An institution of general history from the beginning of the vvorld to the monarchy of Constantine the Great : composed in such method and manner as never yet was extant / by William Howel ...

* 1.1CHAP. IX. The affaires of the Romans Contem∣porary with the Empire of the Macedonians.

SECT. I. From the War of Privernum to the first Punick War, wherein the Romans first set foot out of Italy, the space of 66 years.

1. IN the year after the taking of Privernum was War decreed against the Pa••aepolitans.* 1.2* 1.3 Palaeopolis stood not far off from the place where Neapolis (now Napoli or Naples) is seated, and, as some think, there where at this day, is seen il borgo de Chiara.* 1.4 The same people inhabited two Ci∣ties, being descended from Cumae, which was also a Colony of Ch. lcis in Enboea, now called Negropont. For the Cumani having a good fleet first passed to the Islands Menaria and Pathecusa, and afterward ventured upon the Con∣tinent. The Palaepolitans trusting to their own strength, and counting of the treachery of the Samnites, and the plague which now had seized upon Rome, committed many Hostile actions against the Romans that inhabited the Countreys about Cumae and Falernus. When L. Cornelius Lentulus, and Q. Publius Philo were both Consuls the second time, the Faeciales were sent to demand restitution, who bringing from those Greeks (more valiant in tongue, saith Livy, than in deeds) a fiery and resolute answer, it was resolved that War should be made upon them.

* 1.52. Whilest this War depended, the year following was Alexandria in Egypt built, as Livy writeth, whereas the foundation of this Citie was laid, while Alexander was in Africk, the year before the death of Darius, and the fifth before this, wherein C. Paetilius and L. Papyrius Mugilanus were Con∣suls. This same year he maketh Alexander the King of Epirus to have been slain, who being Uncle by the mothers side to Alexander the Great, is thought to have undertaken an expedition into Italy, out of emulation towards his Nephew, that as the one was now Conquering the East, so the other might endeavour to subdue the West, having no lesse matter to work upon in Italy, Africk, and Sicily, than the other found in Asia and Persia. He was de∣ceived by the Oracle of Jupiter of Dodona, which bidding him beware of Pan∣dosia and Acheron, he knowing there was a Citie of the former name in Epirus, and a River of the later, thought himself so much the safer, as he could get farthest off from these. Being therefore sent for by the Taren∣tines, he came into Italy, and made War with the Brutii and Lucani, from whom he took many Towns, and 300 families, which he sent as Hostages in∣to Epirus. He entred into a League with the Metapontini and Romans. But the Brutii and Lucani recruiting themselves by the supplies of their neighbours, re-inforced the War, and set upon him near Pandosia (a Town situate a little above Consentia, the Metropolis of the Brutii) near to which ran a River called Acheron.* 1.6 Taking this River with his horse, he was there∣in slain by a Lucanian, and his dead body being carried down the stream into the Enemies quarters was mangled into pieces. A certain woman whose husband and Children were taken prisoners by the Epirots, got the pieces together, and in exchange for her relations sent his bones to Metapontus, whence they were conveyed into Epirus unto Cleopatra his wife, and Olym∣pias his sister, whereof the one was sister, and the other mother to Alexander the Great.

* 1.72. The Palaepolitans though assisted by the Samnites and Tarentines, were overmatched so, as glad they were to yield up their City, and the Samnites lost three of their own Towns. The Tarentines yet proceeded, and drew both the Samnites and Neapolitans (the other part of this Greek Colony) afresh into the War, wherein also the Inhabitants of Vestinus, together with their allies ingaged themselves. Whilst this War was but beginning, great stirs hapned in the City. There, one L. Papyrius had given up himself to C. Publius as a slave, to work out his fathers debt. Being a young man of a beautiful body, Publius attempted filthily to abuse him, and when he would in no wise suffer this, most grievously beat and tore his body with rods. In this plight Papyrius got away, and running to the People, by declaring his condition, so affected them, that they procured the Fathers to decree, that the Consuls should propose to them in the Comitia these two Laws: the first, That no man should be detained in bonds,* 1.8 except for some misdemeanor, till the time of his punishment: the second, that the money and goods, not the bo∣dy of the debtor should be responsible. Whereupon all prisoners for debt were forthwith set at liberty. The year following the Vestini were overthrown by Junius Brutus Scaeva the Consul, who also took from them two Towns. His Collegue L. Furius Camillus being sick in Samnium (or the Country of the Samnites) pronounced Dictator L. Papyrius Cursor, the most famous Cap∣tain by far of those times, who named Q. Fabius Rutilianus for his Master of Horse-men▪ Papyrius being in Camp against the Samnites, was forced to return to Rome,* 1.9 for the renewing of his auspicia, and at his departure com∣manded his Master of Horse-men not to stir out of the trenches to fight one stroak till he came back;* 1.10 but Fabius understanding that a notable advantage of doing something of consequence was presented from the Enemy, fell up∣on the Samnites, and made great slaughter of them. The Dictator hearing of this, in a great rage returned to the Camp, and had put him to death, but that he was rescued by the Army, from which flying to the City, Papyrius followed him, and pressing sore to the Senate the necessity of discipline and authority,* 1.11 would not at all give way to the intreaties of the Fathers. This forced M. Fabius the father of the party to appeal to the People and their Tribunes, by which he hardly was drawn to pardon him, though his autho∣rity was saved together with the life of Fabius, through the intreaties of those who might justly have Commanded it, as was confessed by him∣self.

3. This severity of the Dictator so alienated the hearts of the Soldiers from him, that it had well nigh cost him the losse of a battel; which constrained him to be more Popular; then afterward he overthrew the Samnites, and har∣razed their Country.* 1.12 This made them desire Peace; but returning quickly again to their former enmity, in the second year after, they received another great defeat from A. Cornelius Aruina the Dictator. Herewith they were so struck, that they sent all the prisoners they had home to Rome, with such plunder as they had taken, and the dead body with the goods of him who had been the author of the revolt, and who fearing to be given up had killed himself.* 1.13 The Senate onely received the men,* 1.14 with such goods as any Citizen could challenge for his own, and denied them Peace. At this C. Pontius a leading man amongst them took occasion grievously to enveigh against the in∣justice of the Romans, and causing them to take arms, led them presently near to a place called Caudium, whence having apparelled ten Soldiers in the habit of Shepherds, he sent them to Calatia (where he heard the Consuls lay at present) with a charge, that when they should be asked where the Ar∣my of the Samnites was, they should answer in Apulia, besieging Luceria, which it had already well nigh taken. A rumour being already spred abroad of such a thing, now obtained greater credit, and the Romans accounted themselves by all means bound to succour Luceria, and the rather, for fear lest all Apulia should revolt. Two wayes there were which led to Luceria: One by the Sea side open and secure, another through the Straights of Caudi∣num called Furcae Caudinae (at this day Caudino, and Forche Caudine, ten

miles distant from Benevento) a place incompassed about with high mountains, & into which one could not enter,* 1.15 nor depart out of it, but through very difficult and straight passages. The Consuls leading their Army through this, as the nearest way, were quickly stopped up, so as they could neither proceed nor retire, because on all sides Pontius had blocked up the passage.* 1.16

4. The Samnites having the Roman Armies at this advantage, sent to He∣rennius the father of Pontius their General, and a very wise man, for his ad∣vice what was to be done. He sent word, they should dismisse the Romans without any injury at all, which answer not pleasing, they sent back for ano∣ther, and then he counselled them to cut them off, and not leave a man alive. These two extremes being ascribed to dotage, he came to the Camp, and of∣fered his reasons. He said, he gave the first advice as such, which if fol∣lowed, would by a great courtesie have for ever obliged a most powerful Peo∣ple, and the second, as tending so far to the weakning of their power, as they could not for a long time either recruit themselves or renew the War, having lost two so considerable Armies; as for any third expedient he found none. Being asked concerning a middle way of dismissing the Romans in safety, but under the obligation of some conditions, he answered, that this course would not procure them friends, nor diminish their enemies; for such was the Roman Nation, that being disgraced or defeated, it could not rest, but would still retain the memory of what present necessity urged it to submit to; neither, saith he, will they suffer you to rest till punished abundantly. But this wise cou∣sel would not be heard; so that the Romans had these conditions set them: The Army was to march away onely with their clothes, having first in token of slavery passed under the jugum: the Romans should quit wholly the Coun∣try of the Samnites, and thence remove their Colonies: and both Roman and Samnite live under the same terms of confederacy and alliance. The Ar∣mies were constrained to submit,* 1.17 and in great shame and consternation marched away disarmed. This disaster hapned in the 433 year of the City, and the third after the death of Alexander the Great, when T. Veturius Calvinus the first, and Sp. Posthumius the second time were Consuls.

5. The City was most grievously afflicted with shame and anger at so dis∣graceful and unusual a thing. Posthumius perswaded the Senate to deliver himself and his Collegue into the hands of the Samnites, as being onely obliged to the conditions, and not the State, which was unacquainted therewith. This being accordingly done, Pontius refused to receive them, exclaiming against the perfidiousnesse of the Romans.* 1.18 The Army then marching down again sufficiently revenged themselves, under conduct of Papirius. Several Towns which had revolted were recovered, and scarce could the Samnites obtain a Truce for two years. They brake this Truce ere the time was out, and thereby drew the War again upon them, which en∣during for eleven years, they lost many thousands of men, with many Towns, which humbled them so, that upon their submission the usual confederacy was granted to them. Then were the Aequi chastized, who had helped them, and thereby were other Nations affrighted into subjection. In the second year after, began another War with the Hetruscans, wherein were fought divers bloody battels; but still the Romans had the better, who stormed di∣vers Towns, and wasted the Country. Two years after, the Samnites re∣belled again, and joyned with the Hetruscans, but with the same successe as formerly, being grievously slaughtered, especially under the conduct of Q. Fabius Maximus, and Decius Mus; the later of whom, seeing his wing give ground, in a great and bloody battel fought with the Samnites and Galls (for those now had joyned with them) solemnly devoted himself and the Enemy to the Dii Manes,* 1.19 and rushing into the midst was killed, as his father had been 44 years before. Still continued the miseries of the Sam∣nites, and two years after their last Army (for this time it must be under∣stood) was cut in pieces by L. Papirius son to the former, who also took many Towns, and for his service obtained a most splendid Triumph. It is observed, that over the Samnites the Romans triumphed thirty times: viz. Consuls 26

times, L. Papirius the Dictator twice, Publius Philo once, who first of all others triumphed with Proconsular power, and once Q. Fabius another Pro∣consul. The family of the Fabii obtained, of these thirty, four Triumphs, and that of the Papirii five, as may be seen in the Capitoline Tables. This War having begun in the 410 year of the City, ended in the 481, and there∣fore continued 71 years,* 1.20 not fifty onely, as Florus, according to his custome, falsely computeth; neither 81 as Appian, nor 49 onely, as Eutropius; nor yet onely seventy, which number Livie assigneth with tolerable difference. All Writers agree, that the Romans had no Enemy in Italy, who longer, or more pertinaciously, managed the grand quarrel with them, than the Sam∣nites.

6. During these successes abroad, the People having got of late so many privileges, were reasonably quiet; yet their Tribunes having one occasion left to create trouble to the Fathers, stomached much that all the Priests and Augurs should be created out of the Nobility,* 1.21 and laboured to make the Commons partakers of those Offices. The Senate made no great resistance, as being now accustomed to yield, and that in things of far greater moment, as the Consulship, Censorship, Dictatorship, and Triumphs. So, whereas as yet there were but four chief Priests and as many Augurs, to them were added four, and to those five out of the body of the Commons. And this same year did M. Valerius the Consul prefer a Law of Appeale more dili∣gently enacted.* 1.22 Now was it the third time preferred since the banishment of the Kings, alwaies by the same family. The cause of renewing it, saith Livie, I suppose was no other, than that the power of a few prevailed above the liberty of the Commons. Which cannot be, if we consider, how for a long time the will of the multitude had got ground, and before this overturn∣ed the prerogative of the Patricians. The Lex Porcia, saith he, seemeth alone to be enacted for the backs of the Citizens, because it inflicted an hea∣vy punishment upon him that should beat with rods or kill a Roman Citizen. The Lex Valeria having prohibited any to be killed or beaten who had appeal∣ed, if any did contrary, added no more than it was naughtily done, which (such was then the modesty of men) was I believe, a sufficient obligation for the Law. Now scarcely can any one threaten a Slave in that manner. Fa∣bius Gurges after this, being Consul,* 1.23 fought unprosperously with the Sam∣nites, whereupon the Senate consulted about removing him from the Army. Fabius Maximus his father deprecating this ignominy, prevented it, by pro∣mising he would go to the War as Legatus or Lieutenant to his son.* 1.24 He per∣formed it, and so assisted the young man, that he procured him Victory, and a Triumph, wherein C. Pontius the Samnite being led was put to death. Af∣ter this, L. Posthumius a man of Consular dignity, being set over the Army, used the help of the Soldiers in his own field, and for that was punished. The Samnites desiring Peace, the League was renewed with them the fourth time. But presently again, as it seemeth, they rebelled; for P. Cornelius Rufinus,* 1.25 and Manius Curius (sirnamed Dentatus, because born with teeth,* 1.26 according to Plinie) overthrew them in several bloody battels, and took di∣vers of their Towns. Livie in his eleventh Book (as appeareth from it's Epitome) wrote, that Curius Dentatus the Consul, having overthrown the Samnites and Sabines, who had rebelled, triumphed twice the same year. After this were Colonies sent to Castrum, Sena, and Adria. The Triumviri for Capital matters were now also first made. The Census being per∣fected, the Lustrum was made, and 273000 polls of Roman Citizens were cessed.

7.* 1.27 Presently after happened the third separation of the Commons from the Patricians.* 1.28 The cause was the great debts which the porer sort had con∣tracted. As a remedy for this the Tribunes of the Commons, those incen∣diaries, proposed new tables in way of defalcation, which the Consuls in favour of the creditors opposed. The contest came to that height, that the Plebeians departed into the Janiculum, for the reconciliation and reducement of whom, Q. Hortensius was made Dictator. He appeased them with

good words, and perswaded them to return, by promising that for the time to come their Pleb scita should have the force of Laws,* 1.29 and bind the whole politick body.* 1.30 This accordingly, by a Law called Lex Hortensia, he enacted; though it appeareth out of Livy, that the same in effect had been granted twice before, viz. in the 305 year of the Citie, by L. Valerius, and M. Ho∣ratius the Consuls, and again in the 416. by Q. Publius Philo the Dictator, 50 years before this present, which having not been observed, might give the Commons as great distaste as the matter of debts, if we may judge from that which pacified them.* 1.31 Florus telleth a story, that the businesse of Matri∣mony betwixt the Patricians and Plebeians caused this third separation of the Commons into the Janiculum, the tumult being raised by Canuleius the Tribune. But Students are to take notice, that none but he speak any thing of this Sedition in this place, and by the instigation of this person, for this cause of marriage. That great Contentions were raised betwixt the two orders about the taking away the Law made by the Decemviri, which forbad marriage betwixt them,* 1.32 is oftens arrested by Levy. But that the Commons departed into the Janiculum for the burthen of their debts, after great and long contentions in the 468^th year of the Citie, is by several Authors affirmed, and that thence they were reduced by Hortensius the Dictator, who prefer∣red a Law in the Esculeium, that what the Commons commanded should bind all Quirites: neither do Writers mention any other cause of the third Separation.

8. Hortensius died in the time of his Magistracy.* 1.33 After this there was action with the Volsinienses and Lucani, against whom assistance was given to the Thurini. Then the Roman Ambassadors being killed by the Galls Senones, War was decreed against them, and L. Caecilius the Praetor was cut off by them with the Legions. The Tarentines being jealous of the growth of the Roman power, had hitherto privily favoured the Samnites, though openly they maintained a confederacy with the Romans.* 1.34 This people, being the of∣spring of the Partheniae, who were banished Lacedaemon, for that being pro∣miscuously begotten, they could not have any inheritance,* 1.35 and therefore plot∣ted against the State as was shown before, inhabited a Citie called Taren∣tum, from Taras a certain Heroe, the Metropolis once of Calabria, Apulia, and all Lucania. It was situate in a Peninsula on the Bay of the Adriatick Sea, famous for its bignesse, Walls, and Haven especially, which lay so convenient for sayling into the Roman Coasts, Istria, Illyricum, Epirus, Achaia, Africk, and Sicily, that Florus accounteth the situation admirable. The Tarentines affecting, took Democratical Government, obtained great power in those parts, having a more considerable Fleet than any of their neighbours, 30000 foot, 3000 horse, and 1000 persons fit to command them. They imbraced the Philosophy of Pythagoras, especially one Archy∣tas, who governed the Citie a long time. In after times luxury was produced by prosperity to such excesse, that if credit may be given to Strabo, the Ta∣rentines had more publick Festivals yearly, than the year hath dayes; by rea∣son whereof, the State of the Commonwealth under such a Government was rendred much worse. One of their bad customs was (as he judgeth it) to use the Conduct of foreiners in their Wars; for against the Messapii and Lu∣cani they imployed Alexander the Molossian, and before that Archidamus the son of Agesilaus, as afterward Cleonymus and Agathocles; and afterwards Pyrrhus against the Romans. They contended with the Messapii about He∣raclea, and imployed also against them the two Kings of the Daunii and Peucetii. Neither would they obey the forein Captains for whom they had sent but fell to odds with them which procured no small inconvenience.

9. Near to the Haven, in the view of the Sea, was the Theatre of the City, which proved the cause of all its misery and calamities, saith Florus. They were therein beholding Games, when, L. Valerius the Duumvir (as he is called in Livy's Epitome) or one of the Roman Admirals sayled thither as to a confederate Citie. They taking the Romans for Enemies, saith Florus;* 1.36 (who addeth what cannot be credited, that they scarce knew, who, or whence

the Romans were) or as others think, having both knowledge and malice suf∣ficient, set upon the Fleet, and either sunk, or at least rifled it, and slew the Admiral.* 1.37 The Senate sent L. Posthumius to complain of the injury, who delivering his message boldly was dismissed with a very dissatisfactory answer, at his coming in, having had* 1.38 Urine thrown upon him, or one of his compani∣ons. War therefore was decreed against the Tarentines, and committed to the management of L. Aemilius the Consul, who first indeavoured by fair means to reclaim them, and when that could not do it, wasted their Territories with fire and sword, revenging their insolence with cruelty as Orosius writeth, for which service he triumphed the year after his Consulship, as appeareth out of an old inscription. The Tarentines finding themselves too weak for the en∣counter, sent to Pyrrhus King of Epirus for aid, whom they had formerly assisted against the Corcyraeans.* 1.39* 1.40 The multitude were of themselves rather inclined to peace; but a certain company of men, by Greek Authors called De∣magogi (from their leading of the people) would not let them rest, till they had resolved upon the War; whereupon they sent Ambassadors to Pyrrhus, who not onely in their name, but of other Italians also Presented him with gifts, and signified that they stood in need of a General, Eminent both for abilities and reputation; Italy it self being able to furnish them with forces out of the Countreys of the Lucanians, Messapians, and Samnites. The King being of a restlesse spirit, incouraging himself in vain hopes (whereby he grasped as it were the Empire of all the West) promised them to come over with an Army,* 1.41 and dispatched before him with 3000 men One Cineas a Thessalian, an excellent Orator and Scholar of Demosthenes. He afterwards took the Sea himself with twenty Elephants, 3000 horse, and 22 foot, besides 500 Archers and Slingers; but upon the Main was seized with such a Tem∣pest, that his Fleet being severed, many Vessels were lost, he was forced to leap out into the water, and with great hazard got to Land, and onely at pre∣sent two Elephants, a very few hors-men, and about 2000 foot could be re∣covered from the shipwrack by the Messapians, upon the Coasts of whom they were cast.

10. Pyrrhus did nothing without the consent of the Tarentines, till his ships, and the greater part of his Army arrived;* 1.42 then taking notice how they minded nothing but bathing and feasting, he shut up the publick meeting pla∣ces, restrained them from walking (in which exercise they were wont to dis∣course idly concerning War) and forbidding drinking, and Games, called them to Arms, making Levies of the youth with some rigour and severity. Valerius Laevinus the Consul hasting to give him battel ere the assistance of the Confederates came, he drew out his Army to him; but before they should joyn, sent to him, offering himself an Umpire betwixt the Romans, and their adversaries, to which Valerius answered, that they neither cared for him as an Umpire, nor feared him as an Enemy, and taking his Spies, he caused them to be led throughout the Camp, and then bade them return, and tell him what they had seen.* 1.43 Pyrrhus pitched his Tents betwixt Pandosa and Hera∣clea, a Town situate betwixt Tarentum and Metaponius, built by the Taren∣tines. The Romans beyond the River Siris not Liris, a River of Campania, as Florus and Orosius write, who also draw Heraclea out of that part of Magna Graecia, lying upon Siris & Metapontus, into Campania. In the fight Pyrrhus had his horse killed under him, by one Obsidius a Ferentane, who was slain in the place by his followers. This made him change Armour with one near to him, who being made at for him and struck down, his Armour was taken from off him, and being carried about by the Romans in token of his death, struck such a terrour into his Soldiers that it had cost him the victory, but that he seasonably with some labour made himself known. Whilest the victory seemed yet to be doubtfull, or rather to incline toward the Romans, the Elephants being brought into the battel decided the controversie. Till the passing of Alexander into the East, this beast had been talked of, but ne∣ver seen by the Europaeans nor them of Asia, except the Indians and their neighbours, as also the Southern Africans. Homer describeth the houses of

rich men to have been adorned with Ivory, but as* 1.44 Pausanias noteth, never mentioneth the beast. The Romans themselves were amazed, not knowing what they were;* 1.45 but the fault is laid upon their horses, which not enduring the smell nor bignesse of the Elephants broke their Ranks, which opportunity the King took, and sending his horse in amongst the Romans thus disordered, put them to the rout. He got but a bloudy victory, he himself being wounded, and a great part of his men slain, though of the numbers on either side Writers do not agree.

11. Having taken prisoners 1800 of the Romans,* 1.46 he used them with great civility, and buried their dead, whom observing to be wounded all before, and to be with stern countenances, he lifted up his eyes, and said: He could have been Master of all the world if he had had but such Soldiers.* 1.47 After this having received the Auxiliaries of the Samnites, Lucani and Brutii, he marched to∣wards Rome as far as Praeneste, a Town 18 miles distant from the Citie, wast∣ing all with fire and sword in his passage. Hearing that the Romans were bu∣sie in recruiting their Army, he considered it was most creditable for him to make peace with them, being he had no hopes to subdue them, and for that purpose sent Cineas to feel their minds, a man so powerfull in the art of Rhetorick, that the King acknowledged him to have stormed more Cities by his tongue,* 1.48 than he had ever done by force of Arms. Cineas presented the principal Citizens and their Wives with gifts from Pyrrhus; but they refused them. When he had something wrought upon the Senate to make a peace, and admit Pyrrhus into the Citie, Appius Claudius now blind came in, and by an Oration, recorded by Plutarch, procured the contrary. The Ambassadour at his return being asked what he thought of Rome, answered, that the Senate seemed to him as a Council of so many Kings. After Cineas his return the Romans sent to Pyrrhus about redeeming of prisoners, amongst others C. Fa∣bricius, a man of great note for virtue and poverty. The King being informed by Cineas concerning his disposition, offered him Gold, which when he refu∣sed with great resolution, to try his gravity, the next day as they were talking together, he commanded the greatest Elephant he had to be set behind the hanging, and then on a sudden the Tapestry being removed, the beast held his proboscis over Fabricius his head,* 1.49 and roared exceedingly. But he not at all terrified, though he had never before seen this kind of Creature, smiled, and told the King, that neither his Gold the day before, nor his Elephant now did at all move him. Pyrrhus amazed at his greatnesse of mind, released to him the prisoners, on this condition, that if the Senate accepted not of peace they should return to him, which accordingly they did, having saluted their friends, and solemnized the Saturnalia, being commanded to do it by the Fathers up∣on pain of death.

12. P. Sulpicius Saverrio and P. Decius Mus,* 1.50 being Consuls for the following year, were sent against Pyrrhus. The Romans by this time had learnt not to fear Elephants with such astonishment as formerly; so that these beasts now were overcome and killed, Pyrrhus himself was wounded,* 1.51 20000 of his men slain, and 5000 of the Romans, according to Eutropius, but from Livies Epitome, if should appear that the issue of this battel was doubtfull,* 1.52 and Cicero writeth that Decius was slain. Florus relateth, that first in Apulia, and then at Asculum the Romans had better successe, Curius and Fabricius being Consuls; for now the terrour of the Elephants was worn off, and C. Minutius by cutting off the proboscis from one,* 1.53 shewed that the beasts could die. Darts were thrown so thick upon them, and fire upon the Towers on their backs, that the Army was sorely distressed, in which condition it re∣mained till night relieved it, and the King being the last that fled, having re∣ceived a wound in his shoulder, was carried out by his Guard in his Armour. But as Florus is to be read with great caution in every place, so especially in this; for Curius and Fabricius were never Consuls together, as the Tables show. This therefore is to be referred to the ensuing year wherein C. Fa∣bricius Luscinus, and Q. Aemylius Papus (both of them the second time) were Consuls. Plutarch writeth that two dayes together Pyrrhus and the

Consuls fought at Asculum; whereof, on the former, his Elephants could do him no service, but on the later, chusing a more even ground, by the means of the Elephants especially, he drove the Romans back into their Camp, having slain of them 6000, and lost 3505 of his own men, as Hieronymus relateth out of the King's Records. But he addeth, that Dionysius neither wrote any thing of two battels fought at Asculum, neither, for certain, of Pyrrhus his Victory: one fight he mentioned fought till Sun-set, at the con∣clusion whereof Pyrrhus was wounded in the Arm, which wound, with the Samnites rifling his baggage, put an end to it; either party having lost above 15000 men. That this battel (or those battels) fell out in the year afore∣said is clear from that which moved Pyrrhus this way to attempt the ending of the controversie. For the Consuls, Fabricius and Aemilius, receiving a letter from the King's* 1.54 Physician, wherein he offered to poyson him, upon condition to be well requited, they wrote back to Pyrrhus to acquaint him with the treason, and in theirs included the Physicians letter. To requite the Romans for this courtesie, he sent back their prisoners gratis, and dispatched away Cineas again to treat of Peace. The Romans would neither receive their Captives in way of free gift, nor reward; but sent him so many of the Sam∣nites and Tarentines: as for Peace, they refused to admit of any, except he would return with his forces into Epirus. He perceiving (saith Plutarch) that he must try with them another battel, marched unto Asculum. More∣over the Triumphal tables show, that in the Consulship of Fabricius and Aemilius, the Romans fought with the Lucani, Brutii, Tarentines, and Samnites, at Asculum, which as* 1.55 Strabo writeth, was a Town of the Pi∣ceni in the midland Country, most fortified by nature, being encompassed, besides a wall, with mountains, over which no Army could passe.

13. Pyrrhus after this action at Asculum, is reported to have answered one who congratulated with him about his successe, in this manner: If we overcome the Romans another time we are utterly lost. For he had by this time lost a great part of the Soldiers he had brought over, and almost all his friends and Captains:* 1.56 he had no more to send for: he perceived his Italian Allies to loiter, and the Romans to have a constant supply, whereby they pre∣sently recruited their Army, and filled up their Legions, and he saw clearly that their courage was nothing daunted by the losse of one battel, but rather their strength and resolution to be the more increased. Being pressed with these difficulties, he had presently a recourse to vain hopes, occasioned by such affaires as cast him necessarily into an anxious deliberation. For at the same time, the Agrigentines, Syracusians, and Leontines, out of Sicily, gave up themselves to him, desiring his help in casting out the Carthaginians, and clearing the Island of Tyrants: and out of Greece came intelligence, that Ptolomaeus Ceraunus was slain in battel by the Galls, and therefore it was most convenient for him to come into Macedonia, now without a King. Blaming Fortune much that had conjoyned two such great opportunities, whereof the one must necessarily be omitted, after a long debate he resolved to apply himself to the matters of Sicily, as more considerable than the other of Greece,* 1.57 because of Africk. Having sent over Cineas beforehand to deal with the Cities about the state of affaires, he put a Garrison upon the Taren∣tines, who took it in ill part, requiring him either to prosecute the Warre a∣gainst the Romans, for which he had been called, or clearly quitting the Coun∣try of Tarentum, to leave the City in that condition wherein he found it: But returning them no pleasant answer, he bade them stay his time, and so de∣parted, after he had caried on the War in Italy two years and four moneths. For the following year, P. Cornelius Rufinus, and C. Julius Brutus,* 1.58 both the second time, were Consuls. Rufinus was a man very expert in War, but extraordinarily covetous and scraping, insomuch that upon this account he was much hated by Fabricius, formerly mentioned. Yet, when this year he stood for the Consulship, for that it was a very dangerous time, and his com∣petitors were persons of no value, Fabricius laboured earnestly to have him elected, and when every one wondered at it; either to his friends, or, as

* Cicero writeth, to Rufinus himself, giving him thanks, hee answered:* 1.59 Malui compilari quam vaenire, I desired rather to be pilled than sold.

14. Pyrrhus having found things in Sicily according to his mind, proceed∣ed in his enterprize with as much satisfaction, till growing tyrannical, he in∣curred the hatred of those that imployed him, part of whom revolted to the Carthaginians, and others betook themselves to the aid of the Mamertines. Perceiving at length that he was involved in the deep hatred of all, and no∣thing throughout the Island but revolts, new councils and a strong conspiracy against him, he received letters from the Samnites and Tarentines, who be∣ing shut up in their Towns, which they hardly maintained, desired his assi∣stance. He was glad of so specious a pretence, that he might not seem to be driven by desperation out of Sicily, which indeed as a perishing Vessel in so great a Tempest he was not able to govern, and so returned into Italy, after he had been absent near as long as formerly he had there continued.* 1.60* 1.61 The Barbarians set upon him in his passage, and the Carthaginians so distressed him the Straights, that he lost many of his ships. The Mamertines having landed, to the number of 10000 men before him, would not adventure to fight with him, but distressed his Army much in narrow and difficult places, killing two Elephants and many Men in the rear. He himself fighting in the front with a valiant and skilful Enemy, received a hurt in his head, where∣upon he withdrew himself a little. This so animated the Mamertines, that one of them, great in bulck, and glittering with armour, came out far before the rest, and in a threatening manner bade Pyrrhus come forth if he were alive. Pyrrhus inraged with his guard, bloody as he was, and with a terrible coun∣tenance rushed through the midst, and coming up to the Barbarian, struck him with such fury upon the head, that the stroak through the swords mettal and the strength of the arm, pierced to the lower part of the body, so that in a mo∣ment it was chined down in the midle, and the two parts fell down on either side. The Barbarians astonished hereat, left off their attempts, and so with∣out further interruption he marched with 20000 Foot, and 3000 Horse to Tarentum, where increasing his forces by new levies, he proceeded into Sam∣nium against the Romans, who there lay incamped.

15. Few of the Samnites joyned now with him, because being so often overthrown by the Romans, their courage was wholly broken, and for that they were displeased with him for his going into Sicily. He divided his for∣ces into two parts, whereof one he sent against L. Cornelius Lentulus into Lu∣cania to hinder him from joyning with his Colleague M. Curius Dentatus the other Consul, against whom he marched, then lying in a fortified place near Beneventum. Hasting to set upon him ere the other could come to his relief, with the most valiant of his men, and fiercest of his Elephants picked out, he marched by night towards his Camp, but passing through Woods his lights faild him, and going out of his way he lost his time so much, that at break of day the Romans discovered him upon the hills. Curius then in haste, as he could, drew out his forces, and falling upon the vantguard of Pyrrhus put it to flight, killing many men, and taking some Elephants. Animated by this successe, he descended into the Plain, and there joyned battel with the whole Army.* 1.62 In one wing he beat back the Enemy, in the other by the violence of the beasts was born back to his Camp, whence calling forth those who kept the guard, they from high places so plied the Elephants with darts, that they forced them back upon their own friends, whom bearing down, and break∣ing their ranks, they thereby procured Victory to the Romans. Florus and Orosius, contrary to what Plutarch reporteth of Benevenium (concerning which place Learned men do much doubt) make the battel to have been fought in Lucania in the Arusinian Plains. Florus writeth, that the cause of the Victory was a young Elephants being wounded in the head, which turning back and roaring for the pain, the Dam hearing him, ran as to his re∣lief, and so both of them disordered the battel, she overturning as Enemies all she met. Orosius saith, that the beasts were thus disordered by bundles of hemp besmeared with pitch, which having hooks in them and set on fire,

the Romans cast upon their backs, and the towers set thereon. Frontinus maketh the battel fought about Fatuentum, in the Arusinian Plains. Eutre∣pius is silent concerning the place; but writeth, that Curius Dentatus beat Pyrrhus back to Tarentum, slew 23000 of his men, and led, the first of all others, Elephants (four in number) in triumph to Rome; which beasts the Romans called Lucae boves, because they were first brought out of Lucania, where Pyrrhus was overthrown: This maketh much against that place which Plutarch assigneth for the battel, the original of whose error seemeth a mistaking of Beneventum for Fatuentum, or Statuentum, a City of Lu∣cania.

16. This Victory, saith Plutarch, made way for the establishment of the Roman Empire: for the Romans got such courage and reputation by this successe, that being counted invincible, they presently obtained all Italy, and not long after, Sicily also. As for Pyrrhus, he having spent six years, and fallen from his hopes both in Italy and Sicily, returned into Epirus, yet with a mind nothing daunted. He was thought the ablest Captain of all the Kings of that time, both for military skill, and personal valour; but what he had already obtained, he lost still by striving to grasp more. Therefore Anti∣tigonus compared him to a Gamester, who having lucky hits, knew not how to use them.(a) 1.63 Having sent to the Kings of Asia, and Antigonus espe∣cially, for men and money, after he had received bare letters, he called the ••pirots and Tarentines together, and told them, that presently assistance would come, which report being caried unto the Roman Camp, the Consuls durst not stir, and so taking this advantage, the night following, he passed over unmolested into Epirus.(b) 1.64 Curius the Consul having taken his Camp, touched nothing of the plunder;* 1.65 and whereas the Senate gave seven Akers of ground a piece to the People, and 500 to him, he would not exceed the common pro∣portion. This year, C. Fabricius Luscinus and Q. Aemilius Papus, much(c) 1.66 commended for their poverty, being Censors,(d) 1.67 removed P. Cornelius Rufinus, who had been twice Consul and once Dictator, from the Senate, because they had found in his house of plate for the service of his table ten pounds; this being against a Law, as(e) 1.68 Plutarch hinteth. At this Lustrum were cessed 271224 polls of Roman Citizens, as appeareth from the Epi∣tome of the 14 Book of Livie's History.

17. The Roman name had begun to be famous before, but was terrible af∣ter the overthrow of Pyrrhus. In the second year after his flight,(a) 1.69 Ptolo∣my Philadelphus sent Ambassadors to congratulate with the Romans about their successe, and to enter into confederacy with them. They sent, to do him honour,* 1.70 Ambassadors also to Alexandria, where he received them most courteously, and sent them back loaded with gifts. At their return they brought the gifts, though given to themselves in particular, into the Treasury; but the Senate commanded them to be restored. In the third year after the de∣parture of Pyrrhus, the(b) 1.71 Tarentines, being neither able to drive out the Garrison he had there left under Milo, nor procure Peace of the Romans, desired aid of the Carthaginians, wherewith giving the Romans battel, they were overthrown. Milo sensible how badly he was able to resist, by leave from the Consul Papirius, departed with his men, and left the Castle, which the Romans having got into their hands, easily mastered the City, the walls whereof they demolished. Peace and liberty was granted to the Citizens, and the two Consuls L. Papirius Cursor,* 1.72 and Sp. Cornelius Maximus (both Consuls the second time) triumphed, having finished both the Tarentine War and that of the Samnites in the 481 (or 482) year of the City, as the Capitoline tables do shew. The greatest part of Italy was now conquered, an accession being made not onely of the Tarentines and Samnites, but the Lucanians also, and a little before of the Etruscans. After this, the(c) 1.73 Cam∣panian Legion, which without command had seized upon Rhegium was besie∣ged, and upon surrender was put to death. The inhabitants of Apollonia in Illyricum sending Ambassadors to Rome, the two Ae••iles Q. Fabius and Cn. Apronius beat them, and for that were delivered up to the Apolloniates.

The Picentes were overcome and had peace given them.* 1.74 Colonies were sent forth to Ariminum in the Country of the Piceni, and to Beneventum (till now called Maleventum) in that of the Samnites. About the same time was silver Coin first stamped at Rome, brasse being used altogether till now, the State having got much silver in a Castle of the Samnites, as Xona∣ras writeth,* 1.75 This hapned five years before the first Punick War, as(d) 1.76 Pliny computeth, C. Fabius Pictor, and Q. Ogulnius Gallus being Consuls, in the fourteenth year of Antiochus Soter, and the sixteenth of Ptolomy Phi∣ladelphus, A. M. 3736, 267 before the birth of Christ.

SECT. II. From the First Punick War, to that with Antiochus the Great, in which the Romans first invaded Asia, the space of 37 years.

1. THe Umbri and Sallentini being newly subdued, and the number of Quaestors being increased to eight, the Romans took occasion to trans∣fer their Armies over the Sea into Sicily, and begun that, which from the Island (that gave both occasion to, and was the seat of, it) is by Greek Writers called the Sicilian War. There had the Mamertines most perfidi∣ously seized on Messana,* 1.77 as is already related, and thereupon were become Enemies to Hieron King of Syracuse, who besieged them justly as thieves and murderers, and had taken the City, but that Annibal the Carthaginian cunningly diverted him, with an intention to get it into his own hands, as it came to passe; for pretending fair things to the Mamertines, as before to Hiero, and sending them in provisions, he possessed himself of the Castle. They being thus cheated by him, and now straightned by both, who had joyned together against them, betook themselves to the Romans for relief. The Se∣nate begun to be very sensible of the power of the Carthaginians, who had now almost the whole Island in their hands, and was jealous of their ap∣proach so near to Italy; so that a just quarrel with them seemed very accepta∣ble. But so bad was the cause of the Mamertines, as they could not in con∣science undertake the patronage of it, and gave them a denial.* 1.78 From the Senate the thing was brought to the People, which besides it's antient use to debate matters concerning War, had by the Hortensian Law obtained power by it's Plebiscita to bind the whole State. The Praetors shewed what great profit would redound to the Commonwealth in general, and particularly to private Citizens (who having suffered much by the late Italian Wars, were desirous by a new one to recruit their fortunes) and therefore by a Plebiscitum they decreed aid to bee sent to the Mamertines, in the 489 year of the City, Q. Fabius Maximus Gurges the third time, and L. Mamilius Vi∣tulus being Consuls.

2. In the year following, and the Consulship of Appius Claudius Caudex, and M. Fulvius Flaccus, Appius was sent over with an Army to Messana, to execute the commands of the People. He first defeated Hiero, then the Carthaginians, and so raised the siege. The succeeding Consuls Manius Octacilius and M. Valerius Maximus, were ordered both, and with all the Legions,* 1.79 to passe into Sicily, wherewith Hiero was affrighted into obedience, perceiving that the Romans were most likely to remain Victors, and made his Peace upon these terms, To restore all their prisoners without ransom, and pay 100 Talents of Silver. The Romans imbraced his frienship the more readily, for that the Carthaginians being masters at Sea, they could not well send over provisions, which they hoped might be supplied by him in good mea∣sure. They also by this alliance thought themselves eased of the burthen of War, and therefore the next year they sent over but two Legions. Valerius the Consul from Messana had the sirname of Messala, who also having taken

Catana, carried thence a new Sundial to Rome, Papirius Cursor having thirty years before set up the first that ever was in that City.* 1.80 This though not perfect, the People used 99 years, till M. Philippus their Censor set up a perfect one by it, and about the same time Scipio Nasica being Censor, first divided the equal division of the day into hours, by water dropping out of one vessel into another.* 1.81 This Pliny relateth out of Varro, who also re∣ported, that out of Sicily the first Barbers were brought to Rome by P. Tici∣nius Mena, about the 454 year of the City, before which time the Ro∣mans never cut their hair. The first that was shaven every day was Scipio A∣fricanus, whom Augustus imitated therein, none more using the Razor than he.

3. the next year was Agrigentum taken after a long siege; Hannibal who came to raise it being overthrown by L. Posthumius and Q. Mamilius the Con∣suls.* 1.82 The news whereof filled Rome with excessive joy, and the Citizens now elevated in mind, would not acquiesce in former Councils. It seemed not sufficient to them, that they had saved the Mamertines, nor inriched them∣selves with great booty: but conceiving good hope that they might be able to cast the Carthaginians out of Sicily, and much thereby promote their affairs, they thitherto directed their thoughts and consultations. On Land indeed they seemed sufficiently to prosper,* 1.83 for L. Valerius and T. Octacilius the succeeding Consuls, managed the War very well; but the Carthaginians with∣out controversie being Masters at Sea, thereby procured the Maritime Towns to revolt to them, so that the War was poised betwixt the two interests, now inclining to one side, and then presently to the other. Moreover Italy was often molested by the Carthaginian Fleet; but Africk out of all danger. Wherefore they concluded, there was necessity of betaking themselves also to Sea matters. Having never as much as thought of the Sea before, they now set upon building of 100 Quinqueremes and 20 Triremes, a thing most dif∣ficult,* 1.84 because the Carpenters were utterly to seek how to make the former sort of Gallies, their use being utterly unknown to the Italians. But be∣fore they had made trial, when they first transported their forces to Messana, they ventured to fight with the Carthaginians, who had received the Domi∣nion of the Sea, without any competition from their Ancestors; which bold∣nesse and confidence Polybius esteemeth no lesse than miraculous. First of all Cn. Cornelius the Consul and Admiral, going with seven Vessels to re∣duce a Town of the Liparaeans, was taken in the Haven by one sent from Hannibal. But Duilius his Collegue presently after gave the Carthaginians a great overthrow, the Soldiers having provided iron hooks, by the help of which they could board them and fight as on Land. The Romans hereby ex∣traordinarily animated, relieved the Aegestans, and took Macella a certain Town by storm. But Amilcar Captain of the Carthaginian Land-forces then lying at Panormus, understanding that in the Roman Camp there was a mutiny, for that the Auxiliaries and Legions contended who should have the first place in battel;* 1.85 and that the former had separated themselves, he sodain∣ly fell upon them in their removal, and killed almost 4000 men. Hanni∣bel after this losse at Sea departed to Carthage,* 1.86 where recruiting his Naval forces he went into Sardinia, and being blocked up in a port by the Romans, lost many ships, and for that was crucified by the Soldiers, who overlived the defeat. The punishment which he feared for the former overthrow he craf∣tily evaded; for, before the thing was heard at Carthage, he sent one of his friends thither, who coming to the Court, told the Senate that the Roman Admiral was come with a great Fleet, and therefore he was come to ask their advice whether he should fight him. All the Senate answered, there was no doubt but he ought, to which the messenger replied, he hath fought and is overthrown. By this means he hindered them from condemning that fact, which before they had judged that it ought to be done.

4. Now had the Romans passed both into Sardina and Corsica; Divine Povidence as Casaubon noteth upon Polybius, so ordering it, that present successe should dispose their minds for such future undertakings, as made way

for their decreed Empire.(a) 1.87 Hanno, the year following, being in Sardi∣nia was slain,* 1.88 and his Army cut off by L. Cornelius Scipio the Consul. The next, many Towns were lost and taken in Sicilie on both sides. But(b) 1.89 Cal∣purnius Flamma a Roman Tribune (or Leader of a Legion) gave a great de∣monstration of his valour. For A. Attilius Calatinus the Consul, having rashly brought the Army into such straights, out of which there was no possibi∣lity to extricate himself, he with 300 men took an hill near adjoyning, and drew thereby the Carthaginians to himself,* 1.90 till the Army could passe through without opposition. All the 300 were slain, yet he sorely wounded and covered with dead bodies survived, being by Roman Writes compared, for this act, to Leonidas the Spartan. This story is twice told by Julius Fron∣tinus, who acquainteth us with the uncertainty of the man's name, some cal∣ling him Laberius, others Q. Caeditius, but most Calpurnius Flamma. The following year, C. Attilius Regulus the Consul subdued the Islands Lipara and Melita, whereof the later is ennobled by the ship-wrack of St. Paul, lying betwixt Sicily and Africk. Polybius writeth, that first Regulus was worsted at Sea, and then he defeated the Carthaginians. Now the Romans resolved to change the seat of the War into Africk, and the next year sent a Fleet under command of the Consuls M. Attilus Regulus (who was sub∣stituted in the place of Caeditius) and L. Manlius, containing 330 long and covered ships.* 1.91 The Carthaginians sensible enough how concernd they were to keep the War from their own dores, opposed them with 350 Vessels, and a threefold battel was fought on the same day, in which the Romans remained Victors, having taken 64 ships with the defendants, and sunk 30, and of their own lost 24, but not with the men; for the Carthaginians fearing their Corvi or iron hooks, were afraid to come near them. Repairing then the ships they had taken, they passed over into Africk, and had surrendered to them Clupea a City seated upon the Promontory Hermaea. This done, they sent to the Senate for further orders, employing themselves, til the return of the messengers, in wasting the Country, which they did without interruption. At length they re∣ceived the resolution of the Senate, which was, that one of them should continue in Africk with a convenient Army, and the other return to Rome with the remaining forces.

5.(a) 1.92 M. Attillius Regulus remained in Africk with 40 ships, 15000 Foot,* 1.93 and 500 Horse. Pitching his Camp upon the River Bragada, or Bagrada, he was forced to make(b) 1.94 War with a Serpent of a miraculous bignesse, which with the great trouble of his whole Army, and use of En∣gines for battery, at length he slew, and sent it's skin, 120 foot long, to Rome. The history hereof was curiously and elegantly related by Livie, as(c) 1.95 Va∣lerius telleth us. After this, (d) the Consul gave the Carthaginians a defeat, fighting in such a place where their Horse and Elephants could do them no service, and then took Tunetum or Tunis. But not long after he was over∣thrown himself,* 1.96 taken prisoner, and almost his whole Army lost; this Victory being got for the Carthaginians by Xantippus, the Lacedemonian,* 1.97 whom af∣terwards sending honourably home as they pretended, they commanded those that caried him to drown him and his in the Sea, lest so great a Victory should be ascribed to the Lacedemonians, as Appian writeth. Of 30000 but a few escaped into the City Aspis (called also Clupea) where they were besieged, till their Enemies perceiving they profited nothing, rose up and made provi∣sion for resisting the succours which the Senate sent the following year, under command of M. Aemilius Paulus and Ser. Fabius Nobilior, the Consuls. They taking the Sea with 350 ships were opposed by the Carthaginians, whom they defeated, and took 114 of their Vessels with the men in them, as Polybius writeth, or took 30 and sank 104, as Eutropius and Orosius, the later whereof addeth, that of the Carthaginians were slain 35000, and that the Romans lost nine Gallies and 1100 men. The Consuls then went to Clupea, but, taking in the reliques of the Army, presently set sail again for Sicily. The Pilots told them they must take heed of the outward part of that Island, which was full of shelves and very dangerous, especially at that time

betwixt the rising of Orion and the Dog. But they gave no heed to the Sea∣men, out of a desire, by shewing of their fresh Victory and Plunder, to procure certain Towns upon the Coasts to yield. They had safely passed the middle of the sea, and drew near to the Coasts of Camarina, when such a tempest and so great calamities fell upon them, as cannot be expressed, saith Polybius,* 1.98 for the greatnesse therereof. For, of 464 ships,* 1.99 80 scarcely were saved, and the rest were swallowed up, or cast upon rocks, so that the shoar was filled with dead bodies, and broken pieces of ships. Both the Consuls perished. Those few that escaped Hiero kindly received, and fur∣nishing them with clothes and other necessaries, coveyed them safe to Mes∣sana. Karthalo the Carthaginian taking advantage of this disaster, be∣sieged, conquered, and burnt Agrigentum, the walls whereof he also demo∣lished.

6. The Romans nothing at all discouraged by the greatest losse that ever a tempest procured, gave order for the making of 220 Gallies, which was prosecuted with such alacrity, that in three moneths time they were both made and lanched. Asdrubal the Carthaginian with all the old Army, new levies, and 140 Elephants, came into Sicily, and of old and new Vesses made up a Fleet of 200 sail. The Consuls A. Attilius and Cn. Cornelius being comman∣ded to passe into Sicily, therein, this year, took several Towns, and returned. Their successors C. Servilius Caepio and C. Sempronius Blaeso, in the begin∣ning of the next Spring with all the Fleet passed into Sicily, and thence into Africk, where coasting about they landed in many places, but did nothing memorable. At length they came to the Island of the Lotophagi called Meninx, not far distant from the lesser Syrtis. Here they fell upon some quicks in the low water, and were in great danger, being utterly ignorant of the Coasts, but the tide returning, when they had lightned the ships, cleared then off the shelves, and they returned in a kind of flight to Panormus in Si∣cily.* 1.100 Then passing hence towards Rome through the Straights very unadvised∣ly, such a tempest fell upon them, as above 150 ships were lost. Though the Senate and People were marvailously pricked forward to all attempts by desire of glory, yet so many and great were their losses at Sea, that they were constrained to omit naval preparations, and place all their hope in the land forces. They sent L. Cacilius Metellus and Cn. Furius Pacilus the Consuls into Sicily with the Legions, and 60 ships onely, for the conveying of necessaries to the Army. And not onely did they plainly yield the Domi∣nion of the Sea to the Carthaginians, but feared them also on Land, because of their Elephants, which had often times done them great dammage. Asdru∣bal the Punick General understanding their fears, and how one of the Con∣suls was returned back into Italy with half of the Army, in great confi∣dence wasted the grounds about Panormus, and the more carelessely, because Metellus kept himself within the walls. But the Consul taking an opportunity, so placed his men in respect of the Elephants, that when the Carthaginians came against the Town, he overthrew them, slew 20000, and took 26 Ele∣phants, according to Eutropius. But Orosius writeth, that 26 were slain, and 104 taken: and Livie related, as appeareth by the Epitome of his nine∣teenth Book,* 1.101 that 120 Elephants were led in triumph, with thirteen Cap∣tains of the Enemy. Diodorus Siculus maketh the occasion of the over∣throw to have been given by the Celtae, in Asdrubals Army, who meeting with wine brought thither by Merchants, so ingurgitated themselves therein, that being not themselves, they broke the ranks and turned all into disorder, which opportunity Metellus instantly improved.

* 1.1027 This defeat caused the Carthaginians to desire Peace, and offered to send to the Senate about it. Amongst the Messengers was Attilius Regulus whom they had overthrown, and taken prisoner, five years before, and now bound with an oath to return to Carthage, in case neither Peace nor exchange of prisoners could be procured. He when he came to Rome, according to what he thought of the intererst of the Commonwealth, disswaded the Senate from Peace; and yet to keep his oath returned to Carthage, where he was

cruelly tormented to death; and as* 1.103 Cicero writeth, by hunger and watch∣ing,* 1.104 having his eye-lids cut off. The year following, because the Land-for∣ces were very fearful of the Carthaginian Elephants, and very unchearfully went about their work, the Romans provided another Fleet, and besieged Lilybaeum, a Town standing upon the southern Promontory of Sicily, over-against Africk, but without successe; within a while the Navy was brought to nothing, and Amilcar Barcas being sent from Carthage troubled Italy with his inroads and depredations. For seven years then did they abstain from the Sea; but being sorely disturbed by Amilcar, they resolved once more to try their fortune that way, and a Fleet was provided, and furnished out of their private purses, the Treasury being now exhausted. With this they gave such a blow to the Carthaginians near the Islands Aegates, under conduct of C. Lutatius Catulus the Consul,* 1.105 as made them give commission to Amilcar to conclude a Peace, if he found it requisite. Though he was,* 1.106 as to his own disposition, much averse to it, yet seeing it necessary for his Countrie's wel∣fare, he made an agreement with Lutatius upon these terms, if the Romans would approve them; viz. That the Carthaginians should wholly quit Sicily; make no War upon the Syracusians or their allies; release without ransom all prisoners, and pay within the space of twenty years 2200 Talents of Silver. This pleased not the People, and therefore ten men were sent into Sicily, with full authority to conclude the Peace,* 1.107 who shortned the time of payment, added 1000 talents to the former sum, and further cautionated that the Car∣thaginians should not onely quit Sicily, but all the Islands also betwixt it and Italy. Thus ended the first Punick War, after it had continued 24 years,* 1.108 and Lilybaeum had been besieged ten; in the 513 year of the City, the fourth of the 134 Olympiad, the sixth of Seleucus Callinicus, and the sixth of Ptolomy Euergetes, A. M. 3764, 239 before the birth of Christ, A. Manlius Tor∣quatus the second time, and Q. Lutatius Cerco being Consuls.

8. The Carthaginians submitted to the terms of this Peace, that they might recruit themselves by a cessation; but the Peace procured them greater danger than the War could well have done. For, Amilcar Barcas, after the ratification, drew down the forces to Lilybaeum, and giving them up into the hands of Gesco to be transported, laid down his Office.* 1.109 Gesco wisely consi∣dering what danger there was of such a multitude of Mercenaries it's fal∣ling into sedition (especially because they wanted their pay, which the pub∣lick Treasury already exhausted could not afford them) conveyed them into Africk by small companies together.* 1.110 But his Superiours, either through in∣advertency, or for want of money, dismissed them not as they arrived; but stayed them till all should come together, with intention to prevail for an abatement of their wages. The City growing full, many outrages were com∣mitted by the Soldiers, which caused the Townsmen to procure their Cap∣tains to lead them out to Sicca a Town not far off, and when they left their baggage behind them, as intending shortly to return to Carthage, they fear∣ing their unwillingnesse to depart, or their speedy return, because of their wives and children, in the cariages, forced them to take all away. When they were come to Sicca, they fell into greater licentiousnesse through want of em∣ployment, and demanded larger pay than formerly they had pretended to, expecting also great rewards promised them by their Captains in dangerous ad∣ventures. As soon as they were all come thither, Hanno the Carthaginian Praetor was sent to them, who was so far from curing, that he heighthened the distemper.

9. He not onely brought none of those things with him which they expe∣cted,* 1.111 but complaining of the emptinesse of the Treasury, talked of abating something of their constant wages. This put the multitude into a rage, into which having once fallen, it was hard to be appeased, as upon other accounts, so through the diversity of their speech, things being either misrepresented by unskilful interpreters, or misunderstood by them who were willing enough to be mistaken. Breathing nothing but fury and violence, they took Arms, and in despight of Hanno and the other Officers marched toward Carthage,

and encamped at Tunis, fifteen miles from the Citie, to the number of 20000. The Carthaginians affrighted at the multitude resolved to satisfie them;* 1.112 but then the Mercenaries perceiving how they were feared, every day invented what to add to their demands, requiring besides their pay the price of their horses lost in the War; and, after this was granted, Provision for several years, which they said was behind. Their late Masters not daring to deny them any thing, prevailed that some one who had commanded them in Sicily should be chosen as Moderator, and the whole matter left to him.

10. The Soldiers made choice of Gesco, as one who had best deserved of them. And he laboured to pacifie them all he might, and was about to pay them their Arrears.* 1.113 But there being in the Army one Spendius, a Cam∣panian of Italy by birth, but by condition a Roman slave, who having ran away from his Master, wanted neither strength nor courage; and one Ma∣thos an African; the former fearing to be tortured to death if his Master caught him, as the Roman manner was, and the later though free, fearing to be called to account for his too great forwardnesse in the late stirs, sought how to drive all things into extremity, that they might procure a War, inveigh∣ing grievously against Gesco and the Carthaginians, as having a design as soon as the rest were dispersed and gone home, to spend their rage against the Africans. The multitude herewith were strangely incensed, so that who ever attempted to speak, before they could be heard what they would say, were all stoned to death except these two. Gesco yet would not cease to do his duty, but went from one Nation to another, labouring to pacifie them; but when the Africans demanded allowance for their Provisions, he bade them ask it of Mathos their Captain. This so transported them, that they plundered the goods of the Carthaginians, with all the money he had brought for the dischargement of the Army, and binding him and his followers in a contume∣lious manner cast them into prison.

11. By the advice of Mathos they rebelled against the Carthagians, and so began the War called Libycum and Africum,* 1.114 as also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Their num∣bers being increased to 70000. Matho and Spendius now created Generals, divided their forces, and besieged Utica and Hippacra. Hanno was sent from Carthage to the relief of the Uticans, and at the first onset drove away the besiegers; but entring the Town, and loitering there, they set upon his Camp without, and killing many, took all his Engines, and other things pre∣pared for the War. His Superiours troubled hereat, created Captain Amilcar Barcas, and sent him into the field with 70 Elephants, and 10000 men. There he was encompassed by the Africans on his Front, the Numidians on his Rear, and Spendius on his Flanck, where Naravasus a Numidian with 2000 of his followers revolted to him.* 1.115 Encouraged by this addition he en∣gaged with his Enemies, causing his men so to face about as the Front became the Rear, whereby seeming to be in confusion, the Mercenaries thought they ran, and breaking their Ranks to pursue them he took this opportunity, and setting on them out of order obtained the victory, having slain 10000, and taken 4000 prisoners.

12. He gave Arms to all such prisoners as would serve under him, and having exhorted the rest to fight no more against the Carthaginians, dismissed them freely. Spendius and Matho, together with Autaritus Captain of the Galls, hearing this, doubted how far his clemency, especially the offer of in∣demnity, might prevail with the Africans and others, and consulted how to obviate this his design by setting the multitude at irreconcilable enmity with the Carthaginians. To this purpose they feigned Letters to be sent out of Sardinia from their friends, giving them to understand, that certain amongst them held intelligence with the Enemy, and advising them to keep close Gesco, and the other with him. Spendius taking hereat occasion, earnestly advised them not to trust to the pretended clemency of Amilcar,* 1.116 and by no meants to permit Gesco to escape; for thereby they should incur the con∣tempt of their Enemies, and by strengthning them through the assistance of so great a Captain, not a little damnifie their own affairs. Whilest he yet spake

another Carrier brought Letters as from Tunis of the same Contents with the former; and then Autaritus openly protested, that whosoever had any regard to the kindnesse of the Carthaginians could not be faithfull, and therefore such were to be heard as perswaded the most bitter things against Carthage; all others being Traitors and Enemies. Then did he perswade them to Torture Gesco to death, with such as were now with him, and all that hereafter should be taken. There were many which spoke against this cruelty, especially as Gesco was concerned in it; but for some time they were not understood, speaking in their own languages, and when what they aimed at was fully known, some one cried out strike them, which so provoked the multitude, that they fortwith stoned them. After this, bringing forth Gesco, and the other Carthaginians to the number of 700, they cruelly tormented them to death; and made a decree, that whomsoever of them for the time to come they should take, he should be used in the same manner, and if any of their Allies were taken, his hands being cut off, he should be sent back to Carthage. This they very carefully afterwards observed, having also refused to deliver the dead bodies to the Messengers that came for them, and threatned, if any more came, to deal with them as they had used Gesco.

13. Amilcar seeing into what straights he was cast by this boldnesse of the Mercenaries, sent for Hanno, judging that an end might sooner be put to the War if the forces of the State were all United.* 1.117 Such of the Enemies as he took in the heat of the fight he killed, as he might by the Law of War, or taking them alive, cast them to wild beasts. When he thought that he had brought matters into a fair way of recovery, they presently relapsed into a far worse condition than ever. For, the ships that brought Provisions miscar∣ried by force of Tempest; Sardinia at the same time revolted from them, which was wont to supply them with large Provisions; and Hippacrita and Utica which hitherto had remained faithfull, now revolted without any mani∣fest cause. Mathos and Spendius herewith elevated, resolved to lay siege to Carthage it self,* 1.118 and shortly after performed it. The Carthaginians in this their distresse betook themselves to their neighbours, whereof the Ro∣mans, and Hiero King of Syracuse in Sicily, being sensible of the sawcinesse of their Enemies, were ready to do them all good Offices. Herewith better enabled, they held out, and Amilcar lying abroad, so cut off all Provisions from the Mercenaries, that being no other than besieged themselves, they were forced at length to rise up and depart, resolving to observe Amilcar's motions,* 1.119 and ly in wait for him on the sides of the Mountains; for they would not venture to take the plain, being afraid of his Elephants, and the horse of Naravascus; and otherwise they were much inferiour to the Carthagini∣ans, who far surpassed them in Military skill, though but equal to them in valour.

14. But Amilcar singling them out by parties, killed many of them, and when they ingaged with their whole force cut them off by stratagems: some∣times by day, otherwhiles by night he would fall upon them on a sudden with great terrour; and such of them as he took he cast them to the beasts. At length he compassed them about in such a place, as, though they were afraid to fight, they could not escape, and being shut up within a Ditch and Rampire, they were forced to devour one another. Though they now could expect no mercy, yet they sent to desire a Parley, and having obtained leave, Autarolus, Zarxas, Spendius, and other Captains were ordered to manage it. It was agreed that the Carthaginians should pick out ten men whom they pleased, and the other be dismissed in their Coats. The Covenants being finished, Amilcar declared that he made choice of those who were present, and so got the most eminent Leaders into his power. The Africans understanding that their Officers were seized, took Arms in great haste, but Amilcar with his Elephants and his Army compassing them in on every side, put them to the sword. For the improvement of this successe, he and Annibal went and besieged Mathos in Tunis, before the Walls whereof he nailed Spendius to a

Crosse with the rest of the Captives. Annibal pitching his Camp on that side of the Town towards Carthage, carelesly demeaned himself, which Ma∣thos considering, made a Sally, and killing many, took much plunder, and a∣mongst other prisoners Annibal himself, whom bringing to Spendius his Cross, after he had taken down his Collegue's body, he nailed him to it, and killed 30 more of the most noble Carthaginians.

15. It was long ere Amilcar knew of this disaster, and when he did, for the distance of place, and difficulty of passage, he could give no relief. Marching therefore from Tunis, he sate down by the mouth of the River Ma∣caris, and his Superiours at Carthage making new Levies joyned Hanno in Commission with him. These two, after several passages, at length agreed to fight one set battel with the Enemy, who consenting, a bloody contest en∣sued, wherein at length the Carthaginians had the better. A great part of the Africans were slain, and the rest fled to a neighbouring Citie, where not long after they yielded themselves,* 1.120 and Mathos was taken alive. The sub∣jects of Carthage now turned to obedience all, except they of Hippacrita and Utica, who being past hope of mercy from their inraged Lords, seemed resolved to stand out; but Hanno and Amilcar bringing their forces, con∣strained them to submit to such conditions as the Carthaginians would lay upon them. Mathos, and those that were with him being carried to the Ci∣tie, was used with all sorts of contumely and torment, and so this Libyan War ended, having lasted three years, and almost four moneths, being, saith Poly∣bius, the most cruel and wicked that ever we heard of. But it gave the Car∣thaginians occasion to repent of two great errors, viz. Trusting so great a multitude of Mercenaries together when they were idle; and the cruel, and tyrannical usage of their subjects.

16. The Romans, (that we may return to them the History of whom is our proper subject) though they observed the League during these troubles, and at length, as was said, gave the Carthaginians also reason to like well of their friendship, yet thought they had some cause to be angry with them. For such of their subjects as sayled from Italy into Africk, they seized on, lest they should carry Provisions to their Enemies, and had at Carthage almost 500 of such kind of men in prison. Yet when Ambas∣sadors were sent to complain hereof, they kindly dismissed all those in cu∣stody, which so affected the Romans, that they also sent them all their priso∣ners, gave them all they asked, and permitted their Merchants to carry them necessaries, forbidding them to Traffick with their Enemies: they also refu∣sed to hearken to such of the Carthaginian Mercenaries as having betrayed their trust invited them into Sardinia. But though Polybius telleth us that this they did; yet it appeareth from him also that this modesty continued but for a time. For, allured, as it seemeth, by this invitation, they sayled thither, which much offended the Carthaginians, who thought that the place by far more right belonged to them; so that they prepared to send forces into the Island. The Romans took occasion hereat to decree War against them, complaining that these forces were not designed so much against the Sardinians as themselves,* 1.121 which forced the other, who found themselves in no good case to manage the War with them, to give way to the time, and quit not onely Sardinia, but pay further to the Romans 1200 Talents. This, though submitted to at present, bred such grudges and malice, as at length brake out into another War, a more dangerous and bloudy than the former, as will appear.

17. In the(a) 1.122 year after the ending of the first Punick War, the 514 of the Citie, C. Claudius Cento, and M. Sempronius Tuditanus being Consuls, the year preceding the birth of Ennius, the first Comedies and Tragedies were made by Livius Andronicus the Poet. This man being a Graecian born, was rightly called Andronicus,* 1.123 and sirnamed Livius from his Master Livius Sali∣nator, whose Children he taught, and for his learning was manumitted by him.(b) 1.124 Gellius saith, that he now first at Rome taught playes about 160 years af∣ter the death of Sophocles and Euripides, and 52 after that of Menander.

But whereas he is said by Gellius first to have made or taught playes as Rome, it is to be understood of these two sorts of Poetry now mentioned,(c) 1.125 Va∣lerius Maximus telling us, that he drew the minds of the spectators to those shews from the use of Satires, which by little and little succeeded that most antient and plain Roman sport of the Histriones brought out of Etruria, (as we shewed before) for the stopping of the Pestilence, through the command of the Oracle.* 1.126 These Ludi Scenici were first managed with rude gestures,* 1.127 and incomposed Songs, called Versus Fescennini from Fescennium a City of Hetruria. From these jocular speeches, which at random were wont to be uttered at the Roman solemnities, came the Satire, as later in time so more elaborate, and as for metre a perfect Poeme containing ridiculous things di∣gested into Verse, which they were wont to utter amongst themselves, after the antient custom.* 1.128 It differed as much from that of the Greeks, as from the rest differeth Dramatick Poetry, whereof the Romans at this time knew not so much as the name. A Satire being afterwards variously handled by the Romans, at length was reduced to two sorts, which Fabius onely acknow∣ledgeth. The former was found out by Lucilius, and the later ennobled by Varro. Horace mentioneth two kinds of most antient Poetry; one whereof they used in the praise of their gods, as when they appeased Tellus with a sow-pig, and Sylvanns with milk: the other, when in jest and sport they jeered one another, being the same with the Fescennine Verses, whence came the Satires, to which Livius Andronicus added the playes of Comedies and Tragedies, as was observed.

18. Four years after,* 1.129 were celebrated at Rome the third time the Saecular Games, concerning which it is convenient to speak in this place, that begin∣ners may know the differences of Roman exercises. These were called Ludi Magni,* 1.130 as others were, (in opposition to the Scenici, and games made by private men) and Ludi Terentini (not Tarentini, whereof Students are to beware) from Terentus a place in the Campus Martius where they were ce∣lebrated. But there were other games called also Terentini Ludi (which some not considering have run into confusion) and that more properly than these Saecular ones were, and therefore the rise of them all is to be related. There was one Valesius a man of prime note, amongst the Sabines, who li∣ving near Eretus, and not far from Tiber, in a great Plague,* 1.131 had two sons and a daughter which fell dangerously sick. Amongst his prayers for them, he heard a voice that they should recover, if carying them to Terentus, he would fetch them some warm water of Tiber from the altar of Pluto and Proserpina. He thought the City Tarentum was meant, and doubted how he should come by any Tiberine water in that remote part of Italy; but resolving to be obe∣dient, he sailed down the River towards Ostia, and late at night arrived at the Campus Martius, where he understood there was a place called Terentus. Landing here, he gave his children some warm water, wherewith refreshed they fully recovered,* 1.132 and told their father, how in a dream they had seen a certain god, who commanded, that at the altar of Pluto and Proserpina black coloured sacrifices (furvae hostiae) should be offered, as also that Lectisternes (beds made for the cause of sacrifice, as whereon to lye down after the Ro∣man fashion at a solemn feast) and night games should be made. Valesius seeing no altar in the place, thought of making one, when, as his slaves were digging for that purpose, they found one in the earth dedicated to Pluto and Proserpina. Here then he sacrificed, and three nights together, because of the number of his children, made Lactisterns and Games, being afterwards from this thing named Manius Valesius Terentinus. Zozimus writeth,* 1.133 that the Romans 100 years before being to fight with the Albans, were admo∣nished to build this altar in the earth, and that having sacrifized they covered it. But this passage concerning Valesius hapned about the twelfth year of Servius Tullius, wherein he founded the Lustrum; in the 188 of the City, and the same wherein the Panathenaea were instituted (or rather reduced to the course of five years, being-formerly instituted by Theseus) at Athens, this being the third year of the 53 Olympiad.

* 1.13419. This was the Original of Terentine Games, which some have con∣founded with the Saecular. For, the next that were celebrated were made by Valerius Poplicola in the year following the banishment of Tarquinius, which Zozimus calleth Games of Pluto and Proserpina, and* 1.135 Censorinus, from Antias the Historian, giveth them the name of Saecular. This confu∣sion cast Censorinus into such a perplexity about the Saecular Games, that he thus expresseth the incertainty of the Roman intervals of times and ages.

Some think the Roman ages to be distinguished by the Saecular Games; which, if it be so,* 1.136 the manner of the Roman age is uncertain. For, concerning the intervals of times, wherein these Games ought to be celebrated, we are not onely ignorant how great they were formerly, but what they ought to be for the time to come. For, Antias and other Historians, with Varro and Livy, have written, that they ought to be made every hundreth year. But on the contrary, both the Commentaries of the Quindecimviri (or 15 men) and the edicts of Augustus testifie, that they ought to be reiterated every hundred and tenth, as* 1.137 Horatius Flaccus also saith. Further, if we search the annals of antient times, we shall yet be in greater uncertainty by far. For, Valerius Antias saith, that the first Saecular Games were made after the banishment of the Kings, 245 years after the building of Rome by Valerius Publicola: But the commentaries of the 15 Men say, that 298 years M. Valetius and Sp. Virginius being Consuls. The second Games Antias will have made in the 305 year of the City, but its written in the Commentaries of the 15 Men, in the 408, M. Valerius Corvinus the se∣cond time, and C. Paetilius being Consul: and so he proceedeth.

20.* 1.138 Jacobus Cappellus dissolveth the difficulty in this manner. The cause of this perplexity which troubleth Censorinus is this. All Saecular Games are Terentine,* 1.139 but all Terentine Games are not Secular. For some were made upon some occasion, as those which Valerius Publicola made this 245 year of the City, and Valesius about the year 188. These were Te∣rentine Games but not Saecular. Now, the Saecular are of two sorts. The greater,* 1.140 which perhaps thou mayst not call amisse* 1.141 Quindecimvirales, were celebrated at the distance of 110 years. Of this kind the first were made by the command of the Quindecimviri, in the 298 year of the City, 110 years, as it seemeth, after the first Terentine Games made by Valesius. So, the Valesian shall fall in the 188 of the City. The first of the Quindecimviri were made in the 298 year of the City, the Second in the 408, the Third in the 518, and the Fourth in the 628. The lesser Saeculum, or Age, con∣sisted but of 100 years, instituted as it seemeth, by L. Valerius, after the banishment of the Decemviri, that year being according to some the 300 of the City. So the First Centenarie Games agree with the 305 Varronian year of the City, the Second with the 405, the Third with the 505, the Fourth with the 605.

21. Though the Second of the Centenaries should have been celebrated in the 405 year, yet (whether it happened through the Gallick War or other∣wise) they were not till that following, wherein M. Popilius Laenas the fourth time, and L. Cornelius Scipio were Consuls, as Zozimus writeth. These Censorinus hath omitted and four more,* 1.142 if credit be given to the in∣scription of a certain stone mentioned by George Herwart, from which it should appear, that before this year were celebrated three Saecular Games, viz. in the 100, 200, and 300 years, according to the account of Pictor, and the 105, 205, and 305, according to that of Varro. Two Solemni∣ties also at the distance of 110 years, as in the 188 and 298, after the ac∣count of Varro, to which may be added those made by Poplicola extraordina∣rily in the 245 year. So that the Games celebrated this year (viz. in the 406) may rightly be called the seventh Games. The Quindecimvirals (or those of 100 years) continued till Constantine's time, who forbad them to be celebrated in the 1067 year of the City. His son Constantius also prohi∣bited the Centenaries, which in his time fell in the 1100 year of the City. Fifty seven years after, the Heathen got leave of Honorius to celebrate the

Terentine Games again in his sixth Confulship (for which Claudian thanks him) 200 years after they had been kept by Severus. But to return, these Third Saecular Games which gave occasion to this discourse, and were cele∣brated in the 518 year of the City, and the fifth after the first Punick Warre, P. Cornelius Lentulus and C. L••cinius Varus being Consuls, were those of the Quindecimviri, or of the interval of 110 years; that we may note thus much for the information of Students.

22. In the sixth year afer the first Punick War(a) 1.143 the Temple of Janus was shut at Rome now the second time,* 1.144 all things being in quiet, and the Romans having no Wars any where after the reducement of Sardinia by T. Man••ius Torquatus the Consul. In the following year, being the 520 of the City, the first(b) 1.145 divorce was made by Sp. Carvilius Ruga, who, though he did it under a specious pretence of his wives barrennesse, was ever ill-willed for it by the People. This same year was M. Porcius(c) 1.146 born in the precincts of Tusculum, who had the name of(d) 1.147 Cato for his wisdom; Catus in the Roman language (whence the diminutive Catulus) signifying sa∣gacious, acute, or ingenious. And this year did Cn. Naevius the Poet(e) 1.148 publish playes to the People,* 1.149 who wrote also the first Punick war, (where∣in he served) in the most ancient kind of Verse called Saturnii Versus, which were succeeded by the Fescennini, some being with metre, and some without. He died in the 30 year after this, and left a proud(f) 1.150 Epitaph of his own making, which he commanded should be ingraven on his Tomb, and Gellius hath recorded together with those of Plautus and Pacuvius.

23. Five years the Temple of Janus continued shut, and in the sixth was opened by a War with the Illyrians. For, Teuta Queen of that Nation,* 1.151 the widdow of Agron (who for joy that he had prospered in his enterprises against the Aetolians, drank so hard, that he fell into a Pleurisie, and there∣of died) elevated by her prosperity in Peace, gave out commissions to her Subjects to rob all at Sea whomsoever they met with. The Illyrians then ha∣ving taken Phoenice a strong City of Epirus, struck a great terror into all the maritime parts of Greece, and setting upon the Italian Merchants, some they robbed,* 1.152 others they killed, and not a few they caried away prisoners. The Romans having hitherto neglected all complaints against them, when now ma∣ny came together, sent unto Illyricum Caius and Lucius Coruncani, to in∣form themselves concerning these matters. Teuta answered, she would take care that no publick injury should be offered to the Romans, but it was not the custom to hinder any from making what private commodity they could out of the Sea. But saith Lucius, the Romans have a good custom pub∣lickly to prosecute private injuries, and to relieve the injured: therefore we will shortly endeavour, God willing, to constrain thee to amend these cu∣stoms. The Queen took this liberty of speech so hainously, that her woman∣ish impotency and anger prevailed against the Law of Nations, to have some sent after the Ambassadors, who killed Lucius. For this, War was decreed against her,* 1.153 and both the Consuls of the 525 year of the City, Cn. Ful∣vins Centumalus, and L. Posthumius Albinus Consul the second time, were sent into Illyricum; Fulvius with the Navy, and his Collegue with the Land-Army.

24. Fulvius received Corcyra,* 1.154 given up into his hands by Demetrius Pha∣rius; then took he Apollonia, and the Armies joyning, the Consuls freed Dyrrhachium besieged by the Illyrians. Then most of the Illyrick Cities were either taken or delivered up, whereupon the Queen retired with a few followers to Rhizon a strong Town, situate upon a River of the same name, and the Spring following sent to Rome to desire Peace. It was granted to her on these terms:* 1.155 To pay a yearly tribute; to quit all Illyricum, except a very few places: and Not to sail beyond the River Quissus with more than two Barks, and these unarmed. For nine years the Illyrians continued in obedience, till the 535 year of the City, wherein rebelling, they were again reduced by Aemilius Paulus and M. Livius the Consuls. For, Deme∣trius Pharius then their King, forgetting the great favours received from the

People of Rome, wasted the Towns of Illyricum subject to the Romans, and passed the bounds set by the League. Aemilius within seven dayes took Dimalium, and followed him to Pharus, a Town of the Island Phario, which he also took. Demarius being fled to Philip King of Macedo∣nia, he seized on the rest of Illyricum, which he ordered to pay a sti∣pend to Pineus, the son of Agron. But thus was begun, and finished the War with Teuta, which Florus (according to his custom, breaking the order and series of time) falsly placeth after the Gallicum Cisalpinum, or that with the Galls inhabiting within the Alps.

25. For, the same year wherein the Peace was made with Teuta,* 1.156 the pro∣mulgating of the Agragrian Law by C. Flaminius, Tribune of the people, brought this great,* 1.157 and dangerous War upon the Commonwealth. There be∣ing a good quantity of ground Conquered within the Countrey of these Galls, he preferred a Law for the dividing of it to the people, man by man. Q. Fabius Maximus being now Consul the second time stifly opposed it, Sp. Carbilius his Collegue not stirring as(a) 1.158 Cicero telleth us; the Senate also laboured to crosse it, but when in the Rostra Flaminius read the Law, his father laying hands on him he obeyed, and went down, though he neither valued the Consul nor Senate, nor yet was affrighted with the levying of an Army. Nay, the people about him was so overawed by paternal right, that,* 1.159 as Valerius Maximus writeth, though the Assembly was thus disappointed, not the least muttering was heard. Whether the Law for division fully passed or not (by reason of the interruption by old Flaminius) yet this thing gave oc∣casion to a new and great War, as Polybius writeth, who mistaketh the time by four years, for as much as these stirs about the Agrarian fell not out in the 522. but the 526 of the Citie, wherewithall the second Consulship of Fabius Maximus, and that of Sp. Carnilius Maximus is joyned. Indeed the first of Fabius fell in with the 521 year of the Citie, two years before Teuta killed the Ambassador, and two more at least before the finishing of the Illyrian War, whence may be conjectured, that as the mistake of Poly∣bius might arise from want of distinction, betwixt the first and second Con∣fulships of Fabius; so the error of Florus (or him, who ever wrote that Sy∣stem) in placing the Gallick War before the Illyrian, might proceed from an (inconsiderate) trust to the Authority of that excellent Author.

26. The report concerning this Law awakened the Galls, especially the Boii,* 1.160 who were nearest neighbours. Concluding now that the Romans fought not so much for glory and dominion, as out of a covetous design of inriching themselves, they sent to the Insubres for aid, exhorting them to remember what their Ancestors once did at Rome, and to tread in their steps. These joyning together sent over the Alps for other Galls, living near Rhodanus, and called Gossatae, from their wages, saith Polybius, or as others write, from Gessa a kind of weapon they used. Their Kings, Congolitanus and Aneroestus be∣ing allured by great promises, with a vast force passed over the Alpes, and joyning with the Insubres and Boti, to the number of 50000 foot, and 20000 horse brake into Etruria. When first the Romans heard of their passing the Alps, they commanded Aemilius the Consul to go to Ariminum, to give them trouble in case they came that way. They ordered one of the Praetors into Etruria; for, C. Attillius the other of the Consuls was already sent into Sardinia. The whole Citie was sad and grievously afflicted, fearing the Galls as fatal to it. All the Registers of the Military age were inquired int, too feel what forces they, and what their Associates, were able to set forth. The Italians prepared to fight, not as for the Roman Empire, but their own safety; so that an Army was in a readinesse, consisting of 700000 foot, and 70000 horse, according to Polybius. But Fabius Pictor wrote, as Eutro∣pius relateth, that 800000 men were prepared for this War, wherein he him∣self was employed.

* 1.16127. The Tables of the Military age, as they were brought to the Senate, contained of the Latines 80000 foot, and 5000 horse; of the Samniies 70000 foot, and 7000 horse; of the Iapyges and Messapians 50000 foot, and 16000

horse; of the Lucanians 30000 foot, and 3000 horse; of the Marsi, Mar∣rucini, Ferentani & Vestini 20000 foot, and 4000 horse. And of the Roman people gave their names, together with those of Campania, 250000 foot, and 230000 horse. The total sum 558000. There went out with the Con∣suls four Legions, whereof each contained 5200 foot, and 300 horse, toge∣ther with 30000 foot, and 3000 horse of the Associates: in all 50800 foot, and 3200 horse. There were in readinesse for necessary occasions, of the Etruscans and Sabines 50000 foot, and 4000 horse, which the Praetor led into Etruria to oppose the Enemy on the Borders. Of the Veneti and Cenomani were assembled 20000. and as many of the Umbri and Sarsinates inhabiting the Appennine Mountains, who were placed on the Borders of Gall, by in∣vading the Territories of the Boti to draw them back, and divide them from the rest. These were the forces placed on the Borders. At Rome were in a readinesse for the uncertain chances of War, as a supply 30000 foot, and 1500 horse of Citizens, besides of the Associates 30000 foot, and 2000 horse. In Sicily, and about Tarentum were placed two Legions, whereof each contained 4200 foot, and 200 horse. The sum of all these amounts to 210300 men. So, saith Polybius, the sum of the forces which guarded the Citie were 150000 foot, and about 6000 horse, but the whole number of the multitude fit for War was 700000 foot, 70000 horse, which yet Hannibal durstoppose, and invade Italy with scarce 20000. But this will appear further in what shall be hereafter said.

28. The Galls descending into Etruria wasted all with fire and sword,* 1.162 till they came to Clusium, a place three dayes journey distant from Rome. There were they beset, the Praetor on their back, and the two Consuls before bloc∣king up all the passages, so that they were forced to fight two contrary wayes in two fronts, and that very disadvantagiously, both by reason of their naked∣nesse,* 1.163 and the unfitnesse of their Arms. But the vanity of the Gaesatae was most hurtfull to them, who casting off their Cloths would needs fight naked and charge first; for, being easily discomfited, they discouraged their fellows. Forty thousand were slain, and ten thousand taken, amongst whom was Con∣colitanus; the other King Aneroestus having killed himself. This battel was fought in the 529 year of the Citie, L. Aemilius Dapus, and C. Attilius Re∣gulus (who was therein slain) being Consuls. Afterwards inroads being made into the Territories of the Galls, they were several times overthrown, and so harrased,* 1.164 that they sent Ambassadors to Rome to beg peace on any terms. The people being inclining enough to it, M. Claudius Marcellus, and Cn. Cornelius Scipio the Consuls of the 532 year stopped the thing.

29. The former especially, having a disposition suitable to his name (Mar∣cus and Mamercus being thought to be derived of Mars, and therefore also the diminutives Marculus and Marcellus) inflamed the multitude to the War;* 1.165 whereupon the Galls now desperate resolved to make the last tryal,* 1.166 and using all indeavours, sent, and hired 30000 of the Gaesatae. The Consuls invading the Countrey of the Insubres besieged Acerrae, which to relieve the Galls laid siege to Clastidium, a Town associate with the Romans. Here was fought a bloudy battel, wherein the Galls were overthrown, Marcellus with his own hand killed Virdomarus King of the Gaesaetae, and dedicated the third* 1.167 Opima Spolia to Jupiter Feretrius, though Numa had commanded they should be consecrated to Quirinus. Those that escaped fled to Mediolanum (now Millane) the chief seat of the Insubres, which being shortly taken, the War was thereby ended after six years, and Marcellus returned in Triumph. The title of the Triumph in the Capitoline stories mentioned with the Galls Insubres, Germans also to have been subdued, which Germans seem no o∣ther then the Gaesatae, thus called by some mistake. As for the name of Caesa∣••ae, though Polybius thinketh it derived from their wages, and others from a kind of vveapon; yet* 1.168 another rendreth a more probable derivation, which the condition of these people being Mercenaries prompteth to. The Teuto∣nick language (a dialect whereof Joseph Scaliger and others prove the an∣tient Gallick to have been) calleth him Gaest, whom the English Saxon

(a branch also of the Teutonick) nameth Guest at this time, betoken∣ing a stranger. The word Gaesata might well therefore be thence derived, being changed something by those that were ignorant of the Language, from that whereby the Galls signified strangers, such as these Mercenaries were.

30. The third year after the ending of the Gallick, began the second Pu∣nik, or Carthaginian War. Amilcar the Carthaginian Captain had a great itching desire to renew the quarrel with the Romans, as soon as the State could recover its strength, and had done it betimes, but that the War with the Mercenaries hapned, which much distressing the Commonwealth, he pas∣sed over into Spain, where having to do with such an Enemy as he could grow upon,* 1.169 he there inlarged far and wide the Carthaginian Dominion, and died in great honour, though he was drowned in a River, being put also to flight by Orisson King of the Iberi,* 1.170 who pretending to come to his assistance in the siege of Helice unexpectedly fell upon him. As he had governed the Army in Spain nine years,* 1.171 so his son-in-law Asdrubal succeeding him, commanded it almost as many, with a mind as averse from the Romans as he; but he dis∣sembled his hatred and designs, that he might gain all Spain to the Cartha∣ginian interest. After 8 years he was slain by a Gall (saith Polybius) or a slave to a certain Spaniard (saith Justin) who killed him in revenge for his Masters death. He also much bettered the affairs of Carthage, not so much by Arms,* 1.172 as his winning carriage upon the petty Princes. After his death Annibal the son of Amilcar Barcas was chosen Captain by the Army,* 1.173 and presently con∣firmed at Carthage by the people, whom his father taking along with him into Spain, being then nine years old, compelled to swear at the Altar, his hand touching the sacrifice, that as soon as he could he would be an Enemy to the people of Rome.

31. Annibal presently after his Creation fell upon the Olcades whom he subdued, and besides them, within a years space, the Vaccaei and Carpentani, and nothing remained beyond the River Iberus that was considerable, and unsubdued, besides the Saguntines. They being confederate with Rome gave them there intelligence how things went, who sent some into Spain to see how matters stood, and what was intended by the Carthaginians. These Commissioners having audience of Hannibal, religiously admonished him not to meddle with the Saguntines, and (according to the League made with Asdrubal) not to passe over the River Iberus. His answers did not con∣ceal his inward hatred, which caused the Romans to expect no better than a War; but they hoped to have Saguntus the seat thereof, and endeavoured to clear themselves of Illyricum ere it hapned. Annibal was not ignorant of what they designed, and therefore resolved by taking that Town to cut off all hope of vvarring in Spain. He doubted not by that example to terrifie others, so as to reduce to obedience those that yet stood out, and confirm therein such as he had already brought under; and this especially he aimed at, by reducing this place, to leave no Enemy at his back, by the plunder of which also he intended to gratifie his Soldiers. With all his force then he set upon it, and provoking his men by his own example to all manner of di∣ligence,* 1.174 took it in the eighth moneth. The Inhabitants retained their fide∣lity unto the Romans to the last, and when almost spent with hunger, Fire, Sword, and Engines, they that remained, in a fire made in the Forum consumed themselves with all their riches, as Florus writeth, though Polybius speaketh of much money found in the Town, besides rich stuff, which Hanni∣bal sent to Carthage.

32. When first the Romans heard that Saguntus was taken, they sent Ambassadors to Carthage to require that Hannibal should be delivered up as the breaker of the League,* 1.175 or else to denounce War. Upon their arrival the Carthaginians deputed Hanno to treat with them, who sleighted the matter of the League made with Asdrubal, pretending there was none; and if there was, it was made by his meer pleasure without consent of the Senate. Besides, therein, he said, was no mention made of the River Iberus; that a

regard was to be had of the Allies of both the States he confessed, but this nothing concerned the Saguntines, who at the time of the ratification were not confederates with Rome. The Ambassadors perceiving the Carthagi∣nians backward to what they propounded, said no more; but the Senior of them holding out the lap of his Gown to the Senate. Here, saith he, we bring you both War and Peace; whether you will have I shall bring forth. The Carthaginian King bade them bring forth which they pleased; then the Roman, saying, he would take out War, many of the Senators answered, that they accepted of it.* 1.176 This fell out in the Consulship of M. Livius, afterward called Salinator (from his bringing up the Impost upon Salt) and L. Aemi∣lius Paulus. In their time forein Ceremonies begun to be brought into Rome, which displeasing the more sober sort of men, the* 1.177 Senate thought fit that the Chapels of Isis and Serapis should be pulled down. When no Artificers would venture to touch them, Aemilius the Consul put off his pratexta, or long Roab edged with purple silk, and taking an Hatchet struck it into the door.

33. In the year following, being the 536 of the City,* 1.178 the sixth of Anti∣ochus the Great, and the fifth of Ptolomy Philopator, in the Consulship of Pub. Cornelius Scipio, and Tib. Sempronius Longus, three and twenty years after the ending of the first Punick War, the Second began, which we have described by Polybius,* 1.179 and after him by T. Livius, who hath transcribed the 21 Book of his History almost word for word. Annibal now 26 years of age, in the Spring moved from his winter quarters with 90000 Foot, and 12000 Horse, and passing over the River Iberus, subdued all the Towns as far as the Pyrenaean hills.* 1.180 Then leaving Hanno with a sufficient force to keep the Country, and sending as many of the Spanish Soldiers home, he marched with the the rest, in number 50000 Foot, and nigh 9000 Horse, over the Pyre∣naean hills; and so through Gall unto the Alpes. Having marched 100 miles in ten days from the River Rhodanus, he came to the foot of these mountains, which when he ascended, he encountred with great difficulties, being opposed by the Allobroges (inhabiting the Country now called Savoy) who possessed themselves of the places through which he must necessarily passe. On the ninth day he came to the top, whence his Soldiers had a prospect of Italy. Proceeding after a little rest, he lost as many men here in the depth of the Snow, as formerly by the incursions of Enemies, and at length came to a place which would affoard no passage for Horse, or Elephants. The place of it self was precipitious, but lately by a falling of earth it was become so, to the depth of 1000 foot. He laboured then to bring his men through other wayes never before trodden, but at length the Snow making them impassible, he was forced to betake himself to the levelling of the Rock. They made a great fire, wherewith the Rock being heated, they putrified it with Vinegar, then did they cleave it, and so diminished the descent by moderate turn∣ings, that not onely the beasts of burthen, but the Elephants also might safe∣ly passe.* 1.181 Four dayes were spent about the Rock: and by this time almost all the beasts were wasted; for on the top was little grasse, and that covered with Snow. Coming lower, certaing valleys afforded pasture, where the cattel were refreshed, and rest was given to the weary Soldiers. Thence de∣scended Annibal into the Plain, in the fifth moneth after he had parted from new Carthage (built by Asdrubal, and now called Cartagena) in Spain, having passed over the Alpes in fourteen dayes. In the passage he lost a great part of his Army, bringing into the Country of the Insubres, but 10200 African Foot, 8000 of the Spanish, and 6000 Horse.

34. Scipio the Consul having Spain for his Province, was by Sea going thither, when he understood that Hannibal was near the River Rhodanus. There he intended to have given him a stop; but missing of him, he returned on shipboard and hasted to Italy, there to meet him, before his men had yet refreshed themselves.* 1.182 They met and joyned battel, wherein the Consul had the worst, being wounded, and preserved alive by the valour of his young son afterwards named Africanus. The Roman Senate, when first they re∣ceived

intelligence that Hannibal had passed the Alpes, sent for the other Consul Sempronius out of Sicily to the aid of his Collegue. According to or∣der he brought over his Army, and united it with Scipio's at the River Trebia. Having had the better in some skirmishes with certain parties of Annibal, he desired to make trial of a battel, that his Collegue being sick, he might have all the glory of Victory, and though Scipio alleged, that by delaying to fight the Galls might be farther drawn in, and their own Soldiers better exer∣cised, yet lest the battel should be deferred till the coming of the next Con∣suls, he resolved to fight alone. Annibal feared nothing more, than that they should refuse to fight, because as yet the Galls continued his, and he knew the best of the Roman Captains to be unable to act, and his own Army fresh and chearful. In the battel, which shortly followed, the Romans were overthrown, being drawn out by a party that Hannibal sent to provoke them, ere they had armed their bodies against the extremity of the mid-winter sea∣son, either by meat or other provision; so that ingaging with cold and hun∣ger,* 1.183 and beset with their enemies (whereof as in the former battel, the Nu∣midians, to their great terror fell upon their rear) they were defeated, though with great slaughter of the Enemy, through whose ranks 10000 broke and escaped to Placentia, the rest being either slain, taken, or drowned in the River. The Carthaginians having pursued them to the River Trebia, re∣turned to their Camp so stupified with cold, that they were scarce sensible of the Victory. For, rain mixed with snow, and intollerable cold, killed many men, and almost all the beasts and Elephants.

35. At this time things went better with the Romans in Spain and Sicily. In the former Cnaeus Scipio (being sent thither by his brother the Consul upon his return into Italy) overthrew Hanno the Carthaginian, and took in a good part of the Country, wherein was also new Carthage. For the following year C. Flaminius (who being Tribune had preferred the Agrarian Law) was the second time made Consul, together with Cn. Servilius Geminus. He had a good gift in speaking, but no skill in War, being yet heady and impa∣tient of advice. Hannibal having all this while made the Country of the Galls the seat of War, resolved to change it, and after some consultation a∣bout his way into Etruria, resolved upon that of the Fens, as short and un∣expected to the Enemy, though more troublesome to passe. Being forced to march three or four whole dayes through water, this sorely distressed all his men, except the Galls, many of the beasts were left in the mud, and the hoofs of the Horses came off. He himself riding on an Elephant that was onely left, escaped with his life, but was sorely pained in his eyes, one whereof he lost utterly. Being arrived at dry ground, he hoped by some means or other to intrap the Consul, understanding what his disposition was: He passed by his Camp and went further into the Country, which inraged Flaminius, who thought himself slighted by the Enemy. When amongst the Romans some told him that he must not rashly pursue, but use great caution, especially by reason of the Horse; but above all things stay for his Collegue, and not hazard a battel without the conjunction of both Armies, he was so far from following their advice, that he could not bear their words. Rising with all his forces he had neither respect to time nor place, onely seeking to fight, as if nothing had been more certain than the Victory, with hope whereof he he so elevated the vulgar, that a rable followed the Camp greater in number than the Army it self, and furnished with chains, bonds, and other things, wherewith to keep fast those prisoners and booty, whereof they doubted not to become Masters.

36. Annibal marching through Etruria, wasted it with fire and sword,* 1.184 the more to inrage his Enemy, and at length came to the Lake called Thrasy∣menus and Thrasymene, near to which are certain mountains, and betwixt them and it a narrow way leading to a valley, beset with them, and a ridge of hills.* 1.185 These hills he made choice of, wherein to place his men, bestowing them round about, so that Flaminius following him into the valley, was fal∣len upon round about, and slain with many of his men ere (almost) they knew

who hurt them, by reason of a mist which then was risen from the Lake. Within the valley fell 15000, and near upon 6000 escaped to a Village, where they were forced to yield themselves. Annibal gathering all his priso∣ners together, to the number of 15000, kept in custody the Romans,* 1.186 but dismissed the Latines without ransome. The body of the Consul, saith Vale∣rius Maximus, was sought for by Annibal to be buried; even his body, who, as much as in him lay, had buried the Roman Empire. Cn. Servilius the other Consul who kept Ariminum (a Country of Italy now called Rimi∣ni, lying upon the River Rubicon) hearing of Annibal's coming into Etru∣ria, purposed to go and joyn with his Collegue, but finding that difficult, chose out 4000 men whom he sent to his aid, under conduct of C. Cente∣nius (by some called Centronius) whom he commanded, if possible, to reach him before the fight. Hannibal hearing of this supplie, after the battel, sent out Maharbal with a party, which cutting off one half, forced the other to an hill, where they also yielded themselves.

37. The Romans struck with consternation at these losses, upon mature de∣liberation resolved there was need of a General with absolute authority. But the Consul (who alone had power, and that in the Roman Dominions, to name a Dictator) being absent, and incompassed with the Carthaginian Forces, so that no message could conveniently be sent to him, and the Peo∣ple having no power to create a Dictator, they created as a Prodictator, or Vice Dictator, Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucosus, whose Master of the Horse∣men was M. Minutius Rufus.* 1.187 Fabius matched Annibal in policy, break∣ing his successe by delaying to fight, which others had increased by their te∣merity, so that he obtained the name of* 1.188 Cunctator. Hannibal was hereof very sensible, being by him put to his shifts, wanting provisions exceedingly, and lying in an Enemies Country. But the Master of Horse-men being some∣thing hot and rash, in Fabius his absence, got the better in certain skirmishes, and hereby procured so much favour from the multitude, which now accoun∣ted the worthy Dictator lazie and fearful, that beyond all example his power was made equal to that of his. Minutius puffed up herewith, sought to im∣prove his authority by further rashnesse, so as to ingage with the Enemy, in which action he and his party had been overthrown, but that Fabius in good time came in and saved him. This so convinced him of his former folly, that he confessed his fault to the Dictator, whom he called his Father, and re∣nouncing his new power again, subjected his office to the Dictatorship.

38. Fabius, when his six moneths were out, laid down his Office, and was badly requited, the Tribunes and others calumniating him with the Nobility, as wilfully lengthening the War, which procured Terentius Varro a rash, hot, and inconsiderable man, for the next year to be created Consul. He, though joyned with a prudent person L. Aemilius Paulus, so far prevailed, as to joyn battel with Annibal at the place of Cannae an ignoble Village of Apulia, which the year before had been destroyed, and onely the Castle re∣mained, on which Annibal had lately seized. The Romans brought into the field 80000 Foot, and about 6000 Horse; the Carthaginians not much above 40000 Foot, and 10000 Horse. Florus writeth, that for the destru∣ction of the unhappy Army, both General, Earth, Heaven, the day, and the whole nature of things conspired. For Annibal not content with the sending of those who counterfeiting a revolt, fell upon the backs of the Romans, ob∣serving the nature of the place, so chose out his ground, that besides his Ar∣my they must needs fight with wind, dust, and Sun. But from others it ap∣peareth, that the Romans fighting with their faces toward the South, and the Carthaginians toward the North, the Sun-beams offended neither. Howe∣ver, the abilities of the Punick General were seen so far in this, as in other battels, that he overmatched them in skill, who exceeded him in numbers, making such slaughter of them, that at length wearied, he commanded his Soldiers to forbear, as Florus telleth us. Of the Romans were slain 50000 men say Plutarch and Appian; 70000 saith Polybius, and Livy hath 40000 Foot, and 2600 Horse. Amongst these was Aemilius the Consul (who

unwilling to survive the defeat refused to flie) 2 Quaestors,* 1.189 21. Tribunes, 80 of Senatorian degree, divers of Consular dignity, and so many Equites or Knights, that, as Pliny writeth,* 1.190 Hannibal sent three bushels of gold rings to Rome, which were the Ensignes of that order, though Pliny from this number endeavoureth to prove that the use of them at this time was promiscu∣ous, else a vast number must there have been of them: but Livy writeth, that more likely report held there were but one bushel. Hannibal lost 5700 of his men. Varro the Consul fled to Venusia with 70 Horse, whither also esca∣ped 4000 Foot and Horse, which leading to Cannusium, where were already 10000 men, he made up a shew of a Consular Army, which by the help of walls, though not of arms, seemed able to defend it self.

39. Had Hannibal taken his opportunity and marched to Rome, in all pro∣bability he might have made an end of the War,* 1.191 and of the Roman Empire both together; but this great Soldier knew (as Maharbal Captain of his Horse truly told him) how to get, but not how to use and improve a Victory. For, he loitered all this Summer,* 1.192 and having Capua a wealthy and luxurious Citie given up into his hands by the Towns-men, there he took up his Winter quarters, and Capua became a Cannae to his Soldiers. For, hereby he utterly spoyled an excellent Army, which now was so enervated by the pleasures and effeminatenesse of the place, as ever after it became impa∣tient of labour, and its antient Military Discipline, so that before this it was harder for the Romans not to be overcome by Hannibal, than afterwards to overcome him. His fortune presently began to change. He was worsted at Nola by Marcellus the Praetor, and repulsed at Casilinum, a very small Ca∣stle, for a good space. At this time, though there was a Dictator in the Camp (M. Junius Pera, whose Master of the Hors-men was Tib. Sempronius) yet the Senate being exhausted by the War,* 1.193 M. Fabius Buleo was named Dictator by Terentius the Consul, for filling it up, without a Master of Hors-men. He coming into the Rostra, said, he did not approve that there should be two Dictators at one time (which never before had been known) nor that he was created without a Master of Hors-men; neither that the power of Cen∣sorship should twice be permitted to one man; nor that power for six moneths should be given to any Dictator, except for the War. What extream neces∣sity had procured, he said he would moderate. For he would not remove any Senator which C. Flaminius, and L. Aemilius the late Censors had chosen, onely transcribe, and cause them to be read over, lest the credit, and esteem of Senators should be in the power of one man; and so he would supply the places of the dead, that this man before that, and not one order should seem preferred above another.* 1.194 The old Senate then being called over, he chose into vacant places, first such as since the last Censorship had born Curule Offices, as each one had been first created; then such as had been Aediles, Tribunes of the Commons, or Quaestors, and lastly, such had any spoyls hung up at home, which they themselves had taken from the Enemy, or had received a Civick Crown. So 177 being thus chosen with universal ap∣probation, he presently laid down his Office.

40. The Romans, though the defeat at Cannae threatned them with no less than ruin,* 1.195 quickly recovered their courage. When Varro (being sent for to name a Dictator) was near the Citie, all Ranks went forth to meet him, and though he was the cause of the overthrow, gave him thanks that he had not despaired concerning the Commonwealth. Philip King of Macedonia having expe∣cted the fortune of both parties, after the battel of Cannae joyned in affi∣ancy with Hannibal; and this being discovered through the intercepting of his Ambassadors, for to prevent his coming into Italy, the Romans took or∣der for the invasion of his own Territories.* 1.196 At this time Hannibal was bea∣ten at Cuma, and constrained to raise his siege; and from Nola the second time by the same hand; Hanno having the same fortune at Grumentum. In Spain the Scipioes so managed the War that they got ground, being conti∣nually Superiors. Asdrubal was ordered by the Senate at Carthage to passe into Italy, but upon his departure they defeated him in battel,

and by this successe not onely overthrew the design of joyning with Han∣nibal, but drew most of the Spaniards to their party, still improving the vi∣ctory.

41. In Sicilie and Sardinia, though several attempts were made by the Carthaginians, and some revolts happened, yet things proceeded in a good condition.* 1.197 In one battel in Sardinia 12000 were slain, and many taken pri∣soners, amongst whom were Asdrubal, Hanno, and Mago, all noble Cartha∣ginians.* 1.198 A year or two after the death of Hieron King of Syracuse (who have∣ing been a fast friend to the Romans died at 90 years of age or more) altered much the face of affairs. For Hieronymus his Grandson succeeding him, was for his wicked disposition quickly made away, and then the Citie break∣ing into divers factions; that which was most contrary to the Roman interest prevailed, by the means of two inconsiderable men made Praetors. Marcellus the Consul besieged Syracuse both by Sea and Land, but was hindred from storming it by the skill and invention of that excellent Mathematican Archimedes.* 1.199 He framed such Engins,* 1.200 as therewith to cast huge stones upon the Romans, and great beams upon their ships. He would set the ships upon one end, overturn them, and hoizing them up into the air, after all the men, and other things were falln out of them, let them fall upon the Walls, or re∣turn down into the Sea. Such was the exactnesse of his skill, both near at hand, and afar of, that neither by Sea nor by Land could they attempt a storm, their Engins of battery being also dismounted by the force of his.

42. Marcellus hereupon departed from the siege, jeering his own Engi∣neers,* 1.201 and calling Archimedes by the name of Briarens. He destroyed Me∣gara, one of the most antient Cities of the Island, and falling upon the Army of Hippocrates, as it was incamping it self, killed above 8000 men. After this he made incursions, and drew several Towns from the Carthaginians. He took Damippus the Spartan as he sayled from Syracuse, about the re∣demption of whom coming often near the Walls of that Citie, he ob∣served a Tower negligently kept, & convenient for receiving of men, because the Wall there might be easily mounted. Taking the opportunity of Diana's feast, wherein the Syracusians gave up themselves to Wine and sports, he seized on this Tower, and through it bestowing his men about the Walls, ea∣sily became Master of the Citie,* 1.202 after three years spent in the siege. He wept when he beheld the goodlinesse of it, which notwithstanding his Commands for moderation (in which he was eminent) he knew would suffer much. But more than the rest, the death of Archimedes troubled him, whom he most la∣boured to preserve. Some wrote that this famous Artist busied in his Geome∣trical speculations minded not what was doing in the Citie; but a Soldier coming to him, and bidding him follow him to Marcellus, he would not go till he had finished his probleme, and demonstrated it, whereupon the Sol∣dier killed him. Others reported that a Soldier rushing in upon him,* 1.203 he de∣sired respite from death till he had finished his contemplation; but the Sol∣dier not at all regarding him slew him presently. A third report went, that as he was carrying his Mathematical instruments to Marcellus, certain Sol∣diers came upon him, who supposing it to be Gold he carried in the Vessel, instantly slew him. One of these wayes perished Archimedes, who excel∣ling all men in this noble skill, deserveth as much of blame as he had of know∣ledge, in that esteeming sordid and base the making of Engins, and what served necessary uses, he onely seriously studied the Science abstracted from Mechanick works,* 1.204 and through this kind of greatnesse of mind, refused to write any thing concerning those works, which procured him his deserved fame and estimation.

43. At this time the Scipioes in Spain having well nigh done their work, and intending suddenly to make an end of the War, unfortunately divided their forces, and through the treachery of the Celtiberians were both cut off with almost their whole Armies. The Roman interest hereby had been de∣stroyed in that Countrey, had not the remainders of the forces been kept to∣gether,

and preserved by L. Marcius a Tribune, who revenged the death of the two Generals and his other Countrey-men, by falling on the Carthagi∣nians, divided into two several Camps, Secure, and without any watch, and suffering none to escape from one to give notice to the other, slew 37000. and took 1830 with great plunder. In Italy, Hannibal had Tarentum be∣trayed to him by the Inhabitants, the Castle still holding out;* 1.205 and the Ro∣mans laid siege to Capua.* 1.206 Hither was Annibal called for aid; but he made no great haste, out of desire he had to take the Castle of Tarentum. Bethink∣ing himself how great scandal he should give to all his confederates, in case he did not relieve that Citie, he marched thither, and set upon the Roman Camp, which was so well defended, that he was repelled, though assisted by the Inhabitants, and his own Garrison he there had left. Perceiving then that the Enemy would not be drawn out of his Trenches,* 1.207 and that he could not break through his Camp, lest the new Consuls should intercept his Provisions, he resolved to be gone. Considering much whither he should go, he resolved for Rome it self, the head of the War, designing at least by this Enterprize to raise the siege of Capua.

44. His coming being heard of at Rome, they were there variously in∣clined as to resistance.* 1.208 Some thought that all the Armies in Italy were to be sent for; but Fabius Maximus would by no means hear of leaving Ca∣pua: Therefore a middle way was taken, to send for one of the Captains from the siege to the defence of the Citie. Q. Fulvius then the Proconsul chusing out 15000 foot, and 1000 horse out of the three Armies, marched for Rome, which he entred at the Gate Capena (when Hannibal now lay incam∣ped eight miles off) the Senate, lest his power should be diminished, having decreed, that if he came into the Citie he should have equal authority with the Consuls. Annibal removing to the River Aniene, three miles from the Citie, with two thousand horse thence went to take a view of it. Flaccus stomaching he should take this liberty and do it with ease, sent out a party of horse, which falling on made him retreat. The day after, and that following, Hannibal on one side, and Flaccus with the Consuls on the other, drew out their forces for a battel, when on both dayes fell such storms of hail and rain, as the Armies could not joyn, but when they had retreated into their Camps,* 1.209 a wonderfull serenity appeared. This struck the Carthaginians with a religious awe, and caused Hannibal to say, that sometimes a Will, and otherwiles fortune were wanting to him for the taking of the Citie. Remo∣ving back then his Camp to the River Turia, thence he proceeded to the Lake of Feronia, which Goddesse had then a rich Temple there. This he robbed, and so marched through the Countreys of the Lucani and Brutii to∣wards Rhegium and the Straights,* 1.210 where he well nigh had destroyed the In∣habitants unawares by the suddennesse of his coming. Flaccus returned to the siege of Capua, whither that Hannibal returned not was much admired. The Campanians therefore despairing of any assistance from him,* 1.211 Capua was yielded up. The heads of the Rebellion (53 in number) were put death (28 having before poysoned themselves) at the command of Fulvius, con∣trary to the Will of his Collegue Appius Claudius, who would have had the matter determined by the Senate at Rome. The common sort was sold, and the Citie, because situate in so good a soyl, reserved for a receptacle of all sorts of Plow-men, Labourers, and Artificers, without any shew of govern∣ment of its own, after it had stood about 260 years.* 1.212 These things hapned in the eighth year of the War, being the 543 of the Citie, the 1••th of Antiochus the Great, and the 12 of Ptolomy Philopator, P. Sulpicius Galba, and Cn. Fal∣vius Centumalus being Consuls.

45. This year was sent into Spain Claudius Nero, who having got Asdru∣bal the Carthaginian into a straight so as he might have cut off him and his Army,* 1.213* 1.214 Asdrubal promised he would draw all his Soldiers out of the Coun∣trey, but drew out the time in length by the interposition of his Punick faith, till by little and he withdrew all his men out of the danger. The Senate and People hearing this, took it ill that Nero would thus suffer him∣self

to be abused, yet know they not whom to send to succeed him, and when the Comitia were held for the creation of a Proconsul, none appeared to stand for the Office. A great sadnesse hereupon seized on the multitude, When Publiu Scipio son to Publius Cornelius Scipio slain in Spain (whom as we said he defended in battel) a young man but of 24 years of age, stood up in a place where he might be seen, and professed himself candidate, having the year before been made Aedilis, though under age, by the great favour and confidence of the People. With great joy he was created by the suffrages of all, but when they considered what they had done, and especially thought of his age, they were again much perplexed, which he apprehending, called them together, and with such spirit and resolution promised them good suc∣cesse,* 1.215 that they departed well satisfied, judging many things to be in him which surpassed humane admiration; for having good parts, he could set them off to purpose. Passing into Spain then this year, the summer following he took new Carthage by storm, a place of great consequence both for riches and situation, by the same of which exploit, together with his loving demea∣nour towards the natives, he well improved the Victory.

46. Hannibal at this time indulging his cruel disposition in wasting such Countries as he could not keep, lost his credit; and the Romans in Italy gained thereby. This year M. Valerius Laevinus, who had done good service against Philip of Macedonia, was the second time, in his absence, created Consul, together with Marcellus the fourth time. Laevinus went into Sicily, where taking the City Agrigentum, he thereby brought the whole Island un∣der the Roman jurisdiction. The year following being the tenth of the War, Tarentum was betraied into the hands of Fabius Maximus,* 1.216 now Consul the fifth time, with Q. Fulvius Flaccus, who the fourth time bore this Office. Marcellus for this year sometimes winning and sometimes losing with Anni∣bal, for that following being created Consul (though he scarcely seemeth rightly created according to the Roman superstition) though other whiles wa∣ry enough, was cut off in an ambush,* 1.217 whilst with his Collegue T. Quintius Crispinus,* 1.218 accompanied onely with 220 Horse, he went to view a place where he had a great desire to fight Hannibal. Crispinus also received a wound whereof he died, after he had named a Dictator for creation of the next Consuls.

47. The year following, Asdrubal was ordered to go out of Spain into Ita∣ly,* 1.219 to the assistance of his brother Annibal. This caused great carefulnesse in Rome, by reason they knew not well whom to oppose against him. At length M. Claudius Nero and M. Livius Salinator (who lately had returned to the City, after that being publickly disgraced he had absented himself for several years) were created Consuls, having been at great ods, and now re∣conciled through the interposition of the Senate. Livius was ordered to meet Asdrubal, and Nero appointed to attend the motions of Annibal. But the later having some successe against his Enemy, picked out of the flower of his Army 6000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, and with great secrecy, and as much speed, marched towards his Collegue, that he might reach him ere he joyned with Asdrubal. Being joyned, they incompassed him, who was by a deceitful guide led into a dangerous place, and cut him with his whole Army in pieces: then marched Nero back to his own Army, and ere Han∣nibal knew of his departure, cast his brothers head into his Camp, whereby to his grief he knew of the defeat.* 1.220 The year following did P. Scipio after many Victories obtained, finish the War in Spain; all the Carthaginian Captains being either taken or driven away. This hapned five years af∣ter his undertaking the charge, and thirteen after the beginning of the Warre.

48. Scipio coming to Rome, and being made Consul,* 1.221 greatly desired to be sent into Africk,* 1.222 urging it to the Senate as necessary for finishing the War, and undertaking so to manage his affaires, as to force the Carthaginians to recall Hannibal for the defence of his own Country. Fabius Maximus most earnesty, and with some heat opposed this, and a considerable difference

hereupon arose; but at length Sicily was granted him for his Province, and leave given him to passe over into Africk, if he saw it convenient for the Commonwealth. All this year he spent in the Island;* 1.223 in providing necessa∣ries for his Expedition, and the next, with a brave Fleet landed in Africk, where Masanissa King of Numidia (who in Spain had joyned with him) came in to his aid. Within a while he killed Hanno with 3000 men, and besieged Utica;* 1.224 but Syphax King of Numidia, the enemy and competitor of Masanissa (who formerly had entred into league with Scipio, but again upon a mariage with Annibal's niece revolted) coming with the Carthagini∣ans to raise the siege, he having attempted in vain to storm the Town, rose up and departed to his winter quarters.

49. In Winter he was not idle, but again besieged Utica,* 1.225 and entred into a Treaty with Syphax and Asdrubal about a Peace, in the mean time sending his ablest Soldiers in the habit of slaves with his Commissioners, to view the Enemie's Camps. This being sufficiently done, he brake off the Treaty, and set fire upon the Camps, which the other not suspecting, but thinking it came by accident, were cut in pieces when they were busied in quenching the fire, to the number of 40000 men, and 6000 were taken Prisoners. Not long after he gave them another great overthrow, which so affected the Carthaginians with fear, that they called home Hannibal. Presently after they sent a Fleet to relieve Utica,* 1.226 which worsted the Roman Navy; and they might have done more than this had not fear made them loiter. But shortly after this, Scipio again routed Syphax, who had got together an unexperienced company of stran∣gers, and taking him prisoner, gave his Kingdom to Masanissa. In Italy about this time Mago was overthrown, and wounded in an ingagement with Quintilius Varus the Praetor, and M. Cornelius the Proconsul: he also was recalled as well as his brother Annibal, and died on the Sea of his wounds. The Carthaginians sent an Ambassage to Rome, with a design to obtain a ces∣sation till Hannibal could arrive out of Italy. But their aim being suffici∣ently understood, the message was slighted; and to witnesse their perfidious∣nesse, they brake the Law of Nations, by offering to violate Messengers sent from Scipio.

* 1.22750. Annibal being recalled by his superiours, with very much reluctancy quitted Italy, after he had therein spent sixteen years. He complained much of the Senate and of himself. Of the Senate, because fighting so long a time in an Enemie's Country, they had so little supplied him with money and other things necessary for War. Of himself, for that having so often overthrown and put to flight the Roman Legions, he had still delayed and gi∣ven them time to breath. It's reported also, that ere he took ship, he built an arch near the Temple of Juno Lacinia, wherein, in Punick and Greek let∣ters, he wrote the sum of his great atchievements. Taking the Sea,* 1.228 he lan∣ded in a few dayes at Leptis, whence he marched to Adrumentum, and thence to Zama. Considering now the weak estate of his Country, he desired a meeting with Scipio to treat of Peace, which being granted, the two greatest Captains in the World came to an interview betwixt their Armies, but re∣ceiving mutually no satisfaction, they returned to decide the controversie by the sword. Hannibal in the battel behaved himself most gallantly, and like so expert a Warriour amongst his Soldiers, consisting of so many Nations and languages. But providence ordained the Victory to Scipio, who slew 20000, and took as many prisoners, yet not without great losse of his own men, whereof 2000 fell. After this, Annibal perswaded his Country-men to aske Peace,* 1.229 and Ambassadors were dispatched away accordingly.

51. Scipio was not averse to a closure, as loth to part with the glory of concluding the War, which the year before was in danger of being taken from him by Tib. Claudius Nero the Consul, and now by C. Cornelius Lentulus, who both had procured Africk for their Province, and to be joyned in aequal authority with him. The power of concluding the Peace was by the Peo∣ple decreed to Scipio, with ten others, which was at length agreed to on these termes. That the Carthaginians being free, should enjoy all their territories

in Africk; but the Romans hold Spain with all the Islands of the Mediter∣ranean any time in question betwixt the two States. That all rebells and fu∣gitives should be given up to the Romans.* 1.230 That the Carthaginians should de∣liver up all their beaked ships, except ten Triremes, with all their tamed Ele∣phants, and tame no more. It was made unlawful for them to make War in Africk or elsewhere, without licence from the People of Rome. They were to restore all to Masanissa, and enter into confederacy with him. To give money and corn to the Roman Auxiliaries, till the Ambassadors should be returned.* 1.231 To pay 10000 talents of Silver in the space of fifty years, and give 100 Ho∣stages for performance of these things. Thus ended the second Punick War, in the eighteenth year, and Scipio obtained the honourable sirname of Afri∣canus, being the first General (if Livy observeth rightly) who was ennobled by the name of a Country he had overcome.

52. The Romans had little or no rest after this War; for immediately be∣gun, or rather went on the Macedonian, or that with Philip, the occasion being given, as was said, ten years before, upon his entrance into confe∣deracy with Annibal. The Aetolians being also invaded by him,* 1.232 aid was sent them,* 1.233 by which he was worsted, and after seven years a Peace was made. But now the Romans having nothing to do, and being not without provocation, as well by his breaking of his faith with the Aetolians and others of their friends in those parts, as by his supply of men and mony not long before sent to Hannibal, and at the earnest request of the Athenians (the territories of whom he had wasted) they decreed War anew against him, being also com∣plained of by Attalus King of Pergamus, and the Rhodians, for molesting the Cities in Asia. Ser. Sulpitius Galba the Consul obtaining Macedonia for his Province,* 1.234 by himself and his Lieutenant, put him to the worst divers times, and, had almost taken him. Together with Attalus and the Rhodians he caused him to raise his siege from Athens, whereupon the Aetolians be∣fore backward enough, by reason of their Magistrate,* 1.235 and the Athamanians now incouraged invaded his Dominions, but being idle and carelelesse were easily repelled by him. This year, did M. Furius the Praetor get a great Victory over the Galls, which besieged Cremona in Italy, killing 30000, and with them Amilcar the Carthaginian Captain. For this, after much dispute in the Senate, he triumphed, though against the custom, and without president, for any one to receive this honour, that had obtained Victory with the Army of another, as he had done with the Soldiers of C. Aurelius Cotta the Consul in his absence, who took it most hainously. The year following, C. Bebius the Praetor entering unadvisedly into the territories of the Galls In∣subres, was incompassed and lost above 6600 men.

53. Nothing considerable was this year done in Macedonia by P. Villius Tappulus the Consul; but his successor T. Quintius* 1.236 Flamininus (not Fla∣minius as Plutarch now hath him; for the Flaminini Patritians must not be confounded with the Flaminii who were Plebeians) using great expediti∣on beat Philip out of the Straights, wherein securely he had incamped, and by Sea his brother Lucius (with Attalus) took several towns of his confede∣rates,* 1.237 and besieged Corinth, though in vain. The time coming for the ele∣ction of new Consuls, and it being usual for them to take the Provinces from their predecessors,* 1.238 the Tribunes rightly objected, that this course hindred the progresse of the Wars, and procured Quintius his Government to be con∣tinued to him, who being about taking of the Castle of Opus, Messengers came from Philip about a Treaty. Several times they met (which before they had also done at the Straights) and the Ambassadors of Attalus, the Rho∣dians, and Achaeans were present; but the effect was nothing, and Philip gave up Argos into the hands of Nabis Tyrant of Lacedaemon, who used the Inhabitants with great cruelty and incredible exaction.* 1.239 But Quintius fol∣lowing Philip into Thessaly, gave him such a blow at Cynoscephale, as forced him to ask Peace, which was granted upon terms moderate enough. All the Cities of Greece which he had got in his hands, were hereby, beyond all expe∣ctation, and to the wonder of themselves and others, set at liberty, and left to

their own Laws. The year preceding this conclusion, did the Galls receive a great overthrow from Cornelius the Consul. But in Spain, C. Sempronius Tuditanus was totally defeated. The same year wherein the Macedonian War ended, the slaves in Tuscany made a dangerous Rebellion, but were cha∣stized, and quieted, by Attilius the Praetor. And about the same time was an∣other victory obtained over the Galls.

54. The year after the ratification of the peace,* 1.240 some bickering there was in the Citie about the women. For, twenty years before, there had been a Law preferred by Oppius, Tribune of the People, presently after the defeat at Cannae, forbidding women the wearing of Gold or Purple, and the use of any other kind of Pomp. This now did two of the present Tribunes labour to abrogate, the face of things being changed, and the occasion removed. M. Porcius Cato the Consul stood stifly for preserving the Law, inveighing much against the Females; but partly through the apposite reply of L. Valerius the Tribune unto the Consul, out of his own book, called Origenes, and espe∣cially through the importunity of the women themselves (who with liberty of behaviour sufficient filled the streets, and came to the Assembly, and con∣strained two of the Tribunes to let fall their interposition) it was abrogated. Cato then betook himself into Spain his Province,* 1.241 where using severity towards himself as well as his Soldiers, he restored the Roman interest by good Discipline. Having led his Army upon the back of the Spaniards, and thereby necessitated them to fight, he overthrew them in a great battel, and took their Camp; after which, notwithstanding the ficklenesse of the Natives, he reduced the Province to obedience. The same Summer did L. Valerius Flaccus his Collegue give another overthrow to the Galls in I∣taly.

55. In Greece, Nabis the Tyrant of Sparta, still held it, and Argos, in sla∣very; wherefore the freedom of them still was wanting to the universal li∣berty of Greece, resolved to be vindicated from the oppression of the Ma∣cedonian party. Quintius, upon Nabis his refusal to quit Argos, besieged them both, and took in Gytheum a Port Town, which drove Nabis to ask peace.* 1.242 Quintius was not against it, urging to the Graecian Allies the length, which was likely to be of the siege of Sparta, the unseasonablenesse of the Winter season, and the War that threatned from Antiochus King of Asia; but indeed fearing lest one of the new Consuls taking Macedonia for his Province, might rob him of the glory of fending the whole controversie in these parts. Yet the Greeks being earnest for suppressing the Tyrant, he seemed to yield to it, and afterwards put them off by demanding such sup∣plies as they could not furnish him with. Notwithstanding this, the peace could not be made; for, Nabis accepted not of the terms, especially of parting with his ships. Hereupon Sparta was set upon round about, and had been taken, but that Pythagoras son-in-law to the Tyrant set the out-houses on fire, which drove away the Inhabitants. Though the onset succeeded not, yet the danger put Nabis into such a fright, that he now accepted of the for∣mer conditions, and had peace granted him; the Argives having ere this taken heart at the absence of Pythagoras their Governour, and freed them∣selves. The following year T. Sempronius the Consul killed many of the Galls who had set upon his Camp, but with great losse of his own men. Se∣veral times had the Romans now the better against these people, and the Ligu∣rians.* 1.243 Then came they flatly to fall out with Antiochus the Great, King of Syria, and began a War with him five years after the ending of the Macedo∣nian, in the 563 year of the Citie, the second of the 147 Olympiad, the 33th of Antiochus, and the 13th of Ptolomy Epiphanes, A. M. 3814. P. Corn. Scipio Nasica, and Manius Acilius Glabrio being Consuls.

* 1.244SECT. III. From the War with Antiochus, and the invasion of Asia, to the destruction of Carthage, after which the Romans dege∣nerated through security, the space of 45 years.

1. ANtiochus had invaded the Territories of Attalus; but being then the friend of the Romans,* 1.245 gave over his Enterprize at their desire. Af∣ter this, having an hungry desire after Egypt; upon application of the Egyp∣tians to Rome, he was commanded to desist, which breeding in him discon∣tent, it was heightned by reason of his setting upon several Cities in Greece. He said that they once had belonged (though not of a long time) to his Pre∣decessors; but the Romaens being ambitious to set all Greece at liberty, plain∣ly told him that these Towns must not be excepted. When he was thus enough incensed, and by Hannibal (who had fled to him) spurred on, the Aetolians importuned him to joyn with them against their late friends and be∣factors. This they did, being an inconstant people, and very covetous, having taken offence at the small quantity of booty, as they accounted it, alotted to them in the War against Philip, by T. Quintius.

* 1.2462. The Aetolians first of all attempted to get into their hands Lacedae∣mon, and other Towns, before held as cautionary by Quintius; but missed of their design, though they brake into the former, and killed Nabis the Ty∣rant; for, they were afterwards cut in pieces by the Inhabitants themselves. Antiochus having through the cunning insinuations of Thoas the Aetolian, changed his purpose of sending Annibal into Africk, and thence into Ita∣ly, landed in Greece, with an intention to make it the Seat of War. He brought an inconsiderable Army with him; but seemed to have made a good begin∣ning, having got Chalcis into his hands, and by that means easily brought un∣der the whole Island of Euboea. After this, he sent, and buried the dead bo∣dies of the Macedonians slain at Cynoscephale, thinking thereby to oblige Philip, who taking it as tending to his reproach, because he had not done it before, it proved but an effectual means to make him his Enemy, the Thes∣salians being no better affected, because he had taken some of their Towns. Then vvintring at Chalcis, he fell in Love with, and married an obscure maid; his Army which before was indifferently good, falling with him into all idle∣nesse and excesse.

* 1.2473. M. Acilius the Consul, to whom Greece fell by lot, easily recovered the places of Thessaly,* 1.248 and afterwards beat Antiochus out of the Straights of Thermopylae, whither, being deserted by his confederates, he had retired, as is shewn in the History of his Kingdom. Then the Consul received the Boeotians, chiding them onely for their ingratitude, and the Gates of Chalcis being set open to him, he presently recovered Euboen. This done, he went against the Aetolians, from whom after he had taken one or two Towns they offered to submit, but being offended with the hard conditions he propounded, and for that large things were promised by Antiochus, they flew back. Hereupon he besieged Naupactus (now Lepanto) and had utterly ruined them, but for the intercession of T. Quintius. For he having then received the Island of Zacynthas from the Athenians, came to the Camp, and though they had ill deserved at his bands by detracting from his worth, yet thinking it dishonou∣rable for him, being the deliverer of Greece, that any one people should pe∣rish, he proposed to the Consul to be considered, whether to counterpoise the power of Philip, who now had got by his leave Athamania, Perrhebia, Aperan∣tia, and Dolonio into his hands, it would not be good policy to preserve the Aetolians. For this respect, and at their humble sute he gave them Truce, that they might send to the Senate at Rome, and broke up his siege. Whilest Acilius did these things in Greece, his Collegue Scipio Nasica got a no∣table

victory over the B••ii in Italy, which utterly broke their power in pieces.

4. Lucius Cornelius Scipio, and C. Laelius Nepos, being Consuls for the following year,* 1.249 came, according to the custom, to divide the Provinces by lot. Both were extreamly desirous to have Greece, and Laelius being a man in great favour, offered that the thing might be left to the discretion of the Senate. Scipio at first knew not what to do, but his brother Africanus perswaded him by all means to assent to it. The thing was new, and the Senate expected many words on both sides, when Africanus standing up, told the Fathers, that if they would decree Greece to his brother, he would go his Legatus or Lieutenant, whereupon there was no need any more should be said; for it was presently voted with universal consent, and power given to the Consul to passe into Asia, if he saw it convenient. Coming into Greece he found A∣cilius falln upon the Aetolians again, because the Senate had given them no positive answer, either as to peace or War; onely two things were pro∣posed: To cast themselves wholely upon the Senate, or pay down 1000 Ta∣lents, and have the same friends and enemies with the Romans. When they desired an exposition of the former, no answer would be given, but a com∣mand to their Ambassadors to depart: The Consul prosecuted what his Pre∣decessor had begun, and with much ado, through the intercession of the Athe∣nians by Africanus, another Truce was granted that they might have time once more to send to Rome. There their Ambassadors instead of confessing their faults, and asking pardon, boasted what friends and assistants they had been to the Roman State, which gave such offence, that they were commanded out of the Citie, as before.

5. Antiochus having with his son Seleucus besieged Pergamus the Chief Citie of Enmenes, the friend of the Romans, was forced to raise his siege. He sent to Aemilius the Roman Admiral now on those Coasts about peace, who disowned any power of concluding it without the Consul. Then did the Rhodians at Sea defeat his Admiral, which was Hannibal, a man out of his proper Element, and afterward in a battel fought with Aemilius, Eumenes, and the Rhodians,* 1.250 he fully lost the command of the Sea. Affrighted herear, he foolishly left Lysimachia, which this year might have kept the Consul in action, and adding one folly to another suffered Scipio to passe the Helle∣spont without interruption. Now he offered to quit all places in Europe, and such in Asia as were the friends of Rome; to discharge half of the costs sustained by the Romans in the War, and rather than not be quiet, he was con∣tent to part with a portion of his own Kingdom. These seemed but small things to the Consul, who thought it just that he, who had been the cause of the War,* 1.251 should bear all the charges of it, and not onely quit Ionia and Aeolis, but leave all the Greek Cities to their liberty, which could not be, except he parted with all Asia on this side the Mountain Taurus. The Ambassor had in charge to procure the favour of Africanus, to whom was offered the re∣stitution of his son taken prisoner, and all that could be expected on this side the title of King, if he would live with him. But all private Offices of kind∣nesse onely would Africanus promise, desiring him by all means to procure peace, and, when he had received his son, not to fight till he should (being now sick) return to the Camp. This caused Antiochus to delay fighting, but the Consul followed, and provoked him to give battel, wherein his own Chariots Armed with Scithes, being driven back upon his own men, pro∣cured his overthrow.* 1.252 After this, peace was granted on the same terms as it had been offered to him before the battel. And thus this War ended in a short time, and lesse trouble than was expected, the second Consul put∣ting a period to it, who in imitation of his brother took on him the sirname of Asiaticus.

6. The year following, wherein M. Fulvius Nobilior, and Cn. Manlius were Consuls, the former going into Greeco fell upon the Aetolians, who now had taken from Philip Dolopia, and Amphilochia with Athamania;* 1.253 and besieging Ambracia, drove them once more to sue for peace. They were

referred by the Consul to Rome, where the Ambassadors of Philip made great complaints against them upon the former account. But the Rhodians and Athenians interceding once more for them, their sute was granted, on con∣dition to pay 500 Euboean Talents at several paiments,* 1.254 to restore all prisoners, and have the same Friends and Enemies with the People of Rome.

7. Cn. Manlius the other Consul was now in Asia, where of that part taken from Antiochus, much he conferred upon Eumenes, and the Rhodians, according to the result of the Senate. This done, he undertook an Expediti∣on against the Gallograecians, or Galatians,* 1.255 a People which having followed Brennus into Greece,* 1.256 after his death, had 90 years before passed into Asia, where they were so terrible, as none denied them tribute before Attalus King of Pergamus. They inhabited vast and high mountains, and in that respect were with difficulty to be come at; but the Consul by throwing darts, especi∣ally at their huge bodies, made great slaughter and subdued them. Returning home through Thrace, he had well nigh lost his booty by the inhabitants that lay in wait for it in the woody passages, and hardly got leave to triumph, be∣cause he had undertaken the War on his own head. It is observed, that luxu∣ry and idlenesse were first brought to Rome by his Army, out of Asia, through the provocations to effeminatenesse there found,* 1.257 and his loose and neglected Government.

8. In the third year after the ending of the War with Antiochus, and the same wherein he died, envy procured the fall of those by whom the Victory was obtained. For, Scipio Africanus was accused of having defrauded the Treasury of the booty taken in the War,* 1.258 and had a day set him by the Tri∣bunes to answer it before the People. It is not certain who was his accuser, some mentioning M. Naevius, and others the two Patilii Tribunes, set on, as some delivered, by M. Porcius Cato the Enemy of Scipio. The day of hearing being come,* 1.259 and the Tribunes having taken their places in the Ro∣stra, the party entred the Assembly with a great train of Friends and Cli∣ents. Silence being made, he put on his triumphal crown, and told the Peo∣ple, how as that day he had overthrown Hannibal and the Carthaginians; wherefore thinking it convenient for that time not to medle with any brawl∣ing businesse, he would go and salute the gods in the Capitol,* 1.260 and give them thanks, that as well that day, as at other times, they had given him both will and power to do eminent service for his Countrey. Then he wished that such of them there present as thought it convenient, would accompany him, and pray that they might have such principal Officers (Principes) as he had been.

9. Going up to the Capitol, the whole Assembly followed him, as also to all the temples in the City, insomuch that the very Viators and Clerks left the Tribunes alone, who also followed, and from accusers turned admi∣rers, (as appeareth from Valerius Maximus) out of very shame. The Tri∣bunes accused him also grievously in the Senate, and desired he might be brought to his answer. He rising up, produced the Books of accounts, where∣in was punctually set down all the particulars, but he tore it in pieces before them all, disdaining to give account for so small a matter in comparison of those vast sums he himself had brought into the Treasury.* 1.261 The next day of appearance he absented himself, and his brother pretending his indisposition, he was excused, and another day appointed, before which he withdrew him∣self to Linternum (or Liternum) a Sea Town of Campania. For he clearly perceived under what envy he laboured,* 1.262 it being also objected against him, that he had spent in idlenesse all that Summer he lay in Sicily, and his power with Antiochus, who having discharged his son without ransom, honoured him above all others, which he willingly took upon him, as one, who alone sate at the helm, and could steer matters concerning Rome according to his pleasure. In his absence the Tribunes were very fierce against him, yet through the interposition of Tiberius Gracchus (formerly accounted his Enemy) he was not condemned.

10. Lucius Scipio Asiaticus his brother was also called to an account, and escaped not condemnation, the money supposed to be retained to his own use, being charged upon his estate; and he was kept from imprisonment meer∣ly by the power of Gracchus.* 1.263 The following year was discovered the abho∣minable practice of certain women at the feasts of Bacchus,* 1.264 which being kept in the night, all manner of filthinesse and continual murders were com∣mitted. At first these festivals were observed but three dayes in a year; but now five in every moneth, and men were admitted, whereas they were be∣gun by women. All who being present and drawn in, would not consent to such abhominations, were sacrificed as beasts,* 1.265 a vast number being bewitch∣ed with this folly.* 1.266 The matter being revealed to Sp. Posthumius Albinus the Consul, he acquainted the Senate with it, by which, order was taken for apprehending the persons, imprisoning some, and putting others to death, as well in other parts of Italy, as in the City; the contagion having infected ma∣ny other places, but especially Capua. It was brought to Rome out of Hetruria.

11. In the second or third year after this discovery, and the fourth of his exile,* 1.267 died P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, whether at Linternum, or Rome, is unknown, the place of his burial being also uncertain.* 1.268 That he died this year, Livy gathereth, because having been Prince or chief of the Senate at the former Lustrum, this year he was left our, (which none used to be as long as he lived) by L. Valerius Flaccus, and M. Porcius Cato the Censors, the former whereof was chosen into the place. Valerius Maximus telleth us, that he commanded this to be ingraven on his Tomb, Ingrata Patria ne ossa quidem mea habes, which sheweth that he was not buried at Rome. He had that hap which usually accompanieth the best men, to find their Country in∣grateful, being of excellent parts, and of a kingly spirit, which he ascribed to himself in Spain, when the natives saluted him by, and would have had him take upon him, the title it self. And upon this account he might be ha∣ted by Cato, who though a virtuous man, was morose and sowre. Livy joyneth with his (in the same year) the death of Philopoemen, and of Han∣nibal;* 1.269 so that the three great Captains of the World at that time, left it de∣solate as it were by agreement. Philopoemen Captain of the Achaeans was through the fall off his Horse, taken in an engagement with the Messenians, and compelled to drink poyson, having done great service for his Countrey. Hannibal having notice that the Romans would demand him from Antiochus, fled into Crete to the Gortynians. Having great treasure with him, and know∣ing himself to be in much danger, because of the Avarice of the Cretans, he filled many barrels with Lead, which covering on the top with Gold, he deposited in the Temple of Diana, trusting the Gortynians with his wealth. Then put he his money into brazen Statues,* 1.270 wich he was wont to cary about with him, and cast them before the gate. They then watching the Temple diligently from none so much as him, he got away secretly, and went to Pru∣sias King of Bithynia, who used him in the Warre against Eumenes. But T. Quintius being sent to Prusias, whether by the Senate on purpose, or up∣on other occasions, demanded him as the grand enemy of Rome, to be deli∣vered into his hands. He had provided in his house several places for issuing out upon such an occasion;* 1.271 but being beset, and no way left to escape, he took poyson, which it's said he caried about him in his ring. So this renown∣ed Captain ended his life in his 70 year; for which thing Quintius was by many hardly thought of, and got the esteem of an importune and cruel man, as Plutarch writeth.

12. After these things,* 1.272 the Ligurians were often defeated by the Con∣suls and other Commanders; many a thousand of them being slain, as also of the Celtiberians and other Nations in Spain who were continually rebel∣ling. The Istrians beat the Romans out of their camp, and put them to the rout; Manlius the Consul in vain opposing it;* 1.273 but shortly after they were discom∣fited by the said Manlius, and afterward fully subdued by Claudius the Con∣sul, who quelled also the Ligurians, as his Collegue Tib. Sempronius Grac∣chus

did the rebellion of Sardinia, with the losse of 1500 of the revol∣ters. About this time Corsica also was subdued. The year following, Corne∣lius one of the Consuls died at the bath at Cumae, into whose place C. Vale∣rius Laevinus was elected. Petilius Spurinus the other Consul fighting against the Ligurians, laboured to take a certain Mountain called Letus, concern∣ing which in his speech to his Soldiers he saying, that that day he would take Letus (Hodie ego Letum utique capiam) by rash fighting confirmed what he had said in another sence (viz. wherein Lethum signifieth death) than he had meant it. These actions abroad were shortly after followed by the second Macedonian War, or that with Perseus, in the 583 year of the City, 24 after the Peace made with his Father, and seventeen after the conclusion with Antiochus.

13. Perseus in a manner succeeded to this War as well as the Kingdom, his Father having intended and made great preparations for it.* 1.274 Puffed up by these preparations, he sought to draw away the Allies of the Romans from their friendship, and abused several of their friends. Their Ambassadors he slighted, refusing to give them audience, which made the Senate resolve upon the War; but it was to be committed to one of the following Consuls; on∣ly for the present, Cn. Sicinius the Praetor of the City was commanded to raise men, and transport them into Epirus, there to seize on the Sea-towns, that the Consul might more freely land his Army. Some were sent also into Greece to confirm the States in their friendship and alliance, who also demanding audience of Perseus, after long waiting, he renounced the league made with the Romans, as entred into at the beginning of his reign meerly for security. Hereupon the Ambassadors renounced also the confede∣racy made with him, and after that the Consuls P. Licinius Crassus and C. Cassius Longinus had assumed their Office, the Warre was propounded to, and decreed by, the People.

14. Quintus Martius and others being sent into Greece to establish the confederates in theit fidelity, Perseus began to bethink himself, and was af∣frighted, hearing of the motions of the Eneny. He applied himself to Martius about a Treaty for Peace, trusting to that friendship which had passed betwixt their two families. The Ambassadors were glad of this addresse, and to divert him granted him Truce, that he might send to Rome, for he had all things in a readinesse,* 1.275 and might have begun the War, as with great advan∣tage to himself, so too speedily to the Romans, who as yet had neither Army nor Leader arrived. Peace was denied him by the Senate, and A. Attilius was sent to seize upon Larissa the chief City of Thessaly. Whereupon he drew together his Forces, having got a greater Army than any of his prede∣cessors were Masters of since Alexander the Great. He took in some Towns upon his borders, and Licinius the Consul led so raw and unexperienced an Army into Macedonia, and through such difficult and almost unpassable pla∣ces, as had Perseus taken his opportunity, he might easily have destroyed it, as also if he had not too soon retreated in a battel fought shortly after.* 1.276 After this he sent to Licinius, offering to embrace the conditions submitted to by his Father, in paying the tribute, and leaving the Cities to their liberty; which yet would not be granted. Then were Thebes and Aliartus taken in by Lu∣cretius the Praetor;* 1.277 and the Consul having had the better in another skirmish, received some Towns, and took up his winter quarters; whilst Appius Clau∣dius in Illyricum lost many men.

15. The year following C. Hostilius the Consul did nothing of moment; yet this he did in reference to the Army; he reduced the Soldiers to that an∣tient discipline which his predecessor had let fall. Q. Marcius Philippus succeeding him, at his first enterance into his Province might easily have been defeated,* 1.278 had he met with a prudent enemy, the wayes being so difficult and dangerous, that the Soldiers could scarcely for wearinesse hold their weapons. And after he had got into the plains he might easily have been shut up on every side, and famished, but that Perseus besotted with fear ran away to Pydna, and left the Straights open to him. Yet Martius did nothing of consequence,

leaving all to be performed by his Successor L. Aemilius Paulus, who had been Consul 17 years before. He caused the Eclypse of the Moon to be fore∣told to his Soldiers, lest they should be discouraged by it, which brought great terrour to the Enemy, that knew nothing of the natural cause.* 1.279 He kept them from fighting when they were weary, though the Officers much desired to ingage. But the Armies lying incamped on each side of the River Eni∣peus, it hapned that a beast passing over from the Roman side, was seized on, and being rescued by degrees drew both the Armies into an ingagement, wherein Perseus lost the day, and with it his Kingdom. Flying into the Isle of Crete, when all forsook him, he delivered up himself into the hands of Cn. Octavius.* 1.280 Aemilius severely chastized the Epirots, who had joyned with Perseus, plundering and demolishing about 70 of their Towns, whereby so much booty was got, as each foot-man had 200 Denarii, and every hors-man as much more. But the Soldiers having got little or no plunder in Macedo∣nia, nor any of the King's Treasure, denied their General a Triumph, which yet he obtained, and that very splendid. Of his four sons, the two eldest he granted to be adopted to Fabius Maximus, and Publius Scipio the son of Africanus, and of his two youngest, the one died five dayes before his Tri∣umph, and the other three dayes after, which losse he sustained with great courage. Before his Triumphal Chariot was led Perseus with his two sons, and this same year Triumphed Cn. Octavius the Praetor at Sea, besides; L. A∣nicius, before whose Chariot was led Gentius King of the Illyrians, whom being the Confederate of Perseus he had subdued, and forced to yield himself. This hapned to Macedonia and Illyricum, in the 586 year of the Citie, the said Aemilius, and L. Licinius Crassus being Consuls.

16. In the late War, Eumenes King of Pergamus, and the Rhodians,* 1.281 being wrought upon by Perseus, stood Neuters, whereupon Eumenes coming towards Rome, the Senate being unwilling either to declare him friend or foe, made a decree in General,* 1.282 that no King should come into the Citie: the Rhodians with much ado, and after much seeking, were hardly received as friends and confederates. The same year that Perseus was overthrown, Antiochus Epi∣phanes besieging Ptolomy in Alexandria, upon the desire of the besieged. C. Popillius Laenas an austere man, with C. Decimus,* 1.283 were sent from the Se∣nate to command him to desist, which he obeyed. After this the Romans fought in Liguria and Corsica with various fortune, the Dalmatians who had wasted the Borders of Illyricum and had overcome, and were overcome by C. Marcius, were subdued by Scipio Nasica. But in Spain things went so badly, and such losses were received, that the Citie was abashed, none being found who would either go Lieutenant to the Consul, or take place of a Tri∣bune upon him,* 1.284 till Scipio Aemilianus (the son of Paulus Aemilius, but adopted by Scipio the son of the African) standing up offered himself, and by his example drew on others. He went Lieutenant to Lucullus the Consul, and behaving himself most gallantly in the War, killed an Enemy in a Duel which had challenged out any one in the Army, and first mounted the Walls of Intercatia.

17. Lucullus subdued several Nations in Spain, though Sulpicius Galba unfortunately fought against the Lusitanians. About the same time one An∣driscus, an obscure man in Macedonia, but something resembling Philip,* 1.285 counterfeited himself the base son of Perseus.* 1.286 He was once sent to Rome by Demetrius the King of Syria, but making thence an escape returned, and renewed his claim to Macedonia, which partly by fair means, and partly by constraint, he got into his hands. Juventius the Praetor was first sent against him; but he having strengthned himself with the Thracians, cut him off and all his Army, and invaded Thessaly, whence he was ejected by the help of the Achaeans. After this,* 1.287 Q. Metellus the Praetor sufficiently revenged the Commonwealth upon him, for he overthrew him in a great battel, whence he fled to Byzus, a petty King of Thrace, who delivering him up, he led him in Triumph.* 1.288 Metellus (accounted most fortunate) reduced Macedo∣nia in this third Macedonian War into the form of Province, which shortly

after also hapned to Africk. For, even now was prosecuting with all earnest∣nesse the third and last Punick or Carthaginian War, and the ruin of the Citie Carthage it self.

18. Their opinion is not faulty, who professe not to be able to find any Meritorious cause of this War in the Carthaginians, & theirs, who affirm that Carthage was more hated for its competition of Empire, than for any fault it had committed in those times.* 1.289 But there wanted not pretences. For,* 1.290 di∣vers times had Masanissa King of Numidia, and the Carthaginians, quar∣relled about grounds upon the Borders, and often had the Romans sent to take up the quarrel, but especially of late not with indifferency had they judged, for that the fault lay in Masanissa, who being a great friend of theirs, presumed too much upon their affection to himself, and the jealousie wherewith he knew them prejudiced against the other. The Ambassadors also that were sent to Carthage, finding the Citie full, and flourishing, from that peace they had now enjoyed about fifty years, and provided also for War as well as peace, spake much of the danger which threatned Rome from it; especially Cato, who never came into the Senate, but after that he had spo∣ken his mind to any businesse, added, This I think, and that Carthage is to be destroyed. He was earnestly contradicted by Scipio Nasica, who feared, that this rival for Empire once being removed, security would breed the destru∣ction of the Commonwealth, as it too truely proved, this security being strengthned by luxury and avarice, which the Asiatick Triumphs had brought in. But Cato's reasons drawn from present danger, so, in the apprehension of the Senate, over-ruled Scipio's forecast, that they resolved upon a War, and kept the resolution close till they could catch at a convenient opportuni∣ty and pretence.

19. There being at this time three factions in Carthage, one affected to∣wards the Romans, another standing for the true interest of the State it self, and the third for Masanissa, this later was expelled by the second, and a Law made that they should never be again received. Those men flying to Masanissa, he sent Gulussa his son to intercede for them, who being laid in wait for by Amilcar Samnis, although he escaped, yet thereupon the King be∣sieged Horoscopa, a Town he much desired; which act was expresly against the articles of the League. Asdrubal went with a great Army to raise the siege, and a bloudy battel was fought, wherein the Carthaginians were over∣thrown; but more died of the Plague, being incompassed near a Lake, which by its noisom vapours corrupted the air. Hereby the remnant were forced to yield, and consent to a great Tribute, with the receiving back of their Exiles, and yet were they almost all slain by a party of horse sent against them, out of revenge by Gulussa. The Carthaginians therefore had now had an Army in the field, and that against a confederate of Rome, which was against the tenour of the last League. This advantage the Romans took, and ordered the Consuls to undertake the War, though the other condemned those that had broken the League, and most humbly offered any reasonable satisfaction. M. Manilius Nepos, and L. Marcius Censorinus being now on their jour∣ney, it was answered, that they should enjoy all as formerly, if within 30 dayes they would send 300 hostages, (all sons of Senators, or the principal Ci∣tizens) to Lilybaeum, and do what the Consuls should further command them. The Carthaginians desirous to give satisfaction within the time limited sent the Children, and when now the Consuls were landed at Utica (which being a Sea-Town convenient for their purpose had been seized on before∣hand) thither they sent their Commissioners to wait on them, and know their pleasure. Censorinus the Senior Consul commending their diligence, demanded all their Arms,* 1.291 which without any deceit were delivered up. Now with tears imploring mercy they desired to know their last doom, and were commanded to leave their Citie (which the Consuls had order to level with the ground) and build another any where in their own Territories, so it were but ten miles from the Sea. This they received with great horrour and rage, and all resolved rather to die than forsake, or give way to the ruin of, their an∣tient seat and habitation.

20. The Consuls delayed to begin the War, as not doubting in the least but to take the Citie thus disarmed and naked at their pleasure. But they found it not so; for the Inhabitants acted by indignation and fury, though at first scarce themselves, setled their minds to resistance, men and women working night and day in making of Arms. Where iron and brasse were wanting, they made use of Gold and Silver; and the women gave the hair of their heads to supply the defect of Tow, or Flax. They made also Asdrubal (whom before for fear of the Romans they had condemned) their General in the field, where he had already a good Army. When the Consuls came against the Citie, they found such resistance that they were discouraged, and the resolution of the besieged increased hereby.* 1.292 They ingaged several times to their disadvantage, and might have suffered much, had not the Army been secured and brought off, through the great wisdom and courage of Scipio Aemilianus, who drew off also Pharneas, the Master of the Carthaginian hors-men, to his own party; which things procured him an exceeding great name. This year died Masanissa 90 years old, leaving a son but of four years behind him; and trusting his Kingdom with Scipio, to be at his discre∣tion disposed of to his Children. This same year also died Cato, being a∣bout 85 years of age,* 1.293 and lived not to see the too much desired ruin of Car∣thage.

21. The year following, Calpurnius Piso the Consul, and Mancinus the Admiral did no great matters, besieging Clupea, and Hippo (a Town situate betwixt Carthage and Utica) to no purpose. Within Carthage, Asdrubal Grand-son to Masanissa by his daughter, being joyned in commission with the other Asdrubal without, was accused by him as intending to betray the Citie to his Uncle Gulussa, and having nothing to say for himself, or being too slow in it, was knocked on the head by a form in the Council-house. Now at Rome were all mens eyes upon Scipio Aemilianus, looking on him as destined to end the War; and whereas he sought but the Aedileship, and it was against the Law for him to be chosen Consul so young (being but 36. whereas the Law required 43) it was dispensed with for this time,* 1.294 and then was he made Consul, who so ordered the matter, though not wholy during his Consulship, as he demonstrated the people not to have conceived vain hopes concerning him.

22. For, restoring Discipline which had gone much to wreck through the neglect of Piso, he soon after took that part of Carthage, called Megara, and drove the Inhabitants into the Citadel or Byrsa. Then securing the Isthmus leading to the Citie, he cut off all Provisions from out of the Countrey, and blocked up the Haven; but the Citizens with incredible industry cut out an∣other passage into the Sea, whereby at certain times they could receive ne∣cessaries from the Army without. Scipio therefore in the beginning of Win∣ter set upon their forces lying abroad, whereof he slew 70000. and took 10000.* 1.295 so that now no relief could be obtained from without. In the be∣ginning of Spring, he first took the Wall leading to the Haven Citho, and then the Forum, where was a most lamentable spectacle, some being killed by the sword, and other wayes, others half killed by the fall of houses, or by fire, or half buried in the earth; or having one Limb torn from another. Six dayes the siege of the Citadel continued. On the seventh it was desired by some that all who would come forth should have their lives, which being granted to all but revolters, some 50000 yielded,* 1.296 and afterward Asdrubal him∣self, who was reviled for it by the revolters (who set fire to the Temple, and therewith burnt themselves) as also by his wife, which threw her self with her two Children into the flames.

23. Then was the Citie destroyed, being 22 miles in compasse, and so big, that the burning of it continued 17 dayes. The Senate at Rome receiving the news joyfully, sent ten of their own Rank whom they joyned with Scipio for disposing of the Countrey. They ordered none of Carthage to be left, and that it should never be rebuilt,* 1.297 laying heavy curses on those that should do it. All the Cities which assisted it in the War were to be razed, and the

grounds given to the friends of the People of Rome:* 1.298 the rest of the Towns were to be tributaries, and governed yearly by a Praetor. All the Captives were sold, except some of the chief. And such was the destruction of this renowned City, so famous once for command and Empire, and rival to Rome it self, after it had stood about 700 years, in the fourth after the beginning of the War, the 608 of Rome, the third of the 158 Olympiad, and the fifth of Ptolomy Physcon. A. M. 3859, Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and L. Mummius Nepos being Consuls.

SECT. IV. From the destruction of Carthage to the War with Mithridates King of Pontus, which afforded the occasion to the first Civil War, the space of 58 years.

1. THis year was fatal, not onely to the greatest City of Africk, but of Greece also; Corinth that famous Mart-town being levelled with the ground.* 1.299 The occasion was given by the Achaeans themselves,* 1.300 who violated the Roman Ambassadors (though whether by word or deed is uncertain) who were sent to dissolve their Communality, and leave the Cities to their own peculiar Laws, which because of this union and fellowship had been too formi∣dable. They had also in conjunction with the Boeotians and those of Chalcis, made War against the Lacedaemonians the friends and allies of Rome, be∣cause they would not be subject to them. Upon these grounds the Senate de∣creed the War, which Metellus as yet in Macedonia first undertook; who drawing down his Army through Thessaly into Boeotia, there overthrew Cri∣tolaus, then took Thebes, with Megara, and coming to the Isthmus was there treating of Peace, when L. Mummius the Consul came into this his Province. He overthrew Diaeus the Achaean General, after which he en∣tred Corinth and razed it, because there the Ambassadors had been abused. The men were slain, and the women and children sold,* 1.301 with all such slaves as the Achaeans had manumitted for the Wars. As Scipio, who destroyed Car∣thage (as his Grand-father before him for conquering it) had the sirname of Africanus, and Metellus for his reducing Macedonia, that of Macedo∣nicus; so this year Mummius for this successe obtained the Sirname of Achaicus,* 1.302 and according to the custom, having others joyned with him, re∣duced those parts and all Greece with Epirus into the form of a Province, cal∣led afterwards Achaia, not Greece, because the Greeks were subdued when the Achaeans had the chief command, as Pausanias writeth.

2. Now was it 74 years since the Romans, in the second year of the se∣cond Punick War, entred Spain in an hostile manner, and since that time, especially since the departure of Scipio Africanus the elder, many had the risings and struglings of that People been, of all others most impatient of the yoak. Now was Viriaetus up in arms, who of a shepherd became a robber, and of a robber a General over such-like as himself,* 1.303 and made the Romans work sufficient for the space of 14 years, in which time he defeated many Armies. Q. Fabius Maximus Semilianus (or rather Aemilianus, being brother to Scipio Aemilius, and adopted by Fabius Maximus) after some successe was yet by him brought to such straights,* 1.304 as glad he was to ask Peace upon equal terms, which Caepio the Consul of the following year refusing to stand to, received orders from the Senate accordingly to prosecute the War. Caepio attempted at unawares to destroy him;* 1.305 but he escaped, and sending Ambassadors to treat of Peace, Caepio so wrought on them, that returning they murdered him, to their own shame, and the Consul's small credit, in his bed.

3. But, a more dangerous War than this threatned from Numantia a town of no great bignesse, yet peopled with most valiant, though but few, Inhabitants.

Before Viriatus his death they had foiled Q. Pompeius the Consul several times, and forced him to condescend to a dishonourable Peace,* 1.306 which though he de∣nied, was sufficiently proved, and by favour onely he escaped that punish∣ment which fell on Mancinus, who being constrained to accept of the same terms, was delivered up to the Enemy; but (as the Samnites formerly did by another after the defeat at Caudinum) they refused to receive him. After this Brutus defeated many thousands of the Lusitanians, and overthrew the Gallaecians; but Lepidus the Proconsul set upon the Vaccaei an harmlesse Peo∣ple of the hithermost Spain, or Hispania Terraconensis (for in the 559 year of the City,* 1.307 Spain was divided into Citerior or Terraconensis, and Ulterior or Betiea, and Lusitania, two Praetors being yearly sent thither, the num∣ber of which Officers was therefore upon this occasion increased to six) by whom he was utterly defeated.* 1.308 These things so affrighted the Roman Soldier, that he almost quaked at the sight of a Spaniard, and at Rome men were sei∣zed with great fear and shame. Therefore Scipio Aemilianus Africanus must be created Consul the second time, as the onely refuge and hope of his Country.

4. At the first he restored discipline, the want of which had spoiled all, but then coming to engage, found the courage of the Enemy such, that he resolved to fight no more, but lay close siege to Numantia, and govern him∣self according to the comportment of affairs. At length the besiged greatly straightned offered to yield upon reasonable conditions,* 1.309 or fight if they might have battel given them, which being denied, having drunk strong drink on purpose, they assailed the besiegers so fiercely, that the Romans had run, but that Scipio was the General. At last they fired the City over their own heads, and scarcely one of them remained to be led in triumph. This famous City was seated in the hithermost Spain, in the head of Gallaecia, and the confines of the Coltiberians. It had with 4000 men, for the space of fourteen years, saith Florus, or twenty according to Strabo, born the brunt of 40000 Ro∣mans, and many times put them to shameful flight with great slaughter. Sci∣pio destroyed it, after he had for a year and three moneths continued the siege, fourteen years after he had so dealt with Carthage, in the 621 of the City, A. M. 3871, P. Mutius Scaevola and L. Calpurnius Piso Fruges (both learn∣ed men) being Consuls. At this time a servile War was raised in Sicily by one Ennus a Syrian of Apamea,* 1.310 the slave of Antigenes of Enna.* 1.311 It was followed by Calpurnius Piso the Consul, and finished by P. Rupilius Nepos his Successor. Twenty thousand slaves were by him slain in battel: Ennus being cast in prison died (it's said, of the lowsie disease) at Mor∣gantia.

5. Ever since the beginning of the Tarentine War to this time, for the space of almost 150 years was there much modesty, abstinence, selfdenial, valour and virtue amongst the Romans in general, of which yet especially the Fabii, Fabritii, Marcelli, Curii, Metelli, the Scipio's and Aemilii have left examples admirable to be commended to all posterity, such were their cautious and politick yet just and noble carriage both at home and abroad. But now the Asian Expeditions and Triumphs having brought in excesse and riot, and the ruine of Carthage having taken away fear, idlenesse with security by degrees stole in upon them, and the infirmity of the Government (after that fear, which hitherto had preserved it safe, was removed) again effectually shewed it self. For though after this time many a People was subdued and brought under, and much glory gotten abroad, yet was it stained by emulations, jealousies, and contentions at home, and even by shedding the blood of one another in an open though civil feud, which first came to passe while the for∣mer things were performed in Spain by Scipio.

6. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus son to one of the same name (who had been twice Consul and once Censor) by Cornelia an excellent woman,* 1.312 daughter of Africanus the elder,* 1.313 being Quaestor to Mancinus the Consul in Spain, had an hand in the dishonourable Peace made by him, for which be∣ing reflected on by the Senate, or or at least thinking himself so to be, acted

now by shame and fear, in distast of the Nobility, as it's said, he cast in his head how to become gracious and popular with the commons. Procuring himself to be chosen Tribune, he preferred a Law, forbidding any man to possesse above 500 acres of the publick grounds, and ordering the overplus to be divided to the poor. For,* 1.314 such grounds as the People of Rome took from their Enemies, they were wont, if tilled, to divide to their own Citi∣zens; if not arable, they then let them out to farm by the Censors to Ita∣lians, or the ordinary sort of Romans, on condition, that if they plowed them, they should pay the tenth part of the Corn, and the fifth of other fruits: and if they bred up Cattel, they were charged with a certain rent. But it came to passe, that by incredible impudence and licentiousnesse of the rich, the Husband-men were outed of their antient possessions, which by purchas∣ing and other wayes they got wholly into their hands, so that the Publick was defrauded of it's revenue, and the poor of their livelyhoods. For restrain∣ing the avarice of the rich, the Lex Licinia and Sempronia were enacted. Gracchus increased the former by adding that, lest the Law should be wrested, half should be given to the children, and the rest divided to such poor as had nothing. And if any went about to inlarge their portion by purchase, Tri∣umviri or three men should be yearly appointed to judge what ground was publick, and what private.

7. This netled the Nobility exceedingly, who by virtue of this Law were to part with their inheritances; and one of his Collegues, Octavius by name,* 1.315 opposed it, for which he so handled him, as glad he was to quit his place, in∣to which Gracchus chose Q. Mummius one of his own facton. This severity being without president, much alienated even the minds of the multitude from Gracchus, who also perceiving there was not ground enough to quiet them all (the expectation of whom he had now raised) he offered a Law for distributing the money which Attalus King of Pergamus had left,* 1.316 together with his Kingdom, to the People of Rome. The Senate being assembled to consult what was to be done, and all being of opinion that P. Mutius Scaevo∣la the Consul should defend the Commonwealth by arms, he refused to do any thing by force. Hereupon Scipio Nasica taking up his gown under his left arm, held up his right hand, and bade every one that loved the State to follow him. Up he went into the Capitol,* 1.317 being accompanied with most of the Senate, many Equites, and some Commoners, where Gracchus was speaking to the People, and endeavoring to be chosen Tribune for the follow∣ing year. They fell upon him and his hearers, whereof they killed 300, and amongst them himself with a piece of a seat as he ran down from the Capitol. Thus he fell by the means of his own kinsman,* 1.318 being a most excellently accom∣plished man, though too violent in a matter honest enough.* 1.319 And this was the first blood which in a seditious way the Romans first drew from one ano∣ther, observed by Cicero to have been at the same time that the other Scipio destroyed Numantia.

8. At this time were there some risings at Athens, and in Delos,* 1.320 being as sparks of that fire formerly kindled by Ennus in Sicily, which with some trou∣ble were extinguished; neither was Italy altogether free from them. But a more noble War insued about the Kingdom of Asia. For,* 1.321 Attalas King of Pergamus or Asia (for so he is called, because of a good part of Asia given to Eumenes his father) by his last will left the People of Rome his heir: But after his death Aristonicus his base brother seized on the Kingdom as his in∣heritance.* 1.322 First was Licinius Crassus the Consul sent against him,* 1.323 but was overthrown, and being taken struck one of the Soldiers on the eye, on pur∣pose to provoke him to kill him, which he did. He having thus miscaried (though he was assisted in his enterprise by several Kings,) his Successor M. Perpenna, hasting into Asia set upon Aristonicus at unawares, when he was not yet recovered of the security contracted by his Victory, and over∣throwing him in battel besieged him in Stratonice, where he forced him by famine to yield, and shortly after the Consul died at Pergamus. The re∣mainder of the War was finished by M. Aquilius the next year's Consul,* 1.324

who poisoned Fountains for taking in some Cities, and having together with those joyned with him (according to the custom) setled the Province with suf∣ficient oppression of the people, he led Aristonicus in Triumph, though taken by another man's labour; who by order of the Senate was strangled in prison, in the 625 year of the Citie,* 1.325 the said M. Aquilius Nepos, and C. Sempronius Tuditanus being Consuls.

9.* 1.326 The civil dissentions died not with Gracchus (who perished four years before) his Law for division of the grounds being still in force, and the peo∣ple being sensible of the equity thereof, as they accounted it; for that the rich had got all into their hands,* 1.327 and those that underwent all the toyl in Conquering the Land, were ready to starve, being also exhausted by the Wars, and almost none but slaves left in Italy for ordering of the grounds. Gracchus had a younger brother called Caius, whom together with Fulvius Flaccus, and Papirius Carbo, he had made Triumviri for division of the grounds.* 1.328 He with his Collegues undertook the patronage of the Law, and prosecuting his Enterprize with all earnestnesse, such trouble arose about the division, in accounting and removing, that the Italians finding themselves agrieved betook themselves to Scipio Africanus. He refused not to under∣take their patronage, yet in the Senate spake nothing against the Law; onely thought fit that the executive power thereof should be taken from the Trium∣viri, and given to some others. The Senate most willingly did this, and con∣ferred it on Sempronius Tuditanus the Consul, who finding the work trouble∣som, went his way under pretence of the War in Illyricum. There being now none to flie to in this case, the people conceived great indignation against Scipio, as ingratefull, and favouring the Italians more than themselves, from which his Enemies took occasion to raise further jealousies. Indeed hearing of Gracchus his death at Numantia by repeating a verse in* 1.329 Homer he liked well of what was done to him, and being at his return asked concerning his death, he approved of it before all the people, which being offended at him for it, he rebuked the multitude with contumelious language. But at night going to his Chamber, he meditated of something he intended to speak to the people the day following, and in the morning was found dead in his bed, it's uncertain by what means.* 1.330 Cornelia the Mother of the Gracchi was suspected to have joyned with her daughter his wife (who being not over-handsome, neither loved him much not was over much loved) in practizing some∣thing upon him. No inquisition was made after his death, and he was bu∣ried privately, though so great a man, and one that had been the pillar of the Commonwealth.

10. The Possessors of the grounds still made delayes in the division, and some thought that they to whom they were to be divided should in way of recompense be made free of the Citie, which however pleasing to others, was highly displeasing to the Senate. While men muttered much of these things, C. Gracchus procured the Tribuneship, and then bearing a grudge to the Senate effectually shewed it.* 1.331 He preferred a Law for dividing of the publick Corn to every man monethly, and getting his Office continued to him for another year, that he might gratifie the Equites, brought down the Office of judging corrupt Officers from the Senators unto them. Romulus, as we said, instituted three Centuries of Equites or Hors-men, whereof one from himself was named Ramnensis, another from Fitus Tatius, Tatiensis; and the third from Lucanio (or Lucus) Luceris. Under Romulus, and the Kings, they were also called Celeres, Flexumines and Trossuli. Afterwards, Tarquinius Priscus added 300 more, and so there continued to be 600 E∣quites.* 1.332 But though they were in the Commonwealth from the beginning, yet had they no peculiar order, authority, or rank, till this Law of Gracchus, by which it was enacted, that these judgements should be peculiar to them. Their reputation thence forward increased with various successe about the Publi∣cans till Cicero's time, who boasting himself of this order, procured it such honour, that from his Consulship it came to be as a peculiar order in the State (before being included in the Plebeian, though it had a distinction by way

of service) being added to the Senatorian and Plebeian; out of which re∣spect it was written after them both. Thus in several times were there se∣veral Ranks and distinctions; the first distinction was betwixt Patricians and Plebeians; then Plebeians wresting from the other a Communion in the greatest Offices and places, though Patricians might still be distinguished in reference to Families, yet all Dignities being common to the rest with them, such Plebeians as could rise to be Senators, constituted with the other the Se∣natorian rank (which included the Patritian, though the Patritian not it) thence∣forth distinct from the Plebeian which still contained the Equites. Then, as was said, the Equites by the means of Gracchus and Cicero brake out from amongst the Plebeians into a rank of their own.

11. By this Law (saith Florus) Gracchus so divided the people of Rome, that he made it double headed (bicipitem, which expression Varro also used, as appeareth from Nonius) and the Equites having the lives, and fortunes of Senators and Nobles in their hands, by seizing on the Revenue, with autho∣rity pilled the Commonwealth. He took the best time that could be de∣vised for the making of the Law, because the Senators having had hitherto the power of judging, were become odious of late, in that for money they had acquitted Aurelius Cotta, Salinator, and M. Aquilius, persons Capi∣tally guilty of corruption. Its said, he boasted, that by this Law he had cut the finews of the Senatorian rank.* 1.333 And so he did; for by the authority of judicature they passed sentence upon Roman Citizens, Italians and Senators, noting them with ignominy, banishing, or putting them to death at pleasure; till such time as their power was abated, as will he seen. For in the Comitia, or Assemblies, they conspired with the Tribunes, and obtaining thereby what they pleased, had all things in their power, and flourished with riches, where∣as nothing remained to Senators, but a vain shew of Dignity. The Senators prevailed with Servilius Caepio when Consul, to make themselves partakers of the power of judging, by a Law which he got preferred; yet still had the Equites the better, for 300 Senators onely were added to them, who were in number 600. By the Laws of Livius Drusus, Sylla and Cotta their power was abated, Drusus making it but equal in judgement with that of Senators. Sylla transferred it wholely to the Senators, and Aurelius Cotta communi∣cated the power of judging to three sorts; viz. Senators, Equites, and the Tribuni Aerarii. But the Equites alone were wont to farm the customes of the Censors for five years, and thence from their farming the Publick Revenue had the name of Publicans.* 1.334 These were the principal of the Equestrian order, the Ornament of the Citie, and the strength of the State, who made so many Companies as there were Provinces subject to the payment of Toll, Tribute, Custom, or Impost.

12. But, C. Gracchus, further than this, to gratifie the Commons, repaired the high-wayes throughout Italy, sent forth Colonies, bade the Italians sue for their freedom, and gave power of suffrages to other Friends and Allies, contrary to the custom;* 1.335 whom the Senate forbad to come near the Citie, at such time as they knew his Laws would be offered, and to please the people, they gave way to the sending out of twelve Colonies. Gracchus thus frustrated, departed into Africk with Flaccus his Collegue, intending to plant a Colony where Carthage stood; but was disappointed therein also, Wolves, it's said, removing the bounds of the intended Citie by night, as they were laid by day, whereupon the Sooth-sayers pronounced the design unlawfull. Ha∣ving been twice Tribune, he stood for it the third time, and had many voices; but his Collegues offended by his vehement carriage, got Minucius Rufus chosen into his place, who rescinded many of his Laws. Gracchus inraged hereat, when the Assembly was met, went up to the Capitol, accompanied with Flaccus and his friends privily Armed. There Attilius the Crier of Opimius the Consul taking him by the hand, and desiring him to spare his own Countrey, was slain. He then went about to excuse the fact to the peo∣ple, but could not be heard, and so together with Flaccus, and his other Con∣federates got them home, the Consul keeping strict watch all night in the

Citie. After this they were cited by the Senate to come and give an ac∣count of their actions, but they betook themselves to the Aventine Mount, where fortifying themselves, they offered in vain liberty to all slaves that would come in to them. But the Consul sending a party against them,* 1.336 Grac∣chus fled into a grove beyond Tiber, and procured his slave to kill him, who instantly after he had cut off his head, run himself through with the bloody sword.* 1.337 Flaccus flying to a friends house was betrayed and slain: and of their party, through the severe inquisition of the Consul, were put to death 3000 persons, 11 years after the death of the elder Gracchus. In the Consulship of this Opimius was there such a temper of the air called Coctura, that wine be∣ing congealed through the heat of the Sun into a consistency of honey, kept good for near 200 years, and from him had the name of Vinum Opimianum, being still preserved in Plinius(a) 1.338 his time, though(b) 1.339 Paterculus denieth there was any in his, which was long before.

13. The death of Gracchus (whose head was not Sacrosanct, as Florus imagineth, being out of the Office of Tribune) for the present allayed the di∣stempers of the Commonwealth.* 1.340 For, presently after was a Law made,* 1.341 that any one might sell his Land, which the Elder Gracchus had forbidden, where∣by the poor, partly by purchase, & partly by constraint, were again dispossessed. Afterward the Law for division was fully abrogated by Sp. Borcus, and the grounds left to their antient Owners, with this condition, that a Tribute out of them should be payed to the people, and this divided man by man. But not long after another Tribune abrogated the Tribute it self, and so nothing was left remaining to the poor.

14. During these Domestick troubles the Sardinians rebelled, and were reduced by L. Aurelius,* 1.342 and the Fregellans were punished with the losse of their Citie by L. Opimius the Praetor. Upon Africk fell such a Pestilence, as for its Original,* 1.343 and effects, was strange and wonderfull.* 1.344 It arose from an infinite number of Locusts, which having overspread the ground, and destroyed not onely Corn and other fruits, but even Trees and dry things themselves, at length by a wind were driven into the Mediterranean Sea, and there putri∣fying corrupted the air. Hence ensued a most fearfull plague, both of men, Cattel, and Fowls. In Numidia, where Micipsa was now King, 800000 died; upon the Sea-Coasts about Carthage and Utica 200000; and in Utica it self 30000 Soldiers there lying in Garriison, 1500 being reported to have been carried out in one day through one Gate alone. Two years after, Q. Metellus the Consul subdued the Islands Baleares, and restrained pyracy there maintained, and at the same time was carried on the War, called Bellum Allobrogicum;* 1.345 which hence arose.* 1.346 The Salies in Gall beyond the Alps in∣vaded the Massilians, the friends of the people of Rome, and for this were chastized by Fulvius, and subdued by C. Sextius Calvinus. Teutomalus their King flying out of the battel, was received, and protected by the Allobroges, who also invaded the Aedui friends of Rome, and drew into Confederacy the Arverni. First, Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus overthrew them, and (by the use of Elephants especially) slew 20000. and took 3000 prisoners. After him Q. Fabius Maximus (Grandson of Paulus Aemilius, by his son adop∣ted into the Fabian family) defeated them, with the Arverni and Ruteni, in a bloody battel, wherein 120000 are reported to have been slain, and ta∣king Bituitus (or Betultus) King of the Arverni prisoner, obtained the sirname of Allobrogicus. These Allobroges inhabited about the Countreys now called Daulphine and Savoy: the Ruteni nearer to the Sea; the Ar∣verni more toward the North; the Aedui in Burgundy,* 1.347 and the Saloii or Salyes in Piemont. Now was Gallia Narbonensis reduced into a Pro∣vince.

15. But the Scordisci, a people of Gallish Original, inhabiting Thrace,* 1.348 de∣feated the Roman Army under Cato the Consul, yet were afterwards driven back into their own Countrey by Didius the Praetor,* 1.349 and the Consul Drusus; and after this gave occasion of a glorious Triumph to Minutius, of which ho∣nour Metellus also had partaken. These transactions of Thrace are of all

others most unknown; either because they are confounded with those of Illy∣ricum, Pannonia, Mysia, or Macedonia; or because what has been writ∣ten of that subject in particular, hath miscaried. Now we arrive at two Wars both together, and carying noyse sufficient with them through the va∣riety of events, and fulnesse of history: viz. that with Jugurtha, and the other with the Cimbri and Teutones. Now to know the Original of the for∣mer, it's necessary to fetch things a little higher.

16. Masanissa King of Numidia, that old and constant friend of the Ro∣mans, left three sons: Gulassa, Mastanabal, and Micipsa, of whom the last (his brothers being dead) obtained the Kingdom alone.* 1.350 He had two sons, Hiempsal and Adherbal, with whom he brought up Jugurtha his bro∣ther Mastanabal's son in the same condition, and receiving letters from Sci∣pio out of Spain, who gave him large commendations (and under whom he served with his Uncle's Auxiliary forces) he adopted him.* 1.351 When Micipsa was dead, Jugurtha murdered Hiempsal, and attempted to do as much for Adherbal, who fled to the Romans for succour. By this time avarice and injustice had so much possessed the City, that Jugurtha sensible of it, sent Ambassadors to Rome with full hands, who so wrought upon the Senate, that might overcame right, and it was decreed, that ten Commissioners should be sent to divide the Kingdom betwixt them. The Commissioners thinking they might lawfully imitate those that sent them, were bribed to bestow the richest and best Peopled part upon Jugurtha, who therewith not satisfied, after their departure, fell sodainly upon Adherbal, besieged him in Cirtha, and at length getting him into his hands made him away. For this, War was at length decreed against him by the Senate, and committed to the manage∣ment of L. Calpurnius Bestia the Consul, in the 643 year of the City,* 1.352 the second of the 167 Olympiad, the seventh of Ptolomy Lathurus, the 25 of Joh. Hyrcanus, P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, and the said Calpurnius being Consuls.

17. Calpurnius invaded Numidia with great fiercenesse, and took in some Towns, but was presently stopped in his career, being allured with the gol∣den balls of Jugurtha; so that a Treaty of Peace was set on foot. The Se∣nate was moved hereat, and at the power of M. Scaurus, who accompany∣ing the Consul as his friend and counsellor, was guilty of the same crime. The People was perswaded to send L. Cassius Longinus the Praetor to fetch Ju∣gurtha to Rome upon the publick faith, to discover his complices, whereof he had by gold procured many in the Senate it self.* 1.353 Cassius perswaded him to cast himself upon the Peoples mercy, and he came to the City in a mourn∣ing habit. But coming into the Assembly to do as he was commanded, Bae∣lus the Tribune bade him hold his Peace, being also bribed to put off the businesse, and delude the People. At this time there was one Massina the son of Gulussa his cousin german at Rome, who when he had murdered Ad∣herbal escaped out of Africk. Him Albinus the Consul, (who gladly would have had to do with Numidia) perswaded to beg the Kingdom of the Senate: but Jugurtha having some notice hereof, procured him to be killed, and conveyed away the murderer into Numidia. Hereupon within a few dayes he was commanded to be gone, and being out of the City, he looked back upon it, and uttered these words: O City that wouldest be sold if there was but a chapman for thee. This he said, as having himself experience of the corruption of it's Inhabitants; so horribly were they now degenerated from the fidelity and abstinence of the preceding age.

18. Albinus followed him with an Army, and at first seemed to be very ambitious of finishing the War, before the creation of new Consuls. But upon some account he prolonged it, and his brother, by virtue of some com∣pact, withdrew from Suthul, where the treasure of the Kingdom lay, when he was about to besiege it. The Centurions also were so corrupted, as Jugurtha was suffered to break into the Camp, whence beating out the Ar∣my, he either forced, or by former agreement, brought Albinus to submit unto most dishonourable terms. In this condition Metellus the following

Consul found affairs and the Army spoiled for want of discipline. But bring∣ing the Soldiers into good order,* 1.354 within the space of two years he overthrew Jugurtha several times, outed him of several Towns, and chased him fur∣ther than his own borders, which constrained him to submit and beg Peace; but the conditions thereof he brake, and the former hostility returned. Now was there one C. Marius, Legatus or Lieutenant to Metellus, who by his good demeanour won much upon the Soldiers, for being desirous of the Con∣sulship, he took all wayes to purchase their favour. He calumniated Metel∣lus privily to the Merchants at Utica, avowing that he was able with half of the Army, and that within a few dayes, to take Jugurtha. By these speeches he procured many complaints to be written to Rome against Metellus,* 1.355 and getting leave to go thither, obtained his desire, being created Consul, and had the management of the War committed to him, which now was even ended. Notwithstanding, the People was so grateful to Metellus, that at his return, being certified what he had done, they both granted him a Triumph, and bestowed on him the sirname of Numidicus.

19. This was the fourth Metellus, who from the Nation subdued obtained a sirname. The first was Q. Caecilius Metellus sirnamed Macedonicus, of whom we have formerly spoken. Much is said of this man's* 1.356 felicity, whereof this is chief, that when he died, he had, of four sons, seen three Consuls,* 1.357 and the fourth Praetor. Of these, the first was Q. Metellus sirna∣med Balearicus from his subduing the Baleares, who was Consul in the 631 year of the City: the second L. Metellus, who was Consul in the 635 year: the third M. Metellus, Consul in the 639 year, the same wherein his father died: and the fourth C. Metellus of Praetorian rank. But the third of this name who obtained a sirname was L. Coecilius Metellus, sirnamed first Diade∣matus, because having an ulcer in his forehead, he kept it bound a long time, and afterwards Dalmaticus, from the Dalmatians whom he subdued to get him a Triumph; this People having nothing offended. He was son to L. Cae∣cilius Metellus Calvus, who was Consul in the 612 year. Lastly, the fourth thus sirnamed was this Q. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus, who was Consul together with M. Junius Silanus in the 645 year of the City.

20. Marius after some time took the City Capsa a place very rich and strong, and after this another called Mulucha. Jugurtha finding himself too weak, drew in to his assistance Bocchus King of Mauritiana his Father in Law, by the help of whose Horse he very much wearied the Roman Army. Coming to raise the siege at Cirta,* 1.358 before which Marius was sat down, what by the number of the Horse reported to be 60000, and what by heat and dust, the Romans were sorely distressed, and the fight continued dangerous and terrible to them for three dayes. Then a Tempest of rain fell, which spoiled their Enemies weapons, and relieved Marius his men almost killed with thirst; and the course of fortune changing, the two Kings were defeated and fled. In another battel Marius, as it's said, killed 90000, after which Bocchus began to repent of his enterprize, and sent to Rome to enter into a League, which he could not procure, but obtained pardon of his fault. Not long after, Marius took Jugurtha in an ambush, whither he had drawn him by specious pretences,* 1.359 and delivered him up to Sylla his Quaestor, who had brought over some forces gathered in Italy. Sylla having little or no skill in matters of War before, under him got that skill, which afterwards he used against his General. Jugurtha being led in triumph by Marius with his two sons, was after, by order of the Senate put to death, and so the Warre ended, after about seven years continuance. Numidia was not now made a Province, as some have thought; for we find other four Kings on which it was bestowed, viz. Hiempsal, Hiarbas, and Juba, concerning whom we may have occasion to speak hereafter. Now is to be described the War with the Cimbri.

21. The Cimbri inhabited the Chersonesus from them named Cimbrica, (now Holsatia) and were a vagabond People. With a sort of Germans called Tentones (from Tento or Tuisco the Patriarch, or reputed god of that

Nation) they brake into Illyricum in the 641 year of the City, and there put to flight Cn. Carbo the Consul, to whom that Province had fallen by lot. Some three years after, they made an irruption into Gall and Spain, but being re∣pelled, sent to Silanus the Consul,* 1.360 desiring some ground wherein to plant and settle themselves. This being denied by the Senate, they betook them∣selves from intreaties to force, and setting upon the Consul put him to flight, entertaining M. Scaurus sent against them into Gall in the same manner.* 1.361 Scaurus was succeeded by the Consul L. Cassius Longinus, who pursuing the Tigurins (now Switzers) to the Ocean, was circumvented by them, and slain, with L. Piso, a man of Consular dignity, his Lieutenant. After him Caepio the Consul made War upon the T••ctosages or T••losans, whose chief City Tolose (now in Gascoigne) he took, and therein a great treasure, which some said was taken out of the Temple at Delphos by the Galls. His command was continued to him for the following year, as Proconsul, in con∣junction with Manilius (or Mallius) his Successor. These two could not agree, but divided the Army, and parted the Province betwixt them. At length they were overthrown in a bloody battel by the Cimbri, to whom the Teutons, Tigurins, and Ambrones, another People of Gall joyned them∣selves: 80000 men were slain, and 40000 lackies and drudges, as also both the Camps taken. Caepio for this was cast into prison, where he died, these great defeats being charged upon his sacrilege, of which those Galls that were guilty, were still followed and consumed by one plague after ano∣ther. After this, the Cimbri made another Expedition into Spain; but be∣ing thence repelled by the Cel••berians, returned into Gall, whence, with the Teutons and Ambrones, they resolved to passe over the Alpes into Italy.

22. C. Marius having vanquished Jugurtha, was in his absence made Consul the second time, to manage the War against the Cimbri. Whilst they continued in Spain he waged War against their friends the Tolosans, whose King Copilus was taken by Sylla his Lieutenant. Being created Consul again the following year, he neglected to fight till their fury was abated. In his fourth Consulship they were ready in three bands to passe over the Alpes, which he considering, attended their motions. His Army was almost oppressed with thirst, the Teutons and Ambrones lying betwit it and the water, which made him desirous to ingage with them, and coming to fight, in two dayes he ut∣terly destroyed them,* 1.362 taking prisoner Theutobocchus their King. The Cim∣bri escaped him and got over into Italy, though it was Winter, and the Alpes were covered with Snow, being in vain opposed by Catulus,* 1.363 both at the Alpes and the River Athesis near Verona. To Catulus did Marias joyn him∣self now the fifth time Consul, for carying on the War, and being challenged to give battel slew 140000, and took 60000. Their wives resisted, fight∣ing from the Chariots, and when they saw all desperate, killed first their chil∣dren and then themselves. The third band of the Tigurines came to no∣thing; and so an end was put to this War, on the third of the moneth Sex∣tilis, as Plutarch writeth, after it had continued twelve years, in the 653 year of the City, C. Marius the fifth time,* 1.364 and M. Aquilius Nepos being Consuls, the former whereof was counted the preserver of his Country, and contented himself with one Triumph. And his Collegue put an end to the second Servile War in Sicily, which now had lasted almost four years.

23. These dangers abroad did not suppresse domestick troubles. There was one L. Apuleius Saturninus,* 1.365 who having been Quaestor at Ostia during a dearth, was put out of his place by the Senate, for which he conceited great displeasure against it,* 1.366 and to shew it, procured the Tribuneship. By his help especially Marius obtained the fourth Consulship. But after his year was out, Metellus Numidicus being Censor would have removed him from the Senate, but he was hindred by his Colleague; and to revenge this he stood to be Tribune the second time. Now was Marius Consul the fifth time, and there being nine of the ten Tribunes chosen, and A. Nonius standing in com∣petition with him, by the assistance of Marius he murdred him, and got the

place. Now being again in power, he preferred a Law for dividing of such Lands as Marius had recovered in Gall, and compelled the Se∣nate to swear to it, which Metellus refusing to do, he set him a day to answer it before the people; but for fear of him and Marius, Metellus fled to S••yrna. Saturninus being Tribune the third time, and finding C. Mem∣mius to stand for the Consulship; he also made him away to prefer Glau∣cius the Praetor, a man most addicted to his own party. At these things the Senate being startled took up resolution, and Marius now the sixth time Con∣sul, seeing him in a falling condition, withdrew himself from his friendship. The Consul were, as in dangerous times, impowered by the Senate to see that the Commonwealth received no damage. Marius therefore with his Collegue L. Valerius Flaccus, set upon Saturninus in the publick meeting place, and drove him and his followers into the Capitol, where for want of water (Marius having cut the pipes) they were forced to yield. This they did upon his faith given for their safety; for Saturninus and Glaucius much re∣lied upon him, not sticking to give out that they were but the actors of his designs.* 1.367 Notwithstanding,* 1.368 they were killed in the Court-house by the Equites, which brake in amongst them; and Metellus, through the labour of his son especially, was recalled, with the general applause of the peo∣ple.

24. For the space of about 8 years after, there was not any open Sedition; yet great dissatisfaction amongst those of the Senatorian order. For,* 1.369 it lay un∣der great grievances by reason of the power of Judicature, which was by Grac∣chus his Law brought down to the Equites, by whom they were cruelly, and despightfully used, their lives, liberties, and estates being wholely in their power. The Commonwealth was even bought and sold, the Publicans, who farmed the customs, and publick revenues, being, as Equites, both Judges and parties. It hapned that thirty years after Gracchus his Law, M. Livius Drusus the Tribune cast in his mind how to restore the Fathers to their an∣tient power,* 1.370 and yet not offend the Equites. He preferred therefore a Law, that because the Senators were reduced to a small number, as many Equites should be added to them, and the power of Judicature committed to this bo∣dy. But herewith neither party was satisfied. Not the Senators, because they disdained that the other should be equal to them, and neither the Equites, for that they feared the power would at length be wholy removed from them. Caepio also one of Drusus his Collegues (not that Caepio, as some mistake, who having been formerly Consul had proposed such a Law, which took not, he himself being condemned, and dying in prison as was said) opposed him, and coming into the Senate, there accused some of the chief of unlawfull seek∣ing for Offices. Drusus to withstand his indeavours, by the favour of the people proposed again the Agrarian Law, and that the Allies and Con∣federates of Italy, now Possessors of the Lands, might not be ag∣grieved, he gave them hopes to make them free of the Citie. Great con∣course there was, and as great contention. Q. Marcius Philippus the Consul opposed the Law for division of Lands, and for that was soundly buffetted by a Traveller. Drusus in this particular disappointed, still bent his mind how to make good what he had offered to the Italians; but going home accompa∣nied with a great multitude, he was stabbed in the Court of his own house, its unknown by whom, the knife being left in his body, and died within a few hours.* 1.371 He was a man excellently accomplished, both with understanding and morals, whose good intentions had not the fortune to be rightly understood by the great ones, but to dissatisfie all parties.* 1.372 And still more unfortunate he was in that great and dangerous War, which by his means (though not inten∣tious) was kindled, and which being foreseen or feared, might perhaps have no small influence into his death.

25. This War is called by divers names. Sometimes Bellum Sociale, be∣cause of the Associates of the People of Rome, who managed it: sometimes Bellum Marsicum, from the Marsi who began it, and otherwhiles Bellum Italicum, from Italy the seat of it, Corfinium a Citie of the Peligni, being

before all others chosen for the place of the conspiracy.* 1.373 The occasion of it was the disdain conceived by the Italians, because they were not admitted to the freedom of the Citie,* 1.374 which had been partly promised them 36 years be∣fore by Flaccus the Consul, who being earnest for it, was diverted into Gall by the Senate, and afterwards joyned himself in the Tribuneship with the younger Gracchus, to no purpose endeavouring with him the passing of it; with whom also as is formerly shewn he lost his life. Now again, their ex∣pectation was heightned by Drusus; but then was he murdered, and all the great ones banished who stood for them, by a Law which the Equites by force of Arms obtained, who hoped that having the power of Judicature in themselves, the profit would be great which would arise in ridding away their Enemies. They also thought they had reason enough to expect this privi∣lege from that Citie, which was maintained both in its subsistence and Empire by their valour, they ever sending out forces double in number to those of the Romans. Upon these grounds they resolved to procure by force what could not be by fair means obtained, sending Messages to and fro, and for the performance of what was agreed on, receiving Hostages from one another.

26. This being known late enough at Rome, so busied with its private seditious contests, Spies were sent out into the several quarters. One of them seeing a young man of Asculum carried into another Citie as an Ho∣stage, therewith acquainted Servilins the Proconsul, who going to Asculum and chiding the Citizens, was set upon and slain, together with all the Ro∣mans. After this, the Conspiracy being quite discovered, all broke out into open Rebellion: the Marsi, Peligni, Vestini, Marrucini, Ferentani, Hirpini, Picentes, Pompeiani, Venusini, Apulians, Lucanians, and the old Enemies of the Romans, the Samnites. They thought good first to send to Rome to com∣plain; but the Messengers could not be admitted without repentance for what was already done.* 1.375 Hereupon the War vvas committed to both the Consuls, L. Julius Caesar, and P. Rutilius Lupus, to vvhom vvere added Cn. Pompeius Strabo (father to Pompey the Great) C. Marius, vvho had been six times Consul, L. Sylla, Licinius Crassus, C. Perpenna, Q. Caepio, Q. Me∣tellus Pius (son to the Numidian) M. Marcellus, Val. Messala, and T. Di∣dius, vvho vvere all sent vvith Proconsular power. The forces on either side amounted to 100000 fighting men. Rutilius the Consul quickly lost his life, falling into an ambush laid for him by the Marsi, and many other blows did the Romans receive;* 1.376 so that they vvere forced to list such as once had been slaves. The bodies of the Consul, and those of several others being carried into the Citie, the sight of them so discouraged the people, that the Se∣nate made a decree, that thenceforth the slain should be buried vvhere they died, vvhich as a prudent example vvas followed by the Enemy.

27. None succeeded Rutilius all the year, for that Caesar could not come to a new Election, but his Army vvas committed to Marius his Lieutenant, and Q. Caepio. Caepio vvas killed not long after, being intrapped by Popedius one of the Italian Generals. Marius now alone commanding the forces, did good service, as did also Sylla. For the following year, Cn. Pompeius Strabo, and L. Porcius Cato vvere made Consuls. Now the Senate thought fit to make such Italians free of the Citie as had not revolted, vvhich thing established those, vvho something vvavered in their minds, and took off the courage of the other already ingaged: Yet they chose them not into any of the 35 Tribes, but placed them by themselves behind all; so that as in voting they could not hinder the rest, so seldom vvere they called to vote at all, vvhich afterwards considered, though not at present, vvrought some di∣sturbance. Cato the Consul did very good service, but thereof boasted so much, that he compared himself to Marius, for vvhich, as he vvas fighting a∣gainst the Marsi, he vvas killed in a croud by Marius his son. Pompey over∣threw the Picentes and Asculani. Having long besieged Asculum, he defeated the Enemy which sallied forth, killed 18000 of the Marsi, took 3000. and being got into Asculum, caused all the Officers and principal

men to be beaten vvith Rods, and then beheaded.* 1.377 Sylla his Successor in the Consulship overthrew the Samnites, and stormed two of their Camps, by vvhich successe elevated, he vvent, stood for, and carried that greatest Office.* 1.378 This War vvas ended by him after it had endured above two years,* 1.379 in the 666 year of the Citie, he the said L. Cornelius Sylla, and Q. Pompeius Rufus being Consuls.

28. What the Italians could not get with armed hand, was given them Conquered; at first to all, except the Lucanians and Samnites, and shortly after to them also, but ranked by themselves in the same manner as the for∣mer.* 1.380 Not long after this, which was a kind of Civil War, there were stirs in the Citie about Usury, which being rigorously exacted by the Creditors, Asel∣lio the Praetor, who withstood it, was murdered by them. Yet hitherto these Seditions in the Citie were managed but by private persons, or in a private manner, but now came it to that passe, that the heads of the factions got whole Armies to themselves, and carried on their interests in open War one against another, their own Countrey being as the prize and reward of the victory, such were the manners and behaviour of those who through the in∣firmity of the Government were not able to bear that greatnesse of fortune, which from the temperance and moderation of their fathers had descend∣ed upon them. But an occasion to the first Civil War was ministred by that with Mithridates, which began ere the Social or Italian ended.

SECT. V. From the War with Mithridates, and first Civil War, to the combina∣nation of Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar, termed by Varro Tricipitina, which proved the ruin of the Po∣pular Government, for the space for 28 years.

* 1.3811. MIthridates was King of Pontus (a Countrey of Asia,* 1.382 so called because it lieth upon the Euxine Sea) thought by some to have been descend∣ed from one of the seven Persians, who conspired against the Magi that had usurped after the death of Cambyses. He was sirnamed Eupator and Diony∣sus, being a man of a vast mind and ambitious spirit.* 1.383 Succeeding his fa∣ther, who was a friend of the people of Rome, at thirteen years of age, within two years he made away his mother, who was left partner with him in the Kingdom, and after her his brother also, and in his youth he subdued the Kings about Phasis beyond Caucasus.* 1.384 Thirty years after his coming to the Kingdom, he thought of no lesse than the Empire of Asia, the Romans, as he fancied, being now sufficiently imployed in the Cimbrian and Italian Wars. He began with Paphlagonia,* 1.385 parting it betwixt himself and Nico∣medes King of Bithynia, and being checked for this by the Romans, and com∣manded to desist, he pretended it was his fathers inheritance, and to amend the matter he seized on Galatia too. Then casting his eye upon Cappadocia, he caused to be murthered Ariarathes King thereof, and his sisters husband, and when she married to Nicomedes he drove out his forces, and pretended to seize upon it for the use of her son, whom then he murdered also, and be∣stowed it on one of his own sons. The Cappadocians refused to obey him, and called out of Asia Ariarathes one of their former King's sons; but him did Mithridates drive away, and he shortly after died. Nicomedes after∣wards procured one to counterfeit himself the brother of Ariarathes, and beg the Kingdom of the people of Rome; and he sent his wife thither to aver that she had three sons by Ariarathes. Mithridates hereupon sent one to the Senate to affirm, that he whom he had placed in Cappadocia was also the son of Ariarathes.

* 1.3862. The Senate knowing well the aim of both, took from Mithridates

Cappadocia; and Paphlagonia from Nicomedes, who had got it into his hands, and left these two Kingdoms to their own liberty. But the Cappadocians protested that they could not live without a King, and being therefore allowed to chuse one from amongst themselves, made choice of one Ariobarzanes. Mithridates sorely repining to be thus overruled, procured Tigranes the King of Armenia and his son in Law to be an Enemy to the Romans, and perswa∣ded him to expel Ariobarzanes, whilst he did as much by young Nicomedes, who now had succeeded his dead Father. Both of these Princes fled to Rome for relief, which was decreed them, and Commissioners were appointed to re-establish them, whereof Manius Aquilius was chief. This being perfor∣med,* 1.387 they perswaded both the Kings to invade Mithridates. Nicomedes did it, though unwillingly, whilst Mithridates opposed him not, that he might have an advantage against him; onely he sent Pelopidas to the Com∣missioners to complain of him. They considering that Mithridates was a powerful Prince returned this answer, that they did neither like that he should molest Nicomedes, nor Nicomedes him; for the former was not convenient for the Roman Commonwealth. He nothing moved with this answer, re-invaded Cappadocia, sending Pelopidas back with a bold expostulation. They hereupon raised a considerable Army against him on their own heads, without any decree of Senate or People. Nicomedes ingaging first of all with him was put to flight, though Mithridates his main body never ingaged, and next after him Manius was discomfited.* 1.388 Then seized Mithridates upon Bithy∣nia, Phrygia, Mesia, Lycia, Pamphylia, and other Provinces, as far as Ionia. He took also Q. Oppius and Aquilius, the later whereof he killed by melted gold poured into his mouth, being ever wont to upbraid the Romans with avarice and corruption.

3. The Romans hereupon decreed a War against him,* 1.389 though they were now imployed in the Italian; and L. Cornelius Sylla and Q. Pompeius Ru∣fus being Consuls,* 1.390 it fell by lot unto the former. But whilst he was yet im∣ployed in finishing the Italian War about Nola, C. Marius, who had been six times Consul, either moved by a desire of profit or of glory, perswaded P. Sulpitius Tribune of the People to prefer a law for transferring the com∣mand against Mithridates to himself. He drew the People of Italy to his party, by promising them that had been of late made free of the City,* 1.391 equal privilege with the rest, which were distribured into 35 tribes; so that the thing was caried on by strong hand, and Pompey's son, the son in law of Syl∣la, was killed in the heat of contention. Sylla hearing of this, hasted to the City, easily perswading his Army to any thing, for that his Soldiers were unwilling that any other should go that Expedition, from which they pro∣mised themselves so great matters. To him his Collegue Pompey joyned, and though Marius and the Tribune made all opposition possible, with some difficulty they entred the City,* 1.392 and Marius with his complices betook them∣selves to their heels. Sylla suffered no harm to be done to the Citizens, but reversed what Sulpitius had done, regulated the Senate, and procured Ma∣rius, with Sulpitius, and ten others, to be declared Enemies to their Coun∣try, whom it might be lawful for any to kill, and unlawful to harbour; their goods also being set to sale.

4. Sulpitius was found and put to death. Marius hid himself in the fens of Minturnum, and being discovered, a Gall was sent to kill him, but could not do it, he was so dashed at his presence; so that being conveyed out of that place, he escaped into Africk. To him Cethegus and others, who had fled into Numidia, joyned themselves, expecting an opportunity to invade their own Country. Pompey the Consul, to secure Italy, was appointed to re∣ceive the Army of Cn. Pompey, who had done such good service in the Mar∣sian War; but the Soldiers unwilling to leave their old General, who also took it heavily, made away the Consul. For the year following L. Cornelius Cin∣na and C. Octavius were Consuls, whereof Cinna as some think corrupted, was altogether for the new Denisons, and recalled Marius with the rest of the Exiles; but he was driven away by his Collegue, and L. Merula was put

in his place. He then going about to the Italian Cities, by giving them fresh hopes of equal privilege, and pretending that he suffered these things for their sakes, got much money. Marius also coming over to him, they raised a con∣siderable Army, wherewith Cinna sate down before the City. Marius took Hostia by force,* 1.393 and Cinna being not able to do any thing at Rome, stormed Ariminum. The Consuls, for that they could not recall Sylla, sent for Me∣tellus then lying in Samnium, but he differing with them about some condi∣tions, had them granted by Marius, to whom then he joyned himself. In the mean while the City itself was near being betrayed to Marius by Appius Claudius a Tribune of the Army, who being intrusted with the Janiculum, thus requited him for former kindnesse.

5. Though he and Cinna brake in, they were repelled by Octavius, and C. Pompey the Proconsul, who shortly after was killed with a Thunder-bolt. Marius after this took in several Towns about Rome where provisions lay, and Cinna by promise of liberty, drew many slaves out of the City, which the Senate understanding, lest the People should make disturbance within, sent to him about an agreement. He refused to admit of any addresse made to him as a private man, so that they were forced to treat with him as Con∣sul, and desired he would swear to abstain from blood. This he flatly re∣fused to do; but promised, that wittingly and willingly he would not be the cause of any mans death; so he was received, and the Law abrogated for banishing Marius and his associates.* 1.394 Upon their entrance began plundering and slaughters in all places. Octavius, though having the oath both of Cinna and Marius, refusing to flye from his charge, was killed, and his head set upon the Rostra, to which was afterwards added that of Antonius (Grand-father to the Triumvir) an excellent Orator, who for a good space defended him∣self by his eloquence from the Soldiers, and several others. None were spa∣red, either for dignity, worth, or age. The dead bodies, being mangled and abused otherwise, were left to be torn in pieces by dogs and fowls, none da∣ring to bury them. All Sylla's friends were killed, his house defaced, and his goods put to sale, he being judged and declared an Enemy. Merula, though he never sought the Consulship, but had it put upon him, and Catulu, having their dayes set them to answer, destroyed themselves.

6. Cinna and Marius having thus satisfied their bloody minds, made them∣selves Consuls for the following year: But Marius died ere the moneths end, having born this Office now seven times; a man more profitable to his Coun∣try in the time of War than of Peace.* 1.395 To him succeeded Valerius Flaccus, whom Cinna sent into Asia, to supply the room of Sylla there. But he by this time had done the work, and was coming home to revenge the former in∣juries, having subdued Mithridates in lesse than three years, killed 160000 of his men, recovered Grecce, Macedonia, Ionia, Asia, and other Coun∣tries, which he had got into his hands, taken his Navy from him, and forced him to be content with his own inheritance. These things are to be declared in order.

7. After Mithridates had taken Aquilius with the rest,* 1.396 and seized upon Asia and other Countries (whilst Sylla was at Rome, setling things there against Ma∣rius and his faction, as is before shewed) he sent his letters abroad into all the Cities of Asia, willing them at one day prefixed, to kill all Italians and Ro∣mans,* 1.397 with their wives and children, and cast them out unburied; then to seize on their estates, taking one part to themselves,* 1.398 and reserving the other for his use. This was accordingly done, and 80000 according to some; according to others 150000 perished in one day. Then went he into the Island Cous, where getting great treasure into his hands, there laid up by one of the Cleopatraes, he departed to Rhodes, and all manner of waies at∣tempted to take the City, though without successe; such was the constancy and fidelity of the Rhodians towards the Romans, amongst other confede∣rates which universally revolted. Then sent he Archelaus his General into Greece, leaving Pelopidas in Lycia to carry on the War there, he himself pro∣viding Forces, and punishing such as he found inclinable towards the Romans.

8. Archelaus first recovered Delos, which from the Athenians had revol∣ted to the Romans, then joyned he to himself the Achaians, Lacaedemoni∣ads, and Boeotians. After this he was fought by Brittius, who had put to flight Metrophanes sent also into Greece from the King; but having fresh supplies, Brittius withdrew himself to the Piraeus, or Haven of Athens,* 1.399 which shortly after Archelaus took in with his Fleet. Now Sylla arrived in Greece with five Legions and some Companies of Horse,* 1.400 and having furnish∣ed himself with money and provisions in Aetolia and Thessaly, marched into Attica against Archelaus, almost whole Boeotia, with Thebes the chief City, revolting to him in his passage. He besieged Archelaus in the Piraeus a very strong place, as fenced with a wall almost 40 cubits high, consisting of square stones, and built by Pericles during the first motions of the Peloponnesian War. Having also besieged Athens it self, he spent the whole Summer in the siege, and at length took it, the Inhabitants being unable to make any more resi∣stance through famine, which so far prevailed, as they made meat of sodden lether,* 1.401 and fed upon the bodies of dead men. The Piraeus was also shortly after taken, and the walls thereof demolished, with the Arcenal, and all the ra∣rities therein were destroyed. Then Sylla followed Archelaus through Boeotia, and fought with him near Cheronea, in a place so straight, that no way being open for flight, he slew so many, that of 120000 not many more than 10000 remained, this being an Army sent over by the King out of his new Provinces.

9. Mithridates put divers Princes of his newly conquered Provinces to death, for fear they should kill or betray him, by which cruelty he lost all Gallograecia. Ephesus also, and other towns revolted from him, whereof such as he recovered he used cruelly,* 1.402 and afterwards fearing a general defecti∣on, to purchase favour he set the Greek Cities at liberty. Some that conspired his death were discovered, and upon suspition were 1600 men made away. Then sent he another supply to Archelaus of 80000 men, which with the other 10000 remaining of the former Army, were routed by Sylla near Or∣chomenes, and about 15000 being slain, the rest betaking themselves to their Camp were also killed or taken,* 1.403 a vast slaughter having been made. Arche∣laus having lost his son Diogenes hid himself in a fen, and thence fled to Chalcis once more. After this Sylla chastized the Boeotians for their fickle∣nesse (for they would stand to neither party long) and took up his Winter quarters in Thessaly, providing himself of shipping, because he heard no∣thing of Lucullus, whom he had sent into Aegypt to procure a Navy. Now at this time was Flaccus, who had succeeded Marius, sent into Asia by Cinna to succeed Sylla. Him Fimbria his Quaestor killed in a quarrel about lodg∣ing, being hated by his Soldiers, and he headed his Army, with which he se∣veral times fought, and that prosperously, against Mithridates his son, and drove the King himself into Pergamus, and thence to Pitane, where he took ship and fled to Mitylene, and might have been taken if Lucullus would. Then did Fimbria haraze Cappadocia, and burnt Ilium the daughter of Troy, for that the Inhabitants had given up themselves to Sylla, and not to him; so that though a Roman and so akin to them, he is said to have used them worse than did Agamemnon himself. This hapned to Ilium in the later end of the 173 Olympiad, about 1050 years after the first taking it by the Greeks.

10. Mithridates receiving intelligence of the blow he had received at Orchomenus, wrote to Archelaus, to procure his peace on as good terms as he could. To a Peace Sylla was not now averse, being in great want of mony, and receiving no recruits from the City, where he was declared an Enemy, and desiring above all things to carry back a good Army into Italy to revenge himself. He offered Peace therefore on these conditions: That he should deliver up all his Navy,* 1.404 all fugitives and Captives,* 1.405 restore the Inha∣bitants of Chios, and others whom he had caried into Pontus, remove his garrisons from all places whither he had brought them since the breach of the Peace, pay all the charges of the War, and be content with his Father's Kingdom. All these conditions were agreed to save parting with Paphlago∣nia, but the Ambassadors saying they could have had better terms of Fimbria,

drove Sylla into a great displeasure, with a comparison so odious to him. Shortly after Mithridates himself met him, and found him so resolute, as he gladly accepted all the terms. So ended the first War with Mithridates, be∣ing concluded by Sylla three years after his coming into Greece.

11. Sylla required of Fimbria the Army to be deliverd up to him, as held by no authority; but was answered, as having as little himself.* 1.406 Yet the Army denied to fight against that of Sylla, and forsook Fimbria, who thereupon sent a Slave to murder Sylla,* 1.407 which was discovered. He beg∣ged pardon, and it was granted him, so he would take ship and depart out of Asia; but he said, he had a better way, and going to Pergamus there destroyed himself. Sylla gave him to be buried, saying, he would not imitate the barbarism of Marius and Cinna towards his friends at Rome, whom they deprived both of life and burial; yet he kept in this mind but a while after his arival there, whither he now hasted, having fined Asia grie∣vously for it's revolt,* 1.408 and setled affaires according to present occasions. He took Athens in his way, whence he caried with him the Library of Apelli∣con the Teian (in which were most of the Books of Aristotle and Theophra∣stus, then not vulgarly known) bought by him of the posterity of N••leus, to whom Theophrastus had given it. He wrote to the Senate, to which he re∣counted all the great services he had done, and then how he had been rewarded by the party of Marius, telling them plainly, he would come and revenge both himself and the Publick, by punishing the authors of the injuries, not medling with any other, either old or new Citizens. The Senate hereat af∣frighted sent to treat with him, offering their indeavour for his satisfaction, if he would presently make knovvn his mind. Cinna they ordered to stop his leavies; but he onely returned them a plausible ansvver, and proceeded, de∣signing himself and his Collegue Carbo Consuls again for the follovving year, that there might be no need of going to Rome to a nevv creation. He passed over some of his forces into Dalmatia, there to fight Sylla; but the hinder∣most vvere driven back by a tempest, and they refused absolutely to fight a∣gainst their Country-men; so that those, vvho as yet had not passed the Sea, refused to go aboard. Hereupon he going to speak vvith them, an Officer vvho made vvay before him struck one of them, vvho struck him again, for vvhich offence he commanding him to be laid hold on, a tumult arose, vvhere∣in he himself vvas ran through, and so perished in his fourth Consulship, and the 670 year of the City, a man vvorthier to have died by command of the Conquereur than the fury of the Soldiers. Carbo then continued Consul alone all the remaining part of the year.

12. Cinna and Carbo had by a Lavv abrogated Sylla's command, and pro∣cured War to be decreed against him, before the Senate was affrighted into the offer of a mediation. He answered, that he would never be reconciled to such wicked persons, as they desired he should; but if the People of Rome would give them indemnity he should not oppose it; yet he thought those that would come to him might be mose safe, seeing he had at his devotion such an Army. Hereby declaring sufficiently what his intentions were, he also de∣manded restitution of his estate, his antient dignity and honours; but the messengers coming to Brundusium, and there hearing of Cinna's death, and the disturbance of the Commonwealth, returned back to him. Then crossed he the Sea to Brundusium with a Fleet of 1600 ships, and 60000 men. Be∣ing landed,* 1.409 Metellus Pius, who had absented himself from Rome for fear of Marius and Cinna, came to him, as also Pompey, afterwards sirnamed the Great, who though his father was no friend to Sylla, yet coming now to him with some forces, became afterwards his greatest favourite. Besides these came Cethegus, who having joyned with Cinna now begged pardon. C. Nor∣banus and L. Scipio the Consuls, with Carbo, made all preparation for resi∣stance. The first tryal at arms was at Canusium, where Norbanus lost 6000 men, and fled to Capua. Scipio through the treachery of his Army, came with his son into the power of Sylla,* 1.410 who dismissed them both. After this Sulla sent to Norbanus to treat of Peace; but (perhaps) being not thought serious, had no answer returned back.

13. He then passed on in Italy, making havock of all things, as Carbo did,* 1.411 who getting into Rome, procured Metellus and the rest that joyned with Syl∣la to be declared Enemies to the State. Both parties sent up and down the Italian Cities, labouring both by fair means and fowl to procure forces; and so all this Summer was spent, wherein the Capitol was burnt none knoweth how. For the following year Papirius Carbo the third time, and Marius, son (but adoptive as most probable) to the old one, were Consuls; the later being but 27 years old.* 1.412 In the Spring was Carinas the Lieutenant of Carbo overthrown by Metellus, and Marius himself by Sylla, and beaten into Prae∣neste, where being close besieged, and despairing of his own safety, he wrote to Brutus, then Praetor at Rome, that he should under some pretext call to∣gether the Senate, and kill those his Enemies: P. Antisthius, another Carbo, L. Domitius, and Mucius Scaevola the High-Priest, which was with cruelty enough performed. Metellus by his time having overthrown another Ar∣my of Carbo's, Pompey defeated Marcius another of that party, Sulla mar∣ched to Rome,* 1.413 which he easily entred, many of the opposite faction being fled. Their goods he set to sale, and willing the people to be of good chear, for that he was necessitated thus to act, he left a sufficient Garrison, and departed to Clusium, where he and his Officers several times overthrew Carbo's Ar∣mies. Carbo sent to Praeneste to relieve Marius his Collegue eight Legions, which Pompey meeting in a straight place slew many of them, and most of those that escaped departed to their own homes. After this, Carbo and Nor∣banus in a fight with Metellus had 10000 of their men slain, and 6000 yield∣ed, whereupon many fell off to Sylla's party, as also all Gall within the Alps. Norbanus fled to Rhodes, where fearing to be given up he killed himself; Carbo into Africk, though he had 30000 men at Clusium and other forces, which were then broken in pieces by Pompey. Carinas, with other Commanders attempted to break through, by the help of the Samnites, and relieve Marius; but this being with no effect, they made then for Rome it self.

14. A bloody battel was fought at the Gates, where many thousands were slain on both sides. Yet Sulla had the better. Carinas and Marcius were taken, and their heads sent to Praeneste to be shewed to the Inhabitants, at which sight understanding how things had passed, they yielded up the Town to Lucullus, and Marius killed himself, whose head was set up in the plead∣ing place at Rome. All his faction in Praeneste were put to death, and all the Natives with the Samnites; the Romans onely with the Women and Children were spared, who lost all they had, the Town (the richest at that time of all others) being plundred. Norba a little after was taken, and burnt to the ground by a fire which the Inhabitants kindled over their own heads,* 1.414 some one way, and some another destroying themselves. So came Ita∣ly into the power of Sylla, who in the improvement of his victory shewed what fury and revenge backed with power are able to do.

15. Having sent Pompey into Africk against Carbo,* 1.415 and given him a charge thence to passe into Sicily against others of that party, he called the people together, and told them that he would put them into a better con∣dition if they would obey his commands, but he was resolved to prosecute his Enemies with all sorts of calamities. So he did in a larger measure than any before him. He put to death 8000 together in the Villa publica, a large house in the Campus Martius made for the reception of the Ambassa∣dors of Enemies; and liberty was given to his Soldiers to kill all they met, till Furfidius putting him in mind that he ought to leave some to reign over; he then first of any man published Tables of proscription,* 1.416 wherein were proscribed first of all 80 Senators, and 1600 Equites, to which he after∣wards added more, promising two Talents to those that should discover them, and threatned such as by whom they were harboured or concealed. Of those outlawed persons some were slain in their houses, others kil∣led in the streets, and others prostrate at his feet; those that fled their goods were seized on. Marius a man of Consular dignity, and brother to

Sylla's great Enemy, had at the Sepulcher of Catulus his eyes first pul∣led out of his head, and then his hands and legs cut off at several times, that he might die by degrees. But not onely against private persons, but Cities also did he rage, whereof some, after the Inhabitants were sold, he caused to be demolished.* 1.417 Many were turned out of their possessions which were given to his Creatures. Pompey drove Carbo into Sicily, and thence in∣to Corcira, where being taken and brought to him, after he had inveighed against him in an assembly, he caused his head to be cut off, and sent it to Sylla.

16. Both the Consuls being now destroyed, Sylla withdrew himself out of the Citie, and willed the Senate to create an Inter-rex, which they wil∣lingly did, hoping they should have a new election of Consuls, and named Valerius Flaccus. He then wrote to him to ask the people, that seeing the necessity of affairs required so great an Officer, a Dictator might be crea∣ted, and that not for any limited time, but till all evils should be redressed; and now he spared not to mention himself.* 1.418 This the people was forced to yield to, as being in his power, and so this Office which for the space of 120 years (ever since the years after Hannibals quitting of Italy) had been inter∣mitted, was conferred on him without any limitation of time. A gilded Sta∣tue on hors-back was erected to his memory near the Rostra, with this in∣scription, To L. Cornelius Sylla the happy General: for he would be called Foelix, and sometime Aphroditus or beautifull. This hapned in the third year of the 174 Olympiad, the 672 year of the Citie, 80 before the birth of Christ.

17. That a shew of the Commonwealth might remain, he permitted Con∣suls to be made, which were M. Tullius Decula, and Cn. Cornelius Dola∣bella; yet did he plainly reign alone, having 24 Axes carried before, as the Kings in old time, with a great Guard continually at his heels, abroga∣ting old Laws, and enacting new at his pleasure. He regulated the Consulship,* 1.419 ordering that none should be capable of it without passing first through other Offices.* 1.420 He overthrew the Tribuneship, by making those that bore it incapable of any other trust. To the Senate he added 300 out of the Equites, to the people 10000 out of the slaves of the proscribed, making them free, and cal∣ling them after himself Cornelii; and to 23 Legions he assigned much Land in Italy to oblige them to him.* 1.421 For the following year he gave way to have Consuls also, but joyned himself witst Q. Caecilius Metellus, which course the Emperours afterwards imitated. The year after, when the people to please him designed him Consul again, he waved it, and created Servilius Isauricus and Appius Claudius Pulcher; and then, to the astonishment of all men,* 1.422 laid down his Dictatorship, and though he had done such and so many horrid things, yet offered to give an account of his acti∣ons.

18. None accused him except one young man, whose reviling language made him say, that this for the time to come would keep any one from lay∣ing down such Supream power; which Caesar indeed seemeth to have been awar of.* 1.423 Not long after he went into the Countrey, where minding no∣thing but his pleasure, he not long after died at Puteoli of the Lowsie disease, his body being putrified, and all turned into Lice, as Plutarch writeth. And this was the end of L. Cornelius Sylla, a man born of the noble family of the Cornelii (which of late had been Eclypsed through the lazinesse of his Ance∣stors) being the sixth in descent from Cornelius Rufinus,* 1.424 one of the most emi∣nent Captains in the War with Pyrrhus. As his life was pernitious to his Countrey; so his death also brought trouble to it, the two Consuls and their factions falling out about the honour which was to be given to him at his fu∣neral.* 1.425 Catulus prevailed against Lepidus, and he was carried in great State through the Citie, and first of any of his family was burned, being fearfull, as Cicero thought, lest he himself should be dealt with as he had used Marius, whose bones he had caused to be digged up and thrown away. After the fu∣neral, the Consuls fell into a greater dissention. Lepidus would restore the

grounds given away by Sylla, and abolish his Laws. The Senate was fearfull of another War, and caused them both to swear that they would not decide the controversie by the sword; but Lepidus was resolved not to return out of his Province, till the new Creation vvas over, and vvhen he should be out of his Office begin a War, as then discharged from his Oath. Hereupon the Senate sent for him, and vvhen he came he vvould have brought his forces into the Citie, but being opposed by Catulus and Pompey, a fight insued, vvherein he had the worst, and then fled into Sardinia, vvhere he died the same year vvith Sylla.

19. The Civil dissentions died not with him; for,* 1.426 though Pompey had sup∣pressed Carbo in Sicily, M. Brutus in Gall, Cn. Domitius and Hierba King of Numidia in Africk, who were preparing for War, (and for this trium∣phed, being neither Consul nor Praetor, and scarcely 26 years of age;) yet a more dangerous War was now depending, raised in Spain by Q. Sertorius. This man being one of Cinna's faction,* 1.427 joyned with Carbo against Sylla, and having taken Suessa, thence passed into Spain, which fell to him by lot as Prae••or. Thence he drove out such as were for Sylla, and joyning the Celti∣berians to himself, stifly resisted Metellus who was sent against him, whereby obtaining a great name, he chose 300 of his friends, whom he called a Se∣nate, in opposition, and despite to that at Rome. And now being made stron∣ger by part of Lepidus his Army, which Perpenna had led thither, he designed no lesse than the invasion of Italy. The Senate afraid of this,* 1.428 sent Pompey against him, a young man, but of great esteem, who passing the Alps in imi∣tation of Annibal, but another way, at first received some losse, & in the Spring following had no successe, (though Perpenna and Herculeus were several times beaten by Metellus) but was reduced into great straights, and wrote to Rome for a supply. Lucullus Consul for the following year procured it to be sent him, lest the War that was renewed with Mithridates should be com∣mitted to him if he came back into Italy, which he affirmed else he would. Being now supplied with men and money, he, and his assistants, fell upon the places subject to Sertorius; yet did they this year no great matters. But many of Sertorius his Army came over to them, being aggrieved that he made the Celtiberians his Guard, as distrusting themselves, and upon suspition of the alienation of their minds, being cruelly used by him.

20. The year following Pompey and Metellus being more bold, made excursions into several places, and with more successe; yet no considerable battel was there fought. Indeed it needed not. For, Sertorius now grown lazie, spent his time with women, and falling into an humour of cruelty had put many to death, whereby he wrought his destruction from his own party. Perpenna fearing it might fall to his lot to be made away amongst the rest,* 1.429 resolved to prevent it, and so inviting him to a feast, murdred him after he had besotted him and his attendants with Wine.* 1.430 This was the end of this great Captain, who for some ten years had stoutly resisted such as had been sent against him, being rather Superiour to them all, and admired by the Spaniards as another Hannibal. Perpenna with much ado was owned as his Successor, and not long after was overthrown, and taken in battel by Pom∣pey. He offered, if his life might be spared, to disclose certain things of con∣sequence in private unto Pompey; but he to his great commendation, com∣manded him to be killed, lest accusing any man he should bring the State into further trouble. So ended this War in the 681 year of the Citie. M. Terentius Varro that vast* 1.431 Scholar (being the most learned of any, either Greeks or Romans) and Caius Cassius Varus being Consuls. Appius Clau∣dius in Thrace, and after him Scribonius Curio fought prosperously against the Scordisci and Dardanians at this time: so did Servillius against the Pirates of Cilicia expelling them the Seas,* 1.432 and taking several of their Towns; as also Cosconius against the Dalmatians. But these were inconsiderable matters in comparison of that War which now was renewed with Mithridates.

21. Sylla, upon this daparture for Italy, had left Murena behind him in Asia, to settle such things as were not yet composed, with the two Legions

that belonged to Fimbria. Murena being ambitious of a Triumph, had catched at all occasions to renew the War,* 1.433 and had one presented to him af∣ter this manner. Mithridates waging War with them of Colchos and Bos∣phorus, who had revolted from him;* 1.434 the former desired and obtained his son for their King. This proved the destruction of the young man, for his father thinking it to have been procured by his seeking, put him to death, having sent for and bound him with iron chains, though he had done him especial ser∣vice against Fimbria. Against the Bosphorians he made then great preparati∣ons, insomuch that every one thought he designed another Warre against the Romans. Archelaus was now at this time out of favour, for that he was thought to have granted too much unto Sylla in the Treaty of Peace, and there∣fore fled to Murena, and stirred him up to invade Mithridates, who neither had restored the intire possession of Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes. Murena did so, sligh••ing the mention of Peace, which was objected to him. Mi∣thridates sent to Rome, to complain to Sylla, and expecting the return of his Ambassadors, stirred not, though the other passing over the River Halys fired 300 of his Villages. Afterwards came Callidius from Rome, who though he shewed no Decree of the Senate, yet said, it was the pleasure of the Fathers,* 1.435 that all acts of hostility should be forborn, and afterwards he talk∣ed with Murena alone. Yet did not Murena forbear, so that the King judging that War indeed was intended, resolved to look to himself, and pas∣sing over the River overthrew Murena in battel, who fled into Phrygia. This Victory brought many over to the King's party, and hereupon he drove all Murena's Garrisons out of Cappadocia. Sylla now Dictator, was not well pleased he should be thus disturbed, and therefore sent A. Gabinius to com∣mand Murena in good earnest to forbear, and reconcile the King to Ario∣barzanes.* 1.436 Mithridates gave him his son of four years of age for an Hostage, and received part of Cappadocia. So things were setled again, and the second War, as Appian saith, ended in the third year. But some seven years after another was begun.

22. Presently after the last conclusion, he sent to Rome to have the con∣ditions of the League recorded, but the thing was neglected. Ariobarzanes sent also to complain, that he kept the greater part of Cappadocia from him, whereupon Sylla commanded him to quit it, which accordingly he did. Af∣terward he sent again to desire that the League might be recorded; but Sylla being now dead, the matter was not as much as reported to the Senate. Hereupon he underhand procured Tigranes King of Armenia his son in Law to invade Cappadocia,* 1.437 whence he led away 300000 persons, and there built a City, to be the Metropolis of the Kingdom, which from himself he named Tigranocerta, i. e. the City of Tigranes. L. Magius, and L. Fannius, who had fled to him from Fimbria's Army, perswaded him to send into Spain, and joyn in League with Sertorius, which he did, and had granted to him Bithy∣nia and Cappadocia, receiving from him as a Captain M. Varius (or Marius) one of his Officers. Being now without hope of pardon, he made all pre∣parations possible, and got together an Army out of divers Countries, consist∣ing of 140000 Foot, and 16000 Horse, wherewith the following Spring he invaded Bithynia, which Country, Nicomedes being dead without issue, had a little before given by testament to the People of Rome,* 1.438 which thing inra∣ged him. Cotta the Governour, a man of little courage, fled to Chalcedon, and he got it all into his hands.

23. In the 680 year of the City,* 1.439 L. Lioinius Lucullus and M. Aurelius Cotta being Consuls, the former of them was sent against Mithridates with one Legion out of the City, to which were joyned those two that belonged to Fimbria, and two more, so that in all he had an Army of 30000 Foot, and 1600 Horse. He found the King before Cyzicus a City of Propontis, and presently besieged the besieger.* 1.440 Hee drove him to such straights by the help of L. Manius (who now again revolted) that though having a great desire to the place, he laboured much to take it, yet through extreme famin he was forced first to send away the Horse, and sick Footmen, into Bithynia,

whereof 15000 were intercepted, and then to flye himself with the rest that could escape the great slaughter made of them in their flight. During this double siege, Eumachus one of Mithridates his Captains made incursions into Phrygia, subdued the Pisidae, and Isauri, and endeavoured to do the same by Cilicia, till he was repelled by Detotarus one of the Tetrarchs of Gallo graecia. But Lucullus improved his successe on land by several Victo∣ries at sea, wherein he took divers of Mithridates his Commanders, and ha∣sted into Bithynia to overtake him.* 1.441 He, flying with all speed for fear of this, suffered most grievous shipwrack, and had been cast away, but that he was received into a Pirate's Vessel, to which he was glad to commit himself in so great danger, and at length, after many difficulties, got into his own King∣dom, whither now Lucullus pursued him,* 1.442 having in his way taken in Bi∣thynia and Paphlagonia. He made all possible preparations for resistance, sending for aid to Tigranes his son in Law, and to his own son reigning in Bosphorus; and hee sent Diocles with great gifts to the Scythians; but he ran away to Lucullus. In the space of a year hee got together 40000 Foot, and 4000 Horse, with which force he once or twice repelled the Romans, and struck some terror into them. But Lucullus sending out some Horse for provisions, he also sent a party to interrupt them, which fight∣ing in a disadvantagious place was worsted. Being now destitute of Horse, he thought of removing from Cabira, where he had wintred; and communi∣cated his intention to his friends. They not expecting the sign began to pack up, and send their baggage out of the Camp before day, which the Army taking notice of, thought much they should flye without any warning given, and in great fear and disorder breaking out of the trenches ran away. The King went about to hinder them, but none taking notice of him, he was born down in the crowd, and being got on horseback betook himself also to flight, and might have been taken, but that the Romans were too busie in plundering the Camp, though warned by their General to forbear.

* 1.44324. Mithridates first fled to Comana, and thence into Armenia to Tigra∣nes, who admitted him not to his presence, but caused him to be entertained like a King, though in fenny and unwholesome places. All Pontus, except a few places, yielded to Lucullus, to whom also Machares King of Bosphorus sent a crown of gold, and purchased the title of his friend and allie. Afer this Lucullus pursued Mithridates into Armenia, intending to fall on Tigranes King thereof, if he gave him occasion by defending his Enemy. Tigranes at this time was a very potent Prince, having conquered several Nations. He wrestred Asia from the Parthians, transported many thousands of Greeks out of Cilicia and Cappadocia, into a City built by him near Euphrates, and cal∣led Tigranocerta; be obtained Syria and Palestine, displacing the Kings thereof, as was acknowledged by Lucullus. This made him intollerably proud, so that when he rode, he would have four of those Kings he had sub∣dued to run beside him like Lackies, and stand before him with their hands folded in token of subjection, when he sate on his throne. Lucullus sent to him Appius Claudius his wive's brother, to demand Mithridates; but he was then busied in Phoenicia, in reducing some places, which the Messenger made an opportunity in his absence, secretly to withdraw from him many, whom his intollerable pride had rendred impatient. At his return he gave a negative answer, and therefore Lucullus with two Legions and scarcely 3000 Horse, passed over Euphrates, being not acknowleged a General, because he had not given him the title of King of Kings.

25. Tigranes had no good intelligence of his coming, for he hanged him that first brought the news, as a disturber of the Peace; but when he percei∣ved it was so indeed, he sent Mithrobarzanes with 2000 Horse to interrupt his passage, left Mancaeus to guard Tigranocerta, and went himself up and down levying forces. Whilst he was bringing 250000 Foot, and 50000 Horse, the former was beaten back, and the later could not defend the City. Mithridates advised him not to hazard all in a battel, but rather starve the Romans, as they had done him at Cyzicus, but he slighted the motion, and

jeered at the smallnesse of their number, saying, that if they were Ambassa∣dors they were very many,* 1.444 and if Soldiers, very few. But Lucullus pitch∣ing upon an hill, sent his Horse to provoke and draw out the Enemy,* 1.445 that he might break his ranks, and then setting upon the cariage beasts, caused them to drive the Foot amongst the Horse, whereby a great confusion was made, and great execution continued all the day. Tigranocerta was taken by the means of certain Greeks, who being out of jealousie disarmed by Mancaeus, took clubs, and setting upon him and his men, got the better, and received the Ro∣mans within the walls. After this, another great Army was raised, and com∣mitted to the conduct of Mithridates. They then endeavoured to incompasse Lucullus, but were crossed in their expectation, and both parties continued without any great matter performed, till want of victuals forced them to de∣part. Then went Tigranes further into his Kingdom, and Mithridates march∣ed away into his own, being pursued by Lucullus.

26. Mithridates overthrew Fabius, who had been left in Pontus by Lu∣cullus, and after him Triarius, who being sent with a new supply,* 1.446 out of a desire of glory ventured to fight ere the General came. He lost in one in∣gagement 24 Tribunes, and 150 Centurions (which numbers were seldom heard of in an overthrow of the Roman Armies) and 7000 in all were slain near the Mountain Scotius, about three miles distant from Zela a City of Pontus. Lucullus having heard of the Kings intention to set upon Triarius, procured the Soldiers of Fimbria to march, who through the procurement of P. Clodius mutined against him, as formerly against Flaccus by the means of Fimbria. But Mithridates taking away all the necessaries he could carry, and destroying the rest, departed into Armenia the lesse. Lucullus would gladly have followed him,* 1.447 and might have put an end to the War,* 1.448 but that now by the procurement of A. Gabinius the Tribune, Manius Acilius Glabrio that years Consul, was appointed his successor, and an order made for dis∣banding of Fimbria's Soldiers. This being known, Lucullus was slighted by his Army so much, that hardly could his men be drawn to stay,* 1.449 though they marched no further against Mithridates; so that the King began to recruit himself, and Tigranes wasted Cappadocia. Shortly after, Glabrio arrived in his Province, and sent about to give notice, that the Senate was displeased with Lucullus for prolonging the War, disbanded his Army, and would con∣fiscate the estates of such as should disobey it's order. Hereupon all the Ar∣my forsook him, except some few poor men, who had no cause to regard the threatnings; and Lucullus being outed of his command, Mithridates re∣covered almost his whole Kingdom, and did much hurt to Cappadocia; Gla∣brio not as much as coming to the Army; but loitering in Bithynia. This hap∣ned in the eighth year after Lucullus had undertaken the War; the 687 of the City, C. Calpurnius Piso and the said M. Acilius Glabrio being Consuls. The year following the War was committed to Cneius Pompey (afterward sirnamed the Great) by the means of C. Manilius the Tribune,* 1.450* 1.451 who having offended the Senate by a Law, which gave the same right of suffrages to Li∣berti or Freemen (once slaves) as to their Patrons, or such as manumitted them, procured this Law also to passe to curry favour with him, who now had a very great name and power, having scarcely finished the Piratick Warre, which for his famous and speedy Expedition, must be described, after we have first spoken something of the War with Spartacus, that was managed whilst Lucullus was busie in Pontus.

* 1.45227. Spartacus a Thracian born, was a Fencer in the house of Lentulus at Capua, where perswading about 70 of his condition,* 1.453 rather to fight for their own liberty than the pleasure of spectators, they broke the house and fled to Vesuvius the hill in Campania, where receiving to them all fugitives, they fell down upon the parts adjacent, and robbed them. By making equal di∣vision of the booty, he got together a great power of men, over whom he set as Captains two Fencers that were Galls by birth, called Oenomaus and Crixus. Clodius the Praetor, who was sent against them from the City, they routed and put to flight, as also P. Varinus, whose Lictors and Horse they

took. Spartacus now having got together 70000 men, and making great preparations, began to be formidable to the Romans, who therefore sent a∣gainst him L. Gellius Poplicola, and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus the Consuls with two Legions. Crixus was at the Hill Garganus defeated and slain. Spar∣tacus making for Gall, was beset before and behind by the Consuls; but one after the other he overthrew, and putting them both to flight, killed 300 pri∣soners to appease the Ghost of Crixus. Marching then towards the Alps he was opposed by Cassius the Praetor, whom he also overthrew, and who hard∣ly escaped from the ingagement.

28. Spartacus puffed up by such successe, now consulted of no lesse than setting upon Rome it self. At the Comitia for Praetors, when the Canditate appeared, M. Licinius Crassus, a person of great Nobility, and exceeding rich, undertook the Office, and was sent against Spartacus with six Legions. He ordered Mummins his Lieutenant with two Legions to attend the Ene∣mies motions, but not to fight, which doing, he was worsted, and many be∣ing taken, many also cast away their Arms and fled. Crassus to terrifie others, used great severity against such as forsook their Colours, decimating 500 who had first begun to fly; which antient kind of Discipline being of a long time difused, he hereby revived. Spartacus having by this time passed to the Sea, thought of going over into Sicily; but failing of his design upon some Ci∣cilian Rovers, he sate down in the Peninsula of Rhegium, where Crassus as it were besieged him, having drawn a line through the Isthmus from Sea to Sea, to cut off all Provisions. Spartacus in a tempestuous night made a shift to fill up the Ditch, and get over the third part of his Army, then ingaging with Crassus lost 12000 men. After this defeat he went toward the Petiline Mountains, and the Lieutenant and Quaestor of Crassus pursuing him, he faced about, and put them to flight, whereby his men being incouraged, refused not to give the Romans battel. Crassus now desired also to fight, because Pom∣pey, who was lately returned out of Spain was reported as coming to end this War.* 1.454 Pitching then one against another, Spartacus engaged with all his for∣ces, and made at Crassus through the midst of Weapons and Wounds, whom yet he missed, but killed two of his Centurions. At length such as stood near him running away, whilest he stood his ground manfully he was slain, and the rest were disordered and put to flight. Some that escaped from the battel, and made head again, Pompey suppressed, three years before he undertook the War against the Pirates.

29. The Pirates who had been a little repressed by Servilius Isauricus (as we said before) were now grown so numerous and powerfull, that there was no passing of the Seas,* 1.455 nor any dwelling upon the Coasts; for they not onely took and robbed ships on the Sea,* 1.456 but also whole Provinces on the Land; the chief place of their Rendezvous being Cilicia the Rough. Mi∣thridates first set them on work, which finding profitable they ceased not when he left off, but continued their Robberies;* 1.457 many thousands of seve∣ral Nations, as Syrians, Cypriots, Pamphylians, the Natives of Pontus, and almost all others of that part of the World joying together. For, seeing that the War continued, they thought it more wisdom to damnifie others, than lose their own Estates. Because they made choice of Cilicia, as most com∣modious in the Mountainy and Craggy places thereof to secure themselves, they all went under the name of Cilices. They had defeated several Roman Praetors. Murena did little good against them, and Servilius but a little repressed their violence; for so impudent were they now grown, that besides their incursions into Sicily and other places, which made the Inhabitants of the Coasts forsake their habitations, they landed in Italy near Brundus••um, whence they took away several women of quality; and more than that, two Armies with their Ensigns.

30. The People of Rome being very sensible of these disgracefull losses, a Law was preferred by A. Gabinius the Tribune,* 1.458 ('tis uncertain whether at the motion of Pompey, or from his own desire to ingratiate himself with him; for being none of the best men, he little valued the good of the Com∣monwealth)

that some one from amongst those of Consular Dignity should be Created General with full power for three years against the Pirates, to whom also should be granted large forces, and many Lieutenants for carry∣ing on the War. This Law little pleased the Fathers, who now began to be jealous of Pompey's power; but to him was the businesse committed, ha∣ving equal authority with Proconsuls any where within fifty miles distance from the Sea, and full power over all persons within that compasse, whether Kings or others,* 1.459 that they might assist him in the work. The Senate per∣mitted him to chuse out of their body fifteen Lieutenants, to whom he might commit several Provinces; to take up as much money out of the Treasury and from the Publicans as he pleased; to raise what force he would, and take 200 ships. But he obtained greater things of the people, and doubled his preparations, getting 500 ships, 120000 foot, and some 5000 horse. He had also out of the Senate about 25 Vicegerents, two Quaestors, and took up 6000 Attick Talents; so difficult a thing it seem'd to destroy so many Fleets as the Pirates had, in such a Sea, where there was so many places of retreat and refuge.

31. He distributed to his Lieutenants the Mediterranean Sea, including all the Bays, Havens, Promontories, Straights, Peninsulaes, and windings whatsoever, furnishing them with convenient shipping, forces, and authority;* 1.460 so that the Pirates being rouzed out of their lurking holes by some,* 1.461 might be received by the next, and chased by others, and none might need to sayl too far. He himself like a King of so many Kings sayled up and down,* 1.462 and visiting, giving directions, and overseeing, took care that not one Pirate escaped. By this course prosecuted with singular industry, in 40 dayes he scoured all the Seas about Africk, Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily; and the Pirates that escaped flocked into Cilicia, as the common receptacle. He coming to Rome about some necessary occasions, quickly after followed them with 60 Gallies; but though they prepared to give him battel at Sea, yet when they saw his Fleet at hand, submitted to mercy. Then in the space of 40 dayes he reduced Cilicia unto Roman obedience; for though he had pro∣vided Engines of all sorts to batter their Walls, it needed not, the greatnesse of his name, and preparation for the War had so terrified them, that one after another they all yielded themselves with the furniture for their trade. Such as remained of them being above 20000 he was unwilling to kill,* 1.463 and to let them return to their old habitations was not safe: therefore he removed them into another place at a good distance from the Sea, where he gave them houses and Land;* 1.464 and furnished their seats with new Inhabitants. Thus ha∣ving taken well nigh 400 ships, killed 10000 men, and taken 120 Forts, he finished this War in three moneths, using the Conquered with more cle∣mency than did Q. Metellus in Crete, which being the other nest of these Pirates, and glorying that it never underwent the yoak of any, he sub∣dued, and obtained with a Triumph the sirname of Creticus. Having suc∣ceeded Antonius (who died in the action, and had as large authority there as Pompey) he used the Pirates very roughly, and so much the more, be∣cause hearing of Pompey's mercy, they had by a Message given up themselves into his hands.

* 1.46532. Whilest he was putting an end to this Piratick War, did Manilius prefer a Law as we said before,* 1.466 that all the Armies the Romans had any where, with the Government of all Asia, and the War against Mithridates and Tigranes, might be committed to him. The Nobility conceived great in∣dignation against this Law, as which did manifest injury to Lucullus, Glabrio, and Marcius; but especially out of an high jealousie of Pompey's greatnesse, to whom now even all the Roman Empire was subject, having these Provin∣ces laid to his former, with the same power of Peace and War, and making what friends and enemies he pleased, and chiefly for that he had Jurisdi∣ction over all Armies whatsoever, which things had never before been con∣ferred upon any single person. But the Commons with great alacrity im∣braced the Law; Cicero the Praetor pressing it exceedingly, who having formerly set himself to defend the Nobility, now had betaken himself

to the vulgar sort. And C. Julius Caesar (who of late had been Quae∣stor) is said to have favoured it, that he might have the people more in∣clined afterwards to commit extraordinary commands to himself.

33. It being now the 688 year of the Citie,* 1.467 the 64^th before the birth of Christ, the fourth of Aristobulus King of Judaea, M. Aemilius Lepidus, and L. Volcatius Tullus being Consuls, Pompey undertook the expedition. He first sent to Mithridates, offering him good terms; but he sleighted them,* 1.468 because he hoped to have Phraates the Parthian on his side; yet when he heard that he had first made a League with him, on the same conditions as were offered to Sylla and Lucullus,* 1.469 he himself then sent and asked peace. Pom∣pey commanded him to lay down Arms, and deliver up all Fugitives; vvho fearing they should be given up, and the other Soldiers mutining for being about to be deprived of their help, a great trouble insued, which he evaded, by saying that he onely sent to make an espial, and by swearing, that he never would be reconciled to the Romans, because of their insatiable avarice. Then marched Pompey into Galatia, where meeting with Lucullus, much ado there was betwixt them.* 1.470 Lucullus said the War was finished, and that the Com∣missioners sent from Rome were to decide the businesse, and when Pompey would not hear of this, he reviled him with an immoderate thirst after power; Pompey again objecting covetousnesse to him, so that the accusations could on neither side be denied. Lucullus gave out commands as yet in power, but Pompey by his Edicts forbade them, nulled all his Acts, and at length drew away most of his men. But at his return he was received with great honour by the Senate, carrying with him amongst his booty gotten in Pon∣tus, many* 1.471 books, wherewith he furnished his Library, which ever stood open to Greeks especially. He also first brought* 1.472 the Cherry-Tree out of of Pontus (from a Citie of which Region it was called Cerasus) into Italy.

34. Mithridates had now got together a considerable Army; but coming to ingage with Pompey was inferiour to him in all skirmishes.* 1.473 Pompey con∣sidering how the King had wasted all the Countrey on purpose to straighten him for Provisions, went into Armenia the lesse, subject to Mithridates, who fearing he might get that Countrey into his hands, followed him thi∣ther. First here Mithridates had hopes to starve him; but was disappoint∣ed with considerable losse, and was himself encompassed with a Trench 150 furlongs about. Hearing that Marcius was joyned to Pompey, who had Provisions at will, he fled away, having first killed all such as were sick, and uselesse,* 1.474 about him. But Pompey pursued, and prevented him from passing over Euphrates; then forced him to fight in the night, being surprized, and at unawares. The Moon being low, and on the backs of the Romans, so lengthened their shadows, that his Soldiers thinking them nearer than they were, shot most of their Arrows without doing any execution. He lost ma∣ny thousands; but he himself brake out with 800 horse, whereof but 300 stayed with him. Then wandring through the Woods with his horse in his hand, he light of some Mercenaries, and about 3000 foot, by which he was conveyed into a Castel where he had laid up much Treasure. Hence he sent to Tigranes, who refused to receive him, laying to his charge, that by his means Tigranes his son (by the daughter of Mithridates) had rebelled against him,* 1.475 and offering 100 Talents for his head. He fled therefore to Cholcos, which formerly he had subdued.

35. Pompey followed him to Cholcos, thinking he vvould not have stirred thence;* 1.476 but he passed into Scythia, vvhere partly by force, and partly by perswasion, he made the Princes thereof of his party, bestowing his daughters in marriage upon them. For he had now vast designs in his head, though outed of his Kingdom, even no lesse than of passing through Thrace, Macedonia, and Pannonia, and so over the Alps into Italy. Pompey departing from Chol∣cos, and escaping the ambushes laid for him by the Albanians and Iberians, marched into Armenia against Tigranes, vvho vvas resolved novv not to fight, for that having had three sons by Mithridates his daughter, tvvo of them up∣on provocation he had already killed, and he that remained rebelling also, vvas

now after an overthrow received from his Father, fled to Pompey. This son prevailed that his Ambassadors were not heard,* 1.477 who c••me to ask Peace. But Pompey marching against the City Artaxa, Tigranes yielded it up to him,* 1.478 and afterwards, without sending any beforehand, came into his Camp, and gi∣ving up himself with all he had into his hands, made him umpire betwixt him and his son, who would not so much as rise up to him, or give him any respect, though Pompey used him very civily. Pompey left him his inheritance of Ar∣menia, with a great part also of Mesopotamia (allowing the son to reign in Gordena and Sophena, and expect the rest after his father's death) but depri∣ved him of all the Provinces he had subdued, and fined him 6000 Talents of Silver for the charge he had put the People of Rome to in the War.* 1.479 So, he not onely quitted part of Cappadocia and Cilicia, but also all Syria and Phoenicia from Euphrates to the Sea, which he had got into his hands,* 1.480 with part of Cilicia, after he had ejected Antiochus Pius, as is said before in the reign of this unfortunate King. Tigranes the son was very refractory, un∣willing his father should have the treasure adjudged to him by Pompey, that he might be able to pay his fine. Being minded to make away his father, and for that cast into prison; where therein also he sollicited the Parthians against the Romans,* 1.481 he was reserved for a Triumph, and after that killed in prison. The old King payed more than his fine, and gave something to every Officer and Soldier, after which he was accounted a Friend and Allie of the People of Rome.

36. Pompey restored Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, gave him also Sophene and Gordene, with Cabala a City of Cilicia, and others.* 1.482 After this with some adoe he forced the Albanians and Iberians to beg Peace, and then pas∣sing over the mountain Taurus, made War upon Antiochus Comaginus, and also Darius the Median, either for that he had helped Antiochus,* 1.483 or made War against Tigranes, or Aretas King of the Nabathaean Arabs. Then Phraates the Parthian affrighted at his great atchievements begged Peace, which he granted not, but sent Afranius into Gordiene, to drive out his forces, and restore it to Tigranes, who about it had warred with the Persian. Phra∣ates hereupon invaded Armenia, and Tigranes sent to Pompey for aid; who being unwilling to begin a War with Phraates without an order from Rome, sent three Commissioners to agree them. Antiochus son of Antiochus Pius, to whom Lucullus granted Syria his inheritance, thought first of betaking himself to the Parthian; yet upon second thoughts, resolved to cast himself upon the good nature of Pompey. But he having obtained it without a stroak, put him beside it, commanding him to content himself with Comagena, though he had never ill deserved of the People of Rome: for knowing he was not able to right himself, he excused the matter, saying, it was not fit that Syria, whence Tigranes had banished the posterity of Seleucus, should now rather fall to it being conquered,* 1.484 than to the Romans,* 1.485 who were Conque∣rours. He refused flatly to give Antiochus what before he could not keep (for he had layn in a corner of Cilicia fourteen years, all the time that Tigra∣nes enjoyed it) lest he should again render it lyable to the incursions of the Jews and Arabians. Therefore having overcome the Ituraeans and Arabians, he reduced Syria into the form of a Province.

37. Mithridates, in the mean time had sent to Pompey to ask Peace, of∣fering to pay tribute; but being willed to come to him, he flatly refused, and made great preparations to renew the War.* 1.486 After this Castor his Gover∣nour of Phanagoria a Port Town of Pontus revolted, and calling the People to their liberty, took the Castle held by Mithridates his sons, whereof four he sent to Roman Garrisons. Hereupon several places fell off, which made him put many persons to death, amongst whom were divers of his own friends, and one of his sons. Seing also that many revolted, and his new Army had no heart to the service, he sent to the Princes of Scythia to hasten their sup∣plies, sending his daughters to them with a convoy of 500 Horse; but these men killing the Eunuchs who had molested them about the King, caried away the women unto Pompey. Yet such a courage still he had, as to think of pas∣sing

through Scythia and ••stria, and joyning with the Galls of Europe to in∣vade Italy, hoping there to find many enemies of the Romans; though Pom∣pey coming out of S••ria had through ambition done what he condemned in Lucullus,* 1.487 having reduced his Kingdom into the form of a Province, whilst he was yet alive, and provided for new opposition. But his Army was startled at the news of his intentions, hating the tediousnesse of the journy, and having small hope to conquer those in Italy, whom at their own doors they could not withstand. Yet such was his authority, as for a while they were quiet, till his own son whom he had most loved, and destined his successor, became the pro∣curor of their defection and his death.

38. This was Pharnaces, who either out of apprehension that this attempt upon Italy would cut off all pardon from his family, or upon other grounds, conspired against him. The plot was discovered, and though his Complices were tortured and put to death, yet was he pardoned,* 1.488 and betook himself to the fugitive Romans, shewing them their danger in case Italy were invaded, and then to the Army,* 1.489 which with small trouble he drew to his party. Mi∣thridates coming to speak to them, his own guard forsook him, his horse as he fled was killed under him, and Pharnaces saluted King, having a piece of parchment put about his head in form of a diadem. Mithridates seeing this from a high room, sent divers to ask leave to depart, who not returning, he himself often desired it of his son, but in vain, who bidding him dye, he cried out, and prayed, that he might hear one day the same words from his own children. Then came he down to his wives, daughters, and concubines, to whom when he had given poyson, fearing he should be delivered up to the Romans, he took some himself; but having used much his body to antidotes (such as yet are named from him) it would not work, though he walked much for that purpose, whereupon he wounded himself, but this not dispatch∣ing him soon enough,* 1.490 he called one Bitaetus (or Bithocus) a Gall, who, the wall being broken, had got in, by whose hand partly, and partly by his own, he dispatched himself. A man, as one saith, neither, without good heed,* 1.491 to be omitted nor spoken of; in War most eager and fierce, and alwaies of no∣table valour. Sometimes in fortune, all times in courage of highest rank; in direction a good Captain, in execution a good Soldier, in hatred to the Romans another Hannibal; finally, the greatest King after Alexander in the judgment of Cicero. This end came he to, after the War had first commen∣ced just 20 years; for it began when Cn. Pompeius Strabo, and L. Porcius Cato, and ended now when M. Tullus Cicero the Orator, and C. Antonius Nepos were Consuls, in the 691 year of the City, the second of the 179 Olympiad, and the first of the reign of Hyrcanus, 61 years before the birth of Christ. A. M. 3942.

39. Pompey, when the first tidings of his death came to him, was near Jericho, marching towards Jerusalem against Aristobulus King of Judaea, who had displeased his elder brother Hyrcanus and usurped the Kingdom. Hyrcanus complained of his brother to Pompey at Damascus,* 1.492 who came thither to answer for himself. Pompey used them both kindly, telling them, that as soon as he had dispatched some affairs he would come into their Coun∣try,* 1.493 which after he had setled Syria, subdued the Arabians with the Iturae∣ans, and reduced Pontus into a Province, (all in a short time) he now per∣formed, being much incensed by Hyrcanus against the other. He sent to Aristobulus to come to him, and deliver up all his holds, which he did with much regret, and afterwards withdrew himself to Hierusalem, to prepare for War. Pompey suspecting some such matter, delayed not to follow him, who then came out to meet him; but though the City was entred without op∣position, his Soldiers fortified the Temple and stood out, which made him be delivered into custody. The Temple being very strong by it's situation, was after much labour taken in the third moneth, Faustus the son of Sylla having first mounted the walls. Twelve thousand Jews were slain, of the Romans very few. Pompey entred the Holy of Holies, but medled with nothing, restored Hyrcanus to the Priesthood and Government (yet with command

not to wear a diadem) and took Aristobulus along with him, making Judaea tributary to Rome, as is more largely related in it's proper place. After this, leaving Syria with two Legions to Scaur•••• his Quaestor, he fully subdued Cilicia, and thence returning into Pontus, setled things there, bestowing the Kingdom of Bosphor•••• upon Phar••••ces. At his return he wintred at Ephe∣sus, whence having subdued many Princes, and joyned others as Allies to the State of Rome, having taken 1000 Castles, 900 Cities, and restored 39; having planted Colonies in eight Cities and Countries, and ordered the po∣licy of such as through the continent of Asia belonged to the Romans; and having magnificently rewarded his Soldiers, he returned into Italy,* 1.494 and at Rome triumphed two dayes together very gloriously, leading amongst other captives Aristobulus King of Judaea, after he had spent five years in his Ea∣stern Expedition.

40. The same year wherein Mithridates died, and the Temple of Jeru∣salem was taken, hapned a most dangerous conspiracy at Rome,* 1.495 by the means of L. Sergius Catalina,* 1.496 a Patrician by degree, but one of a debaucht and in∣famous life. Some years before he had been accused of incest with Fabia a Vestal Nan; but by the means of Cacul••s was acquitted; suspected also to have murdered his son for the love of Aurelia, who would not marry one that had children. Having contracted by this loosenesse of life a vast debt, he grew desperate, and sought for power and command, that he might if pos∣sible obtain the soveraignty over all; but being also suspected hereof, he twice received a repulse in standing for the Consulship. The later time it was caried from him by Cicero, whom he would have killed in the Comitia, and railed at as a foreiner and upstart, because he was born but of an Equestrian family at Arpinum a Town in Pug••ia, a Province (now) of the Kingdom of Naples. Hereby driven into extream disdain and rage, he fell into that course wherein formerly he had been ingaged with Piso for the destruction of his Country, to whom also L. Aurelius Cotta and L. M••••lius Torquatus (being denied the Consulship which they had sought by indirect means two years before) joyned themselves, and anew plotted the destruction of the Consuls and Senate,* 1.497 the burning of the City, and overthrowing of the Commonwealth, with Lentu∣lus, C. Cethegus, and others. This Lentalus had been Consul seven years be∣fore, and now was Praetor (as also Cethegas) being driven on by a vain con∣fidence he had in the Books of Sibylla, which he would often say did portend that the soveraign power, should be in the hands of three Cornelii, viz. Sylla, Cinna, and himself.

* 1.49841. The plot was discovered through Falvia a Courtisan, to whom Q. Curius one of the Conspirators (a man that for his debaucheries had by the Censors been removed out of the Senate) blabbed it out, while he boasted to her, that shortly he should be a very considerable man. She gave intelli∣gence to Cicero, who out of them two got the whole matter, how, and where they had met, and what designs they had in hand; particularly for his own destruction to be brought about by L. Vasgunteius a Senator, and C. Cornelius of Equestrian rank, under pretence of a kind visit. He appointed guards to the several parts of the City, and on the eighth of November (as the year then went) called the Senate together, whither came Cataline amongst the rest; but none of the Senators would come near him, so as that part of the bench whereon he sate, was wholly void. Cicero, whether feaing him, or angry to see him there,* 1.499 made his first Oration against him, wherein he com∣manded him to depart the City. He went away late in the night with 300 armed men, and Lictors carying Axes and Rods before him as a Magi∣strate, into Etruria, gathering Soldiers all along, intending to return and make prey of the City, which upon his departure he had given order to burn, as also to kill Cicero, which Lentulus and Cethegus took upon them to do, as soon as he should come to Faesulae. In the mean time the Ambassadors of the Allobroges, who were come to Town to accuse their Magistrates, were also drawn in, to stir up the Galls against the Commonwealth; but declar∣ing it to Fabius Sanga their Patron (it was the custome for each Nation

or State to have one in the Citie) it came to Tullie's ear, and so was pre∣vented.

42. The day after Cataline's departure, the Consul made his second Ora∣tion, wherein he Congratulates the People, and Commonwealth, concern∣ing his absence.* 1.500 The Senate judged Cataline an Enemy, and Manlius, with whom in Etruria he had joyned; they deprived Lentulus of his Office, by whom the Ambassadors had been drawn in, who confessed they had often heard from him what he idlely conjectured out of Sibylla's books. Cicero's third Oration declareth what was done in the Senate.* 1.501 The times being very dangerous, he propounded to the Fathers to consider what course was to be taken with Lentulus, Cethegus, Stalius, and Cassius, all whom he having secured, this bred a great disturbance; for the Slaves and Depen∣dents of the two former got together a great company of Artificers, and in∣deavoured to break in upon the back-side of the Praetor's house, and rescue their Lords. This being known, the Consul hasted out of the Senate-house, and appointed a vvatch to be set, then returning, asked the opinions of the Senators. Silanus designed Consul for the ensuing year, being first asked his opinion, according to the custom, was for putting them to death, and so were divers others, till Nero disswaded it, judging it better to secure them till Cataline were suppressed, and the thing better sifted out. Of this opi∣nion was C. Julius Caesar, something suspected to be privy to the design. He would have them dispersed in several Towns in Italy by the Consul's ap∣pointment, afterwards to be tried, and not put to death altogether unheard. This seemed very plausible, till Cato (great Grand-son to M. Porcius Cato the Censor) very earnestly pressed the contrary, falling foul upon Caesar as a suspicious person.* 1.502 Then the Consul made his fourth Oration, wherein he so disputeth of the two contrary opinions, as he evidently inclineth to seve∣rity, as fearing what the guilty party might do the night following out of ne∣cessity and desperation.* 1.503 Hereby the Senate was induced to put them to death as surprized in the fact, which Cicero saw done accordingly ere the house arose. After this Cataline was overtaken by C. Antonius, the other Consul, near the Alps, as he was going into Gall to perfect his Levies, and there fighting most valiantly was slain.* 1.504 His men also fought it out to the last, scarce∣ly one of them being taken. So was quasht this most dangerous conspi∣racy, by the vigilancy especially of Cicero the Consul, who wrote an Hi∣story thereof which is lost. Publick thanks for his great care and pains were given to him, and, at the instance of Cato, with divers accla∣mations of the People, he was first of all others stiled Father of his Coun∣trey.

* 1.50543. Now began C. Julius Caesar to be very eminent, two years after these stirs being sent as Praetor into the further Spain.* 1.506 He was born in the 654 year of the Citie, C. Marius the sixth time, and L. Valerius Flaccus be∣ing Consuls, the same that the Sedition about Saturninus hapned, on the 12^th day of the moneth Quinctilis, afterward from him named July by An∣tonius his Law.* 1.507 His father was C. Julius Caesar, who never arose higher than the Praetorship, and died suddenly at Pisae, as his shooes were drawing on in the morning: his mother was Aurelia, the daughter of C. Cotta; and Julia the wife of Marius was his Aunt. In his youth having married Cinna's daughter (by which he had Julia) refusing to put her away, he was in great danger, being with much ado spared by Sylla, who as it were foretelling what trouble he would bring to the State, said, that in Caesar were many Marii. The foundation of his Military skill he laid in Asia,* 1.508 under M. Thermus the Praetor, by whom being sent into Bithynia to fetch away the Navy, he stayed with Nicomedes the King, to whom it was suspected that he prostituted himself. Afterwards in the taking of Mitylene he had deserved well, and served under Servilius Isauricus in Cilicia; but not long. For, hearing of Sylla's death, and hoping to make his fortune out of the dissentions raised by Lepidus, home he came; but not finding a convenient oppportunity, and ha∣ving to no purpose accused Dolobella, to shun the Envy thereby contra∣cted,

he went to Rhodes to hear Apollonius, whence sayling in Winter, he fell into the hands of the Pirates, and was forced to purchase his freedom with fifty Talents; to revenge which, he procured some ships, & took some of them, whom he nailed to Crosses, though without leave from the Praetor, who would have sold them. After this he gave a stop to Mithridates his Lieute∣nant, and saved divers Cities in Asia. He assisted Pompey the Consul, and others,* 1.509 in restoring the Tribuneship which Sylla had broken. Shortly after he was made Quaestor, and sent into further Spain, where going about to administer Justice, he came to Gades, and saw Alexanders image in the Temple of Hercules. It troubled him exceedingly, to consider that he himself had done no memorable thing at that age wherein Alexander had Conque∣red the World, and thereupon he earnestly desired to be recalled, that being in the Citie, he might catch at some opportunity for his own ad∣vancement.

* 1.51044. Having got leave to return ere his time was out, he joyned pre∣sently with the Latine Colonies in demanding the freedom of the Citie, and had incited them to some desperate design, but that the Senate for fear of the worst, retained the Legions some time, which were raised for Cilicia. He was suspected to have been of the party of M. Crassus, of P. Sulla also, and Autronius (who having been designed Consuls, were found to have in∣directly sought for the Office, and so according to Law forfeited their places to the discoverers) in the beginning of the year to set upon the Senate, and kill whom they pleased. Crassus being made Dictator, he was to have been Master of the hors-men under him, and all things being ordered according to their pleasure, the Consulship was to have been restored to the other two. ••ome have affirmed (whom Suetonius citeth) that he also conspired with Cn. Piso, that the one in the Citie, and the other abroad, should rise, which was prevented by Piso's death.* 1.511 Being after this Aedilis, he so ma∣naged the businesse of publick buildings, and shews, that all was ascribed to him, and nothing to his Collegue; by which means, and others, he procured the favour of the People, and essayed by the Tribunes to get Egypt assigned to him, which, now having expelled the King, he thought would affoard him an opportunity of an extraordinary command. But he was crossed by the great ones, whom that he might vex, he restored the Trophies erected by Marius over the Cimbri, which Sulla had caused to be pulled down, and suborned those who accused Rabirius. By his means especially the Senate had suppressed Saturninus the seditious Tribune, and now being brought before Caesar as his Judge, he was so severe against him, that nothing so much helped the man in his appeal from him to the People.

45. After his repulse as to Egypt he stood for the High-Priesthood, and by large sums (such corruption were those times arrived at) bought so many voices as he carried it from two most powerfull men and his Seniors,* 1.512 having more suffrages out of their two Tribes, than they had out of all the rest be∣sides. Then being Praetor, he stood for the complices of Cataline so earnestly, as he drew to his party the brother of Cicero the Consul, and diverse others. After this he assisted Caecilius Metellus the Tribune in preferring turbulent Laws, till both of them by a decree of the Senate were displaced, and yet then would he sit, and execute his Office still, till forced to withdraw: then, out of policy he restrained the multitude which flocked to him,* 1.513 and offered to restore him by strong hand, of which the Senate taking notice, gave him thanks with great commendations, and re-invested him in his Office. After this, he fell into another danger, being accused by Vettius and Curius, as a partner of Cataline; yet, appealing to Cicero that he had discovered some things to him, he came off, and revenged himself upon his accusers. Then ob∣tained he by lot, as we said, the Government of Spain, and having contracted a vast debt,* 1.514 put off his Creditors for that time, by the interposition of sureties. Coming into his Province he spent not his time in administring Justice,* 1.515 but pierced farther into the Countrey, and subdued certain people before this untouched, seeking matter for a Triumph, which then to obtain he hasted to

Rome. But it being now the time for the Consular Comitia, he had an ex∣traordinary desire to that Office, and begged of the Senate, that he might stand for it by proxy, for that he could not himself be present, it being against the custom for any that was to Triumph to enter the Citie ere that day came; for which as yet he was not provided. This, though against the Laws, was not without president, but could not now be granted. Therefore he resolved ra∣ther to lose his Triumph than misse of the Consulship, and coming to Town, stood for it himself.

46. Great contests hapned about this Office, and he had not carried it, but that Pompey at this time stood in need of it.* 1.516 For,* 1.517 the great ones envying his fame, refused to confirm those conditions which he had granted to the Kings, Governours, and Cities of Asia. Lucullus his Predecessor in the War with Mithridates, who since his return had given up himself wholy to idlenesse and luxury (for he first brought into Rome the extravagancy of buildings and feasting) they stirred up, by his authority to promote their opposition, and he presently fell upon him, together with Metellus Creticus, who bore him malice also ever since the Piratick War. Lucullus bade him report his matters singly, and not as a Soveraign Lord expect they should all be confir∣med without any consideration: and whereas he had rescinded several of his acts, he desired of the Senate that this might be considered of, whether justly done or otherwise. Cato, Metellus Celer, the Consul, and Crassus, defended Lucullus, who boasted that the victory over Mithridates was his own; and he obtained that his decrees which Pompey had repealed might be in force, and those that Pompey made in reference to the Conquered Kings should be null: and he hindred, by the help of Cato, a Law which he would have pre∣ferred about dividing grounds to his Soldiers. Pompey being thus used in the Senate, betook himself to the Tribunes, one whereof (L. Flavius) that the Law for the grounds might more easily passe, would have given the suffrage to all Citizens, but Metellus the Consul so earnestly opposed it, that though the Tribune cast him in prison, yet would he not depart from his former sence, which pertinaciousnesse of him and others, when Pompey saw, he desisted, repenting too late that he had disbanded his Armies, and exposed himself thus to the malice of his Enemies.

47. At this time came C. Julius Caesar to Rome to stand for the Con∣sulship. Pompey joyned with him, upon condition that he procuring the Con∣sulship for him, he would confirm his acts. And whereas Pompey and M. Crassus had formerly been at odds ever since their joynt Consulship which they executed with great discord;* 1.518 Caesar now made them friends,* 1.519 and not onely so, but they all three conspired together, that nothing should be done in the Commonwealth which displeased any one of them; which con∣spiracy, say Writers, was pernicious to the Citie, the World, and at length to themselves. This conspiracy of these three principal persons, Varro (who wrote 490 books) described in one book, & called it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Tricipitina, or Three headed. Diodorus Siculus fetcheth the Original of Caesarean matters from this year, wherein he travelled into Egypt, when young Ptolomy Dionysus was King. With this conspiracy also Asinius Pollio begun his History of the Civil War. For the falling out of Caesar and Pompey, did not, as most have thought, procure the Civil Wars; but rather their Conjunction, which was designed to break in pieces the power of the Nobility, as Plutarch observeth in the life of Caesar. This was the 694^th year of the Citie, the first of the 180th Olympiad, Herodes being Archon at Athens, the 58^th year before the birth of Christ, A. M. 3945. Q. Caecilius Metellus, and L. Afranius being Consuls.

* 1.520SECT. VI. From the beginning of the Tricipitina or first Triumvirate, to the absolutenesse of Julius Caesar, containing the space of sixteen years.

1. CAESAR by the help of Pompey obtained the Consulship; but not without the assistance of money also. There were two other Competitors, L. Lucerius and M. Bibulus, whereof he was much for the former,* 1.521 having agreed with him, that because he was lesse in favour,* 1.522 but very rich, he should give money for them both through the Centuries. But the Grandees understanding this, and fearing if he had him for his Collegue he might do what he listed, they caused Bibulus to offer more, they themselves contributing to the expence, which corruption Cato denied not to be for the good of the Commonwealth, now brought by the means of such evil mem∣bers into absolute danger and necessity. Caesar confirmed Pompey's acts ac∣cording to agreement, neither Lucullus nor any other opposing it, and Pom∣pey procured, that what honour Lucullus had promised to certain men of Pon∣tus, should not be confirmed by the Senate, filling the City with Soldiers, and by force casting him and Cato out of the Forum. In this his first Con∣sulship he sold alliances with Rome, and also Kingdoms; and, to procure the favour of the Commons,* 1.523 preferred a Law for dividing certain grounds in Campania (which had been preserved to defray publick charges) to such Citizens as had three children or more. This he caused to passe by force, and compelled all Plebeians to swear to observe the Law, and the Senators also, though Cato urged them to refuse; for they did it to save their lives, he having caused the People to decree, that it should be capital for any to deny it. He had recourse to the People in all cases, making little use of the Senate, which he seldom called together. Bibulus his Collegue having opposed his actions for some time to no purpose, kept himself at home, and stirred not for the remaining part of the year. Caesar then governed alone, and was much courted by the Equites or Knights, who having farmed the custome, de∣sired an abatement of the rent. The Senate refused to remit any thing, but he did their businesse for them, procuring the People to abate a third part. By this and other wayes of shews and largesses,* 1.524 he so inveigled the multitude, that he got Gall to be decreed to him for five years, with four Legions, and for the remaining part of the year, spent it in seeking how to establish himself for the time to come.

2. Knowing how considerable a man Pompey was, to bind him faster to him,* 1.525 he gave him in mariage his daughter Julia. He procured two of his own creatures, A. Gabinius and L. Calpurnius Piso (whose daughter he had ma∣ried after Cornelia's death) to be designed Consuls for the following year, as also Vatinius and Clodius Tribunes, though the later had abused his wife (for he was a person exceedingly loose that way) having in womens clothes crept into the meetings proper onely to that Sex, for which he was accused as a breaker of the sacred customes by Cicero. He appeared not against him though he put away his wife, nay he helped him to his place, as it's thought, out of opposition to the Orator (who was wont to declame against the com∣bination of the three great ones, as pernicious to the Commonwealth) and in way of requital for the help hee had afforded him in the procure∣ment of Gall, whither, when the time of his Consulship was expired,* 1.526 he departed. This year was Titus Livius the Historiographer born at Padua.

* 1.5273. Clodius out of malice to Cicero seeking for the Tribuneship, whereas he was a Patrician, thereby uncapable of the place, he procured himself to be adopted by a Plebeian, and so with the losse of his former dignity obtained it. Then did he prefer a Law, that whosoever had put to death any Roman Citizen unheard, water and fire should be forbidden him, which amounted

to as much as banishment; and set Cicero his day of appearance, for putting to death Cethegus, Lentulus▪ and others of Catalines conspiracy unheard. Pompey at first stood stifly for the accused, saying, he would rather dye him∣self than Tully should be hurt; but Caesar took him off, because Cicero ha∣ving desired to go his Lieutenant into Gall, upon Clodiu•• his seeming willing to be reconciled, had changed his resolution, and hereby displeased him. This is certain, that he who was wont to defend others so earnestly, was very timorous in his own cause (which hapned also to Demosthenes) and chose ra∣ther to depart the City,* 1.528 and late at night, than undergo his trial,* 1.529 after that Pompey had forsaken him, and the Consuls would give him little hopes. Af∣ter his departure Clodius banished him by decree of the People 400 miles from Italy, demolished his Villages and his house, on the plot whereof he built a Temple to Liberty, and set his goods to sale. He went to Thessa∣lonica a City of Macedonia, being by letters of the Senate commended to such Kings, or Governours, as into the Dominions of whom he might have occasion to come.

4. Clodius having thus rid himself of Cicero, for that Cato's presence was very troublesom to him, sent him also out of the way, under colour of do∣ing him honour.* 1.530 He preferred a Law against Ptolomy King of Cyprus (bro∣ther to Anletes of Aegypt) for the spoiling him of all his estate, and re∣ducing that Island into the form of a Province, though this man had nothing ill deserved. He was indeed very vicious, if that could have given them any right to what he had; but the truth was,* 1.531 Clodius had been taken by the Pi∣rates, and sending to him for money to redeem him, he would part but with two talents, and therefore he took this occasion to be revenged on him and Cato both together. The King hearing of Cato's coming, killed himself, and some said that he cast his treasures into the Sea. Cato sold his goods, and brought a great sum of money into the treasury. But, by this time Pompey repented that he had forsaken Cicero; for, Clodius wanting other matter now to work on, vexed all the great ones, and repealed some things which he had done, so that now he set himself to have him recalled. Clodius withstood it, but thereupon the Senate passed a Decree, that nothing should be heard before his restitution was propounded. Lentulus the Consul propounded it on the Calends of January; but the matter being hindred, several wayes, was brought down to the People on the eighth before the Calends of February, where was great endeavour used by T. Annius Milo and P. Sextius two other Tri∣bunes for his restitution. Clodius their Collegue taking some Fencers belong∣ing to his brother Appius, fell upon the multitude and killed many: The Tri∣bunes were wounded,* 1.532 and Q. Cicero brother of the banished (newly returned from Asia, which he had governed three years) lay for dead amongst the slain. Now the People began seriously to bethink themselves. Milo ventured to draw Clodius by force to judgement, and Pompey possessing himself of the Forum, put the People to their suffrages, who with universal consent voted his restitution. The Senate decreed honour to such Cities as had entertained him, and that his house and Villages should be re-edified at the publick charge. So Cicero who had been banished the year before about the Calends of April, returned this year in the moneth Sextilis, or, the day before the Nones of September, and therefore was absent about sixteen moneths. As Plutarch more rightly computeth than* 1.533 Simpson, who strangely forgetting himself, blaming him, for saying he returned in the sixteenth moneth, con∣tendeth that from the first of April to the moneth Sextilis or August of the following year, intervene but fourteen moneths. Now P. Cornelius Len∣tulus and Q. Caecilius Metellus were Consuls.

5. Caesar having obtained of the People Gall within the Alpes,* 1.534 and Illy∣ricum, with three Legions, the Senate added, that beyond the Alpes (which in part we now call France) with another Legion. His first work was to re∣pel the Helvetians (now called Switzers) who having burnt their houses and resolved to seek out more convenient habitations, intended to passe over the Rhoane, and so through his Province. He having intelligence thereof, ha∣sted

to Geneva, and pulled down the bridge there. They then sent to him to desire that they might passe through his Province without offence,* 1.535 to consider whereof he took time till the Ides of April, and in the mean time raised a wall twenty miles in length, from the Lake Lemanus to the Hill Jura (which divdeth Burgoin from Switzer-land) and thereby hindred their passage. They then bent their course to Araris (a River in France now called Saon) where in their passage be overthrew and dispersed them.* 1.536 They sent him another message to no purpose, and repelled 4000 of his Horse which too greedily chased them; but he continually followed, and hindring them from wasting the Country, at length quite routed and put them to flight; of 348000, 130000 onely remaining, who also shortly after were forced for want of pro∣visions to yield, and giving Hostages, and delivering up their arms, to return from whence they came, and rebuild their Towns and Villages. After this was done, the Galls complained to him of Ariovistus King of the Germans, who had seized on a third part of the Countrey belonging to the Sequani (now Burgundians) and intended to take the rest also. He first sent to him, but this being in vain, he led his Army against him, and they came to an en∣terview, which succeeding not, he overthrew him also, and he fled into Ger∣many in a little boat, two of his wives and as many daughters being taken. These things Caesar accomplished in the first Summer, in the Consulship of his two creatures, Piso and Gabinius.

6. The following year all the Belgae (now inhabitants of the Low-countries for the most part) except those about Rheimes, conspired together against the Romans,* 1.537* 1.538 and besieged Bibrax (now Bearne) and another fort kept by Q. Ti∣tunus. Caesar hereupon marched to the River Axona (now Le Disne) and there overthrew them, after which divers yielded themselves; but the Nervii (a People about Tournay in Flanders) a warlike and severe Nation, stood out, with whom joyned the Attrebates and Veromandui (now Inhabitants of Artois, and of part of Picardie) but these he utterly overthrew, scarcely any escaping out of the field. This was done that year wherein Ci∣cero was recalled. In the third year, purposing for Italy himself, he sent Servius Galba with the twelfth Legion and part of the Horse against the Antuates, Veragri,* 1.539 and Seduni,* 1.540 Nations inhabiting from the River Rhene as high as the Alpes, because he would have the passage thereabout cleared for traffick. Galba defeated a great multitude of them, which set upon him in his Camp. Caesar not long after returning, found the Veneti and other Nations of Gall••a Celtica in rebellion, who gave him trouble enough, but at length he over∣threw the Veneti at Sea, Crassus subdued the Sontiates, and the greatest part of Aquitaine, and Sabinus the Unelli and maritime Cities. Then fell he upon the Marini (a People near Calais in Picardy) and the Menapii also, these two Nations still being in Arms. But, Winter growing on, foul wea∣ther secured them in the marishes, and caused him to remove his men to their winter-quarters.

7. Now by this time he had got great store of of wealth,* 1.541 wherewith he not onely paid his debts, but made him great store of friends by gifts and contri∣butions. Herewith he corrupted the Aediles, Praetors, Consuls and their wives. Passing over the Alpes this Winter into Luca, where he took up his head quarters, so great concourse was made to him, that there were present 200 Senators, amongst whom were Crassus and Pompey, and so many Pro∣consuls and Praetors,* 1.542 that 120 bundles of rods have been seen together at his gates. He fearing he might be recalled, procured Pompey and Crassus to obtain the Consulship for the following year, and continue him his imploy∣ment in Gall for other five years. Cato perswaded L. Domitius to stand for the Consulship, telling him he should contend not for Magistracy but for li∣berty against the Tyrants. But Pompey fearing Cato's vehemency, lest, having the whole Senate in his power, he should perswade the People to what was best, sent some armed men upon Domitius as he went down to the Forum, who killed the slave that caried the light before them, dispersed them all, Cato being the last that fled, who received a wound on his arm whilst he

fought for Domitius. Pompey and Crassus having thus by force obtained the Consulship, bore themselves nothing more moderately afterwards. The peo∣ple being about to give Cato the Praetorship,* 1.543 Pompey pretended a strange fight from Heaven, and dismissed the Assembly: then corrupting the Tribes with money, he procured Antias and Vatinius to be chosen Praetors.* 1.544 Then by the help of Trebonius the Tribune they procured Laws, which continued to Caesar (as they had agreed) his Government in Gall for other five years, as∣signed Syria to Crassus with the Parthian War; and to Pompey all Africk, and the Spains with four Legions, whereof two he lent to Caesar for the Gallick Wars. Pompey being permitted to Govern his Provinces by Depu∣ties stayed at Rome, where he spent his time in shews and pastimes. Crassus much rejoyced in his part, scarcely being able to contain himself abroad and at home, contrary to his wonted gravity, breaking forth into Childish expres∣sions of joy. For, he sleighted the thoughts of Syria and Parthia, as one who would so order his affairs, that the exploits of Lucullus against Tigranos, and of Pompey in the War with Mithridates, should seem but toys, extending his hopes as far as Bactria, the Indians, and the utmost Ocean.

8. The Tribunes hindred all they could, the Consuls from raising men, and laboured to repeal the Laws made for their expeditions.* 1.545 Pompey was herewith well enough contented, having sent his Lieutenants into his Provin∣ces, and being unwilling to leave the Citie, as he pretended,* 1.546 because of the charge of Provisions committed to him, which Cicero, in way of recompence for his labour in his restitution, had procured him from the Senate, that so he might have authority all over the Roman Empire. But Crassus betook him∣self to force, which when the Tribunes saw themselves unable to withstand, they desisted, but loaded him with curses, and when he made the accustomed prayers in the Capitol for prosperous successe, they spoke of unluck auspicia and prodigies which had hapned. Atteius the Tribune laboured to hinder him from going, many exclaiming against it as an unworthy thing that he should fall with War upon those, who had nothing ill deserved of the Ro∣mans, but were at peace with them. This made him fly to Pompey to con∣duct him forth, at the sight of whom those who came to stop him gave way. But Atteius meeting him, earnestly exhorted him to desist, and when that would not do, sent a Viator to lay hold of him; but the rest of the Tribunes not permitting this, and the Viator not quite dismissing him, Atteius got before to the Gate where he had some fire ready, and as Crassus came by, throwing his Odours upon the Coals, devoted him with horrible and bitter curses, invocating certain terrible and unheard of gods. These secret, and antient execrations the Romans, thought to be of that force as no man ever escaped destruction to whom they were denounced, and also proved un∣fortunate to the denouncer, and therefore they were seldom used, and Crassus was blamed on the behalf of the Citie.* 1.547 Florus calleth this Tri∣bune Metellus, and others write that the Tribunes generally thus devoted him, but it appeareth,* 1.548 from Cicero, that P. Atteius was principal in this action.

* 1.5499. Crassus in his march rifled the Temple of Jerusalem,* 1.550 and took away the Treasures which Pompey touched not. He spent many dayes in weigh∣ing the Treasure of the Idol, called Atargatis by the Syrians, and by the Greeks Derceto, the Goddesse of Hierapolis, otherwise called Edessa, and Bambyce, and Magog by the Syrians. In his whole passage he shewed more covetousnesse than valour, listing men, and then for money discharging them again. He neglected his opportunities of falling on the Parthians unpro∣vided, and the friendship of the Armenian King, who offered him to invade Parthia through his Kingdom, as also of refreshing his Army in some Citie, (as Cassius advised him) till he had certain news of the Parthians, or else passing down the River to Seleucia, where he might have Provisions by wa∣ter, and could not be compassed in by the Parthians. This later Counsel he rejected by the cunning insinuations of Abgarus the Osroënian (otherwise called Angarus, Mazares, Mazarus, Marachus, Macorus, Ariamnes, and

* 1.551 Acbarus by several) the Regulus, or Petty Prince of the Arabians, who having formerly been a friend and Ally of the Romans, had now applied his mind to the Parthian, and feeding Crassus with money, to conceal his Trea∣chery, gave him notice of whatsoever was done. He perswaded him to leave off thoughts of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, and go straight against Surenas and Sillax the Kings Captains. This he did, and thereby first losing his son, a choice young man, he himself was by Surenas circumvented under pretence of a Treaty, and either slain by his Enemies, or killed by some of his own men,* 1.552 to prevent his falling into their hands. This hapned at Sinnaca, a Citie of Mesopotamia, on the sixth of the Ides of June, as Ovid informeth us; 20000 men were slain, and 10000 taken, according to Plu∣tarch (not to name other accounts) so that the East being almost destitute of forces, many Provinces thereof revolted; but by the care, industry, and valour of C. Cassius the Quaestor of Crassus (the same who afterwards with Brutus, killed Julius Caesar) Syria was appeased. This King of Parthia against whom Crassus miscarried (called Orodes, Herodes, and Hyrodes) was something skilled in the Greek tongue, and other learning. Artabazel, or Artavasdes the Armenian (that first offered kindnesse to Crassus) had re∣conciled himself to the Parthian, who was now with him.* 1.553 He being also learned, (for he wrote Tragedies, Orations, and Histories) some of Euri∣pides his Bacchae was repeated, and the head of Crassus was brought in as it were by chance, and thrown at their feet. But Surenas was afterwards punished for his treachery, being killed by his Master who envied him his glory. And Orodes himself having lost his son Pacorus in a battel against the Romans, and falln into that kind of Dropsie, called Anasarca, Phraa∣tes (or Phraortes) his other son gave him Aconitum, or Wolfs bane, which working so upon him, as with it self it brought out the humour, and gave him ease, he made short work of it, and strangled him.

10. Thus perished Crassus(a) 1.554 (who was so rich that he would have none so accounted, but he that could by his own Revenues maintain an Army) and one of the heads of the Tricipitina was hereby cut off.* 1.555 This laid the foundation of the Civil War betwixt the other two, for he, whilest he lived, balancing them, when he was gone, Caesar must bring under Pompey be∣fore he could be Chief. Whilest Crassus warred against the Parthians, Gabi∣nius, who had been Consul when Cicero was banished, reduced(b) 1.556 into his Kingdom Ptolomy Auletes, whom his subjects had expelled. Then was he Proconsul of Syria; but at his return being accused, especially for making War upon Egypt (which was supposed to be forbidden by the Verses of Si∣bylla) and ready to be torn in pieces by the people, he was yet acquitted by corrupted Judges (or Laelius the Tribune) of treason, but banished, as up∣on other accounts, so chiefly for that he had served out of his Province 100000 Drachmas,* 1.557 or Denarii, and was afterwards recalled by Caesar.* 1.558 In the mean time several Nations of Germany, driven out by the Suevi (not Swedes (in Latine Sueci) but Grisons now for the most part) came into Gall to seek new seats, and there outed the Menapii of their dwel∣lings. Caesar defeated them, killing many thousands, and pursued them over the Rhine, on which he laid a wooden bridge, into the Countrey of the Sigambri (now Guelderland) and freed the Ubii (now Inhabitants of Cullen) from the Dominion of the Suevi,* 1.559 to whom they had been Tributaries. Then returned he to the Morini, or into Picardy, and thence came over into Britain.

* 1.56011. Britain, or Britany, which also is Albion, being in Greek ΒΡΕ∣ΤΑΝΙΑ, ΒΡΕΤΑΝΙΚΗ, ΒΡΕΤΑΝΙΣ, ΑΛΒΙΩΝ, and ΑΛΟΥΩΝ, was by the Romans called Britania and Remania. It is most probable, saith Cambden,* 1.561 the Inhabitants were called Britans from their painted bodies, for whatsoever is thus painted and coloured, in their antient Countrey speech they call Brith,* 1.562 having been of old much given to paint themselves, as many Writers do testifie. Now the ancient Greeks who sayled by the Coasts, understanding that the Nation was called Brith, might

unto, it add Tania (which word in Greek, as the Glossaries shew, betokeneth a Region) and thereof made the compound name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is Britons-Land, which is corrupted into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but by Lucretius and Caesar the two first Romans that make mention thereof is truely called Britania. In confirmation of this opinion Cambden observeth, that in the names of well-nigh all the antient Britains, there appeareth some signification of a colour, which no doubt (he saith) arose from this kind of painting. The Red co∣lour is of the Britans called Coch and Goch, which in his judgement lieth Couched in these names, Cogidunu••, Argentocoxus, and Segonax. The Black colour called Dù, sheweth it self in Mandubratius, Cartimandua, Togodumnus, Bunduica, Cogidunus. The White collour called Gwin, in Venutius and Immanuentius. The Waterish called Gwellwe in Vellocatus, Carvilius and Suella. The Blew, which they call Glass in Cuniglasus, and he proceedeth further. But this Learned man coming to speak of the time wherein Britain came to be known abroad, denieth that the Britains were with Hercules at the rape of Hesione, that Ulysses was ever in Britain, that the Britans bestowed any Presents upon Cato, that King Alexander the Great, or Hannibal, was ever in the Island; he doubteth whether ever the ship of Hiero mentioned by Athenaeus came hither; yet thinketh that the Britans were mingled with the C••mbri and Galls, in their expeditions into Italy and Greece.

* 1.56312. But as the Romans, Galls, and Spaniards were unknown to Herodo∣tus, and the antient Greek Geographers, so of this mind he ever was, that it was late ere the Greeks and Romans heard of the Britans name. For he judgeth that little book of the World, which goeth abroad under the name of Aristotle, and maketh mention of the Britans, of Albion and Hierne, to be of later dayes by far than that Philosopher, as the best learned men (saith he) have judged. He accounteth Polybius the antientest Greek vvriter that mentioneth the British Isles; who yet knew nothing of them: then doth he, in reference to other Nations, count it but a fable that Himilco the Car∣thaginian, being commanded by his Superious to discover the Western Sea-Coasts of Europe, entred into this Isle many years before that time. And the first Latin Author to his knowledge that made mention of Britain was Lucretius, in his Verses concerning the difference of aire. Now that Lu∣cretius lived but a little before Caesar no man denieth: at what time we are taught out of Caesar himself, that Divitiacus King of the Soissons, and the most mighty Prince of all Gall, Governed Britain, which, as also appeareth from Caesar, is onely to be understood of the Maritime Coasts. Howbeit, Diodorus Siculus writeth that Britain had experience of no foreiners rule; for neither Dionysus (or Bacchus) nor Hercules, nor any other worthy, or Demigod have we heard (saith he) to have attempted War upon that peo∣ple. Now Caesar, who for his noble acts is called Divus, was the first that subdued the Britans, and forced them to pay a certain Tribute. From his time (saith Cambden) and no further off must the Writer of our History fetch the beginning of his work, if he throughly weigh with judgement what the Learned Varro hath in time past written (viz. of the three di∣stinctions of times which we have formerly mentioned, uncertain before the Flood, Fabulous before the Olympiads, and Historical since the begin∣ning of them) and my self already heretofore signified. This most learned man mentions this division of Varro, because that the British History of Geffrey of Monmouth taketh its beginning 333 years before the first Olym∣piad. This History we must absolutely disclaim as utterly Fabulous in re∣ference to King Brutus, and other fictions depending on his story. But whether or no Britain was not known abroad till so late time as our An∣quary judgeth, must be examined for the honour of our Countrey, sa∣ving ever that respect which is due (and that justly) unto his name, and vvill not be at all dimished, seeing the contest is betwixt him also, and Bochartus himself.

13. The controversie is decided clearly against Cambden if two things

can but be made out. 1. That the Cassiterides or Islands ef tinne were known very antiently,* 1.564 and 2. That the Cassiterides are no other than the British Isles. The first is proved from the testimony of many, that the Phoenicians were wont to trade to the Cassiterides, and thence to fetch plenty of Tinne. * Strabo affirmeth it, and that they first traded thither alone from Gades,* 1.565 hi∣ding from others this course of traffick, insomuch that a certain Phoenician Sailor being chased by a Roman Vessel, chose rather to run his ship aground and suffer shipwrack, to cause his pursuers to miscary, than to reveal the mat∣ter, for which fidelity, having escaped himself, he had his losse made up out of the publick Treasury at his return to Carthage. Pliny also writeth,(b) 1.566 in the Chapter of the first inventors, that Midacritus first caried Lead from the Island Cassiteris. For Midacritus is to be read Melcarthus or Melicartus the Phoenician Hercules, according to Sanchoniathon, whom the Phoenici∣ans make Author of the Western voyages.(c) 1.567 Herodotus acknowledgeth he knew not where the Cassiterides were; but that there were some then he acknowlegeth also, whence Tinne came to them the Greeks, and from him it appeareth, that they were situate in the utmost limits of Europe. The Phoe∣nicians being unwilling that any should know them but themselves, the Greeks bought Tin and Lead, either of them, or the Venets or Narbonenses, to whom it was wont to be caried by Land in a journy of thirty dayes, as Dio∣dorus telleth us.(d) 1.568 Dionysius Paeriegetes mentioneth them under the name of Hesperides, and so doth ••zetzes. Festus Anienus speaketh of them un∣der the name of Cestrymnedes, expresly of the sailing of the Phoenicians to them, and that Hamilco, who was sent from the Senate of Carthage to dis∣cover the West, came thither, as he himself recorded, whom Festus pro∣fesseth to follow in the description of the West, having made his collections out of the depth of the Punick Annals. These things considered, prove suf∣ficiently, that the Cassiterides were known in very ancient times.

14. For the second, that the British Isles are those Cassiterides or Stanna∣ries, there needs no proof, Cambden himself confessing, nay proving by ma∣ny arguments, that the Islands of Silly lying off from the Promontory of Cornwal eight leagues, and in number 145, are the very same that from the plenty of Tin were called Cassiterides, from their site Hesperides, and Oestrymnides from Oestrymnis the Promontory of the Artabri, now Gallitia in Spain, over against which they lye. Now for the consequence of the thing, can any imagine that these Islands should be so long known, and not Britain it self to which they lye so close, and from which they are deservedly called British Isles? And what reason is there to think (as Camden doth) that such dream as believe that Hamilco came hither? It's a wonder he should say, that there's nothing for it but a Verse or two of Festus Anienus; when Fe∣stus saith, that he read the story of the whole Navigation, described by Ha∣milco himself in the Punick Annals, Cambden himself contendeth, that from the Cassiterides was Lead first of all caried into Greece,* 1.569 whence it fol∣loweth, that they were known before the time of Homer, who maketh men∣tion of that metal. As for what he urgeth concerning Polybius, that he was utterly ignorant of these parts, if it were granted that he was, yet the Phoenicians, who in the Heroick times sent out Colonies into the Ocean be∣yond Gades, knew these Coasts sufficiently. But Cambden mistook the Histo∣rian, as may appear from all that passage read together, which onely im∣porteth, that as it was not known whether Asia and Africk on the South side were terminated by the Sea, so neither whether the Sea flowed about the Nor∣thern parts of Europe that lye above Narbon; which truly at this day we know not certainly, though in so much light. That this interpretation is to be made, and that Polybius did not mean, that in his age whatever lay above Narbon was unknown, and that they dreamed who spoke or wrote any thing of it, hence appeareth. For he himself accurately described the Fountains of Rhodanus, with Corbilon upon Ligeris, and many other places of Gall above Narbon. And in his third book he promiseth he would write of what lay be∣yond the Sea, and what was there remarkable, nay (which is especially to

be noted) of the British Isles and making of Tin. That he performed his promise in the Books that are lost, appeareth from* 1.570 Strabo, who telleth us, that Polybius describing the regions of Europe, said, he would let passe the ancients, and inquire into such as reprehended them, as Dicaearchus, and Eratosthenes, who last of all had handled Geography, and Pytheas who had imposed upon many. For, he (Pytheas) said he had not viewed all the soil of Britain; but the Island was above 40000 (stadia or furlongs I sup∣pose) in compasse.

15. From this place it appeareth, that several whom Polybius calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or ancients wrote of these parts, before either Dicaearchus or Era∣tosthenes, Pythaeas, or himself. Now Eratosthenes, who, as he saith, was the last that handled Geography, Suidas writeth to have been born in the 126 Olympiad, which was celebrated in the 37 year of the Seleucidae, the seventh of Antiochus Soter, the ninth of Ptolomy Philadelphus, and the 478 year of the City, when Q. Fabius Gurges and C. Genutius Clepsina were Con∣suls, Pyrrhus then warring in Sicily, 274 years before the birth of Christ. But Dicaearchus bosteth in Athenaeus, that he had Aristotle for his Master; and then Pytheas who was cited by both, must needs have preceded them. Yet these Writers were but of late in comparison of Orpheus the most an∣tient Poet, one of the Argonautae, by whom Cambden himself affirmeth Britain to have been described. Although in truth Orpheus was not Author of those Poems fathered on him, but Onomacritus an Athaenian Poet, who lived under the Pisistracidae, as both(a) 1.571 Clemens Alexandrinus and(b) 1.572 Ta∣tianus inform us; yet two advantages we have hereby. For first, Cambden is inconstant, denying that Britain was known to the ancient Greeks; and se∣condly, this Island must have been known then long before the former Geo∣graphers; for the Pisistratidae were banished. Athens in the third year of the 67 Olympiad, the twelfth of Darius Hystaspis, the 244 of the City (at the same time that Tarquinius was banished) 508 years before the birth of Christ, though they write that he flourished in the 50 Olympiad, in the first year whereof Pisistratus indeed got the Soveraignty over that City. These things sufficiently prove, that Britain was known of old to several Nations, though we mentioned not what Bochartus probably conjectureth concerning the Ety∣mology of the name. The Phoenicians trading hither for Lead or Tin, might justly call it Barat-Anac, that is, The Land of Lead or Tin, as the Greeks Cassiteris; and this might easily be changed into Bretanica. Anac signifieth both Lead and Tin, no places in the World are so fruitful of either as the British Isles. And it may seem no wonder that the Word should be so al∣tered, seeing that from Phoenice are derived Poenicus, Punicus, Puniceus, and Poenus. He also giveth other marks of the Phoenicians their planting in those Islands, in the 39 Chapter of the first Book of that excellent Work entituled Canaan, concerning the Colonies and Language of that People, to which wee refer the studious in Antiquity, having thus farre in some sort seemed to vindicate the honour of our Country, yet with submission to the impartially Learned Reader. Now to return to the course of our History.

16. The occasion of this Expedition was given by the Britains.* 1.573 They had sent a continual supply to the Galls, almost in all their Wars against the Ro∣mans, and therefore he resolved to use this advantage, and passe over this Sum∣mer, though it was well spent, judging it would be worth his labour, though he but viewed the country, and took notice of the Havens and Natives, of any whereof the Galls could give him but very small intelligence.* 1.574* 1.575 He sent Voluseus beforehand to make what discovery he could, after whose return, having received the Morini into friendship, that he might have no Enemies at his back, about two of the clock at night he put forth to Sea, and at ten in the morning got to the Coasts of Britain, where he might see all the shoar full of men to oppose him, for they had received intelligence of his coming. He perceived there was no good landing place where he was, and therefore staying for the Fleet till three of the clock, he sailed eight miles further.

Here, though on an even shoar, was he so opposed, that his Soldiers fought not with their wonted alacrity, because their ships being great and deep, could not come near the Land, untill he got more shallow Vessels, and the Ensign-bearer of the tenth Legion leaping out, drew others moved with shame after him. No order was kept in the fight, but every one as he leaped forth into the water, joyned himself to the next Ensign. Caesar send∣ing out continually fresh supplies of men, at length landed all his Army, and the Britains fled.

17. His horse being not come over, he could not pursue them, but they presently sent to treat, promising to give Hostages, and do further what he should enjoyn them. He accepted of their offer, and some Ho∣stages they delivered, promising to give up the rest with conveniency. But it hapned that the horse being come within kenning, was driven by the tide (the Moon now being at full) to the Westward, and forced back to the Con∣tinent; the ships which brought over the Legions, lying at Anchor, by tem∣pest were miserably shattered, and no Provisions had Caesar brought over, as not intending to Winter here. The Britains, having knowledge of these things, agreed amongst themselves to break their promise, concluding, that if they could but intercept or destroy his Army, besides getting much plunder, they should not be invaded for the time to come. They then set upon the seventh Legion as it was reaping Corn,* 1.576 but Caesar being informed by the Watch of a greater dust than ordinary that way, suspected what the matter was, and going to the rescue killed many, and burnt their houses for a good compasse. Hereupon they sent to him again for peace. He required a dou∣ble number of Hostages, whom he commanded them to send over into the Continent; for the Aequinoctial being near, he would not in Winter trust himself, and the Army, in such weak Vessels. Going on board about mid∣night he came safe to Land; but 41 Vessels being driven, the men were for∣ced to Land at another place, whereof 300 were presently besieged by the Morini,* 1.577 (who before had been reconciled to Caesar) out of hope of some booty. They were presently rescued, and T. Labienus was sent to chastize the Rebels, who being reduced to obedience, he, and L. Cotta harrazed the Countrey of the Menapii, who hid themselves in the thick Woods. Then was the Army led into its Winter quarters, in Belgia. The first expedi∣tion of Caesar into Britain fell out in the second year of the 181 Olympiad, the 699th of the Citie, 53 years before the birth of Christ, A. M. 3950. Cn. Pompeius the Great, and M. Licinius Crassus (both of them the second time) being Consuls.

18. Caesar going into Italy according to his custom, ordered a great Navy to be provided. Having dispatch'd his businesse within the Alps,* 1.578 he went into Illyricum against the Pinistae, who had invaded his Province. After this having setled things amongst the Treviri (or them of Triers) who neither came to Councils, nor were otherwise obedient, he took ship at the Haven Iccius (now Calis) with five Legions, and 2000 horse, at Sun-set, and being for sometime carried down by the Tide towards the right hand, arrived again in Britain the next day by noon.* 1.579* 1.580 The Natives seeing a great number of ships (for in all there were 800 Vessels) for that they had falsified their word (all but two sorts of people, who sent their Hostages over into Belgia) for fear withdrew themselves into the Woods. Caesar pursuing them took one of their Fortresses, which they made onely with great Trees laid together, and when he was busied in skirmishing, word came that his Navy was shattered by an∣other Tempest, whereupon he retreated, and took care for the repairing of such ships as were fit to be mended (four being utterly lost) in which work ten dayes were spent with the great labour of the Soldiers. Drawing then up such as were repaired,* 1.581 and fortifying the Camp, he returned. In the mean time the Britains had made Cassivellaun (whose Dominions lay North the River of Thames, and with whom before Caesar's coming they had waged War) their General against the Romans. At first the Britains fighting from their Waggons put their Enemies to it, and killed Q. Laberius Durius a

Tribune; but the day following, the Romans recovered their credit, put∣ting the other to flight who had falln upon them as they were gathering for∣rage, so as they durst not after this time meddle any more with them when in any considerable body.

* 1.58219. Then did Caesar passe the Thames (the Soldiers wading over with their heads onely above water) though the Britains had fastned sharp stakes under the bank, and there made all opposition they could, which was inconsi∣derable. Passing on in Cassivellaun's Countrey he wasted it, Cassivellaun (or Cassibellin) having dismissed all his Army except 4000 Waggons, where∣with he much endamaged the Romans by making sallies upon advantage out of the Woods. But the Tri••obantes (inhabiting those parts long after by the Saxons called Essex and Middlesex) having had their King Imannentius killed by Cassivellaun, for that Mandubratius his son had escaped to Caesar, yielded themselves, and desired that the young man being restored first to his Father's Kingdom might be protected against Cassivellaun. This Caesar grant∣ed, receiving 40 Hostages and Corn for his Army; and these having prote∣ction given them, others near adjoyning yielded themselves. Then did Cae∣sar take Cassivelaun's Town not far distant, being onely a fortified place in the Woods. He sent into Kent, where four petty Kings, Cingetorix, Car∣nilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax reigned, ordering them if possible to seize on Caesor's ships; but Caesar having left to guard the Camp ten Com∣panies of foot and 300 horse, these repulsed them with great losse, killing many of their men, and amongst the rest Lugatorix, a Captain of great ac∣count.* 1.583 Cassibellaun hearing this, and knowing the defection of the Trino∣bantes and the rest, sent, and begged peace of Caesar, who being resolved, for fear of insurrections in Gall, there to vvinter, for that Summer was now al∣most spent, commanded him to deliver in Hostages, ordered what Tribute Britain should pay yearly to the People of Rome, commanded him not to of∣fend Mandubratius nor the Trinobants, and then drew down his Army to the Sea, which he wafted over at twice, for that he had many Prisoners, and many ships had perished by Tempest. The season being very good they came all safe to land, and he quartered them about in several places, because Provisions were very scarce in Gall. This second expedition of Caesar into Britain hap∣ned the next year after the former; L. Domitius Aenobarbus, and Appius Claudius Pulcher being Consuls.

* 1.58420. This Winter did most of the Galls revolt. First, the Eburones (now inhabiting the Bishoprick of Liege) by the instigation of Ambiorix their Prince, who by treachery circumvented two of Caesar's Officers, Q. Titurius Sabinus, and L. Arunculeius Cotta, with a whole Legion.* 1.585 He also besieged Q. Cicero, who commanded the Legion that quartered amongst the Nervii, who had their seats about Tournay in Flanders.* 1.586 But Caesar came in to the rescue, and overthrew the Galls. Labienus lying with another Legion about Rheimes, the Treviri and Indutiomarus came to his Camp,* 1.587 intending to de∣stroy him; but he took his opportunity, and powred out his men upon them, willing his Soldiers to be sure that they killed Indutiomarus, which being done, things again were a little setled. Whilest Caesar was thus imployed a∣broad,* 1.588 in the Citie, this year died his daughter Julia, Pompey's Wife, in Child∣bed, and the Infant (whether Son or Daughter, 'tis as uncertain, so immate∣rial) with her. Hereby was the bond of friendship betwixt them two bro∣ken, and their mutual envy, which thereby onely was restrained, now wanted but an occasion to vent it self. But Caesar foreseeing great stirs in Gall,* 1.589 in∣creased his forces, subdued the Nervii, brought under the Senones and Car∣nutes (now changed into Chartres) the Menapii also; whilest Labienus re∣duced such as inhabited about Triers. Then did he again crosse the Rhine, because of the Conjunction of the Germans with the Galls, and attempt∣ing something upon the Suevi to no purpose,* 1.590 turned against the Eburones. Whilest he harrazed their Territories, the Sigambri set upon the Camp of Cicero then absent, which they could not storm, though they caused great consternation amongst his men, and killed many. After this he wasted again

the grounds of the Enemy, then called a Council in Gall for the punish∣ment of Revolters, and Providing the Army of necessaries drew it into its Winter quarters.

* 1.59121. The following year produced great stirs in the Citie, and those no lesse in Gall. For now were the times so altered,* 1.592 as that Rome could not be found in Rome. Nothing was managed by ancient equity and moderation, all Offices were purchased by Money, or else by Stones, Clubs, or Swords, and the inconveniences of popular Government now grew ripe, the name of a free State, or Commonwealth, covering the greatest injustice, disorder, and oppression of the peoples liberty. The Consuls being debarred by the power of the Tricipitina from leading out Armies, or waging Wars accord∣ing to the antient right and custom, made up their markets out of the publick Revenue, or their Offices by indirect practices, and therefore none of ho∣nour would seek after the Consulship. Pompey connived at this, hoping that a necessity of affairs would draw upon him the Dictatorship, as some of his Creatures, though not in his name, did not stick to hint. This year espe∣cially was there such an horrid contention amongst the Canditates (all or most men of large consciences) as for a long time no Consul could be elected; and this heightned the matter, that T. Annius Milo, one of them, being at great enmity with Clodius, killed him as they met in the way not far from the Citie.* 1.593 This fact the people ill resented, and naughty, and dissolute per∣sons, under pretence of searching for Milo's friends, committed many out∣rages in Rome. This turned indeed all men's eyes upon Pompey, as the fit∣test person to redresse those evils, and whilest they thought of making him Dictator, Cato drew the Senate to this resolution,* 1.594 that he should be made Consul alone, that he might be called to an account for his male-admistra∣tion if need were,* 1.595 and so he was made sole Consul, without any President at all.

22. First, he sate in judgement alone, and examined Milo's case; he also made inquisition after such as had by indirect means procured Offices.* 1.596* 1.597 Milo was defended by Cicero, or rather should have been; for the Orator was so terrified with Pompey's Soldiers, and Clodius his friends, that he could not proceed, and is therefore said to have written that Oration afterwards, which is now extant. Milo then was banished, with several others for other Crimes.* 1.598 Pompey having hitherto as it were executed the Office of Dictator, took to him a Collegue, Q. Scipio Metellus, whose daughter Cornelia he had married. These things being heard in the further Gall, and a rumour spred that Caesar who now was in Italy,* 1.599 would be there retained by the motions in the Citie, many of the Natives conspired for the recovery of their liberty, and chose Vercingerotix for their Captain.

23. Caesar, though in the midst of Winter, and forced to make his way through depths of Snow, returned, and came upon the Arverni at unawares. He took several of their Towns,* 1.600 but besieging one that was situated upon an high Hill, he fought with disadvantage, and was driven off with the losse of 46 Centurions. From this siege he was called by the revolt of the He∣dui, and an insurrection of the Bellovaci; and Labienus, who had prosper∣ously managed his affairs about Paris, joyned with him. Now, most of the Galls being revolted, he first overthrew Vercingetorix, then pursued, and besieged him in Alesia,* 1.601 a Town of the Mandubii, which, when the Galls were not able to relieve, Vercingetorix, according to his own offer, was de∣livered up, with Alesia, and all their Arms. Then reduced he the Hedui, the Arveni also yielded, with divers others, which being done, he sent the Army away into its Winter quarters.* 1.602 In winter the Galls hatched a new conspi∣racy.* 1.603 Caesar therefore departing from Bibracte, wasted the Territories of the Bituriges (about Bourdeaux) and of the Carnutes; subdued also the Bellovaci with others. C. Fabius also reduced some in the mean time, and Caninius having routed several parties, with him Caesar joyned, and besieged Uxellodinum, a Town of the Cadurci, very strongly fortified by its situation. He obtained this Town without striking one stroak, by cutting the veins of a

Fountain which served them with water. After this the Cities of Aquitaine yielded, and going to Narbon he disposed of his Army into their Winter quarters. These things hapned in the eighth year after his coming into Gall, Ser. Sulpitius Rufus,* 1.604 and M. Claudius Marcellus being Consuls, where∣in also were began those contentions betwixt him and his adversaries at Rome, that shortly after brake into Civil wars, which proved deadly in the end to the heads of both the factions, and fatal to that form of Govern∣ment which (though labouring under mortal distempers) was yet on foot.

24. Caesar's carriage, especially in his Consulship, had rendred him very distastefull to the Senate. Pompey on the other side, by his fair demeanour had of late gained much upon it, which Caesar being aware of, desired leave to stand for a second Consulship in his absence. This was granted him; but he fearing the malice of his adversaries in case he were reduced to a private condition, further importuned the Fathers that he might have his Govern∣ment of Gall prorogued,* 1.605 casting about all manner of wayes to keep his Ar∣my till he should be Consul. This was hindred by Marcellus the Consul, who had succeeded Pompey; whereupon Caesar laying his hand upon his Sword, said, that that should obtain it for him.* 1.606 This Marcellus was very bitter against him, pressing hard that a Successor should be sent to him; but this was crossed by Pompey, either out of good nature, or policy. Such were designed Consuls for the ensuing year, as were most opposite to Caesar, viz. L. Aemilius Paulus, and C. Claudius Marcellus Nephew to the former Consul by his brother: Curio also, an inveterate Enemy of Caesar, was made Tribune. Yet all these, except Claudius, were drawn aside by money; Paulus by 1500 Talents, and Curio, who was much indebted, by 100000 Se∣sterces. Marcellus then urging that a Successor was to be sent to Caesar, Curio stisly withstood it, alleging that then ought Pompey also to dismisse his Army; for that his power was equally dangerous to the publick liberty. Pompey outwardly seemed willing, and said he would disband his men; but Curio fell foul upon him, telling him, that promise without performance was nothing; and, that he might seem to stand for the good of the Commonwealth, and not carry favour with Caesar, he desired, that if they both refused to disband, they should, the one as well as the other, be declared Enemies to the State.

25. Pompey exceedingly netled hereat threatned him; but he ceased not to urge the thing. The Senate could have wished them both reduced, but feared to disb••nd Pompey's Army, looking upon Caesar as the more danger∣ous person. Pompey sent now to him for the Legion he had lent him, both of them being ordered into Syria to defend the Eastern parts now in danger by the overthrow of Crassus: he sent him this Legion, and another of his own; but there being no need of them in Syria, they wintred at Capua. Those that brought them into Italy did ill Offices for Caesar, and gave out, as if his Army at his return would all revolt, which though very false was be∣lieved by Pompey, who thereupon neglected to provide for so dangerous a War as followed. The next year C. Claudius Marcellus and L. Corn. Lentulus were Consuls, and it was propounded to the Senate, whether both Pompey and Caesar should lay down all power. Though once it was carried that Caesar onely should, when the Consul propounded it severally, yet* 1.607 Curio again putting it to the question, it was carried against both by 348 voices.* 1.608 Hereat the Consuls inraged, left the Citie, and gave Pompey power as from themselves to fight for his Countrey against Caesar, which he seemed not altogether to approve. Now Curio perceiving himself in danger, and that he could do no more service for Caesar, fled unto him.

26. Curio being called to a Consultation, would have had him presently to invade Italy; but he chose rather first to make an overture of Peace, as 'tis said, writing to his friends to procure, though it were but two Legions with Gall within the Alps and Illyricum, untill he should be Consul, which

though it seemed something reasonable to Pompey, the Consuls would not admit of it. Then wrote he to the Senate a menacing and bitter letter, as it's stiled by* 1.609 Cicero, (who now was returned from Cilicia his Province, which he governed a year, and for his good service in the field was saluted Imperator, and had a triumph decreed him by the Senate, which these di∣sturbances quite put off, he saying, that so an agreement were made, he had rather follow the chariot of Caesar) wherein after an honourable mention made of his own exploits, he signified, that he was willing to resign his power,* 1.610 in case Pompey did the like; otherwise he should retain his Forces, and pre∣sently come to revenge those injuries which had as well been offered to him∣self as his Country. At the reading of these last words all cryed out, that War was denounced, and they sent L. Domitius to succeed him in his Go∣vernment,* 1.611 with four newly raised Legions. For that Antonius and Cassius the Tribunes were of Curio's judgement, the Consuls bade them depart out of the Senate, lest their persons Sacrosanct (as the term was) by their Office, should be violated; who in a great rage departing that night, fled towards Caesar. So now began this famous Civil War, in the fourth year of the 182 Olympiad, the 705 of the City, 47 before the birth of Christ, A. M. 3956, the aforesaid C. Claudius Marcellus, and L. Corn. Lentulus being Con∣suls.

27. The Senate did not think that Caesar would return presently out of Gall, as being unprepared for such an undertaking;* 1.612 and therefore were more flow in their Levies; but he ever judging expedition to be the greatest help in his undertakings, resolved with five Legions to begin the work, and take in the commodious places in Italy, and so did he with admirable speed Ari∣minum and others. This unexpected thing terrified the Senate, and the Peo∣ple,* 1.613 which called to mind the sad effects of the Civil Wars betwixt Sylla and Marius. Cicero would have had them sent to Caesar, but the Consuls with∣stood it. Then departed Pompey to the Army at Capua, whom the Consuls presently followed. The Senators being at their Wits end, spent all that night in their house, and at length followed Pompey to Brundusium.* 1.614 Caesar at Corfinium met Domitius who was sent to succeed him, whom he dismis∣sed, after he had received his Soldiers, that now revolted to him. Then follow∣ed he Pompey to Brundusium, who had sent over the Consuls with part of the Legions into Epirus, which he intended to make the seat of the Warre, staying in the Town till the return of the ships,* 1.615 to transport the rest of the Army. Caesar attempted to storm the place, but he withstood him, till such time as he had shipped his men, and so passed over to Dirrhachium.

28. Caesar knew not well now what to do. For hearing such concourse to be made to Pompey (who drew to his party all the forces of the East) and knowing his old Army to be in Spain his Province, he feared to follow him over, lest he should expose Italy to it, and have an enemy at his back.* 1.616 He therefore returned to Rome, having in the space of 60 dayes got all Italy in∣to his hands without blood, and breaking open the Treasury took out the mo∣ney wich had layn there ever since the taking of the City by the Galls, being reserved for such another case of extremity.* 1.617 For the Aerarium or Treasury in the Temple of Saturn was three-fold. One wherein the tributes or cu∣stoms gathered from Citizens and associates was kept, as also booty got by Ge∣nerals,* 1.618 which was reserved for the ordinary expenses of Warre. Another more private, wherein the Vicessimae, or twentieth parts gathered from them that were manumized, were laid up for extraordinary causes. And there was a third yet more private and sacred, wherein money was treasured up for any extremity that might happen from the Galls, and upon no other occasion might it be touched,* 1.619 bitter curses being laid upon him or them that should do or suffer it. But Caesar did it (though L. Metellus the Tribune did all he could to hinder it) pretending that the People was discharged of the curse, for that nothing more was to be feared from the Galls, whom he had through∣ly subdued.

29. Then went he into Spain, where in a short time he brought all under,

though Pompey had there a strong Army under three Captains, Petreius, Afra∣nius, and Varro, whom yielding, he permitted to depart with all their Forces.* 1.620 At this time he lost two legions in Africk under Curio, and Anto∣nius was overthrown in Illyricum by Dolobella one of Pompey's Officers. But now M. Lepidus the Praetor of the City pronounced him Dictator, and therefore he returned to Rome, where the People being struck with fear, he took upon him the Office, and held the Comitia. But finding it to be odious, he laid it down again after eleven dayes, and procured himself to be chosen Consul, with Servilius Isauricus. Then about the midle of Winter did he order all his forces to meet him at Brundusium,* 1.621 expecting in the City the beginning of January for his entring into the Consulship.* 1.622 When he came to Brundusium, though his forces were not all come together, desiring to set upon Pompey at unawares, he passed over with all he had, viz. five Legions, and 600 Horse, although in the depth of Winter, and without provisions; Pompey now having eleven Italian Legions, and 7000 Horse, besides other supplies out of Greece and Asia.* 1.623 But, those five Legions and two that followed being landed, he took Oricum and Appollonia without fighting one stroak, and then matched streight to Dyrrhachium, the magazin and granary of Pompey. Both of them sate down by the River Apis, Caesar ex∣pecting his other forces, which at length Antony brought over, though the Seas were watched by the other party, and Pompey exercising his men who were raw and unexperienced. Pompey hearing of Antonie's coming, depar∣ted with his whole Army to the River Asparagus. Caesar followed him, and would have fought; but he not stirring out of his trenches, he marched back to Dyrrhachium, which having on one side and Pompey on the other, he was grievously straitned for provisions, and above all things desired to fight. In se∣veral skirmishes he had the better; but in another considerable ingagement was shrewdly beaten, and chased to his Camp, which might have been taken, and a period put to the Warre, as he himself confessed, had the Enemy known how to improve the Victory; Pompey neglecting the advantage, either through the advice of Labienus, or his own inadvertency, for that providence had otherwise determined. Though some now advised Caesar to make use of the shame and anger of his Army, which desired again to be led out to bat∣tel,* 1.624 to redeem it's credit, yet he thought it most convenient to depart thence, and so went into Thessaly, whither Pompey followed him, and pitcht his Camp on the fatal plains of Pharsalum, not of Philippi, as* 1.625 Florus falsly relateth, and with him Manilius and Virgil.

30. Betwixt that Town and the River Enipeus, was fought that great and famous battel betwixt these two great Captains, who both of them are said to have wept in the heads of their Armies,* 1.626 considering that so many of the same Country and Nation should be slain, brother fighting against brother, to satisfie the ambition of two men. The Armies stood for some time gazing on each other, both being unwilling to begin, till Pompey's Auxiliaries, whom he had commanded to stand aloof off, till such time as the Enemy should be broken, and then give the chase (as unwilling to have them ingage in the bat∣tel) being wearied with expectation, began to break their ranks. Fearing they might cause his main body to do so too, though he was unwilling at this time to fight, and managed not his command with wonted alacrity, he caused a charge to be founded, his word being Unconquered Hercules, and Caesar's Victorious Venus. The battel was fought with great courage and admirable si∣lence on both sides;* 1.627 but Pompey's Army, though greater by far, being lesse ex∣perienced, was at length broken and put to flight, at the beginning of which fight all his Auxiliaries, though great multitudes, ran away as fast as might be, whom Caesar onely suffered in the pursute to be slain, commanding that all Italians should be spared. Pompey betook himself to his tent, and sate silent, thinking of Ajax, who was thus served in the siege of Troy, till Caesar bring∣ing his Legions to storm his Camp, he took Horse, and with four in his com∣pany rode as far as Larissa, ere he stopped. On Caesar's part were said to be slain 30 Centurions, and 200 common soldiers; but as others affirmed, 1200.

On Pompey's fell ten Senators (amongst whom that Domitius who had been sent to succeed Caesar) with about 40 Equites or Knights, and of the com∣mon sort, they that say most, 25000; but Asinius Pollio who was in the Fight, and one of Caesar's Captains, in his Commentaries wrote but of 6000.

31. Pompey thought first of flying to the Parthian, then to Juba into Numidia; but being disswaded by those about him, he resolved upon Egypt,* 1.628 as a Country at hand,* 1.629 powerful, and the King whereof was ingaged to him in way of friendship as his Guardian. Thither when he came and sent to be received, the King being a boy, Achillas, Pothinus the Eunuch, and Theo∣dotus his Schoolmaster consulting about the matter, one would have him re∣ceived, and another not, but the last, to shew his eloquence, declared both their wayes to be bad, and that he was to be received, and then slain, subjoy∣ning, Mortuum non mordere, that the dead bites not, which saying long after Patrick Grey traiterously suggested to Queen Elizabeth, perswading her to put to death the Queen of Scots, though he was sent from King James this Queen's son to work her deliverance. This was resolved, either out of fear, as they pretended, that he should get Aegypt into his power, or because they con∣temned so great a person now unfortunate, or rather to curry favour with Caesar. Pompey then being received into a little boat, as though to come to the King, who stood on the other side of one of the mouths of Nile with his Army, was treacherously slain, when he could neither flye nor defend him∣self.* 1.630 He covered his face with his gown, and neither speaking nor doing any thing unbecoming him, with a groan patiently received the stroaks. So fell this great man, being in War a most able Captain, and in Peace (except when he stood in fear of a concurrent equal) full of modesty, in the 58 year of his age, and the very day preceding his birth-day, and the third year of these unhappy differences. His head was cut off, and reserved as a present for Caesar; his body was cast upon the shoar for every one to gaze at, and af∣terwards being washed with Sea-water by Philip his Libertus or Freed-man, (who stood by it till all had looked their full) he wrapped it in his own coat, and burnt it with the rotten pieces of a Fisher's boat which he there found.

32. Caesar having staid two dayes at Pharsalum, on the third pursued Pom∣pey, lest he should renew the War, and so came to Alexandria, where his head and ring were presented to him. He took the ring, but was grievously offended at the sight of the head,* 1.631 and weeping (which Lucan accounteth but feigned) commanded it to be buried. The news of Caesar's successe was not believed at Rome till he sent Pompeys ring thither. Then was power given him by them there,* 1.632 to determin of his Enemies as he pleased, and to make War where he would without asking leave of the People. They voted him Consul for five years, and Dictator, not for half an one (as was the custom) but a whole year, with the power of a Tribune for his life, which thing was never granted to any before him. He accepted these honours, and entred upon his second Dictatorship. But ere his departure out of Aegypt he was put to much trouble and danger. For, there being at that time a difference betwixtt young Ptolomy and his sister about the Government, he stood much her friend, which favour she is said to have purchased with the losse of her chastity. His endeavours for her Pothinus the Eunuch,* 1.633 who now feared to be punished for the sedition he had raised about Pompey, interpreted as sinisterly meant towards the King,* 1.634 and thereby raised a dangerous War, which yet though in Winter, was prosperously ended by Caesar, and the young King flying from his Camp was drowned, too many of his followers pressing into and sinking the boat. Caesar then gave the Kingdom to Cleopatra, and to co∣lour the matter, caused her to take as an husband her younger brother but eleven years of age. But she brought the Dictator himself a son not long af∣ter, who by his permission she named Caesario; and had kept him longer with her than nine moneths, or else had followed him to Rome, but that he was ne∣cessarily drawn another way by the means of Pharnaces, who now had in∣vaded

Pontus his father's Kingdom.* 1.635 Yet this woman after his departure is said to have been as familiar with his Enemy Cn. Pompey the eldest son of Pompey the Great.

33. Caesar then went against Pharnaces, and taking Syria in his way, vi∣sited the Cities. He restored Hyrcanus to the Priesthood in Judaea,* 1.636 though Antigonus the son of Aristobulus (who being let out of Prison by him, and sent home, had been poysoned by Pompey's party) sued to him for the Govern∣ment. He made also Antipater (whom Hyrcanus had sent to joyn with Mi∣thridates of Pergamus with 3000 horse,* 1.637 and who did good service in the Alexandrian War) Governour of Judaea. He promoted his own Kinsman Sexius Caesar from a Quaestorship to the Government of Syria,* 1.638 which Scipio father-in-law to Pompey had enjoyed the year before. From Syria he sayled into Cilicia, and thence marched with all speed against Pharnaces, who out of fear sent several times to him about a Peace, but he returned him onely good words, that he might surprize him. At length he gave him conditions, which he neglected to perform,* 1.639 hoping Caesar would be called away, and therefore he fell on,* 1.640 and overthrew him at the Hill Scotius (where formerly Mithridates defeated Triarius) within five dayes after his arrival, and four hours after he had got a sight of his Army, so that writing to a friend at Rome, to note the celerity of this Enterprize he expressed it in three words, Veni, Vi∣di, Vici. Then receiving such places as Pharnaces had seized on, and setling things in Asia, as he passed, exacting much money of the people, he was cal∣led home into Italy by stirs which hapned in the Citie.

* 1.64134. He quieted the Seditions, and the mutiny of his own Soldiers,* 1.642 who flew high in their demands for a dismission, and a payment of what he had promised them. Then being declared Consul for the following year, for that the year of his Dictatorship was out, he passed over into Africk, where Sci∣pio, Cato, Labienus, Petreius, and others of Pompey's Captains were with Juba.* 1.643 He got the better in several battels. Juba caused his slave to kill him, and his young Son Caesar led in Triumph, who being brought up in Italy proved an excellent Historian. Cato at Utica stabbed himself, having read over Plato his Phaedo of the Souls immortality. The wound not being deep enough he died not presently, but strugling betwixt life and death, cast him∣self off from his bed, and threw down a Geometrical Table, which making a noise, his son and servants rushed in, and finding him in that condition, his Freed-man, who was a Physician, began to put in the bowels which were un∣touched, and sow up his belly. But he coming to himself pushed him from him, and tearing out his bowels, inlarged the wound and died, being a man of wonderfull Justice, Severity, and Magnanimity. Caesar hearing of his death let fall some expressions, which signified a great desire to have got him into his hands, and hinted (as was thought) an intention of dealing mildly with him. Petreius and Scipio also perished in Africk. After these things returning to Rome he Triumphed four times, over Gall, Pontus, Alex∣andria, and Africk, it being unlawfull to do it over any Roman; although he carried in Tables, a representation of what he had done in the Civil Wars. Then went he once more into Spain against Pompey's sons,* 1.644* 1.645 to whom several had fled out of Africk, where coming to fight near Munda, his Army was struck with such fear, as it was never nearer running. It had fled, but that he snatching a Target out of a Soldier's hand, went, and ingaged the Enemy himself, & had 200 Darts thrown at him, whereat his Officers being ashamed came on, and he got the day, 30000 of his Enemies being slain, with two of their Captains, Labienus and Varus. Cn. Pompey also, though he fled, was taken, and his head sent to Caesar.

35. This year being that of his third Consulship (which he exercised with M. Aemilius Lepidus) being Pontifex Maximus, or High-Priest, he amended(a) 1.646 the Roman year, which reformed by him, is yet after him called Julian.* 1.647 Herein he used the skill of Sosigenes an excellent Mathematician of Alexandria (where he learned this account, though the Alexandrian Moneths consisted of 30 dayes apiece, and five dayes were added at the end

of every year) in Astronomical Calculations,* 1.648 and of Flaevius the Scribe in rectifying the Calendar. Whereas now in the Moneth of February were in∣tercalated 23 dayes, he intercalated betwixt November and December two other Moneths containing 67 dayes: so that this present year had fifteen Moneths and 445 dayes. But this work seemeth to have been done be∣fore his last expedition into Spain. After his return he(b) 1.649 laid down the Conshulship, and bringing in a new mode of creating honorary Consuls for three moneths, made Q. Fabius Maximus, and C. Trebonius, whereof the former dying in the last day of the year, Caninius Rebilus obtained to succeed him for the few hours that remained, whereupon Tully(c) 1.650 calls him the most vigilant Consul, for that he never slept during his Office. Now were vast honours decreed him by the Senate,* 1.651(d) 1.652 as that he should be Dictator in perpetuum, and have the stile of Imperator, not in that sense as Generals were wont to have it given by their Soldiers after some worthy exploit, but whereby the greatest Authority in the Commonwealth was signified. For, the Militia was to be wholely and solely at his disposal, as also raising of money: and all sorts of Magistrates, even Plebeian, were to be subject to him, and swear to contra∣dict none of his decrees.

SECT. VII. From the absolutenesse of Julius Caesar, to the end of the second Triumvirate, and the absolutenesse of Octavius Caesar, or Caesar Octavianus, the space of 15 years.

1. CAESAR being now Consul the fifth time, with M. Antonius (whom he much favoured, and promoted, for that in his Tribuneship he so much stood for him) to shun(a) 1.653 envy in the Citie, thought upon ma∣king War upon the Getae and Dacae, which had made inroads into Pontus and Thrace. About this time young Castor, the son of Castor (by(b) 1.654 Strabo cal∣led Saocondarius) by the daughter of Deiotarus the King or Tetrarch of Ga∣latia (to whom Pompey gave Armenia the Lesse, which gift the Senate ha∣ving confirmed was taken away by Caesar, because he took part with Pompey) came to Rome to accuse his Grand-father. He was sent by his father and mo∣ther, together with Phidippus a Physician & Deiotarus his slave, who was cor∣rupted by their promises to feign an accusation against his Lord, that he would have killed Caesar vvhen he entertained him in his Tetrarchy.* 1.655 Deiotarus, fa∣ther, and son, vvho reigned together, had at that time four Ambassadors in the Citie, vvho offered their own bodies to Caesar for the safety of their Masters. But Cicero being mindfull of the friendship and familiarity he had had vvith the old man, made an Oration for him in Caesars house, vvherein he premi∣seth, that it vvas so unusual a thing for a King (a real King; for as for the Kings of Lacedaemon, vvho vvere called to account by the impudent Ephori, they vvere indeed no Kings, having nothing but the title, and therefore this can make nothing against this truth) to be questioned for his life, that before that time it vvas never heard of. Deiotarus being ac∣quitted by Caesar, put to death his daughter as she had deserved, together with her husband Castor Saocondarius that noble Chronographer, concern∣ing whom Gerard John Vossius is to be consulted, in his Treatise of Greek Historians.

2. Caesar in his last Consulship, to(a) 1.656 gratifie Hyrcanus the High-Prtest and Ethnarcha of the Jews, as also the Nation, granted to him to enjoy, and Govern the Citie of Jerusalem as he pleased, which he might also fortifie with Walls. To the Jews he granted also a freedom from the charge of Por∣tage and Toll, with an abatement of the publick Revenue in the second year of letting it out to farm. In this second Julian year his Collegue

(b) 1.657 M. Antonius procured by a Law that the Moneth Quintilis should in honour of his name be after it called July. He now restored(c) 1.658 Carthage and Corinth (which two Cities had both in one year been destroyed) by Roman Colonies sent thither.* 1.659 Now(d) 1.660 the people had a great desire to be revenged on the Parthian, for the losse of Crassus and his Army, and to him unani∣mously the War was decreed, and lest any stirs should be in his absence, he was permitted to name all Officers that should be in the Citie for three years. 'Tis thought he would gladly have had the title of King, though, the people being against it, he declined it. For, as he came into the Citie from the Hill Albanus where he had sacrifized, some saluted him by the name of King, which the people took ill, whereupon he said, he was not King but Caesar; and all holding their peace, he passed on sad and grieving. And when one of the multitude put upon a statue a Lawrel Crown, tied with a white Ribband (which was a royal Ensign) the Tribunes commanded it to be taken away, and the man carried to Prison: but Caesar being vexed, ei∣ther for that the motion of the Kingdom succeeded not, or, as he pretended, that the glory of refusing it was taken from him, grievously rated the Tri∣bunes, and put them out of their Office. At the solemnity of the Luper∣calia (which were celebrated on the fifteenth of February) as Caesar sate in the Rostra, Crowned, in a purple Gown, and in a gilded Chair, Antony his Collegue running naked, as the custom was, amongst the Luperci, came to him as a suppliant, and in the name of the People of Rome offered him a Diadem, which being twice set upon his head, Caesar took off, and laid in the Chair. He answered,* 1.661 that Jupiter alone was King of the Romans, and sending the Diadem into the Capitol unto Jupiter, commanded it to be registred, how in the name of the people the Kingdom had been offered him, and he would not take it. This gave suspition that the thing was done by agreement, and that he desired the title of King; but would be as it were compelled to accept of it.

3. A rumour was also at this time spred abroad, that the Quindecimviri had found in Sibyll's books, that the Parthians could onely be overcome by the Romans under conduct of a King; and that at the next sitting of the Senate, L. Cotta, one of the Quindecimviri, would move that Caesar might have the title. ••ome gave out, that he was indeed to be called Dictator, or Imperator, of the Romans, but plainly King of the other Nations subject to their Em∣pire. These things drew envy upon him, and the indignation of the great ones, even of such as he had (as to their particular) well deserved of. And that saying undid him, Sylla nescivit literas, non potuit dictare, utterly thereby cutting off all hope that he would give over the Dictatorship. Being sensible of the envy he had contracted, he desired to haste out of the Citie, but four dayes before the time appointed, he was slain in the Senate-house by a conspiracy of above 60 Senators and Equites. Though his death was portended several wayes, yet he neglected it. 'Tis said, that as he went down to the house that very morning, that the names of the Conspirators were put into his hands, but he folded them up amongst other papers and never read them.* 1.662 The chief of them were M. Brutus, C. Trebonius, C. Cassius, and of his own party Decimus Brutus.* 1.663 Coming into the Senate-house, which then was Pompey's Court, thinking of the Parthian expedition, as he sate in his Curule Chair, they fell upon him, and killed him with 23 wounds. So he who had* 1.664 fought fifty battels, and killed 1192000 men, in that Senate, which he himself for the most part had chosen, in the Court of Pompey, and before Pompey's Statue, so many of his Centurions looking on,* 1.665 fell by the hands of most Noble Ci∣tizens, many of whom he had to his utmost gratified, and so lay he, that not so much as a friend nor slave came near his body.

4. So great a man he was that Plutarch* 1.666 being judge, there was none of the greatest, and most admired Captains, to whom the Gallick War alone did not demonstrate him equal in commendations, both as a General, and as a Soldier. For, whether we consider the Pabis, Scipioes, Metelli, his Contemporaries, or those that went before him, as Sylla, Marius, and both

the Luculli, and even him whose glory for all warlike abilities reacheth to the skies, Pompey himself, the actions of Caesar excel all their exploits. For, sometimes he obtained greater glory, for the inconvenience of the places wherein he made War, sometimes for the greatnesse of the Countries which he subdued, sometimes for the multitude and strength of his Enemies over∣thrown, sometimes for the perfidiousnesse and barbarism of the Nations subdued, sometimes for clemency shewed to the conquered, or otherwhiles for his liberality towards his fellow-soldiers; but alwaies in respect of the number of battels, and of those that were slain. For having caried on the War in Gall not fully ten years, he took above 800 Cities, subdued 300 several sorts of People, and having ingaged at several times with three mil∣lions of men, killed the third part, and took the other alive. So great was the affection of his Soldiers to him, and their care to please him, that where∣as otherwise they were nothing better than others,* 1.667 yet being invincible for his credit, they would not refuse any danger. This disposition in them he first bred and then maintained by conferring honours and rewards upon them, wherein he spared nothing; then by undertaking all dangers with them, and refusing no labour. His boldnesse indeed and courage, considering that it proceeded from incredible desire of glory, they admired not so much; but his labour and toil which he indured above his strength did astonish them. For, he was of a thin habit of body, pale and tender, had a sickly head, and was subject to the falling sicknesse or Epilepsie, which first took him at Corduba. But he took not an occasion of lazinesse from his want of health, but by Expe∣ditions, most difficult journeys, slendernesse of diet, and by continuing a∣broad in the open air, sought to drive away his disease, and keep his body healthful. Most commonly he slept as he was caried in his chariot or litter, so that his sleep was not idle. On the day time he was caried about the Forts, Cities and Camps, with a boy sitting by him, who wrote down what he di∣ctated, and a Soldier with a sword standing at his back. He made so great journeys, that in his first Expedition from Rome, in eight incampings he came to the River Rhodanus. From his childhood he had learnt and practised ri∣ding, so that putting his hands behind him upon his back, he would sit an horse in his full speed, which was very much for one that had his disease. More∣over in that Expedition he exercised himself so, that riding, he would di∣ctate several letters to two Secretaries or more. He was a man ambitious of power, and unsatisfied with any thing on this side Soveraignty, but Victory pleased him, not revenge nor cruelty, in which respect Cicero, to note his ambition, and yet acknowledge his goodnesse of nature, compared him to Pisistratus.

5. The conspirators conscious of the greatnesse of the fact,* 1.668 fearing the worst, secured themselves in the Capitol, it being in the Senate strongly de∣bated how it should look upon the thing, and consequently upon them. But for Antonius the Consul (who also resolved when he should be able, to punish it, though now he betrayed no such intention) the fact had been ap∣proved of, as done upon an Usurper and a Tyrant, though they had not long before taken a solemn oath for his preservation, and decreed such vast honours to him. Antonius by putting them in mind, that if he were judged deserved∣ly slain, all his acts were to be nulled, and consequently the assignment of several Offices, which he had of late made to several of them, effected that no more was done than to decree an Amnestie or oblivion for all that was past,* 1.669 for which Cicero much laboured. The offices were confirmed with this reason entered, because it was requisite for the good of the Commonwealth, and the day following the Senate meeting again, decreed Provinces to the murder∣ers, viz. to M. Brutus Crete, Afnick to Cassius, to Thobonius Asia, to Cimber Bithynia, and Gall about Padus to Decimus Brutus. After this, Cae∣sar's testament was opened, wherein he made heirs three Nephews of his Sisters,* 1.670 C. Octavius of three parts in four of his estate (not of half onely,* 1.671 as it's found in Livy's Epitome) and L. Pinarius and Q. Pedius of the other fourth part. C. Octavius he adopted into his name and family, and most of

those that killed him he named amongst the Guardians of his son, if one should be born to him. As second heirs, if the former should not possesse the inheritance, he named Decimus Brutus and M. Autonius. He also in his will gave no small matter to the Romans, to be divided man by man, as Plu∣tarch writeth. This moved the People out of measure to indignation a∣gainst the Conspirators, Antonius the Consul vehemently stirring up the mul∣titude in his funeral Oration. They were driven to that rage, that after the burning of the Corps they were hardly disswaded from firing their houses, and they tore in pieces one Cinna whom they mistook for another of that name that was one of them.

6. Now the series of affaires bringeth us to Caesar Octavianus the adopted son of Julius. He was grand-son to his sister Julia, which woman was wife to M. Attilius Ba••bus,* 1.672 and by him had a daughter that was maried to C. Octa∣vius. He was born in the Consulship of Cicero,* 1.673 and lost his father (who governing Macedonia, died sodainly before he could stand for the Consulship) when but four years old. He accompanied this his great Uncle in the last Spanish War, who ever kept him close to him in their travail, and was now sent by him to Apollonia to study, intending to take him along with him in the Par∣thian War. There he heard of his death, and the inheritance left to him. His Mother and Father-in-Law Marcius Philippus, were unwilling he should take the name of Caesar, as subject to much envy; but after some pause he resolved to the contrary, and assuming the name of Caesar Octavianus, made use of the good affections of his Uncles friends in Greece, who accompany∣ing him to the City, he was met by a vast number of others from Rome. Here, after he had accepted of the adoption, and confirmed it by the authority of the Praetor as the custom was, he went to Antony, whom he expected to have his friend and assistant in prosecuting his Uncle's Enemies. But after some waiting, he entertained him with great contempt, and though he had got a great quantity of Caesar's money, yet he denied to let him have any, fearing he should grow into too much esteem.* 1.674 Caesar hereupon sold his own inheri∣tance to pay the legacy given to the People, which procured him much love, his Uncle's (or Father's, as now he must be called) old Soldiers flocked to him, whom he accepted of out of fear of Antony, who now became every day more odious, both to him, to People and Senate.

7. The Senate suspected Antony as intending to set up himself,* 1.675 and he in∣tended nothing more, for which cause he resolved to have some Province as∣signed him,* 1.676 wherein he might get power. To curry favour then he propoun∣ded to be considered Sextus Pompey, who yet remained of the sons of Pompey the Great (that beloved man) that in requital for his fathers estate confiscated, he might have an allowance out of the publick, and command of the Seas, with that Navy he formerly had. This being received with great applause was enacted; and so Pompey was called back into Sicily, where he after∣wards waged a great War against Caesar. Antony perswaded Dolobella his Collegue (a young man whom Caesar having ordained to be Consul after his de∣parture out of the City, when he was dead, took the Office, and inveighing against his benefactor, would have had the day of his death stiled the birth∣day of the City) though he loved him not, to ask Syria, not of the Senate, but the People, hoping that after him he should not be denied such a request. The difference increasing betwixt him and Caesar, he desired to have the six Legions which lay in Macedonia, and obtained them, deceiving the Senate by a false rumour, that the Getes hearing of Caesar's death, had invaded that Province. He baited them, by preferring a Law against any one's being Dicta∣tor. It was his design to bring these Legions over into Italy to awe and com∣mand all, and that he might effect this, he preferred by force a Law for chang∣ing of Provinces, and thereby procured to his brother C. Antonius Mace∣donia, which formerly had been assigned to M. Brutus, and to himself the nearer Gall (or Gallia Cisalpina) which before was given to Decimus Brutus.

8. The Senate would in no wise grant this, whereupon he betook himself

to the People. When he had brought over his Legions, part of them revol∣ted to Caesar, who now out of fear went up and down Italy, gathering Sol∣diers out of the Colonies his father had planted. With a considerable Army at length Antony marched into Gall, whence he commanded Brutus to be gone, who gave way to him then, but departed to Mu••••na, resolving there to stay and endure a siege, for that he had some considerable strength, and expected assistance. Here Antony straightly besieged him, which the Senate hearing of, by Cicero's working especially (who now began to speak and write his fourteen Orations, in imitation of those of Demosthenes, called Philipicks) declared him an Enemy to the State, which proved a means for the bringing in and preferring of Caesar Octavianus.* 1.677 For though the Se∣nate cared not at all for him, as being generally of Pompey's faction,* 1.678 yet they resolved to make use of him for his Armies sake, and therefore erected him a statue, made him a Senator, though but nineteen years old, decreed, that he should be considered towards preferment as ten years older, and gave him equal power with Hirtius and Pausa the Consuls, whom now they sent to relieve Brutus. They took Bononia; but Antony being bold, for that he had got the better in some skirmikes, went and met Pansa, whom he o∣verthrew, but returning carelesly into his Camp, was worsted by Hirtius. A littel after, a great battel was fought near Mutina, wherein Antony was quite defeated, and fled to Lepidus then Proconsul in the further Gall.* 1.679 Both the Consuls died of wounds; Hirtius in Antonie's Camp, and Pansa at Bononia. Brutus being at this time spared by Caesar, thought of departing with his ten Legions to M. Brutus and Cassius, now in Greece, but his Sol∣diers moved by the difficulty of the journy revolted, the six new raised Le∣gions to Caesar, and the four of old Soldiers to Antony. He then purposing with a small attendance to passe through Gall, was taken at Aquilea, and be∣traied by Capenus Sequanus Governour of the Countrey, who sent his head to Antony. Before this,* 1.680 Trebonius another of his Complices in Caesar's death, excluding Dolabella (whom the Senate had judged an Enemy) from Pergamus and Smyrna, was taken by him in the later place, and after grie∣vous torments, had his head cut off, which the Soldiers kicking about as a foot-ball, did so abuse, as no face was to be seen on it. Not long after the death of Decimus Brutus, Minutius Basilius another of the Conspiratours was slain by his slaves, whom he had gelded in a great rage.

9. Now the Senate having no need of young Caesar, slighted him ex∣ceedingly,* 1.681 decreeing the honour due to him unto Brutus, whom he had re∣lieved, giving him very bitter taunts, and denying him a Triumph. Being sensible hereof, and how most of them were of Compey's Faction,* 1.682 he be∣gan to tamper with Antony by Letters, as also with Lepidus, for a con∣junction, and sent 400 Soldiers into the City, in the name of the Army, to demand the Consulship for him. Hereat the Senat straining hard, one Cornelius a Centurion laying his hand on his Sword, said, This shall do it, if you will not. Then called he Antony and Lepidus into Italy, whereat the Senate much startled, and too late blaming their own rigidity, decreed him Consul, and whomsoever he would take to himself. So he invaded the Consulship, a moneth and five dayes before he was twenty years old, and took Q. Pedius for his Collegue. Then by a Law was fire and water for∣bidden to all that had an hand in the death of Caesar, and their goods were sold. The Senate was now so changed, either through good advice or fear, that in stead of slighting they advanced him above all example.* 1.683 They resol∣ved that after his Consulship he should take place of all Consuls, and though formerly they were displeased with his levying forces being a private man; now they desired him to add to his Army, and decreed to him the Legions of Decimus Brutus. The City was committed to his care,* 1.684 and power given him to act what he pleased,* 1.685 though without the prescript of the Laws, which he retained fifty six years till his death. Not long after came Aemi∣lius Lepidus and M. Antonius into Italy, whom he met about Bononia, and

after a three dayes conference entred into confederacy with them, which is fa∣mous by the name of the Triumvirate.

* 1.68610. The terms of this Combination were, That Caesar for the remainder of the year should leave the Consulship to Ventidius, who formerly in the So∣cial War when a Boy was led in Triumph, and after that rubbed the heels of* 1.687 Mules for his living.* 1.688 That a new authority of three men should be erected to take away civil dissentions; which they three should execute for five years with Consular power (for, the Dictatorship was waved, because of a Law late∣ly preferred against it by Antony) with authority to dispose of all Offices for that Term. That Antony should have as a Province all Gall, except that of Narbon, which Lepidus was to have with Spain; and to Caesar was Africk, with Sardinia and Sicily assigned; other places beyond the Seas being left to another time. They agreed further, that their Enemies should be destroyed, wherein the case of Cicero moved the greatest controversie. For Antony would not meddle except he in the first place should be slain,* 1.689 Lepidus was content, but Caesar stood much against it,* 1.690 yet on the third day he assented an exchange being made; for he yielding up Cicero, Lepidus permitted his brother Paulus, and Antony L. Caesar his Uncle by the Mother's side to be proscribed. Lastly, it was agreed that Lepidus should be Consul the follow∣ing year, instead of Decimus Brutus, designed formerly by Julius Caesar. He guarding Rome and Italy, the other two were to make War upon Brutus and Cassius, who now (though at first without any decree of the Senate) had seized on Macedonia and Syria. Cassius in Laodicea besieged Dolabella, who be∣ing judged an Enemy by the Senate for the death of Trebonius, when the Citie vvas taken caused his Page to cut off his head, and so ended his life, being a man of no great solidity. He vvas son-in-law to Cicero: but after the divor∣cing of Tullia they fell into great enmity, vvhereupon the Orator proved a back friend to him in the Senate, reigning amongst the Fathers and the People with his Eloquence.

* 1.69111. The first effect of the Triumvirate was a Proscription of some 300 persons of Equestrian and Senatorian ranks.* 1.692 Though the pretence was to re∣venge Caesar's death, yet many were murdered for their rich Estates, others out of malice, and some for their convenient Houses and Gardens. Amongst those of greatest note was Varro, who now living to see and feel a second Tricipitina, yet escaped with his life. Cicero the man most aimed at by An∣tony for opposing him so vehemently in the Senate, upon the Triumvirs their coming went to Sea; but the winds being contrary, and because he could not endure the shaking of the ship, he returned, saying, he would die in his Countrey often preserved by him. Being weary both of his flight and life,* 1.693 he came to a Village a little more than a mile distant from the Sea. Here his servants terrified by several prodigies, partly by perswasion, and partly by force put him again in his litter, and were carrying him back to the Sea, when hearing of those that came to seek for him, he caused the Litter to be set down, and quietly stretched out his neck to Popilius Laenas, whom for∣merly by his Oratory he had saved from condemnation. He ill favouredly enough cut off his head and hands, which he presented to Antony, and for so doing received a great reward.* 1.694 After the head had been sufficiently gazed on by him and his wife Fulvia (who set on her knees, pulled out the Tongue, and pricking it with Needles, otherwise shamefully shewed her spite) it was to the grief of all men set up in the pleading place, or Rostra. To such an end came this most famous man, the father of Roman eloquence. He was born at Arpinum, on the third of the Nones of January, in the 648 year of the Citie, C. Atilius Serranus, and Q. Servilius Capio being Con∣suls, the same wherein Pompey the Great was born, on the Calends of October. His father was of Equestrian rank, and issued, as some said, from Tullius Attius, a Noble King of the Volsci.* 1.695 He first deserved the Triumph of the Gown, and the Laurel of the Tongue. And as Caesar the Dictator wrote of him, he obtained a Laurel greater than all Triumphs (though he had one de∣creed to him for his good service in the field) by how much the more 'tis a

greater and more excellent thing to inlarge the bounds of Roman wit, than of Empire. He died on the seventh of December, when he had lived 63 years eleven moneths and five dayes. His brother Quintus and his sons were slain, but his own escaped; for that he had sent him beforehand unto Athens.

* 1.69612. All places in the Citie were full of slaughters.* 1.697 The ordinary rate of one head brought to the Triumvirs, if by a free-man, was 100000 Sesterces; if by a slave, half so much, with the liberty of the Citie. This corrupted ma∣ny, so as forgetting both duty and natural affection, they betrayed those for whose preservation they ought to have laboured. Yet now m••ny rare, and admirable examples, of the love of wives to their husbands, and of slaves to their Masters, appeared; fewest of Children towards their Parents. Yet Op∣pius his Act seemeth to stand for many, who Aeneas like carried out his old and decrepit father, and conveyed him to the Sea, sometimes leading, and sometimes carrying him on his back, till they both escaped into Sicily, whence afterwards returning, the people out of a sense of his piety made him Aedilis, and for that he wanted money to set out the usual Games, the Artificers wil∣lingly wrought for him without wages, and the Spectators by a contribution made him rich. Of such proscribed persons as escaped, some fled to Brutus and Cassius, who received them kindly; but most unto Sextus Pompey now in Sicily, who sent out Vessels to hover upon the Coasts for them, and fur∣nished them when came over with necessaries.* 1.698 But the Triumvirs wanting great sums for carrying on the War against Cassius and Brutus, by reason that few vvould buy Confiscated Estates, condemned also, though not the persons, yet the goods of many rich vvomen, as vvell as men.

13. Cassius, after he had got Syria into his power,* 1.699 thought of making an expedition into Egypt against Cleopatra (who now was going with a great power to the aid of Caesar and his followers) but was recalled by Brutus; for that Antony and Caesar (who having attempted something against Ptolemy in Sicily,* 1.700 put it now off till another time) were coming against them with fourty Legions,* 1.701 whereof eight had already passed the Ionian Sea. Therefore lea∣ving Syria to his brother's son with one Legion, he sent some into Cappado∣cia; who killed Ariobarzanes as one that had conspired against him, and brought him a masse of money. Exacting money with much rigour he came into Asia, and meeting Brutus at Smyrna, they consulted about the Warre. Brutus moved that they should passe over into Macedonia, and there en∣counter their Enemies; but Cassius prevailed that the Rhodians and Lycians should first be reduced, who refused to Contribute any thing, and were powerfull at Sea. It seeming good not to leave any Enemy at their back, this was performed, and vast sums of money by that, and other means raised. The Xanthians standing out,* 1.702 as they had done in former times against Cyrus and Alexander, were scarce any of them left alive; and the Rhodians had little besides their lives left unto them.

14. After this, both the Armies met at Philippi, that Citie of Macedonia, to which, being built by Philip to restrain the Thracians, as we have formerly shewn,* 1.703 St. Paul wrote his Epistle. Here appeared on either side 19 Legions.* 1.704 Antony and Caesar brought into the field 13000 horse; but Brutus and Cas∣sius 20000. who coming thither first, incamped on an high and convenient ground near the Sea, whence they could have Provisions in abundance. The other party was exceedingly straightned for necessaries, having onely Macedonia and Thessaly open to it, for that Pompey cut off all entercourse from Africk, as Murcus and Aenobarbus from Italy, by their Navies. This made Antony desirous to fight above measure, which the Enemy knowing well enough, refused to ingage, till Antony making a way through a Fen to inter∣cept his Provisions, and a work being raised by Cassius against him, this pro∣cured a fight, wherein Cassius had the worst on his part, and his Camp was taken by Antony. On the other side Caesar's Wing was worsted, and his Camp also taken by Brutus. Cassius departing to an Hill not far off, expected the event of the fight on his partner's side, and because for the dust he could not discern what horse it was that made towards him, sent Titinius to dis∣cover.

He being received with joy by those that were bringing tidings of vi∣ctory, stayed so long, till Cassius, fearing the worst, and that the Messenger was intercepted,* 1.705 killed himself, or caused his Liberius, or Freedman, to cut off his head. Scarcely was it falln, when Titinius coming, followed him by his own hands, whom as he said, he had killed by loitering.

15. Brutus presently caused his Collegues body to be buried out of sight,* 1.706 lest the Army should be dejected; and then had no mind to fight, desiring rather to starve the Enemy, who now was in desperate condition by want of necessaries, till fearing a defection, for that some had revolted already, or till being forced by the earnestnesse of his Soldiers he led them out to bat∣tel. Both parties, though Countrey-men, were so greedy of ingaging, that they neglected to use any missive vveapons, and betook themselves to their Swords, fighting with great animosity, till at length Brutus his side was born down, and put to the rout.* 1.707 He escaped to an Hill, where remaining all night, when in the morning he saw no way of escaping (Antony having made him sure, lest he should renew the War) he set his swords point to his left pap, where the motion of the heart is felt, and forcing it into his breast, expired.* 1.708 This was the end of these two men, by the same vveapons as some write where∣with they killed Caesar, who had given them their lives, and received them into favour after the battel of Pharsalum. While they sought liberty by his death, by that very means they lost that which they accounted such, being in∣deed no other than a liberty for the common sort to run into extravagan∣cies, and for particular men to abuse their credulity, and by flattery to pro∣cure power, which they then would improve (even Pompey himself, as well as Sylla, Cinna, Marius and Caesar) further than their Commissions extended. With them perished the hopes of that called a Commonwealth, which thence∣forth never was more seen.* 1.709 As for the succeeding bickerings which the Triumviri had with young Pompey, they were but inconsiderable in compa∣rison of this War with Cassius and Brutus, who having under their power all the Roman Empire from Macedonia to the River Euphrates, with above 20 Legions, 20000 horse, 200 long ships, and infinite sums of money, so long as they remained, the Commonwealth seemed (though not at Rome) as yet to be surviving.

16. Caesar being indisposed (for he had not his health this expedition, and therefore was not in the first fight) returned into Italy.* 1.710 Antony went into Asia to gather up money for the paiment of largesses promised to the Soldiers. Here he squeezed out of the poor Inhabitants that little which was left them by Cassius and Brutus,* 1.711 the followers of whom he also restored as he met with them, except such as had an hand in Caesar's death. In Cilicia he met with Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, on whom he presently doated, having for∣merly had much affection for her when yet a Girle, at such time as he ac∣companied Gabinius into that Kingdom.* 1.712 Thither he now followed her, ha∣ving first sent a party of horse to plunder Palmyra, a Town situate near Eu∣phrates, and laid most heavy Tributes and Impositions upon the Provinces. After Caesar had recovered,* 1.713 according to their agreement at parting he set himself to divide Lands to the Army in Italy, which hereby was put into a great combustion, the number of Soldiers being so great, that multitudes of Inhabitants were turned out, and many Towns emptied to give place to those new comers, who committed many outrages, and had not purchased those Lands by any service to the State (as was complained) but by serving to in∣thrall it to the Dominion of three men. Fulvia the wife of Antony, and Lucius his brother now Consul, envied Caesar this popularity with the Sol∣diers, and contended earnestly that they ought to settle the Soldiers of Anto∣ny, which was granted. But herewith not contented, they resolved to prose∣cute him with War. She, for that she desired her husband might be recalled thereby from Cleopatra, concerning whom she had too much cause to be jea∣lous of him: and he out of desire to innovate, pretending an indeavour to sup∣presse the Triumvirate, and to reduce the antient form of Government, and trusting much to the strength of his brother.

* 1.71417. Much ado was made to reconcile them, but to no purpose. The an∣tient Possessors of the grounds flocked to Lucius, and the new ones to Cae∣sar, to whom Salvidienus coming out of Gall with great strength,* 1.715 Lucius went to oppose him, but was diverted by Agrippa, and reduced to such straights betwixt them two, (though Ventidius and Asinius, two of Antonie's Captains were not far off) that glad he was to betake himself for security to Perusia a strong Town, where he was closely besieged by Caesar and his party. He stood out very couragiously, till forced by famine to yield to mercy; then coming out first, and casting himself into Caesar's hands, he interceded for his Soldiers, and desired all the blame might be upon himself: he was re∣ceived honourably, and his Soldiers were pardoned at the desire of their Ene∣mies. The Town was to be plundred, but by a mad-man,* 1.716 who set his own house on fire and therein perished, it was burnt down to the ground. About this time was the first Ecloge of Virgil written (who now was some 28 years old) during the division of those Lands, as clearly appeareth from it:* 1.717 the above mentioned L. Antonius and P. Servilius Isauricus being Consuls, in the 713^th year of the Citie, and the third of the Triumvirate.

18. After the Perusian War (for so 'tis called) Caesar suspecting Anto∣nie's affection towards him;* 1.718 to strengthen himself seized on Spain and Gall,* 1.719 though his Provinces, taking occasion at the death of his Lieutenant, vvhereby being 40 Legions strong, he vvas able to graple vvith him if need should require. But having no shipping he was at a losse as to Sea mat∣ters, and therefore married Scribonia the sister of Libo, father-in-law to Sex∣tus Pompey, from whom he hoped by this alliance if need were to obtain peace. Antony this Spring moved from Alexandria, where he had lived all Winter very loosely with Cleopatra, as against the Parthians, who now under conduct of Labienus had over-run Syria as far as Tyre.* 1.720 Though this Town was set upon by them, and he pretended he would relieve it, yet he did not, alleging a necessity of going to the War against Pompey, who now hin∣dred all Provisions from coming to the Citie, and thereby caused a great dearth:* 1.721 & he again excused himself why he came no sooner to that against Pom∣pey, because he was retained by the Parthian War. Sayling then into Asia, he had news of the event of the Perusian War, and blamed much his wife and brother; whence passing into Greece he met with her, and his mother Julia, whom Pompey having taken now sent safe to him. Thence he sayled over the Ionian Sea, where Aenobarbus delivered up all his Fleet and forces to him; and so they came to Brundusium, where they were kept out by a Gar∣rison placed there by Caesar.

* 1.72219. This made such a breach betwixt them, that Antony blocked up the Town, and procured Pompey from Sicily to invade Italy.* 1.723 Caesar came to Brundusium, where the old Soldiers being unwilling to fight against Antony, the Army laboured to reconcile the Triumvirs, which Cocceius friend to both at length effected with much labour; Pollio on Antonie's side, and Maecenas on Caesar's, as Delegates making up the breach. All offences were mutually to be forgiven, and for that Marcellus husband to Octavia Caesar's sister was now dead, and also Fulvia Antonie's wife for grief that he negle∣cted her, Antony married Octavia. Then was the Roman Empire divided betwixt them,* 1.724 the bounds of their Dominins being Codropolis a Town of Illy∣ricum, all from it Westward being to obey Caesar, and all Eastward Antony. Africk was left to Lepidus, who now was even no body, and having offended Caesar had been confined by him to that Province. The War against the Parthi∣ans was judged to Antony, and that against Pompey (who must needs now be suppressed) unto Caesar. Antony sent Ventidius into Asia to restrain the Par∣thians, who now had made an incursion as far as Ionia. But out of Sardinia did Menodorus Pompey's Admiral the second time eject Helenus Caesar's Captain, whereupon Caesar refused to hearken to Antony, when he moved him to be reconciled unto Pompey. Both the Triumvirs (or rather now the Duumvirs) being come to the Citie, were received with most lamentable complaints of poor people, ready to starve for want of Provisions, which Pom∣pey

hindred from coming, from the East by Sicily, from the West by Sardi∣dinia and Corsica, which he had in his power, and from Africk by his Navy also, which then was most powerful at Sea. Caesar could not be drawn to make Peace with him,* 1.725 notwithstanding the loud cries and prayers of the mul∣titude, which obstinacy drew him, and Antony (rescuing him) into such danger, as both of them were near stoning. At length being forced to it, and Pompey being perswaded, they met, but Pompey expecting to be admitted into the power and place of Lepidus, the Treaty came to nothing. Yet the pressure of the famine brought them together again, and amongst other things it was concluded, that Pompey retaining all the Islands he had already, and Peloponnesus over and above, as long as they should hold their power; and having liberty to be Consul, and to discharge the Office by any of his friends, he was to leave the Sea open,* 1.726 and pay to the People what corn was due out of Sicily. The proscribed persons, except such as were guilty of Caesar's death, had now all liberty to return. The day following, Consuls were designed for four years. Frst Antonius and Libo, than Caesar and Pompey, next Aeno∣barbus and Sosius, and lastly, Caesar and Antony, who then (it might be hoped) might restore the Government to the People. Then did Antony and Caesar return, and were most joyfully received.* 1.727 And this year being the 714 of the City, did they procure Herod the Great to be declared King of Ju∣daea, in the first year of the 184 Olympiad, Cn. Domitius Calvinus the second time, and C. Asinius Pollio being Consuls.

20. Antony departed towards the East again for the Parthian Warre,* 1.728 which hitherto Ventidius his Lieutenant had managed with good successe, ha∣ving got several victories, wherein Labienus, who brought them into Syria, and Pharnapates, (or Phraates, or Barzapharnes, being called by several names) the greatest of their Captains,* 1.729 with Pacorus son to Orodes the King,* 1.730 were slain. After this he repelled them in Media and Mesopotamia, and besieged Antiochus Comagenus in Samosata, whom he suffered, upon promise of 1000 talents, to send Ambassadors unto Antony, who now drew near, and for that the siege was likely long to continue, by reason of the desperat reso∣lution of the defendants, granted him Peace for 300 talents, accepted but of two Hostages, and those inconsiderable ones; and he gave him leave to put to death Alexander, who had formerly revolted to the Romans. This by(a) 1.731 some he was thought to do for fear of the Army, which was angry at his ill usage of Ventidius; though others say,* 1.732 he honoured him according to his deserts, who though a man of an obscure extract, now first of all others tri∣umphed over the Parthians. Antony having setled the affairs of Syria, de∣parted to Athens, where he spent the winter with Octavia. But the(c) 1.733 peace with Pompey continued but a short time. The cause of the breach (whate∣ver secretly was aimed at) was pretended to be, for that Antony being to quit Peloponnesus, would do it but upon this condition, that Pompey should give him satisfaction for such moneys as was due to him from the Inhabitants. But Pompey liked not of any such condition, and therefore rigged a new Fleet, and provided himself of forces, perhaps giving credit to Metrodorus, who would tell him, that the present state of affairs was no true Peace, but ra∣ther a cessation of arms. He then renewed his Piracy, which renewed the former grievances, and made the People cry out, that the matter was onely altered from three Tyrants to four. But Metrodorus revolted to Caesar, bringing in with him Corsica, Sardinia, and three Legions, and then Anto∣ny was called to Brundusium to consult about the War. Thither he came at the day appointed, but Caesar keeping not his word he staied not for him, either not liking the breach of the Peace,* 1.734 or for that he envied Caesar all that power he saw him have; for still they suspected and grudged each other.* 1.735 But Caesar being provided, set out to Sea, as to invade Sicily, and was beaten back by Pompey, though he took him at unawares, who heard nothing of the revolt of Metrodorus, till also of Caesars coming. Afterward his ships lying at Anchor, were extreamly battered, and most of the men were cast away.

21. Caesar fortified the Coasts of Italy, for fear lest Pompey should make an invasion, which he, not knowing how to improve a Victory,* 1.736 was never wont to attempt. Then wanting all manner of provisions for the Warre, he sent Maecenas to Antony, who refusing not to joyn with him, this cheared him, together with a Victory got by Agrippa in Aquitaine; many Cities, and private persons also promising aid. Antony came to Tarentum with 300 ships, but whether there was something else betwixt them, or for that he was now furnished, he slighted his help, Caesar excused himself that he met him not, which the other took in ill part, yet sent for him again. For having laid out much upon the Fleet, he intended to exchange it for some Italian Legions, to be used in the Parthian Warr, it being difficult for him to raise men in Italy, which was subject to Caesar, though by their last agreement both were left free there to make their Levies.* 1.737 Octavia coming over to her brother, agreed them, who then made the exchange, and because the time of the Triumvirate set by the Senate was almost out, prorogued their power for five years longer, without any consideration had of the suffrages of the People. So Antony departed into Syria, Caesar deferring his Expedition into Sicily untill the fol∣lowing year.

22. He determined to invade Sicily from three several quarters: Lepidus,* 1.738 who now joyned with him, was to invade it from Africk, Taurus from Ta∣rentum, and he himself from Puteoli. Pompey resolved to oppose him so ma∣ny several wayes, but at this time it needed not; for Caesar's Navy was the second time wracked by a Tempest, which so puffed up Pompey, that he sti∣led himself Neptune's son. But Caesar gave not over the enterprize; for the same Summer having recruited his forces, and mended his ships, he put forth to sea, and then, though on Lepidus his part were lost two Legions, over∣threw Pompey's Fleet, but was again worsted, and yet landed 21 Legions, and 2000 Horse, besides 5000 lightly armed. No great or memorable battel was there on Land; but Pompey sent to his Enemy, to know if he would fight by Sea, fearing his Land-Forces. He accepted of his offer, and then finally defeated him, having sunk 28 of his Vessels. The rest were either ta∣ken or broken,* 1.739 seventeen onely escaped,* 1.740 and at the sight of this overthrow his Land-forces yielded to Caesar, so that with his seventeen Vessels he fled to Antony, from whom he expected protection, having restored formerly his mother safe to him, when in such a condition. Messana still stood out, but the Garrison at length yielded to Lepidus, who granted to the Soldiers, to draw them to his party, the plunder of the Town equal with his own. Having now by the addition of those Forces 22 Legions, and a strong body of Horse under his command, he pleased himself with thoughts of getting all Sicily into his hands, to which he pretended a right, as first invaded by him; and he sought to hinder Caesar all he could from the possession of it.

23. Caesar expostulated with him for his ingratitude; but to no purpose. Then found he means to draw away all his Army from him,* 1.741 which now was something averse to Civil Warrs, and satisfied of the greater worth of Caesar, being moreover incensed against their General, for making Pompey's Soldiers partakers with them in the plunder of Messana. Yet though his Soldiers would have killed him did he save them alive, but outed him of all power, and banished him;* 1.742 so that thus fell one head of this Tricipitina. Pompey not being persued by Caesar, craved protection from Antony; yet sent to the Parthian, in case he should not be received by him. Then thought he of seiz∣ing upon Syria, and the parts adjacent, upon a rumour of Antony's being o∣verthrown; whereupon he was pursued by his party, and at last taken and kil∣led at Midaius a Town of Phrygia, as Dio writeth, but as Florus and Ap∣pian at Miletus, in the fourtieth year of his age, fourteen years after the death of his Father.* 1.743 Caesar at his return restrained roberies in the City, setting watches therein, and administred things in the antient way by annual Magi∣strates. He burnt all letters written in time of War, promising he would restore the Commonwealth as soon as Antony should return, who, he knew, would also lay down the Magistracy, all Civil Warrs being ended. He was

therefore received with luckie acclamations, and had a Perpetual Tribuneship bestowed on him, as invited by this honour to lay down his other power. Con∣cerning this he wrote privately to Antony, who, whilst Caesar was thus im∣ployed about Pompey, had called Cleopatra into Syria, and there given her Phoenicia, Caelesyria, Cyprus, a great part of Cilicia, with part of Arabia Nabathaea,* 1.744 and so much of Judaea as brought Balsamum. Then sending her home, he marched into Armenia, where yet he could do nothing (for desire of her) like himself; but ever thought of returning to her, which shortly after he did; but was much troubled in his passage by the Parthians, to whom his Army had revolted, but that they killed such as first passed over to them.

24. The year following, and that wherein Pompey was slain,* 1.745 he was soli∣cited by the King of Media in conjunction with him to make Warre upon the Parthian; but was hindred by stirs which hapned betwixt Cleopatra and Octavia his wife, who now returning to him out of Italy, met with letters at Athens to stop her there, he pretending necessary avocations by Warre. Caesar then would have had her come to his house, but she would go to her husbands, where she educated both his children and her own, as became her. Then did Antony return into Armenia, where he caught the King by a wile, and brought him in triumph into Aegypt. Now would he be called Father Bacchus,* 1.746 as Cleopatra Isis, who now was stiled by him Queen of Aegypt, Cyprus, Africa, and Caelesyria, Caesario whom she had by Julius Caesar be∣ing her partner in these Principalities. But his own sons by her, Alexander and Ptolomy, he named Kings of Kings; betwixt whom he did not onely part what Provinces he himself had, but also Armenia, Parthia, and Me∣dia, and to Cleopatra their daughter assigned Cyrene. These things, together with the disgrace of his sister provoked Caesar, who made report of them to the Senate and People. Hereby he incensed men's minds against Antony, who shortly after went into Media, and entered into league with the King thereof. Caesar at the same time fought against several People of Illyrioum, and the next year both provided for the Civil War betwixt themselves.

25. Antony in way of recrimination to Caesar, objected his putting Le∣pidus besides the Triumvirate, and taking his Soldiers as those of Pompey to himself, which ought to have been equally free for both; and he challeng∣ed his part of the Soldiers raised in Italy.* 1.747 For, Caesar besides what we for∣merly mentioned, accused him of taking Aegypt as his Province,* 1.748 killing Pompey, abusing Artavasdes the Armenian King, to the great infamy of the Roman State; but above all upbraided him with Cleopatra, and what he had assigned to their children, as also for that he owned Caesario as begotten by Caesar, though to the Senate he had acknowledged him for his own son. Anto∣ny, bewitched by Cleopatra so far as not to be able to rule himself, wrote to the Senate to have those things confirmed, which he had setled upon her and her children. The two Consuls Cn. Domitius and C. Sosius being much for him, were forced to leave the City, and get over to him, who now also ha∣ving raised great forces, sent to Rome, to drive Octavia out of his house and if taking his opportunity he had this Summer invaded Italy, he might in all probability have put an end to the quarrel. For, Caesar was not yet provided, wanting money exceedingly, which he now exacted throughout Italy. But this delay herein helped him, that men's minds were more and more bent a∣gainst Antony, especially after Caesar had published his Testament,* 1.749 where∣in he disposed as formerly, to his and Cleopatra's children, and ordained, that though he should dye at Rome, his body should be sent to her at Alexandria: it was also reported, that he meant, if his matters prospered, to give her Rome, and transfer the seat of the Empire into Aegypt. Hereupon the Warre was decreed against her, and he was devested of his Triumvirate,* 1.750 but not declared an Enemy, for fear of those with him. For then must they necessarily have been included in the same capacity, and so driven upon de∣sperate Councils: to them therefore rewards were promised, if they would forsake him; and hereby was he thought rendred more inexcusable, in that

being unhurt he should make War for an Egyptian woman against his Coun∣trey. Then did the one draw all the East, and the other the West to his party. Caesar had ready 250 ships of War, 80000 foot, and 12000 horse. Antony had 500 such like ships,* 1.751 very big and stately, with 100000 foot, and also 12000 horse. The King of the Medes also sent him aid, which being not sent back, and Antony also recalling his forces he had left with him for the protection of that Countrey, the Parthian became Master of that Kingdom, and Armenia also was lost.

26. The following year Agrippa being sent before by Caesar,* 1.752 took di∣vers ships coming to Antony with Provisions,* 1.753 and molested him exceed∣ingly upon the Sea, wherewith Caesar incouraged passed from Brundusium into Epirus, to a Promontory whereof that lieth near the Bay of Ambracia sending his forces, he took in Corcyra; so did Agrippa the Island Leucas near to Actium, with Patrae and Corinth; Titius also and Taurus routed Antonies horse. Then several persons of note fell off from Antony. Sosius was beaten, and lost his life at Sea, and Antony himself was also worsted by a guard of Caesars. Being much troubled hereat, Canidius would have perswaded him to send away Cleopatra, and decide the quarrel either in Thrace or Ma∣cedonia, for that he was stronger in Land forces. But though his navy had been twice worsted, and he had lost many ships, yet she obtained of him to fight at Sea, providing withall all things as for a fight. For four dayes the Sea was so rough with winds that it hindred them from fighting; but on the fifth they joyned, and then Caesar's ships being light could easily tack about and invade Antonies, which were unwieldly, and of little use. Cleopatra wearied with long expectation, ere it could certainly be known how things would go, with her gilded deck, Purple sayls,* 1.754 and sixty light Egyptian Gallies fled away, which Antony seing, presently followed, forsa∣king his men, and running away, who ought to have animadverted upon such as did so.* 1.755 His Soldiers fought most valiantly, notwithstanding the basenesse of their General (who getting into Cleopatra's Gally, went, and sate by him∣self in a deep silence,* 1.756 holding his head with both his hands) till at the tenth hour they were partly perswaded, and partly constrained to submit, it being confessed that in this fight they behaved themselves like to, and executed the Office of, the best General, and their General played the part of a run-away Soldier. From this victory of Caesar at Actium a Promontory of Epirus, Several* 1.757 Authors date his Monarchy, which lasted from the second of Septem∣ber whereon the battel was fought, to the 19th of August, on which he died, 44 years wanting 13 dayes. Now was hee himself the third time,* 1.758 and M. Valerius Messala Consuls, in the 723th year of the Citie, the se∣cond of the 187 Olympiad, and the seventh of Herod King of Judaea, as Josephus gathereth, the 29th before the Aera of Christ, A. M. 3974.

27. His Land forces could scarcely believe his flight,* 1.759 having such an Army left to him intire, and for seven dayes were so constant to him, that though the thing was clearly known, they rejected Caesars messages, but being now over-taken by him, and forsaken of their Leader Canidius,* 1.760 who had posted away after Antony, they yielded, and were taken into Caesar's Army. Then did Caesar go to Athens,* 1.761 where he put to death Cassius Parmensis, one of those that slew his Uncle, and setling the affairs both of Greece and Asia, determined to vvinter in Samus; but was called into Italy by Agrippa to quiet his Soldiers who now mutinied. He sailed then to Brundusium, but the Senate meeting him there, he went no further, and having dispatched his businesse within thirty dayes returned into Asia. Antony for some time lived disconsolately by himself. Cleopatra conveyed ships over into the Red-Sea, intending there to seek her fortune, she had thought also of flying into Spain. They both sent to Caesar, she that her Children might have Egypt granted them, and he that he might be permitted to live privately at Athens. She sent him a Golden Crown and Scepter, with a royal seat, privily to curry favour, and he, though openly he threatned her, secretly promised her safety

and her Kingdom, if she would kill Antony, who was also advised by* 1.762 Herod of Judaea to do as much by her.

28. They sent again to him the first and second time, and he gave up to him Turullius a Senator, and one of the murderers of Julius Caesar. He put∣ting the man to death returned no answer, neither the second time, when he sent Antyllus his son to him with much Gold, which he received.* 1.763 But with her he still dealt, sending Thyrsus his Freed-man to her to make her believe that he was in love with her, hoping she might kill Antony, and preserve her Treasures, which she threatned to burn if she came into any danger. Now going down into Egypt he sent Cornelius Gallus before him, who seized on Paraetonium the Chief Citie on that part near Africk; and Pelusium the other strongest Town towards Syria did Cleopatra betray to him, secretly forbidding the Alexandrians to go out against him. Antony once fought prosperously against his horse, and the second time was beaten; then he sent him a challenge, which Caesar refused, saying, that if Antony so pleased there were 1000 wayes lying open for his destruction. Wherefore bethink∣ing himself that he could not die with more credit than in battel, he re∣solved to oppose Caesar both by Sea and Land; but Cleopatra procu∣red, that both his Navy, and horse revolted. Hereupon he returned into the Citie, crying out, that he was betrayed by her for whose sake he had taken up Arms. She being afraid of him departed to her Monument, and sent some to tell him she was dead, pretending fear of Caesar. Upon which mes∣sage, he resolving to follow her, wounded himself in the belly. The wound not quickly dispatching him, she sent for him up into her Monument, whi∣ther he was pulled up by her self, and two women, being willing to live now that she was alive,* 1.764 and hoping he might possibly recover. But he shortly after died, willing her as well as she could to provide for her self, and not grieve for him, but rather rejoyce, in that he had been the most fa∣mous of men, as also most powerfull, and now being a Roman was not through lazinesse overcome by a Roman. Such was the end of this man, who through desire of fame became the Author of sad Tragedies to his Countrey, who in the use of his power greatly abused it, and was not onely overcome by a Roman, but also by a Woman, and then so behaved himself, that he could not be excused from lazinesse, effeminatenesse, and luxury, all which things checked that goodnesse of disposition supposed once to be in him, and left Cleopatra little cause to rejoyce for any real glory that might accrue unto him.

20. Caesar endeavoured to get Cleopatra into his hands, that he might lead her in Triumph. He easily obtained Alexandria,* 1.765 the Inhabitants whereof he pardoned, but put to death Antyllus the son of Antony, and some others. He viewed the body of Alexander the Great, and out of honour to his me∣mory set on it a Golden Crown, and strewed it with flowers; but touch∣ing it he broke off a little piece of the Nose, and refused to see the bodies of the Ptolomies, though the Alexandrians much desired it, saying, he had a mind to see the King, and not dead men. Cleopatra dealt with her Phy∣sician to dispatch her, but being terrified by Caesar upon the account of her Children, she gave it over, and did all she could, but in vain, to work upon his affections when he came to see her.* 1.766 Then did she give him an Inven∣tory of her goods, and he promised her fair things, thinking thereby that he deceived her, though he himself was deceived. For she understanding that she was reserved for a Triumph, prevented it by a voluntary death, as is in the History of her Kingdom related. Caesar made Egypt a Tributary Province, and would have conferred the Government thereof upon Arius the Philosopher, who formerly had taught him, but he refusing the imployment, he gave it to Cornelius Gallus, a man of obscure birth. Caesario the son of Cleopatra by Julius Caesar, had by his mother been sent towards India with a great sum of money, but at Rhodes his Governour perswaded him to re∣turn, as now being to expect the Kingdom. Caesar consulting what to do

with him, Ariaeus, alluding to* 1.767 that prudent sentence of Homer, said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. To have many Caesars is not good; and so he was sent after his mother.* 1.768 Whilest these things were doing at Alexan∣dria, was M. Tullius Cicero, son of the Orator, Consul at Rome (taken in by Caesar to blot out the ignominy of betraying his father) in the room of Lici∣nius Crassus, where he published Caesar his Collegue's Letters concerning the overthrow of Antony, and put them up over the pleading place, where his father's head had formerly been set. But this overthrow and death of Cleo∣patra hapned in the 14th year after the death of Julius Caesar, the third of the 187 Olympiad, the 724 of the Citie, 28 before the birth of Christ, A. M. 3975. 294 after the death of Alexander the Great, under whom as the Macedonian Empire began, so now in Cleopatra (and not till now) it was quite extinct; and here the Contemporaries with it receive their pe∣riod.

Notes

• * 1.1

  SECT. 1.
• * 1.2

  Livius lib. 8.
• * 1.3

  War decreed against the Palaepolitans.
• * 1.4

  A. M. 3678. Ol. 113. ann. 2. V. C. 173. Alexand. 10.
• * 1.5

  Alexandria in Egypt, when built.
• * 1.6

  Alexander King of Epirus slain in Italy.
• * 1.7

  The Palaepoli∣tans being conquered the Tarentines their allies proceed in the War, and draw in the Samnites and Neapolitans.
• * 1.8

  New Laws in favour of Debtors.
• * 1.9

  L. Papyrius Cursor made Dictator.
• * 1.10

  A. M. 3681. Ol. 114 an. 1. V. C. 430. Alexand, 13.
• * 1.11

  Is hindred from punish∣ing Fabius Ru∣tilianus his Master of the Horse-men.
• * 1.12

  The Samnites overthrown,
• * 1.13

  Desire Peace which is deni∣ed them.
• * 1.14

  Livius lib. 9.
• * 1.15

  They entrap the Roman Ar∣my at Furcae Caudinae.
• * 1.16

  A. M. 3684. Ol. 114. an. 4. V. C. 433. Ptolom. Lagi 3.
• * 1.17

  Make it dis∣gracefully passe under the jugum and march away disarmed.
• * 1.18

  The conditi∣ons are re∣nounced at Rome, and the Samnites often again defeat∣ed.
• * 1.19

  Decius Mus as his father before him, devoteth him∣self to the Dii Manes.
• * 1.20

  A summary account of the War with the Samnites.
• * 1.21

  The Priest∣hood and Au∣gurship com∣municated to the Com∣mons.
• * 1.22

  The Law of Appeal re∣newed the third time.
• * 1.23

  Livii Epitom. lib. 11.
• * 1.24

  A. M. 3713. Ol. 122. an. 1. V. C. 462. Seleuci 21. Ptol. Lagi 32.
• * 1.25

  War with the Samnites.
• * 1.26

  Eutropius lib. 2.
• * 1.27

  Livii Epitom. lib. 11. Plin. lib. 16. Xonaras.
• * 1.28

  The third se∣paration of the Com∣mons.
• * 1.29

  A. M. 3719. Ol. 123. ann. 3. V. C. 468. Seleuc. 27. Ptol. Lagi 38.
• * 1.30

  The Lex Hor∣tensia.
• * 1.31

  Lib. 1. cap. 25.
• * 1.32

  The errour of Florus.
• * 1.33

  Livius Epitom. l. 11. 12.
• * 1.34

  The Original of the Taren∣tines, and a description of their Citie, Government, and conver∣sation.
• * 1.35

  Lege Strabon. l. 6. p. 278. &c. Florum lib. 1. c. 18.
• * 1.36

  Orosius lib. 4. cap. 1. Xonaras.
• * 1.37

  The Original of their War with the Ro∣mans.
• * 1.38

  Valer. Max. lib. 2. cap. 5. Exemp. 5.
• * 1.39

  They send for Pyrrhus King of Epirus.
• * 1.40

  Plutarch in Pyrrho.
• * 1.41

  A. M. 3725. Ol. 125. ann. 1. V.C. 474. Seleucidarum 33. Antiochi Soce∣ris 3. Ptol. Phila∣delph. 5.
• * 1.42

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.43

  Eutrop.
• * 1.44

  Exemp. vide in Atticis p. 11. & Justin l. 18.
• * 1.45

  Who defeat∣eth Laevinus the Consul by the help of his Elephants.
• * 1.46

  Eutrop. ut priùs & Plutarch.
• * 1.47

  Marcheth to∣wards Rome.
• * 1.48

  Sendeth about a peace which Appius Clau∣dius hinder∣eth.
• * 1.49

  Fabricius goeth to him about redeeming of prisoners.
• * 1.50

  A. M. 3716. V.C. 475.
• * 1.51

  Lib. 13.
• * 1.52

  Tuscul.
• * 1.53

  Several in∣gagements of the Romans with him.
• * 1.54

  De hac histo∣ria aliter apud alios relatae Consule Livii Epit. l. 13. Val. Max. l. 6. c. 5. Exem. 1. Tullii Offic. l. 3. Gellium l. 3. c. 8.
• * 1.55

  Lib. 5. p. 241. B.
• * 1.56

  Pyrrhus get∣ting nothing by his very successe,
• * 1.57

  Is sent for in∣to Sicily and passeth over thither.
• * 1.58

  Gellius l. 4. c. 8. A. M. 3728. V. C. 477.
• * 1.59

  L. 2. de Oratore.
• * 1.60

  Returneth with difficul∣ty.
• * 1.61

  A. M. 3730. Ol. 126. an. 2. V. C. 479. Seleucid. 38. Antiochi Sot. 8. Ptol. Philad. 10.
• * 1.62

  He is defea∣ted by Curius Dentatus the Consul.
• (a) 1.63

  Pausan in Atticis.
• (b) 1.64

  Val. Max. l. 4. c. 3. exemp. 5.
• * 1.65

  And with∣draweth him∣self into his own Kingdom.
• (c) 1.66

  Idem. l. 4. c. 4. exemp. 3.
• (d) 1.67

  Livii Epit. l. 14. Val. Max. l. 2. c. 9. exemp. 4. Agellius l. 17. c. 21.
• (e) 1.68

  In Sylca.
• (a) 1.69

  Livii Ep. l. 14. Eutrop. l. 2. Val. Max. l. 4. c. 3. ex. 9.
• * 1.70

  Ptolomy Phi∣ladelphus by an Embasie ma∣keth a confe∣deracy with the Romans.
• (b) 1.71

  Orosius l. 4. c. 3. Xonaras. A. M. 3733. Ol. 127. an. 1. V. C. 482. Seleucid. 41. Antioch. Sot. 11. Ptol. Philad. 13.
• * 1.72

  The Castle and Town of Tarentum ta∣ken most of Italy being now subdued.
• (c) 1.73

  Livii Epit. lib. 15. Val. Max. l. 6 c. 6. exemp. 5.
• * 1.74

  SECT. 2.
• * 1.75

  Silver money first stamped.
• (d) 1.76

  Lib. 33. c. 3.
• * 1.77

  The original of the Sicilian or first Punick War.
• * 1.78

  A. M. 3740. Ol. 128. an. 4. V. C. 490. Seleucid. 49. Antioch. S••t. 19. Ptolom. Philad. 21.
• * 1.79

  Hiero King of Syracuse being worsted ma∣keth his peace with the Ro∣mans.
• * 1.80

  A Dial brought out of Sicily to Rome,
• * 1.81

  And Barbers.
• * 1.82

  Agrigentum ta∣ken.
• * 1.83

  A. M. 3743. Ol. 129. an. 3. V.C. 492. Antioch. Thei. 1. Ptol. Philad. 23.
• * 1.84

  The Romans now first ap∣ply them∣selves to sea matters.
• * 1.85

  Hannibal cruci∣fied by his Soldiers.
• * 1.86

  A. M. 3745. Val. Max. l. 7. c. 3. exter. exemp. 7.
• (a) 1.87

  Orosius l. 4. c. 7.
• * 1.88

  Hanno slain.
• (b) 1.89

  Front. Stratag. l. 1. c. 5. Exemp. 15. & l. 4. c. 5. Exemp. 10. Gellius l. 3. c. 7. alii.
• * 1.90

  The valiant act of Calpur∣nius Flamma.
• * 1.91

  The Consuls passe into A∣frick, and in their passage defeat the Carthaginians at Sea.
• (a) 1.92

  Polybius lib. 1.
• * 1.93

  Regulus mak∣eth War a∣gainst a mon∣strous Serpent.
• (b) 1.94

  Gellius l. 6. c. 3. Liv. Epit. l. 18.
• (c) 1.95

  Lib. 1. c. ult. Exemp. ult. Polybius ut su∣pra.
• * 1.96

  Defeateth the Carthagini∣ans and not long after is defeated and taken himself.
• * 1.97

  A. M. 3749. Ol. 131. an. 1. V. C. 498. Ant. Thei. 7. Ptol. Philad. 29. M. Attilio Re∣gulo 2. L. Manlio Vul∣s••ne Coss.
• * 1.98

  The Consuls in their re∣turn from Si∣cily perish by a lamentable shipwrack. Agrigentum destroyed.
• * 1.99

  Idem ibid. Eutrop. l. 2. Diod. Siculus l. 23. Eclog. 12. A. M. 3750.
• * 1.100

  Another ship∣wrack of the Consuls.
• * 1.101

  Metellus the Consul de∣feateth the Carthaginians.
• * 1.102

  Which mo∣veth them to send about a Peace.
• * 1.103

  De Finib. l. 5. Sed consule 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gellium l▪ 6. c. 4.
• * 1.104

  Regulus one of the Messen∣gers disswad∣eth it, and for that at his re∣turn is tor∣mented to death.
• * 1.105

  Defeated a∣gain at the Islands Aega∣t••••, they de∣sire,
• * 1.106

  Polybius l. 3.
• * 1.107

  And obtain Peace.
• * 1.108

  Diodorus l. 24. A. M. 3764. Ol. 134 an. 4. V. C. 513. Seleuci Callin. 6. Ptol. Euerg. 6.
• * 1.109

  Lege Polybium l. 1.
• * 1.110

  A lamentable mutiny of the Carthaginian Mercenaries.
• * 1.111

  Hanno sent to make up the breach in∣largeth it.
• * 1.112

  They march towards Car∣thage.
• * 1.113

  Spendius and Mathos hinder the agree∣ment, and provoke the multitude.
• * 1.114

  Whence ari∣seth the Li∣byan, or Afri∣can War.
• * 1.115

  Amilcar Barcas defeateth the Mercenaries.
• * 1.116

  Who are fur∣ther provoked by their Cap∣tains.
• * 1.117

  Amilcar Uni∣teth the Car∣thaginian for∣ces.
• * 1.118

  Mathos and Spendius ele∣vated by their successe be∣siege Carthage.
• * 1.119

  Amilcar for∣ceth them to break up.
• * 1.120

  Utterly de∣feateth them, and the War endeth, after three years and almost four moneths.
• * 1.121

  The Romans wrest Sardinia from the Car∣thagians with more Tribute.
• (a) 1.122

  Cicero Tuscul. lib. 1. & in Bruto. Cassiodorus in Chronico.
• * 1.123

  Comedies and Tragedies first Rome, made by Livius Andro∣nicus.
• (b) 1.124

  Lib. 17. cap. 21.
• (c) 1.125

  Lib. 2. c. 4.
• * 1.126

  The Ludi Se∣nici.
• * 1.127

  Lege Livium l. 7. & Casaub. de Satira Ro∣mana.
• * 1.128

  The Satire.
• * 1.129

  A. M. 3769. Ol. 136. an. 1. V. C. 518. Seleucid. 77. Seleuci Calli∣nici 11. Ptol. Euerget. 11.
• * 1.130

  The third Sae∣cular or Te∣rentine Games.
• * 1.131

  Vide Valerium Maxim. l. 2. c. 4.
• * 1.132

  The Original of the Teren∣tine Games.
• * 1.133

  Trina Terentio celebrata trino∣ctialudo. Anson.
• * 1.134

  The Teren∣tine and Sae∣cular Games confounded,
• * 1.135

  Quem vide cap. 17. lib. de die Natali.
• * 1.136

  Which much perplexed Censorinus.
• * 1.137

  Certus unde∣nos decies per annos Orbis ut cantus, referat{que} ludos Ter die clarâ totiens{que} gratâ Nocte frequentes.
• * 1.138

  Hist Sacra & Exotica ad A. M. 3491.
• * 1.139

  The difficulty resolved by Jacobus Cappel∣lus.
• * 1.140

  Quindecim Diana preces virorum curet. — Horat. in carm. Saeculari.
• * 1.141

  Vide Tacitum Annal. lib. 11.
• * 1.142

  Observations concerning the Centena∣ries.
• (a) 1.143

  Livius l 1. Eutropius l. 3. Plutarch in Numa.
• * 1.144

  The Temple of Janus shut the second time.

  The first di∣vorce.
• (b) 1.145

  Val. Max. l. 2. c. 1. exemp. 4. Agellius l. 17. c. 21. Dionys. Hali∣carn.
• (c) 1.146

  Cicero de Senectute.
• (d) 1.147

  Plutarch in Catone.
• (e) 1.148

  Agellius ut supra.
• * 1.149

  C••. Naevius the Poet.
• (f) 1.150

  Idem l. 1. c. 24.
• * 1.151

  Polybius l. 2.
• * 1.152

  The Illyrians infest the Ita∣lians at sea,
• * 1.153

  Whence a War ensueth.
• * 1.154

  A. M. 3776. Ol. 137. an. 4. V.C. 525. Sel. Callinici 18. Ptol. Euerg. 18. Idem & Justin.
• * 1.155

  Peace is gran∣ted to Teuta the Queen.
• * 1.156

  A. M. 3777. V.C. 526.
• * 1.157

  The Seditious attempts of Flaminius the Tribune,
• (a) 1.158

  De Senect.
• * 1.159

  Lib. 5. cap. 4. Exemp. 5.
• * 1.160

  Occasioneth the War, cal∣led Bellum Gal∣licum Cisalpi∣num.
• * 1.161

  Preparations on the Roman side for this War.
• * 1.162

  A. M. 3780. Ol. 138. ann. 4. V.C. 529. Sel. Cerauni 2. Ptol. Euerg. 22.
• * 1.163

  The Galls overthrown beg peace.
• * 1.164

  Which the Consuls hin∣der.
• * 1.165

  Marcellus end∣eth the War.
• * 1.166

  Vide Polybium lib. 2. Plutarch. in Marcello. Florum l. 2. c. 4. Entrop. lib. 3. Orosium lib. 4. cap. 13. Livii Epitom. lib. 20.
• * 1.167

  Aspice ut in∣sigais spoliis Marcellus opi∣mis

  Ingreditur, vi∣ctorque viros supereminet om∣nes.

  Hic rem Roma∣nam magno tur∣bante tumultu Sister eques sternel Paenos Gallum{que} rebel∣l••m

  Tertiaque a••ma patri suspendet cauta Quiri••o. Virgil. Aen. 6.
• * 1.168

  Simpson in Chronic. Catho∣lic. ad A. M. 3780.
• * 1.169

  The Acts of Amilcar Barcas, after the end∣ing of the first Punick War.
• * 1.170

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 25. Eclog.
• * 1.171

  Of Asdrubal his son-in-law.
• * 1.172

  Polyb. lib. 3. Livius l. 21. Corn. Nepos in Hamilcar. Val. Max. l. 9. c. 3. Eater. Ex∣emp. 3.
• * 1.173

  Annibal the son of Amilcar Barcas created General by the Carthagi∣nians
• * 1.174

  He taketh Sa∣guntus a Town in Spain, con∣federate with Rome.
• * 1.175

  Satisfaction is demanded by the Romans.
• * 1.176

  And none be∣ing given, War is de∣nounced and accepted of.
• * 1.177

  Val. Max. l. 1. c. 3. exemp. 3.
• * 1.178

  A. M. 3787. Ol. 140. an. 3. V. C. 536. Antiochi Mag. 6. Ptol. Philop. 5. Polyb. l. 3. Livius l. 21.
• * 1.179

  The second Punick or Car∣thaginian War beginneth.
• * 1.180

  Annibal ha∣ving conquer∣ed all Spain as far as the Py∣renaean hills,
• * 1.181

  Passeth over the Alps into Italy.
• * 1.182

  Defeateth Scipio the Consul.
• * 1.183

  And Sempro∣nius his Col∣legue.
• * 1.184

  Lege praeter Polyb. & Liv. Plutarch in vi∣ta Fabii. Co••n. Nepot. Annib. Appian in An∣nibalicis. Florum l. 2. c. 6.
• * 1.185

  And Flaminius at the Lake Thrasymene.
• * 1.186

  Val. Max. l. 1. c. 6. exemp. 6. Entrop. Orosium.
• * 1.187

  Whereupon Fabius Maxi∣mus is made Vice Dicta∣tor, who by delaying breaketh An∣nibal's success.
• * 1.188

  Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem. Ennius.
• * 1.189

  Who yet gi∣veth the Ro∣mans a most grievous over∣throw at Can∣nae.
• * 1.190

  A. M. 3789. Ol. 141. ann. 1. V.C. 538. Ant. Mag. 8. Ptol. Philop. 7. Belli Punici 3.
• * 1.191

  And enerva∣teth his Army by wintring at Capua.
• * 1.192

  Livius lib. 23.
• * 1.193

  Two Dictators at the same time.
• * 1.194

  The Senate filled.
• * 1.195

  The Romans quickly reco∣vered their courage.
• * 1.196

  Annibal and his party go∣eth down the wind in Italy, and Spain.
• * 1.197

  And in Sardi∣nia.
• * 1.198

  Livius lib. 24.
• * 1.199

  In Sicily Mar∣cellus besie∣geth Syracuse.
• * 1.200

  Lege Plutarch in Marcello. Livium lib. 25. Val. Max. lib. 8. cap. 7. Extern. Exempl. 7. Ciceron. Tuscul. lib. 1. & 5. & De Finibus l. 5.
• * 1.201

  Archimedes for∣ceth him to depart.
• * 1.202

  Yet he surpri∣zeth the City, but cannot preserve Ar∣chimedes.
• * 1.203

  A. M. 3793. Ol. 142. ann. 1. V.C. 542. Ant. M. 12. Ptol. Philop. 11. Belli Punici 7.
• * 1.204

  The Scipios having Con∣quered almost all Spain, are destroyed by dividing their forces, and their death is revenged by Marcius.
• * 1.205

  Livius lib. 26.
• * 1.206

  The Romans besiege Capua.
• * 1.207

  Hannibal ha∣ving got Ta∣rentum besie∣geth the Ca∣stle in vain, and
• * 1.208

  Marcheth for Rome.
• * 1.209

  Is hindred from fighting by Tempests, and departeth towards Rhe∣gium.
• * 1.210

  A. M. 3794. V. C. 543.
• * 1.211

  Capua yielded.
• * 1.212

  Paterculus lib. 1.
• * 1.213

  Nero deluded by Asdrubal.
• * 1.214

  Livius lib. 27.
• * 1.215

  Publius Scipio taketh upon him the go∣vernment of Spain and ex∣ceedingly prospereth.
• * 1.216

  Laevinus reco∣vereth all Si∣cily.
• * 1.217

  A. M. 3797. Ol. 143. an. 1. V. C. 546. Ant. M. 16. Ptol. Philop. 15. Belli 11.
• * 1.218

  Marcellus slain.
• * 1.219

  Asdrubal or∣dered to march out of Spain into Italy,
• * 1.220

  Is cut off with his whole Army by Livius and Nero the Con∣suls.
• * 1.221

  Livius lib. 29.
• * 1.222

  Scipio having subdued Spain is made Con∣sul.
• * 1.223

  A. M. 3800. Ol. 143. an. 4. V. C. 549. Seleucidarum 108. Ant. Mag. 19. Ptol. Philop. 18. Belli Punici. 14.
• * 1.224

  The year fol∣lowing pass∣eth into Africk.
• * 1.225

  Idem lib. 30. Polyb. l. 14, & 15
• * 1.226

  Where he so distresseth the Cathaginians,
• * 1.227

  That they re∣cal Hannibal,
• * 1.228

  A. M. 3802. V. C. 551.
• * 1.229

  Whom he al∣so overthrow∣eth,
• * 1.230

  Whereupon Peace is de∣sired and ob∣tained.
• * 1.231

  A. M. 3804. Ol. 144. an. 4. V. C. 553. Ant. Mag. 23. Ptol. Epiphan. 3. Belli Punici 18.
• * 1.232

  Livius lib. 31.
• * 1.233

  The Macedo∣nian War.
• * 1.234

  Galba the Consul pros∣pereth against Philip.
• * 1.235

  A. M. 3805. Ol. 145. an. 1. V. C. 554. Seleucidarum 113. Ant. M. 24. Ptol. Epiph. 4.
• * 1.236

  Apud Livium l. 32.
• * 1.237

  And so doth Flaminius.
• * 1.238

  One good thing done by the Tribunes of the People 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Philip over∣thrown by Flamininus at Cynoscephale, desireth, and obtaineth peace.
• * 1.239

  A. M. 3809. Ol. 146. an. 1. V.C. 558. Ant. M. 28. Ptol. Epiph. 8.
• * 1.240

  A. M. 3810. V.C. 559.
• * 1.241

  The Oppian Law against the women repealed.
• * 1.242

  Motions in Greece.
• * 1.243

  The Romans fight prospe∣rously against the Galls.
• * 1.244

  SECT. 3.
• * 1.245

  The occasions of the War with Antiochus.
• * 1.246

  Things intro∣ductive to it.
• * 1.247

  M. Acilius the Consul defeat∣eth Antiochus at Thermopylae.
• * 1.248

  A. M. 3814. Ol. 147. ann. 2. V. C. 563. Seleucidarum 122. Ant. Mag. 33. Ptol. Epiphan. 13.
• * 1.249

  L. Cornelius Scipio the Consul ob∣taineth Greece for his Province with leave to passe into Asia.
• * 1.250

  Antiochus af∣frighted at his bad successe at Sea ma∣keth offers.
• * 1.251

  Which are re∣jected.
• * 1.252

  He is over∣thrown, and hath peace granted upon former de∣mands.
• * 1.253

  Livius lib. 38.
• * 1.254

  Peace gran∣ted to the Aetolians.
• * 1.255

  Justin. lib. 3.
• * 1.256

  Manlius sub∣dueth the Ga∣latians.
• * 1.257

  Luxury first brought to Rome by his Army.
• * 1.258

  Lege Livium lib. 28. Val. Max. l. 3. c. 7. exemp. 1. Gellium Noct. Attic. l. 4. c. 18.
• * 1.259

  Scipio Africa∣nus called to account by the Tribunes.
• * 1.260

  A. M. 3818. Ol. 148. an. 2. V. C. 567. Seleuci Philop. 1. Ptol. Epiphan. 17.
• * 1.261

  His great spi∣rit.
• * 1.262

  He departeth to Linternum and is not condemned through the procurement of Gracchus.
• * 1.263

  Livius lib. 39. Val. Max. l. 6. cap. 3. exemp. 7. Augustin de Ci∣vitate Dei l. 18. c. 13.
• * 1.264

  Asiaticus his brother is fin∣ed.
• * 1.265

  A. M. 3819. V.C. 568.
• * 1.266

  The abhomi∣nable practi∣ces at the Bac∣chanalia dis∣covered.
• * 1.267

  Africanus di∣eth,
• * 1.268

  A. M. 3822. Ol. 159. ann. 2. V. C. 571. Seleuci Philop. 5. Ptol. Epiph. 21.
• * 1.269

  And Philopoe∣men General of the Achaeans,
• * 1.270

  Lege Livium ut supra. Corn. Nepot. in Hannibale. Justin l. 32. Auctorem lib. de viris illustrib.
• * 1.271

  And Hannibal, all three in one year.
• * 1.272

  Livius l. 40, 41.
• * 1.273

  Several Na∣tions subued.
• * 1.274

  The War with Perseus.
• * 1.275

  Peace is deni∣ed him by the Senate.
• * 1.276

  A. M. 3834. Ol. 152 an. 2. V. C. 583. Seleucid. 142. Ant. Epiph. 6. Ptol. Philom. 1 10.
• * 1.277

  Thebes and Aliartus taken.
• * 1.278

  Perseus besot∣ted with fear neglecteth his opportuni∣ties.
• * 1.279

  Livius l. 45. Plutarch in Aemylio.
• * 1.280

  Is overthrown by Aemilius the Consul, and yieldeth himself.
• * 1.281

  Livii Epitom. lib. 46.
• * 1.282

  Eumenes and the Rhodians having stood Neuters, are accordingly respected by the Senate.
• * 1.283

  Velleius Pater∣culus l. 1. c. 10.
• * 1.284

  Things go ill in Spain.
• * 1.285

  Florus lib. 2. c. 12. Velleius lib. 1. cap. 11. Orosius lib. 4. cap. 22.
• * 1.286

  Andriscus a counterfeit son of Perseus
• * 1.287

  A. M. 3857. Ol. 158. ann. 1. V.C. 606. Ptol. Philom. 33.
• * 1.288

  Is taken.
• * 1.289

  The pretences for the third Punick War.
• * 1.290

  Lege Polyb. Ex∣cerpt. lib. 33. Appian. in Pu∣nicis. Livii Epitom. Lib. 49. &c. Flor. lib. 2. cap. 15. Eutrop. lib. 4. Orosium lib. 4. cap. 22.
• * 1.291

  The Carthagi∣nians being commanded to leave their Citie, refuse to obey.
• * 1.292

  And the War beginneth.
• * 1.293

  Masanissa and Cato die.
• * 1.294

  Scipio Aemilia∣nus made Con∣sul, though under the Consular age.
• * 1.295

  Taketh Car∣thage.
• * 1.296

  A. M. 3859. Ol. 158. ann. 3. V.C. 608. Ptol. Physconis 1.
• * 1.297

  Which is ra∣zed.
• * 1.298

  SECT. 4.
• * 1.299

  The Achaean war, and the destruction of Corinth.
• * 1.300

  Lege Velleium Patercul. l. 1. c. 12. Florum l. 2. c. 16. Livii Epitom. lib. 6. c. 51, 52. Pausan. in Achaicis, & de aere Corinthio Plinium l. 34.
• * 1.301

  A. M. 3859. Ol. 158. an. 3. V.C. 608. Seleucid. 167. Ptol. Physcon. 1.
• * 1.302

  Mummius thence sirna∣med Achaicus.
• * 1.303

  Viriatus up in Spain,
• * 1.304

  Vide Appianum in Ibericis. Florum l. 2. c. 18.
• * 1.305

  Is destroyed by Caepio.
• * 1.306

  Orosium l. 5. c. 7. Patercul. l. 2. c. 4.
• * 1.307

  Bad sucesse in Spain
• * 1.308

  Causeth Scipio Aemilianus to be created Consul the second time.
• * 1.309

  He besiegeth Numantia and taketh it.
• * 1.310

  A servile war in Sicily.
• * 1.311

  Excerpt. Died. Siculi. lib. 34. Orosius l. 5. c. 9
• * 1.312

  Orosius l. 5. c. 8, 9. Florus l. 3. c. 14.
• * 1.313

  Tiberius Grac∣chus raiseth a sedition about the Agrarian.
• * 1.314

  Joh. Stadius Com. in Flor. l. 3. c. 14.
• * 1.315

  Livii Epitom. l. 58. Velleius l. 2. c. 3.
• * 1.316

  Proposing another Law for dividing of money,
• * 1.317

  A. M. 3872. Ol. 161. an. 4. V. C. 621. Ptol. Physc. 14.
• * 1.318

  He and his complices are killed by the means of Sci∣pio Nasica his kinsman, which was the first blood drawn by the Romans from one another.
• * 1.319

  Offic. l. 1.
• * 1.320

  Livii Epitom. l. 59.
• * 1.321

  Orosius l. 5. c. 8, & 9.
• * 1.322

  Aristonicus contesting with the Ro∣mans for the Kingdom of Pergamus,
• * 1.323

  Velleius Pater∣cul. l. 2. c. 4. Florus l. 2. c. ult.
• * 1.324

  Is taken
• * 1.325

  And strang∣led.
• * 1.326

  Vide Appian. de bello civili lib. 2. Velleium lib. 2. cap. 6. Plutarch in Gracchis. Val. Maxim. lib. 6. cap. 2. Exemp. 3. Livii Epitom. lib. 59, 60. Orosium lib. 5. cap. 10. Florum lib. 3. cap. 15.
• * 1.327

  The civil dis∣sentions re∣newed.
• * 1.328

  Caius Graccbus, the brother of Tiberius, patro∣nizeth his Law.
• * 1.329

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Odyss. 1.
• * 1.330

  Scipio Africanus the younger dieth sudden∣ly.
• * 1.331

  Caius getting the Tribuneship preferreth Laws distast∣full to the Se∣nate.
• * 1.332

  The Order and Rank of Equites, or Knights, how, and when it came up.
• * 1.333

  How the Se∣nators lost in the transla∣tion of the judicial power to the Equites by Caius.
• * 1.334

  Publicans whence so cal∣led.
• * 1.335

  Caius attempt∣eth other se∣ditious acts
• * 1.336

  A. M. 3884. Ol. 164. ann. 4. V. C. 631. Ptol. Physc. 26.
• * 1.337

  Is destroyed with his par∣ty.
• (a) 1.338

  Plin. l. 14. c. 4. & 14.
• (b) 1.339

  Lib. 2. c. 7.
• * 1.340

  The distem∣pers of the State some∣thing allayed thereby.
• * 1.341

  Lege Appianum de bello civili lib. 1.
• * 1.342

  Livii Epitom. lib. 60.
• * 1.343

  An horrid Pe∣stilence in A∣frick.
• * 1.344

  Orosius lib. 5. cap. 11.
• * 1.345

  The Allobrick War.
• * 1.346

  Livii Epitom. lib. 60, 61. Florus lib. 3. cap. 2.
• * 1.347

  Caesar de bello Gallico lib. 1.
• * 1.348

  Livil Epitom. lib. 53, & 55, Florus lib. 3. cap. 4. Velleius lib. 2. cap. 8.
• * 1.349

  Affairs of Thrace very obscure.
• * 1.350

  The original of the War with Jugurtha.
• * 1.351

  Lege Sallust. de bello Jugur∣thino. Orosium l. 5. c. 15. Florum l. 3. c. 1. Livii Epitom. lib. 62, 64, 65, 66.
• * 1.352

  A. M. 3894. V. C. 643.
• * 1.353

  Fighting with silver wea∣pons he con∣quereth all opposition,
• * 1.354

  But is humb∣led by Metel∣lus.
• * 1.355

  Marius by un∣dermining Metellus get∣teth the Con∣sulship.
• * 1.356

  Consule Val. Max. l. 7. c. 1. exemp. 1. Patercul. l. 1. c. 11. Ciceron. de Fi∣nibus lib. 4.
• * 1.357

  Several of the Metelli ob∣tained sir∣names from Countries conquered.
• * 1.358

  Marius over∣throweth Ju∣gurtha and Bocchus.
• * 1.359

  Taketh Ju∣gurtha who is led in tri∣umph and put to death.
• * 1.360

  Lege Florum l. 3. c. 3. Livii Epitom. lib. 63, 65, 67, & 68. Orosium l. 5. c. 16. Paterc. l. 2. c. 12.
• * 1.361

  The occasion of the War with the Cim∣bri by the Greeks called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.362

  Which Marius dispatcheth.
• * 1.363

  A. M. 3904. Ol. 169. an. 4. V. C. 653.
• * 1.364

  In Mario.
• * 1.365

  Vide Appian. de bello civili. l. 1. Flor. l. 3. c. 16. Livii Epitom. l. 69. Orosium l. 5. c. 17. Velleium Pa∣terculum l. 2. c. 15.
• * 1.366

  The sedition of Saturninus.
• * 1.367

  He is slain with his com∣plices.
• * 1.368

  A. M. 3905. V. C. 654.
• * 1.369

  Lege Appian, de bello civili lib. 1. Livii Epitom. lib. 71. Paterculum l. 2. cap. 13, 14.
• * 1.370

  Drusus the Tribune la∣bouring to re∣concile the Fathers, and Equites, inlar∣geth the breach,
• * 1.371

  And is stab∣bed.
• * 1.372

  A. M. 3914. Ol. 172. ann. 2. V, C. 663.
• * 1.373

  Strabo lib. 5. Velleius lib. 2. cap. 15, 16, 17. Cicero pro Ar∣chia. Appian ut su∣pra.
• * 1.374

  The occasion of the social War.
• * 1.375

  Preparations for it.
• * 1.376

  The Romans receive many blows.
• * 1.377

  SECT. 5.
• * 1.378

  A. M. 3917. Ol. 173. ann. 1. V. C. 666.
• * 1.379

  Sylla endeth the War.
• * 1.380

  After which freedom of the Citie is given to the Con∣quered Ita∣lians, having been before this denied to them.
• * 1.381

  Mithridates King of Pon∣tus.
• * 1.382

  Justin lib. 37. Strabo lib. 10.
• * 1.383

  Memnon apud Photium.
• * 1.384

  His vast de∣signs and great at∣tempts.
• * 1.385

  Strabo lib. 12. Justin lib. 38.
• * 1.386

  The Senate interposeth.
• * 1.387

  And restored the Kings he had cast out.
• * 1.388

  But he again recovereth many Coun∣tries.
• * 1.389

  A. M. 3917. Ol. 173. an. 1. V. C. 666. Seleucid. 225.
• * 1.390

  Sylla hath the charge of the War decreed against him.
• * 1.391

  Consule Appi∣anum de bello civili lib. 1. Patercul. l. 2. cap. 17, &c. Plutarch in Mario & Sylla. Livii Epitom. l. 77.
• * 1.392

  Which Marius seeking un∣justly, is dri∣ven from the City and de∣clared an Enemy.
• * 1.393

  Recalled by Cinna.
• * 1.394

  Getteth into Rome and there cruelly rageth with Cinna his Col∣legue.
• * 1.395

  Dieth.
• * 1.396

  A. M. 3917.
• * 1.397

  Mithridates causeth 80000 Italians and Romans or more in one day to be kil∣led.
• * 1.398

  Valer. Max. l. 9. c. 2. Ext. exemp. 3. Plutarch in Sylla.
• * 1.399

  Vide Appian. in Mithridati∣cis, & Plutarch in Sylla.
• * 1.400

  Sylla arriving in Greece,
• * 1.401

  Taketh Athens and the Piraeus and over∣throws Arche∣laus the Kings General once,
• * 1.402

  Appian ut supra. Orosius lib. 6. cap. 2. Florus l. 3. c. 5.
• * 1.403

  And again
• * 1.404

  Forceth Mi∣thridates to beg Peace.
• * 1.405

  A. M. 3921. Ol. 174. an. 1. V. C. 670. Seleucid. 229. L. Cor. Cinna 4. Cn. Papirio Car∣bone 2 Coss.
• * 1.406

  Appian. Plutarch in Sylla.
• * 1.407

  Fimbria's Ar∣my revolteth to him.
• * 1.408

  He marcheth for Italy a∣gainst his Enemies there.
• * 1.409

  Landeth at Brundusium,
• * 1.410

  Defeateth Norbanus.
• * 1.411

  A. M. 3922.
• * 1.412

  A. M. 3923. Olymp. 174. ann. 3. V. C. 672.
• * 1.413

  Entreth Rome.
• * 1.414

  Getteth all Italy into his power.
• * 1.415

  Lege Appian de bello civili l. 1. Plutarch. in Sylla. Patercul. l. 2. Valerium Max. lib. 9. c. 2. Exemp. 1. Florum lib. 3. c. 21. Orosium lib. 5. cap. 20, 21. Livii Epitom. l. 89.
• * 1.416

  Publisheth Tables of pro∣scription.
• * 1.417

  And rageth cruelly both against Per∣sons and Ci∣ties.
• * 1.418

  He maketh himself Dicta∣tor in perpe∣tuum.
• * 1.419

  A. M. 3925. Ol. 175. ann. 1. V.C. 674. Seleucid. 233.
• * 1.420

  His actions while such.
• * 1.421

  A. M. 3926. V. C. 675.
• * 1.422

  He layeth down his power,
• * 1.423

  And dieth.
• * 1.424

  A. M. 3927. V. C. 676.
• * 1.425

  A difference betwixt the Consuls about his burial, and confirmation of his acts.
• * 1.426

  Livii Epitom. lib. 89.
• * 1.427

  Sertorius ri∣seth in Spain.
• * 1.428

  Appian. de bel∣lo civili lib. 1. Plutarch. in Pompeio & Sertorio. Florus lib. 3. cap. 22. Livii Epitom. lib. 90. Alii.
• * 1.429

  Is murdered by Perpenna.
• * 1.430

  A. M. 3932. Ol. 176. ann. 4. V.C. 681.
• * 1.431

  Vir doctis∣simus undecun∣que Varro. Livii Epitom. l. 90, 91. Orosius lib. 5. cap. 23.
• * 1.432

  The War with Mithri∣dates renewed.
• * 1.433

  Upon what occasion.
• * 1.434

  Consule Appia∣num in Mithri∣daticis.
• * 1.435

  The King o∣verthroweth Murena,
• * 1.436

  And the se∣cond Warre endeth.
• * 1.437

  The Warre a∣gain breaketh out and why.
• * 1.438

  Mithridates recovereth Bithynia.
• * 1.439

  Appian ut su∣pra. Plut. in Lu∣cullo.
• * 1.440

  Lucullus be∣siegeth him besieging Cyzicus.
• * 1.441

  And forcing him to flye, persueth him into his King∣dom,
• * 1.442

  A. M. 3932. V.C. 681.
• * 1.443

  And into Ar∣menia.
• * 1.444

  Where he o∣verthroweth in battel Ti∣granes the King, who protected him.
• * 1.445

  A. M. 3936. Ol. 177. an. 4. V. C. 685. Q. Hortensio Nepote Q. Caecilio Me∣telio Coss.
• * 1.446

  Dion Cassius. Hirtius de b••llo Alexandrino.
• * 1.447

  Lucullus being in a fair way to finish the War, is inter∣rupted by the coming of Glabrio.
• * 1.448

  Dio. l. 35.
• * 1.449

  Plutarch in Lu∣cullo.
• * 1.450

  The Warre commited af∣terwards to Pompey.
• * 1.451

  Dio. lib. 36. Livii Epitom. l. 100. Plutarch in Pompeio.
• * 1.452

  The war with Spartacus.
• * 1.453

  Consule Appian de bello civili l. 1. Plut. in Crasso. Florum l. 3. c. 20. Eutrop. lib. 6. Orosium lib. 5. c. 24.
• * 1.454

  He is defeated and slain by Crassus.
• * 1.455

  The insolence of Pirates.
• * 1.456

  Appian in Mi∣thridaticis.
• * 1.457

  Dio lib. 36. Plutarch. in Pompeio.
• * 1.458

  Provoketh the people of Rome.
• * 1.459

  Which send∣eth Pompey against them.
• * 1.460

  Florus lib. 3. cap. 6.
• * 1.461

  His Method.
• * 1.462

  Appian ut su∣prà. Plutarch. Dio. Cicero pro lege Manilia.
• * 1.463

  A. M. 3938. Ol. 178. ann. 2. V. C. 687.
• * 1.464

  With wonder∣full expediti∣on in three moneths he finisheth the War.
• * 1.465

  The Lex Ma∣nilia.

  Whereby the War against Mithridates with vast power is com∣mitted to Pom∣pey.
• * 1.466

  Dio lib. 36.
• * 1.467

  A. M. 3939. V. C. 688.
• * 1.468

  Idem ibid. Plutarch. in Pompeio & Lucul.
• * 1.469

  He offereth the King terms to no purpose.
• * 1.470

  Stirs betwixt Lucullus and him.
• * 1.471

  Isidorus Orig. l. 6. c. 3.
• * 1.472

  Plin. l. 15. cap. 25.
• * 1.473

  Dio. Appian. & Plutarch. ut suprà.
• * 1.474

  He defeateth Mithridates,
• * 1.475

  Who flieth to Cholcos.
• * 1.476

  And thence into Scythia.
• * 1.477

  Tigranes sub∣mitteth to Pompey.
• * 1.478

  Patercul. l. 2. c. 37.
• * 1.479

  The conditi∣ons set him.
• * 1.480

  Liv. Epitom. l. 101.
• * 1.481

  His rebellious son put to death.
• * 1.482

  A. M. 3940. V. C. 689.
• * 1.483

  Appian ut supra, Dio l. 37, Plutarch ut prius.
• * 1.484

  Pompey re∣duceth Syria into a Roman Frovince.
• * 1.485

  Appian. Justin l. 40. A. M. 3942. Ol. 179. an. 2. V. C. 691. Seleucid. 250.
• * 1.486

  Appian.
• * 1.487

  Mithridates designing in his mind great things,
• * 1.488

  Orosius l. 6. c. 5. Dio lib. 37. Florus l. 3. c. 5. alii.
• * 1.489

  His son Phar∣naces draweth the Army from him.
• * 1.490

  He killeth himself.
• * 1.491

  A. M. 3942. Patercul. l. 2. c. 18.
• * 1.492

  Joseph. Antiq. l. 15. c. 9. & l. 14. c. 5, &c. & de bello l. 10. c. 5. Livius lib. 102. Plutarch in Pompeio. Tacitus Histor. l. 5. c. 9. Florus l. 3. c. 5. Dio l. 37. p. 36. C.
• * 1.493

  Pompey inva∣deth Judaea, where he set∣leth matters betwixt Hyrca∣nus and Aristo∣bulus the two brothers.
• * 1.494

  A. M. 3444. V.C. 693.
• * 1.495

  Lege Sallust. de Conjuratione Catalinae. Orosium l. 6. c. 3. & 6. Appian de bello civili lib. 2. Dionem l. 37. p. 42. E.
• * 1.496

  The conspira∣cy of Cataline
• * 1.497

  Velleium Pater∣cul. l. 2. c. 34, 35. Livii Epitom. lib. 103.
• * 1.498

  Discovered by the means of Fulvia.
• * 1.499

  Cicero maketh his first Ora∣tion against him.
• * 1.500

  His second.
• * 1.501

  Third.
• * 1.502

  Fourth.
• * 1.503

  Catalines com∣plices put to death,
• * 1.504

  And he him∣self slain.
• * 1.505

  C. Julius Caesar beginneth to be eminent.
• * 1.506

  Lege Suttonium in Julio.
• * 1.507

  His birth.
• * 1.508

  The founda∣tion of his Military skill.
• * 1.509

  Made Quae∣stor.
• * 1.510

  Joyneth with factious per∣sons.
• * 1.511

  Made Aedilis.
• * 1.512

  Getteth by bribery the High Priest∣hood.
• * 1.513

  Joyneth again with seditious men.
• * 1.514

  Goeth Praetor into Spain.
• * 1.515

  A. M. 3944. V. C. 693.
• * 1.516

  Obtaineth the Consulship by the means of Pompey.
• * 1.517

  Idem ibid. Plutarch in Pompeio, Caesare, & Lucullo Velleius Pa∣tercul. l. 2. c. 20. Appian de bello civili lib. 2. Dio lib. 37. pag. 55. A. Livii Epitom. lib. 103.
• * 1.518

  Pompey and Crassus made friends, and they three make the conspiracy, called the Tricipitina.
• * 1.519

  A. M. 3946. Ol. 180. ann. 2. V.C. 695. Hyrcani 5.
• * 1.520

  SECT. 6.
• * 1.521

  Caesar and al∣so his adver∣saries pur∣chase the Consulship.
• * 1.522

  Velleius l. 2. c. 33. Appian belli ci∣vilis l. 2. p. 435. Strabo lib. 12. p. 558. Plutarch in Cae∣sare, Lucullo, & Pompeio. Livii Epirom. l. 10.
• * 1.523

  His acts therein.
• * 1.524

  By inveigling the Peo∣ple he procur∣eth Gall for five years.
• * 1.525

  He marieth his daughter Julia to Pom∣pey, and other∣wise provid∣eth for his own interest.
• * 1.526

  Euseb.
• * 1.527

  Clodius the Tribune
• * 1.528

  Banisheth Ci∣cero.
• * 1.529

  A. M. 3947. V. C. 696.
• * 1.530

  Sendeth Cato to spoil the King of Cyprus most unjust∣ly of his estate.
• * 1.531

  Lege Plutar∣chum in Cato∣ne Minore.
• * 1.532

  Cicero recal∣led.
• * 1.533

  A. M. 1948.
• * 1.534

  Vide Caesaris comment. de bello Gallco. l. 1. Plutarch in Cae∣sare. Dionem l. 38. p. 78. E.
• * 1.535

  Caesar's acts in Gall the first year.
• * 1.536

  Florum l. 3. c. 10. Livii Epitom. l. 103. Orosium l. 6. c. 7.
• * 1.537

  The acts of his second year.
• * 1.538

  Caesar Comment. l. 2.
• * 1.539

  The third.
• * 1.540

  Lib. 3. Dio lib. 39.
• * 1.541

  Sueton in Julio. Appian belli civilis lib. 2. Pultarch in Pompeio, & in Crasso. Dio lib. 39. p. 108. Patercul. l. 2. c. 46.
• * 1.542

  Great conflu∣ence to him at Luca.
• * 1.543

  Pompey and Crassus accord∣ing to agree∣ment obtain∣ed the Con∣sulships by force, and con∣tinue to Caesar his Command for other five years.
• * 1.544

  A. M. 3950. Ol. 181. ann. 2. V. C. 699. Hyrcani 9.
• * 1.545

  Crassus against the minds of all men resol∣ving to go against the Parthians.
• * 1.546

  Plutarch. & Dio ut priùs.
• * 1.547

  Lib. 3. cap. 11.
• * 1.548

  Lib. 1. de Divinat.
• * 1.549

  Rifleth the Temple of Je∣rusalem.
• * 1.550

  Lege Plutarch. in Crasso. Dionem lib. 40. Florum l. 3. c. 11. Orosium lib. 6. cap. 13. Velleium lib. 2. cap. 40. Strab. lib. 16.
• * 1.551

  In Tacitus (Annal. l. 12.) Is written Abbarus, but Lipsius noteth upon it that in the Vatican Copy 'tis ever Acbarus, and was common to all the A∣rabian Kings, as Ptolomy to those of E∣gypt, in Appian 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.552

  And is slain.
• * 1.553

  A. M. 3952. V. C. 701.
• (a) 1.554

  Cicero Of∣fic. lib. 1.
• * 1.555

  Whereby one head of the Tricipitina is cut off.
• (b) 1.556

  Idem Epi∣stolis ad Quin∣tum fratrem & ad Atticum Dio lib. 39. Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. 1. Exemp. 3.
• * 1.557

  Gabinius ba∣nished.
• * 1.558

  Caesar. Comment. l. 4.
• * 1.559

  Caesar defeat∣eth the Ger∣mans.
• * 1.560

  Britain.
• * 1.561

  Consul. Camb∣denum in Bri∣tania.
• * 1.562

  The name, whence de∣rived
• * 1.563

  Cambdens ar∣guments that Britain was but known lately.
• * 1.564

  The contrary asserted.
• * 1.565

  Lib. 3. p. 175.
• (b) 1.566

  Lib. 7. c. 56.
• (c) 1.567

  Lib. 3. c. 115.
• (d) 1.568

  Videsis apud Bocharti Canaan l. 1. c. 39.
• * 1.569

  His argu∣ments refuted.
• * 1.570

  Lib. 2. p. 104.
• (a) 1.571

  Stromat. l. 1.
• (b) 1.572

  Orat. con∣tra Graecos pag. 173. Edit. una cum Athe∣nagora & Theophylo.
• * 1.573

  Caesar Comment. lib. 4.
• * 1.574

  Caesar passeth over into Bri∣tain.
• * 1.575

  A. M. 3950. V. C. 699 Ante Christum 53. Cn. Pompeio M. 2. M. Licinio Crasso 2. Coss.
• * 1.576

  His successe.
• * 1.577

  His retreat.
• * 1.578

  Idem lib. 5.
• * 1.579

  He returneth.
• * 1.580

  A. M. 3951. V. C. 700.
• * 1.581

  Cassivellaun General of the Britans.
• * 1.582

  Caesar passeth over the Tham••s.
• * 1.583

  Cassivellaun beggeth peace and Caesar re∣turneth into Gall.
• * 1.584

  The Galls re∣volt.
• * 1.585

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.586

  Dio lib. 40.
• * 1.587

  Orosius lib. 6. cap. 10.
• * 1.588

  Julia dieth.
• * 1.589

  Caesar comment. lib. 6.
• * 1.590

  Caesar reduceth Revolters.
• * 1.591

  Stirs in the Citie.
• * 1.592

  Lege Appian. de bello civil. l. 2.
• * 1.593

  Milo killeth Clodius.
• * 1.594

  A. M. 3953. Ol. 182. ann. 1. V. C. 702. Ante Christ. 50.
• * 1.595

  Pompey made Consul alone.
• * 1.596

  His Acts.
• * 1.597

  Idem ibid. Plutarch in Pompeio.
• * 1.598

  Livii Epitom. lib. 107.
• * 1.599

  The Galls hearing of these stirs re∣bel.
• * 1.600

  Caesar comment, lib. 7.
• * 1.601

  Caesar reduceth them.
• * 1.602

  Hirtius lib. 8.
• * 1.603

  A new conspi∣racy
• * 1.604

  Disappointed.
• * 1.605

  The grounds and occasions of the Civil Wars betwixt Pompey and Caesar.
• * 1.606

  Appian. de bel∣lo civili lib. 2. Velleius Pa∣terc. l. 2. c. 48.
• * 1.607

  Consule Ap∣pianum de bello civili lib. 2. pag. 446.
• * 1.608

  Curio labour∣eth hard for Caesar.
• * 1.609

  Epistol. ad fa∣miliar. l. 16. Epist. 11.
• * 1.610

  Dio l. 40. ini∣tio.
• * 1.611

  L. Domitius sent by the Senate to suc∣ceed Caesar.
• * 1.612

  Lege Appian. ubi supra. Caesar de bello Civil. l. 1. Dio l. 40.
• * 1.613

  Caesar invad∣eth Italy.
• * 1.614

  A. M. 3956. Ol. 182. ann. 4. V. C. 705. Hyrcani 15.
• * 1.615

  Followeth Pompey to Brundusium,
• * 1.616

  Appian ut prius Caesaris de bel∣lo civil. l. 2. Plutarch in Caesare & Pompeio. Sueton in Julio.
• * 1.617

  Returneth to Rome.
• * 1.618

  Rifleth the Treasury.
• * 1.619

  A. M. 3957. V. C. 706.
• * 1.620

  Goeth into Spain.
• * 1.621

  Dictator for e∣leven dayes, and then Con∣su••.
• * 1.622

  Caesar de bello Civili l. 2. Appian.
• * 1.623

  Passeth over into Epirus.
• * 1.624

  Cometh to the plains of Pharsalum,
• * 1.625

  L. 4. c. 2. & 7.
• * 1.626

  Vide Plutarch in Caesare, & Pompeio, & Appian ut supra.
• * 1.627

  Where he o∣verthroweth Pompey.
• * 1.628

  Plutarch in Pompeio. Appian ubi su∣pra. Livii Epitom. l. 112. Paterculus l. 2. c. 53.
• * 1.629

  Pompey flying into Aegypt
• * 1.630

  Is treache∣rously slain.
• * 1.631

  Dio lib. 42.
• * 1.632

  Caesar there∣upon honour∣ed at Rome.
• * 1.633

  Caesar de bello civili l. 3. Dio l. 42. Hirtius de bello Alexandrino. Sueton. in Julio.
• * 1.634

  The Alexan∣drian War.
• * 1.635

  Plutarch. in Antonio.
• * 1.636

  Josephi Anti∣quit. lib. 14. cap. 15.
• * 1.637

  Hirtius.
• * 1.638

  A. M. 3958. V. C. 707.
• * 1.639

  Caesar over∣throweth Pharnaces.
• * 1.640

  Plutarch. in Caesare. Appian belli ci∣vil. lib. 2.
• * 1.641

  Returneth to Rome.
• * 1.642

  Plutarch. in Caesare. Dio lib. 42. Appian ut su∣prà. A. M. 3959. V. C. 708. Lege Plutarch. in Catone mi∣nore.
• * 1.643

  Suppresseth Pompey's friends in A∣frick.
• * 1.644

  Pompey's sons in Spain.
• * 1.645

  A. M. 3960. Ol. 183. ann. 4. V. C. 709. Hyrcani 20.
• (a) 1.646

  Sueton. in Julio. Plutarch. in Caesare. Dio l. 43. p. 226. E. Caesorinus de die natali c. 20. Macrobius Sa∣turnal. l. 1. c. 14. Plin. l. 18. c. 25.
• * 1.647

  The Julian year.
• * 1.648

  SECT. 7.
• (b) 1.649

  Dio ut su∣prà p. 236. c.
• (c) 1.650

  Famil. Epist. l. 7. Epist. 30. Caninio consule scito neminem prandisse, nihil tamen eo consule mali factum est fuit enim miri∣fica vigilantia, qui suo toto con∣sulatu somnum non viderit.
• * 1.651

  Vast honours decreed to Cae∣sar.
• (d) 1.652

  Dio ut su∣prà. Livius lib. 116. Appian belli civil. lib. 2.
• (a) 1.653

  Sueton in Julio. Appian belli ci∣vil. lib. 2.
• (b) 1.654

  Lib. 12. pag. 568. Suidas in voce 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vide Gerard. Vossium de Hi∣storicis Graecis lib. 1. cap. ult.
• * 1.655

  King Diotarus defended by Cicero.
• (a) 1.656

  Joseph. An∣tiquit. lib. 14. cap. 17.
• (b) 1.657

  Appian bell. civil lib. 2. Dio lib. 44. Censorin. de die Natali cap. 9.
• (c) 1.658

  Dio lib. 43. Strabo lib. 8. & 17.
• * 1.659

  The moneth Quintilis cal∣led July.
• (d) 1.660

  Dio lib. 43. Appian belli civil. lib. 2. Plutarch. in Caesare. Sueton. in Julio. Livii Epitom. lib. 116.
• * 1.661

  Caesar seeming to affect the title of King,
• * 1.662

  A. M. 3961. V.C. 710.
• * 1.663

  Is slain in the Senate-house.
• * 1.664

  Plinius lib. 7. cap. 15.
• * 1.665

  Cicero lib. 2. de Divinat.
• * 1.666

  In Caesare.
• * 1.667

  His character.
• * 1.668

  Vide Appian. ut supra. Patercul. l. 2. c. 58. Dionem l. 44.
• * 1.669

  An Amnestie voted by the Senate.
• * 1.670

  Caesar's Testa∣ment.
• * 1.671

  Sueton in Ju∣lio. Flor. l. 4. c. 4.
• * 1.672

  Octavius his heir.
• * 1.673

  Appian de bello civili l. 3. Sueton in Au∣gusto. Dio l. 45.
• * 1.674

  Purchaseth the Love of the People.
• * 1.675

  Appian. Livii Epitom. lib. 117. Dio l. 45.
• * 1.676

  Antony pra∣ctizeth for his own advance∣ment.
• * 1.677

  The hatred of him pro∣cureth young Caesar's prefer∣ment.
• * 1.678

  Appian ut supra. Dio l. 46. Plutarch in Antonio. Cicero Philip. 5. Sueton in Octa∣vio.
• * 1.679

  A. M. 3962. V. C. 712.
• * 1.680

  Appian. Livius lib. 120. Cicero Philip. 11.
• * 1.681

  Yet having no need of Caesar, the Se∣nate again slighted him,
• * 1.682

  Appian ut su∣pra. Livius l 119. Sueton. in An∣gusto. Patercul. l. 2. c. 62. Livii Epitom. lib. 120.
• * 1.683

  Vide Dionem lib. 46.
• * 1.684

  Livii Epit. l. 120. Appian bell. civil. l. 4.
• * 1.685

  Which pro∣cureth the Thumviraté.
• * 1.686

  The Terms of the Combina∣tion.
• * 1.687

  Concurrite omnes Augures, Aruspices, Portentum in∣usitatum con∣statum est recens, Nam mulos qui frecabat Consul factus est.
• * 1.688

  Idem ibid. Dio lib. 46.
• * 1.689

  These Verses were scattered up and down the Citie.
• * 1.690

  Gellius lib. 5. cap. 4.
• * 1.691

  The effects of it.
• * 1.692

  Appian.
• * 1.693

  Plutarch. in Ci∣cerone.
• * 1.694

  Cicero slain.
• * 1.695

  Paterculus l. 2. cap. 66. Plinius lib. 7. cap. 30.
• * 1.696

  And many others.
• * 1.697

  Idem.
• * 1.698

  The Triumvirs condemn the estates of wo∣men to get money.
• * 1.699

  Idem.
• * 1.700

  Plutarch. in M. Bruto.
• * 1.701

  And Cassius and Brutus take extrava∣gant courses for Treasure.
• * 1.702

  Orosius lib. 6. cap. 18.
• * 1.703

  The two par∣ties meet at Philippi.
• * 1.704

  Appian belli civil. lib. 4. Plutarch. in Antonio. Florus l. 4. c. 7. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 70. Livii Epitom. lib. 124.
• * 1.705

  Cassius killeth himself out of misapprehen∣sion.
• * 1.706

  Appian ut su∣prà. Dio lib. 47. Plutarch. in M. Bruto. Patercul. ut priùs. Livius lib. 124.
• * 1.707

  And Brutus after a defeat.
• * 1.708

  A. M. 3963. Ol. 185. ann. 3. V.C. 712. Hyrcani 22. Ante Christ. 40.
• * 1.709

  Appian.
• * 1.710

  Caesar return∣eth to Rome.
• * 1.711

  Appian belli ci∣vil. lib. 5. Plutarch. in Antonio. Dio lib. 48.
• * 1.712

  Antony follow∣eth Cleopatra into Egypt.
• * 1.713

  A. M. 3964. V.C. 713.
• * 1.714

  The Perusian War betwixt Caesar, and the brother and wife of Antony.
• * 1.715

  Appian.
• * 1.716

  A M. 3965. V. C. 714.
• * 1.717

  Vide Servium in locum.
• * 1.718

  Appian.
• * 1.719

  Caesar provi∣deth for the worst.
• * 1.720

  Antonies car∣riage in the East.
• * 1.721

  Dio lib. 48.
• * 1.722

  The Triumvirs fall out.
• * 1.723

  Appian.
• * 1.724

  Are reconciled and a new a∣greement is made.
• * 1.725

  A great fa∣mine caused by Sextus Pompey.
• * 1.726

  Procureth an agreement with him.
• * 1.727

  Joseph. Antiq. lib. 14. c. 26.
• * 1.728

  Dio lib. 49. Appian in Par∣thicis.
• * 1.729

  Ventidius pros∣pereth against the Parthians.
• * 1.730

  Florus l. 4. c. 9.
• (a) 1.731

  Dio ut prius.
• * 1.732

  Plutarch in Antonio.
• (c) 1.733

  Appian de bello Civil. l. 4.
• * 1.734

  The Peace with Pompey broken.
• * 1.735

  A. M. 3967. V. C. 716. Herodis 2.
• * 1.736

  Idem.
• * 1.737

  Antony and Caesar make a new agree∣ment and pro∣rogue their power.
• * 1.738

  Idem.
• * 1.739

  Pompey over∣thrown by Caesar.
• * 1.740

  A. M. 3969. V. C. 718.
• * 1.741

  Appian ut supra. Plutarch in Antonio. Dio. l. 49.
• * 1.742

  One head of the Tricipitina broken off.
• * 1.743

  Pompey killed.
• * 1.744

  Antony doat∣eth on Cleopa∣tra.
• * 1.745

  Plutarch. Dio.
• * 1.746

  His extrava∣gancies in Aegypt.
• * 1.747

  Caesar and he fall out.
• * 1.748

  Dio l. 50. Florus l. 4. c. 11.
• * 1.749

  A. M. 3973. Ol. 187. an. 1. V. l. 722. Herodis 8.
• * 1.750

  Vide Dionem ubi supra.
• * 1.751

  Their prepa∣rations for war.
• * 1.752

  Idem. Plutarch in Antonio.
• * 1.753

  Antony wor∣sted.
• * 1.754

  A. M. 3974. V. C. 723. Herodis 9. Ante Christ. 29.
• * 1.755

  Overthrown at Actium in a Sea-fight.
• * 1.756

  Patercul. l. 2. c. 85.
• * 1.757

  Dio. Suetonius. Aurelius Vi∣ctor.
• * 1.758

  Eutropius.
• * 1.759

  Plutarch. in Antonio.
• * 1.760

  Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87. Dio lib. 51.
• * 1.761

  His Land for∣ces yield to Caesar.
• * 1.762

  Joseph An∣tiq. l. 15. c. 10.
• * 1.763

  Dio lib. 5. Plutarch. in Antonio.
• * 1.764

  Antony killeth himself.
• * 1.765

  Dio ut suprà. Sueton. in Octavio. Plutarch. in Antonio. Orosius lib. 6. cap. 19. Patercul. lib. 2. cap. 87. Florus lib. 4. cap. 11. Livii Epit. lib. 133. Julian ad The∣mistium.
• * 1.766

  So doth Cleo∣patra her self, and Egypt is made a Pro∣vince.
• * 1.767

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.768

  A. M. 3975. Ol. 187. ann. 3. V.C. 724. Herodis 10. Ante Christum 28.