also Q. Oppius and Aquilius, the later whereof he killed by melted gold poured into his mouth, being ever wont to upbraid the Romans with avarice and corruption.

3. The Romans hereupon decreed a War against him,* 1.1448 though they were now imployed in the Italian; and L. Cornelius Sylla and Q. Pompeius Ru∣fus being Consuls,* 1.1449 it fell by lot unto the former. But whilst he was yet im∣ployed in finishing the Italian War about Nola, C. Marius, who had been six times Consul, either moved by a desire of profit or of glory, perswaded P. Sulpitius Tribune of the People to prefer a law for transferring the com∣mand against Mithridates to himself. He drew the People of Italy to his party, by promising them that had been of late made free of the City,* 1.1450 equal privilege with the rest, which were distribured into 35 tribes; so that the thing was caried on by strong hand, and Pompey's son, the son in law of Syl∣la, was killed in the heat of contention. Sylla hearing of this, hasted to the City, easily perswading his Army to any thing, for that his Soldiers were unwilling that any other should go that Expedition, from which they pro∣mised themselves so great matters. To him his Collegue Pompey joyned, and though Marius and the Tribune made all opposition possible, with some difficulty they entred the City,* 1.1451 and Marius with his complices betook them∣selves to their heels. Sylla suffered no harm to be done to the Citizens, but reversed what Sulpitius had done, regulated the Senate, and procured Ma∣rius, with Sulpitius, and ten others, to be declared Enemies to their Coun∣try, whom it might be lawful for any to kill, and unlawful to harbour; their goods also being set to sale.

4. Sulpitius was found and put to death. Marius hid himself in the fens of Minturnum, and being discovered, a Gall was sent to kill him, but could not do it, he was so dashed at his presence; so that being conveyed out of that place, he escaped into Africk. To him Cethegus and others, who had fled into Numidia, joyned themselves, expecting an opportunity to invade their own Country. Pompey the Consul, to secure Italy, was appointed to re∣ceive the Army of Cn. Pompey, who had done such good service in the Mar∣sian War; but the Soldiers unwilling to leave their old General, who also took it heavily, made away the Consul. For the year following L. Cornelius Cin∣na and C. Octavius were Consuls, whereof Cinna as some think corrupted, was altogether for the new Denisons, and recalled Marius with the rest of the Exiles; but he was driven away by his Collegue, and L. Merula was put

in his place. He then going about to the Italian Cities, by giving them fresh hopes of equal privilege, and pretending that he suffered these things for their sakes, got much money. Marius also coming over to him, they raised a con∣siderable Army, wherewith Cinna sate down before the City. Marius took Hostia by force,* 1.1452 and Cinna being not able to do any thing at Rome, stormed Ariminum. The Consuls, for that they could not recall Sylla, sent for Me∣tellus then lying in Samnium, but he differing with them about some condi∣tions, had them granted by Marius, to whom then he joyned himself. In the mean while the City itself was near being betrayed to Marius by Appius Claudius a Tribune of the Army, who being intrusted with the Janiculum, thus requited him for former kindnesse.

5. Though he and Cinna brake in, they were repelled by Octavius, and C. Pompey the Proconsul, who shortly after was killed with a Thunder-bolt. Marius after this took in several Towns about Rome where provisions lay, and Cinna by promise of liberty, drew many slaves out of the City, which the Senate understanding, lest the People should make disturbance within, sent to him about an agreement. He refused to admit of any addresse made to him as a private man, so that they were forced to treat with him as Con∣sul, and desired he would swear to abstain from blood. This he flatly re∣fused to do; but promised, that wittingly and willingly he would not be the cause of any mans death; so he was received, and the Law abrogated for banishing Marius and his associates.* 1.1453 Upon their entrance began plundering and slaughters in all places. Octavius, though having the oath both of Cinna and Marius, refusing to flye from his charge, was killed, and his head set upon the Rostra, to which was afterwards added that of Antonius (Grand-father to the Triumvir) an excellent Orator, who for a good space defended him∣self by his eloquence from the Soldiers, and several others. None were spa∣red, either for dignity, worth, or age. The dead bodies, being mangled and abused otherwise, were left to be torn in pieces by dogs and fowls, none da∣ring to bury them. All Sylla's friends were killed, his house defaced, and his goods put to sale, he being judged and declared an Enemy. Merula, though he never sought the Consulship, but had it put upon him, and Catulu, having their dayes set them to answer, destroyed themselves.

6. Cinna and Marius having thus satisfied their bloody minds, made them∣selves Consuls for the following year: But Marius died ere the moneths end, having born this Office now seven times; a man more profitable to his Coun∣try in the time of War than of Peace.* 1.1454 To him succeeded Valerius Flaccus, whom Cinna sent into Asia, to supply the room of Sylla there. But he by this time had done the work, and was coming home to revenge the former in∣juries, having subdued Mithridates in lesse than three years, killed 160000 of his men, recovered Grecce, Macedonia, Ionia, Asia, and other Coun∣tries, which he had got into his hands, taken his Navy from him, and forced him to be content with his own inheritance. These things are to be declared in order.

7. After Mithridates had taken Aquilius with the rest,* 1.1455 and seized upon Asia and other Countries (whilst Sylla was at Rome, setling things there against Ma∣rius and his faction, as is before shewed) he sent his letters abroad into all the Cities of Asia, willing them at one day prefixed, to kill all Italians and Ro∣mans,* 1.1456 with their wives and children, and cast them out unburied; then to seize on their estates, taking one part to themselves,* 1.1457 and reserving the other for his use. This was accordingly done, and 80000 according to some; according to others 150000 perished in one day. Then went he into the Island Cous, where getting great treasure into his hands, there laid up by one of the Cleopatraes, he departed to Rhodes, and all manner of waies at∣tempted to take the City, though without successe; such was the constancy and fidelity of the Rhodians towards the Romans, amongst other confede∣rates which universally revolted. Then sent he Archelaus his General into Greece, leaving Pelopidas in Lycia to carry on the War there, he himself pro∣viding Forces, and punishing such as he found inclinable towards the Romans.

8. Archelaus first recovered Delos, which from the Athenians had revol∣ted to the Romans, then joyned he to himself the Achaians, Lacaedemoni∣ads, and Boeotians. After this he was fought by Brittius, who had put to flight Metrophanes sent also into Greece from the King; but having fresh supplies, Brittius withdrew himself to the Piraeus, or Haven of Athens,* 1.1458 which shortly after Archelaus took in with his Fleet. Now Sylla arrived in Greece with five Legions and some Companies of Horse,* 1.1459 and having furnish∣ed himself with money and provisions in Aetolia and Thessaly, marched into Attica against Archelaus, almost whole Boeotia, with Thebes the chief City, revolting to him in his passage. He besieged Archelaus in the Piraeus a very strong place, as fenced with a wall almost 40 cubits high, consisting of square stones, and built by Pericles during the first motions of the Peloponnesian War. Having also besieged Athens it self, he spent the whole Summer in the siege, and at length took it, the Inhabitants being unable to make any more resi∣stance through famine, which so far prevailed, as they made meat of sodden lether,* 1.1460 and fed upon the bodies of dead men. The Piraeus was also shortly after taken, and the walls thereof demolished, with the Arcenal, and all the ra∣rities therein were destroyed. Then Sylla followed Archelaus through Boeotia, and fought with him near Cheronea, in a place so straight, that no way being open for flight, he slew so many, that of 120000 not many more than 10000 remained, this being an Army sent over by the King out of his new Provinces.

9. Mithridates put divers Princes of his newly conquered Provinces to death, for fear they should kill or betray him, by which cruelty he lost all Gallograecia. Ephesus also, and other towns revolted from him, whereof such as he recovered he used cruelly,* 1.1461 and afterwards fearing a general defecti∣on, to purchase favour he set the Greek Cities at liberty. Some that conspired his death were discovered, and upon suspition were 1600 men made away. Then sent he another supply to Archelaus of 80000 men, which with the other 10000 remaining of the former Army, were routed by Sylla near Or∣chomenes, and about 15000 being slain, the rest betaking themselves to their Camp were also killed or taken,* 1.1462 a vast slaughter having been made. Arche∣laus having lost his son Diogenes hid himself in a fen, and thence fled to Chalcis once more. After this Sylla chastized the Boeotians for their fickle∣nesse (for they would stand to neither party long) and took up his Winter quarters in Thessaly, providing himself of shipping, because he heard no∣thing of Lucullus, whom he had sent into Aegypt to procure a Navy. Now at this time was Flaccus, who had succeeded Marius, sent into Asia by Cinna to succeed Sylla. Him Fimbria his Quaestor killed in a quarrel about lodg∣ing, being hated by his Soldiers, and he headed his Army, with which he se∣veral times fought, and that prosperously, against Mithridates his son, and drove the King himself into Pergamus, and thence to Pitane, where he took ship and fled to Mitylene, and might have been taken if Lucullus would. Then did Fimbria haraze Cappadocia, and burnt Ilium the daughter of Troy, for that the Inhabitants had given up themselves to Sylla, and not to him; so that though a Roman and so akin to them, he is said to have used them worse than did Agamemnon himself. This hapned to Ilium in the later end of the 173 Olympiad, about 1050 years after the first taking it by the Greeks.

10. Mithridates receiving intelligence of the blow he had received at Orchomenus, wrote to Archelaus, to procure his peace on as good terms as he could. To a Peace Sylla was not now averse, being in great want of mony, and receiving no recruits from the City, where he was declared an Enemy, and desiring above all things to carry back a good Army into Italy to revenge himself. He offered Peace therefore on these conditions: That he should deliver up all his Navy,* 1.1463 all fugitives and Captives,* 1.1464 restore the Inha∣bitants of Chios, and others whom he had caried into Pontus, remove his garrisons from all places whither he had brought them since the breach of the Peace, pay all the charges of the War, and be content with his Father's Kingdom. All these conditions were agreed to save parting with Paphlago∣nia, but the Ambassadors saying they could have had better terms of Fimbria,

drove Sylla into a great displeasure, with a comparison so odious to him. Shortly after Mithridates himself met him, and found him so resolute, as he gladly accepted all the terms. So ended the first War with Mithridates, be∣ing concluded by Sylla three years after his coming into Greece.

11. Sylla required of Fimbria the Army to be deliverd up to him, as held by no authority; but was answered, as having as little himself.* 1.1465 Yet the Army denied to fight against that of Sylla, and forsook Fimbria, who thereupon sent a Slave to murder Sylla,* 1.1466 which was discovered. He beg∣ged pardon, and it was granted him, so he would take ship and depart out of Asia; but he said, he had a better way, and going to Pergamus there destroyed himself. Sylla gave him to be buried, saying, he would not imitate the barbarism of Marius and Cinna towards his friends at Rome, whom they deprived both of life and burial; yet he kept in this mind but a while after his arival there, whither he now hasted, having fined Asia grie∣vously for it's revolt,* 1.1467 and setled affaires according to present occasions. He took Athens in his way, whence he caried with him the Library of Apelli∣con the Teian (in which were most of the Books of Aristotle and Theophra∣stus, then not vulgarly known) bought by him of the posterity of N••leus, to whom Theophrastus had given it. He wrote to the Senate, to which he re∣counted all the great services he had done, and then how he had been rewarded by the party of Marius, telling them plainly, he would come and revenge both himself and the Publick, by punishing the authors of the injuries, not medling with any other, either old or new Citizens. The Senate hereat af∣frighted sent to treat with him, offering their indeavour for his satisfaction, if he would presently make knovvn his mind. Cinna they ordered to stop his leavies; but he onely returned them a plausible ansvver, and proceeded, de∣signing himself and his Collegue Carbo Consuls again for the follovving year, that there might be no need of going to Rome to a nevv creation. He passed over some of his forces into Dalmatia, there to fight Sylla; but the hinder∣most vvere driven back by a tempest, and they refused absolutely to fight a∣gainst their Country-men; so that those, vvho as yet had not passed the Sea, refused to go aboard. Hereupon he going to speak vvith them, an Officer vvho made vvay before him struck one of them, vvho struck him again, for vvhich offence he commanding him to be laid hold on, a tumult arose, vvhere∣in he himself vvas ran through, and so perished in his fourth Consulship, and the 670 year of the City, a man vvorthier to have died by command of the Conquereur than the fury of the Soldiers. Carbo then continued Consul alone all the remaining part of the year.

12. Cinna and Carbo had by a Lavv abrogated Sylla's command, and pro∣cured War to be decreed against him, before the Senate was affrighted into the offer of a mediation. He answered, that he would never be reconciled to such wicked persons, as they desired he should; but if the People of Rome would give them indemnity he should not oppose it; yet he thought those that would come to him might be mose safe, seeing he had at his devotion such an Army. Hereby declaring sufficiently what his intentions were, he also de∣manded restitution of his estate, his antient dignity and honours; but the messengers coming to Brundusium, and there hearing of Cinna's death, and the disturbance of the Commonwealth, returned back to him. Then crossed he the Sea to Brundusium with a Fleet of 1600 ships, and 60000 men. Be∣ing landed,* 1.1468 Metellus Pius, who had absented himself from Rome for fear of Marius and Cinna, came to him, as also Pompey, afterwards sirnamed the Great, who though his father was no friend to Sylla, yet coming now to him with some forces, became afterwards his greatest favourite. Besides these came Cethegus, who having joyned with Cinna now begged pardon. C. Nor∣banus and L. Scipio the Consuls, with Carbo, made all preparation for resi∣stance. The first tryal at arms was at Canusium, where Norbanus lost 6000 men, and fled to Capua. Scipio through the treachery of his Army, came with his son into the power of Sylla,* 1.1469 who dismissed them both. After this Sulla sent to Norbanus to treat of Peace; but (perhaps) being not thought serious, had no answer returned back.

13. He then passed on in Italy, making havock of all things, as Carbo did,* 1.1470 who getting into Rome, procured Metellus and the rest that joyned with Syl∣la to be declared Enemies to the State. Both parties sent up and down the Italian Cities, labouring both by fair means and fowl to procure forces; and so all this Summer was spent, wherein the Capitol was burnt none knoweth how. For the following year Papirius Carbo the third time, and Marius, son (but adoptive as most probable) to the old one, were Consuls; the later being but 27 years old.* 1.1471 In the Spring was Carinas the Lieutenant of Carbo overthrown by Metellus, and Marius himself by Sylla, and beaten into Prae∣neste, where being close besieged, and despairing of his own safety, he wrote to Brutus, then Praetor at Rome, that he should under some pretext call to∣gether the Senate, and kill those his Enemies: P. Antisthius, another Carbo, L. Domitius, and Mucius Scaevola the High-Priest, which was with cruelty enough performed. Metellus by his time having overthrown another Ar∣my of Carbo's, Pompey defeated Marcius another of that party, Sulla mar∣ched to Rome,* 1.1472 which he easily entred, many of the opposite faction being fled. Their goods he set to sale, and willing the people to be of good chear, for that he was necessitated thus to act, he left a sufficient Garrison, and departed to Clusium, where he and his Officers several times overthrew Carbo's Ar∣mies. Carbo sent to Praeneste to relieve Marius his Collegue eight Legions, which Pompey meeting in a straight place slew many of them, and most of those that escaped departed to their own homes. After this, Carbo and Nor∣banus in a fight with Metellus had 10000 of their men slain, and 6000 yield∣ed, whereupon many fell off to Sylla's party, as also all Gall within the Alps. Norbanus fled to Rhodes, where fearing to be given up he killed himself; Carbo into Africk, though he had 30000 men at Clusium and other forces, which were then broken in pieces by Pompey. Carinas, with other Commanders attempted to break through, by the help of the Samnites, and relieve Marius; but this being with no effect, they made then for Rome it self.

14. A bloody battel was fought at the Gates, where many thousands were slain on both sides. Yet Sulla had the better. Carinas and Marcius were taken, and their heads sent to Praeneste to be shewed to the Inhabitants, at which sight understanding how things had passed, they yielded up the Town to Lucullus, and Marius killed himself, whose head was set up in the plead∣ing place at Rome. All his faction in Praeneste were put to death, and all the Natives with the Samnites; the Romans onely with the Women and Children were spared, who lost all they had, the Town (the richest at that time of all others) being plundred. Norba a little after was taken, and burnt to the ground by a fire which the Inhabitants kindled over their own heads,* 1.1473 some one way, and some another destroying themselves. So came Ita∣ly into the power of Sylla, who in the improvement of his victory shewed what fury and revenge backed with power are able to do.

15. Having sent Pompey into Africk against Carbo,* 1.1474 and given him a charge thence to passe into Sicily against others of that party, he called the people together, and told them that he would put them into a better con∣dition if they would obey his commands, but he was resolved to prosecute his Enemies with all sorts of calamities. So he did in a larger measure than any before him. He put to death 8000 together in the Villa publica, a large house in the Campus Martius made for the reception of the Ambassa∣dors of Enemies; and liberty was given to his Soldiers to kill all they met, till Furfidius putting him in mind that he ought to leave some to reign over; he then first of any man published Tables of proscription,* 1.1475 wherein were proscribed first of all 80 Senators, and 1600 Equites, to which he after∣wards added more, promising two Talents to those that should discover them, and threatned such as by whom they were harboured or concealed. Of those outlawed persons some were slain in their houses, others kil∣led in the streets, and others prostrate at his feet; those that fled their goods were seized on. Marius a man of Consular dignity, and brother to

Sylla's great Enemy, had at the Sepulcher of Catulus his eyes first pul∣led out of his head, and then his hands and legs cut off at several times, that he might die by degrees. But not onely against private persons, but Cities also did he rage, whereof some, after the Inhabitants were sold, he caused to be demolished.* 1.1476 Many were turned out of their possessions which were given to his Creatures. Pompey drove Carbo into Sicily, and thence in∣to Corcira, where being taken and brought to him, after he had inveighed against him in an assembly, he caused his head to be cut off, and sent it to Sylla.

16. Both the Consuls being now destroyed, Sylla withdrew himself out of the Citie, and willed the Senate to create an Inter-rex, which they wil∣lingly did, hoping they should have a new election of Consuls, and named Valerius Flaccus. He then wrote to him to ask the people, that seeing the necessity of affairs required so great an Officer, a Dictator might be crea∣ted, and that not for any limited time, but till all evils should be redressed; and now he spared not to mention himself.* 1.1477 This the people was forced to yield to, as being in his power, and so this Office which for the space of 120 years (ever since the years after Hannibals quitting of Italy) had been inter∣mitted, was conferred on him without any limitation of time. A gilded Sta∣tue on hors-back was erected to his memory near the Rostra, with this in∣scription, To L. Cornelius Sylla the happy General: for he would be called Foelix, and sometime Aphroditus or beautifull. This hapned in the third year of the 174 Olympiad, the 672 year of the Citie, 80 before the birth of Christ.

17. That a shew of the Commonwealth might remain, he permitted Con∣suls to be made, which were M. Tullius Decula, and Cn. Cornelius Dola∣bella; yet did he plainly reign alone, having 24 Axes carried before, as the Kings in old time, with a great Guard continually at his heels, abroga∣ting old Laws, and enacting new at his pleasure. He regulated the Consulship,* 1.1478 ordering that none should be capable of it without passing first through other Offices.* 1.1479 He overthrew the Tribuneship, by making those that bore it incapable of any other trust. To the Senate he added 300 out of the Equites, to the people 10000 out of the slaves of the proscribed, making them free, and cal∣ling them after himself Cornelii; and to 23 Legions he assigned much Land in Italy to oblige them to him.* 1.1480 For the following year he gave way to have Consuls also, but joyned himself witst Q. Caecilius Metellus, which course the Emperours afterwards imitated. The year after, when the people to please him designed him Consul again, he waved it, and created Servilius Isauricus and Appius Claudius Pulcher; and then, to the astonishment of all men,* 1.1481 laid down his Dictatorship, and though he had done such and so many horrid things, yet offered to give an account of his acti∣ons.

18. None accused him except one young man, whose reviling language made him say, that this for the time to come would keep any one from lay∣ing down such Supream power; which Caesar indeed seemeth to have been awar of.* 1.1482 Not long after he went into the Countrey, where minding no∣thing but his pleasure, he not long after died at Puteoli of the Lowsie disease, his body being putrified, and all turned into Lice, as Plutarch writeth. And this was the end of L. Cornelius Sylla, a man born of the noble family of the Cornelii (which of late had been Eclypsed through the lazinesse of his Ance∣stors) being the sixth in descent from Cornelius Rufinus,* 1.1483 one of the most emi∣nent Captains in the War with Pyrrhus. As his life was pernitious to his Countrey; so his death also brought trouble to it, the two Consuls and their factions falling out about the honour which was to be given to him at his fu∣neral.* 1.1484 Catulus prevailed against Lepidus, and he was carried in great State through the Citie, and first of any of his family was burned, being fearfull, as Cicero thought, lest he himself should be dealt with as he had used Marius, whose bones he had caused to be digged up and thrown away. After the fu∣neral, the Consuls fell into a greater dissention. Lepidus would restore the

grounds given away by Sylla, and abolish his Laws. The Senate was fearfull of another War, and caused them both to swear that they would not decide the controversie by the sword; but Lepidus was resolved not to return out of his Province, till the new Creation vvas over, and vvhen he should be out of his Office begin a War, as then discharged from his Oath. Hereupon the Senate sent for him, and vvhen he came he vvould have brought his forces into the Citie, but being opposed by Catulus and Pompey, a fight insued, vvherein he had the worst, and then fled into Sardinia, vvhere he died the same year vvith Sylla.

19. The Civil dissentions died not with him; for,* 1.1485 though Pompey had sup∣pressed Carbo in Sicily, M. Brutus in Gall, Cn. Domitius and Hierba King of Numidia in Africk, who were preparing for War, (and for this trium∣phed, being neither Consul nor Praetor, and scarcely 26 years of age;) yet a more dangerous War was now depending, raised in Spain by Q. Sertorius. This man being one of Cinna's faction,* 1.1486 joyned with Carbo against Sylla, and having taken Suessa, thence passed into Spain, which fell to him by lot as Prae••or. Thence he drove out such as were for Sylla, and joyning the Celti∣berians to himself, stifly resisted Metellus who was sent against him, whereby obtaining a great name, he chose 300 of his friends, whom he called a Se∣nate, in opposition, and despite to that at Rome. And now being made stron∣ger by part of Lepidus his Army, which Perpenna had led thither, he designed no lesse than the invasion of Italy. The Senate afraid of this,* 1.1487 sent Pompey against him, a young man, but of great esteem, who passing the Alps in imi∣tation of Annibal, but another way, at first received some losse, & in the Spring following had no successe, (though Perpenna and Herculeus were several times beaten by Metellus) but was reduced into great straights, and wrote to Rome for a supply. Lucullus Consul for the following year procured it to be sent him, lest the War that was renewed with Mithridates should be com∣mitted to him if he came back into Italy, which he affirmed else he would. Being now supplied with men and money, he, and his assistants, fell upon the places subject to Sertorius; yet did they this year no great matters. But many of Sertorius his Army came over to them, being aggrieved that he made the Celtiberians his Guard, as distrusting themselves, and upon suspition of the alienation of their minds, being cruelly used by him.

20. The year following Pompey and Metellus being more bold, made excursions into several places, and with more successe; yet no considerable battel was there fought. Indeed it needed not. For, Sertorius now grown lazie, spent his time with women, and falling into an humour of cruelty had put many to death, whereby he wrought his destruction from his own party. Perpenna fearing it might fall to his lot to be made away amongst the rest,* 1.1488 resolved to prevent it, and so inviting him to a feast, murdred him after he had besotted him and his attendants with Wine.* 1.1489 This was the end of this great Captain, who for some ten years had stoutly resisted such as had been sent against him, being rather Superiour to them all, and admired by the Spaniards as another Hannibal. Perpenna with much ado was owned as his Successor, and not long after was overthrown, and taken in battel by Pom∣pey. He offered, if his life might be spared, to disclose certain things of con∣sequence in private unto Pompey; but he to his great commendation, com∣manded him to be killed, lest accusing any man he should bring the State into further trouble. So ended this War in the 681 year of the Citie. M. Terentius Varro that vast* 1.1490 Scholar (being the most learned of any, either Greeks or Romans) and Caius Cassius Varus being Consuls. Appius Clau∣dius in Thrace, and after him Scribonius Curio fought prosperously against the Scordisci and Dardanians at this time: so did Servillius against the Pirates of Cilicia expelling them the Seas,* 1.1491 and taking several of their Towns; as also Cosconius against the Dalmatians. But these were inconsiderable matters in comparison of that War which now was renewed with Mithridates.

21. Sylla, upon this daparture for Italy, had left Murena behind him in Asia, to settle such things as were not yet composed, with the two Legions

that belonged to Fimbria. Murena being ambitious of a Triumph, had catched at all occasions to renew the War,* 1.1492 and had one presented to him af∣ter this manner. Mithridates waging War with them of Colchos and Bos∣phorus, who had revolted from him;* 1.1493 the former desired and obtained his son for their King. This proved the destruction of the young man, for his father thinking it to have been procured by his seeking, put him to death, having sent for and bound him with iron chains, though he had done him especial ser∣vice against Fimbria. Against the Bosphorians he made then great preparati∣ons, insomuch that every one thought he designed another Warre against the Romans. Archelaus was now at this time out of favour, for that he was thought to have granted too much unto Sylla in the Treaty of Peace, and there∣fore fled to Murena, and stirred him up to invade Mithridates, who neither had restored the intire possession of Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes. Murena did so, sligh••ing the mention of Peace, which was objected to him. Mi∣thridates sent to Rome, to complain to Sylla, and expecting the return of his Ambassadors, stirred not, though the other passing over the River Halys fired 300 of his Villages. Afterwards came Callidius from Rome, who though he shewed no Decree of the Senate, yet said, it was the pleasure of the Fathers,* 1.1494 that all acts of hostility should be forborn, and afterwards he talk∣ed with Murena alone. Yet did not Murena forbear, so that the King judging that War indeed was intended, resolved to look to himself, and pas∣sing over the River overthrew Murena in battel, who fled into Phrygia. This Victory brought many over to the King's party, and hereupon he drove all Murena's Garrisons out of Cappadocia. Sylla now Dictator, was not well pleased he should be thus disturbed, and therefore sent A. Gabinius to com∣mand Murena in good earnest to forbear, and reconcile the King to Ario∣barzanes.* 1.1495 Mithridates gave him his son of four years of age for an Hostage, and received part of Cappadocia. So things were setled again, and the second War, as Appian saith, ended in the third year. But some seven years after another was begun.

22. Presently after the last conclusion, he sent to Rome to have the con∣ditions of the League recorded, but the thing was neglected. Ariobarzanes sent also to complain, that he kept the greater part of Cappadocia from him, whereupon Sylla commanded him to quit it, which accordingly he did. Af∣terward he sent again to desire that the League might be recorded; but Sylla being now dead, the matter was not as much as reported to the Senate. Hereupon he underhand procured Tigranes King of Armenia his son in Law to invade Cappadocia,* 1.1496 whence he led away 300000 persons, and there built a City, to be the Metropolis of the Kingdom, which from himself he named Tigranocerta, i. e. the City of Tigranes. L. Magius, and L. Fannius, who had fled to him from Fimbria's Army, perswaded him to send into Spain, and joyn in League with Sertorius, which he did, and had granted to him Bithy∣nia and Cappadocia, receiving from him as a Captain M. Varius (or Marius) one of his Officers. Being now without hope of pardon, he made all pre∣parations possible, and got together an Army out of divers Countries, consist∣ing of 140000 Foot, and 16000 Horse, wherewith the following Spring he invaded Bithynia, which Country, Nicomedes being dead without issue, had a little before given by testament to the People of Rome,* 1.1497 which thing inra∣ged him. Cotta the Governour, a man of little courage, fled to Chalcedon, and he got it all into his hands.

23. In the 680 year of the City,* 1.1498 L. Lioinius Lucullus and M. Aurelius Cotta being Consuls, the former of them was sent against Mithridates with one Legion out of the City, to which were joyned those two that belonged to Fimbria, and two more, so that in all he had an Army of 30000 Foot, and 1600 Horse. He found the King before Cyzicus a City of Propontis, and presently besieged the besieger.* 1.1499 Hee drove him to such straights by the help of L. Manius (who now again revolted) that though having a great desire to the place, he laboured much to take it, yet through extreme famin he was forced first to send away the Horse, and sick Footmen, into Bithynia,

whereof 15000 were intercepted, and then to flye himself with the rest that could escape the great slaughter made of them in their flight. During this double siege, Eumachus one of Mithridates his Captains made incursions into Phrygia, subdued the Pisidae, and Isauri, and endeavoured to do the same by Cilicia, till he was repelled by Detotarus one of the Tetrarchs of Gallo graecia. But Lucullus improved his successe on land by several Victo∣ries at sea, wherein he took divers of Mithridates his Commanders, and ha∣sted into Bithynia to overtake him.* 1.1500 He, flying with all speed for fear of this, suffered most grievous shipwrack, and had been cast away, but that he was received into a Pirate's Vessel, to which he was glad to commit himself in so great danger, and at length, after many difficulties, got into his own King∣dom, whither now Lucullus pursued him,* 1.1501 having in his way taken in Bi∣thynia and Paphlagonia. He made all possible preparations for resistance, sending for aid to Tigranes his son in Law, and to his own son reigning in Bosphorus; and hee sent Diocles with great gifts to the Scythians; but he ran away to Lucullus. In the space of a year hee got together 40000 Foot, and 4000 Horse, with which force he once or twice repelled the Romans, and struck some terror into them. But Lucullus sending out some Horse for provisions, he also sent a party to interrupt them, which fight∣ing in a disadvantagious place was worsted. Being now destitute of Horse, he thought of removing from Cabira, where he had wintred; and communi∣cated his intention to his friends. They not expecting the sign began to pack up, and send their baggage out of the Camp before day, which the Army taking notice of, thought much they should flye without any warning given, and in great fear and disorder breaking out of the trenches ran away. The King went about to hinder them, but none taking notice of him, he was born down in the crowd, and being got on horseback betook himself also to flight, and might have been taken, but that the Romans were too busie in plundering the Camp, though warned by their General to forbear.

* 1.150224. Mithridates first fled to Comana, and thence into Armenia to Tigra∣nes, who admitted him not to his presence, but caused him to be entertained like a King, though in fenny and unwholesome places. All Pontus, except a few places, yielded to Lucullus, to whom also Machares King of Bosphorus sent a crown of gold, and purchased the title of his friend and allie. Afer this Lucullus pursued Mithridates into Armenia, intending to fall on Tigranes King thereof, if he gave him occasion by defending his Enemy. Tigranes at this time was a very potent Prince, having conquered several Nations. He wrestred Asia from the Parthians, transported many thousands of Greeks out of Cilicia and Cappadocia, into a City built by him near Euphrates, and cal∣led Tigranocerta; be obtained Syria and Palestine, displacing the Kings thereof, as was acknowledged by Lucullus. This made him intollerably proud, so that when he rode, he would have four of those Kings he had sub∣dued to run beside him like Lackies, and stand before him with their hands folded in token of subjection, when he sate on his throne. Lucullus sent to him Appius Claudius his wive's brother, to demand Mithridates; but he was then busied in Phoenicia, in reducing some places, which the Messenger made an opportunity in his absence, secretly to withdraw from him many, whom his intollerable pride had rendred impatient. At his return he gave a negative answer, and therefore Lucullus with two Legions and scarcely 3000 Horse, passed over Euphrates, being not acknowleged a General, because he had not given him the title of King of Kings.

25. Tigranes had no good intelligence of his coming, for he hanged him that first brought the news, as a disturber of the Peace; but when he percei∣ved it was so indeed, he sent Mithrobarzanes with 2000 Horse to interrupt his passage, left Mancaeus to guard Tigranocerta, and went himself up and down levying forces. Whilst he was bringing 250000 Foot, and 50000 Horse, the former was beaten back, and the later could not defend the City. Mithridates advised him not to hazard all in a battel, but rather starve the Romans, as they had done him at Cyzicus, but he slighted the motion, and

jeered at the smallnesse of their number, saying, that if they were Ambassa∣dors they were very many,* 1.1503 and if Soldiers, very few. But Lucullus pitch∣ing upon an hill, sent his Horse to provoke and draw out the Enemy,* 1.1504 that he might break his ranks, and then setting upon the cariage beasts, caused them to drive the Foot amongst the Horse, whereby a great confusion was made, and great execution continued all the day. Tigranocerta was taken by the means of certain Greeks, who being out of jealousie disarmed by Mancaeus, took clubs, and setting upon him and his men, got the better, and received the Ro∣mans within the walls. After this, another great Army was raised, and com∣mitted to the conduct of Mithridates. They then endeavoured to incompasse Lucullus, but were crossed in their expectation, and both parties continued without any great matter performed, till want of victuals forced them to de∣part. Then went Tigranes further into his Kingdom, and Mithridates march∣ed away into his own, being pursued by Lucullus.

26. Mithridates overthrew Fabius, who had been left in Pontus by Lu∣cullus, and after him Triarius, who being sent with a new supply,* 1.1505 out of a desire of glory ventured to fight ere the General came. He lost in one in∣gagement 24 Tribunes, and 150 Centurions (which numbers were seldom heard of in an overthrow of the Roman Armies) and 7000 in all were slain near the Mountain Scotius, about three miles distant from Zela a City of Pontus. Lucullus having heard of the Kings intention to set upon Triarius, procured the Soldiers of Fimbria to march, who through the procurement of P. Clodius mutined against him, as formerly against Flaccus by the means of Fimbria. But Mithridates taking away all the necessaries he could carry, and destroying the rest, departed into Armenia the lesse. Lucullus would gladly have followed him,* 1.1506 and might have put an end to the War,* 1.1507 but that now by the procurement of A. Gabinius the Tribune, Manius Acilius Glabrio that years Consul, was appointed his successor, and an order made for dis∣banding of Fimbria's Soldiers. This being known, Lucullus was slighted by his Army so much, that hardly could his men be drawn to stay,* 1.1508 though they marched no further against Mithridates; so that the King began to recruit himself, and Tigranes wasted Cappadocia. Shortly after, Glabrio arrived in his Province, and sent about to give notice, that the Senate was displeased with Lucullus for prolonging the War, disbanded his Army, and would con∣fiscate the estates of such as should disobey it's order. Hereupon all the Ar∣my forsook him, except some few poor men, who had no cause to regard the threatnings; and Lucullus being outed of his command, Mithridates re∣covered almost his whole Kingdom, and did much hurt to Cappadocia; Gla∣brio not as much as coming to the Army; but loitering in Bithynia. This hap∣ned in the eighth year after Lucullus had undertaken the War; the 687 of the City, C. Calpurnius Piso and the said M. Acilius Glabrio being Consuls. The year following the War was committed to Cneius Pompey (afterward sirnamed the Great) by the means of C. Manilius the Tribune,* 1.1509* 1.1510 who having offended the Senate by a Law, which gave the same right of suffrages to Li∣berti or Freemen (once slaves) as to their Patrons, or such as manumitted them, procured this Law also to passe to curry favour with him, who now had a very great name and power, having scarcely finished the Piratick Warre, which for his famous and speedy Expedition, must be described, after we have first spoken something of the War with Spartacus, that was managed whilst Lucullus was busie in Pontus.

* 1.151127. Spartacus a Thracian born, was a Fencer in the house of Lentulus at Capua, where perswading about 70 of his condition,* 1.1512 rather to fight for their own liberty than the pleasure of spectators, they broke the house and fled to Vesuvius the hill in Campania, where receiving to them all fugitives, they fell down upon the parts adjacent, and robbed them. By making equal di∣vision of the booty, he got together a great power of men, over whom he set as Captains two Fencers that were Galls by birth, called Oenomaus and Crixus. Clodius the Praetor, who was sent against them from the City, they routed and put to flight, as also P. Varinus, whose Lictors and Horse they

took. Spartacus now having got together 70000 men, and making great preparations, began to be formidable to the Romans, who therefore sent a∣gainst him L. Gellius Poplicola, and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus the Consuls with two Legions. Crixus was at the Hill Garganus defeated and slain. Spar∣tacus making for Gall, was beset before and behind by the Consuls; but one after the other he overthrew, and putting them both to flight, killed 300 pri∣soners to appease the Ghost of Crixus. Marching then towards the Alps he was opposed by Cassius the Praetor, whom he also overthrew, and who hard∣ly escaped from the ingagement.

28. Spartacus puffed up by such successe, now consulted of no lesse than setting upon Rome it self. At the Comitia for Praetors, when the Canditate appeared, M. Licinius Crassus, a person of great Nobility, and exceeding rich, undertook the Office, and was sent against Spartacus with six Legions. He ordered Mummins his Lieutenant with two Legions to attend the Ene∣mies motions, but not to fight, which doing, he was worsted, and many be∣ing taken, many also cast away their Arms and fled. Crassus to terrifie others, used great severity against such as forsook their Colours, decimating 500 who had first begun to fly; which antient kind of Discipline being of a long time difused, he hereby revived. Spartacus having by this time passed to the Sea, thought of going over into Sicily; but failing of his design upon some Ci∣cilian Rovers, he sate down in the Peninsula of Rhegium, where Crassus as it were besieged him, having drawn a line through the Isthmus from Sea to Sea, to cut off all Provisions. Spartacus in a tempestuous night made a shift to fill up the Ditch, and get over the third part of his Army, then ingaging with Crassus lost 12000 men. After this defeat he went toward the Petiline Mountains, and the Lieutenant and Quaestor of Crassus pursuing him, he faced about, and put them to flight, whereby his men being incouraged, refused not to give the Romans battel. Crassus now desired also to fight, because Pom∣pey, who was lately returned out of Spain was reported as coming to end this War.* 1.1513 Pitching then one against another, Spartacus engaged with all his for∣ces, and made at Crassus through the midst of Weapons and Wounds, whom yet he missed, but killed two of his Centurions. At length such as stood near him running away, whilest he stood his ground manfully he was slain, and the rest were disordered and put to flight. Some that escaped from the battel, and made head again, Pompey suppressed, three years before he undertook the War against the Pirates.

29. The Pirates who had been a little repressed by Servilius Isauricus (as we said before) were now grown so numerous and powerfull, that there was no passing of the Seas,* 1.1514 nor any dwelling upon the Coasts; for they not onely took and robbed ships on the Sea,* 1.1515 but also whole Provinces on the Land; the chief place of their Rendezvous being Cilicia the Rough. Mi∣thridates first set them on work, which finding profitable they ceased not when he left off, but continued their Robberies;* 1.1516 many thousands of seve∣ral Nations, as Syrians, Cypriots, Pamphylians, the Natives of Pontus, and almost all others of that part of the World joying together. For, seeing that the War continued, they thought it more wisdom to damnifie others, than lose their own Estates. Because they made choice of Cilicia, as most com∣modious in the Mountainy and Craggy places thereof to secure themselves, they all went under the name of Cilices. They had defeated several Roman Praetors. Murena did little good against them, and Servilius but a little repressed their violence; for so impudent were they now grown, that besides their incursions into Sicily and other places, which made the Inhabitants of the Coasts forsake their habitations, they landed in Italy near Brundus••um, whence they took away several women of quality; and more than that, two Armies with their Ensigns.

30. The People of Rome being very sensible of these disgracefull losses, a Law was preferred by A. Gabinius the Tribune,* 1.1517 ('tis uncertain whether at the motion of Pompey, or from his own desire to ingratiate himself with him; for being none of the best men, he little valued the good of the Com∣monwealth)

that some one from amongst those of Consular Dignity should be Created General with full power for three years against the Pirates, to whom also should be granted large forces, and many Lieutenants for carry∣ing on the War. This Law little pleased the Fathers, who now began to be jealous of Pompey's power; but to him was the businesse committed, ha∣ving equal authority with Proconsuls any where within fifty miles distance from the Sea, and full power over all persons within that compasse, whether Kings or others,* 1.1518 that they might assist him in the work. The Senate per∣mitted him to chuse out of their body fifteen Lieutenants, to whom he might commit several Provinces; to take up as much money out of the Treasury and from the Publicans as he pleased; to raise what force he would, and take 200 ships. But he obtained greater things of the people, and doubled his preparations, getting 500 ships, 120000 foot, and some 5000 horse. He had also out of the Senate about 25 Vicegerents, two Quaestors, and took up 6000 Attick Talents; so difficult a thing it seem'd to destroy so many Fleets as the Pirates had, in such a Sea, where there was so many places of retreat and refuge.

31. He distributed to his Lieutenants the Mediterranean Sea, including all the Bays, Havens, Promontories, Straights, Peninsulaes, and windings whatsoever, furnishing them with convenient shipping, forces, and authority;* 1.1519 so that the Pirates being rouzed out of their lurking holes by some,* 1.1520 might be received by the next, and chased by others, and none might need to sayl too far. He himself like a King of so many Kings sayled up and down,* 1.1521 and visiting, giving directions, and overseeing, took care that not one Pirate escaped. By this course prosecuted with singular industry, in 40 dayes he scoured all the Seas about Africk, Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily; and the Pirates that escaped flocked into Cilicia, as the common receptacle. He coming to Rome about some necessary occasions, quickly after followed them with 60 Gallies; but though they prepared to give him battel at Sea, yet when they saw his Fleet at hand, submitted to mercy. Then in the space of 40 dayes he reduced Cilicia unto Roman obedience; for though he had pro∣vided Engines of all sorts to batter their Walls, it needed not, the greatnesse of his name, and preparation for the War had so terrified them, that one after another they all yielded themselves with the furniture for their trade. Such as remained of them being above 20000 he was unwilling to kill,* 1.1522 and to let them return to their old habitations was not safe: therefore he removed them into another place at a good distance from the Sea, where he gave them houses and Land;* 1.1523 and furnished their seats with new Inhabitants. Thus ha∣ving taken well nigh 400 ships, killed 10000 men, and taken 120 Forts, he finished this War in three moneths, using the Conquered with more cle∣mency than did Q. Metellus in Crete, which being the other nest of these Pirates, and glorying that it never underwent the yoak of any, he sub∣dued, and obtained with a Triumph the sirname of Creticus. Having suc∣ceeded Antonius (who died in the action, and had as large authority there as Pompey) he used the Pirates very roughly, and so much the more, be∣cause hearing of Pompey's mercy, they had by a Message given up themselves into his hands.

* 1.152432. Whilest he was putting an end to this Piratick War, did Manilius prefer a Law as we said before,* 1.1525 that all the Armies the Romans had any where, with the Government of all Asia, and the War against Mithridates and Tigranes, might be committed to him. The Nobility conceived great in∣dignation against this Law, as which did manifest injury to Lucullus, Glabrio, and Marcius; but especially out of an high jealousie of Pompey's greatnesse, to whom now even all the Roman Empire was subject, having these Provin∣ces laid to his former, with the same power of Peace and War, and making what friends and enemies he pleased, and chiefly for that he had Jurisdi∣ction over all Armies whatsoever, which things had never before been con∣ferred upon any single person. But the Commons with great alacrity im∣braced the Law; Cicero the Praetor pressing it exceedingly, who having formerly set himself to defend the Nobility, now had betaken himself

to the vulgar sort. And C. Julius Caesar (who of late had been Quae∣stor) is said to have favoured it, that he might have the people more in∣clined afterwards to commit extraordinary commands to himself.

33. It being now the 688 year of the Citie,* 1.1526 the 64^th before the birth of Christ, the fourth of Aristobulus King of Judaea, M. Aemilius Lepidus, and L. Volcatius Tullus being Consuls, Pompey undertook the expedition. He first sent to Mithridates, offering him good terms; but he sleighted them,* 1.1527 because he hoped to have Phraates the Parthian on his side; yet when he heard that he had first made a League with him, on the same conditions as were offered to Sylla and Lucullus,* 1.1528 he himself then sent and asked peace. Pom∣pey commanded him to lay down Arms, and deliver up all Fugitives; vvho fearing they should be given up, and the other Soldiers mutining for being about to be deprived of their help, a great trouble insued, which he evaded, by saying that he onely sent to make an espial, and by swearing, that he never would be reconciled to the Romans, because of their insatiable avarice. Then marched Pompey into Galatia, where meeting with Lucullus, much ado there was betwixt them.* 1.1529 Lucullus said the War was finished, and that the Com∣missioners sent from Rome were to decide the businesse, and when Pompey would not hear of this, he reviled him with an immoderate thirst after power; Pompey again objecting covetousnesse to him, so that the accusations could on neither side be denied. Lucullus gave out commands as yet in power, but Pompey by his Edicts forbade them, nulled all his Acts, and at length drew away most of his men. But at his return he was received with great honour by the Senate, carrying with him amongst his booty gotten in Pon∣tus, many* 1.1530 books, wherewith he furnished his Library, which ever stood open to Greeks especially. He also first brought* 1.1531 the Cherry-Tree out of of Pontus (from a Citie of which Region it was called Cerasus) into Italy.

34. Mithridates had now got together a considerable Army; but coming to ingage with Pompey was inferiour to him in all skirmishes.* 1.1532 Pompey con∣sidering how the King had wasted all the Countrey on purpose to straighten him for Provisions, went into Armenia the lesse, subject to Mithridates, who fearing he might get that Countrey into his hands, followed him thi∣ther. First here Mithridates had hopes to starve him; but was disappoint∣ed with considerable losse, and was himself encompassed with a Trench 150 furlongs about. Hearing that Marcius was joyned to Pompey, who had Provisions at will, he fled away, having first killed all such as were sick, and uselesse,* 1.1533 about him. But Pompey pursued, and prevented him from passing over Euphrates; then forced him to fight in the night, being surprized, and at unawares. The Moon being low, and on the backs of the Romans, so lengthened their shadows, that his Soldiers thinking them nearer than they were, shot most of their Arrows without doing any execution. He lost ma∣ny thousands; but he himself brake out with 800 horse, whereof but 300 stayed with him. Then wandring through the Woods with his horse in his hand, he light of some Mercenaries, and about 3000 foot, by which he was conveyed into a Castel where he had laid up much Treasure. Hence he sent to Tigranes, who refused to receive him, laying to his charge, that by his means Tigranes his son (by the daughter of Mithridates) had rebelled against him,* 1.1534 and offering 100 Talents for his head. He fled therefore to Cholcos, which formerly he had subdued.

35. Pompey followed him to Cholcos, thinking he vvould not have stirred thence;* 1.1535 but he passed into Scythia, vvhere partly by force, and partly by perswasion, he made the Princes thereof of his party, bestowing his daughters in marriage upon them. For he had now vast designs in his head, though outed of his Kingdom, even no lesse than of passing through Thrace, Macedonia, and Pannonia, and so over the Alps into Italy. Pompey departing from Chol∣cos, and escaping the ambushes laid for him by the Albanians and Iberians, marched into Armenia against Tigranes, vvho vvas resolved novv not to fight, for that having had three sons by Mithridates his daughter, tvvo of them up∣on provocation he had already killed, and he that remained rebelling also, vvas

now after an overthrow received from his Father, fled to Pompey. This son prevailed that his Ambassadors were not heard,* 1.1536 who c••me to ask Peace. But Pompey marching against the City Artaxa, Tigranes yielded it up to him,* 1.1537 and afterwards, without sending any beforehand, came into his Camp, and gi∣ving up himself with all he had into his hands, made him umpire betwixt him and his son, who would not so much as rise up to him, or give him any respect, though Pompey used him very civily. Pompey left him his inheritance of Ar∣menia, with a great part also of Mesopotamia (allowing the son to reign in Gordena and Sophena, and expect the rest after his father's death) but depri∣ved him of all the Provinces he had subdued, and fined him 6000 Talents of Silver for the charge he had put the People of Rome to in the War.* 1.1538 So, he not onely quitted part of Cappadocia and Cilicia, but also all Syria and Phoenicia from Euphrates to the Sea, which he had got into his hands,* 1.1539 with part of Cilicia, after he had ejected Antiochus Pius, as is said before in the reign of this unfortunate King. Tigranes the son was very refractory, un∣willing his father should have the treasure adjudged to him by Pompey, that he might be able to pay his fine. Being minded to make away his father, and for that cast into prison; where therein also he sollicited the Parthians against the Romans,* 1.1540 he was reserved for a Triumph, and after that killed in prison. The old King payed more than his fine, and gave something to every Officer and Soldier, after which he was accounted a Friend and Allie of the People of Rome.

36. Pompey restored Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, gave him also Sophene and Gordene, with Cabala a City of Cilicia, and others.* 1.1541 After this with some adoe he forced the Albanians and Iberians to beg Peace, and then pas∣sing over the mountain Taurus, made War upon Antiochus Comaginus, and also Darius the Median, either for that he had helped Antiochus,* 1.1542 or made War against Tigranes, or Aretas King of the Nabathaean Arabs. Then Phraates the Parthian affrighted at his great atchievements begged Peace, which he granted not, but sent Afranius into Gordiene, to drive out his forces, and restore it to Tigranes, who about it had warred with the Persian. Phra∣ates hereupon invaded Armenia, and Tigranes sent to Pompey for aid; who being unwilling to begin a War with Phraates without an order from Rome, sent three Commissioners to agree them. Antiochus son of Antiochus Pius, to whom Lucullus granted Syria his inheritance, thought first of betaking himself to the Parthian; yet upon second thoughts, resolved to cast himself upon the good nature of Pompey. But he having obtained it without a stroak, put him beside it, commanding him to content himself with Comagena, though he had never ill deserved of the People of Rome: for knowing he was not able to right himself, he excused the matter, saying, it was not fit that Syria, whence Tigranes had banished the posterity of Seleucus, should now rather fall to it being conquered,* 1.1543 than to the Romans,* 1.1544 who were Conque∣rours. He refused flatly to give Antiochus what before he could not keep (for he had layn in a corner of Cilicia fourteen years, all the time that Tigra∣nes enjoyed it) lest he should again render it lyable to the incursions of the Jews and Arabians. Therefore having overcome the Ituraeans and Arabians, he reduced Syria into the form of a Province.

37. Mithridates, in the mean time had sent to Pompey to ask Peace, of∣fering to pay tribute; but being willed to come to him, he flatly refused, and made great preparations to renew the War.* 1.1545 After this Castor his Gover∣nour of Phanagoria a Port Town of Pontus revolted, and calling the People to their liberty, took the Castle held by Mithridates his sons, whereof four he sent to Roman Garrisons. Hereupon several places fell off, which made him put many persons to death, amongst whom were divers of his own friends, and one of his sons. Seing also that many revolted, and his new Army had no heart to the service, he sent to the Princes of Scythia to hasten their sup∣plies, sending his daughters to them with a convoy of 500 Horse; but these men killing the Eunuchs who had molested them about the King, caried away the women unto Pompey. Yet such a courage still he had, as to think of pas∣sing

through Scythia and ••stria, and joyning with the Galls of Europe to in∣vade Italy, hoping there to find many enemies of the Romans; though Pom∣pey coming out of S••ria had through ambition done what he condemned in Lucullus,* 1.1546 having reduced his Kingdom into the form of a Province, whilst he was yet alive, and provided for new opposition. But his Army was startled at the news of his intentions, hating the tediousnesse of the journy, and having small hope to conquer those in Italy, whom at their own doors they could not withstand. Yet such was his authority, as for a while they were quiet, till his own son whom he had most loved, and destined his successor, became the pro∣curor of their defection and his death.

38. This was Pharnaces, who either out of apprehension that this attempt upon Italy would cut off all pardon from his family, or upon other grounds, conspired against him. The plot was discovered, and though his Complices were tortured and put to death, yet was he pardoned,* 1.1547 and betook himself to the fugitive Romans, shewing them their danger in case Italy were invaded, and then to the Army,* 1.1548 which with small trouble he drew to his party. Mi∣thridates coming to speak to them, his own guard forsook him, his horse as he fled was killed under him, and Pharnaces saluted King, having a piece of parchment put about his head in form of a diadem. Mithridates seeing this from a high room, sent divers to ask leave to depart, who not returning, he himself often desired it of his son, but in vain, who bidding him dye, he cried out, and prayed, that he might hear one day the same words from his own children. Then came he down to his wives, daughters, and concubines, to whom when he had given poyson, fearing he should be delivered up to the Romans, he took some himself; but having used much his body to antidotes (such as yet are named from him) it would not work, though he walked much for that purpose, whereupon he wounded himself, but this not dispatch∣ing him soon enough,* 1.1549 he called one Bitaetus (or Bithocus) a Gall, who, the wall being broken, had got in, by whose hand partly, and partly by his own, he dispatched himself. A man, as one saith, neither, without good heed,* 1.1550 to be omitted nor spoken of; in War most eager and fierce, and alwaies of no∣table valour. Sometimes in fortune, all times in courage of highest rank; in direction a good Captain, in execution a good Soldier, in hatred to the Romans another Hannibal; finally, the greatest King after Alexander in the judgment of Cicero. This end came he to, after the War had first commen∣ced just 20 years; for it began when Cn. Pompeius Strabo, and L. Porcius Cato, and ended now when M. Tullus Cicero the Orator, and C. Antonius Nepos were Consuls, in the 691 year of the City, the second of the 179 Olympiad, and the first of the reign of Hyrcanus, 61 years before the birth of Christ. A. M. 3942.

39. Pompey, when the first tidings of his death came to him, was near Jericho, marching towards Jerusalem against Aristobulus King of Judaea, who had displeased his elder brother Hyrcanus and usurped the Kingdom. Hyrcanus complained of his brother to Pompey at Damascus,* 1.1551 who came thither to answer for himself. Pompey used them both kindly, telling them, that as soon as he had dispatched some affairs he would come into their Coun∣try,* 1.1552 which after he had setled Syria, subdued the Arabians with the Iturae∣ans, and reduced Pontus into a Province, (all in a short time) he now per∣formed, being much incensed by Hyrcanus against the other. He sent to Aristobulus to come to him, and deliver up all his holds, which he did with much regret, and afterwards withdrew himself to Hierusalem, to prepare for War. Pompey suspecting some such matter, delayed not to follow him, who then came out to meet him; but though the City was entred without op∣position, his Soldiers fortified the Temple and stood out, which made him be delivered into custody. The Temple being very strong by it's situation, was after much labour taken in the third moneth, Faustus the son of Sylla having first mounted the walls. Twelve thousand Jews were slain, of the Romans very few. Pompey entred the Holy of Holies, but medled with nothing, restored Hyrcanus to the Priesthood and Government (yet with command

not to wear a diadem) and took Aristobulus along with him, making Judaea tributary to Rome, as is more largely related in it's proper place. After this, leaving Syria with two Legions to Scaur•••• his Quaestor, he fully subdued Cilicia, and thence returning into Pontus, setled things there, bestowing the Kingdom of Bosphor•••• upon Phar••••ces. At his return he wintred at Ephe∣sus, whence having subdued many Princes, and joyned others as Allies to the State of Rome, having taken 1000 Castles, 900 Cities, and restored 39; having planted Colonies in eight Cities and Countries, and ordered the po∣licy of such as through the continent of Asia belonged to the Romans; and having magnificently rewarded his Soldiers, he returned into Italy,* 1.1553 and at Rome triumphed two dayes together very gloriously, leading amongst other captives Aristobulus King of Judaea, after he had spent five years in his Ea∣stern Expedition.

40. The same year wherein Mithridates died, and the Temple of Jeru∣salem was taken, hapned a most dangerous conspiracy at Rome,* 1.1554 by the means of L. Sergius Catalina,* 1.1555 a Patrician by degree, but one of a debaucht and in∣famous life. Some years before he had been accused of incest with Fabia a Vestal Nan; but by the means of Cacul••s was acquitted; suspected also to have murdered his son for the love of Aurelia, who would not marry one that had children. Having contracted by this loosenesse of life a vast debt, he grew desperate, and sought for power and command, that he might if pos∣sible obtain the soveraignty over all; but being also suspected hereof, he twice received a repulse in standing for the Consulship. The later time it was caried from him by Cicero, whom he would have killed in the Comitia, and railed at as a foreiner and upstart, because he was born but of an Equestrian family at Arpinum a Town in Pug••ia, a Province (now) of the Kingdom of Naples. Hereby driven into extream disdain and rage, he fell into that course wherein formerly he had been ingaged with Piso for the destruction of his Country, to whom also L. Aurelius Cotta and L. M••••lius Torquatus (being denied the Consulship which they had sought by indirect means two years before) joyned themselves, and anew plotted the destruction of the Consuls and Senate,* 1.1556 the burning of the City, and overthrowing of the Commonwealth, with Lentu∣lus, C. Cethegus, and others. This Lentalus had been Consul seven years be∣fore, and now was Praetor (as also Cethegas) being driven on by a vain con∣fidence he had in the Books of Sibylla, which he would often say did portend that the soveraign power, should be in the hands of three Cornelii, viz. Sylla, Cinna, and himself.

* 1.155741. The plot was discovered through Falvia a Courtisan, to whom Q. Curius one of the Conspirators (a man that for his debaucheries had by the Censors been removed out of the Senate) blabbed it out, while he boasted to her, that shortly he should be a very considerable man. She gave intelli∣gence to Cicero, who out of them two got the whole matter, how, and where they had met, and what designs they had in hand; particularly for his own destruction to be brought about by L. Vasgunteius a Senator, and C. Cornelius of Equestrian rank, under pretence of a kind visit. He appointed guards to the several parts of the City, and on the eighth of November (as the year then went) called the Senate together, whither came Cataline amongst the rest; but none of the Senators would come near him, so as that part of the bench whereon he sate, was wholly void. Cicero, whether feaing him, or angry to see him there,* 1.1558 made his first Oration against him, wherein he com∣manded him to depart the City. He went away late in the night with 300 armed men, and Lictors carying Axes and Rods before him as a Magi∣strate, into Etruria, gathering Soldiers all along, intending to return and make prey of the City, which upon his departure he had given order to burn, as also to kill Cicero, which Lentulus and Cethegus took upon them to do, as soon as he should come to Faesulae. In the mean time the Ambassadors of the Allobroges, who were come to Town to accuse their Magistrates, were also drawn in, to stir up the Galls against the Commonwealth; but declar∣ing it to Fabius Sanga their Patron (it was the custome for each Nation

or State to have one in the Citie) it came to Tullie's ear, and so was pre∣vented.

42. The day after Cataline's departure, the Consul made his second Ora∣tion, wherein he Congratulates the People, and Commonwealth, concern∣ing his absence.* 1.1559 The Senate judged Cataline an Enemy, and Manlius, with whom in Etruria he had joyned; they deprived Lentulus of his Office, by whom the Ambassadors had been drawn in, who confessed they had often heard from him what he idlely conjectured out of Sibylla's books. Cicero's third Oration declareth what was done in the Senate.* 1.1560 The times being very dangerous, he propounded to the Fathers to consider what course was to be taken with Lentulus, Cethegus, Stalius, and Cassius, all whom he having secured, this bred a great disturbance; for the Slaves and Depen∣dents of the two former got together a great company of Artificers, and in∣deavoured to break in upon the back-side of the Praetor's house, and rescue their Lords. This being known, the Consul hasted out of the Senate-house, and appointed a vvatch to be set, then returning, asked the opinions of the Senators. Silanus designed Consul for the ensuing year, being first asked his opinion, according to the custom, was for putting them to death, and so were divers others, till Nero disswaded it, judging it better to secure them till Cataline were suppressed, and the thing better sifted out. Of this opi∣nion was C. Julius Caesar, something suspected to be privy to the design. He would have them dispersed in several Towns in Italy by the Consul's ap∣pointment, afterwards to be tried, and not put to death altogether unheard. This seemed very plausible, till Cato (great Grand-son to M. Porcius Cato the Censor) very earnestly pressed the contrary, falling foul upon Caesar as a suspicious person.* 1.1561 Then the Consul made his fourth Oration, wherein he so disputeth of the two contrary opinions, as he evidently inclineth to seve∣rity, as fearing what the guilty party might do the night following out of ne∣cessity and desperation.* 1.1562 Hereby the Senate was induced to put them to death as surprized in the fact, which Cicero saw done accordingly ere the house arose. After this Cataline was overtaken by C. Antonius, the other Consul, near the Alps, as he was going into Gall to perfect his Levies, and there fighting most valiantly was slain.* 1.1563 His men also fought it out to the last, scarce∣ly one of them being taken. So was quasht this most dangerous conspi∣racy, by the vigilancy especially of Cicero the Consul, who wrote an Hi∣story thereof which is lost. Publick thanks for his great care and pains were given to him, and, at the instance of Cato, with divers accla∣mations of the People, he was first of all others stiled Father of his Coun∣trey.

* 1.156443. Now began C. Julius Caesar to be very eminent, two years after these stirs being sent as Praetor into the further Spain.* 1.1565 He was born in the 654 year of the Citie, C. Marius the sixth time, and L. Valerius Flaccus be∣ing Consuls, the same that the Sedition about Saturninus hapned, on the 12^th day of the moneth Quinctilis, afterward from him named July by An∣tonius his Law.* 1.1566 His father was C. Julius Caesar, who never arose higher than the Praetorship, and died suddenly at Pisae, as his shooes were drawing on in the morning: his mother was Aurelia, the daughter of C. Cotta; and Julia the wife of Marius was his Aunt. In his youth having married Cinna's daughter (by which he had Julia) refusing to put her away, he was in great danger, being with much ado spared by Sylla, who as it were foretelling what trouble he would bring to the State, said, that in Caesar were many Marii. The foundation of his Military skill he laid in Asia,* 1.1567 under M. Thermus the Praetor, by whom being sent into Bithynia to fetch away the Navy, he stayed with Nicomedes the King, to whom it was suspected that he prostituted himself. Afterwards in the taking of Mitylene he had deserved well, and served under Servilius Isauricus in Cilicia; but not long. For, hearing of Sylla's death, and hoping to make his fortune out of the dissentions raised by Lepidus, home he came; but not finding a convenient oppportunity, and ha∣ving to no purpose accused Dolobella, to shun the Envy thereby contra∣cted,

he went to Rhodes to hear Apollonius, whence sayling in Winter, he fell into the hands of the Pirates, and was forced to purchase his freedom with fifty Talents; to revenge which, he procured some ships, & took some of them, whom he nailed to Crosses, though without leave from the Praetor, who would have sold them. After this he gave a stop to Mithridates his Lieute∣nant, and saved divers Cities in Asia. He assisted Pompey the Consul, and others,* 1.1568 in restoring the Tribuneship which Sylla had broken. Shortly after he was made Quaestor, and sent into further Spain, where going about to administer Justice, he came to Gades, and saw Alexanders image in the Temple of Hercules. It troubled him exceedingly, to consider that he himself had done no memorable thing at that age wherein Alexander had Conque∣red the World, and thereupon he earnestly desired to be recalled, that being in the Citie, he might catch at some opportunity for his own ad∣vancement.

* 1.156944. Having got leave to return ere his time was out, he joyned pre∣sently with the Latine Colonies in demanding the freedom of the Citie, and had incited them to some desperate design, but that the Senate for fear of the worst, retained the Legions some time, which were raised for Cilicia. He was suspected to have been of the party of M. Crassus, of P. Sulla also, and Autronius (who having been designed Consuls, were found to have in∣directly sought for the Office, and so according to Law forfeited their places to the discoverers) in the beginning of the year to set upon the Senate, and kill whom they pleased. Crassus being made Dictator, he was to have been Master of the hors-men under him, and all things being ordered according to their pleasure, the Consulship was to have been restored to the other two. ••ome have affirmed (whom Suetonius citeth) that he also conspired with Cn. Piso, that the one in the Citie, and the other abroad, should rise, which was prevented by Piso's death.* 1.1570 Being after this Aedilis, he so ma∣naged the businesse of publick buildings, and shews, that all was ascribed to him, and nothing to his Collegue; by which means, and others, he procured the favour of the People, and essayed by the Tribunes to get Egypt assigned to him, which, now having expelled the King, he thought would affoard him an opportunity of an extraordinary command. But he was crossed by the great ones, whom that he might vex, he restored the Trophies erected by Marius over the Cimbri, which Sulla had caused to be pulled down, and suborned those who accused Rabirius. By his means especially the Senate had suppressed Saturninus the seditious Tribune, and now being brought before Caesar as his Judge, he was so severe against him, that nothing so much helped the man in his appeal from him to the People.

45. After his repulse as to Egypt he stood for the High-Priesthood, and by large sums (such corruption were those times arrived at) bought so many voices as he carried it from two most powerfull men and his Seniors,* 1.1571 having more suffrages out of their two Tribes, than they had out of all the rest be∣sides. Then being Praetor, he stood for the complices of Cataline so earnestly, as he drew to his party the brother of Cicero the Consul, and diverse others. After this he assisted Caecilius Metellus the Tribune in preferring turbulent Laws, till both of them by a decree of the Senate were displaced, and yet then would he sit, and execute his Office still, till forced to withdraw: then, out of policy he restrained the multitude which flocked to him,* 1.1572 and offered to restore him by strong hand, of which the Senate taking notice, gave him thanks with great commendations, and re-invested him in his Office. After this, he fell into another danger, being accused by Vettius and Curius, as a partner of Cataline; yet, appealing to Cicero that he had discovered some things to him, he came off, and revenged himself upon his accusers. Then ob∣tained he by lot, as we said, the Government of Spain, and having contracted a vast debt,* 1.1573 put off his Creditors for that time, by the interposition of sureties. Coming into his Province he spent not his time in administring Justice,* 1.1574 but pierced farther into the Countrey, and subdued certain people before this untouched, seeking matter for a Triumph, which then to obtain he hasted to

Rome. But it being now the time for the Consular Comitia, he had an ex∣traordinary desire to that Office, and begged of the Senate, that he might stand for it by proxy, for that he could not himself be present, it being against the custom for any that was to Triumph to enter the Citie ere that day came; for which as yet he was not provided. This, though against the Laws, was not without president, but could not now be granted. Therefore he resolved ra∣ther to lose his Triumph than misse of the Consulship, and coming to Town, stood for it himself.

46. Great contests hapned about this Office, and he had not carried it, but that Pompey at this time stood in need of it.* 1.1575 For,* 1.1576 the great ones envying his fame, refused to confirm those conditions which he had granted to the Kings, Governours, and Cities of Asia. Lucullus his Predecessor in the War with Mithridates, who since his return had given up himself wholy to idlenesse and luxury (for he first brought into Rome the extravagancy of buildings and feasting) they stirred up, by his authority to promote their opposition, and he presently fell upon him, together with Metellus Creticus, who bore him malice also ever since the Piratick War. Lucullus bade him report his matters singly, and not as a Soveraign Lord expect they should all be confir∣med without any consideration: and whereas he had rescinded several of his acts, he desired of the Senate that this might be considered of, whether justly done or otherwise. Cato, Metellus Celer, the Consul, and Crassus, defended Lucullus, who boasted that the victory over Mithridates was his own; and he obtained that his decrees which Pompey had repealed might be in force, and those that Pompey made in reference to the Conquered Kings should be null: and he hindred, by the help of Cato, a Law which he would have pre∣ferred about dividing grounds to his Soldiers. Pompey being thus used in the Senate, betook himself to the Tribunes, one whereof (L. Flavius) that the Law for the grounds might more easily passe, would have given the suffrage to all Citizens, but Metellus the Consul so earnestly opposed it, that though the Tribune cast him in prison, yet would he not depart from his former sence, which pertinaciousnesse of him and others, when Pompey saw, he desisted, repenting too late that he had disbanded his Armies, and exposed himself thus to the malice of his Enemies.

47. At this time came C. Julius Caesar to Rome to stand for the Con∣sulship. Pompey joyned with him, upon condition that he procuring the Con∣sulship for him, he would confirm his acts. And whereas Pompey and M. Crassus had formerly been at odds ever since their joynt Consulship which they executed with great discord;* 1.1577 Caesar now made them friends,* 1.1578 and not onely so, but they all three conspired together, that nothing should be done in the Commonwealth which displeased any one of them; which con∣spiracy, say Writers, was pernicious to the Citie, the World, and at length to themselves. This conspiracy of these three principal persons, Varro (who wrote 490 books) described in one book, & called it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Tricipitina, or Three headed. Diodorus Siculus fetcheth the Original of Caesarean matters from this year, wherein he travelled into Egypt, when young Ptolomy Dionysus was King. With this conspiracy also Asinius Pollio begun his History of the Civil War. For the falling out of Caesar and Pompey, did not, as most have thought, procure the Civil Wars; but rather their Conjunction, which was designed to break in pieces the power of the Nobility, as Plutarch observeth in the life of Caesar. This was the 694^th year of the Citie, the first of the 180th Olympiad, Herodes being Archon at Athens, the 58^th year before the birth of Christ, A. M. 3945. Q. Caecilius Metellus, and L. Afranius being Consuls.

* 1.1579SECT. VI. From the beginning of the Tricipitina or first Triumvirate, to the absolutenesse of Julius Caesar, containing the space of sixteen years.

1. CAESAR by the help of Pompey obtained the Consulship; but not without the assistance of money also. There were two other Competitors, L. Lucerius and M. Bibulus, whereof he was much for the former,* 1.1580 having agreed with him, that because he was lesse in favour,* 1.1581 but very rich, he should give money for them both through the Centuries. But the Grandees understanding this, and fearing if he had him for his Collegue he might do what he listed, they caused Bibulus to offer more, they themselves contributing to the expence, which corruption Cato denied not to be for the good of the Commonwealth, now brought by the means of such evil mem∣bers into absolute danger and necessity. Caesar confirmed Pompey's acts ac∣cording to agreement, neither Lucullus nor any other opposing it, and Pom∣pey procured, that what honour Lucullus had promised to certain men of Pon∣tus, should not be confirmed by the Senate, filling the City with Soldiers, and by force casting him and Cato out of the Forum. In this his first Con∣sulship he sold alliances with Rome, and also Kingdoms; and, to procure the favour of the Commons,* 1.1582 preferred a Law for dividing certain grounds in Campania (which had been preserved to defray publick charges) to such Citizens as had three children or more. This he caused to passe by force, and compelled all Plebeians to swear to observe the Law, and the Senators also, though Cato urged them to refuse; for they did it to save their lives, he having caused the People to decree, that it should be capital for any to deny it. He had recourse to the People in all cases, making little use of the Senate, which he seldom called together. Bibulus his Collegue having opposed his actions for some time to no purpose, kept himself at home, and stirred not for the remaining part of the year. Caesar then governed alone, and was much courted by the Equites or Knights, who having farmed the custome, de∣sired an abatement of the rent. The Senate refused to remit any thing, but he did their businesse for them, procuring the People to abate a third part. By this and other wayes of shews and largesses,* 1.1583 he so inveigled the multitude, that he got Gall to be decreed to him for five years, with four Legions, and for the remaining part of the year, spent it in seeking how to establish himself for the time to come.

2. Knowing how considerable a man Pompey was, to bind him faster to him,* 1.1584 he gave him in mariage his daughter Julia. He procured two of his own creatures, A. Gabinius and L. Calpurnius Piso (whose daughter he had ma∣ried after Cornelia's death) to be designed Consuls for the following year, as also Vatinius and Clodius Tribunes, though the later had abused his wife (for he was a person exceedingly loose that way) having in womens clothes crept into the meetings proper onely to that Sex, for which he was accused as a breaker of the sacred customes by Cicero. He appeared not against him though he put away his wife, nay he helped him to his place, as it's thought, out of opposition to the Orator (who was wont to declame against the com∣bination of the three great ones, as pernicious to the Commonwealth) and in way of requital for the help hee had afforded him in the procure∣ment of Gall, whither, when the time of his Consulship was expired,* 1.1585 he departed. This year was Titus Livius the Historiographer born at Padua.

* 1.15863. Clodius out of malice to Cicero seeking for the Tribuneship, whereas he was a Patrician, thereby uncapable of the place, he procured himself to be adopted by a Plebeian, and so with the losse of his former dignity obtained it. Then did he prefer a Law, that whosoever had put to death any Roman Citizen unheard, water and fire should be forbidden him, which amounted

to as much as banishment; and set Cicero his day of appearance, for putting to death Cethegus, Lentulus▪ and others of Catalines conspiracy unheard. Pompey at first stood stifly for the accused, saying, he would rather dye him∣self than Tully should be hurt; but Caesar took him off, because Cicero ha∣ving desired to go his Lieutenant into Gall, upon Clodiu•• his seeming willing to be reconciled, had changed his resolution, and hereby displeased him. This is certain, that he who was wont to defend others so earnestly, was very timorous in his own cause (which hapned also to Demosthenes) and chose ra∣ther to depart the City,* 1.1587 and late at night, than undergo his trial,* 1.1588 after that Pompey had forsaken him, and the Consuls would give him little hopes. Af∣ter his departure Clodius banished him by decree of the People 400 miles from Italy, demolished his Villages and his house, on the plot whereof he built a Temple to Liberty, and set his goods to sale. He went to Thessa∣lonica a City of Macedonia, being by letters of the Senate commended to such Kings, or Governours, as into the Dominions of whom he might have occasion to come.

4. Clodius having thus rid himself of Cicero, for that Cato's presence was very troublesom to him, sent him also out of the way, under colour of do∣ing him honour.* 1.1589 He preferred a Law against Ptolomy King of Cyprus (bro∣ther to Anletes of Aegypt) for the spoiling him of all his estate, and re∣ducing that Island into the form of a Province, though this man had nothing ill deserved. He was indeed very vicious, if that could have given them any right to what he had; but the truth was,* 1.1590 Clodius had been taken by the Pi∣rates, and sending to him for money to redeem him, he would part but with two talents, and therefore he took this occasion to be revenged on him and Cato both together. The King hearing of Cato's coming, killed himself, and some said that he cast his treasures into the Sea. Cato sold his goods, and brought a great sum of money into the treasury. But, by this time Pompey repented that he had forsaken Cicero; for, Clodius wanting other matter now to work on, vexed all the great ones, and repealed some things which he had done, so that now he set himself to have him recalled. Clodius withstood it, but thereupon the Senate passed a Decree, that nothing should be heard before his restitution was propounded. Lentulus the Consul propounded it on the Calends of January; but the matter being hindred, several wayes, was brought down to the People on the eighth before the Calends of February, where was great endeavour used by T. Annius Milo and P. Sextius two other Tri∣bunes for his restitution. Clodius their Collegue taking some Fencers belong∣ing to his brother Appius, fell upon the multitude and killed many: The Tri∣bunes were wounded,* 1.1591 and Q. Cicero brother of the banished (newly returned from Asia, which he had governed three years) lay for dead amongst the slain. Now the People began seriously to bethink themselves. Milo ventured to draw Clodius by force to judgement, and Pompey possessing himself of the Forum, put the People to their suffrages, who with universal consent voted his restitution. The Senate decreed honour to such Cities as had entertained him, and that his house and Villages should be re-edified at the publick charge. So Cicero who had been banished the year before about the Calends of April, returned this year in the moneth Sextilis, or, the day before the Nones of September, and therefore was absent about sixteen moneths. As Plutarch more rightly computeth than* 1.1592 Simpson, who strangely forgetting himself, blaming him, for saying he returned in the sixteenth moneth, con∣tendeth that from the first of April to the moneth Sextilis or August of the following year, intervene but fourteen moneths. Now P. Cornelius Len∣tulus and Q. Caecilius Metellus were Consuls.

5. Caesar having obtained of the People Gall within the Alpes,* 1.1593 and Illy∣ricum, with three Legions, the Senate added, that beyond the Alpes (which in part we now call France) with another Legion. His first work was to re∣pel the Helvetians (now called Switzers) who having burnt their houses and resolved to seek out more convenient habitations, intended to passe over the Rhoane, and so through his Province. He having intelligence thereof, ha∣sted

to Geneva, and pulled down the bridge there. They then sent to him to desire that they might passe through his Province without offence,* 1.1594 to consider whereof he took time till the Ides of April, and in the mean time raised a wall twenty miles in length, from the Lake Lemanus to the Hill Jura (which divdeth Burgoin from Switzer-land) and thereby hindred their passage. They then bent their course to Araris (a River in France now called Saon) where in their passage be overthrew and dispersed them.* 1.1595 They sent him another message to no purpose, and repelled 4000 of his Horse which too greedily chased them; but he continually followed, and hindring them from wasting the Country, at length quite routed and put them to flight; of 348000, 130000 onely remaining, who also shortly after were forced for want of pro∣visions to yield, and giving Hostages, and delivering up their arms, to return from whence they came, and rebuild their Towns and Villages. After this was done, the Galls complained to him of Ariovistus King of the Germans, who had seized on a third part of the Countrey belonging to the Sequani (now Burgundians) and intended to take the rest also. He first sent to him, but this being in vain, he led his Army against him, and they came to an en∣terview, which succeeding not, he overthrew him also, and he fled into Ger∣many in a little boat, two of his wives and as many daughters being taken. These things Caesar accomplished in the first Summer, in the Consulship of his two creatures, Piso and Gabinius.

6. The following year all the Belgae (now inhabitants of the Low-countries for the most part) except those about Rheimes, conspired together against the Romans,* 1.1596* 1.1597 and besieged Bibrax (now Bearne) and another fort kept by Q. Ti∣tunus. Caesar hereupon marched to the River Axona (now Le Disne) and there overthrew them, after which divers yielded themselves; but the Nervii (a People about Tournay in Flanders) a warlike and severe Nation, stood out, with whom joyned the Attrebates and Veromandui (now Inhabitants of Artois, and of part of Picardie) but these he utterly overthrew, scarcely any escaping out of the field. This was done that year wherein Ci∣cero was recalled. In the third year, purposing for Italy himself, he sent Servius Galba with the twelfth Legion and part of the Horse against the Antuates, Veragri,* 1.1598 and Seduni,* 1.1599 Nations inhabiting from the River Rhene as high as the Alpes, because he would have the passage thereabout cleared for traffick. Galba defeated a great multitude of them, which set upon him in his Camp. Caesar not long after returning, found the Veneti and other Nations of Gall••a Celtica in rebellion, who gave him trouble enough, but at length he over∣threw the Veneti at Sea, Crassus subdued the Sontiates, and the greatest part of Aquitaine, and Sabinus the Unelli and maritime Cities. Then fell he upon the Marini (a People near Calais in Picardy) and the Menapii also, these two Nations still being in Arms. But, Winter growing on, foul wea∣ther secured them in the marishes, and caused him to remove his men to their winter-quarters.

7. Now by this time he had got great store of of wealth,* 1.1600 wherewith he not onely paid his debts, but made him great store of friends by gifts and contri∣butions. Herewith he corrupted the Aediles, Praetors, Consuls and their wives. Passing over the Alpes this Winter into Luca, where he took up his head quarters, so great concourse was made to him, that there were present 200 Senators, amongst whom were Crassus and Pompey, and so many Pro∣consuls and Praetors,* 1.1601 that 120 bundles of rods have been seen together at his gates. He fearing he might be recalled, procured Pompey and Crassus to obtain the Consulship for the following year, and continue him his imploy∣ment in Gall for other five years. Cato perswaded L. Domitius to stand for the Consulship, telling him he should contend not for Magistracy but for li∣berty against the Tyrants. But Pompey fearing Cato's vehemency, lest, having the whole Senate in his power, he should perswade the People to what was best, sent some armed men upon Domitius as he went down to the Forum, who killed the slave that caried the light before them, dispersed them all, Cato being the last that fled, who received a wound on his arm whilst he

fought for Domitius. Pompey and Crassus having thus by force obtained the Consulship, bore themselves nothing more moderately afterwards. The peo∣ple being about to give Cato the Praetorship,* 1.1602 Pompey pretended a strange fight from Heaven, and dismissed the Assembly: then corrupting the Tribes with money, he procured Antias and Vatinius to be chosen Praetors.* 1.1603 Then by the help of Trebonius the Tribune they procured Laws, which continued to Caesar (as they had agreed) his Government in Gall for other five years, as∣signed Syria to Crassus with the Parthian War; and to Pompey all Africk, and the Spains with four Legions, whereof two he lent to Caesar for the Gallick Wars. Pompey being permitted to Govern his Provinces by Depu∣ties stayed at Rome, where he spent his time in shews and pastimes. Crassus much rejoyced in his part, scarcely being able to contain himself abroad and at home, contrary to his wonted gravity, breaking forth into Childish expres∣sions of joy. For, he sleighted the thoughts of Syria and Parthia, as one who would so order his affairs, that the exploits of Lucullus against Tigranos, and of Pompey in the War with Mithridates, should seem but toys, extending his hopes as far as Bactria, the Indians, and the utmost Ocean.

8. The Tribunes hindred all they could, the Consuls from raising men, and laboured to repeal the Laws made for their expeditions.* 1.1604 Pompey was herewith well enough contented, having sent his Lieutenants into his Provin∣ces, and being unwilling to leave the Citie, as he pretended,* 1.1605 because of the charge of Provisions committed to him, which Cicero, in way of recompence for his labour in his restitution, had procured him from the Senate, that so he might have authority all over the Roman Empire. But Crassus betook him∣self to force, which when the Tribunes saw themselves unable to withstand, they desisted, but loaded him with curses, and when he made the accustomed prayers in the Capitol for prosperous successe, they spoke of unluck auspicia and prodigies which had hapned. Atteius the Tribune laboured to hinder him from going, many exclaiming against it as an unworthy thing that he should fall with War upon those, who had nothing ill deserved of the Ro∣mans, but were at peace with them. This made him fly to Pompey to con∣duct him forth, at the sight of whom those who came to stop him gave way. But Atteius meeting him, earnestly exhorted him to desist, and when that would not do, sent a Viator to lay hold of him; but the rest of the Tribunes not permitting this, and the Viator not quite dismissing him, Atteius got before to the Gate where he had some fire ready, and as Crassus came by, throwing his Odours upon the Coals, devoted him with horrible and bitter curses, invocating certain terrible and unheard of gods. These secret, and antient execrations the Romans, thought to be of that force as no man ever escaped destruction to whom they were denounced, and also proved un∣fortunate to the denouncer, and therefore they were seldom used, and Crassus was blamed on the behalf of the Citie.* 1.1606 Florus calleth this Tri∣bune Metellus, and others write that the Tribunes generally thus devoted him, but it appeareth,* 1.1607 from Cicero, that P. Atteius was principal in this action.

* 1.16089. Crassus in his march rifled the Temple of Jerusalem,* 1.1609 and took away the Treasures which Pompey touched not. He spent many dayes in weigh∣ing the Treasure of the Idol, called Atargatis by the Syrians, and by the Greeks Derceto, the Goddesse of Hierapolis, otherwise called Edessa, and Bambyce, and Magog by the Syrians. In his whole passage he shewed more covetousnesse than valour, listing men, and then for money discharging them again. He neglected his opportunities of falling on the Parthians unpro∣vided, and the friendship of the Armenian King, who offered him to invade Parthia through his Kingdom, as also of refreshing his Army in some Citie, (as Cassius advised him) till he had certain news of the Parthians, or else passing down the River to Seleucia, where he might have Provisions by wa∣ter, and could not be compassed in by the Parthians. This later Counsel he rejected by the cunning insinuations of Abgarus the Osroënian (otherwise called Angarus, Mazares, Mazarus, Marachus, Macorus, Ariamnes, and

* 1.1610 Acbarus by several) the Regulus, or Petty Prince of the Arabians, who having formerly been a friend and Ally of the Romans, had now applied his mind to the Parthian, and feeding Crassus with money, to conceal his Trea∣chery, gave him notice of whatsoever was done. He perswaded him to leave off thoughts of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, and go straight against Surenas and Sillax the Kings Captains. This he did, and thereby first losing his son, a choice young man, he himself was by Surenas circumvented under pretence of a Treaty, and either slain by his Enemies, or killed by some of his own men,* 1.1611 to prevent his falling into their hands. This hapned at Sinnaca, a Citie of Mesopotamia, on the sixth of the Ides of June, as Ovid informeth us; 20000 men were slain, and 10000 taken, according to Plu∣tarch (not to name other accounts) so that the East being almost destitute of forces, many Provinces thereof revolted; but by the care, industry, and valour of C. Cassius the Quaestor of Crassus (the same who afterwards with Brutus, killed Julius Caesar) Syria was appeased. This King of Parthia against whom Crassus miscarried (called Orodes, Herodes, and Hyrodes) was something skilled in the Greek tongue, and other learning. Artabazel, or Artavasdes the Armenian (that first offered kindnesse to Crassus) had re∣conciled himself to the Parthian, who was now with him.* 1.1612 He being also learned, (for he wrote Tragedies, Orations, and Histories) some of Euri∣pides his Bacchae was repeated, and the head of Crassus was brought in as it were by chance, and thrown at their feet. But Surenas was afterwards punished for his treachery, being killed by his Master who envied him his glory. And Orodes himself having lost his son Pacorus in a battel against the Romans, and falln into that kind of Dropsie, called Anasarca, Phraa∣tes (or Phraortes) his other son gave him Aconitum, or Wolfs bane, which working so upon him, as with it self it brought out the humour, and gave him ease, he made short work of it, and strangled him.

10. Thus perished Crassus(a) 1.1613 (who was so rich that he would have none so accounted, but he that could by his own Revenues maintain an Army) and one of the heads of the Tricipitina was hereby cut off.* 1.1614 This laid the foundation of the Civil War betwixt the other two, for he, whilest he lived, balancing them, when he was gone, Caesar must bring under Pompey be∣fore he could be Chief. Whilest Crassus warred against the Parthians, Gabi∣nius, who had been Consul when Cicero was banished, reduced(b) 1.1615 into his Kingdom Ptolomy Auletes, whom his subjects had expelled. Then was he Proconsul of Syria; but at his return being accused, especially for making War upon Egypt (which was supposed to be forbidden by the Verses of Si∣bylla) and ready to be torn in pieces by the people, he was yet acquitted by corrupted Judges (or Laelius the Tribune) of treason, but banished, as up∣on other accounts, so chiefly for that he had served out of his Province 100000 Drachmas,* 1.1616 or Denarii, and was afterwards recalled by Caesar.* 1.1617 In the mean time several Nations of Germany, driven out by the Suevi (not Swedes (in Latine Sueci) but Grisons now for the most part) came into Gall to seek new seats, and there outed the Menapii of their dwel∣lings. Caesar defeated them, killing many thousands, and pursued them over the Rhine, on which he laid a wooden bridge, into the Countrey of the Sigambri (now Guelderland) and freed the Ubii (now Inhabitants of Cullen) from the Dominion of the Suevi,* 1.1618 to whom they had been Tributaries. Then returned he to the Morini, or into Picardy, and thence came over into Britain.

* 1.161911. Britain, or Britany, which also is Albion, being in Greek ΒΡΕ∣ΤΑΝΙΑ, ΒΡΕΤΑΝΙΚΗ, ΒΡΕΤΑΝΙΣ, ΑΛΒΙΩΝ, and ΑΛΟΥΩΝ, was by the Romans called Britania and Remania. It is most probable, saith Cambden,* 1.1620 the Inhabitants were called Britans from their painted bodies, for whatsoever is thus painted and coloured, in their antient Countrey speech they call Brith,* 1.1621 having been of old much given to paint themselves, as many Writers do testifie. Now the ancient Greeks who sayled by the Coasts, understanding that the Nation was called Brith, might

unto, it add Tania (which word in Greek, as the Glossaries shew, betokeneth a Region) and thereof made the compound name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is Britons-Land, which is corrupted into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but by Lucretius and Caesar the two first Romans that make mention thereof is truely called Britania. In confirmation of this opinion Cambden observeth, that in the names of well-nigh all the antient Britains, there appeareth some signification of a colour, which no doubt (he saith) arose from this kind of painting. The Red co∣lour is of the Britans called Coch and Goch, which in his judgement lieth Couched in these names, Cogidunu••, Argentocoxus, and Segonax. The Black colour called Dù, sheweth it self in Mandubratius, Cartimandua, Togodumnus, Bunduica, Cogidunus. The White collour called Gwin, in Venutius and Immanuentius. The Waterish called Gwellwe in Vellocatus, Carvilius and Suella. The Blew, which they call Glass in Cuniglasus, and he proceedeth further. But this Learned man coming to speak of the time wherein Britain came to be known abroad, denieth that the Britains were with Hercules at the rape of Hesione, that Ulysses was ever in Britain, that the Britans bestowed any Presents upon Cato, that King Alexander the Great, or Hannibal, was ever in the Island; he doubteth whether ever the ship of Hiero mentioned by Athenaeus came hither; yet thinketh that the Britans were mingled with the C••mbri and Galls, in their expeditions into Italy and Greece.

* 1.162212. But as the Romans, Galls, and Spaniards were unknown to Herodo∣tus, and the antient Greek Geographers, so of this mind he ever was, that it was late ere the Greeks and Romans heard of the Britans name. For he judgeth that little book of the World, which goeth abroad under the name of Aristotle, and maketh mention of the Britans, of Albion and Hierne, to be of later dayes by far than that Philosopher, as the best learned men (saith he) have judged. He accounteth Polybius the antientest Greek vvriter that mentioneth the British Isles; who yet knew nothing of them: then doth he, in reference to other Nations, count it but a fable that Himilco the Car∣thaginian, being commanded by his Superious to discover the Western Sea-Coasts of Europe, entred into this Isle many years before that time. And the first Latin Author to his knowledge that made mention of Britain was Lucretius, in his Verses concerning the difference of aire. Now that Lu∣cretius lived but a little before Caesar no man denieth: at what time we are taught out of Caesar himself, that Divitiacus King of the Soissons, and the most mighty Prince of all Gall, Governed Britain, which, as also appeareth from Caesar, is onely to be understood of the Maritime Coasts. Howbeit, Diodorus Siculus writeth that Britain had experience of no foreiners rule; for neither Dionysus (or Bacchus) nor Hercules, nor any other worthy, or Demigod have we heard (saith he) to have attempted War upon that peo∣ple. Now Caesar, who for his noble acts is called Divus, was the first that subdued the Britans, and forced them to pay a certain Tribute. From his time (saith Cambden) and no further off must the Writer of our History fetch the beginning of his work, if he throughly weigh with judgement what the Learned Varro hath in time past written (viz. of the three di∣stinctions of times which we have formerly mentioned, uncertain before the Flood, Fabulous before the Olympiads, and Historical since the begin∣ning of them) and my self already heretofore signified. This most learned man mentions this division of Varro, because that the British History of Geffrey of Monmouth taketh its beginning 333 years before the first Olym∣piad. This History we must absolutely disclaim as utterly Fabulous in re∣ference to King Brutus, and other fictions depending on his story. But whether or no Britain was not known abroad till so late time as our An∣quary judgeth, must be examined for the honour of our Countrey, sa∣ving ever that respect which is due (and that justly) unto his name, and vvill not be at all dimished, seeing the contest is betwixt him also, and Bochartus himself.

13. The controversie is decided clearly against Cambden if two things

can but be made out. 1. That the Cassiterides or Islands ef tinne were known very antiently,* 1.1623 and 2. That the Cassiterides are no other than the British Isles. The first is proved from the testimony of many, that the Phoenicians were wont to trade to the Cassiterides, and thence to fetch plenty of Tinne. * Strabo affirmeth it, and that they first traded thither alone from Gades,* 1.1624 hi∣ding from others this course of traffick, insomuch that a certain Phoenician Sailor being chased by a Roman Vessel, chose rather to run his ship aground and suffer shipwrack, to cause his pursuers to miscary, than to reveal the mat∣ter, for which fidelity, having escaped himself, he had his losse made up out of the publick Treasury at his return to Carthage. Pliny also writeth,(b) 1.1625 in the Chapter of the first inventors, that Midacritus first caried Lead from the Island Cassiteris. For Midacritus is to be read Melcarthus or Melicartus the Phoenician Hercules, according to Sanchoniathon, whom the Phoenici∣ans make Author of the Western voyages.(c) 1.1626 Herodotus acknowledgeth he knew not where the Cassiterides were; but that there were some then he acknowlegeth also, whence Tinne came to them the Greeks, and from him it appeareth, that they were situate in the utmost limits of Europe. The Phoe∣nicians being unwilling that any should know them but themselves, the Greeks bought Tin and Lead, either of them, or the Venets or Narbonenses, to whom it was wont to be caried by Land in a journy of thirty dayes, as Dio∣dorus telleth us.(d) 1.1627 Dionysius Paeriegetes mentioneth them under the name of Hesperides, and so doth ••zetzes. Festus Anienus speaketh of them un∣der the name of Cestrymnedes, expresly of the sailing of the Phoenicians to them, and that Hamilco, who was sent from the Senate of Carthage to dis∣cover the West, came thither, as he himself recorded, whom Festus pro∣fesseth to follow in the description of the West, having made his collections out of the depth of the Punick Annals. These things considered, prove suf∣ficiently, that the Cassiterides were known in very ancient times.

14. For the second, that the British Isles are those Cassiterides or Stanna∣ries, there needs no proof, Cambden himself confessing, nay proving by ma∣ny arguments, that the Islands of Silly lying off from the Promontory of Cornwal eight leagues, and in number 145, are the very same that from the plenty of Tin were called Cassiterides, from their site Hesperides, and Oestrymnides from Oestrymnis the Promontory of the Artabri, now Gallitia in Spain, over against which they lye. Now for the consequence of the thing, can any imagine that these Islands should be so long known, and not Britain it self to which they lye so close, and from which they are deservedly called British Isles? And what reason is there to think (as Camden doth) that such dream as believe that Hamilco came hither? It's a wonder he should say, that there's nothing for it but a Verse or two of Festus Anienus; when Fe∣stus saith, that he read the story of the whole Navigation, described by Ha∣milco himself in the Punick Annals, Cambden himself contendeth, that from the Cassiterides was Lead first of all caried into Greece,* 1.1628 whence it fol∣loweth, that they were known before the time of Homer, who maketh men∣tion of that metal. As for what he urgeth concerning Polybius, that he was utterly ignorant of these parts, if it were granted that he was, yet the Phoenicians, who in the Heroick times sent out Colonies into the Ocean be∣yond Gades, knew these Coasts sufficiently. But Cambden mistook the Histo∣rian, as may appear from all that passage read together, which onely im∣porteth, that as it was not known whether Asia and Africk on the South side were terminated by the Sea, so neither whether the Sea flowed about the Nor∣thern parts of Europe that lye above Narbon; which truly at this day we know not certainly, though in so much light. That this interpretation is to be made, and that Polybius did not mean, that in his age whatever lay above Narbon was unknown, and that they dreamed who spoke or wrote any thing of it, hence appeareth. For he himself accurately described the Fountains of Rhodanus, with Corbilon upon Ligeris, and many other places of Gall above Narbon. And in his third book he promiseth he would write of what lay be∣yond the Sea, and what was there remarkable, nay (which is especially to

be noted) of the British Isles and making of Tin. That he performed his promise in the Books that are lost, appeareth from* 1.1629 Strabo, who telleth us, that Polybius describing the regions of Europe, said, he would let passe the ancients, and inquire into such as reprehended them, as Dicaearchus, and Eratosthenes, who last of all had handled Geography, and Pytheas who had imposed upon many. For, he (Pytheas) said he had not viewed all the soil of Britain; but the Island was above 40000 (stadia or furlongs I sup∣pose) in compasse.

15. From this place it appeareth, that several whom Polybius calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or ancients wrote of these parts, before either Dicaearchus or Era∣tosthenes, Pythaeas, or himself. Now Eratosthenes, who, as he saith, was the last that handled Geography, Suidas writeth to have been born in the 126 Olympiad, which was celebrated in the 37 year of the Seleucidae, the seventh of Antiochus Soter, the ninth of Ptolomy Philadelphus, and the 478 year of the City, when Q. Fabius Gurges and C. Genutius Clepsina were Con∣suls, Pyrrhus then warring in Sicily, 274 years before the birth of Christ. But Dicaearchus bosteth in Athenaeus, that he had Aristotle for his Master; and then Pytheas who was cited by both, must needs have preceded them. Yet these Writers were but of late in comparison of Orpheus the most an∣tient Poet, one of the Argonautae, by whom Cambden himself affirmeth Britain to have been described. Although in truth Orpheus was not Author of those Poems fathered on him, but Onomacritus an Athaenian Poet, who lived under the Pisistracidae, as both(a) 1.1630 Clemens Alexandrinus and(b) 1.1631 Ta∣tianus inform us; yet two advantages we have hereby. For first, Cambden is inconstant, denying that Britain was known to the ancient Greeks; and se∣condly, this Island must have been known then long before the former Geo∣graphers; for the Pisistratidae were banished. Athens in the third year of the 67 Olympiad, the twelfth of Darius Hystaspis, the 244 of the City (at the same time that Tarquinius was banished) 508 years before the birth of Christ, though they write that he flourished in the 50 Olympiad, in the first year whereof Pisistratus indeed got the Soveraignty over that City. These things sufficiently prove, that Britain was known of old to several Nations, though we mentioned not what Bochartus probably conjectureth concerning the Ety∣mology of the name. The Phoenicians trading hither for Lead or Tin, might justly call it Barat-Anac, that is, The Land of Lead or Tin, as the Greeks Cassiteris; and this might easily be changed into Bretanica. Anac signifieth both Lead and Tin, no places in the World are so fruitful of either as the British Isles. And it may seem no wonder that the Word should be so al∣tered, seeing that from Phoenice are derived Poenicus, Punicus, Puniceus, and Poenus. He also giveth other marks of the Phoenicians their planting in those Islands, in the 39 Chapter of the first Book of that excellent Work entituled Canaan, concerning the Colonies and Language of that People, to which wee refer the studious in Antiquity, having thus farre in some sort seemed to vindicate the honour of our Country, yet with submission to the impartially Learned Reader. Now to return to the course of our History.

16. The occasion of this Expedition was given by the Britains.* 1.1632 They had sent a continual supply to the Galls, almost in all their Wars against the Ro∣mans, and therefore he resolved to use this advantage, and passe over this Sum∣mer, though it was well spent, judging it would be worth his labour, though he but viewed the country, and took notice of the Havens and Natives, of any whereof the Galls could give him but very small intelligence.* 1.1633* 1.1634 He sent Voluseus beforehand to make what discovery he could, after whose return, having received the Morini into friendship, that he might have no Enemies at his back, about two of the clock at night he put forth to Sea, and at ten in the morning got to the Coasts of Britain, where he might see all the shoar full of men to oppose him, for they had received intelligence of his coming. He perceived there was no good landing place where he was, and therefore staying for the Fleet till three of the clock, he sailed eight miles further.

Here, though on an even shoar, was he so opposed, that his Soldiers fought not with their wonted alacrity, because their ships being great and deep, could not come near the Land, untill he got more shallow Vessels, and the Ensign-bearer of the tenth Legion leaping out, drew others moved with shame after him. No order was kept in the fight, but every one as he leaped forth into the water, joyned himself to the next Ensign. Caesar send∣ing out continually fresh supplies of men, at length landed all his Army, and the Britains fled.

17. His horse being not come over, he could not pursue them, but they presently sent to treat, promising to give Hostages, and do further what he should enjoyn them. He accepted of their offer, and some Ho∣stages they delivered, promising to give up the rest with conveniency. But it hapned that the horse being come within kenning, was driven by the tide (the Moon now being at full) to the Westward, and forced back to the Con∣tinent; the ships which brought over the Legions, lying at Anchor, by tem∣pest were miserably shattered, and no Provisions had Caesar brought over, as not intending to Winter here. The Britains, having knowledge of these things, agreed amongst themselves to break their promise, concluding, that if they could but intercept or destroy his Army, besides getting much plunder, they should not be invaded for the time to come. They then set upon the seventh Legion as it was reaping Corn,* 1.1635 but Caesar being informed by the Watch of a greater dust than ordinary that way, suspected what the matter was, and going to the rescue killed many, and burnt their houses for a good compasse. Hereupon they sent to him again for peace. He required a dou∣ble number of Hostages, whom he commanded them to send over into the Continent; for the Aequinoctial being near, he would not in Winter trust himself, and the Army, in such weak Vessels. Going on board about mid∣night he came safe to Land; but 41 Vessels being driven, the men were for∣ced to Land at another place, whereof 300 were presently besieged by the Morini,* 1.1636 (who before had been reconciled to Caesar) out of hope of some booty. They were presently rescued, and T. Labienus was sent to chastize the Rebels, who being reduced to obedience, he, and L. Cotta harrazed the Countrey of the Menapii, who hid themselves in the thick Woods. Then was the Army led into its Winter quarters, in Belgia. The first expedi∣tion of Caesar into Britain fell out in the second year of the 181 Olympiad, the 699th of the Citie, 53 years before the birth of Christ, A. M. 3950. Cn. Pompeius the Great, and M. Licinius Crassus (both of them the second time) being Consuls.

18. Caesar going into Italy according to his custom, ordered a great Navy to be provided. Having dispatch'd his businesse within the Alps,* 1.1637 he went into Illyricum against the Pinistae, who had invaded his Province. After this having setled things amongst the Treviri (or them of Triers) who neither came to Councils, nor were otherwise obedient, he took ship at the Haven Iccius (now Calis) with five Legions, and 2000 horse, at Sun-set, and being for sometime carried down by the Tide towards the right hand, arrived again in Britain the next day by noon.* 1.1638* 1.1639 The Natives seeing a great number of ships (for in all there were 800 Vessels) for that they had falsified their word (all but two sorts of people, who sent their Hostages over into Belgia) for fear withdrew themselves into the Woods. Caesar pursuing them took one of their Fortresses, which they made onely with great Trees laid together, and when he was busied in skirmishing, word came that his Navy was shattered by an∣other Tempest, whereupon he retreated, and took care for the repairing of such ships as were fit to be mended (four being utterly lost) in which work ten dayes were spent with the great labour of the Soldiers. Drawing then up such as were repaired,* 1.1640 and fortifying the Camp, he returned. In the mean time the Britains had made Cassivellaun (whose Dominions lay North the River of Thames, and with whom before Caesar's coming they had waged War) their General against the Romans. At first the Britains fighting from their Waggons put their Enemies to it, and killed Q. Laberius Durius a

Tribune; but the day following, the Romans recovered their credit, put∣ting the other to flight who had falln upon them as they were gathering for∣rage, so as they durst not after this time meddle any more with them when in any considerable body.

* 1.164119. Then did Caesar passe the Thames (the Soldiers wading over with their heads onely above water) though the Britains had fastned sharp stakes under the bank, and there made all opposition they could, which was inconsi∣derable. Passing on in Cassivellaun's Countrey he wasted it, Cassivellaun (or Cassibellin) having dismissed all his Army except 4000 Waggons, where∣with he much endamaged the Romans by making sallies upon advantage out of the Woods. But the Tri••obantes (inhabiting those parts long after by the Saxons called Essex and Middlesex) having had their King Imannentius killed by Cassivellaun, for that Mandubratius his son had escaped to Caesar, yielded themselves, and desired that the young man being restored first to his Father's Kingdom might be protected against Cassivellaun. This Caesar grant∣ed, receiving 40 Hostages and Corn for his Army; and these having prote∣ction given them, others near adjoyning yielded themselves. Then did Cae∣sar take Cassivelaun's Town not far distant, being onely a fortified place in the Woods. He sent into Kent, where four petty Kings, Cingetorix, Car∣nilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax reigned, ordering them if possible to seize on Caesor's ships; but Caesar having left to guard the Camp ten Com∣panies of foot and 300 horse, these repulsed them with great losse, killing many of their men, and amongst the rest Lugatorix, a Captain of great ac∣count.* 1.1642 Cassibellaun hearing this, and knowing the defection of the Trino∣bantes and the rest, sent, and begged peace of Caesar, who being resolved, for fear of insurrections in Gall, there to vvinter, for that Summer was now al∣most spent, commanded him to deliver in Hostages, ordered what Tribute Britain should pay yearly to the People of Rome, commanded him not to of∣fend Mandubratius nor the Trinobants, and then drew down his Army to the Sea, which he wafted over at twice, for that he had many Prisoners, and many ships had perished by Tempest. The season being very good they came all safe to land, and he quartered them about in several places, because Provisions were very scarce in Gall. This second expedition of Caesar into Britain hap∣ned the next year after the former; L. Domitius Aenobarbus, and Appius Claudius Pulcher being Consuls.

* 1.164320. This Winter did most of the Galls revolt. First, the Eburones (now inhabiting the Bishoprick of Liege) by the instigation of Ambiorix their Prince, who by treachery circumvented two of Caesar's Officers, Q. Titurius Sabinus, and L. Arunculeius Cotta, with a whole Legion.* 1.1644 He also besieged Q. Cicero, who commanded the Legion that quartered amongst the Nervii, who had their seats about Tournay in Flanders.* 1.1645 But Caesar came in to the rescue, and overthrew the Galls. Labienus lying with another Legion about Rheimes, the Treviri and Indutiomarus came to his Camp,* 1.1646 intending to de∣stroy him; but he took his opportunity, and powred out his men upon them, willing his Soldiers to be sure that they killed Indutiomarus, which being done, things again were a little setled. Whilest Caesar was thus imployed a∣broad,* 1.1647 in the Citie, this year died his daughter Julia, Pompey's Wife, in Child∣bed, and the Infant (whether Son or Daughter, 'tis as uncertain, so immate∣rial) with her. Hereby was the bond of friendship betwixt them two bro∣ken, and their mutual envy, which thereby onely was restrained, now wanted but an occasion to vent it self. But Caesar foreseeing great stirs in Gall,* 1.1648 in∣creased his forces, subdued the Nervii, brought under the Senones and Car∣nutes (now changed into Chartres) the Menapii also; whilest Labienus re∣duced such as inhabited about Triers. Then did he again crosse the Rhine, because of the Conjunction of the Germans with the Galls, and attempt∣ing something upon the Suevi to no purpose,* 1.1649 turned against the Eburones. Whilest he harrazed their Territories, the Sigambri set upon the Camp of Cicero then absent, which they could not storm, though they caused great consternation amongst his men, and killed many. After this he wasted again

the grounds of the Enemy, then called a Council in Gall for the punish∣ment of Revolters, and Providing the Army of necessaries drew it into its Winter quarters.

* 1.165021. The following year produced great stirs in the Citie, and those no lesse in Gall. For now were the times so altered,* 1.1651 as that Rome could not be found in Rome. Nothing was managed by ancient equity and moderation, all Offices were purchased by Money, or else by Stones, Clubs, or Swords, and the inconveniences of popular Government now grew ripe, the name of a free State, or Commonwealth, covering the greatest injustice, disorder, and oppression of the peoples liberty. The Consuls being debarred by the power of the Tricipitina from leading out Armies, or waging Wars accord∣ing to the antient right and custom, made up their markets out of the publick Revenue, or their Offices by indirect practices, and therefore none of ho∣nour would seek after the Consulship. Pompey connived at this, hoping that a necessity of affairs would draw upon him the Dictatorship, as some of his Creatures, though not in his name, did not stick to hint. This year espe∣cially was there such an horrid contention amongst the Canditates (all or most men of large consciences) as for a long time no Consul could be elected; and this heightned the matter, that T. Annius Milo, one of them, being at great enmity with Clodius, killed him as they met in the way not far from the Citie.* 1.1652 This fact the people ill resented, and naughty, and dissolute per∣sons, under pretence of searching for Milo's friends, committed many out∣rages in Rome. This turned indeed all men's eyes upon Pompey, as the fit∣test person to redresse those evils, and whilest they thought of making him Dictator, Cato drew the Senate to this resolution,* 1.1653 that he should be made Consul alone, that he might be called to an account for his male-admistra∣tion if need were,* 1.1654 and so he was made sole Consul, without any President at all.

22. First, he sate in judgement alone, and examined Milo's case; he also made inquisition after such as had by indirect means procured Offices.* 1.1655* 1.1656 Milo was defended by Cicero, or rather should have been; for the Orator was so terrified with Pompey's Soldiers, and Clodius his friends, that he could not proceed, and is therefore said to have written that Oration afterwards, which is now extant. Milo then was banished, with several others for other Crimes.* 1.1657 Pompey having hitherto as it were executed the Office of Dictator, took to him a Collegue, Q. Scipio Metellus, whose daughter Cornelia he had married. These things being heard in the further Gall, and a rumour spred that Caesar who now was in Italy,* 1.1658 would be there retained by the motions in the Citie, many of the Natives conspired for the recovery of their liberty, and chose Vercingerotix for their Captain.

23. Caesar, though in the midst of Winter, and forced to make his way through depths of Snow, returned, and came upon the Arverni at unawares. He took several of their Towns,* 1.1659 but besieging one that was situated upon an high Hill, he fought with disadvantage, and was driven off with the losse of 46 Centurions. From this siege he was called by the revolt of the He∣dui, and an insurrection of the Bellovaci; and Labienus, who had prosper∣ously managed his affairs about Paris, joyned with him. Now, most of the Galls being revolted, he first overthrew Vercingetorix, then pursued, and besieged him in Alesia,* 1.1660 a Town of the Mandubii, which, when the Galls were not able to relieve, Vercingetorix, according to his own offer, was de∣livered up, with Alesia, and all their Arms. Then reduced he the Hedui, the Arveni also yielded, with divers others, which being done, he sent the Army away into its Winter quarters.* 1.1661 In winter the Galls hatched a new conspi∣racy.* 1.1662 Caesar therefore departing from Bibracte, wasted the Territories of the Bituriges (about Bourdeaux) and of the Carnutes; subdued also the Bellovaci with others. C. Fabius also reduced some in the mean time, and Caninius having routed several parties, with him Caesar joyned, and besieged Uxellodinum, a Town of the Cadurci, very strongly fortified by its situation. He obtained this Town without striking one stroak, by cutting the veins of a

Fountain which served them with water. After this the Cities of Aquitaine yielded, and going to Narbon he disposed of his Army into their Winter quarters. These things hapned in the eighth year after his coming into Gall, Ser. Sulpitius Rufus,* 1.1663 and M. Claudius Marcellus being Consuls, where∣in also were began those contentions betwixt him and his adversaries at Rome, that shortly after brake into Civil wars, which proved deadly in the end to the heads of both the factions, and fatal to that form of Govern∣ment which (though labouring under mortal distempers) was yet on foot.

24. Caesar's carriage, especially in his Consulship, had rendred him very distastefull to the Senate. Pompey on the other side, by his fair demeanour had of late gained much upon it, which Caesar being aware of, desired leave to stand for a second Consulship in his absence. This was granted him; but he fearing the malice of his adversaries in case he were reduced to a private condition, further importuned the Fathers that he might have his Govern∣ment of Gall prorogued,* 1.1664 casting about all manner of wayes to keep his Ar∣my till he should be Consul. This was hindred by Marcellus the Consul, who had succeeded Pompey; whereupon Caesar laying his hand upon his Sword, said, that that should obtain it for him.* 1.1665 This Marcellus was very bitter against him, pressing hard that a Successor should be sent to him; but this was crossed by Pompey, either out of good nature, or policy. Such were designed Consuls for the ensuing year, as were most opposite to Caesar, viz. L. Aemilius Paulus, and C. Claudius Marcellus Nephew to the former Consul by his brother: Curio also, an inveterate Enemy of Caesar, was made Tribune. Yet all these, except Claudius, were drawn aside by money; Paulus by 1500 Talents, and Curio, who was much indebted, by 100000 Se∣sterces. Marcellus then urging that a Successor was to be sent to Caesar, Curio stisly withstood it, alleging that then ought Pompey also to dismisse his Army; for that his power was equally dangerous to the publick liberty. Pompey outwardly seemed willing, and said he would disband his men; but Curio fell foul upon him, telling him, that promise without performance was nothing; and, that he might seem to stand for the good of the Commonwealth, and not carry favour with Caesar, he desired, that if they both refused to disband, they should, the one as well as the other, be declared Enemies to the State.

25. Pompey exceedingly netled hereat threatned him; but he ceased not to urge the thing. The Senate could have wished them both reduced, but feared to disb••nd Pompey's Army, looking upon Caesar as the more danger∣ous person. Pompey sent now to him for the Legion he had lent him, both of them being ordered into Syria to defend the Eastern parts now in danger by the overthrow of Crassus: he sent him this Legion, and another of his own; but there being no need of them in Syria, they wintred at Capua. Those that brought them into Italy did ill Offices for Caesar, and gave out, as if his Army at his return would all revolt, which though very false was be∣lieved by Pompey, who thereupon neglected to provide for so dangerous a War as followed. The next year C. Claudius Marcellus and L. Corn. Lentulus were Consuls, and it was propounded to the Senate, whether both Pompey and Caesar should lay down all power. Though once it was carried that Caesar onely should, when the Consul propounded it severally, yet* 1.1666 Curio again putting it to the question, it was carried against both by 348 voices.* 1.1667 Hereat the Consuls inraged, left the Citie, and gave Pompey power as from themselves to fight for his Countrey against Caesar, which he seemed not altogether to approve. Now Curio perceiving himself in danger, and that he could do no more service for Caesar, fled unto him.

26. Curio being called to a Consultation, would have had him presently to invade Italy; but he chose rather first to make an overture of Peace, as 'tis said, writing to his friends to procure, though it were but two Legions with Gall within the Alps and Illyricum, untill he should be Consul, which

though it seemed something reasonable to Pompey, the Consuls would not admit of it. Then wrote he to the Senate a menacing and bitter letter, as it's stiled by* 1.1668 Cicero, (who now was returned from Cilicia his Province, which he governed a year, and for his good service in the field was saluted Imperator, and had a triumph decreed him by the Senate, which these di∣sturbances quite put off, he saying, that so an agreement were made, he had rather follow the chariot of Caesar) wherein after an honourable mention made of his own exploits, he signified, that he was willing to resign his power,* 1.1669 in case Pompey did the like; otherwise he should retain his Forces, and pre∣sently come to revenge those injuries which had as well been offered to him∣self as his Country. At the reading of these last words all cryed out, that War was denounced, and they sent L. Domitius to succeed him in his Go∣vernment,* 1.1670 with four newly raised Legions. For that Antonius and Cassius the Tribunes were of Curio's judgement, the Consuls bade them depart out of the Senate, lest their persons Sacrosanct (as the term was) by their Office, should be violated; who in a great rage departing that night, fled towards Caesar. So now began this famous Civil War, in the fourth year of the 182 Olympiad, the 705 of the City, 47 before the birth of Christ, A. M. 3956, the aforesaid C. Claudius Marcellus, and L. Corn. Lentulus being Con∣suls.

27. The Senate did not think that Caesar would return presently out of Gall, as being unprepared for such an undertaking;* 1.1671 and therefore were more flow in their Levies; but he ever judging expedition to be the greatest help in his undertakings, resolved with five Legions to begin the work, and take in the commodious places in Italy, and so did he with admirable speed Ari∣minum and others. This unexpected thing terrified the Senate, and the Peo∣ple,* 1.1672 which called to mind the sad effects of the Civil Wars betwixt Sylla and Marius. Cicero would have had them sent to Caesar, but the Consuls with∣stood it. Then departed Pompey to the Army at Capua, whom the Consuls presently followed. The Senators being at their Wits end, spent all that night in their house, and at length followed Pompey to Brundusium.* 1.1673 Caesar at Corfinium met Domitius who was sent to succeed him, whom he dismis∣sed, after he had received his Soldiers, that now revolted to him. Then follow∣ed he Pompey to Brundusium, who had sent over the Consuls with part of the Legions into Epirus, which he intended to make the seat of the Warre, staying in the Town till the return of the ships,* 1.1674 to transport the rest of the Army. Caesar attempted to storm the place, but he withstood him, till such time as he had shipped his men, and so passed over to Dirrhachium.

28. Caesar knew not well now what to do. For hearing such concourse to be made to Pompey (who drew to his party all the forces of the East) and knowing his old Army to be in Spain his Province, he feared to follow him over, lest he should expose Italy to it, and have an enemy at his back.* 1.1675 He therefore returned to Rome, having in the space of 60 dayes got all Italy in∣to his hands without blood, and breaking open the Treasury took out the mo∣ney wich had layn there ever since the taking of the City by the Galls, being reserved for such another case of extremity.* 1.1676 For the Aerarium or Treasury in the Temple of Saturn was three-fold. One wherein the tributes or cu∣stoms gathered from Citizens and associates was kept, as also booty got by Ge∣nerals,* 1.1677 which was reserved for the ordinary expenses of Warre. Another more private, wherein the Vicessimae, or twentieth parts gathered from them that were manumized, were laid up for extraordinary causes. And there was a third yet more private and sacred, wherein money was treasured up for any extremity that might happen from the Galls, and upon no other occasion might it be touched,* 1.1678 bitter curses being laid upon him or them that should do or suffer it. But Caesar did it (though L. Metellus the Tribune did all he could to hinder it) pretending that the People was discharged of the curse, for that nothing more was to be feared from the Galls, whom he had through∣ly subdued.

29. Then went he into Spain, where in a short time he brought all under,

though Pompey had there a strong Army under three Captains, Petreius, Afra∣nius, and Varro, whom yielding, he permitted to depart with all their Forces.* 1.1679 At this time he lost two legions in Africk under Curio, and Anto∣nius was overthrown in Illyricum by Dolobella one of Pompey's Officers. But now M. Lepidus the Praetor of the City pronounced him Dictator, and therefore he returned to Rome, where the People being struck with fear, he took upon him the Office, and held the Comitia. But finding it to be odious, he laid it down again after eleven dayes, and procured himself to be chosen Consul, with Servilius Isauricus. Then about the midle of Winter did he order all his forces to meet him at Brundusium,* 1.1680 expecting in the City the beginning of January for his entring into the Consulship.* 1.1681 When he came to Brundusium, though his forces were not all come together, desiring to set upon Pompey at unawares, he passed over with all he had, viz. five Legions, and 600 Horse, although in the depth of Winter, and without provisions; Pompey now having eleven Italian Legions, and 7000 Horse, besides other supplies out of Greece and Asia.* 1.1682 But, those five Legions and two that followed being landed, he took Oricum and Appollonia without fighting one stroak, and then matched streight to Dyrrhachium, the magazin and granary of Pompey. Both of them sate down by the River Apis, Caesar ex∣pecting his other forces, which at length Antony brought over, though the Seas were watched by the other party, and Pompey exercising his men who were raw and unexperienced. Pompey hearing of Antonie's coming, depar∣ted with his whole Army to the River Asparagus. Caesar followed him, and would have fought; but he not stirring out of his trenches, he marched back to Dyrrhachium, which having on one side and Pompey on the other, he was grievously straitned for provisions, and above all things desired to fight. In se∣veral skirmishes he had the better; but in another considerable ingagement was shrewdly beaten, and chased to his Camp, which might have been taken, and a period put to the Warre, as he himself confessed, had the Enemy known how to improve the Victory; Pompey neglecting the advantage, either through the advice of Labienus, or his own inadvertency, for that providence had otherwise determined. Though some now advised Caesar to make use of the shame and anger of his Army, which desired again to be led out to bat∣tel,* 1.1683 to redeem it's credit, yet he thought it most convenient to depart thence, and so went into Thessaly, whither Pompey followed him, and pitcht his Camp on the fatal plains of Pharsalum, not of Philippi, as* 1.1684 Florus falsly relateth, and with him Manilius and Virgil.

30. Betwixt that Town and the River Enipeus, was fought that great and famous battel betwixt these two great Captains, who both of them are said to have wept in the heads of their Armies,* 1.1685 considering that so many of the same Country and Nation should be slain, brother fighting against brother, to satisfie the ambition of two men. The Armies stood for some time gazing on each other, both being unwilling to begin, till Pompey's Auxiliaries, whom he had commanded to stand aloof off, till such time as the Enemy should be broken, and then give the chase (as unwilling to have them ingage in the bat∣tel) being wearied with expectation, began to break their ranks. Fearing they might cause his main body to do so too, though he was unwilling at this time to fight, and managed not his command with wonted alacrity, he caused a charge to be founded, his word being Unconquered Hercules, and Caesar's Victorious Venus. The battel was fought with great courage and admirable si∣lence on both sides;* 1.1686 but Pompey's Army, though greater by far, being lesse ex∣perienced, was at length broken and put to flight, at the beginning of which fight all his Auxiliaries, though great multitudes, ran away as fast as might be, whom Caesar onely suffered in the pursute to be slain, commanding that all Italians should be spared. Pompey betook himself to his tent, and sate silent, thinking of Ajax, who was thus served in the siege of Troy, till Caesar bring∣ing his Legions to storm his Camp, he took Horse, and with four in his com∣pany rode as far as Larissa, ere he stopped. On Caesar's part were said to be slain 30 Centurions, and 200 common soldiers; but as others affirmed, 1200.

On Pompey's fell ten Senators (amongst whom that Domitius who had been sent to succeed Caesar) with about 40 Equites or Knights, and of the com∣mon sort, they that say most, 25000; but Asinius Pollio who was in the Fight, and one of Caesar's Captains, in his Commentaries wrote but of 6000.

31. Pompey thought first of flying to the Parthian, then to Juba into Numidia; but being disswaded by those about him, he resolved upon Egypt,* 1.1687 as a Country at hand,* 1.1688 powerful, and the King whereof was ingaged to him in way of friendship as his Guardian. Thither when he came and sent to be received, the King being a boy, Achillas, Pothinus the Eunuch, and Theo∣dotus his Schoolmaster consulting about the matter, one would have him re∣ceived, and another not, but the last, to shew his eloquence, declared both their wayes to be bad, and that he was to be received, and then slain, subjoy∣ning, Mortuum non mordere, that the dead bites not, which saying long after Patrick Grey traiterously suggested to Queen Elizabeth, perswading her to put to death the Queen of Scots, though he was sent from King James this Queen's son to work her deliverance. This was resolved, either out of fear, as they pretended, that he should get Aegypt into his power, or because they con∣temned so great a person now unfortunate, or rather to curry favour with Caesar. Pompey then being received into a little boat, as though to come to the King, who stood on the other side of one of the mouths of Nile with his Army, was treacherously slain, when he could neither flye nor defend him∣self.* 1.1689 He covered his face with his gown, and neither speaking nor doing any thing unbecoming him, with a groan patiently received the stroaks. So fell this great man, being in War a most able Captain, and in Peace (except when he stood in fear of a concurrent equal) full of modesty, in the 58 year of his age, and the very day preceding his birth-day, and the third year of these unhappy differences. His head was cut off, and reserved as a present for Caesar; his body was cast upon the shoar for every one to gaze at, and af∣terwards being washed with Sea-water by Philip his Libertus or Freed-man, (who stood by it till all had looked their full) he wrapped it in his own coat, and burnt it with the rotten pieces of a Fisher's boat which he there found.

32. Caesar having staid two dayes at Pharsalum, on the third pursued Pom∣pey, lest he should renew the War, and so came to Alexandria, where his head and ring were presented to him. He took the ring, but was grievously offended at the sight of the head,* 1.1690 and weeping (which Lucan accounteth but feigned) commanded it to be buried. The news of Caesar's successe was not believed at Rome till he sent Pompeys ring thither. Then was power given him by them there,* 1.1691 to determin of his Enemies as he pleased, and to make War where he would without asking leave of the People. They voted him Consul for five years, and Dictator, not for half an one (as was the custom) but a whole year, with the power of a Tribune for his life, which thing was never granted to any before him. He accepted these honours, and entred upon his second Dictatorship. But ere his departure out of Aegypt he was put to much trouble and danger. For, there being at that time a difference betwixtt young Ptolomy and his sister about the Government, he stood much her friend, which favour she is said to have purchased with the losse of her chastity. His endeavours for her Pothinus the Eunuch,* 1.1692 who now feared to be punished for the sedition he had raised about Pompey, interpreted as sinisterly meant towards the King,* 1.1693 and thereby raised a dangerous War, which yet though in Winter, was prosperously ended by Caesar, and the young King flying from his Camp was drowned, too many of his followers pressing into and sinking the boat. Caesar then gave the Kingdom to Cleopatra, and to co∣lour the matter, caused her to take as an husband her younger brother but eleven years of age. But she brought the Dictator himself a son not long af∣ter, who by his permission she named Caesario; and had kept him longer with her than nine moneths, or else had followed him to Rome, but that he was ne∣cessarily drawn another way by the means of Pharnaces, who now had in∣vaded

Pontus his father's Kingdom.* 1.1694 Yet this woman after his departure is said to have been as familiar with his Enemy Cn. Pompey the eldest son of Pompey the Great.

33. Caesar then went against Pharnaces, and taking Syria in his way, vi∣sited the Cities. He restored Hyrcanus to the Priesthood in Judaea,* 1.1695 though Antigonus the son of Aristobulus (who being let out of Prison by him, and sent home, had been poysoned by Pompey's party) sued to him for the Govern∣ment. He made also Antipater (whom Hyrcanus had sent to joyn with Mi∣thridates of Pergamus with 3000 horse,* 1.1696 and who did good service in the Alexandrian War) Governour of Judaea. He promoted his own Kinsman Sexius Caesar from a Quaestorship to the Government of Syria,* 1.1697 which Scipio father-in-law to Pompey had enjoyed the year before. From Syria he sayled into Cilicia, and thence marched with all speed against Pharnaces, who out of fear sent several times to him about a Peace, but he returned him onely good words, that he might surprize him. At length he gave him conditions, which he neglected to perform,* 1.1698 hoping Caesar would be called away, and therefore he fell on,* 1.1699 and overthrew him at the Hill Scotius (where formerly Mithridates defeated Triarius) within five dayes after his arrival, and four hours after he had got a sight of his Army, so that writing to a friend at Rome, to note the celerity of this Enterprize he expressed it in three words, Veni, Vi∣di, Vici. Then receiving such places as Pharnaces had seized on, and setling things in Asia, as he passed, exacting much money of the people, he was cal∣led home into Italy by stirs which hapned in the Citie.

* 1.170034. He quieted the Seditions, and the mutiny of his own Soldiers,* 1.1701 who flew high in their demands for a dismission, and a payment of what he had promised them. Then being declared Consul for the following year, for that the year of his Dictatorship was out, he passed over into Africk, where Sci∣pio, Cato, Labienus, Petreius, and others of Pompey's Captains were with Juba.* 1.1702 He got the better in several battels. Juba caused his slave to kill him, and his young Son Caesar led in Triumph, who being brought up in Italy proved an excellent Historian. Cato at Utica stabbed himself, having read over Plato his Phaedo of the Souls immortality. The wound not being deep enough he died not presently, but strugling betwixt life and death, cast him∣self off from his bed, and threw down a Geometrical Table, which making a noise, his son and servants rushed in, and finding him in that condition, his Freed-man, who was a Physician, began to put in the bowels which were un∣touched, and sow up his belly. But he coming to himself pushed him from him, and tearing out his bowels, inlarged the wound and died, being a man of wonderfull Justice, Severity, and Magnanimity. Caesar hearing of his death let fall some expressions, which signified a great desire to have got him into his hands, and hinted (as was thought) an intention of dealing mildly with him. Petreius and Scipio also perished in Africk. After these things returning to Rome he Triumphed four times, over Gall, Pontus, Alex∣andria, and Africk, it being unlawfull to do it over any Roman; although he carried in Tables, a representation of what he had done in the Civil Wars. Then went he once more into Spain against Pompey's sons,* 1.1703* 1.1704 to whom several had fled out of Africk, where coming to fight near Munda, his Army was struck with such fear, as it was never nearer running. It had fled, but that he snatching a Target out of a Soldier's hand, went, and ingaged the Enemy himself, & had 200 Darts thrown at him, whereat his Officers being ashamed came on, and he got the day, 30000 of his Enemies being slain, with two of their Captains, Labienus and Varus. Cn. Pompey also, though he fled, was taken, and his head sent to Caesar.

35. This year being that of his third Consulship (which he exercised with M. Aemilius Lepidus) being Pontifex Maximus, or High-Priest, he amended(a) 1.1705 the Roman year, which reformed by him, is yet after him called Julian.* 1.1706 Herein he used the skill of Sosigenes an excellent Mathematician of Alexandria (where he learned this account, though the Alexandrian Moneths consisted of 30 dayes apiece, and five dayes were added at the end

of every year) in Astronomical Calculations,* 1.1707 and of Flaevius the Scribe in rectifying the Calendar. Whereas now in the Moneth of February were in∣tercalated 23 dayes, he intercalated betwixt November and December two other Moneths containing 67 dayes: so that this present year had fifteen Moneths and 445 dayes. But this work seemeth to have been done be∣fore his last expedition into Spain. After his return he(b) 1.1708 laid down the Conshulship, and bringing in a new mode of creating honorary Consuls for three moneths, made Q. Fabius Maximus, and C. Trebonius, whereof the former dying in the last day of the year, Caninius Rebilus obtained to succeed him for the few hours that remained, whereupon Tully(c) 1.1709 calls him the most vigilant Consul, for that he never slept during his Office. Now were vast honours decreed him by the Senate,* 1.1710(d) 1.1711 as that he should be Dictator in perpetuum, and have the stile of Imperator, not in that sense as Generals were wont to have it given by their Soldiers after some worthy exploit, but whereby the greatest Authority in the Commonwealth was signified. For, the Militia was to be wholely and solely at his disposal, as also raising of money: and all sorts of Magistrates, even Plebeian, were to be subject to him, and swear to contra∣dict none of his decrees.

SECT. VII. From the absolutenesse of Julius Caesar, to the end of the second Triumvirate, and the absolutenesse of Octavius Caesar, or Caesar Octavianus, the space of 15 years.

1. CAESAR being now Consul the fifth time, with M. Antonius (whom he much favoured, and promoted, for that in his Tribuneship he so much stood for him) to shun(a) 1.1712 envy in the Citie, thought upon ma∣king War upon the Getae and Dacae, which had made inroads into Pontus and Thrace. About this time young Castor, the son of Castor (by(b) 1.1713 Strabo cal∣led Saocondarius) by the daughter of Deiotarus the King or Tetrarch of Ga∣latia (to whom Pompey gave Armenia the Lesse, which gift the Senate ha∣ving confirmed was taken away by Caesar, because he took part with Pompey) came to Rome to accuse his Grand-father. He was sent by his father and mo∣ther, together with Phidippus a Physician & Deiotarus his slave, who was cor∣rupted by their promises to feign an accusation against his Lord, that he would have killed Caesar vvhen he entertained him in his Tetrarchy.* 1.1714 Deiotarus, fa∣ther, and son, vvho reigned together, had at that time four Ambassadors in the Citie, vvho offered their own bodies to Caesar for the safety of their Masters. But Cicero being mindfull of the friendship and familiarity he had had vvith the old man, made an Oration for him in Caesars house, vvherein he premi∣seth, that it vvas so unusual a thing for a King (a real King; for as for the Kings of Lacedaemon, vvho vvere called to account by the impudent Ephori, they vvere indeed no Kings, having nothing but the title, and therefore this can make nothing against this truth) to be questioned for his life, that before that time it vvas never heard of. Deiotarus being ac∣quitted by Caesar, put to death his daughter as she had deserved, together with her husband Castor Saocondarius that noble Chronographer, concern∣ing whom Gerard John Vossius is to be consulted, in his Treatise of Greek Historians.

2. Caesar in his last Consulship, to(a) 1.1715 gratifie Hyrcanus the High-Prtest and Ethnarcha of the Jews, as also the Nation, granted to him to enjoy, and Govern the Citie of Jerusalem as he pleased, which he might also fortifie with Walls. To the Jews he granted also a freedom from the charge of Por∣tage and Toll, with an abatement of the publick Revenue in the second year of letting it out to farm. In this second Julian year his Collegue

(b) 1.1716 M. Antonius procured by a Law that the Moneth Quintilis should in honour of his name be after it called July. He now restored(c) 1.1717 Carthage and Corinth (which two Cities had both in one year been destroyed) by Roman Colonies sent thither.* 1.1718 Now(d) 1.1719 the people had a great desire to be revenged on the Parthian, for the losse of Crassus and his Army, and to him unani∣mously the War was decreed, and lest any stirs should be in his absence, he was permitted to name all Officers that should be in the Citie for three years. 'Tis thought he would gladly have had the title of King, though, the people being against it, he declined it. For, as he came into the Citie from the Hill Albanus where he had sacrifized, some saluted him by the name of King, which the people took ill, whereupon he said, he was not King but Caesar; and all holding their peace, he passed on sad and grieving. And when one of the multitude put upon a statue a Lawrel Crown, tied with a white Ribband (which was a royal Ensign) the Tribunes commanded it to be taken away, and the man carried to Prison: but Caesar being vexed, ei∣ther for that the motion of the Kingdom succeeded not, or, as he pretended, that the glory of refusing it was taken from him, grievously rated the Tri∣bunes, and put them out of their Office. At the solemnity of the Luper∣calia (which were celebrated on the fifteenth of February) as Caesar sate in the Rostra, Crowned, in a purple Gown, and in a gilded Chair, Antony his Collegue running naked, as the custom was, amongst the Luperci, came to him as a suppliant, and in the name of the People of Rome offered him a Diadem, which being twice set upon his head, Caesar took off, and laid in the Chair. He answered,* 1.1720 that Jupiter alone was King of the Romans, and sending the Diadem into the Capitol unto Jupiter, commanded it to be registred, how in the name of the people the Kingdom had been offered him, and he would not take it. This gave suspition that the thing was done by agreement, and that he desired the title of King; but would be as it were compelled to accept of it.

3. A rumour was also at this time spred abroad, that the Quindecimviri had found in Sibyll's books, that the Parthians could onely be overcome by the Romans under conduct of a King; and that at the next sitting of the Senate, L. Cotta, one of the Quindecimviri, would move that Caesar might have the title. ••ome gave out, that he was indeed to be called Dictator, or Imperator, of the Romans, but plainly King of the other Nations subject to their Em∣pire. These things drew envy upon him, and the indignation of the great ones, even of such as he had (as to their particular) well deserved of. And that saying undid him, Sylla nescivit literas, non potuit dictare, utterly thereby cutting off all hope that he would give over the Dictatorship. Being sensible of the envy he had contracted, he desired to haste out of the Citie, but four dayes before the time appointed, he was slain in the Senate-house by a conspiracy of above 60 Senators and Equites. Though his death was portended several wayes, yet he neglected it. 'Tis said, that as he went down to the house that very morning, that the names of the Conspirators were put into his hands, but he folded them up amongst other papers and never read them.* 1.1721 The chief of them were M. Brutus, C. Trebonius, C. Cassius, and of his own party Decimus Brutus.* 1.1722 Coming into the Senate-house, which then was Pompey's Court, thinking of the Parthian expedition, as he sate in his Curule Chair, they fell upon him, and killed him with 23 wounds. So he who had* 1.1723 fought fifty battels, and killed 1192000 men, in that Senate, which he himself for the most part had chosen, in the Court of Pompey, and before Pompey's Statue, so many of his Centurions looking on,* 1.1724 fell by the hands of most Noble Ci∣tizens, many of whom he had to his utmost gratified, and so lay he, that not so much as a friend nor slave came near his body.

4. So great a man he was that Plutarch* 1.1725 being judge, there was none of the greatest, and most admired Captains, to whom the Gallick War alone did not demonstrate him equal in commendations, both as a General, and as a Soldier. For, whether we consider the Pabis, Scipioes, Metelli, his Contemporaries, or those that went before him, as Sylla, Marius, and both

the Luculli, and even him whose glory for all warlike abilities reacheth to the skies, Pompey himself, the actions of Caesar excel all their exploits. For, sometimes he obtained greater glory, for the inconvenience of the places wherein he made War, sometimes for the greatnesse of the Countries which he subdued, sometimes for the multitude and strength of his Enemies over∣thrown, sometimes for the perfidiousnesse and barbarism of the Nations subdued, sometimes for clemency shewed to the conquered, or otherwhiles for his liberality towards his fellow-soldiers; but alwaies in respect of the number of battels, and of those that were slain. For having caried on the War in Gall not fully ten years, he took above 800 Cities, subdued 300 several sorts of People, and having ingaged at several times with three mil∣lions of men, killed the third part, and took the other alive. So great was the affection of his Soldiers to him, and their care to please him, that where∣as otherwise they were nothing better than others,* 1.1726 yet being invincible for his credit, they would not refuse any danger. This disposition in them he first bred and then maintained by conferring honours and rewards upon them, wherein he spared nothing; then by undertaking all dangers with them, and refusing no labour. His boldnesse indeed and courage, considering that it proceeded from incredible desire of glory, they admired not so much; but his labour and toil which he indured above his strength did astonish them. For, he was of a thin habit of body, pale and tender, had a sickly head, and was subject to the falling sicknesse or Epilepsie, which first took him at Corduba. But he took not an occasion of lazinesse from his want of health, but by Expe∣ditions, most difficult journeys, slendernesse of diet, and by continuing a∣broad in the open air, sought to drive away his disease, and keep his body healthful. Most commonly he slept as he was caried in his chariot or litter, so that his sleep was not idle. On the day time he was caried about the Forts, Cities and Camps, with a boy sitting by him, who wrote down what he di∣ctated, and a Soldier with a sword standing at his back. He made so great journeys, that in his first Expedition from Rome, in eight incampings he came to the River Rhodanus. From his childhood he had learnt and practised ri∣ding, so that putting his hands behind him upon his back, he would sit an horse in his full speed, which was very much for one that had his disease. More∣over in that Expedition he exercised himself so, that riding, he would di∣ctate several letters to two Secretaries or more. He was a man ambitious of power, and unsatisfied with any thing on this side Soveraignty, but Victory pleased him, not revenge nor cruelty, in which respect Cicero, to note his ambition, and yet acknowledge his goodnesse of nature, compared him to Pisistratus.

5. The conspirators conscious of the greatnesse of the fact,* 1.1727 fearing the worst, secured themselves in the Capitol, it being in the Senate strongly de∣bated how it should look upon the thing, and consequently upon them. But for Antonius the Consul (who also resolved when he should be able, to punish it, though now he betrayed no such intention) the fact had been ap∣proved of, as done upon an Usurper and a Tyrant, though they had not long before taken a solemn oath for his preservation, and decreed such vast honours to him. Antonius by putting them in mind, that if he were judged deserved∣ly slain, all his acts were to be nulled, and consequently the assignment of several Offices, which he had of late made to several of them, effected that no more was done than to decree an Amnestie or oblivion for all that was past,* 1.1728 for which Cicero much laboured. The offices were confirmed with this reason entered, because it was requisite for the good of the Commonwealth, and the day following the Senate meeting again, decreed Provinces to the murder∣ers, viz. to M. Brutus Crete, Afnick to Cassius, to Thobonius Asia, to Cimber Bithynia, and Gall about Padus to Decimus Brutus. After this, Cae∣sar's testament was opened, wherein he made heirs three Nephews of his Sisters,* 1.1729 C. Octavius of three parts in four of his estate (not of half onely,* 1.1730 as it's found in Livy's Epitome) and L. Pinarius and Q. Pedius of the other fourth part. C. Octavius he adopted into his name and family, and most of

those that killed him he named amongst the Guardians of his son, if one should be born to him. As second heirs, if the former should not possesse the inheritance, he named Decimus Brutus and M. Autonius. He also in his will gave no small matter to the Romans, to be divided man by man, as Plu∣tarch writeth. This moved the People out of measure to indignation a∣gainst the Conspirators, Antonius the Consul vehemently stirring up the mul∣titude in his funeral Oration. They were driven to that rage, that after the burning of the Corps they were hardly disswaded from firing their houses, and they tore in pieces one Cinna whom they mistook for another of that name that was one of them.

6. Now the series of affaires bringeth us to Caesar Octavianus the adopted son of Julius. He was grand-son to his sister Julia, which woman was wife to M. Attilius Ba••bus,* 1.1731 and by him had a daughter that was maried to C. Octa∣vius. He was born in the Consulship of Cicero,* 1.1732 and lost his father (who governing Macedonia, died sodainly before he could stand for the Consulship) when but four years old. He accompanied this his great Uncle in the last Spanish War, who ever kept him close to him in their travail, and was now sent by him to Apollonia to study, intending to take him along with him in the Par∣thian War. There he heard of his death, and the inheritance left to him. His Mother and Father-in-Law Marcius Philippus, were unwilling he should take the name of Caesar, as subject to much envy; but after some pause he resolved to the contrary, and assuming the name of Caesar Octavianus, made use of the good affections of his Uncles friends in Greece, who accompany∣ing him to the City, he was met by a vast number of others from Rome. Here, after he had accepted of the adoption, and confirmed it by the authority of the Praetor as the custom was, he went to Antony, whom he expected to have his friend and assistant in prosecuting his Uncle's Enemies. But after some waiting, he entertained him with great contempt, and though he had got a great quantity of Caesar's money, yet he denied to let him have any, fearing he should grow into too much esteem.* 1.1733 Caesar hereupon sold his own inheri∣tance to pay the legacy given to the People, which procured him much love, his Uncle's (or Father's, as now he must be called) old Soldiers flocked to him, whom he accepted of out of fear of Antony, who now became every day more odious, both to him, to People and Senate.

7. The Senate suspected Antony as intending to set up himself,* 1.1734 and he in∣tended nothing more, for which cause he resolved to have some Province as∣signed him,* 1.1735 wherein he might get power. To curry favour then he propoun∣ded to be considered Sextus Pompey, who yet remained of the sons of Pompey the Great (that beloved man) that in requital for his fathers estate confiscated, he might have an allowance out of the publick, and command of the Seas, with that Navy he formerly had. This being received with great applause was enacted; and so Pompey was called back into Sicily, where he after∣wards waged a great War against Caesar. Antony perswaded Dolobella his Collegue (a young man whom Caesar having ordained to be Consul after his de∣parture out of the City, when he was dead, took the Office, and inveighing against his benefactor, would have had the day of his death stiled the birth∣day of the City) though he loved him not, to ask Syria, not of the Senate, but the People, hoping that after him he should not be denied such a request. The difference increasing betwixt him and Caesar, he desired to have the six Legions which lay in Macedonia, and obtained them, deceiving the Senate by a false rumour, that the Getes hearing of Caesar's death, had invaded that Province. He baited them, by preferring a Law against any one's being Dicta∣tor. It was his design to bring these Legions over into Italy to awe and com∣mand all, and that he might effect this, he preferred by force a Law for chang∣ing of Provinces, and thereby procured to his brother C. Antonius Mace∣donia, which formerly had been assigned to M. Brutus, and to himself the nearer Gall (or Gallia Cisalpina) which before was given to Decimus Brutus.

8. The Senate would in no wise grant this, whereupon he betook himself

to the People. When he had brought over his Legions, part of them revol∣ted to Caesar, who now out of fear went up and down Italy, gathering Sol∣diers out of the Colonies his father had planted. With a considerable Army at length Antony marched into Gall, whence he commanded Brutus to be gone, who gave way to him then, but departed to Mu••••na, resolving there to stay and endure a siege, for that he had some considerable strength, and expected assistance. Here Antony straightly besieged him, which the Senate hearing of, by Cicero's working especially (who now began to speak and write his fourteen Orations, in imitation of those of Demosthenes, called Philipicks) declared him an Enemy to the State, which proved a means for the bringing in and preferring of Caesar Octavianus.* 1.1736 For though the Se∣nate cared not at all for him, as being generally of Pompey's faction,* 1.1737 yet they resolved to make use of him for his Armies sake, and therefore erected him a statue, made him a Senator, though but nineteen years old, decreed, that he should be considered towards preferment as ten years older, and gave him equal power with Hirtius and Pausa the Consuls, whom now they sent to relieve Brutus. They took Bononia; but Antony being bold, for that he had got the better in some skirmikes, went and met Pansa, whom he o∣verthrew, but returning carelesly into his Camp, was worsted by Hirtius. A littel after, a great battel was fought near Mutina, wherein Antony was quite defeated, and fled to Lepidus then Proconsul in the further Gall.* 1.1738 Both the Consuls died of wounds; Hirtius in Antonie's Camp, and Pansa at Bononia. Brutus being at this time spared by Caesar, thought of departing with his ten Legions to M. Brutus and Cassius, now in Greece, but his Sol∣diers moved by the difficulty of the journy revolted, the six new raised Le∣gions to Caesar, and the four of old Soldiers to Antony. He then purposing with a small attendance to passe through Gall, was taken at Aquilea, and be∣traied by Capenus Sequanus Governour of the Countrey, who sent his head to Antony. Before this,* 1.1739 Trebonius another of his Complices in Caesar's death, excluding Dolabella (whom the Senate had judged an Enemy) from Pergamus and Smyrna, was taken by him in the later place, and after grie∣vous torments, had his head cut off, which the Soldiers kicking about as a foot-ball, did so abuse, as no face was to be seen on it. Not long after the death of Decimus Brutus, Minutius Basilius another of the Conspiratours was slain by his slaves, whom he had gelded in a great rage.

9. Now the Senate having no need of young Caesar, slighted him ex∣ceedingly,* 1.1740 decreeing the honour due to him unto Brutus, whom he had re∣lieved, giving him very bitter taunts, and denying him a Triumph. Being sensible hereof, and how most of them were of Compey's Faction,* 1.1741 he be∣gan to tamper with Antony by Letters, as also with Lepidus, for a con∣junction, and sent 400 Soldiers into the City, in the name of the Army, to demand the Consulship for him. Hereat the Senat straining hard, one Cornelius a Centurion laying his hand on his Sword, said, This shall do it, if you will not. Then called he Antony and Lepidus into Italy, whereat the Senate much startled, and too late blaming their own rigidity, decreed him Consul, and whomsoever he would take to himself. So he invaded the Consulship, a moneth and five dayes before he was twenty years old, and took Q. Pedius for his Collegue. Then by a Law was fire and water for∣bidden to all that had an hand in the death of Caesar, and their goods were sold. The Senate was now so changed, either through good advice or fear, that in stead of slighting they advanced him above all example.* 1.1742 They resol∣ved that after his Consulship he should take place of all Consuls, and though formerly they were displeased with his levying forces being a private man; now they desired him to add to his Army, and decreed to him the Legions of Decimus Brutus. The City was committed to his care,* 1.1743 and power given him to act what he pleased,* 1.1744 though without the prescript of the Laws, which he retained fifty six years till his death. Not long after came Aemi∣lius Lepidus and M. Antonius into Italy, whom he met about Bononia, and

after a three dayes conference entred into confederacy with them, which is fa∣mous by the name of the Triumvirate.

* 1.174510. The terms of this Combination were, That Caesar for the remainder of the year should leave the Consulship to Ventidius, who formerly in the So∣cial War when a Boy was led in Triumph, and after that rubbed the heels of* 1.1746 Mules for his living.* 1.1747 That a new authority of three men should be erected to take away civil dissentions; which they three should execute for five years with Consular power (for, the Dictatorship was waved, because of a Law late∣ly preferred against it by Antony) with authority to dispose of all Offices for that Term. That Antony should have as a Province all Gall, except that of Narbon, which Lepidus was to have with Spain; and to Caesar was Africk, with Sardinia and Sicily assigned; other places beyond the Seas being left to another time. They agreed further, that their Enemies should be destroyed, wherein the case of Cicero moved the greatest controversie. For Antony would not meddle except he in the first place should be slain,* 1.1748 Lepidus was content, but Caesar stood much against it,* 1.1749 yet on the third day he assented an exchange being made; for he yielding up Cicero, Lepidus permitted his brother Paulus, and Antony L. Caesar his Uncle by the Mother's side to be proscribed. Lastly, it was agreed that Lepidus should be Consul the follow∣ing year, instead of Decimus Brutus, designed formerly by Julius Caesar. He guarding Rome and Italy, the other two were to make War upon Brutus and Cassius, who now (though at first without any decree of the Senate) had seized on Macedonia and Syria. Cassius in Laodicea besieged Dolabella, who be∣ing judged an Enemy by the Senate for the death of Trebonius, when the Citie vvas taken caused his Page to cut off his head, and so ended his life, being a man of no great solidity. He vvas son-in-law to Cicero: but after the divor∣cing of Tullia they fell into great enmity, vvhereupon the Orator proved a back friend to him in the Senate, reigning amongst the Fathers and the People with his Eloquence.

* 1.175011. The first effect of the Triumvirate was a Proscription of some 300 persons of Equestrian and Senatorian ranks.* 1.1751 Though the pretence was to re∣venge Caesar's death, yet many were murdered for their rich Estates, others out of malice, and some for their convenient Houses and Gardens. Amongst those of greatest note was Varro, who now living to see and feel a second Tricipitina, yet escaped with his life. Cicero the man most aimed at by An∣tony for opposing him so vehemently in the Senate, upon the Triumvirs their coming went to Sea; but the winds being contrary, and because he could not endure the shaking of the ship, he returned, saying, he would die in his Countrey often preserved by him. Being weary both of his flight and life,* 1.1752 he came to a Village a little more than a mile distant from the Sea. Here his servants terrified by several prodigies, partly by perswasion, and partly by force put him again in his litter, and were carrying him back to the Sea, when hearing of those that came to seek for him, he caused the Litter to be set down, and quietly stretched out his neck to Popilius Laenas, whom for∣merly by his Oratory he had saved from condemnation. He ill favouredly enough cut off his head and hands, which he presented to Antony, and for so doing received a great reward.* 1.1753 After the head had been sufficiently gazed on by him and his wife Fulvia (who set on her knees, pulled out the Tongue, and pricking it with Needles, otherwise shamefully shewed her spite) it was to the grief of all men set up in the pleading place, or Rostra. To such an end came this most famous man, the father of Roman eloquence. He was born at Arpinum, on the third of the Nones of January, in the 648 year of the Citie, C. Atilius Serranus, and Q. Servilius Capio being Con∣suls, the same wherein Pompey the Great was born, on the Calends of October. His father was of Equestrian rank, and issued, as some said, from Tullius Attius, a Noble King of the Volsci.* 1.1754 He first deserved the Triumph of the Gown, and the Laurel of the Tongue. And as Caesar the Dictator wrote of him, he obtained a Laurel greater than all Triumphs (though he had one de∣creed to him for his good service in the field) by how much the more 'tis a

greater and more excellent thing to inlarge the bounds of Roman wit, than of Empire. He died on the seventh of December, when he had lived 63 years eleven moneths and five dayes. His brother Quintus and his sons were slain, but his own escaped; for that he had sent him beforehand unto Athens.

* 1.175512. All places in the Citie were full of slaughters.* 1.1756 The ordinary rate of one head brought to the Triumvirs, if by a free-man, was 100000 Sesterces; if by a slave, half so much, with the liberty of the Citie. This corrupted ma∣ny, so as forgetting both duty and natural affection, they betrayed those for whose preservation they ought to have laboured. Yet now m••ny rare, and admirable examples, of the love of wives to their husbands, and of slaves to their Masters, appeared; fewest of Children towards their Parents. Yet Op∣pius his Act seemeth to stand for many, who Aeneas like carried out his old and decrepit father, and conveyed him to the Sea, sometimes leading, and sometimes carrying him on his back, till they both escaped into Sicily, whence afterwards returning, the people out of a sense of his piety made him Aedilis, and for that he wanted money to set out the usual Games, the Artificers wil∣lingly wrought for him without wages, and the Spectators by a contribution made him rich. Of such proscribed persons as escaped, some fled to Brutus and Cassius, who received them kindly; but most unto Sextus Pompey now in Sicily, who sent out Vessels to hover upon the Coasts for them, and fur∣nished them when came over with necessaries.* 1.1757 But the Triumvirs wanting great sums for carrying on the War against Cassius and Brutus, by reason that few vvould buy Confiscated Estates, condemned also, though not the persons, yet the goods of many rich vvomen, as vvell as men.

13. Cassius, after he had got Syria into his power,* 1.1758 thought of making an expedition into Egypt against Cleopatra (who now was going with a great power to the aid of Caesar and his followers) but was recalled by Brutus; for that Antony and Caesar (who having attempted something against Ptolemy in Sicily,* 1.1759 put it now off till another time) were coming against them with fourty Legions,* 1.1760 whereof eight had already passed the Ionian Sea. Therefore lea∣ving Syria to his brother's son with one Legion, he sent some into Cappado∣cia; who killed Ariobarzanes as one that had conspired against him, and brought him a masse of money. Exacting money with much rigour he came into Asia, and meeting Brutus at Smyrna, they consulted about the Warre. Brutus moved that they should passe over into Macedonia, and there en∣counter their Enemies; but Cassius prevailed that the Rhodians and Lycians should first be reduced, who refused to Contribute any thing, and were powerfull at Sea. It seeming good not to leave any Enemy at their back, this was performed, and vast sums of money by that, and other means raised. The Xanthians standing out,* 1.1761 as they had done in former times against Cyrus and Alexander, were scarce any of them left alive; and the Rhodians had little besides their lives left unto them.

14. After this, both the Armies met at Philippi, that Citie of Macedonia, to which, being built by Philip to restrain the Thracians, as we have formerly shewn,* 1.1762 St. Paul wrote his Epistle. Here appeared on either side 19 Legions.* 1.1763 Antony and Caesar brought into the field 13000 horse; but Brutus and Cas∣sius 20000. who coming thither first, incamped on an high and convenient ground near the Sea, whence they could have Provisions in abundance. The other party was exceedingly straightned for necessaries, having onely Macedonia and Thessaly open to it, for that Pompey cut off all entercourse from Africk, as Murcus and Aenobarbus from Italy, by their Navies. This made Antony desirous to fight above measure, which the Enemy knowing well enough, refused to ingage, till Antony making a way through a Fen to inter∣cept his Provisions, and a work being raised by Cassius against him, this pro∣cured a fight, wherein Cassius had the worst on his part, and his Camp was taken by Antony. On the other side Caesar's Wing was worsted, and his Camp also taken by Brutus. Cassius departing to an Hill not far off, expected the event of the fight on his partner's side, and because for the dust he could not discern what horse it was that made towards him, sent Titinius to dis∣cover.

He being received with joy by those that were bringing tidings of vi∣ctory, stayed so long, till Cassius, fearing the worst, and that the Messenger was intercepted,* 1.1764 killed himself, or caused his Liberius, or Freedman, to cut off his head. Scarcely was it falln, when Titinius coming, followed him by his own hands, whom as he said, he had killed by loitering.

15. Brutus presently caused his Collegues body to be buried out of sight,* 1.1765 lest the Army should be dejected; and then had no mind to fight, desiring rather to starve the Enemy, who now was in desperate condition by want of necessaries, till fearing a defection, for that some had revolted already, or till being forced by the earnestnesse of his Soldiers he led them out to bat∣tel. Both parties, though Countrey-men, were so greedy of ingaging, that they neglected to use any missive vveapons, and betook themselves to their Swords, fighting with great animosity, till at length Brutus his side was born down, and put to the rout.* 1.1766 He escaped to an Hill, where remaining all night, when in the morning he saw no way of escaping (Antony having made him sure, lest he should renew the War) he set his swords point to his left pap, where the motion of the heart is felt, and forcing it into his breast, expired.* 1.1767 This was the end of these two men, by the same vveapons as some write where∣with they killed Caesar, who had given them their lives, and received them into favour after the battel of Pharsalum. While they sought liberty by his death, by that very means they lost that which they accounted such, being in∣deed no other than a liberty for the common sort to run into extravagan∣cies, and for particular men to abuse their credulity, and by flattery to pro∣cure power, which they then would improve (even Pompey himself, as well as Sylla, Cinna, Marius and Caesar) further than their Commissions extended. With them perished the hopes of that called a Commonwealth, which thence∣forth never was more seen.* 1.1768 As for the succeeding bickerings which the Triumviri had with young Pompey, they were but inconsiderable in compa∣rison of this War with Cassius and Brutus, who having under their power all the Roman Empire from Macedonia to the River Euphrates, with above 20 Legions, 20000 horse, 200 long ships, and infinite sums of money, so long as they remained, the Commonwealth seemed (though not at Rome) as yet to be surviving.

16. Caesar being indisposed (for he had not his health this expedition, and therefore was not in the first fight) returned into Italy.* 1.1769 Antony went into Asia to gather up money for the paiment of largesses promised to the Soldiers. Here he squeezed out of the poor Inhabitants that little which was left them by Cassius and Brutus,* 1.1770 the followers of whom he also restored as he met with them, except such as had an hand in Caesar's death. In Cilicia he met with Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, on whom he presently doated, having for∣merly had much affection for her when yet a Girle, at such time as he ac∣companied Gabinius into that Kingdom.* 1.1771 Thither he now followed her, ha∣ving first sent a party of horse to plunder Palmyra, a Town situate near Eu∣phrates, and laid most heavy Tributes and Impositions upon the Provinces. After Caesar had recovered,* 1.1772 according to their agreement at parting he set himself to divide Lands to the Army in Italy, which hereby was put into a great combustion, the number of Soldiers being so great, that multitudes of Inhabitants were turned out, and many Towns emptied to give place to those new comers, who committed many outrages, and had not purchased those Lands by any service to the State (as was complained) but by serving to in∣thrall it to the Dominion of three men. Fulvia the wife of Antony, and Lucius his brother now Consul, envied Caesar this popularity with the Sol∣diers, and contended earnestly that they ought to settle the Soldiers of Anto∣ny, which was granted. But herewith not contented, they resolved to prose∣cute him with War. She, for that she desired her husband might be recalled thereby from Cleopatra, concerning whom she had too much cause to be jea∣lous of him: and he out of desire to innovate, pretending an indeavour to sup∣presse the Triumvirate, and to reduce the antient form of Government, and trusting much to the strength of his brother.

* 1.177317. Much ado was made to reconcile them, but to no purpose. The an∣tient Possessors of the grounds flocked to Lucius, and the new ones to Cae∣sar, to whom Salvidienus coming out of Gall with great strength,* 1.1774 Lucius went to oppose him, but was diverted by Agrippa, and reduced to such straights betwixt them two, (though Ventidius and Asinius, two of Antonie's Captains were not far off) that glad he was to betake himself for security to Perusia a strong Town, where he was closely besieged by Caesar and his party. He stood out very couragiously, till forced by famine to yield to mercy; then coming out first, and casting himself into Caesar's hands, he interceded for his Soldiers, and desired all the blame might be upon himself: he was re∣ceived honourably, and his Soldiers were pardoned at the desire of their Ene∣mies. The Town was to be plundred, but by a mad-man,* 1.1775 who set his own house on fire and therein perished, it was burnt down to the ground. About this time was the first Ecloge of Virgil written (who now was some 28 years old) during the division of those Lands, as clearly appeareth from it:* 1.1776 the above mentioned L. Antonius and P. Servilius Isauricus being Consuls, in the 713^th year of the Citie, and the third of the Triumvirate.

18. After the Perusian War (for so 'tis called) Caesar suspecting Anto∣nie's affection towards him;* 1.1777 to strengthen himself seized on Spain and Gall,* 1.1778 though his Provinces, taking occasion at the death of his Lieutenant, vvhereby being 40 Legions strong, he vvas able to graple vvith him if need should require. But having no shipping he was at a losse as to Sea mat∣ters, and therefore married Scribonia the sister of Libo, father-in-law to Sex∣tus Pompey, from whom he hoped by this alliance if need were to obtain peace. Antony this Spring moved from Alexandria, where he had lived all Winter very loosely with Cleopatra, as against the Parthians, who now under conduct of Labienus had over-run Syria as far as Tyre.* 1.1779 Though this Town was set upon by them, and he pretended he would relieve it, yet he did not, alleging a necessity of going to the War against Pompey, who now hin∣dred all Provisions from coming to the Citie, and thereby caused a great dearth:* 1.1780 & he again excused himself why he came no sooner to that against Pom∣pey, because he was retained by the Parthian War. Sayling then into Asia, he had news of the event of the Perusian War, and blamed much his wife and brother; whence passing into Greece he met with her, and his mother Julia, whom Pompey having taken now sent safe to him. Thence he sayled over the Ionian Sea, where Aenobarbus delivered up all his Fleet and forces to him; and so they came to Brundusium, where they were kept out by a Gar∣rison placed there by Caesar.

* 1.178119. This made such a breach betwixt them, that Antony blocked up the Town, and procured Pompey from Sicily to invade Italy.* 1.1782 Caesar came to Brundusium, where the old Soldiers being unwilling to fight against Antony, the Army laboured to reconcile the Triumvirs, which Cocceius friend to both at length effected with much labour; Pollio on Antonie's side, and Maecenas on Caesar's, as Delegates making up the breach. All offences were mutually to be forgiven, and for that Marcellus husband to Octavia Caesar's sister was now dead, and also Fulvia Antonie's wife for grief that he negle∣cted her, Antony married Octavia. Then was the Roman Empire divided betwixt them,* 1.1783 the bounds of their Dominins being Codropolis a Town of Illy∣ricum, all from it Westward being to obey Caesar, and all Eastward Antony. Africk was left to Lepidus, who now was even no body, and having offended Caesar had been confined by him to that Province. The War against the Parthi∣ans was judged to Antony, and that against Pompey (who must needs now be suppressed) unto Caesar. Antony sent Ventidius into Asia to restrain the Par∣thians, who now had made an incursion as far as Ionia. But out of Sardinia did Menodorus Pompey's Admiral the second time eject Helenus Caesar's Captain, whereupon Caesar refused to hearken to Antony, when he moved him to be reconciled unto Pompey. Both the Triumvirs (or rather now the Duumvirs) being come to the Citie, were received with most lamentable complaints of poor people, ready to starve for want of Provisions, which Pom∣pey

hindred from coming, from the East by Sicily, from the West by Sardi∣dinia and Corsica, which he had in his power, and from Africk by his Navy also, which then was most powerful at Sea. Caesar could not be drawn to make Peace with him,* 1.1784 notwithstanding the loud cries and prayers of the mul∣titude, which obstinacy drew him, and Antony (rescuing him) into such danger, as both of them were near stoning. At length being forced to it, and Pompey being perswaded, they met, but Pompey expecting to be admitted into the power and place of Lepidus, the Treaty came to nothing. Yet the pressure of the famine brought them together again, and amongst other things it was concluded, that Pompey retaining all the Islands he had already, and Peloponnesus over and above, as long as they should hold their power; and having liberty to be Consul, and to discharge the Office by any of his friends, he was to leave the Sea open,* 1.1785 and pay to the People what corn was due out of Sicily. The proscribed persons, except such as were guilty of Caesar's death, had now all liberty to return. The day following, Consuls were designed for four years. Frst Antonius and Libo, than Caesar and Pompey, next Aeno∣barbus and Sosius, and lastly, Caesar and Antony, who then (it might be hoped) might restore the Government to the People. Then did Antony and Caesar return, and were most joyfully received.* 1.1786 And this year being the 714 of the City, did they procure Herod the Great to be declared King of Ju∣daea, in the first year of the 184 Olympiad, Cn. Domitius Calvinus the second time, and C. Asinius Pollio being Consuls.

20. Antony departed towards the East again for the Parthian Warre,* 1.1787 which hitherto Ventidius his Lieutenant had managed with good successe, ha∣ving got several victories, wherein Labienus, who brought them into Syria, and Pharnapates, (or Phraates, or Barzapharnes, being called by several names) the greatest of their Captains,* 1.1788 with Pacorus son to Orodes the King,* 1.1789 were slain. After this he repelled them in Media and Mesopotamia, and besieged Antiochus Comagenus in Samosata, whom he suffered, upon promise of 1000 talents, to send Ambassadors unto Antony, who now drew near, and for that the siege was likely long to continue, by reason of the desperat reso∣lution of the defendants, granted him Peace for 300 talents, accepted but of two Hostages, and those inconsiderable ones; and he gave him leave to put to death Alexander, who had formerly revolted to the Romans. This by(a) 1.1790 some he was thought to do for fear of the Army, which was angry at his ill usage of Ventidius; though others say,* 1.1791 he honoured him according to his deserts, who though a man of an obscure extract, now first of all others tri∣umphed over the Parthians. Antony having setled the affairs of Syria, de∣parted to Athens, where he spent the winter with Octavia. But the(c) 1.1792 peace with Pompey continued but a short time. The cause of the breach (whate∣ver secretly was aimed at) was pretended to be, for that Antony being to quit Peloponnesus, would do it but upon this condition, that Pompey should give him satisfaction for such moneys as was due to him from the Inhabitants. But Pompey liked not of any such condition, and therefore rigged a new Fleet, and provided himself of forces, perhaps giving credit to Metrodorus, who would tell him, that the present state of affairs was no true Peace, but ra∣ther a cessation of arms. He then renewed his Piracy, which renewed the former grievances, and made the People cry out, that the matter was onely altered from three Tyrants to four. But Metrodorus revolted to Caesar, bringing in with him Corsica, Sardinia, and three Legions, and then Anto∣ny was called to Brundusium to consult about the War. Thither he came at the day appointed, but Caesar keeping not his word he staied not for him, either not liking the breach of the Peace,* 1.1793 or for that he envied Caesar all that power he saw him have; for still they suspected and grudged each other.* 1.1794 But Caesar being provided, set out to Sea, as to invade Sicily, and was beaten back by Pompey, though he took him at unawares, who heard nothing of the revolt of Metrodorus, till also of Caesars coming. Afterward his ships lying at Anchor, were extreamly battered, and most of the men were cast away.

21. Caesar fortified the Coasts of Italy, for fear lest Pompey should make an invasion, which he, not knowing how to improve a Victory,* 1.1795 was never wont to attempt. Then wanting all manner of provisions for the Warre, he sent Maecenas to Antony, who refusing not to joyn with him, this cheared him, together with a Victory got by Agrippa in Aquitaine; many Cities, and private persons also promising aid. Antony came to Tarentum with 300 ships, but whether there was something else betwixt them, or for that he was now furnished, he slighted his help, Caesar excused himself that he met him not, which the other took in ill part, yet sent for him again. For having laid out much upon the Fleet, he intended to exchange it for some Italian Legions, to be used in the Parthian Warr, it being difficult for him to raise men in Italy, which was subject to Caesar, though by their last agreement both were left free there to make their Levies.* 1.1796 Octavia coming over to her brother, agreed them, who then made the exchange, and because the time of the Triumvirate set by the Senate was almost out, prorogued their power for five years longer, without any consideration had of the suffrages of the People. So Antony departed into Syria, Caesar deferring his Expedition into Sicily untill the fol∣lowing year.

22. He determined to invade Sicily from three several quarters: Lepidus,* 1.1797 who now joyned with him, was to invade it from Africk, Taurus from Ta∣rentum, and he himself from Puteoli. Pompey resolved to oppose him so ma∣ny several wayes, but at this time it needed not; for Caesar's Navy was the second time wracked by a Tempest, which so puffed up Pompey, that he sti∣led himself Neptune's son. But Caesar gave not over the enterprize; for the same Summer having recruited his forces, and mended his ships, he put forth to sea, and then, though on Lepidus his part were lost two Legions, over∣threw Pompey's Fleet, but was again worsted, and yet landed 21 Legions, and 2000 Horse, besides 5000 lightly armed. No great or memorable battel was there on Land; but Pompey sent to his Enemy, to know if he would fight by Sea, fearing his Land-Forces. He accepted of his offer, and then finally defeated him, having sunk 28 of his Vessels. The rest were either ta∣ken or broken,* 1.1798 seventeen onely escaped,* 1.1799 and at the sight of this overthrow his Land-forces yielded to Caesar, so that with his seventeen Vessels he fled to Antony, from whom he expected protection, having restored formerly his mother safe to him, when in such a condition. Messana still stood out, but the Garrison at length yielded to Lepidus, who granted to the Soldiers, to draw them to his party, the plunder of the Town equal with his own. Having now by the addition of those Forces 22 Legions, and a strong body of Horse under his command, he pleased himself with thoughts of getting all Sicily into his hands, to which he pretended a right, as first invaded by him; and he sought to hinder Caesar all he could from the possession of it.

23. Caesar expostulated with him for his ingratitude; but to no purpose. Then found he means to draw away all his Army from him,* 1.1800 which now was something averse to Civil Warrs, and satisfied of the greater worth of Caesar, being moreover incensed against their General, for making Pompey's Soldiers partakers with them in the plunder of Messana. Yet though his Soldiers would have killed him did he save them alive, but outed him of all power, and banished him;* 1.1801 so that thus fell one head of this Tricipitina. Pompey not being persued by Caesar, craved protection from Antony; yet sent to the Parthian, in case he should not be received by him. Then thought he of seiz∣ing upon Syria, and the parts adjacent, upon a rumour of Antony's being o∣verthrown; whereupon he was pursued by his party, and at last taken and kil∣led at Midaius a Town of Phrygia, as Dio writeth, but as Florus and Ap∣pian at Miletus, in the fourtieth year of his age, fourteen years after the death of his Father.* 1.1802 Caesar at his return restrained roberies in the City, setting watches therein, and administred things in the antient way by annual Magi∣strates. He burnt all letters written in time of War, promising he would restore the Commonwealth as soon as Antony should return, who, he knew, would also lay down the Magistracy, all Civil Warrs being ended. He was

therefore received with luckie acclamations, and had a Perpetual Tribuneship bestowed on him, as invited by this honour to lay down his other power. Con∣cerning this he wrote privately to Antony, who, whilst Caesar was thus im∣ployed about Pompey, had called Cleopatra into Syria, and there given her Phoenicia, Caelesyria, Cyprus, a great part of Cilicia, with part of Arabia Nabathaea,* 1.1803 and so much of Judaea as brought Balsamum. Then sending her home, he marched into Armenia, where yet he could do nothing (for desire of her) like himself; but ever thought of returning to her, which shortly after he did; but was much troubled in his passage by the Parthians, to whom his Army had revolted, but that they killed such as first passed over to them.

24. The year following, and that wherein Pompey was slain,* 1.1804 he was soli∣cited by the King of Media in conjunction with him to make Warre upon the Parthian; but was hindred by stirs which hapned betwixt Cleopatra and Octavia his wife, who now returning to him out of Italy, met with letters at Athens to stop her there, he pretending necessary avocations by Warre. Caesar then would have had her come to his house, but she would go to her husbands, where she educated both his children and her own, as became her. Then did Antony return into Armenia, where he caught the King by a wile, and brought him in triumph into Aegypt. Now would he be called Father Bacchus,* 1.1805 as Cleopatra Isis, who now was stiled by him Queen of Aegypt, Cyprus, Africa, and Caelesyria, Caesario whom she had by Julius Caesar be∣ing her partner in these Principalities. But his own sons by her, Alexander and Ptolomy, he named Kings of Kings; betwixt whom he did not onely part what Provinces he himself had, but also Armenia, Parthia, and Me∣dia, and to Cleopatra their daughter assigned Cyrene. These things, together with the disgrace of his sister provoked Caesar, who made report of them to the Senate and People. Hereby he incensed men's minds against Antony, who shortly after went into Media, and entered into league with the King thereof. Caesar at the same time fought against several People of Illyrioum, and the next year both provided for the Civil War betwixt themselves.

25. Antony in way of recrimination to Caesar, objected his putting Le∣pidus besides the Triumvirate, and taking his Soldiers as those of Pompey to himself, which ought to have been equally free for both; and he challeng∣ed his part of the Soldiers raised in Italy.* 1.1806 For, Caesar besides what we for∣merly mentioned, accused him of taking Aegypt as his Province,* 1.1807 killing Pompey, abusing Artavasdes the Armenian King, to the great infamy of the Roman State; but above all upbraided him with Cleopatra, and what he had assigned to their children, as also for that he owned Caesario as begotten by Caesar, though to the Senate he had acknowledged him for his own son. Anto∣ny, bewitched by Cleopatra so far as not to be able to rule himself, wrote to the Senate to have those things confirmed, which he had setled upon her and her children. The two Consuls Cn. Domitius and C. Sosius being much for him, were forced to leave the City, and get over to him, who now also ha∣ving raised great forces, sent to Rome, to drive Octavia out of his house and if taking his opportunity he had this Summer invaded Italy, he might in all probability have put an end to the quarrel. For, Caesar was not yet provided, wanting money exceedingly, which he now exacted throughout Italy. But this delay herein helped him, that men's minds were more and more bent a∣gainst Antony, especially after Caesar had published his Testament,* 1.1808 where∣in he disposed as formerly, to his and Cleopatra's children, and ordained, that though he should dye at Rome, his body should be sent to her at Alexandria: it was also reported, that he meant, if his matters prospered, to give her Rome, and transfer the seat of the Empire into Aegypt. Hereupon the Warre was decreed against her, and he was devested of his Triumvirate,* 1.1809 but not declared an Enemy, for fear of those with him. For then must they necessarily have been included in the same capacity, and so driven upon de∣sperate Councils: to them therefore rewards were promised, if they would forsake him; and hereby was he thought rendred more inexcusable, in that

being unhurt he should make War for an Egyptian woman against his Coun∣trey. Then did the one draw all the East, and the other the West to his party. Caesar had ready 250 ships of War, 80000 foot, and 12000 horse. Antony had 500 such like ships,* 1.1810 very big and stately, with 100000 foot, and also 12000 horse. The King of the Medes also sent him aid, which being not sent back, and Antony also recalling his forces he had left with him for the protection of that Countrey, the Parthian became Master of that Kingdom, and Armenia also was lost.

26. The following year Agrippa being sent before by Caesar,* 1.1811 took di∣vers ships coming to Antony with Provisions,* 1.1812 and molested him exceed∣ingly upon the Sea, wherewith Caesar incouraged passed from Brundusium into Epirus, to a Promontory whereof that lieth near the Bay of Ambracia sending his forces, he took in Corcyra; so did Agrippa the Island Leucas near to Actium, with Patrae and Corinth; Titius also and Taurus routed Antonies horse. Then several persons of note fell off from Antony. Sosius was beaten, and lost his life at Sea, and Antony himself was also worsted by a guard of Caesars. Being much troubled hereat, Canidius would have perswaded him to send away Cleopatra, and decide the quarrel either in Thrace or Ma∣cedonia, for that he was stronger in Land forces. But though his navy had been twice worsted, and he had lost many ships, yet she obtained of him to fight at Sea, providing withall all things as for a fight. For four dayes the Sea was so rough with winds that it hindred them from fighting; but on the fifth they joyned, and then Caesar's ships being light could easily tack about and invade Antonies, which were unwieldly, and of little use. Cleopatra wearied with long expectation, ere it could certainly be known how things would go, with her gilded deck, Purple sayls,* 1.1813 and sixty light Egyptian Gallies fled away, which Antony seing, presently followed, forsa∣king his men, and running away, who ought to have animadverted upon such as did so.* 1.1814 His Soldiers fought most valiantly, notwithstanding the basenesse of their General (who getting into Cleopatra's Gally, went, and sate by him∣self in a deep silence,* 1.1815 holding his head with both his hands) till at the tenth hour they were partly perswaded, and partly constrained to submit, it being confessed that in this fight they behaved themselves like to, and executed the Office of, the best General, and their General played the part of a run-away Soldier. From this victory of Caesar at Actium a Promontory of Epirus, Several* 1.1816 Authors date his Monarchy, which lasted from the second of Septem∣ber whereon the battel was fought, to the 19th of August, on which he died, 44 years wanting 13 dayes. Now was hee himself the third time,* 1.1817 and M. Valerius Messala Consuls, in the 723th year of the Citie, the se∣cond of the 187 Olympiad, and the seventh of Herod King of Judaea, as Josephus gathereth, the 29th before the Aera of Christ, A. M. 3974.

27. His Land forces could scarcely believe his flight,* 1.1818 having such an Army left to him intire, and for seven dayes were so constant to him, that though the thing was clearly known, they rejected Caesars messages, but being now over-taken by him, and forsaken of their Leader Canidius,* 1.1819 who had posted away after Antony, they yielded, and were taken into Caesar's Army. Then did Caesar go to Athens,* 1.1820 where he put to death Cassius Parmensis, one of those that slew his Uncle, and setling the affairs both of Greece and Asia, determined to vvinter in Samus; but was called into Italy by Agrippa to quiet his Soldiers who now mutinied. He sailed then to Brundusium, but the Senate meeting him there, he went no further, and having dispatched his businesse within thirty dayes returned into Asia. Antony for some time lived disconsolately by himself. Cleopatra conveyed ships over into the Red-Sea, intending there to seek her fortune, she had thought also of flying into Spain. They both sent to Caesar, she that her Children might have Egypt granted them, and he that he might be permitted to live privately at Athens. She sent him a Golden Crown and Scepter, with a royal seat, privily to curry favour, and he, though openly he threatned her, secretly promised her safety

and her Kingdom, if she would kill Antony, who was also advised by* 1.1821 Herod of Judaea to do as much by her.

28. They sent again to him the first and second time, and he gave up to him Turullius a Senator, and one of the murderers of Julius Caesar. He put∣ting the man to death returned no answer, neither the second time, when he sent Antyllus his son to him with much Gold, which he received.* 1.1822 But with her he still dealt, sending Thyrsus his Freed-man to her to make her believe that he was in love with her, hoping she might kill Antony, and preserve her Treasures, which she threatned to burn if she came into any danger. Now going down into Egypt he sent Cornelius Gallus before him, who seized on Paraetonium the Chief Citie on that part near Africk; and Pelusium the other strongest Town towards Syria did Cleopatra betray to him, secretly forbidding the Alexandrians to go out against him. Antony once fought prosperously against his horse, and the second time was beaten; then he sent him a challenge, which Caesar refused, saying, that if Antony so pleased there were 1000 wayes lying open for his destruction. Wherefore bethink∣ing himself that he could not die with more credit than in battel, he re∣solved to oppose Caesar both by Sea and Land; but Cleopatra procu∣red, that both his Navy, and horse revolted. Hereupon he returned into the Citie, crying out, that he was betrayed by her for whose sake he had taken up Arms. She being afraid of him departed to her Monument, and sent some to tell him she was dead, pretending fear of Caesar. Upon which mes∣sage, he resolving to follow her, wounded himself in the belly. The wound not quickly dispatching him, she sent for him up into her Monument, whi∣ther he was pulled up by her self, and two women, being willing to live now that she was alive,* 1.1823 and hoping he might possibly recover. But he shortly after died, willing her as well as she could to provide for her self, and not grieve for him, but rather rejoyce, in that he had been the most fa∣mous of men, as also most powerfull, and now being a Roman was not through lazinesse overcome by a Roman. Such was the end of this man, who through desire of fame became the Author of sad Tragedies to his Countrey, who in the use of his power greatly abused it, and was not onely overcome by a Roman, but also by a Woman, and then so behaved himself, that he could not be excused from lazinesse, effeminatenesse, and luxury, all which things checked that goodnesse of disposition supposed once to be in him, and left Cleopatra little cause to rejoyce for any real glory that might accrue unto him.

20. Caesar endeavoured to get Cleopatra into his hands, that he might lead her in Triumph. He easily obtained Alexandria,* 1.1824 the Inhabitants whereof he pardoned, but put to death Antyllus the son of Antony, and some others. He viewed the body of Alexander the Great, and out of honour to his me∣mory set on it a Golden Crown, and strewed it with flowers; but touch∣ing it he broke off a little piece of the Nose, and refused to see the bodies of the Ptolomies, though the Alexandrians much desired it, saying, he had a mind to see the King, and not dead men. Cleopatra dealt with her Phy∣sician to dispatch her, but being terrified by Caesar upon the account of her Children, she gave it over, and did all she could, but in vain, to work upon his affections when he came to see her.* 1.1825 Then did she give him an Inven∣tory of her goods, and he promised her fair things, thinking thereby that he deceived her, though he himself was deceived. For she understanding that she was reserved for a Triumph, prevented it by a voluntary death, as is in the History of her Kingdom related. Caesar made Egypt a Tributary Province, and would have conferred the Government thereof upon Arius the Philosopher, who formerly had taught him, but he refusing the imployment, he gave it to Cornelius Gallus, a man of obscure birth. Caesario the son of Cleopatra by Julius Caesar, had by his mother been sent towards India with a great sum of money, but at Rhodes his Governour perswaded him to re∣turn, as now being to expect the Kingdom. Caesar consulting what to do

with him, Ariaeus, alluding to* 1.1826 that prudent sentence of Homer, said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. To have many Caesars is not good; and so he was sent after his mother.* 1.1827 Whilest these things were doing at Alexan∣dria, was M. Tullius Cicero, son of the Orator, Consul at Rome (taken in by Caesar to blot out the ignominy of betraying his father) in the room of Lici∣nius Crassus, where he published Caesar his Collegue's Letters concerning the overthrow of Antony, and put them up over the pleading place, where his father's head had formerly been set. But this overthrow and death of Cleo∣patra hapned in the 14th year after the death of Julius Caesar, the third of the 187 Olympiad, the 724 of the Citie, 28 before the birth of Christ, A. M. 3975. 294 after the death of Alexander the Great, under whom as the Macedonian Empire began, so now in Cleopatra (and not till now) it was quite extinct; and here the Contemporaries with it receive their pe∣riod.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Alexander be∣waileth Da∣rius.
• * 1.2

  Curtius lib. 5. cap. 14. Diodorus ad Olymp. 112. an••. 3. & 4.
• * 1.3

  Curtius lib. 6. Capp. 2.3.
• * 1.4

  Marcheth into Hyrcania.
• * 1.5

  A.M. 3676. Ol. 112. an••. 4. V.C. 425. Alexand. 8.
• * 1.6

  Whether the Queen of the Amazons ever came to him.
• * 1.7

  Consulae Plu∣tarchum in A∣lexandro & Arrianum lib. 7.
• * 1.8

  He cometh into the Countrey of the Arii.
• * 1.9

  That of the Zarangaei.
• * 1.10

  Lege Cartium lib. 6. & 7. Plutarch. & Diodorum ut priùs. Arrianum lib. 3.
• * 1.11

  Philotas put to death for Treason,
• * 1.12

  And Parmenio his Father.
• * 1.13

  Diodorus ut priùs. Curtius lib. 7. cap. 3. Arrianus.
• * 1.14

  The King marcheth a∣gainst Bessus.
• * 1.15

  Passeth the Mountain Pa∣ropamisus.
• * 1.16

  A. M. 3677. Ol. 113: an. 1. V.C. 426. Alexandri 9.
• * 1.17

  Invadeth Ba∣ctria.
• * 1.18

  Bessus deliver∣ed up to him.
• * 1.19

  Curtius l. 7. Strabo l. 11, & 14.
• * 1.20

  He destroyeth the Braachidae.
• * 1.21

  Curtius & Ar∣rianus.
• * 1.22

  Cometh to Maracanda.
• * 1.23

  Curtius ut suprà Justin. l. 12. Arrianus l. 4.
• * 1.24

  Marcheth a∣gainst the Scy∣thians.
• * 1.25

  CHAP. I
• * 1.26

  Cometh to Bactra.
• * 1.27

  Bessus punish∣ed for his exe∣crable Trea∣son.
• * 1.28

  Arrianus.
• * 1.29

  Curtius lib. 8. cap. 1.
• * 1.30

  Alexander kil∣leth a Lion.
• * 1.31

  Idem. ibid. Arrianus lib. 4. Cicero Tuscul. Quaest. 4.
• * 1.32

  Killeth Clytus.
• * 1.33

  Cometh to Xenippa.
• * 1.34

  A. M. 3678. Ol. 113. an. 2. V. C: 427. Alexand. 10.
• * 1.35

  Marieth Roxane.
• * 1.36

  Arrianus. curtius.
• * 1.37

  Curtius ut su∣pra. Plutarch in Alexand. Orosius lib. 3. cap. 18. Arrianus lib. 4.
• * 1.38

  Callisthenes put to death with others for treason.
• * 1.39

  Valer. Max. lib. 7. cap. 2.
• * 1.40

  Alexander marcheth for India.
• * 1.41

  Curtius. Justin lib. 12.
• * 1.42

  Crosseth the River Indus
• * 1.43

  A. M. 3679. Ol. 113. an. 3. V. C. 428. Alexand. 11.
• * 1.44

  Curtius ut pri∣us. Diodorus. Arrianus l. 4. Orosius l. 3. c. 19. & Plutarch in Alexand.
• * 1.45

  And Hydaspes.
• * 1.46

  Overthrow∣eth and tak∣eth Porus.
• * 1.47

  Curtius lib. 9. cap. 1.
• * 1.48

  Sopithes yield∣eth.
• * 1.49

  Aelian Hist. animal. l. 8. c. 1.
• * 1.50

  Curtius lib. 9. Diodorus. Arrianus.
• * 1.51

  The River Hy∣phasis the Ea∣stern limit of his Expediti∣on.
• * 1.52

  He retreateth.
• * 1.53

  He saileth down the Ri∣ver Hydaspes.
• * 1.54

  Curtius & Dio∣dorus ut priùs. Arrianus lib. 6. Plutarch ut supra, & Orosius.
• * 1.55

  He fighteth a∣gainst the Malli and Oxy∣dracae.
• * 1.56

  Casteth him∣self into ex∣tream danger.
• * 1.57

  Saileth into Indus.
• * 1.58

  Upon which he buildeth an Alexandria, and subdueth Musicanus,
• * 1.59

  and Oxycanus.
• * 1.60

  Strabo lib. 15.
• * 1.61

  He sayleth to the Island Pattalena.
• * 1.62

  Is distressed upon the wa∣ter.
• * 1.63

  Passeth into the Ocean.
• * 1.64

  Nearchus the Admiral sayl∣eth the O∣cean.
• * 1.65

  Alexander pas∣seth the Coun∣trey of the Gedrosians with incredible dif∣ficulty.
• * 1.66

  He cometh to Pasargadae in Persia.
• * 1.67

  Curtius lib. 10. Diodorus, &c. A. M. 3680. Ol. 113. an. 4. V.C. 429. Alexand. 12.
• * 1.68

  To Persepolis.
• * 1.69

  Arrianus lib. 7.
• * 1.70

  He marieth Statira the daughter of Darius.
• * 1.71

  The Macedo∣nians mutinie,
• * 1.72

  But having humbled themselves he is reconciled.
• * 1.73

  He cometh to Ecbatane in Media, where Hephaestion dieth.
• * 1.74

  He cometh to Babylon,
• * 1.75

  A. M. 3681. Ol. 114. an. 1. Urbis conditae 430. Alexand. 13.
• * 1.76

  Where he falleth into a Feaver.
• * 1.77

  Vide praeter Plutarchum & Diodorum Sene∣cae Epist. 83. Athenaeum l. 11. c. 17. Macrobium Saturnal. lib. 5. cap. 21.
• (a) 1.78

  Val. Max. lib. 5. cap. 1. Exter. Exemp. 1.
• (b) 1.79

  Curtius lib. 10. cap. 7.
• * 1.80

  Justin lib. 12. Corn. Nepos in Eumene. Curtius ut su∣prà.
• * 1.81

  Of which he dieth the ele∣venth day.
• * 1.82

  Justin. Cur∣tius. Diodorus.
• * 1.83

  Alexanders Is∣sue and Li∣nage.
• * 1.84

  Contention amongst his Captains a∣bout the suc∣cession.
• * 1.85

  Aridaeus decla∣red King.
• * 1.86

  The Provin∣ces distributed amongst the Captains.
• * 1.87

  A. M. 3682. Ol. 114 ann. 2. V. C. 431. Ante Christum 321. Ptolom. 1.
• * 1.88

  Diodorus l. 20. ad Ol. 118. ann. 4. Ammianus Mar. l. 23.
• * 1.89

  Justin.
• * 1.90

  Curtius l. 10. Diodorus ad Olymp. 114. ann. 2. & 3.
• * 1.91

  Var. Hist. lib. 13. c. 30.
• * 1.92

  Ptolomy get∣teth possession of Egypt.
• * 1.93

  The Lamian War in Greece.
• * 1.94

  Perdiccas sub∣dueth Cappa∣docia.
• * 1.95

  A. M. 3683. Ol. 114. ann. 2. V. C. 431. Ptolom. 2.
• * 1.96

  Civil Wars amongst the Captains.
• * 1.97

  Diod.
• * 1.98

  Arrianus.
• * 1.99

  Justin. l. 13.
• * 1.100

  Perdiccas go∣eth against Ptolomy.
• * 1.101

  A. M. 3684. Ol. 114. an. 4. V. C. 433. Ptolom. 3.
• * 1.102

  Eumenes left by him in Asia getteth the better.
• * 1.103

  Idem, Pausan. in Atticis.
• * 1.104

  Perdiccas slain.
• * 1.105

  Corn. Nepos in Eumene.
• * 1.106

  Pithon and Aridaeus cho∣sen into his place.

  And Eumenes declared an Enemy. Pithon layeth down & An∣tipater chosen into his place.
• * 1.107

  A. M. 3685. Ol. 115. an. 1. V.C. 434. Ptolom. 4.
• * 1.108

  He createth Antigonus General a∣gainst Eu∣menes.
• * 1.109

  Eumenes wor∣sted through treachery.
• * 1.110

  Besieged in Nora.
• * 1.111

  A. M. 3686. Ol. 115. an. 2. V. C. 435. Ptolom. 5.
• * 1.112

  Antipater dieth and leaveth his place to Polysperchon.
• * 1.113

  Vide Vossium de script. Grae∣cis. l. 1. c. 11.
• * 1.114

  His death procureth the inlargment of Eumenes.
• * 1.115

  A. M. 3687. Ol. 115. an. 3. V. C. 436. Ptol. 6.
• * 1.116

  Cassander la∣boureth for Macedonia, & Eumenes is stirred up to stand for the King's in∣terest.
• * 1.117

  Diod. Plutarch & Corn. Nepos in Eumene. Polyaenus Stra∣tagem. l. 4.
• * 1.118

  Who march∣eth to Carrae.
• * 1.119

  A. M. 3688. Ol. 115. an. 4. V.C. 437. Ptolom. 7.
• * 1.120

  To Susa.
• * 1.121

  The Gover∣nours of the upper Provin∣ces joyn with him.
• * 1.122

  Antigonus marcheth a∣gainst him.
• * 1.123

  A. M. 3689: Ol. 116. ann. 1. V. C. 438. Ptolomaei 8.
• * 1.124

  They meet.
• * 1.125

  The victory controverted.
• * 1.126

  Diodorus ut suprà, Plutarch. in Eumene, & Cornel. Nepos.
• * 1.127

  Eumenes get∣teth the bet∣ter,
• * 1.128

  But is be∣trayed by his men,
• * 1.129

  And killed.
• * 1.130

  Diodorus l. 18.
• * 1.131

  Laertius in vita Phocionis.
• * 1.132

  Olympias de∣stroyeth Ari∣daeus and his Wife.
• * 1.133

  Diodorus l. 19.
• * 1.134

  Killeth Nica∣nor and others.
• * 1.135

  A. M. 3690: Ol. 116. ann. 2. V. C. 439. Ptolom. 9.
• * 1.136

  She is also murdred by Cassander.
• * 1.137

  Pithon put to death by An∣tigonus.
• * 1.138

  Who ordering matters as he pleaseth in the East,
• * 1.139

  Seleucus flyeth into Egypt.
• * 1.140

  Maketh the Captains combine a∣gainst Antigo∣nus.
• * 1.141

  Diodorus ut prius.
• * 1.142

  Whose Son Demetrius is defeated by Ptolomy.
• * 1.143

  A. M. 3693. Ol. 117. an. 1. V. C. 442. Seleuci 1. Ptolom. 12
• * 1.144

  Seleucus reco∣vereth Babylon and the Ea∣stern parts.
• * 1.145

  Eusebius in Chronico, alii.
• * 1.146

  Demetrius his attempts a∣gainst him.
• * 1.147

  A. M. 3694. Ol. 117. an. 2. V.C. 443. Seleuci 2. Ptolom. 13.
• * 1.148

  An agreement betwixt Ptolo∣my, Cassander, & Lysimachus.
• * 1.149

  The death of young Alex∣ander.
• * 1.150

  Hercules his brother.
• * 1.151

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 117. Justin lib. 15. A. M. 3696. Ol. 117. an. 4. V.C. 445. Seleuc. 4. Ptolom. 15.
• * 1.152

  Made away,
• * 1.153

  Diodorus l. 20. ad Olymp. 118.
• * 1.154

  And Cleopatra their Aunt.
• * 1.155

  Demetrius his Victories a∣gainst Ptolomy whereupon Antigonus and then the rest take the title of Kings.
• * 1.156

  Idem ibid. Plutarch in Demetrio. Justin lib. 15. A. M. 3698. Ol. 118. an. 2. V.C. 447. Seleuci 6. Ptolom. 17.
• * 1.157

  Diodorus ibid.
• * 1.158

  Antigonus his fruitlesse ex∣pedition a∣gainst Ptolo∣my.
• * 1.159

  A. M. 3699. Ol. 118. ann. 3. V.C. 448. Seleuci 7. Ptolom. 18. Ptolomaeus in Regum Canone.
• * 1.160

  Diodorus ibid.
• * 1.161

  And as fruit∣lesse against Rhodes.
• * 1.162

  A. M. 3700. Ol. 118. ann. 4. V.C. 449. Seleuci 8. Ptolom. 19.
• * 1.163

  A Combina∣tion against him.
• * 1.164

  Stirs prece∣ding the great battel.
• * 1.165

  Plutarch. in vita Demetrii. Appianus in Syriacis.
• * 1.166

  Antigonus slain in it.
• * 1.167

  A. M. 3704. Ol. 119. ann. 4. V. C. 453. Seleuci 12. Ptolom. 23.
• * 1.168

  Iidem.
• * 1.169

  Vide Usserium in prima parte Annal. pag. 461.
• * 1.170

  The Alliances of the Kings.
• * 1.171

  Plutarch. ibid,
• * 1.172

  A. M. 3707. Ol. 120. ann 3. V.C. 456. Seleuci 15. Ptolom. 26.
• * 1.173

  Cassander dieth.
• * 1.174

  Idem ibid. & in vita Pyrrhi. Just lib. 16.
• * 1.175

  Stirs betwixt his sons about the Kingdom.
• * 1.176

  Plutarch. in Demetrio. A. M. 3711. Ol. 121. ann. 3. V. C. 460. Seleuci 18. Ptol. 30.
• * 1.177

  Procureth the destruction of them all.
• * 1.178

  Pausanias in Boeoticis.
• * 1.179

  Justin ut suprà.
• * 1.180

  Plutarch ibid.
• * 1.181

  Demetrius get∣ting Macedo∣nia aspireth still after his former height.
• * 1.182

  Plutarch.
• * 1.183

  But labouring to get
• * 1.184

  A. M. 3717. Ol. 123. v. 1. V.C. 466. Seleuci 25. Ptolom. Lagi 30.
• * 1.185

  Loseth all,
• * 1.186

  Idem.
• * 1.187

  And flying up and down.
• * 1.188

  Idem.
• * 1.189

  At length is forced to yield himself to Seleucus.
• * 1.190

  And dieth af∣ter three years in restraint.
• * 1.191

  Idem.
• * 1.192

  Pausan. in At∣ticis. Justin lib. 17. Appian in Syriasis.
• * 1.193

  Lysimachus ha∣ving expelled Pyrrhus out of Macedonia is slain in battel against Seleu∣cus,
• * 1.194

  A. M. 3722. Ol. 124. an. 2. V. C. 471. Seleuci 30. Ptolom. Phila∣delphi, 2.
• * 1.195

  Who being the surviver of Alexander's Captains is slain by Ptolo∣my Ceraunus the same year.
• * 1.196

  Justin ut prius. Memnon apud Photium.
• * 1.197

  Ptolomy Cerau∣nus King of Macedonia maketh Alli∣ances.
• * 1.198

  Is slain by the Galls.
• * 1.199

  Porphyrius in Graecis Eusebii. Justin lib. 24.
• * 1.200

  Sosthenes over∣thrown by Brennus.
• * 1.201

  Who with his whole Army is destroyed.
• * 1.202

  Euseb.
• * 1.203

  Justin lib.
• * 1.204

  Antigonus Go∣natus.
• * 1.205

  Defeateth o∣ther Galls.
• * 1.206

  Idem ibid. & Livius lib. 38.
• * 1.207

  Plutarch. in Pyrrho. Justin ut suprà.
• * 1.208

  But is expel∣led by Pyrrhus.
• * 1.209

  A. M. 3731. Ol. 126. ann. 3. V. C. 480. Antiochi Sote∣ris 9. Ptolom. Phila∣delphi 11.
• * 1.210

  Who endea∣voureth to restore Cleo∣nymus.
• * 1.211

  Plutarch.
• * 1.212

  Is slain at Argos.
• * 1.213

  A.M. 3733. Ol. 127. ann. 1. V. C. 482. Antiochi Sote∣ris 11. Ptol. Philad. 3. Justin lib. 26.
• * 1.214

  Antigonus re∣covering Ma∣cedonia, pre∣sently loseth it again.
• * 1.215

  Demetrius his son again re∣covereth it.
• * 1.216

  Polybius ad principium l. 2.
• * 1.217

  And succeed∣eth him.
• * 1.218

  A. M. 3762. Ol. 134. an. 2. V. C. 511. Seleuci Calli∣nici 4. Ptolom. Euer∣getae 4.
• * 1.219

  Plutarch in Arato.
• * 1.220

  Justin. l. 28.
• * 1.221

  Porphyr. in Graecis, Euseb.
• * 1.222

  Plutarch in vita Aemilii, & Pausan. in Achaicis. 5.
• * 1.223

  Antigonus Do∣son.
• * 1.224

  Vide Polybium lib. 2.
• * 1.225

  A. M. 3772. Ol. 136. an. 4. V. C. 521. Sel. Callinici 14. Ptolom. Euer∣getae 14.
• * 1.226

  War betwixt the Aetolians & Achaeans,
• * 1.227

  Idem ibid. Plutarch in vita Arati & Cleomenis.
• * 1.228

  Wherein Cleo∣menes King of Sparta cometh to be ingaged and how.
• * 1.229

  Lege Plutar∣chum in Agide & Cleomene.
• * 1.230

  Cleomenes kil∣leth the Ephori and restoreth Lycurgus his Laws.
• * 1.231

  Who march∣eth down. And also An∣tigonus,
• * 1.232

  Is victorious.
• * 1.233

  Polybius ibid. Plutarch. in Arato.
• * 1.234

  He taketh Mantinea.
• * 1.235

  Defeateth Cleomenes.
• * 1.236

  Polybius ut suprà.
• * 1.237

  Dieth of a Consumption.
• * 1.238

  Pausan. in Achaicis.
• * 1.239

  Polyb. lib. 4.
• * 1.240

  Philip succeed∣eth his Uncle, and cometh to be ingaged in the Social war of Greece.
• * 1.241

  A. M. 3782. Ol. 139. ann. 2•• V. C. 531. Antiochi Magn. 1. Ptol. Euerget. 24.
• * 1.242

  The Original thereof.
• * 1.243

  Idem ibid. & Plutarch. in Arato.
• * 1.244

  Aratus is de∣feated by the Aetolians.
• * 1.245

  A. M. 3785. Ol. 140. an. 1. V. C. 534. Ant. Mag. 4. Ptol. Philopat. 3.
• * 1.246

  Philip march∣ing down the Social War is decreed a∣gainst the Aetolians.
• * 1.247

  Changes at Lacedaemon.
• * 1.248

  Polybius ut supra.
• * 1.249

  Scopas the Aetolian inva∣deth Macedo∣nia
• * 1.250

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.251

  And Philip Aetolia.
• * 1.252

  Idem Ibid.
• * 1.253

  And Pelopon∣nesus.
• * 1.254

  His exploits.
• * 1.255

  Polybius lib. 5.
• * 1.256

  Apelles his plot against Aratus and others.
• * 1.257

  The treason of him and his complices discovered.
• * 1.258

  Ptolomy put to death for treason.
• * 1.259

  Philip having vast things in design, put∣teth an end to the Social War.
• * 1.260

  A. M. 3789. Ol. 141. an. 1. V. C. 538. Antioch. M. 8. Ptolom. Philop. 7.
• * 1.261

  Polyb. lib. 5.
• * 1.262

  Livius l, 22.
• * 1.263

  He sendeth to Hannibal in Italy.
• * 1.264

  Idem lib. 23.
• * 1.265

  The Terms of their Alliance.
• * 1.266

  The Ambas∣sadors taken by the Romans.
• * 1.267

  Others sent with better successe.
• * 1.268

  Polybius ex lib. 7. excerpt. 3.
• * 1.269

  He is beaten at Appollonia, and driven home.
• * 1.270

  A. M. 3791. Ol. 141. ann. 3. V. C. 540. Antioch Mag. 10. Ptol. Philog. 9.
• * 1.271

  Idem lib. 8. Excerpt. 9.
• * 1.272

  Poysoneth Aratus.
• * 1.273

  Idem ibid. Excerpt. 10.
• * 1.274

  Livius lib. 26.
• * 1.275

  Laevinus the Roman Praetor maketh him work enough.
• * 1.276

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.277

  Polybius lib. 10.
• * 1.278

  Idem lib. 27.
• * 1.279

  The Aetolians refuse peace.
• * 1.280

  Philip again worsted by the Romans at Elis.
• * 1.281

  A. M. 3796. Ol. 142. ann. 4. V.C. 545. Antioch. M. 15. Ptolom. Phi∣lop. 14.
• * 1.282

  His acts in Greece.
• * 1.283

  Livius lib. 28.
• * 1.284

  Idem lib. 29.
• * 1.285

  The Aetolians forced to make a peace with him.
• * 1.286

  A general peace made betwixt him, the Romans, and others.
• * 1.287

  Polybius l. 11. excerpt. c. 7.
• * 1.288

  Plutarch in Philopomene.
• * 1.289

  He incurreth odium several wayes.
• * 1.290

  And Having other enemies
• * 1.291

  Lib. 5. excerpt. 20. c.
• * 1.292

  Ibid. c. 2.
• * 1.293

  A. M. 3805. Ol. 145. an. 1. V. C. 554. Ant. M. 24. Ptol. Epiph. 4.
• * 1.294

  He ingageth against the Romans.
• * 1.295

  Vide Livium lib. 31.
• * 1.296

  The grounds of the War on the Roman part.
• * 1.297

  Galba.
• * 1.298

  Idem ibid. & Polyb. excerpt. lib. 16.
• * 1.299

  Livius ibid.
• * 1.300

  Philip's fruit∣lesse Expedi∣tion against Athens.
• * 1.301

  He courteth the Aetolians,
• * 1.302

  But his bad successe a∣gainst the Consul mak∣eth them joyn with the Ro∣mans.
• * 1.303

  Livius l. 32.
• * 1.304

  Tappulus the Consul doth nothing.
• * 1.305

  Flamininus suc∣ceedeth,
• * 1.306

  With whom Philip hath a fruitlesse trea∣ty.
• * 1.307

  And is beaten by him.
• * 1.308

  The Consul taketh in se∣veral places in Thessaly.
• * 1.309

  The Achaeans joyn with the Roman party.
• * 1.310

  Another Treaty.
• * 1.311

  Polybius except. è lib. 17.
• * 1.312

  He sendeth Ambassadors to Rome.
• * 1.313

  To no effect.
• * 1.314

  Livius ut su∣prà.
• * 1.315

  Polybius ex∣cerpt. è lib. 17.
• * 1.316

  Is overthrown at Cynosce∣phalae.
• * 1.317

  A. A. 3808. Ol. 145. ann. 4. V. C. 657. Antioch. Mag. 27. Ptolom. Epi∣phanis. 7.
• * 1.318

  Idem excerpt. Legation. 6.
• * 1.319

  Obtaineth a Truce, and sending again to Rome,
• * 1.320

  Idem excerpt. Legation. l. 7. & 9.
• * 1.321

  Procureth peace.
• * 1.322

  Livius lib. 30.
• * 1.323

  His dissatisfa∣ction after the War.
• * 1.324

  He is displea∣sed at the fa∣vour of the Romans to∣wards his younger son Demetrius
• * 1.325

  Which ad∣vantage Per∣seus his eldest son impro∣veth,
• * 1.326

  Livie lib. 40.
• * 1.327

  And compas∣eth his bro∣thers death by false accusa∣tions.
• * 1.328

  A. M. 3824. Ol. 149. an. 4. V.C. 572. Seleuci Philop. 6. Ptolom. Epiph. 22.
• * 1.329

  The device is discovered,
• * 1.330

  Whereat Phi∣lip laboureth to disinherit Perseus and dieth of Me∣lancholy.
• * 1.331

  A. M. 3826. Ol. 150. an. 2. V. C. 575. Seleuci Philop. 9. Ptol. Philom. 2.
• * 1.332

  Yet Perseus getteth the Kingdom, and resolveth to renew the War with the Romans.
• * 1.333

  Livius lib. 41.
• * 1.334

  His bad cari∣age towards Eumenes mak∣eth him the sooner be de∣clared an Enemy.
• * 1.335

  Idem lib. 42, 43, 44.
• * 1.336

  He desireth Peace which will not now be granted.
• * 1.337

  His conster∣nation of mind.
• * 1.338

  A. M. 3836 Ol. 152. an. 4 V. C. 585. Ant. Epipha∣ris 8. Ptol. Philom. 12.
• * 1.339

  Livius ibid.
• * 1.340

  Plutarch in Aemilio.
• * 1.341

  He is over∣thrown,
• * 1.342

  Yieldeth him∣self, and dieth in custody af∣ter two years.
• * 1.343

  Plutarch. in Demetrio. Valerius Maxi∣mus lib. 5. cap. 7. Appianus in Syriacis.
• * 1.344

  Antiochus the son of Seleucus falling in love with his Fa∣ther's wife hath her granted to him.
• * 1.345

  A. M. 3712. Ol. 121. ann. 4. V. C. 461. Seleuci 20. Ptol. Lagi 31.
• * 1.346

  Vide J••stin. lib. 25.
• * 1.347

  Appian in Sy∣riacis. Memnon ex∣corpt. cap. 16. &c.
• * 1.348

  Succeedeth his father.
• * 1.349

  A. M. 3723. Ol. 124. ann. 3. V. C. 472. Ptol. Philad. 3.
• * 1.350

  His Wars.
• * 1.351

  Antigonus Go∣natas maketh a League with him.
• * 1.352

  He repelleth the Galls, and thence hath the name of Soter.
• * 1.353

  Pausan. in Phocicis.
• * 1.354

  Idem in Atti∣cis.
• * 1.355

  Strabo lib. 13.
• * 1.356

  The Original of the King∣dom of Perga∣mus.
• * 1.357

  Strabo ibid. &
• * 1.358

  Pausan. in At∣ticis.
• * 1.359

  Prolog. in Trogi Pomp. lib. 26.
• * 1.360

  Antiochus Theos from whom the Parthians revolt,
• * 1.361

  Appian in Sy∣riacis.
• * 1.362

  Lib. 41.
• * 1.363

  Strabo lib. 11.5
• * 1.364

  And the Ea∣stern Provin∣ces.
• * 1.365

  Cap. 11. vers. 6.
• * 1.366

  Appian in Sy∣riacis.
• * 1.367

  Idem ibid. Justin lib. 27.
• * 1.368

  Seleucus sir∣named Calli∣nicus and Po∣gon.
• * 1.369

  A. M. 3759. Ol. 133. ann. 3. V.C. 508. Ptol. Euerget. 1.
• * 1.370

  Ptolomy Euer∣getes reven∣geth the death of his sister Berenice.
• * 1.371

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.372

  He invadeth Ptolomy and thence is cast into great straights.
• * 1.373

  Antiochus Hierax his brother rebel∣eth.
• * 1.374

  Idem lib. 41.
• * 1.375

  Arsaces per∣fecting his revolt esta∣blisheth his Parthian Kingdom.
• * 1.376

  Idem lib. 27.
• * 1.377

  The two bro∣thers renew the War and
• * 1.378

  Dye.
• * 1.379

  Seleucus Cerau∣nus.
• * 1.380

  Polybius lib. 4. Appian in Sy∣riacis.
• * 1.381

  A. M. 3779. Ol. 138. an. 3. V.C. 528. Ptolom. Euer∣getae 21.
• * 1.382

  Antiochus the Great.
• * 1.383

  Folyb. lib. 5.
• * 1.384

  Falleth im∣mediatly into great troubles by the means of Hermias,
• * 1.385

  Who procur∣eth him to march against Ptolomy, though Molon rebelled.
• * 1.386

  A. M. 3783. Ol. 139. an. 3. V. C. 532. Antioch. M. 2. Ptol. Philom. 1.
• * 1.387

  He is necessi∣tated to go a∣gainst Molon.
• * 1.388

  Molon and his Army destroy∣ed.
• * 1.389

  And Hermias put to death.
• * 1.390

  Achaeus trai∣terously assu∣meth the Diadem, and Title of King.
• * 1.391

  Yet Antiochus maketh War upon Ptolomy for Caelesyria,
• * 1.392

  And getteth into Seleucia,
• * 1.393

  A. M. 3786. Ol. 140. ano. 2. V. C. 535. Ant. M. 5. Ptol. Philopa∣tris 4.
• * 1.394

  With several other places.
• * 1.395

  Is by the pra∣ctices of A∣chaeus recalled.
• * 1.396

  A Treaty be∣twixt him and the King of Egypt.
• * 1.397

  His Plea for Caelesyria.
• * 1.398

  The answer of Ptolomy's Com∣missioners, and the Trea∣ty ends with∣out effect.
• * 1.399

  Hostility thereupon in Spring is re∣newed, where∣by Antiochus getteth much.
• * 1.400

  Called by Josephus Beth∣san in the Tribe of Ma∣nasses, through whose grounds Jordan flows.
• * 1.401

  Ptolomy in the Spring follow∣ing taketh the field.
• * 1.402

  A pitch't bat∣tel.
• * 1.403

  The manner of the fighting of Elephants.
• * 1.404

  Antiochus bea∣ten.
• * 1.405

  A M. 3788. Ol. 140. ann. 4. V.C. 537. Antiochi Mag∣ni 7. Ptol. Philop. 6.
• * 1.406

  Desireth peace and easily obtain∣eth it.
• * 1.407

  Idem excerpt. lib. 7.
• * 1.408

  He besiegeth Achaeus in Sardis,
• * 1.409

  For whose safety Sosibius plotteth,
• * 1.410

  Idem excerpt. lib. 8.
• * 1.411

  But he is be∣traied by the instrument into the hands of justice.
• * 1.412

  A. M. 3791. Ol. 141. an. 3. V.C. 540. Ant. Mag. 10. Ptol. Philom. 9.
• * 1.413

  Polyb. lib. 10. excerpt. & Appian in Sy∣riacis.
• * 1.414

  Antiochus maketh an Expedition into the East.
• * 1.415

  Polybius ex∣cerpt. lib. 11.
• * 1.416

  The fruits of it.
• * 1.417

  A. M. 3803. Ol. 144. an. 3. V.C. 552. Ant. Mag. 22. Ptol. Epiph. 2.
• * 1.418

  Antiquit. l. 12. c. 3. Livius l. 33.
• * 1.419

  He joyneth with Philip a∣gainst Ptolomy, getteth Judaea, and presently loseth it again.

  Falling upon Attalus his Territories the Romans pro∣cure him to desist.
• * 1.420

  A. M. 3807. Ol. 145. ann. 3. V. C. 556. Ant. M. 26. Ptol. Epiphanis 6.
• * 1.421

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.422

  Yet he mini∣streth occasi∣on for a War with them.
• * 1.423

  Antiochus the Great and the Romans grow jealous one of ano∣ther.
• * 1.424

  Livius l. 33.
• * 1.425

  Appian in Sy∣riacis. Polybius Excerp. Legat. 9. & Lib. 17.
• * 1.426

  Livius & Ap∣pian ut supra.
• * 1.427

  Upon a false rumour of Ptolomie's death he re∣solveth to in∣vade Aegypt.
• * 1.428

  Hannibal's ad∣vice to invade Italy.
• * 1.429

  Livius lib. 34. Appian ut prius.
• * 1.430

  Livius lib. 35. Appian ibid.
• * 1.431

  Antiochus in∣tending a war seeketh Con∣federates.
• * 1.432

  A. M. 3813. Ol. 147. ann. 1. V. C. 562. Antioch. Mag. 32. Ptol. Epiphan. 12.
• * 1.433

  Livius & Ap∣pian ut priùs.
• * 1.434

  The Aetolians stir him up to the War, and he passeth over into Greece.
• * 1.435

  Livius lib. 36.
• * 1.436

  A. M. 3814. Ol. 147. ann. 2. V. V. 563. Antioch, Mag. 33. Ptol. Epiphan. 13.
• * 1.437

  Marrieth an obscure Girle at Chalcis.
• * 1.438

  The prepara∣tions of the Romans re∣solved on.
• * 1.439

  Glabrio the Consul sent over.
• * 1.440

  Overthroweth Antiochus at the Straights of Thermopylae.
• * 1.441

  Antiochus his acts in Asia.
• * 1.442

  He is defeated at Sea.
• * 1.443

  Livius lib. 37.
• * 1.444

  Hannibal wor∣sted at Sea.
• * 1.445

  A. M. 3815. Ol. 147. ann. 3. V. C. 564. Ant. Mag. 34. Ptol. Epiphan. 14.
• * 1.446

  And Polyceni∣das defeated.
• * 1.447

  Polybius Legat. 23.
• * 1.448

  Antiochus his imprudence.
• * 1.449

  He sendeth to the Consul about a peace.
• * 1.450

  Rejecting the terms,
• * 1.451

  He prepareth for a battel.
• (a) 1.452

  Livius ut supra.
• (b) 1.453

  Appian in Syriacis.
• * 1.454

  Wherein he is overthrown
• * 1.455

  Livius & Ap∣pian ut prius. Polyb. Legat. 25.
• * 1.456

  And hath well nigh the same terms as for∣merly were set him.
• * 1.457

  Justin lib. 32. Valerius Max∣imus. l. 4. c. 1. Justin ibid. Strabo lib. 16. & Excerpt. Di∣odori.
• * 1.458

  Aurelius Vi∣ctor de viris illustribus c. 4.
• * 1.459

  He is slain in Elymais.
• * 1.460

  His son Seleu∣cus sirnamed Philopater succeedeth him.
• * 1.461

  A. M. 3818. Ol. 148. ann. 2. V.C. 567. Seleucidarum 126. Ptol. Epiphanis 17. Appian ibid. Excerpt. Diodor. per Valesium. 2 Maccab. 3.
• * 1.462

  The treache∣ry of Simon a Benjamite a∣gainst his re∣ligion and Country.
• * 1.463

  Seleucus is slain.
• * 1.464

  Appian in Sy∣riacis. Excerpt. Diodor. Siculi per Va∣lesium.
• * 1.465

  Antiochus his brother suc∣ceedeth him, Sirnamed Epiphanes.
• * 1.466

  A. M. 3829. Ol. 151. an. 1. V. C. 578. Ptolom. Phi∣lometoris 5.
• * 1.467

  Hieronym. in Dan. cap. 11. Appian ibid.
• * 1.468

  2 Maccab. 4.
• * 1.469

  Jason the Jew having bought the High-Priesthood out of his bro∣ther's hands, is served in the same manner by Menelaus.
• * 1.470

  Antiochus seiz∣eth on Aegypt
• * 1.471

  2 Maccab. 5.
• * 1.472

  Again.
• * 1.473

  Jason rageth at Jerusalem against his Countrymen.
• * 1.474

  Antiochus his cruelty and prophaneness against Jews and Temple.
• * 1.475

  Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13.
• * 1.476

  Excerpt. Diodo∣ri per Val.
• * 1.477

  He getteth all Aegypt into his hands except Alexandria.
• * 1.478

  Justin lib. 24. Polybius Legat. 84. Livius l. 44, & 45.
• * 1.479

  A. M. 3835. Ol. 152. an. 3. V. C. 584. Antioch. Epi∣phan. 6. Ptolom. Philomet. 10.
• * 1.480

  Retreateth.
• * 1.481

  Idem ibid. Polyb. Legat. 89.
• * 1.482

  He returneth into Egypt.
• * 1.483

  Livius ibid. Polyb. Legat. 92. Valerius Maxi∣mus lib. 6. cap. 4. Appian ut prius.
• * 1.484

  But is taken off by the Ro∣mans from further at∣tempts.
• * 1.485

  1 Maccab. 1. & 2 Maccab. 6.
• * 1.486

  He persecu∣teth the Jews for their re∣ligion.
• * 1.487

  1 Maccab. 2.
• * 1.488

  Mattathias maketh oppo∣sition.
• * 1.489

  1 Maccab. 3.
• * 1.490

  Ad A. M. 8332.
• * 1.491

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.492

  Psal. 68.32.
• * 1.493

  And Judas his son after him.
• * 1.494

  Polyb. Legat. 101. & 109.
• * 1.495

  Which inra∣ging Antio∣chus.
• * 1.496

  1 Maccab. 3.
• * 1.497

  Who intend∣ing to go a∣gainst him, yet changeth his mind and giveth order to Lysias to destroy the Jews.
• * 1.498

  2 Maccab. 8.
• * 1.499

  He sendeth se∣veral Captains into Judaea.
• * 1.500

  1 Maccab. 4.
• * 1.501

  But they are defeated.
• * 1.502

  And Lysias himself.
• * 1.503

  2 Maccab. 10.
• * 1.504

  Appian. in Syriacis.
• * 1.505

  Antiochus in the mean time prospe∣reth in the upper Coun∣treys.
• * 1.506

  2 Maccab. 9.
• * 1.507

  And in his return hearing of the miscar∣riage of Lysias, and the rest breathes re∣venge, but is presently struck with a foul disease.
• * 1.508

  A. M. 3841. Ol. 154. ann. 1. Seleucida 149. Ptol. Philomet. 17.
• * 1.509

  And dieth.
• * 1.510

  Appian. in Sy∣riacis. Antiochus Eu∣pator. 2 Maccab. 10.
• * 1.511

  Polyb. Legat. 107.
• * 1.512

  Demetrius the sonne of Seleucus Phi∣lopator and the right heir, desireth of the Romans to re∣store him; but they out of policy re∣fuse it.
• * 1.513

  2 Maccab. 10.
• * 1.514

  Gorgias fo∣menteth a War with the Jews.
• * 1.515

  1 Maccab. 5.
• * 1.516

  Judas is vi∣ctorious.
• * 1.517

  2 Maccab. 11. & 12.
• * 1.518

  Lysias again defeated.
• * 1.519

  And the Scy∣thian Nomades,
• * 1.520

  Chap. 11.
• * 1.521

  1 Maccab. 5. & 2 Maccab. 12.
• * 1.522

  As also Timo∣motheus
• * 1.523

  And Gorgias.
• * 1.524

  The Edomites and Philistines subdued.
• * 1.525

  1 Maccab. 6.
• * 1.526

  Ibid. & 2 Maccab. 1••.
• * 1.527

  Antiochus be∣siegeth Beth∣sura,
• * 1.528

  Which being taken, he besiegeth Jerusalem,
• * 1.529

  But is called away by the motions of Philip.
• * 1.530

  A. M. 3842. Ol. 154. an. 2. Seleucidarum 150. Antiochi Eupatoris 2. Ptolom. Phi∣lomet. 18. V. C. 591. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 15.
• * 1.531

  A Temple built to God at Heliopolis by the procure∣ment of Onias
• * 1.532

  Polybius Legat. 114. 1 Maccab. 7. & 2 Maccab. 14.
• * 1.533

  Demetrius the right heir escapeth from Rome.
• * 1.534

  A. M. 3843. Ol. 154. an. 3. V. C. 592. Seleucidarum 151. Ptolom. Philo∣met. 19.
• * 1.535

  Zonarus ex Dione. Joseph. lib. 12. cap. 16. Justin lib. 34. Lib. Maccab. ut suprà.
• * 1.536

  Getteth the Kingdom, and killeth Seleu∣cus.
• * 1.537

  In Syriacis. Polybius Legat. 120 & 122.
• * 1.538

  He courteth the Commis∣sioners of Rome that he may be owned as King.
• * 1.539

  A. M. 3844. Ol. 154. ann. 4. V.C. 593. Seleucid. 152. Demet. Soter. 2. Ptol. Philom. 2••.
• * 1.540

  1 Maccab. 7. 2 Mac. 14.
• * 1.541

  Bachides sent by him against the Jews.
• * 1.542

  Leaveth Al∣cimus the High-Priest with some for∣ces.
• * 1.543

  Who accusing Judas, Nicanor is sent against him.
• * 1.544

  Nicanor at first much loveth Maccabaeus.
• * 1.545

  Then com∣plained of by Alcimus seek∣eth his de∣struction.
• * 1.546

  His blasphe∣mous threats.
• * 1.547

  1 Maccab. 7. & 2.15.
• * 1.548

  He is slain in battel.
• * 1.549

  The end of the second book of Mac∣cabees.
• * 1.550

  1 Maccab. 8. & 9.
• * 1.551

  Bachides and Alcimus sent into Judaea a∣gainst Judas.
• * 1.552

  Maccabaeus is slain.
• * 1.553

  1 Maccab. 9.
• * 1.554

  Jonathan his brother cho∣sen Captain in his room.
• * 1.555

  A. M. 3845. Ol. 155. an. 1. V. C. 594. Seleucid. 153. Demetr. Sot. 3. Ptolom. Philomet. 21.
• * 1.556

  1 Maccab. 8.
• * 1.557

  Demetrius is forbidden by the Romans to hurt the Jews.
• * 1.558

  1 Ma••cab. 9.
• * 1.559

  Alcimus his ill end.
• * 1.560

  Bachides sweareth ne∣ver more to molest the Jews.
• * 1.561

  Excerpt. Dio∣ri Siculi & Polyb.
• * 1.562

  Orophernes one of suppositions brood getteth Cappadocia by the help of Demetrius.
• * 1.563

  Artaphernes the true heir re∣stored by Attalus.
• * 1.564

  Excerpt. Polybii per Valesium.
• * 1.565

  One Balas suborned by several Prin∣ces for the son of Epiphanes,
• (a) 1.566

  Justin. lib. 35.
• (b) 1.567

  Strabo lib. 16.
• (c) 1.568

  Josephus lib. 13. c. 8.
• (d) 1.569

  Polybius Legat. 140.
• * 1.570

  1 Maccab. 10.
• * 1.571

  Justin ut prius. Appian in Sy∣riacis.
• * 1.572

  Contendeth for the King∣dom of Syria
• * 1.573

  A. M. 3852. Ol. 156. an. 4. V. C. 601. Seleucid. 160. Demet. Sot. 10. Ptol. Philom. 28.
• * 1.574

  And Demetri∣us being slain in battel
• * 1.575

  1 Maccab. 10.
• * 1.576

  Alexander Ba∣las getteth the Kingdom and marieth Ptolomie's daughter.
• * 1.577

  Joseph. lib. 13. cap. 8. & Livius lib. 50. & Justin. l. 35.
• * 1.578

  Demetrius the son of Deme∣trius Soter maketh for the Kingdom.
• * 1.579

  A. M. 3857. Ol. 158. an. 1. V. C. 606. Seleucid. 165. Ptolom. Philo∣met. 33.
• * 1.580

  1 Maccab. 11.
• * 1.581

  Joseph. & Ju∣stin ut supra.
• * 1.582

  Ptolomy assist∣eth him in re∣covering his Fathers Kingdom.
• * 1.583

  Diod. Sicul. apud Photium. A. M. 3858. Seleucidarum 166.
• * 1.584

  Alexander slain,
• * 1.585

  And Ptolomy dieth of his wounds.
• * 1.586

  Appian in Sy∣riacis. 1 Maccab. 11. Excerpt. Diod. Siculi.
• * 1.587

  The Son of Balas set up against Deme∣trius by Dio∣dotus or Try∣phon.
• * 1.588

  A. M. 3860. Ol. 158. an. 4. V. C. 609. Seleucid. 168. Ptol. Physconis. 2. 1 Maccab. 11. Joseph. l. 13. c. 9.
• * 1.589

  Appian ut su∣pra.
• * 1.590

  1 Maccab. 12, & 13.
• * 1.591

  Tryphon inten∣ding to set up for himself,
• * 1.592

  Circumvent∣venteth and killeth Jona∣than.
• * 1.593

  1 Maccab. 13. Strabo lib. 16. Livius lib. 55.
• * 1.594

  Then killeth Antiochus his new made King. Seeketh friends in vain.
• * 1.595

  A. M. 3863. Ol. 159. ann. 3. V.C. 612. Seleucid. 171. Ptol. Physconis 5. Simonis 2.
• * 1.596

  1 Maccab. 14.
• * 1.597

  The Iews chuse Simon for their Prince.
• * 1.598

  Iustin lib. 36. Ioseph. ut su∣prà. 1 Maccab. 14. & 15. Excerpt. Dio∣dori Siculi.
• * 1.599

  Demetrius ta∣ken by the Parthian.
• * 1.600

  Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 12.
• * 1.601

  His brother Antiochus ma∣keth for the Kingdom,
• * 1.602

  1 Maccab. 15.
• * 1.603

  And disposses∣seth Tryphon.
• * 1.604

  A. M. 3867. Ol. 160. ann. 3. V.C. 616. Seleucid. 175. Ptol. Physconis 9. Simonis 6.
• * 1.605

  Cendebaeus sent by Antiochus against the Jews, is de∣feated by John the son of Si∣mon.
• * 1.606

  Simon and his two sons mur∣dered by his son-in-law.
• * 1.607

  Antiochus be∣siegeth Jeru∣salem.
• * 1.608

  Josephus Antiq. lib. 13. cap. 16.
• * 1.609

  But departeth upon good terms for the besieged.
• * 1.610

  A. M. 3870. Ol. 161. ann. 2. V.C. 619. Seleucid. 178. Ptol. Physconis 12. Joh. Hyrcan. 1.
• * 1.611

  Iustin. lib. 38. Appian in Sy∣riacis & Li∣vius lib. 59.
• * 1.612

  Antiochus Si∣detes is slain by the Par∣thians.
• * 1.613

  A. M. 3877. Ol. 163. ann. 1. V. C. 626. Seleucid. 185. Ptol. Physc. 19. Hyrcani 8.
• * 1.614

  Iustin. ibid.
• * 1.615

  Iosephus Anti∣quit. lib. 13. cap. 17.
• * 1.616

  Iustin lib. 42.
• * 1.617

  Idem lib. 39. Iosephus ut priùs.
• * 1.618

  Demetrius ha∣ving recover∣ed the King∣dom, is outed of it by his rebel∣lious Subjects, and Zabinas a counterfeit, and is slain at Tyre.
• * 1.619

  Appian ut su∣pra & Josephus.
• * 1.620

  Excerpt. Dio∣ri Siculi.
• * 1.621

  Justin lib. 42.
• * 1.622

  Antiochus Gry∣pus son to De∣metrius de∣feateth and killeth Alex∣ander Balas the usurping counterfeit.
• * 1.623

  Idem ibid. & Appian ut su∣pra.
• * 1.624

  Is emulated by Antiochus Cyzicenus his half brother and cousin german.
• * 1.625

  And expelled out of Syria.
• * 1.626

  Excerpt. Diodo∣ri Siculi. Josephus lib. 13. cap. 17, & 18.
• * 1.627

  The two bro∣thers reign to∣gether.
• * 1.628

  Justin ut prius.
• * 1.629

  Joseph. ut su∣pra cap. 21.
• * 1.630

  Porphyr. apud Eusebium.
• * 1.631

  Great stirs a∣mongst their sons.
• * 1.632

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.633

  Josephus ibid.
• * 1.634

  Appian in Sy∣riacis.
• * 1.635

  Joseph. Anti∣quit. lib. 13. cap. 22, & 23.
• * 1.636

  Justin lib. 40.
• * 1.637

  Tigranes get∣teth Syria.
• * 1.638

  Appian in Syri∣acis & Mi∣thridaticis. Justin lib. 40. Joseph. lib. 13. cap. ult.
• * 1.639

  Appian in Syri∣acis.
• * 1.640

  Antiochus Asia∣ticus recover∣ing it.
• * 1.641

  Appian in Mi∣thridaticis & Justin ibid.
• * 1.642

  Is untimely spoiled of it by Pompey.
• * 1.643

  A. M. 3942. Ol. 179. an. 2. V. C. 691. Seleucid. 250.
• * 1.644

  Pausan. in At∣ticis. Justin lib. 16.
• * 1.645

  Ptolomy Phila∣delphus.
• (a) 1.646

  Vide circa∣res Judaeorum Josephum con∣tra Apionem lib. 2. Tertull. in Apo∣log. Josephus Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 2. & Aristeas de 70 Inter.
• * 1.647

  The Transla∣tion of the Septuagint.
• * 1.648

  Pausan. in At∣ticis.
• * 1.649

  Laertius in vita Demetrii. Pausan. ibid.
• * 1.650

  Magas his brother ob∣taineth Cy∣rene.
• * 1.651

  Justin lib. 26.
• * 1.652

  Athenaeus lib. 12. cap. 17.
• * 1.653

  Justin lib. 27.
• * 1.654

  Appian in Sy∣riacis.
• * 1.655

  Hieronym. in Daniel.
• * 1.656

  Ptolomy Euer∣getes his Wars with Antiochus Theos.
• * 1.657

  Josephus contra Apion. lib. 2.
• * 1.658

  Justin ut priùs.
• * 1.659

  His wife Bere∣nice's hair gi∣veth name to a Constella∣tion.
• * 1.660

  Annal. lib. 6.
• * 1.661

  Polyb. lib. 5. & Flutarch in vi∣ta Cleomen.
• * 1.662

  Sub fidem lib. 2.
• * 1.663

  Lib. 29. & 30.
• * 1.664

  Ptolomy Philo∣pator.
• * 1.665

  A. M. 3783. Ol. 139. ann. 2. V.C. 532. Antioch. M. 2. Polybius lib. 5.
• * 1.666

  Polybius ibid. & Plutarch. in Cleomen.
• * 1.667

  Stirs about Cleomenes King of Sparta.
• * 1.668

  Polyb. ut prius.
• * 1.669

  Eusebius in Chronico. 3. Maccab. Usserius Annal. Vet. Test. pag. 510.
• * 1.670

  The Jews per∣secuted.
• * 1.671

  A. M. 3789. Ol. 141. an. 1. V.C. 538. Ant. Mag. 8. •• Ptol. Philop. 7.
• * 1.672

  Ptolomy dieth.
• * 1.673

  Justin lib. 30
• * 1.674

  Polyb. lib. 15
• * 1.675

  His son Ptolo∣my Epiphanes a child of five years succeed∣eth him.
• * 1.676

  A. M. 3801. Ol. 144. an. 1. V. C. 550. Ant. Mag. 20.
• * 1.677

  Anthiochus and Philip gape af∣ter Aegypt.
• * 1.678

  Idem lib. 3.
• * 1.679

  Justin lib. 30, & 31.
• * 1.680

  Antiochus his Conquests.
• * 1.681

  Josephus Antiq. lib. 12. c. 3. & Hieronymus in Daniel.
• * 1.682

  Appian in Sy∣riacis.
• * 1.683

  He marieth his daughter to Ptolomy.
• * 1.684

  Polyb. lib. 17.
• * 1.685

  Scopas the Aetolian plot∣eth against the King and receiveth his reward.
• * 1.686

  A. M. 3809. Ol. 146. ann. 1. V.C. 558. Ant. Mag. 28. Ptolom. Epi∣phan. 8.
• * 1.687

  Excerp. Diodo∣ri Siculi.
• * 1.688

  Polybius Legat. 37, 40, & 57.
• * 1.689

  Ptolomy con∣tracteth ami∣ty with the Achaeans.
• * 1.690

  Hieronym. in Danel.
• * 1.691

  Is poysoned.
• * 1.692

  Ptolomy Philo∣metor.
• * 1.693

  A. M. 3825.
• * 1.694

  Idem. ibid.
• * 1.695

  Prepareth for Soelesyria.
• * 1.696

  But his uncle Antiochus Epi∣phanes preven∣teth him by getting all Aegypt into his hands.
• * 1.697

  Polyb. Legat. 81, 82.
• * 1.698

  Porphyr. in Graecis Euseb.
• * 1.699

  Athenaeus lib. 12. cap. 17.
• * 1.700

  Ptolomy Phys∣con made King
• * 1.701

  Polyb. Legat. 83, & 84.
• * 1.702

  Livius l. 45.
• * 1.703

  A. M. 3837. Ol. 153. ann. 1. V.C. 586. Ant. Epiphan. 9. Ptol. Philom. 13.
• * 1.704

  The two bro∣thers agree, and are saved harmlesse from their Uncle by the Romans.
• * 1.705

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.706

  Porphyrius ut prius.
• * 1.707

  Polybius Legat. 107.
• * 1.708

  Valerius Max. Lib. 5. cap. 1. Exemp. 1.
• * 1.709

  Philometor be∣ing expelled by his rebel∣lious brother is restored by the Romans, & Euergetes or Physcon com∣plaining, they also give him relief.
• * 1.710

  Polybius Legat. 113.
• * 1.711

  Polyb. Legat. 115.16.17.
• * 1.712

  Polyb. Legat. 132.
• * 1.713

  Josephus An∣tiquit. lib. 13. cap. 6.
• * 1.714

  Onias the Jew buildeth a Temple in E∣gypt.
• * 1.715

  Chap. 19. A. M. 3853. Ol. 157. ann. 1. V.C. 602. Demet. Soteris. 11. Ptol. Philom. 29.
• * 1.716

  Josephus ibid.
• * 1.717

  Dissention be∣twixt the Jews and Samari∣tans.
• * 1.718

  Justin lib. 35.
• * 1.719

  1 Maccab. 10. & 11.
• * 1.720

  Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. cap. 8.
• * 1.721

  Ptolomy fight∣ing against A∣lexander King of Syria, whom he had former∣ly set up, re∣ceived a wound and dieth.
• * 1.722

  A. M. 3859. Ol. 158. ann. 3. V. C. 608.
• * 1.723

  Livius Epit. lib. 52.
• * 1.724

  Justin lib. 38. Valerius Max. lib. 38. Valerius Max. lib. 9. cap. 1. Exter. Exemp. 5.
• * 1.725

  Excerpt. Dio∣dori Siculi.
• * 1.726

  Ptolomy Physcon unjustly ob∣taining the Kingdom his cruelty.
• * 1.727

  Val. Max. ibid.
• * 1.728

  Cicero in som∣nio Scipionis. A. M. 3875. Ol. 162. an. 3. V. C. 624. Ptol. Phys. 17. Joh. Hyrcani. 6.
• * 1.729

  Excerpt. Diod∣ori.
• * 1.730

  Justin ut prius. Livius Epit. lib. 59. Val. Max. l. 9. c. 2. exter. exempl. 5.
• * 1.731

  A. M. 3876. Ol. 162. an. 4. V.C. 625. Ptol. Physcon. 18. Joh. Hyrcani 7.
• * 1.732

  Justin Lib. 39. Vide Hegelo∣chum apud Us∣serium. p. 118.
• * 1.733

  He suborneth one against Demetrius Ni∣cator.
• * 1.734

  Porphyr. apud Euseb. A. M. 3888. Ol. 165. an. 4. V. C. 637.
• * 1.735

  Dieth.
• * 1.736

  Idem. & Pau∣san in Atticis.
• * 1.737

  He leaveth Aegypt to his wives dispo∣sal.
• * 1.738

  Who first ta∣keth to her one son and then another.
• * 1.739

  Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 20, 21.
• * 1.740

  Lathurus inva∣deth Judaea but his mo∣ther march∣eth against and spoileth all his pro∣jects.
• * 1.741

  Justin ut pr•• & Porphyr. ibid.
• * 1.742

  She is killed by Alexander her son.
• * 1.743

  Justin ibid.
• * 1.744

  Who being thereupon ex∣pelled Lathu∣rus is restored.
• * 1.745

  Livius Epitom. lib. 70.
• * 1.746

  Platarch in Lucullo.
• * 1.747

  He entertain∣eth Lucullus the Roman.
• * 1.748

  Pausan, in At∣tiis.
• (a) 1.749

  Porphyr. in Graecis Euseb.
• (b) 1.750

  Apian de bello civ. lib. 1.
• * 1.751

  Alexander the second.
• * 1.752

  In Julio c. 11.
• * 1.753

  In Orat. 1a. & 2a Agraria.
• * 1.754

  Auletes suc∣ceedeth Alex∣andor.
• * 1.755

  ••od. lib. 39.
• * 1.756

  Plutarch in Catone Minore.
• * 1.757

  Is compelled by his rebelli∣ous Subjects, and betaketh himself to Rome.
• * 1.758

  A. M. 3948. Ol. 180. ann. 1. V.C. 697. Hyrcani 7.
• * 1.759

  Strabo lib. 17.
• * 1.760

  Plutarch in Pompeio. Dio ibid. Cicero Familiar. Epist. lib. 1. Epist. 1. Strabo & Dio ut priùs. Porphyrius in Graecis Eusebii.
• * 1.761

  Where get∣ting no relief he departeth to Ephesus.
• * 1.762

  Dio lib. 39.
• * 1.763

  Joseph. de bello Judaico lib. 1. cap. 6. Appian in Par∣thicis.
• * 1.764

  Hireth Gabi∣nans to restore him.
• * 1.765

  Dio & Strabo ut suprà.
• * 1.766

  Plutarch. in Antonio. Dio & Strabo ut su∣prà.
• * 1.767

  A. M. 3950. Ol. 181. ann. 2. V. C. 699. Hyrcani 9. Cn. Pompeio Mag. 2. M. Licinio Crasso 2. Coss.
• * 1.768

  A. M. 3954. Ol. 182. ann. 2. V. C. 703.
• * 1.769

  Dieth.
• * 1.770

  Caesar Comment. de bello civili. lib. 3. Dio lib. 42. Eutropius lib. 6.
• * 1.771

  His eldest son and eldest daughter suc∣ceeding him, she is driven away.
• * 1.772

  Appian de bello civili lib. 2. Caesar. lib. 3. Plutarch. in Pompeio & Dio lib. 42.
• * 1.773

  Pompey flying to him for suc∣cour is slain.
• * 1.774

  A. M. 3957. Ol. 183. ann. 1. V. C. 706. Hyrcani 16. C. Julio Cae∣sare 2. P. Servilio Isaurio Coss.
• * 1.775

  Plutarch. in Caesare. Dio & Caesar ut priùs.
• * 1.776

  Caesar going about to re∣concile bro∣ther and si∣ster, a War is ••••••••ce raised by P••••hiaus the Eunuch.
• * 1.777

  A. M. 3958. Q. Fusto Caleno Publio Vatinio Coss.
• * 1.778

  The Alexan∣drian War.
• (a) 1.779

  Idem ibid.
• (b) 1.780

  Plutarch. in Caesare. Orosius lib. 6. cap. 15.
• (c) 1.781

  Caesar ut priùs.
• (d) 1.782

  Hirtius de bello Alexan∣drino.
• * 1.783

  Achillas the General is slain, and Po∣thinus put to death by Cae∣sar.
• * 1.784

  Caesar defeat∣eth the Alex∣andrians at sea.
• * 1.785

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.786

  Again
• * 1.787

  Appian de bello civili lib. 2.
• * 1.788

  He casteth himself into danger.
• * 1.789

  Letteth the King go.
• * 1.790

  Hirtius ibid.
• * 1.791

  Josephus Antiquit. l. 14. cap. 14, & 15. & de bello l. 1. cap. 7.
• * 1.792

  Aid sent to Caesar.
• * 1.793

  Being opposed overcometh.
• * 1.794

  Caesar storm∣eth the Aegyptian Camp.
• * 1.795

  A. M. 3598.
• * 1.796

  Orosius lib. 6. cap. 16.
• * 1.797

  Ptolomy is drowned.
• * 1.798

  Caesar taketh Alexandria.
• * 1.799

  Dio lib. 42.
• * 1.800

  Appian de bel∣lo civili l. 2.
• * 1.801

  Plutarch in Caesare.
• * 1.802

  Sueton in Ju∣lio.
• (a) 1.803

  Plutarch in Antonio.
• (b) 1.804

  Sueton ut prius.
• (c) 1.805

  Appian ibid.
• * 1.806

  Cleopatra poy∣soneth her brother,
• (d) 1.807

  Josephus. Antiquit. l. 15. cap. 4.
• (e) 1.808

  Appian de bello civili l. 3, & 4.
• * 1.809

  A. M. 3963. Ol. 184. an. 3. V. C. 712. Hyrcani 22. M. Emilio Lepido 2. L. Munatio Planco Coss.
• * 1.810

  Cometh to Antony in Asia who follow∣eth her into Aegypt.
• * 1.811

  Plutarch ut prius. Appian lib. 5.
• * 1.812

  Plutarch & Appian ut prius.
• * 1.813

  Dio lib. 49.
• * 1.814

  A. M. 3968. Ol. 185. an. 4. V. C. 717. Herodis 3. M. Vepsanio Agrippa. L. Canidio Gal∣lo. Cass. Josephus An∣tiq. l. 15. c. 5.
• * 1.815

  Plutarch & Dio ut supra.
• * 1.816

  Their loose practices.
• * 1.817

  Sueton in Octa∣vio & Dio lib. 49, 50.
• * 1.818

  Plutarch. in Antonio.
• * 1.819

  War at Rome is decreed a∣gainst it.
• * 1.820

  He is bewitch∣ed as it were by her.
• * 1.821

  Plinius Natu∣ral. Histor. lib. 21. cap. 3.
• * 1.822

  Yet suspecteth her.
• * 1.823

  Plutarch. ut priùs.
• * 1.824

  She maketh him ingage at Actium,
• * 1.825

  Dio lib. 50.
• * 1.826

  Where he his defeated.
• * 1.827

  A. M. 3974. Ol. 187. ann. 2. V.C. 723. Herodis 9. Octavio Cae∣sare 3. M. Valerio Messala Coss.
• * 1.828

  She convey∣eth ships into the Arabian Bay to seek out her for∣tune, but is diverted by him.
• * 1.829

  Plutarch. in Antonio & Dio lib. 51.
• * 1.830

  Many willing to die give their names, and they spend their time in jolli∣ty.
• * 1.831

  She yet la∣boureth to curry favour with Caesar.
• * 1.832

  She betray∣eth Pelusium, and causeth the Fleet and Horse to re∣volt to him.
• * 1.833

  Anthony killeth himself.
• * 1.834

  Caesar earnest∣ly desireth to lead her in Triumph, and doth all he can to de∣ceive her.
• * 1.835

  Plutarch & Dio ut suprà.
• * 1.836

  Vide Suetonin Octavio. Florum lib. 4. cap. 11. Orosium lib. 6. cap. 19. Eutropium l. 7.
• * 1.837

  But she ha∣ving notice of his inten∣tions dieth by the biting of an Asp.
• * 1.838

  A. M. 3975. Ol. 187. ann. 3. V. C. 724. Herodis 10. Octavio Cae∣sare 4. M. Licinio Crasso Coss.
• * 1.839

  A. M. 3870.
• * 1.840

  A. M. 3877.
• * 1.841

  John sirnamed Hyrcanus his exploits.
• * 1.842

  A. M. 3878. Ol. 163. an. 2. V. C. 627. Seleucid. 186. Ptol. Physcon. 20. Joh. Hyrcani 9.
• * 1.843

  Her reneweth the League with Rome.
• * 1.844

  Besiegeth Sa∣maria.
• * 1.845

  Idem cap. 18.
• * 1.846

  Idem ibid. & de bello Judai∣co lib. 1. c. 2, & 3.
• * 1.847

  Taketh it.
• * 1.848

  Grudges be∣twixt him and the Pharisees.
• * 1.849

  The original of the several Jewish Sects.
• * 1.850

  Lib. 18. c. 2. & de bello lib. 2. c. 7.
• * 1.851

  Consule Jose∣phum Scalige∣rum in Eleacho Trihaeresi Fulle∣rum Miscellan. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.852

  Drusium lib. de tribus sectis Judaeorum. Jacobum Cap∣pellum ad A. M. 3891. & Simsonium & A. M. 3896.
• * 1.853

  Aristobulus the son of Hyrca∣nus changeth the Principa∣lity into a Kingdom.
• * 1.854

  A. M. 3900. Ol. 168. ann. 4. V. C. 649. Ptol. Lath. 13.
• * 1.855

  His cruelty against his mother and brethren.
• * 1.856

  He dieth within a years time.
• * 1.857

  Josephus Antiq. lib. 13. cap. 20.
• * 1.858

  Jannaeus or A∣lexander his brother suc∣ceedeth him.
• * 1.859

  A. M. 3901.
• * 1.860

  Besieging Pto∣lemais, the siege is raised by Ptolomy Lathurus.
• * 1.861

  A. M. 3905. Ol. 170. ann. 1. V.C. 654. Seleucid. 213. Alexand. 5. C. Mario 6. L. Valerio Flac∣co Coss.
• * 1.862

  Idem Ibid. & cap. 21.
• * 1.863

  Who inva∣deth Judaea, and over∣throweth A∣lexander in battel.
• * 1.864

  But is driven back by his own mother.
• * 1.865

  Who entereth into League with Alexan∣der.
• * 1.866

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.867

  He again in∣vading Coele∣syria,
• * 1.868

  Hath Gaza betrayed to him.
• * 1.869

  A. M. 3909. Ol. 171. ann. 1. V.C. 658. Seleucid. 217. Alexand. 9. Cn. Domitio Aenobarbo C. Cassio Lon∣gino Coss.
• * 1.870

  Idem ibid. & De bello lib. 1. cap. 3.
• * 1.871

  He is defeated by the Ara∣bians, and hath Wars with his rebellious and sawcy Subjects.
• * 1.872

  Idem ibid. & Antiq. lib. 13. cap. 22.
• * 1.873

  A. M. 3920. Ol. 173. ann. 4. V. C. 669. Seleucid. 228. Alexand. 20.
• * 1.874

  Idem Antiquit. lib. 13. cap. 23. & De bello lib. 1. cap. 4.
• * 1.875

  His Con∣quests abroad.
• * 1.876

  Antiquit. lib. 13. cap. 23.
• * 1.877

  His death.
• * 1.878

  A. M. 3927. Ol. 175. an. 3. V. C. 676. Seleucid. 235.
• * 1.879

  His advice to his wife to gain the Pha∣risees.
• * 1.880

  Idem cap. 24. & de bello ut prius.
• * 1.881

  Which she followeth and reigneth her self.
• * 1.882

  This raiseth stirs betwixt the two facti∣ons.
• * 1.883

  A. M. 3934. Ol. 177. an. 2. V.C. 683. Seleucid. 242. Alexandrae 8.
• * 1.884

  Aristobulus her younger son assumeth the state of King.
• * 1.885

  She dieth.
• * 1.886

  A. M. 3936. Ol. 177. an. 4. V. C. 685. Seleucid. 244.
• * 1.887

  Josephus An∣tiq. l. 14. c. 1. & de bello ut supra &c. 5.
• * 1.888

  Aristobulus by a battel dis∣possesseth his brother Hyrca∣cus.
• * 1.889

  Vide Euseb. Eccl. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 7.
• * 1.890

  Lib. 14. c. 2.
• * 1.891

  Antipate•• stir∣eth up Hyrca∣nus to recover his just right,
• * 1.892

  And procur∣eth him to flie to Aretas King of Arabia.
• * 1.893

  Josephus ut prius cap. 3.
• * 1.894

  Who besieg∣eth Jerusalem,
• * 1.895

  Idem cap. 4.
• * 1.896

  A. M. 3941. Ol. 179. an. 1. V. C. 690 Selencid. 249. Aristob. 6.
• * 1.897

  But is beaten off by Scaurus.
• * 1.898

  Idem cap. 5.
• * 1.899

  Both brothers sent to Pompey to complain.
• * 1.900

  Who sideth with Hyrcan∣nus.
• * 1.901

  Idem cap. 6. & de bello lib. 1. cap. 5.
• * 1.902

  And follow∣eth Aristobu∣lus into Judaea.
• * 1.903

  Lib. 14. cap. 7.
• * 1.904

  A. M. 3942.
• * 1.905

  Cap. 8.
• * 1.906

  Besiegeth his party in the Temple, and taketh it.
• * 1.907

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.908

  Lib. 20. cap. 8.
• * 1.909

  He restoreth the Priest∣hood to Hyr∣canus forbid∣ding him the Diadem, and carrieth Ari∣stobulus and his sons to Rome.
• * 1.910

  Idem lib. 14. cap. 10. & de bello lib. 1. cap. 6.
• * 1.911

  His son Ari∣stobulus esca∣peth, and is defeated by Gabinius, and he himself al∣so getteth a∣way from Rome.
• * 1.912

  Idem ibid. & lib. 14. cap. 11.
• * 1.913

  A. M. 3949. Ol. 181. ann. 1. V. C. 698. Hyrcani 8.
• * 1.914

  He is taken and sent back by Gabinius.
• * 1.915

  Alexander his son stirreth, but is defeat∣ed.
• * 1.916

  Cap. 12.
• * 1.917

  Crassus his sa∣crilege and punishment.
• * 1.918

  Cap. 13. & de bello ut priùs cap. 7.
• * 1.919

  Aristobulus poysoned by Pompey's par∣ty, and his son Alexander be∣headed.
• * 1.920

  A. M. 3957. Ol. 183. ann. 1. V. C. 706. Hyrcani 16.
• * 1.921

  Idem ibid. & lib. 14. cap. 14.
• * 1.922

  Antipater his great services for Caesar.
• * 1.923

  Cap. 15.
• * 1.924

  A. M. 3958. Ol. 183. ann. 2. V. C. 707. Hyrcani 17.
• * 1.925

  Who reward∣eth both him and Hyrcanus.
• * 1.926

  De bello ut priùs cap. 8. & lib. 14. Capp. 16, 17.
• * 1.927

  A. M. 3959. Ol. 183. an. 3. V. C. 708. Hyrcani 18.
• * 1.928

  Herod the son of Antipater his notable forwardness.
• * 1.929

  A. M. 3961. Ol. 184. an. 1. V. C. 710. Hyrcani 20. C. Jul. Caesare 5. M. Antonio Coss.
• * 1.930

  He is sum∣moned to Je∣rusalem to an∣swer for kil∣ling Ezechias a thief.
• * 1.931

  Idem ibid. Ant. et de bello.
• * 1.932

  He appeareth, but with a guard,
• * 1.933

  And had done mischief but that his father and brother diverted him.
• * 1.934

  Appian de bell•• civili. lib. 3. Patere. lib. 2. cap. 69.
• * 1.935

  Josephus Antiquit. l. 14. c. 18, & 19. & de bello l. 1. c. 9.
• * 1.936

  Grievous ex∣actions by Cassius.
• * 1.937

  A. M. 3962. Ol. 184. an. 2. V. C. 751 Hyrcani 21.
• * 1.938

  Antipater poy∣soned by Ma∣lichus.
• * 1.939

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.940

  Antiq. ut prius, cap. 20.
• * 1.941

  His son Herod revengeth his death,
• * 1.942

  Idem ibid, & de bello lib. 1. c. 10.
• * 1.943

  Falleth sick,
• * 1.944

  Antiquit. l. 14. cap. 21.
• * 1.945

  His acts after his recovery.
• * 1.946

  Cap. 22.
• * 1.947

  Stirs in Judaea upon the ap∣proach of Antony.
• * 1.948

  Cap. 23.
• * 1.949

  Which end in the promotion of Herod, and his brother Phasacl••••
• * 1.950

  Idem de bello ut priùs cap. 11. & Antiquit. cap. 24.
• * 1.951

  The Parthians procured by Antigonus the son of Aristo∣bulus invade Judaea.
• * 1.952

  Hyrcanus and Phaselus going in ambassage to Barzaphan∣tes are perfi∣diously capti∣vated.
• * 1.953

  A. M. 3965. Ol. 185. ann. 1. V. C. 714. Hyrcani 24. Ante Christum 38. Cn. Domitio Calvino 2. C. Asinio Pol∣lione Coss.
• * 1.954

  Cap. 25.
• * 1.955

  Herod besieged at Jerusalem getteth forth.
• * 1.956

  He goeth through Idu∣maea to Petra in Arabia for aid.
• * 1.957

  Antigonus ha∣ving received Hyrcanus and Phaselus, de∣priveth the former of his ears, and Pha∣selus dasheth out his own brains.
• * 1.958

  Being reje∣cted by the Arabian, he goeth to Rome.
• * 1.959

  Cap. 26.
• * 1.960

  Where to the wonder both of himself and others, he his declared King of Judaea.
• * 1.961

  A. M. 3965.
• * 1.962

  Josephus de bello l. 1. c. 12.
• * 1.963

  Idem Antiq. l. 14. c. 27. A. M. 3966.
• * 1.964

  He besiegeth Jerusalem.
• * 1.965

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 to A••¦••••••••
• * 1.966

  A. M. 3967.
• * 1.967

  Idem de bello ut prius cap. 13.
• * 1.968

  Idem Antiq ut prius. cap. 28.
• * 1.969

  He besiegeth Jerusalem.
• * 1.970

  A. M. 3968. Ol. 105. an. 4. V. C. 717. Herodis 3. Ante Christum 35.
• * 1.971

  Which after five moneths is taken, and therein Anti∣gonus, who be∣ing beheaded by Antony, here the Prin∣cipality of the Asmonaeans re∣ceiveth it's period.
• * 1.972

  Idem ibid. & l. 15. c. 1. Plutarch in An∣tonio, & Dio lib. 59.
• * 1.973

  The Original of Agathocles.
• * 1.974

  Diodorus Sicu∣lus lib. 19. ad Olymp. 115. ann. 4.
• * 1.975

  He is made a Colonel.
• * 1.976

  A. M. 3688. Ol. 116. ann. 4. V.C. 437. Ptol. Lagi 7.
• * 1.977

  Liveth in Ita∣ly.
• * 1.978

  Endangered at Gela.
• * 1.979

  Suspected to affect the Ty∣ranny and ba∣nished.
• * 1.980

  Recalled, and made Gene∣ral.
• * 1.981

  Under a spe∣cious pretence he causeth a Massacre to be made of the rich Syracusi∣ans.
• * 1.982

  Taketh the Office of Cap∣tain General without a Collegue.
• * 1.983

  A. M. 3688.
• * 1.984

  Idem ad ann. 2. Olymp. 116.
• * 1.985

  Ad ann. 3.
• * 1.986

  The Agrigen∣tines provoked by the Exiles, resolve to make War up∣on him.
• * 1.987

  Amilcar the Carthaginian maketh a peace.
• * 1.988

  Ad ann. 1. Olymp. 117.
• * 1.989

  He breaketh it.
• * 1.990

  A. M. 3693. Ol. 117. ann. 1. V. C. 442. Seleuci 1. Ptol. Lagi 12.
• * 1.991

  Ad ann. 2.
• * 1.992

  The Carthagi∣nians receive a great losse by shipwrack.
• * 1.993

  Overthrew Agathocles.
• * 1.994

  Ad ann. 3.
• * 1.995

  They having almost got all Sicilie into their hands, he resolveth to divert them by invading Africk.
• * 1.996

  Being landed he burneth his ships.
• * 1.997

  The Carthagi∣nians at first daunted,
• * 1.998

  Are over∣thrown by him.
• * 1.999

  Amilcar rais∣eth his siege from Syracuse.
• * 1.1000

  Agathocles prospereth ex∣ceedingly in Africk.
• * 1.1001

  Ad ann. 4.
• * 1.1002

  Amilcar be∣sieging Syra∣cuse again is taken and killed.
• * 1.1003

  Justin. l. 22.
• * 1.1004

  Whereupon his Army is divided into two factions.
• * 1.1005

  Agathocles be∣ing puffed up his fortune changeth by a grievous mu∣tiny of his Soldiers,
• * 1.1006

  Yet he quiet∣eth them now, and defeateth the Carthagi∣nians.
• * 1.1007

  Diodorus Sicu∣lus ut priùs, Ad ann. 1. Olymp. 118.
• * 1.1008

  Agathocles ob∣taineth an∣other victory against the Carthaginians.
• * 1.1009

  Sendeth for Ophellas out of Greece,
• * 1.1010

  A. M. 3697. Ol. 118. ann. 1. V.C. 446. Seleuci 5. Ptol. Lag. 16. P. Decio Mure. 2. Q. Fabio Maxi∣mo 3. Coss.
• * 1.1011

  Whom he treacherously murdereth.
• * 1.1012

  Bomilcar seek∣eth to invade the Tyranny at Carthage, and miscar∣rieth.
• * 1.1013

  Idem ad ann. 2
• * 1.1014

  Agathocles ta∣keth the title of King.
• * 1.1015

  Aelian. Var. Hist. lib. 11. cap. 4.
• * 1.1016

  A. M. 3698. Ol 118. ann. 2. V. C. 447. Seleuci 6. Ptol. Lagi 17.
• * 1.1017

  Returning in∣to Sicily, his affairs go down the wind, both there and in Africk.
• * 1.1018

  Being to re∣turn into A∣frick, he ma∣keth a Massacre at Syracuse.
• * 1.1019

  A strange ac∣cident which maketh great disorder in both the Camps.
• * 1.1020

  Agathocles des∣pairing of his affairs in A∣frick, intend∣eth to fly a∣way with his youngest son.
• * 1.1021

  The eldest hearing of it raiseth a mu∣tiny, wherein Agathocles is bound in Fet∣ters, but being loosed escapeth away, and both his sons are killed by his Army, which maketh its own terms
• * 1.1022

  His horrid cruelty to∣wards the Estians.
• * 1.1023

  Diodorus ut su∣pra. ad ann. 3.
• * 1.1024

  Out of despair he offereth to lay down his power, but Dinocrates in∣tending to ob∣tain the Ty∣ranny himself rejecteth it.
• * 1.1025

  Idem ad ann. 4.
• * 1.1026

  A. M. 3700. Ol. 118. ann. 4. V.C. 449. Seleucid. 8. Ptol. Lagi 19.
• * 1.1027

  Whom he overthroweth and yet re∣ceiveth into favour.
• * 1.1028

  Diodorus in Excerpt. l. 21. A. M. 3704.
• * 1.1029

  Justin lib. 23.
• * 1.1030

  Rageth a∣gainst the Italians.
• * 1.1031

  Diodorus ibid.
• * 1.1032

  Entereth into society with Demetrius Poli∣orcetes.
• * 1.1033

  A. M. 3716. Ol. 122. an. 4. V. C. 465. Seleuci 24. Ptolom. Lag. 35.
• * 1.1034

  Whilst he thinketh of making ano∣ther Expedi∣tion into Af∣rick,
• * 1.1035

  He is preven∣ted by poy∣son.
• * 1.1036

  A. M. 3718. Ol. 123. an. 2. V.C. 467. Seleuci 26. Ptol. Lagi 37. Vide Diodo∣rum in Excerpt. 12. lib. 21.
• * 1.1037

  Maenon who poysoned him laboured in vain to get the Tyranny.
• * 1.1038

  Idem ibid. & Polybius lib. 1.
• * 1.1039

  The mercena∣ries massacre the Messenians, and the Roman Soldiers those of Rhegium.
• * 1.1040

  Diodorus Ex∣cerpt. l. 22.
• * 1.1041

  Plutarch in Pyrrh.
• * 1.1042

  Diodorus ibid.
• * 1.1043

  Pyrrhus King of Epirus cal∣led over into Sicily by the Syracusians.
• * 1.1044

  A. M. 3728. Ol. 125. an. 4. V. C. 477. Antioc. Soteris 6. Ptol. Phila∣delph. 8.
• * 1.1045

  Justin lib. 23.
• * 1.1046

  Diodorus ut suprà.
• * 1.1047

  Prospereth.
• * 1.1048

  Plutarch ut priùs.
• * 1.1049

  But by his cruelty loseth himself and departeth.
• * 1.1050

  Polybius lib. 1.
• * 1.1051

  Justin ut priùs.
• * 1.1052

  The Syracu∣sian Soldiers created two Magistrates, Artemidorus and Hiero.
• * 1.1053

  A. M. 3730. Ol. 128. ann. 2. V. C. 479. Antioch. Sot. 8. Ptol. Philad. 10. M. Curio Dea∣tato 2. L. Cornelio Len∣tulo Coss. Polybius & Diodorus ut suprà.
• * 1.1054

  Hiero being sole Magi∣strate falleth upon the Ma∣mertines.
• * 1.1055

  A. M. 3735.
• * 1.1056

  Hannibal the Carthaginian General de∣ceitfully tam∣pereth with them.
• * 1.1057

  Polybius ibid.
• * 1.1058

  They send to the Romans for aid.
• * 1.1059

  A.M. 3739. Ol. 128. ann. 3. V. C. 488. Antioch. Sot. 17. Ptol. Philad. 19.
• * 1.1060

  SECT. 1.
• * 1.1061

  Livius lib. 8.
• * 1.1062

  War decreed against the Palaepolitans.
• * 1.1063

  A. M. 3678. Ol. 113. ann. 2. V. C. 173. Alexand. 10.
• * 1.1064

  Alexandria in Egypt, when built.
• * 1.1065

  Alexander King of Epirus slain in Italy.
• * 1.1066

  The Palaepoli∣tans being conquered the Tarentines their allies proceed in the War, and draw in the Samnites and Neapolitans.
• * 1.1067

  New Laws in favour of Debtors.
• * 1.1068

  L. Papyrius Cursor made Dictator.
• * 1.1069

  A. M. 3681. Ol. 114 an. 1. V. C. 430. Alexand, 13.
• * 1.1070

  Is hindred from punish∣ing Fabius Ru∣tilianus his Master of the Horse-men.
• * 1.1071

  The Samnites overthrown,
• * 1.1072

  Desire Peace which is deni∣ed them.
• * 1.1073

  Livius lib. 9.
• * 1.1074

  They entrap the Roman Ar∣my at Furcae Caudinae.
• * 1.1075

  A. M. 3684. Ol. 114. an. 4. V. C. 433. Ptolom. Lagi 3.
• * 1.1076

  Make it dis∣gracefully passe under the jugum and march away disarmed.
• * 1.1077

  The conditi∣ons are re∣nounced at Rome, and the Samnites often again defeat∣ed.
• * 1.1078

  Decius Mus as his father before him, devoteth him∣self to the Dii Manes.
• * 1.1079

  A summary account of the War with the Samnites.
• * 1.1080

  The Priest∣hood and Au∣gurship com∣municated to the Com∣mons.
• * 1.1081

  The Law of Appeal re∣newed the third time.
• * 1.1082

  Livii Epitom. lib. 11.
• * 1.1083

  A. M. 3713. Ol. 122. an. 1. V. C. 462. Seleuci 21. Ptol. Lagi 32.
• * 1.1084

  War with the Samnites.
• * 1.1085

  Eutropius lib. 2.
• * 1.1086

  Livii Epitom. lib. 11. Plin. lib. 16. Xonaras.
• * 1.1087

  The third se∣paration of the Com∣mons.
• * 1.1088

  A. M. 3719. Ol. 123. ann. 3. V. C. 468. Seleuc. 27. Ptol. Lagi 38.
• * 1.1089

  The Lex Hor∣tensia.
• * 1.1090

  Lib. 1. cap. 25.
• * 1.1091

  The errour of Florus.
• * 1.1092

  Livius Epitom. l. 11. 12.
• * 1.1093

  The Original of the Taren∣tines, and a description of their Citie, Government, and conver∣sation.
• * 1.1094

  Lege Strabon. l. 6. p. 278. &c. Florum lib. 1. c. 18.
• * 1.1095

  Orosius lib. 4. cap. 1. Xonaras.
• * 1.1096

  The Original of their War with the Ro∣mans.
• * 1.1097

  Valer. Max. lib. 2. cap. 5. Exemp. 5.
• * 1.1098

  They send for Pyrrhus King of Epirus.
• * 1.1099

  Plutarch in Pyrrho.
• * 1.1100

  A. M. 3725. Ol. 125. ann. 1. V.C. 474. Seleucidarum 33. Antiochi Soce∣ris 3. Ptol. Phila∣delph. 5.
• * 1.1101

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.1102

  Eutrop.
• * 1.1103

  Exemp. vide in Atticis p. 11. & Justin l. 18.
• * 1.1104

  Who defeat∣eth Laevinus the Consul by the help of his Elephants.
• * 1.1105

  Eutrop. ut priùs & Plutarch.
• * 1.1106

  Marcheth to∣wards Rome.
• * 1.1107

  Sendeth about a peace which Appius Clau∣dius hinder∣eth.
• * 1.1108

  Fabricius goeth to him about redeeming of prisoners.
• * 1.1109

  A. M. 3716. V.C. 475.
• * 1.1110

  Lib. 13.
• * 1.1111

  Tuscul.
• * 1.1112

  Several in∣gagements of the Romans with him.
• * 1.1113

  De hac histo∣ria aliter apud alios relatae Consule Livii Epit. l. 13. Val. Max. l. 6. c. 5. Exem. 1. Tullii Offic. l. 3. Gellium l. 3. c. 8.
• * 1.1114

  Lib. 5. p. 241. B.
• * 1.1115

  Pyrrhus get∣ting nothing by his very successe,
• * 1.1116

  Is sent for in∣to Sicily and passeth over thither.
• * 1.1117

  Gellius l. 4. c. 8. A. M. 3728. V. C. 477.
• * 1.1118

  L. 2. de Oratore.
• * 1.1119

  Returneth with difficul∣ty.
• * 1.1120

  A. M. 3730. Ol. 126. an. 2. V. C. 479. Seleucid. 38. Antiochi Sot. 8. Ptol. Philad. 10.
• * 1.1121

  He is defea∣ted by Curius Dentatus the Consul.
• (a) 1.1122

  Pausan in Atticis.
• (b) 1.1123

  Val. Max. l. 4. c. 3. exemp. 5.
• * 1.1124

  And with∣draweth him∣self into his own Kingdom.
• (c) 1.1125

  Idem. l. 4. c. 4. exemp. 3.
• (d) 1.1126

  Livii Epit. l. 14. Val. Max. l. 2. c. 9. exemp. 4. Agellius l. 17. c. 21.
• (e) 1.1127

  In Sylca.
• (a) 1.1128

  Livii Ep. l. 14. Eutrop. l. 2. Val. Max. l. 4. c. 3. ex. 9.
• * 1.1129

  Ptolomy Phi∣ladelphus by an Embasie ma∣keth a confe∣deracy with the Romans.
• (b) 1.1130

  Orosius l. 4. c. 3. Xonaras. A. M. 3733. Ol. 127. an. 1. V. C. 482. Seleucid. 41. Antioch. Sot. 11. Ptol. Philad. 13.
• * 1.1131

  The Castle and Town of Tarentum ta∣ken most of Italy being now subdued.
• (c) 1.1132

  Livii Epit. lib. 15. Val. Max. l. 6 c. 6. exemp. 5.
• * 1.1133

  SECT. 2.
• * 1.1134

  Silver money first stamped.
• (d) 1.1135

  Lib. 33. c. 3.
• * 1.1136

  The original of the Sicilian or first Punick War.
• * 1.1137

  A. M. 3740. Ol. 128. an. 4. V. C. 490. Seleucid. 49. Antioch. S••t. 19. Ptolom. Philad. 21.
• * 1.1138

  Hiero King of Syracuse being worsted ma∣keth his peace with the Ro∣mans.
• * 1.1139

  A Dial brought out of Sicily to Rome,
• * 1.1140

  And Barbers.
• * 1.1141

  Agrigentum ta∣ken.
• * 1.1142

  A. M. 3743. Ol. 129. an. 3. V.C. 492. Antioch. Thei. 1. Ptol. Philad. 23.
• * 1.1143

  The Romans now first ap∣ply them∣selves to sea matters.
• * 1.1144

  Hannibal cruci∣fied by his Soldiers.
• * 1.1145

  A. M. 3745. Val. Max. l. 7. c. 3. exter. exemp. 7.
• (a) 1.1146

  Orosius l. 4. c. 7.
• * 1.1147

  Hanno slain.
• (b) 1.1148

  Front. Stratag. l. 1. c. 5. Exemp. 15. & l. 4. c. 5. Exemp. 10. Gellius l. 3. c. 7. alii.
• * 1.1149

  The valiant act of Calpur∣nius Flamma.
• * 1.1150

  The Consuls passe into A∣frick, and in their passage defeat the Carthaginians at Sea.
• (a) 1.1151

  Polybius lib. 1.
• * 1.1152

  Regulus mak∣eth War a∣gainst a mon∣strous Serpent.
• (b) 1.1153

  Gellius l. 6. c. 3. Liv. Epit. l. 18.
• (c) 1.1154

  Lib. 1. c. ult. Exemp. ult. Polybius ut su∣pra.
• * 1.1155

  Defeateth the Carthagini∣ans and not long after is defeated and taken himself.
• * 1.1156

  A. M. 3749. Ol. 131. an. 1. V. C. 498. Ant. Thei. 7. Ptol. Philad. 29. M. Attilio Re∣gulo 2. L. Manlio Vul∣s••ne Coss.
• * 1.1157

  The Consuls in their re∣turn from Si∣cily perish by a lamentable shipwrack. Agrigentum destroyed.
• * 1.1158

  Idem ibid. Eutrop. l. 2. Diod. Siculus l. 23. Eclog. 12. A. M. 3750.
• * 1.1159

  Another ship∣wrack of the Consuls.
• * 1.1160

  Metellus the Consul de∣feateth the Carthaginians.
• * 1.1161

  Which mo∣veth them to send about a Peace.
• * 1.1162

  De Finib. l. 5. Sed consule 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gellium l▪ 6. c. 4.
• * 1.1163

  Regulus one of the Messen∣gers disswad∣eth it, and for that at his re∣turn is tor∣mented to death.
• * 1.1164

  Defeated a∣gain at the Islands Aega∣t••••, they de∣sire,
• * 1.1165

  Polybius l. 3.
• * 1.1166

  And obtain Peace.
• * 1.1167

  Diodorus l. 24. A. M. 3764. Ol. 134 an. 4. V. C. 513. Seleuci Callin. 6. Ptol. Euerg. 6.
• * 1.1168

  Lege Polybium l. 1.
• * 1.1169

  A lamentable mutiny of the Carthaginian Mercenaries.
• * 1.1170

  Hanno sent to make up the breach in∣largeth it.
• * 1.1171

  They march towards Car∣thage.
• * 1.1172

  Spendius and Mathos hinder the agree∣ment, and provoke the multitude.
• * 1.1173

  Whence ari∣seth the Li∣byan, or Afri∣can War.
• * 1.1174

  Amilcar Barcas defeateth the Mercenaries.
• * 1.1175

  Who are fur∣ther provoked by their Cap∣tains.
• * 1.1176

  Amilcar Uni∣teth the Car∣thaginian for∣ces.
• * 1.1177

  Mathos and Spendius ele∣vated by their successe be∣siege Carthage.
• * 1.1178

  Amilcar for∣ceth them to break up.
• * 1.1179

  Utterly de∣feateth them, and the War endeth, after three years and almost four moneths.
• * 1.1180

  The Romans wrest Sardinia from the Car∣thagians with more Tribute.
• (a) 1.1181

  Cicero Tuscul. lib. 1. & in Bruto. Cassiodorus in Chronico.
• * 1.1182

  Comedies and Tragedies first Rome, made by Livius Andro∣nicus.
• (b) 1.1183

  Lib. 17. cap. 21.
• (c) 1.1184

  Lib. 2. c. 4.
• * 1.1185

  The Ludi Se∣nici.
• * 1.1186

  Lege Livium l. 7. & Casaub. de Satira Ro∣mana.
• * 1.1187

  The Satire.
• * 1.1188

  A. M. 3769. Ol. 136. an. 1. V. C. 518. Seleucid. 77. Seleuci Calli∣nici 11. Ptol. Euerget. 11.
• * 1.1189

  The third Sae∣cular or Te∣rentine Games.
• * 1.1190

  Vide Valerium Maxim. l. 2. c. 4.
• * 1.1191

  The Original of the Teren∣tine Games.
• * 1.1192

  Trina Terentio celebrata trino∣ctialudo. Anson.
• * 1.1193

  The Teren∣tine and Sae∣cular Games confounded,
• * 1.1194

  Quem vide cap. 17. lib. de die Natali.
• * 1.1195

  Which much perplexed Censorinus.
• * 1.1196

  Certus unde∣nos decies per annos Orbis ut cantus, referat{que} ludos Ter die clarâ totiens{que} gratâ Nocte frequentes.
• * 1.1197

  Hist Sacra & Exotica ad A. M. 3491.
• * 1.1198

  The difficulty resolved by Jacobus Cappel∣lus.
• * 1.1199

  Quindecim Diana preces virorum curet. — Horat. in carm. Saeculari.
• * 1.1200

  Vide Tacitum Annal. lib. 11.
• * 1.1201

  Observations concerning the Centena∣ries.
• (a) 1.1202

  Livius l 1. Eutropius l. 3. Plutarch in Numa.
• * 1.1203

  The Temple of Janus shut the second time.

  The first di∣vorce.
• (b) 1.1204

  Val. Max. l. 2. c. 1. exemp. 4. Agellius l. 17. c. 21. Dionys. Hali∣carn.
• (c) 1.1205

  Cicero de Senectute.
• (d) 1.1206

  Plutarch in Catone.
• (e) 1.1207

  Agellius ut supra.
• * 1.1208

  C••. Naevius the Poet.
• (f) 1.1209

  Idem l. 1. c. 24.
• * 1.1210

  Polybius l. 2.
• * 1.1211

  The Illyrians infest the Ita∣lians at sea,
• * 1.1212

  Whence a War ensueth.
• * 1.1213

  A. M. 3776. Ol. 137. an. 4. V.C. 525. Sel. Callinici 18. Ptol. Euerg. 18. Idem & Justin.
• * 1.1214

  Peace is gran∣ted to Teuta the Queen.
• * 1.1215

  A. M. 3777. V.C. 526.
• * 1.1216

  The Seditious attempts of Flaminius the Tribune,
• (a) 1.1217

  De Senect.
• * 1.1218

  Lib. 5. cap. 4. Exemp. 5.
• * 1.1219

  Occasioneth the War, cal∣led Bellum Gal∣licum Cisalpi∣num.
• * 1.1220

  Preparations on the Roman side for this War.
• * 1.1221

  A. M. 3780. Ol. 138. ann. 4. V.C. 529. Sel. Cerauni 2. Ptol. Euerg. 22.
• * 1.1222

  The Galls overthrown beg peace.
• * 1.1223

  Which the Consuls hin∣der.
• * 1.1224

  Marcellus end∣eth the War.
• * 1.1225

  Vide Polybium lib. 2. Plutarch. in Marcello. Florum l. 2. c. 4. Entrop. lib. 3. Orosium lib. 4. cap. 13. Livii Epitom. lib. 20.
• * 1.1226

  Aspice ut in∣sigais spoliis Marcellus opi∣mis

  Ingreditur, vi∣ctorque viros supereminet om∣nes.

  Hic rem Roma∣nam magno tur∣bante tumultu Sister eques sternel Paenos Gallum{que} rebel∣l••m

  Tertiaque a••ma patri suspendet cauta Quiri••o. Virgil. Aen. 6.
• * 1.1227

  Simpson in Chronic. Catho∣lic. ad A. M. 3780.
• * 1.1228

  The Acts of Amilcar Barcas, after the end∣ing of the first Punick War.
• * 1.1229

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 25. Eclog.
• * 1.1230

  Of Asdrubal his son-in-law.
• * 1.1231

  Polyb. lib. 3. Livius l. 21. Corn. Nepos in Hamilcar. Val. Max. l. 9. c. 3. Eater. Ex∣emp. 3.
• * 1.1232

  Annibal the son of Amilcar Barcas created General by the Carthagi∣nians
• * 1.1233

  He taketh Sa∣guntus a Town in Spain, con∣federate with Rome.
• * 1.1234

  Satisfaction is demanded by the Romans.
• * 1.1235

  And none be∣ing given, War is de∣nounced and accepted of.
• * 1.1236

  Val. Max. l. 1. c. 3. exemp. 3.
• * 1.1237

  A. M. 3787. Ol. 140. an. 3. V. C. 536. Antiochi Mag. 6. Ptol. Philop. 5. Polyb. l. 3. Livius l. 21.
• * 1.1238

  The second Punick or Car∣thaginian War beginneth.
• * 1.1239

  Annibal ha∣ving conquer∣ed all Spain as far as the Py∣renaean hills,
• * 1.1240

  Passeth over the Alps into Italy.
• * 1.1241

  Defeateth Scipio the Consul.
• * 1.1242

  And Sempro∣nius his Col∣legue.
• * 1.1243

  Lege praeter Polyb. & Liv. Plutarch in vi∣ta Fabii. Co••n. Nepot. Annib. Appian in An∣nibalicis. Florum l. 2. c. 6.
• * 1.1244

  And Flaminius at the Lake Thrasymene.
• * 1.1245

  Val. Max. l. 1. c. 6. exemp. 6. Entrop. Orosium.
• * 1.1246

  Whereupon Fabius Maxi∣mus is made Vice Dicta∣tor, who by delaying breaketh An∣nibal's success.
• * 1.1247

  Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem. Ennius.
• * 1.1248

  Who yet gi∣veth the Ro∣mans a most grievous over∣throw at Can∣nae.
• * 1.1249

  A. M. 3789. Ol. 141. ann. 1. V.C. 538. Ant. Mag. 8. Ptol. Philop. 7. Belli Punici 3.
• * 1.1250

  And enerva∣teth his Army by wintring at Capua.
• * 1.1251

  Livius lib. 23.
• * 1.1252

  Two Dictators at the same time.
• * 1.1253

  The Senate filled.
• * 1.1254

  The Romans quickly reco∣vered their courage.
• * 1.1255

  Annibal and his party go∣eth down the wind in Italy, and Spain.
• * 1.1256

  And in Sardi∣nia.
• * 1.1257

  Livius lib. 24.
• * 1.1258

  In Sicily Mar∣cellus besie∣geth Syracuse.
• * 1.1259

  Lege Plutarch in Marcello. Livium lib. 25. Val. Max. lib. 8. cap. 7. Extern. Exempl. 7. Ciceron. Tuscul. lib. 1. & 5. & De Finibus l. 5.
• * 1.1260

  Archimedes for∣ceth him to depart.
• * 1.1261

  Yet he surpri∣zeth the City, but cannot preserve Ar∣chimedes.
• * 1.1262

  A. M. 3793. Ol. 142. ann. 1. V.C. 542. Ant. M. 12. Ptol. Philop. 11. Belli Punici 7.
• * 1.1263

  The Scipios having Con∣quered almost all Spain, are destroyed by dividing their forces, and their death is revenged by Marcius.
• * 1.1264

  Livius lib. 26.
• * 1.1265

  The Romans besiege Capua.
• * 1.1266

  Hannibal ha∣ving got Ta∣rentum besie∣geth the Ca∣stle in vain, and
• * 1.1267

  Marcheth for Rome.
• * 1.1268

  Is hindred from fighting by Tempests, and departeth towards Rhe∣gium.
• * 1.1269

  A. M. 3794. V. C. 543.
• * 1.1270

  Capua yielded.
• * 1.1271

  Paterculus lib. 1.
• * 1.1272

  Nero deluded by Asdrubal.
• * 1.1273

  Livius lib. 27.
• * 1.1274

  Publius Scipio taketh upon him the go∣vernment of Spain and ex∣ceedingly prospereth.
• * 1.1275

  Laevinus reco∣vereth all Si∣cily.
• * 1.1276

  A. M. 3797. Ol. 143. an. 1. V. C. 546. Ant. M. 16. Ptol. Philop. 15. Belli 11.
• * 1.1277

  Marcellus slain.
• * 1.1278

  Asdrubal or∣dered to march out of Spain into Italy,
• * 1.1279

  Is cut off with his whole Army by Livius and Nero the Con∣suls.
• * 1.1280

  Livius lib. 29.
• * 1.1281

  Scipio having subdued Spain is made Con∣sul.
• * 1.1282

  A. M. 3800. Ol. 143. an. 4. V. C. 549. Seleucidarum 108. Ant. Mag. 19. Ptol. Philop. 18. Belli Punici. 14.
• * 1.1283

  The year fol∣lowing pass∣eth into Africk.
• * 1.1284

  Idem lib. 30. Polyb. l. 14, & 15
• * 1.1285

  Where he so distresseth the Cathaginians,
• * 1.1286

  That they re∣cal Hannibal,
• * 1.1287

  A. M. 3802. V. C. 551.
• * 1.1288

  Whom he al∣so overthrow∣eth,
• * 1.1289

  Whereupon Peace is de∣sired and ob∣tained.
• * 1.1290

  A. M. 3804. Ol. 144. an. 4. V. C. 553. Ant. Mag. 23. Ptol. Epiphan. 3. Belli Punici 18.
• * 1.1291

  Livius lib. 31.
• * 1.1292

  The Macedo∣nian War.
• * 1.1293

  Galba the Consul pros∣pereth against Philip.
• * 1.1294

  A. M. 3805. Ol. 145. an. 1. V. C. 554. Seleucidarum 113. Ant. M. 24. Ptol. Epiph. 4.
• * 1.1295

  Apud Livium l. 32.
• * 1.1296

  And so doth Flaminius.
• * 1.1297

  One good thing done by the Tribunes of the People 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Philip over∣thrown by Flamininus at Cynoscephale, desireth, and obtaineth peace.
• * 1.1298

  A. M. 3809. Ol. 146. an. 1. V.C. 558. Ant. M. 28. Ptol. Epiph. 8.
• * 1.1299

  A. M. 3810. V.C. 559.
• * 1.1300

  The Oppian Law against the women repealed.
• * 1.1301

  Motions in Greece.
• * 1.1302

  The Romans fight prospe∣rously against the Galls.
• * 1.1303

  SECT. 3.
• * 1.1304

  The occasions of the War with Antiochus.
• * 1.1305

  Things intro∣ductive to it.
• * 1.1306

  M. Acilius the Consul defeat∣eth Antiochus at Thermopylae.
• * 1.1307

  A. M. 3814. Ol. 147. ann. 2. V. C. 563. Seleucidarum 122. Ant. Mag. 33. Ptol. Epiphan. 13.
• * 1.1308

  L. Cornelius Scipio the Consul ob∣taineth Greece for his Province with leave to passe into Asia.
• * 1.1309

  Antiochus af∣frighted at his bad successe at Sea ma∣keth offers.
• * 1.1310

  Which are re∣jected.
• * 1.1311

  He is over∣thrown, and hath peace granted upon former de∣mands.
• * 1.1312

  Livius lib. 38.
• * 1.1313

  Peace gran∣ted to the Aetolians.
• * 1.1314

  Justin. lib. 3.
• * 1.1315

  Manlius sub∣dueth the Ga∣latians.
• * 1.1316

  Luxury first brought to Rome by his Army.
• * 1.1317

  Lege Livium lib. 28. Val. Max. l. 3. c. 7. exemp. 1. Gellium Noct. Attic. l. 4. c. 18.
• * 1.1318

  Scipio Africa∣nus called to account by the Tribunes.
• * 1.1319

  A. M. 3818. Ol. 148. an. 2. V. C. 567. Seleuci Philop. 1. Ptol. Epiphan. 17.
• * 1.1320

  His great spi∣rit.
• * 1.1321

  He departeth to Linternum and is not condemned through the procurement of Gracchus.
• * 1.1322

  Livius lib. 39. Val. Max. l. 6. cap. 3. exemp. 7. Augustin de Ci∣vitate Dei l. 18. c. 13.
• * 1.1323

  Asiaticus his brother is fin∣ed.
• * 1.1324

  A. M. 3819. V.C. 568.
• * 1.1325

  The abhomi∣nable practi∣ces at the Bac∣chanalia dis∣covered.
• * 1.1326

  Africanus di∣eth,
• * 1.1327

  A. M. 3822. Ol. 159. ann. 2. V. C. 571. Seleuci Philop. 5. Ptol. Epiph. 21.
• * 1.1328

  And Philopoe∣men General of the Achaeans,
• * 1.1329

  Lege Livium ut supra. Corn. Nepot. in Hannibale. Justin l. 32. Auctorem lib. de viris illustrib.
• * 1.1330

  And Hannibal, all three in one year.
• * 1.1331

  Livius l. 40, 41.
• * 1.1332

  Several Na∣tions subued.
• * 1.1333

  The War with Perseus.
• * 1.1334

  Peace is deni∣ed him by the Senate.
• * 1.1335

  A. M. 3834. Ol. 152 an. 2. V. C. 583. Seleucid. 142. Ant. Epiph. 6. Ptol. Philom. 1 10.
• * 1.1336

  Thebes and Aliartus taken.
• * 1.1337

  Perseus besot∣ted with fear neglecteth his opportuni∣ties.
• * 1.1338

  Livius l. 45. Plutarch in Aemylio.
• * 1.1339

  Is overthrown by Aemilius the Consul, and yieldeth himself.
• * 1.1340

  Livii Epitom. lib. 46.
• * 1.1341

  Eumenes and the Rhodians having stood Neuters, are accordingly respected by the Senate.
• * 1.1342

  Velleius Pater∣culus l. 1. c. 10.
• * 1.1343

  Things go ill in Spain.
• * 1.1344

  Florus lib. 2. c. 12. Velleius lib. 1. cap. 11. Orosius lib. 4. cap. 22.
• * 1.1345

  Andriscus a counterfeit son of Perseus
• * 1.1346

  A. M. 3857. Ol. 158. ann. 1. V.C. 606. Ptol. Philom. 33.
• * 1.1347

  Is taken.
• * 1.1348

  The pretences for the third Punick War.
• * 1.1349

  Lege Polyb. Ex∣cerpt. lib. 33. Appian. in Pu∣nicis. Livii Epitom. Lib. 49. &c. Flor. lib. 2. cap. 15. Eutrop. lib. 4. Orosium lib. 4. cap. 22.
• * 1.1350

  The Carthagi∣nians being commanded to leave their Citie, refuse to obey.
• * 1.1351

  And the War beginneth.
• * 1.1352

  Masanissa and Cato die.
• * 1.1353

  Scipio Aemilia∣nus made Con∣sul, though under the Consular age.
• * 1.1354

  Taketh Car∣thage.
• * 1.1355

  A. M. 3859. Ol. 158. ann. 3. V.C. 608. Ptol. Physconis 1.
• * 1.1356

  Which is ra∣zed.
• * 1.1357

  SECT. 4.
• * 1.1358

  The Achaean war, and the destruction of Corinth.
• * 1.1359

  Lege Velleium Patercul. l. 1. c. 12. Florum l. 2. c. 16. Livii Epitom. lib. 6. c. 51, 52. Pausan. in Achaicis, & de aere Corinthio Plinium l. 34.
• * 1.1360

  A. M. 3859. Ol. 158. an. 3. V.C. 608. Seleucid. 167. Ptol. Physcon. 1.
• * 1.1361

  Mummius thence sirna∣med Achaicus.
• * 1.1362

  Viriatus up in Spain,
• * 1.1363

  Vide Appianum in Ibericis. Florum l. 2. c. 18.
• * 1.1364

  Is destroyed by Caepio.
• * 1.1365

  Orosium l. 5. c. 7. Patercul. l. 2. c. 4.
• * 1.1366

  Bad sucesse in Spain
• * 1.1367

  Causeth Scipio Aemilianus to be created Consul the second time.
• * 1.1368

  He besiegeth Numantia and taketh it.
• * 1.1369

  A servile war in Sicily.
• * 1.1370

  Excerpt. Died. Siculi. lib. 34. Orosius l. 5. c. 9
• * 1.1371

  Orosius l. 5. c. 8, 9. Florus l. 3. c. 14.
• * 1.1372

  Tiberius Grac∣chus raiseth a sedition about the Agrarian.
• * 1.1373

  Joh. Stadius Com. in Flor. l. 3. c. 14.
• * 1.1374

  Livii Epitom. l. 58. Velleius l. 2. c. 3.
• * 1.1375

  Proposing another Law for dividing of money,
• * 1.1376

  A. M. 3872. Ol. 161. an. 4. V. C. 621. Ptol. Physc. 14.
• * 1.1377

  He and his complices are killed by the means of Sci∣pio Nasica his kinsman, which was the first blood drawn by the Romans from one another.
• * 1.1378

  Offic. l. 1.
• * 1.1379

  Livii Epitom. l. 59.
• * 1.1380

  Orosius l. 5. c. 8, & 9.
• * 1.1381

  Aristonicus contesting with the Ro∣mans for the Kingdom of Pergamus,
• * 1.1382

  Velleius Pater∣cul. l. 2. c. 4. Florus l. 2. c. ult.
• * 1.1383

  Is taken
• * 1.1384

  And strang∣led.
• * 1.1385

  Vide Appian. de bello civili lib. 2. Velleium lib. 2. cap. 6. Plutarch in Gracchis. Val. Maxim. lib. 6. cap. 2. Exemp. 3. Livii Epitom. lib. 59, 60. Orosium lib. 5. cap. 10. Florum lib. 3. cap. 15.
• * 1.1386

  The civil dis∣sentions re∣newed.
• * 1.1387

  Caius Graccbus, the brother of Tiberius, patro∣nizeth his Law.
• * 1.1388

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Odyss. 1.
• * 1.1389

  Scipio Africanus the younger dieth sudden∣ly.
• * 1.1390

  Caius getting the Tribuneship preferreth Laws distast∣full to the Se∣nate.
• * 1.1391

  The Order and Rank of Equites, or Knights, how, and when it came up.
• * 1.1392

  How the Se∣nators lost in the transla∣tion of the judicial power to the Equites by Caius.
• * 1.1393

  Publicans whence so cal∣led.
• * 1.1394

  Caius attempt∣eth other se∣ditious acts
• * 1.1395

  A. M. 3884. Ol. 164. ann. 4. V. C. 631. Ptol. Physc. 26.
• * 1.1396

  Is destroyed with his par∣ty.
• (a) 1.1397

  Plin. l. 14. c. 4. & 14.
• (b) 1.1398

  Lib. 2. c. 7.
• * 1.1399

  The distem∣pers of the State some∣thing allayed thereby.
• * 1.1400

  Lege Appianum de bello civili lib. 1.
• * 1.1401

  Livii Epitom. lib. 60.
• * 1.1402

  An horrid Pe∣stilence in A∣frick.
• * 1.1403

  Orosius lib. 5. cap. 11.
• * 1.1404

  The Allobrick War.
• * 1.1405

  Livii Epitom. lib. 60, 61. Florus lib. 3. cap. 2.
• * 1.1406

  Caesar de bello Gallico lib. 1.
• * 1.1407

  Livil Epitom. lib. 53, & 55, Florus lib. 3. cap. 4. Velleius lib. 2. cap. 8.
• * 1.1408

  Affairs of Thrace very obscure.
• * 1.1409

  The original of the War with Jugurtha.
• * 1.1410

  Lege Sallust. de bello Jugur∣thino. Orosium l. 5. c. 15. Florum l. 3. c. 1. Livii Epitom. lib. 62, 64, 65, 66.
• * 1.1411

  A. M. 3894. V. C. 643.
• * 1.1412

  Fighting with silver wea∣pons he con∣quereth all opposition,
• * 1.1413

  But is humb∣led by Metel∣lus.
• * 1.1414

  Marius by un∣dermining Metellus get∣teth the Con∣sulship.
• * 1.1415

  Consule Val. Max. l. 7. c. 1. exemp. 1. Patercul. l. 1. c. 11. Ciceron. de Fi∣nibus lib. 4.
• * 1.1416

  Several of the Metelli ob∣tained sir∣names from Countries conquered.
• * 1.1417

  Marius over∣throweth Ju∣gurtha and Bocchus.
• * 1.1418

  Taketh Ju∣gurtha who is led in tri∣umph and put to death.
• * 1.1419

  Lege Florum l. 3. c. 3. Livii Epitom. lib. 63, 65, 67, & 68. Orosium l. 5. c. 16. Paterc. l. 2. c. 12.
• * 1.1420

  The occasion of the War with the Cim∣bri by the Greeks called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.1421

  Which Marius dispatcheth.
• * 1.1422

  A. M. 3904. Ol. 169. an. 4. V. C. 653.
• * 1.1423

  In Mario.
• * 1.1424

  Vide Appian. de bello civili. l. 1. Flor. l. 3. c. 16. Livii Epitom. l. 69. Orosium l. 5. c. 17. Velleium Pa∣terculum l. 2. c. 15.
• * 1.1425

  The sedition of Saturninus.
• * 1.1426

  He is slain with his com∣plices.
• * 1.1427

  A. M. 3905. V. C. 654.
• * 1.1428

  Lege Appian, de bello civili lib. 1. Livii Epitom. lib. 71. Paterculum l. 2. cap. 13, 14.
• * 1.1429

  Drusus the Tribune la∣bouring to re∣concile the Fathers, and Equites, inlar∣geth the breach,
• * 1.1430

  And is stab∣bed.
• * 1.1431

  A. M. 3914. Ol. 172. ann. 2. V, C. 663.
• * 1.1432

  Strabo lib. 5. Velleius lib. 2. cap. 15, 16, 17. Cicero pro Ar∣chia. Appian ut su∣pra.
• * 1.1433

  The occasion of the social War.
• * 1.1434

  Preparations for it.
• * 1.1435

  The Romans receive many blows.
• * 1.1436

  SECT. 5.
• * 1.1437

  A. M. 3917. Ol. 173. ann. 1. V. C. 666.
• * 1.1438

  Sylla endeth the War.
• * 1.1439

  After which freedom of the Citie is given to the Con∣quered Ita∣lians, having been before this denied to them.
• * 1.1440

  Mithridates King of Pon∣tus.
• * 1.1441

  Justin lib. 37. Strabo lib. 10.
• * 1.1442

  Memnon apud Photium.
• * 1.1443

  His vast de∣signs and great at∣tempts.
• * 1.1444

  Strabo lib. 12. Justin lib. 38.
• * 1.1445

  The Senate interposeth.
• * 1.1446

  And restored the Kings he had cast out.
• * 1.1447

  But he again recovereth many Coun∣tries.
• * 1.1448

  A. M. 3917. Ol. 173. an. 1. V. C. 666. Seleucid. 225.
• * 1.1449

  Sylla hath the charge of the War decreed against him.
• * 1.1450

  Consule Appi∣anum de bello civili lib. 1. Patercul. l. 2. cap. 17, &c. Plutarch in Mario & Sylla. Livii Epitom. l. 77.
• * 1.1451

  Which Marius seeking un∣justly, is dri∣ven from the City and de∣clared an Enemy.
• * 1.1452

  Recalled by Cinna.
• * 1.1453

  Getteth into Rome and there cruelly rageth with Cinna his Col∣legue.
• * 1.1454

  Dieth.
• * 1.1455

  A. M. 3917.
• * 1.1456

  Mithridates causeth 80000 Italians and Romans or more in one day to be kil∣led.
• * 1.1457

  Valer. Max. l. 9. c. 2. Ext. exemp. 3. Plutarch in Sylla.
• * 1.1458

  Vide Appian. in Mithridati∣cis, & Plutarch in Sylla.
• * 1.1459

  Sylla arriving in Greece,
• * 1.1460

  Taketh Athens and the Piraeus and over∣throws Arche∣laus the Kings General once,
• * 1.1461

  Appian ut supra. Orosius lib. 6. cap. 2. Florus l. 3. c. 5.
• * 1.1462

  And again
• * 1.1463

  Forceth Mi∣thridates to beg Peace.
• * 1.1464

  A. M. 3921. Ol. 174. an. 1. V. C. 670. Seleucid. 229. L. Cor. Cinna 4. Cn. Papirio Car∣bone 2 Coss.
• * 1.1465

  Appian. Plutarch in Sylla.
• * 1.1466

  Fimbria's Ar∣my revolteth to him.
• * 1.1467

  He marcheth for Italy a∣gainst his Enemies there.
• * 1.1468

  Landeth at Brundusium,
• * 1.1469

  Defeateth Norbanus.
• * 1.1470

  A. M. 3922.
• * 1.1471

  A. M. 3923. Olymp. 174. ann. 3. V. C. 672.
• * 1.1472

  Entreth Rome.
• * 1.1473

  Getteth all Italy into his power.
• * 1.1474

  Lege Appian de bello civili l. 1. Plutarch. in Sylla. Patercul. l. 2. Valerium Max. lib. 9. c. 2. Exemp. 1. Florum lib. 3. c. 21. Orosium lib. 5. cap. 20, 21. Livii Epitom. l. 89.
• * 1.1475

  Publisheth Tables of pro∣scription.
• * 1.1476

  And rageth cruelly both against Per∣sons and Ci∣ties.
• * 1.1477

  He maketh himself Dicta∣tor in perpe∣tuum.
• * 1.1478

  A. M. 3925. Ol. 175. ann. 1. V.C. 674. Seleucid. 233.
• * 1.1479

  His actions while such.
• * 1.1480

  A. M. 3926. V. C. 675.
• * 1.1481

  He layeth down his power,
• * 1.1482

  And dieth.
• * 1.1483

  A. M. 3927. V. C. 676.
• * 1.1484

  A difference betwixt the Consuls about his burial, and confirmation of his acts.
• * 1.1485

  Livii Epitom. lib. 89.
• * 1.1486

  Sertorius ri∣seth in Spain.
• * 1.1487

  Appian. de bel∣lo civili lib. 1. Plutarch. in Pompeio & Sertorio. Florus lib. 3. cap. 22. Livii Epitom. lib. 90. Alii.
• * 1.1488

  Is murdered by Perpenna.
• * 1.1489

  A. M. 3932. Ol. 176. ann. 4. V.C. 681.
• * 1.1490

  Vir doctis∣simus undecun∣que Varro. Livii Epitom. l. 90, 91. Orosius lib. 5. cap. 23.
• * 1.1491

  The War with Mithri∣dates renewed.
• * 1.1492

  Upon what occasion.
• * 1.1493

  Consule Appia∣num in Mithri∣daticis.
• * 1.1494

  The King o∣verthroweth Murena,
• * 1.1495

  And the se∣cond Warre endeth.
• * 1.1496

  The Warre a∣gain breaketh out and why.
• * 1.1497

  Mithridates recovereth Bithynia.
• * 1.1498

  Appian ut su∣pra. Plut. in Lu∣cullo.
• * 1.1499

  Lucullus be∣siegeth him besieging Cyzicus.
• * 1.1500

  And forcing him to flye, persueth him into his King∣dom,
• * 1.1501

  A. M. 3932. V.C. 681.
• * 1.1502

  And into Ar∣menia.
• * 1.1503

  Where he o∣verthroweth in battel Ti∣granes the King, who protected him.
• * 1.1504

  A. M. 3936. Ol. 177. an. 4. V. C. 685. Q. Hortensio Nepote Q. Caecilio Me∣telio Coss.
• * 1.1505

  Dion Cassius. Hirtius de b••llo Alexandrino.
• * 1.1506

  Lucullus being in a fair way to finish the War, is inter∣rupted by the coming of Glabrio.
• * 1.1507

  Dio. l. 35.
• * 1.1508

  Plutarch in Lu∣cullo.
• * 1.1509

  The Warre commited af∣terwards to Pompey.
• * 1.1510

  Dio. lib. 36. Livii Epitom. l. 100. Plutarch in Pompeio.
• * 1.1511

  The war with Spartacus.
• * 1.1512

  Consule Appian de bello civili l. 1. Plut. in Crasso. Florum l. 3. c. 20. Eutrop. lib. 6. Orosium lib. 5. c. 24.
• * 1.1513

  He is defeated and slain by Crassus.
• * 1.1514

  The insolence of Pirates.
• * 1.1515

  Appian in Mi∣thridaticis.
• * 1.1516

  Dio lib. 36. Plutarch. in Pompeio.
• * 1.1517

  Provoketh the people of Rome.
• * 1.1518

  Which send∣eth Pompey against them.
• * 1.1519

  Florus lib. 3. cap. 6.
• * 1.1520

  His Method.
• * 1.1521

  Appian ut su∣prà. Plutarch. Dio. Cicero pro lege Manilia.
• * 1.1522

  A. M. 3938. Ol. 178. ann. 2. V. C. 687.
• * 1.1523

  With wonder∣full expediti∣on in three moneths he finisheth the War.
• * 1.1524

  The Lex Ma∣nilia.

  Whereby the War against Mithridates with vast power is com∣mitted to Pom∣pey.
• * 1.1525

  Dio lib. 36.
• * 1.1526

  A. M. 3939. V. C. 688.
• * 1.1527

  Idem ibid. Plutarch. in Pompeio & Lucul.
• * 1.1528

  He offereth the King terms to no purpose.
• * 1.1529

  Stirs betwixt Lucullus and him.
• * 1.1530

  Isidorus Orig. l. 6. c. 3.
• * 1.1531

  Plin. l. 15. cap. 25.
• * 1.1532

  Dio. Appian. & Plutarch. ut suprà.
• * 1.1533

  He defeateth Mithridates,
• * 1.1534

  Who flieth to Cholcos.
• * 1.1535

  And thence into Scythia.
• * 1.1536

  Tigranes sub∣mitteth to Pompey.
• * 1.1537

  Patercul. l. 2. c. 37.
• * 1.1538

  The conditi∣ons set him.
• * 1.1539

  Liv. Epitom. l. 101.
• * 1.1540

  His rebellious son put to death.
• * 1.1541

  A. M. 3940. V. C. 689.
• * 1.1542

  Appian ut supra, Dio l. 37, Plutarch ut prius.
• * 1.1543

  Pompey re∣duceth Syria into a Roman Frovince.
• * 1.1544

  Appian. Justin l. 40. A. M. 3942. Ol. 179. an. 2. V. C. 691. Seleucid. 250.
• * 1.1545

  Appian.
• * 1.1546

  Mithridates designing in his mind great things,
• * 1.1547

  Orosius l. 6. c. 5. Dio lib. 37. Florus l. 3. c. 5. alii.
• * 1.1548

  His son Phar∣naces draweth the Army from him.
• * 1.1549

  He killeth himself.
• * 1.1550

  A. M. 3942. Patercul. l. 2. c. 18.
• * 1.1551

  Joseph. Antiq. l. 15. c. 9. & l. 14. c. 5, &c. & de bello l. 10. c. 5. Livius lib. 102. Plutarch in Pompeio. Tacitus Histor. l. 5. c. 9. Florus l. 3. c. 5. Dio l. 37. p. 36. C.
• * 1.1552

  Pompey inva∣deth Judaea, where he set∣leth matters betwixt Hyrca∣nus and Aristo∣bulus the two brothers.
• * 1.1553

  A. M. 3444. V.C. 693.
• * 1.1554

  Lege Sallust. de Conjuratione Catalinae. Orosium l. 6. c. 3. & 6. Appian de bello civili lib. 2. Dionem l. 37. p. 42. E.
• * 1.1555

  The conspira∣cy of Cataline
• * 1.1556

  Velleium Pater∣cul. l. 2. c. 34, 35. Livii Epitom. lib. 103.
• * 1.1557

  Discovered by the means of Fulvia.
• * 1.1558

  Cicero maketh his first Ora∣tion against him.
• * 1.1559

  His second.
• * 1.1560

  Third.
• * 1.1561

  Fourth.
• * 1.1562

  Catalines com∣plices put to death,
• * 1.1563

  And he him∣self slain.
• * 1.1564

  C. Julius Caesar beginneth to be eminent.
• * 1.1565

  Lege Suttonium in Julio.
• * 1.1566

  His birth.
• * 1.1567

  The founda∣tion of his Military skill.
• * 1.1568

  Made Quae∣stor.
• * 1.1569

  Joyneth with factious per∣sons.
• * 1.1570

  Made Aedilis.
• * 1.1571

  Getteth by bribery the High Priest∣hood.
• * 1.1572

  Joyneth again with seditious men.
• * 1.1573

  Goeth Praetor into Spain.
• * 1.1574

  A. M. 3944. V. C. 693.
• * 1.1575

  Obtaineth the Consulship by the means of Pompey.
• * 1.1576

  Idem ibid. Plutarch in Pompeio, Caesare, & Lucullo Velleius Pa∣tercul. l. 2. c. 20. Appian de bello civili lib. 2. Dio lib. 37. pag. 55. A. Livii Epitom. lib. 103.
• * 1.1577

  Pompey and Crassus made friends, and they three make the conspiracy, called the Tricipitina.
• * 1.1578

  A. M. 3946. Ol. 180. ann. 2. V.C. 695. Hyrcani 5.
• * 1.1579

  SECT. 6.
• * 1.1580

  Caesar and al∣so his adver∣saries pur∣chase the Consulship.
• * 1.1581

  Velleius l. 2. c. 33. Appian belli ci∣vilis l. 2. p. 435. Strabo lib. 12. p. 558. Plutarch in Cae∣sare, Lucullo, & Pompeio. Livii Epirom. l. 10.
• * 1.1582

  His acts therein.
• * 1.1583

  By inveigling the Peo∣ple he procur∣eth Gall for five years.
• * 1.1584

  He marieth his daughter Julia to Pom∣pey, and other∣wise provid∣eth for his own interest.
• * 1.1585

  Euseb.
• * 1.1586

  Clodius the Tribune
• * 1.1587

  Banisheth Ci∣cero.
• * 1.1588

  A. M. 3947. V. C. 696.
• * 1.1589

  Sendeth Cato to spoil the King of Cyprus most unjust∣ly of his estate.
• * 1.1590

  Lege Plutar∣chum in Cato∣ne Minore.
• * 1.1591

  Cicero recal∣led.
• * 1.1592

  A. M. 1948.
• * 1.1593

  Vide Caesaris comment. de bello Gallco. l. 1. Plutarch in Cae∣sare. Dionem l. 38. p. 78. E.
• * 1.1594

  Caesar's acts in Gall the first year.
• * 1.1595

  Florum l. 3. c. 10. Livii Epitom. l. 103. Orosium l. 6. c. 7.
• * 1.1596

  The acts of his second year.
• * 1.1597

  Caesar Comment. l. 2.
• * 1.1598

  The third.
• * 1.1599

  Lib. 3. Dio lib. 39.
• * 1.1600

  Sueton in Julio. Appian belli civilis lib. 2. Pultarch in Pompeio, & in Crasso. Dio lib. 39. p. 108. Patercul. l. 2. c. 46.
• * 1.1601

  Great conflu∣ence to him at Luca.
• * 1.1602

  Pompey and Crassus accord∣ing to agree∣ment obtain∣ed the Con∣sulships by force, and con∣tinue to Caesar his Command for other five years.
• * 1.1603

  A. M. 3950. Ol. 181. ann. 2. V. C. 699. Hyrcani 9.
• * 1.1604

  Crassus against the minds of all men resol∣ving to go against the Parthians.
• * 1.1605

  Plutarch. & Dio ut priùs.
• * 1.1606

  Lib. 3. cap. 11.
• * 1.1607

  Lib. 1. de Divinat.
• * 1.1608

  Rifleth the Temple of Je∣rusalem.
• * 1.1609

  Lege Plutarch. in Crasso. Dionem lib. 40. Florum l. 3. c. 11. Orosium lib. 6. cap. 13. Velleium lib. 2. cap. 40. Strab. lib. 16.
• * 1.1610

  In Tacitus (Annal. l. 12.) Is written Abbarus, but Lipsius noteth upon it that in the Vatican Copy 'tis ever Acbarus, and was common to all the A∣rabian Kings, as Ptolomy to those of E∣gypt, in Appian 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.1611

  And is slain.
• * 1.1612

  A. M. 3952. V. C. 701.
• (a) 1.1613

  Cicero Of∣fic. lib. 1.
• * 1.1614

  Whereby one head of the Tricipitina is cut off.
• (b) 1.1615

  Idem Epi∣stolis ad Quin∣tum fratrem & ad Atticum Dio lib. 39. Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. 1. Exemp. 3.
• * 1.1616

  Gabinius ba∣nished.
• * 1.1617

  Caesar. Comment. l. 4.
• * 1.1618

  Caesar defeat∣eth the Ger∣mans.
• * 1.1619

  Britain.
• * 1.1620

  Consul. Camb∣denum in Bri∣tania.
• * 1.1621

  The name, whence de∣rived
• * 1.1622

  Cambdens ar∣guments that Britain was but known lately.
• * 1.1623

  The contrary asserted.
• * 1.1624

  Lib. 3. p. 175.
• (b) 1.1625

  Lib. 7. c. 56.
• (c) 1.1626

  Lib. 3. c. 115.
• (d) 1.1627

  Videsis apud Bocharti Canaan l. 1. c. 39.
• * 1.1628

  His argu∣ments refuted.
• * 1.1629

  Lib. 2. p. 104.
• (a) 1.1630

  Stromat. l. 1.
• (b) 1.1631

  Orat. con∣tra Graecos pag. 173. Edit. una cum Athe∣nagora & Theophylo.
• * 1.1632

  Caesar Comment. lib. 4.
• * 1.1633

  Caesar passeth over into Bri∣tain.
• * 1.1634

  A. M. 3950. V. C. 699 Ante Christum 53. Cn. Pompeio M. 2. M. Licinio Crasso 2. Coss.
• * 1.1635

  His successe.
• * 1.1636

  His retreat.
• * 1.1637

  Idem lib. 5.
• * 1.1638

  He returneth.
• * 1.1639

  A. M. 3951. V. C. 700.
• * 1.1640

  Cassivellaun General of the Britans.
• * 1.1641

  Caesar passeth over the Tham••s.
• * 1.1642

  Cassivellaun beggeth peace and Caesar re∣turneth into Gall.
• * 1.1643

  The Galls re∣volt.
• * 1.1644

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.1645

  Dio lib. 40.
• * 1.1646

  Orosius lib. 6. cap. 10.
• * 1.1647

  Julia dieth.
• * 1.1648

  Caesar comment. lib. 6.
• * 1.1649

  Caesar reduceth Revolters.
• * 1.1650

  Stirs in the Citie.
• * 1.1651

  Lege Appian. de bello civil. l. 2.
• * 1.1652

  Milo killeth Clodius.
• * 1.1653

  A. M. 3953. Ol. 182. ann. 1. V. C. 702. Ante Christ. 50.
• * 1.1654

  Pompey made Consul alone.
• * 1.1655

  His Acts.
• * 1.1656

  Idem ibid. Plutarch in Pompeio.
• * 1.1657

  Livii Epitom. lib. 107.
• * 1.1658

  The Galls hearing of these stirs re∣bel.
• * 1.1659

  Caesar comment, lib. 7.
• * 1.1660

  Caesar reduceth them.
• * 1.1661

  Hirtius lib. 8.
• * 1.1662

  A new conspi∣racy
• * 1.1663

  Disappointed.
• * 1.1664

  The grounds and occasions of the Civil Wars betwixt Pompey and Caesar.
• * 1.1665

  Appian. de bel∣lo civili lib. 2. Velleius Pa∣terc. l. 2. c. 48.
• * 1.1666

  Consule Ap∣pianum de bello civili lib. 2. pag. 446.
• * 1.1667

  Curio labour∣eth hard for Caesar.
• * 1.1668

  Epistol. ad fa∣miliar. l. 16. Epist. 11.
• * 1.1669

  Dio l. 40. ini∣tio.
• * 1.1670

  L. Domitius sent by the Senate to suc∣ceed Caesar.
• * 1.1671

  Lege Appian. ubi supra. Caesar de bello Civil. l. 1. Dio l. 40.
• * 1.1672

  Caesar invad∣eth Italy.
• * 1.1673

  A. M. 3956. Ol. 182. ann. 4. V. C. 705. Hyrcani 15.
• * 1.1674

  Followeth Pompey to Brundusium,
• * 1.1675

  Appian ut prius Caesaris de bel∣lo civil. l. 2. Plutarch in Caesare & Pompeio. Sueton in Julio.
• * 1.1676

  Returneth to Rome.
• * 1.1677

  Rifleth the Treasury.
• * 1.1678

  A. M. 3957. V. C. 706.
• * 1.1679

  Goeth into Spain.
• * 1.1680

  Dictator for e∣leven dayes, and then Con∣su••.
• * 1.1681

  Caesar de bello Civili l. 2. Appian.
• * 1.1682

  Passeth over into Epirus.
• * 1.1683

  Cometh to the plains of Pharsalum,
• * 1.1684

  L. 4. c. 2. & 7.
• * 1.1685

  Vide Plutarch in Caesare, & Pompeio, & Appian ut supra.
• * 1.1686

  Where he o∣verthroweth Pompey.
• * 1.1687

  Plutarch in Pompeio. Appian ubi su∣pra. Livii Epitom. l. 112. Paterculus l. 2. c. 53.
• * 1.1688

  Pompey flying into Aegypt
• * 1.1689

  Is treache∣rously slain.
• * 1.1690

  Dio lib. 42.
• * 1.1691

  Caesar there∣upon honour∣ed at Rome.
• * 1.1692

  Caesar de bello civili l. 3. Dio l. 42. Hirtius de bello Alexandrino. Sueton. in Julio.
• * 1.1693

  The Alexan∣drian War.
• * 1.1694

  Plutarch. in Antonio.
• * 1.1695

  Josephi Anti∣quit. lib. 14. cap. 15.
• * 1.1696

  Hirtius.
• * 1.1697

  A. M. 3958. V. C. 707.
• * 1.1698

  Caesar over∣throweth Pharnaces.
• * 1.1699

  Plutarch. in Caesare. Appian belli ci∣vil. lib. 2.
• * 1.1700

  Returneth to Rome.
• * 1.1701

  Plutarch. in Caesare. Dio lib. 42. Appian ut su∣prà. A. M. 3959. V. C. 708. Lege Plutarch. in Catone mi∣nore.
• * 1.1702

  Suppresseth Pompey's friends in A∣frick.
• * 1.1703

  Pompey's sons in Spain.
• * 1.1704

  A. M. 3960. Ol. 183. ann. 4. V. C. 709. Hyrcani 20.
• (a) 1.1705

  Sueton. in Julio. Plutarch. in Caesare. Dio l. 43. p. 226. E. Caesorinus de die natali c. 20. Macrobius Sa∣turnal. l. 1. c. 14. Plin. l. 18. c. 25.
• * 1.1706

  The Julian year.
• * 1.1707

  SECT. 7.
• (b) 1.1708

  Dio ut su∣prà p. 236. c.
• (c) 1.1709

  Famil. Epist. l. 7. Epist. 30. Caninio consule scito neminem prandisse, nihil tamen eo consule mali factum est fuit enim miri∣fica vigilantia, qui suo toto con∣sulatu somnum non viderit.
• * 1.1710

  Vast honours decreed to Cae∣sar.
• (d) 1.1711

  Dio ut su∣prà. Livius lib. 116. Appian belli civil. lib. 2.
• (a) 1.1712

  Sueton in Julio. Appian belli ci∣vil. lib. 2.
• (b) 1.1713

  Lib. 12. pag. 568. Suidas in voce 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vide Gerard. Vossium de Hi∣storicis Graecis lib. 1. cap. ult.
• * 1.1714

  King Diotarus defended by Cicero.
• (a) 1.1715

  Joseph. An∣tiquit. lib. 14. cap. 17.
• (b) 1.1716

  Appian bell. civil lib. 2. Dio lib. 44. Censorin. de die Natali cap. 9.
• (c) 1.1717

  Dio lib. 43. Strabo lib. 8. & 17.
• * 1.1718

  The moneth Quintilis cal∣led July.
• (d) 1.1719

  Dio lib. 43. Appian belli civil. lib. 2. Plutarch. in Caesare. Sueton. in Julio. Livii Epitom. lib. 116.
• * 1.1720

  Caesar seeming to affect the title of King,
• * 1.1721

  A. M. 3961. V.C. 710.
• * 1.1722

  Is slain in the Senate-house.
• * 1.1723

  Plinius lib. 7. cap. 15.
• * 1.1724

  Cicero lib. 2. de Divinat.
• * 1.1725

  In Caesare.
• * 1.1726

  His character.
• * 1.1727

  Vide Appian. ut supra. Patercul. l. 2. c. 58. Dionem l. 44.
• * 1.1728

  An Amnestie voted by the Senate.
• * 1.1729

  Caesar's Testa∣ment.
• * 1.1730

  Sueton in Ju∣lio. Flor. l. 4. c. 4.
• * 1.1731

  Octavius his heir.
• * 1.1732

  Appian de bello civili l. 3. Sueton in Au∣gusto. Dio l. 45.
• * 1.1733

  Purchaseth the Love of the People.
• * 1.1734

  Appian. Livii Epitom. lib. 117. Dio l. 45.
• * 1.1735

  Antony pra∣ctizeth for his own advance∣ment.
• * 1.1736

  The hatred of him pro∣cureth young Caesar's prefer∣ment.
• * 1.1737

  Appian ut supra. Dio l. 46. Plutarch in Antonio. Cicero Philip. 5. Sueton in Octa∣vio.
• * 1.1738

  A. M. 3962. V. C. 712.
• * 1.1739

  Appian. Livius lib. 120. Cicero Philip. 11.
• * 1.1740

  Yet having no need of Caesar, the Se∣nate again slighted him,
• * 1.1741

  Appian ut su∣pra. Livius l 119. Sueton. in An∣gusto. Patercul. l. 2. c. 62. Livii Epitom. lib. 120.
• * 1.1742

  Vide Dionem lib. 46.
• * 1.1743

  Livii Epit. l. 120. Appian bell. civil. l. 4.
• * 1.1744

  Which pro∣cureth the Thumviraté.
• * 1.1745

  The Terms of the Combina∣tion.
• * 1.1746

  Concurrite omnes Augures, Aruspices, Portentum in∣usitatum con∣statum est recens, Nam mulos qui frecabat Consul factus est.
• * 1.1747

  Idem ibid. Dio lib. 46.
• * 1.1748

  These Verses were scattered up and down the Citie.
• * 1.1749

  Gellius lib. 5. cap. 4.
• * 1.1750

  The effects of it.
• * 1.1751

  Appian.
• * 1.1752

  Plutarch. in Ci∣cerone.
• * 1.1753

  Cicero slain.
• * 1.1754

  Paterculus l. 2. cap. 66. Plinius lib. 7. cap. 30.
• * 1.1755

  And many others.
• * 1.1756

  Idem.
• * 1.1757

  The Triumvirs condemn the estates of wo∣men to get money.
• * 1.1758

  Idem.
• * 1.1759

  Plutarch. in M. Bruto.
• * 1.1760

  And Cassius and Brutus take extrava∣gant courses for Treasure.
• * 1.1761

  Orosius lib. 6. cap. 18.
• * 1.1762

  The two par∣ties meet at Philippi.
• * 1.1763

  Appian belli civil. lib. 4. Plutarch. in Antonio. Florus l. 4. c. 7. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70. Livii Epitom. lib. 124.
• * 1.1764

  Cassius killeth himself out of misapprehen∣sion.
• * 1.1765

  Appian ut su∣prà. Dio lib. 47. Plutarch. in M. Bruto. Patercul. ut priùs. Livius lib. 124.
• * 1.1766

  And Brutus after a defeat.
• * 1.1767

  A. M. 3963. Ol. 185. ann. 3. V.C. 712. Hyrcani 22. Ante Christ. 40.
• * 1.1768

  Appian.
• * 1.1769

  Caesar return∣eth to Rome.
• * 1.1770

  Appian belli ci∣vil. lib. 5. Plutarch. in Antonio. Dio lib. 48.
• * 1.1771

  Antony follow∣eth Cleopatra into Egypt.
• * 1.1772

  A. M. 3964. V.C. 713.
• * 1.1773

  The Perusian War betwixt Caesar, and the brother and wife of Antony.
• * 1.1774

  Appian.
• * 1.1775

  A M. 3965. V. C. 714.
• * 1.1776

  Vide Servium in locum.
• * 1.1777

  Appian.
• * 1.1778

  Caesar provi∣deth for the worst.
• * 1.1779

  Antonies car∣riage in the East.
• * 1.1780

  Dio lib. 48.
• * 1.1781

  The Triumvirs fall out.
• * 1.1782

  Appian.
• * 1.1783

  Are reconciled and a new a∣greement is made.
• * 1.1784

  A great fa∣mine caused by Sextus Pompey.
• * 1.1785

  Procureth an agreement with him.
• * 1.1786

  Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 26.
• * 1.1787

  Dio lib. 49. Appian in Par∣thicis.
• * 1.1788

  Ventidius pros∣pereth against the Parthians.
• * 1.1789

  Florus l. 4. c. 9.
• (a) 1.1790

  Dio ut prius.
• * 1.1791

  Plutarch in Antonio.
• (c) 1.1792

  Appian de bello Civil. l. 4.
• * 1.1793

  The Peace with Pompey broken.
• * 1.1794

  A. M. 3967. V. C. 716. Herodis 2.
• * 1.1795

  Idem.
• * 1.1796

  Antony and Caesar make a new agree∣ment and pro∣rogue their power.
• * 1.1797

  Idem.
• * 1.1798

  Pompey over∣thrown by Caesar.
• * 1.1799

  A. M. 3969. V. C. 718.
• * 1.1800

  Appian ut supra. Plutarch in Antonio. Dio. l. 49.
• * 1.1801

  One head of the Tricipitina broken off.
• * 1.1802

  Pompey killed.
• * 1.1803

  Antony doat∣eth on Cleopa∣tra.
• * 1.1804

  Plutarch. Dio.
• * 1.1805

  His extrava∣gancies in Aegypt.
• * 1.1806

  Caesar and he fall out.
• * 1.1807

  Dio l. 50. Florus l. 4. c. 11.
• * 1.1808

  A. M. 3973. Ol. 187. an. 1. V. l. 722. Herodis 8.
• * 1.1809

  Vide Dionem ubi supra.
• * 1.1810

  Their prepa∣rations for war.
• * 1.1811

  Idem. Plutarch in Antonio.
• * 1.1812

  Antony wor∣sted.
• * 1.1813

  A. M. 3974. V. C. 723. Herodis 9. Ante Christ. 29.
• * 1.1814

  Overthrown at Actium in a Sea-fight.
• * 1.1815

  Patercul. l. 2. c. 85.
• * 1.1816

  Dio. Suetonius. Aurelius Vi∣ctor.
• * 1.1817

  Eutropius.
• * 1.1818

  Plutarch. in Antonio.
• * 1.1819

  Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87. Dio lib. 51.
• * 1.1820

  His Land for∣ces yield to Caesar.
• * 1.1821

  Joseph An∣tiq. l. 15. c. 10.
• * 1.1822

  Dio lib. 5. Plutarch. in Antonio.
• * 1.1823

  Antony killeth himself.
• * 1.1824

  Dio ut suprà. Sueton. in Octavio. Plutarch. in Antonio. Orosius lib. 6. cap. 19. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87. Florus lib. 4. cap. 11. Livii Epit. lib. 133. Julian ad The∣mistium.
• * 1.1825

  So doth Cleo∣patra her self, and Egypt is made a Pro∣vince.
• * 1.1826

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.1827

  A. M. 3975. Ol. 187. ann. 3. V.C. 724. Herodis 10. Ante Christum 28.